1 50 128 https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/b179aa4bfa266ee088b4aaa12126a477.pdf e3f1387e40aaa34c1ca63f5f5e58dcfe Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5516 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 Subject The topic of the resource obywatelstwo - aspekt etyczny Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5131 Title A name given to the resource Obywatelstwo z perspektywy społeczno-politycznej / Obywatelstwo na progu XXI wieku: konteksty prawne i kulturowe Description An account of the resource Obywatelstwo na progu XXI wieku: konteksty prawne i kulturowe, pod red.Macieja Ząbka, s.145-158 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Balicki, Janusz Language A language of the resource pol Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Biuro Krajowe UHCR Miedzynarodowe Centrum Dialogu Międzykulturowego i Międzyreligijnego UKSW Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 10 JANUSZ BALICKI Międzyinstytutowy Zakład Badań nad Migracją Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego OBYWATELSTWO Z PERSPEKTYWY SPOŁECZNO-ETYCZNEJ Przypadek Wielkiej Brytanii Wprowadzenie W obszernym uzasadnieniu wyroku Trybunału Konstytucyjnego z dnia 18 stycznia 2012 r. dotyczącego art. 30 ustawy z dnia 2 kwietnia 2009 r. o obywatelstwie polskim, obywatelstwo jest określone jako instytucja prawna, której istota polega na „trwaniu względnie trwałego w czasie i przestrzeni węzła prawnego łączącego jednostkę z państwem i wyznaczającego jej przynależność do tego państwa, który stwarza podstawę zaistnienia kompleksu wzajemnych praw i obowiązków jednostki i państwa”1. Jacek Jagielski, autor powyższej definicji, podkreśla także, że: „Obywatelstwo stanowi instytucję prawną i jego definiowanie powinno być dokonywane przede wszystkim w płaszczyźnie jurydycznej. Nie oznacza to, że nie może być ono przedmiotem zainteresowania również innych niż prawnicze dyscyplin i rozważane z punktów widzenia charakterystycznych dla tych dyscyplin”2. Definicja ta wskazuje więc, że jest także uprawniona refleksja nad obywatelstwem z innych perspektyw. Niniejszy artykuł podejmuje najpierw próbę zwrócenia uwagi na wybrane aspekty społeczno-etyczne, które poprzedzają proces formalnego włączania nowej osoby do wspólnoty politycznej, jaką jest konkretne państwo. Chodzić więc będzie o praktyki stosowane w niektórych krajach w odniesieniu do osób, które składają wniosek o przyznanie obywatelstwa. Następnie skupimy 1 Wyrok Trybunału Konstytucyjnego z dnia 18 stycznia 2012 r. dot. art. 30 ustawy z dnia 2 kwietnia 2009 r. o obywatelstwie polskim, s. 9. Definicja ta została zaczerpnięta z pracy J. J a g i e l s k i e g o, Obywatelstwo polskie. Zagadnienia podstawowe, Warszawa 1998, s. 20. 2 Cyt. za: J. R a c i b o r s k i, Obywatelstwo w perspektywie socjologicznej, Warszawa 2011, s. 55. �Janusz Balicki 146 się na polityce Wielkiej Brytanii w latach 1999–2005 wobec rodzin z Kosowa, których członkowie mają już obecnie obywatelstwo, i podejmiemy próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie: jak z perspektywy stanu dzisiejszego tych rodzin należy ocenić politykę Wielkiej Brytanii wobec nich? Jakie popełniano błędy i czego można było uniknąć? 1. Systemy przyznawania obywatelstwa Przyznawanie obywatelstwa jest ostatnim etapem formalnej integracji imigranta z nowym społeczeństwem. Z punktu widzenia społecznego i etycznego ważne są jednak także wcześniejsze etapy na drodze do przyjęcia do nowej wspólnoty. Można postawić pytanie, kogo państwa przyjmują na swoje terytorium, zwłaszcza na pobyt stały? Jakie stosują kryteria? Jak je oceniać z etycznego punktu widzenia? Prawo stałego pobytu otrzymują najczęściej specjaliści w zawodach, których deficyt jest wyraźnie odczuwany w kraju przyjmującym. Drugą grupę stanowią przybywający w ramach łączenia rodzin. Do trzeciej grupy zaliczają się osoby, które zakładają własną działalność gospodarczą lub są w stanie inwestować w różne przedsięwzięcia gospodarcze. Na przykład w Kanadzie można uzyskać status rezydenta, jeśli udowodni się możliwość zainwestowania 250 tys. dolarów lub posiada się konto na sumę 500 tys. dolarów. Stany Zjednoczone ponadto dają jeszcze szansę losową – można wygrać wizę pobytową w tzw. loterii wizowej (co roku do przyznania przewidzianych jest 55 tys. wiz)3. Oczywiście nie można pominąć także osób, które otrzymały prawo przebywania na terenie wymienionych państw jako uchodźcy lub z innych względów humanitarnych. Oprócz jednak legalnego wjazdu i pobytu na terenie obcego państwa mamy również do czynienia z próbami nielegalnego przekraczania granicy przez zdesperowanych ludzi, którzy chcą za wszelką cenę zmienić kraj pochodzenia, narażając się nawet na śmierć. Wśród nich są także osoby z dziećmi czy całe rodziny. Część jest w stanie pokonać wszelkie trudności, by stać się formalnie obywatelami nowego społeczeństwa. Z punktu widzenia prawa są dwa podstawowe systemy przyznawania obywatelstwa, jeden oparty na miejscu urodzenia (ius soli), a drugi na pochodzeniu rodziców (ius sanguinis). System ius soli przyznaje prawo do obywatelstwa na podstawie miejsca urodzenia. Natomiast system ius sanguinis kieruje się zasadą pochodzenia. Pełne obywatelstwo i wszystkie prawa odnoszące się do J. B a l i c k i, P. S t a l k e r, Polityka imigracyjna i azylowa. Wyzwania i dylematy, Warszawa 2006, s. 45–46. 3 �Obywatelstwo z perspektywy społeczno-etycznej 147 tego statusu (np. prawa wyborcze lub dostęp do usług/świadczeń publicznych) są przekazywane na mocy pochodzenia. W praktyce często te dwa systemy mieszają się ze sobą, ale nie zawsze. Wielka Brytania jest przykładem stosowania jednego z najbardziej otwartych systemów ius soli. Według obecnej legislacji każdy urodzony w kraju jest obywatelem brytyjskim. Podobnie jest również w USA. Niemcy – przeciwnie – przez lata preferowali system ius sanguinis. Otrzymanie obywatelstwa niemieckiego było niezwykle trudne nawet dla kolejnych pokoleń imigrantów urodzonych i mieszkających w Niemczech. W ciągu ostatnich kilkunastu lat Niemcy wprowadzili jednak do swojego systemu wiele elementów ius soli. Do 2000 r. niemieckie prawodawstwo dotyczące obywatelstwa opierało się wyłącznie na zasadzie ius sanguinis. Co więcej, naturalizacja mogła się odbyć tylko wtedy, gdy rozważano ją jako będącą w interesie Niemiec. Interes imigranta nie był brany pod uwagę. Podwójne obywatelstwo nie było dozwolone. Jednak od 2000 r. dzieci urodzone przez obcokrajowców w Niemczech mogą posługiwać się podwójnym obywatelstwem aż do ukończenia 23 roku życia, potem muszą wybrać pomiędzy obywatelstwem niemieckim a obywatelstwem rodziców. Z kolei we Francji osoby algierskiego pochodzenia protestowały przeciwko decyzji podjętej przez władze we wczesnych latach dziewięćdziesiątych, która drugiemu pokoleniu migrantów automatycznie przyznawała francuskie obywatelstwo. Uważano to za formę neokolonializmu. W 1993 r. francuskie prawo naturalizacyjne uległo zmianie. Od tego czasu dzieci migrantów urodzone we Francji muszą wyrazić zgodę na naturalizację4. System polski jest w zasadzie systemem ius sanguinis. Nie wyklucza jednak podwójnego obywatelstwa. Konstytucja RP stanowi: Art. 34. 1) Obywatelstwo polskie nabywa się przez urodzenie z rodziców będących obywatelami polskimi. Inne przypadki nabycia obywatelstwa polskiego określa ustawa. 2) Obywatel polski nie może utracić obywatelstwa polskiego, chyba że sam się go zrzeknie. Art. 35. 1) Rzeczpospolita Polska zapewnia obywatelom polskim należącym do mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych wolność zachowania i rozwoju własnego języka, zachowania obyczajów i tradycji oraz rozwoju własnej kultury. H. E n t z i n g e r, R. B i e z e v e l d, Zasady integracji imigrantów, w: Integracja kulturowa imigrantów. Wyzwania i dylematy, red. J. Balicki, Warszawa 2007, s. 33–34. 4 �Janusz Balicki 148 2) Mniejszości narodowe i etniczne mają prawo do tworzenia własnych instytucji edukacyjnych, kulturalnych i instytucji służących ochronie tożsamości religijnej oraz do uczestnictwa w rozstrzyganiu spraw dotyczących ich tożsamości kulturowej. Art. 137. Prezydent Rzeczypospolitej nadaje obywatelstwo polskie i wyraża zgodę na zrzeczenie się obywatelstwa polskiego. Według obowiązującej obecnie ustawy z 2 kwietnia 2009 r., która weszła w życie dopiero 15 sierpnia 2012 r. ze względu na rozpatrywanie kompetencji prezydenta przez Trybunał Konstytucyjny, obywatelstwo polskie nabywa się: Art. 4. 1) z mocy prawa; 2) przez nadanie obywatelstwa polskiego; 3) przez uznanie za obywatela polskiego; 4) przez przywrócenie obywatelstwa polskiego5. 2. Utrudnienia procesu przyznawania obywatelstwa Jan-Werner Mueller z wydziału nauk politycznych Uniwersytetu Princeton (The Politics Department at Princeton University) zwraca uwagę na to, że w ostatnich dziesięcioleciach obserwować można tendencję do przeprowadzania egzaminów testowych decydujących o przyznaniu obywatelstwa oraz wprowadzanie wielu utrudnień dla zainteresowanych. Chodzi m.in. o „kursy integracyjne” i obowiązkowe nauczanie języka, zakaz noszenia chust w szkołach we Francji, czy ograniczenie praw imigrantów w Danii do poślubienia cudzoziemców. Krytycy takiej polityki upatrują w tym działania wewnętrznie sprzeczne – ograniczanie wolności imigrantów w imię ich wolności. Mamy tu według niego do czynienia z represją nowego liberalizmu, który chce niedemokratycznymi metodami narzucić imigrantom demokrację. Mueller przytacza test, skierowany wyłącznie do imigrantów z państw należących do Organizacji Konferencji Islamskiej (test został jednak wycofany), w którym było pytanie, jaka jest opinia starających się o obywatelstwo na temat twierdzenia, że w Niemczech homoseksualiści zajmują wysokie urzędy publiczne? Również w Holandii prowadzącej politykę wielokulturowości sprawdza się tolerancję przyszłych obywateli, pokazując im wizerunki całujących się mężczyzn czy kobiet kąpiących się w stroju toples w Morzu Północnym. 5 Ustawa z dnia 2 kwietnia 2009 r. o obywatelstwie polskim (Dz.U. z 2012 r. poz. 161). �Obywatelstwo z perspektywy społeczno-etycznej 149 Według Muellera rządy krajów przyjmujących imigrantów nie powinny badać ich postaw wobec kwestii moralnych i kulturowych, które są kontrowersyjne nawet dla rodowitych obywateli kraju przyjmującego. Byłoby według niego hipokryzją udawać, że w zachodnich demokracjach liberalnych każdy jest entuzjastą gejów lub naturystów – natomiast ważne jest to, żeby ich prawa były przestrzegane, a nie to, żeby wszyscy żyli tak jak oni. Wprawdzie, jak podkreśla, testy na obywatelstwo nie są czymś złym same w sobie, jednak powinno w nich chodzić o pomoc imigrantom w tym, by stali się bardziej świadomi swych praw i obowiązków w nowej ojczyźnie. Na pewno nie powinno się badać przekonań politycznych przyszłych obywateli. Pytania o preferencje polityczne mogą wywoływać nieufność. Należy również pamiętać, że testy, które rozwiązują starający się o przyznanie obywatelstwa, bardzo dużo mówią imigrantom o kraju, w którym chcą oni na stałe zamieszkać. A każdy kraj powinien bardzo dokładnie określić, co chce przekazać innym o sobie6. Również Wielka Brytania jest krytykowana za podręcznik przygotowujący do testu: Life in the United Kingdom: A Journey to Citizenship7, który podejmuje próbę uczenia kandydatów na obywateli odpowiednich manier, na przykład stania w kolejkach. Wywołuje to oburzenie i kpiny. Stawiane są pytania, jaka jest rola takiego testu? Czy ma sprawdzać, czy edukować? Jakie są granice, których się nie powinno przekraczać? Czy rezultaty takiego sprawdzianu będą zgodne z tym, co autorzy zamierzyli? 3. Wielka Brytania 3.1. Ustawodawstwo imigracyjne Według brytyjskich przepisów, aby móc złożyć wniosek o obywatelstwo, trzeba spełniać kilka podstawowych warunków: a) mieć ukończone 18 lat; b) nie cierpieć na choroby psychiczne; c) zamierzać mieszkać w Wielkiej Brytanii lub kontynuować służbę zagraniczną Wielkiej Brytanii; d) porozumiewać się na dostatecznym poziomie językiem angielskim, walijskim lub szkockim; 6 J.W. M u e l l e r, The Ethics of Citizenship Tests, http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/the-ethics-of-citizenship-tests. 7 Life in the UK Test, Home Office UK Border Agency, http://lifeintheuktest.ukba.homeoffice.gov.uk/. �150 Janusz Balicki e) mieć wystarczającą wiedzę o Zjednoczonym Królestwie (jest sprawdzana za pomocą testu Life in the UK test); f) okazywać szacunek dla praw i wolności, przestrzegać prawa oraz wypełniać obowiązki rezydenta; g) płacić podatki i składki na ubezpieczenie zdrowotne; h) nie być w stanie bankructwa; i) być bez przeszłości kryminalnej od 10 roku życia (wyroki w zawieszeniu, wykroczenia drogowe – mandatów nie bierze się pod uwagę, chyba że są nałożone przez sąd); j) nie należeć do grup terrorystycznych; k) nie być zaangażowanym w jakąkolwiek działalność związaną z konfliktami zbrojnymi, zbrodniami przeciwko ludzkości, przestępstwami wojennymi lub ludobójstwem. Jak to było już wyżej powiedziane, ubieganie się o obywatelstwo Wielkiej Brytanii wymaga zdania testu opartego na podręczniku: Life in the United Kingdom: A Journey to Citizenship. Test daje także możliwość sprawdzenia znajomości języka8. Rozwiązywany jest na komputerze w miejscu egzaminu. Trwa 45 minut, zawiera 24 pytania wielokrotnego wyboru, zdaje go średnio 75% cudzoziemców. Można go jednak powtarzać dowolną ilość razy. Opłata za egzamin wynosi każdorazowo 50 funtów. Test zawiera też pytania, na które jednak trudno odpowiedzieć nawet przeciętnemu Brytyjczykowi. Ponadto część pytań dotyczy zagadnień, jak się zdaje, nieprzydatnych w życiu. Poniżej podane są przykłady pytań: How many parliamentary constituencies are there? • 464 • 564 • 646 • 664 Is the following statement TRUE or FALSE? ‘Ulster Scots is a dialect which is spoken in Northern Ireland’. • True • False A quango is: • a government department • a non departmental public body 8 Niewystarczająca znajomość języka angielskiego powoduje konieczność uczęszczania na specjalny kurs językowy: English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) course in English and citizenship. �Obywatelstwo z perspektywy społeczno-etycznej 151 • an arm of the judiciary • an educational establishment In which year did married women get the right to divorce their husband? • 1837 • 1857 • 1875 • 1882 Jedna trzecia starających się o obywatelstwo Wielkiej Brytanii nie zdaje testu. Poziom zdawalności różni się w zależności od narodowości. Najgorsze wyniki (poniżej 50%) osiągają imigranci z Iraku, Bangladeszu i Turcji. Ponadto każdy składający wniosek o przyznanie obywatelstwa musi mieć referencje wystawione przez dwie osoby, które są brytyjskimi obywatelami ponad 25 lat i są osobami „rozpoznawalnymi” (np. lekarz, duchowny, służba cywilna). Opłata za wniosek wynosiła 720 funtów w 2009 r. Za dodatkową opłatą w wysokości 40 funtów można uzyskać pomoc w przygotowaniu aplikacji (sprawdzenie). Zdanie testu jest warunkiem otrzymania obywatelstwa od 2004 r. Obowiązkowe jest również wzięcie udziału w ceremonii wręczania obywatelstwa. Ceremonia odbywa się w lokalnym biurze ewidencji ludności. Próbę zdania egzaminu podejmuje każdego roku około 80 tys. osób (dane z 2012 r.)9. 3.2. Droga rodzin z Kosowa do angielskiego obywatelstwa Wielka Brytania jest państwem, które od lat przyciąga imigrantów i uchodźców, warto więc przyjrzeć się polityce imigracyjnej i azylowej tego kraju pod kątem społeczno-etycznym. Refleksja na temat tej polityki odnosić się będzie do badań przeprowadzanych od stycznia 2003 r. do czerwca 2005 r. we wschodniej części Londynu, w Newham oraz Barking i Dagenham, dzielnicach najbardziej zróżnicowanych pod względem etnicznym. Celem badań była próba określenia zgodności polityki azylowej z polityką integracyjną w świetle doświadczeń rodzin z Kosowa ubiegających się o azyl10. Większość badanych 50 rodzin przybyła do Wielkiej Brytanii w 1999 r. po zakończeniu działań wojennych lub później. Ich podróż do Wielkiej Brytanii wiązała się zwykle z bardzo dramatycznymi i niebezpiecznymi doświadczeniami. Rodziny z małymi dziećmi podróżowały w zamkniętych samochodach ciężarowych z towarem, bez możliwości skorzystania choćby z toalety. Dla 9 UK Immigration Updates, http://www.misterseed.com/ IMMIGRATION% 20UPDATES/ NOVEMBER% 202005.htm. 10 Wyniki badań zawarte są w publikacji: J. B a l i c k i, A. We l l s, Asylum Seekers’ Policy v Integration Policy. Case Study of Kosovan Families in the East End of London (2003–2005), Oxford 2006. �Janusz Balicki 152 tych, którzy przedostawali się przez Albanię i Włochy łodziami, dodatkowym stresem było niebezpieczeństwo zatopienia łodzi. Niektóre rodziny wspominały groźby przemytników wypowiadane pod adresem płaczących dzieci, którym aplikowano środki nasenne, żeby uniknąć wykrycia przez Straż Graniczną. Obecnie członkowie tych rodzin uzyskali już obywatelstwo, są zintegrowani ze społeczeństwem (przynajmniej ci, z którymi autorzy badań utrzymują kontakt) i mają swój wkład w rozwój społeczeństwa, które ich przyjęło, ale na początku ich sytuacja była niezwykle trudna. Dlatego warto postawić pytanie, jak ocenić politykę Wielkiej Brytanii wobec tych rodzin w okresie, kiedy starały się one o status uchodźcy – z perspektywy ich obecnego stanu? Jakie błędy popełniano? Czego można było uniknąć? Od marca 1999 r., kiedy NATO rozpoczęło bombardowanie, Home Office przyjmowało przybyłych do Anglii Kosowian jako grupę, bez rozpatrywania poszczególnych przypadków. Od czerwca 1999 r. zaprzestano przyznawania statusu uchodźcy, ale dawano automatycznie ochronę trwającą 12 miesięcy (Exceptional Leave to Remain), jednak od grudnia 1999 r. zaniechano także tego rodzaju ochrony, wychodząc z założenia, że prowincja Kosowo jest już bezpieczna. W sumie w czasie konfliktu Kosowo opuściło około miliona mieszkańców. Kraje Unii Europejskiej przyjęły około 10%. W tym Wielka Brytania tylko 4346 osób. W konsekwencji wielu Kosowian dostało się później do Anglii w sposób nielegalny z pomocą przemytników, często z narażeniem życia. Duże ryzyko podejmowały zwłaszcza rodziny z małymi dziećmi. W przypadku 50 rodzin, które poddane były badaniu, kobiety stanowiły 82% respondentów. Ich wiek wynosił 21–40 lat. Pięć z nich było wdowami, a pięć żyło w separacji. Czterdzieści przebywało w Anglii z mężami. W trakcie badań rodziny z Kosowa mieszkały już w Wielkiej Brytanii 4–6 lat. Większość członków tych rodzin była po traumatycznych doświadczeniach. Wśród tych rodzin było w sumie 103 dzieci. Tabela 1. Termin przybycia do Wielkiej Brytanii 1997 Styczeń – marzec Kwiecień – czerwiec Lipiec – wrzesień Październik – grudzień Brak informacji Liczba rodzin 1 1 1998 1 3 3 2 4 13 1999 3 6 9 5 3 26 2000 1 3 1 1 2001 6 1 2002 1 2003 1 1 1 2 1 Źródło: J. Balicki, A. Wells, Asylum Seekers’ Policy v Integration Policy. Case Study of Kosovan Families in the East End of London (2003–2005), Oxford 2006, s. 75. �Obywatelstwo z perspektywy społeczno-etycznej 153 Dla większości powodem wyjazdu z Kosowa była wojna i jej skutki. Tabela 2. Powody opuszczenia Kosowa Wojna Prześladowanie religijne Prześladowanie polityczne Zabijanie ludzi Spalone domy Strata własnego domu Nie było bezpiecznie Napaści na cywilów Zagrożenie życia Aresztowania Gwałty dokonywane na kobietach Nadzieja na lepsze życie Głód Ubóstwo 40 11 15 24 18 20 19 9 22 8 14 3 2 2 Źródło: J. Balicki, A. Wells, Asylum Seekers’ Policy v Integration Policy. Case Study of Kosovan Families in the East End of London (2003–2005), Oxford 2006, s. 77. Nierzadko w czasie wywiadów można było usłyszeć odpowiedzi typu: „Sytuacja była straszna. Domy zostały spalone, a nasi krewni zabici”. Jedna z kobiet wyznała: „Opuściłam mój kraj, ponieważ była wojna, w której straciłam męża i rodzinę. Chciałam w ten sposób ocalić życie moje i mojego syna”. Powyższe doświadczenia nie miały większego wpływu na politykę władz wobec uchodźców z Kosowa. Badania wskazywały jednak na negatywne skutki polityki migracyjnej Wielkiej Brytanii dla zdrowia psychicznego uchodźców. Tabela 3. Największe obawy Obawy przed Przymusową deportacją Utratą kogoś bliskiego Brakiem stabilności Uczuciem samotności Poważną chorobą Ubóstwem, nędzą, bezrobociem Brakiem sukcesu w życiu Liczba respondentów 27 15 10 10 9 8 8 Źródło: J. Balicki, A. Wells, Asylum Seekers’ Policy v Integration Policy. Case Study of Kosovan Families in the East End of London (2003–2005), Oxford 2006, s. 123. �154 Janusz Balicki Tysiące rodzin z Kosowa znalazło się przez długi czas w sytuacji zawieszenia, bez decyzji co do ich pozostania w Wielkiej Brytanii, bez prawa do pracy. Po kolejnych odmowach przyznania im statusu uchodźcy czy innej formy ochrony Kosowianie narażeni byli na deportację. Ta możliwość najbardziej utrudniała im życie w Wielkiej Brytanii. Obawa przed deportacją wyprzedziła nawet obawę o utratę kogoś bliskiego. Pokazuje to wyraźnie tabela 3. Obawa przed nią była niejednokrotnie w wywiadach wyrażana w podobny sposób: „Często nie mogę spać. Zawszę myślę, że policja może przybyć tej nocy. Bardzo się boję”. W przypadku dzieci do dramatycznych wspomnień z Kosowa dochodziły także negatywne doświadczenia związane ze statusem ich rodziny w Wielkiej Brytanii. W niektórych przypadkach niełatwo im było dostać się do szkoły ze względu na brak dokumentów (świadectw szkolnych z Kosowa czy metryk urodzenia). Inną poważną trudnością była tymczasowość zamieszkania, czyli zmiana szkół i konieczność rozpoczynania całej procedury od nowa. Dla dzieci we własnym kraju zmiana szkoły wiąże się zwykle z poważnym stresem. Dla dzieci cudzoziemców znających słabo miejscowy język i zostawiających z trudem nawiązane znajomości i przyjaźnie było to szczególnie bolesne. Wśród badanych rodzin z Kosowa były przypadki przenoszenia ich z jednego miejsca zakwaterowania w drugie w najbardziej nieodpowiednim momencie, na przykład kilka dni przed świętami Bożego Narodzenia. Jedna z rodzin, która szykowała się do świąt – miała już przygotowaną choinkę, znała sąsiadów mieszkających obok – dostała decyzję o wyprowadzce do świeżo oddanego bloku w innej dzielnicy Londynu cztery dni przed świętami, do bloku, w którym jeszcze nikt nie mieszkał. 3.3. Prezentacja wybranych kazusów Rodzina „A” Historia małżeństwa z Kosowa z półtorarocznym dzieckiem. Przybyli nielegalnie do Wielkiej Brytanii w 2002 r. i złożyli podanie o przyznanie statusu uchodźcy. Otrzymali decyzję odmowną. Podobnie było z apelacją. W poniedziałek 7 kwietnia 2003 r. mąż zgłosił się jak zwykle na posterunek policji; taki miał obowiązek, ponieważ nie posiadał prawa stałego pobytu. Tym razem jednak nie zezwolono mu wrócić do domu. Został przewieziony do aresztu śledczego znajdującego się przy lotnisku Heathrow, gdzie powiedziano mu, że zostanie deportowany do Kosowa w najbliższy czwartek, czyli 10 kwietnia 2013 r. Pozwolono mu zadzwonić do żony, która była w szóstym miesiącu ciąży, i poinformować ją, aby była gotowa wraz z synem do opuszczenia Wielkiej Brytanii i powrotu do Kosowa. Dwa dni później zadecydowano, że zostanie deportowany dopiero w następnym tygodniu. Obudzono go jednak 10 kwietnia �Obywatelstwo z perspektywy społeczno-etycznej 155 o godzinie 3 w nocy i zawieziono na lotnisko. Po raz kolejny zapytał, gdzie jest jego żona i syn. Odpowiedziano mu, że czekają na niego w samolocie. Tam ich jednak nie było. Nastąpiła deportacja. Żona z dzieckiem została w Londynie. Pod koniec lipca udała się do szpitala rodzić drugie dziecko, nie mając nikogo bliskiego, kto by się zajął jej starszym synkiem. Poród był bardzo skomplikowany, a jeszcze bardziej utrudniało go to, że kobieta prawie nie mówiła po angielsku. Tłumacza nie było. W grudniu 2003 r. złożyła wniosek do Ministerstwa Spraw Wewnętrznych o przyznanie jej prawa pobytu ze względów humanitarnych, co pozwoliłoby jej otrzymywać przynajmniej zasiłek na dzieci. Bardzo długo nie było żadnej decyzji. Tymczasem jej mąż dostał się ponownie nielegalnie do Wielkiej Brytanii. Musiał wynajmować mieszkanie i spotykać się z nią potajemnie. Obecnie, dzięki wielkiej determinacji i na skutek amnestii, mieszkają już legalnie w Wielkiej Brytanii11. Rodzina „B” Hanna, wdowa po muzułmaninie, opuściła Kosowo krótko po interwencji NATO. Jej dom został spalony, ona sama zgwałcona, straciła męża, a najstarszemu synowi grożono śmiercią. Gdy Hanna po raz pierwszy przybyła do Wielkiej Brytanii, została umieszczona w bardzo ubogim hotelu na okres 6 miesięcy, a następnie została przeniesiona do mieszkania socjalnego. Po raz pierwszy odmówiono Hannie przyznania statusu uchodźcy, ponieważ jej adwokat nie uprzedził jej, że musi regularnie meldować się co tydzień na komisariacie policji. Nie wiedząc o tym obowiązku, kilka razy się nie zgłosiła. W ciągu dwóch kolejnych lat pisała odwołania. Zmieniała adwokatów, gdyż nie byli w stanie jej pomóc. Pewna osoba zasugerowała Hannie skorzystanie z pomocy swojego adwokata. Zapłaciła 400 funtów, a pani adwokat obiecała jej pomóc w ciągu 6 miesięcy. Hanna poszła więc do sądu po raz drugi w sierpniu 2002 roku. Wtedy usłyszała od adwokat: „Przykro mi, ale nie ma szans na pozytywne rozstrzygnięcie”. Drugie odwołanie znów spotkało się z odmową, a po następnym odrzucono jej apelację, po raz trzeci. Hanna skontaktowała się z kolejnym adwokatem. Na szczęście przyjaciel pożyczył jej pieniądze. Zapłaciła 500 funtów, tymczasem adwokat wysłał jej apelację do sądu po terminie, co spowodowało, iż straciła możliwość odwołania się. Kiedy w 2003 r. przeprowadzano z nią wywiad, Hanna wciąż nie miała pozwolenia na pobyt, zmieniła kolejnego adwokata. Złożyła też kolejną apelację, znów bezskuteczną. Jej sytuacja zdrowotna w roku 2003 wyglądała następująco: ma wciąż bóle głowy, kłopoty z zaśnięciem, nie ma apetytu, przejawia niewielkie zainteresowanie życiem. Często się budzi 11 J. B a l i c k i, A. We l l s, Asylum Seekers’ Policy..., dz. cyt., s. 131. �Janusz Balicki 156 z powodu koszmarów, w których ktoś chce ją zabić. Wciąż też lęka się o swoich synów. Najmłodszy (14 lat) boi się spać sam, dlatego sypia z nią. Niepokoi się bardzo również o swojego najstarszego syna, który nie mając ojca, może wpaść w kłopoty. Ostatnio brat Hanny zmarł w Kosowie na skutek wypadku samochodowego. Jest nie tylko zmartwiona stratą brata, ale także tym, że nie może w żaden sposób pomóc swoim rodzicom. To potęguje jej lęki. Jej najstarszy syn, od kiedy skończył 18 lat, musi meldować się na policji w London Bridge. Wszyscy obawiają się deportacji. Dopiero w lutym 2005 r. rodzina Hanny, korzystając z amnestii, dostała prawo pobytu w Wielkiej Brytanii12. Rodzina „C” Gdy małżonkowie Mark i Lindita wraz z dziećmi poniżej 10 lat zdecydowali się na opuszczenie Kosowa w 2000 r., najpierw udali się do Albanii. Zorganizowali łódź, którą mieli popłynąć do Włoch. Była to mała jednostka przystosowana do transportu zaledwie kilku osób, ale znalazło się w niej przeszło czterdzieści. Podróż morska trwała cztery godziny i odbywała się w kompletnych ciemnościach. Noc wcześniej dwie podobne łódki zderzyły się ze sobą: jedna płynęła z Albanii, druga z Włoch, czterdzieści pięć osób utonęło. Dowiedziawszy się o tym – cała rodzina była przerażona. Przemytnicy podjęli aż trzy próby, zanim dotarli do Włoch. Stamtąd uciekinierzy mieli zostać przerzuceni samochodem ciężarowym przez Francję do Wielkiej Brytanii. Ostatecznie znaleźli się w Hiszpanii. Podróżowali w zamkniętym samochodzie ciężarowym, bez jedzenia i picia przez dwa dni i dwie noce. W Hiszpanii spytano ich, co zamierzają dalej robić. Odpowiedzieli, że chcą udać się do Anglii. Zostali więc przewiezieni samochodem do Paryża, a tam w nocy przesiedli się do samochodu ciężarowego, który zawiózł ich do angielskiego portu Dover. Podróż zaczęli z 25 tys. niemieckich marek, a gdy dotarli na miejsce, mieli tylko 5 tys. (około 1900 funtów). W Dover zgłosili się na policję, otrzymali dokument identyfikacyjny. Dzięki życzliwości wielu osób – udali się do Londynu. Zorganizowanie nauki języka angielskiego, załatwienie spraw związanych ze szkołą i adwokatem okazało się bardzo trudne. W końcu ze wsparciem pospieszył członek rodziny, który przybył specjalnie z Ameryki, aby im pomóc na terenie Wielkiej Brytanii. Został z nimi 6 miesięcy. W 2000 r. dzieci rozpoczęły naukę w szkole w Manor Park. Rodzina zaraz po przyjeździe złożyła podanie o przyznanie statusu uchodźcy, ale po roku otrzymała odmowę. Złożyli odwołanie, lecz władze odesłały ich do sądu. W styczniu 2002 r. sąd dał pozwolenie na pobyt czasowy ze względów humanitarnych, ale Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych nie zaakceptowało decyzji sądu. Ubiegali 12 Tamże, s. 138–140. �Obywatelstwo z perspektywy społeczno-etycznej 157 się w ten sposób o możliwość pozostania na terenie Wielkiej Brytanii przez 5 lat. Co tydzień Mark musiał meldować się w miejscowym komisariacie policji w Forest Gate i podpisywać dokumenty. Pewnego dnia, w grudniu 2002 r., kiedy udał się tam jak zwykle, został zatrzymany i powiedziano mu, że będzie deportowany do Kosowa. Gdy nie wrócił do domu, żona skontaktowała się z miejscowym pracownikiem organizacji pomagającej uchodźcom. Razem udali się na komisariat, ale nie pozwolono ani jej, ani adwokatowi zobaczyć się z Markiem. Wreszcie, po trzech próbach, pozwolono na to adwokatowi. Okazało się, że przyczyną zatrzymania było zaginięcie jego dokumentów na komisariacie. Na szczęście został zwolniony po 36 godzinach. Zdarzenie było jednak ogromnym stresem dla całej rodziny. Dwa miesiące później spotkali się z członkiem Parlamentu z Newham, dzielnicy, w której mieszkali. Ostatecznie Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych poinformowało mężczyznę, że nie będzie deportowany, ponieważ dopatrzono się solidnych podstaw do przyznania mu ochrony czasowej. Po pięciu latach obaw cała rodzina otrzymała prawo stałego pobytu na mocy amnestii z lutego 2004 roku13. * * * Duża liczba negatywnych decyzji w sprawie wniosków o przyznanie statusu uchodźcy spowodowała falę odwołań, które utrudniły już i tak przeciążone urzędy. Dlatego w październiku 2003 r. Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych ogłosiło amnestię dla 50 tys. starających się o status uchodźcy (wielu z nich było z Kosowa), zezwalając im na jakąś formę pobytu. Dla większości rodzin z Kosowa okres od złożenia wniosku o przyznanie statusu uchodźcy do otrzymania obywatelstwa trwał około 8,5 roku. Był to czas szczególnie trudny dla uchodźców. Można powtórzyć pytanie: czy musiało tak być? Przeprowadzone badania doświadczeń rodzin z Kosowa, ilustrowane powyższymi przypadkami, wskazują, że z jednej strony władze wydawały duże sumy na utrzymanie przybyszów, zakwaterowanie i zasiłki, z drugiej zaś nie wydawały zezwoleń na podejmowanie pracy czy na uczestnictwo w programach integracyjnych. Kobiety na ogół radziły sobie lepiej, bo wykonywały zwykłe czynności domowe, podobnie jak w Kosowie. Miały też możliwość spotykania się i uczenia angielskiego w różnego rodzaju ośrodkach dla dzieci. Gorzej było z mężczyznami, którzy nie mieli prawa podejmowania pracy. Odbijało się to negatywnie na ich samopoczuciu, poza tym tracili powoli umiejętności zawodowe, z którymi przybyli z Kosowa14. 13 14 Tamże, s. 140. J. B a l i c k i, Imigranci i uchodźcy w Unii Europejskiej, dz. cyt., s. 182–183. �158 Janusz Balicki Podsumowanie Proces przyznawania obywatelstwa w wybranych krajach Europy, także w Wielkiej Brytanii, budzi wątpliwości natury społecznej i etycznej, między innymi co do celowości egzaminów, ich treści i sposobu przeprowadzania. Najistotniejszą kwestią jest jednak polityka azylowa Wielkiej Brytanii, uwidoczniona w podejściu do rodzin z Kosowa. Była ona niespójna, kosztowna i bez planów perspektywicznych. Członkowie rodzin mieli poczucie niestabilności i obawy przed deportacją. Częste zmiany zakwaterowania utrudniały dorosłym integrację ze środowiskiem oraz powodowały traumę u dzieci zmieniających szkoły. Można więc powiedzieć, że działo się to ze szkodą przyszłych obywateli i dla państwa. Proces integracji był hamowany w Wielkiej Brytanii z przyczyn formalnych, bo nie dotyczy on osób, które jeszcze nie uzyskały statusu uchodźcy. Patrząc więc z obecnej perspektywy, można powiedzieć, że nie uwzględniono w polityce imigracyjnej możliwości, iż członkowie rodzin z Kosowa zostaną w przyszłości obywatelami tego kraju, chociaż polityka wobec rodzin (rzadkie deportacje) mogła na to wskazywać. Indywidualne rozmowy z członkami badanych rodzin wskazywały na ich wielką determinację w dążeniu do uzyskania prawa do pozostania w Anglii i pracowania dla tego kraju. Były to osoby, które miały duży potencjał społeczny, co wydaje się potwierdzać ich obecne życie w nowym kraju, jeśli nawet ten ostatni wniosek jest wyprowadzony na podstawie ograniczonej obserwacji. Zatem na podstawie analizy losu rodzin z Kosowa w Wielkiej Brytanii należy stwierdzić, że polityka imigracyjna z perspektywy społeczno-etycznej powinna być: a) bardziej spersonalizowana, traktująca każdy przypadek indywidualnie; b) szanująca godność osobową imigranta; c) widząca w imigrancie potencjalnego obywatela, wnoszącego swój kapitał; d) uwzględniająca fakt, że często imigranci są bardzo oddani nowej ojczyźnie, bo jest to ich ojczyzna z wyboru. Konkludując, z analizy doświadczeń rodzin z Kosowa wynika, iż w procesie przygotowania jednostki do włączenia się do wspólnoty osobom odpowiedzialnym w praktyce za realizację polityki imigracyjnej brakuje podstawowej wrażliwości oraz wyobraźni. Zdecydowana większość przybyłych do Wielkiej Brytanii rodzin z Kosowa pozostała na stałe, otrzymawszy w końcu obywatelstwo. Niemniej jednak zostało zmarnowanych kilka lat, ze szkodą zarówno dla imigrantów, jak i dla nowego kraju, do którego przybyli. Inne kraje Unii Europejskiej powinny wyciągnąć z tego wnioski dla własnej polityki imigracyjnej. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/edccdaa168fb5fb4e58112235c653aaa.pdf 627f99d29d2c98b31b4e1e12785853c3 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5009 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource religijność ludowa antropologia religii Zadrożyńska, Anna Misterium Męki Pańskiej Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4646 Title A name given to the resource Męka Pańska symbolicznie czy dosłownie? / Antropolog wobec współczesności Dwa typy wspólczesnej wrażliwości religijnej Description An account of the resource tom w darze Profesor Annie Zadrożyńskiej Antropolog wobec współczesności pod red. Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.350-365 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Baraniecka-Olszewska, Kamila Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN Męka Pańska symbolicznie czy dosłownie? Dwa typy współczesnej wrażliwości religijnej Przeżywanie Pasji Pisząc o współczesnej polskiej religijności, stajemy przed koniecznością zrewido­ wania pojęć i przekonań wykorzystywanych we wcześniejszych rozważaniach na ten temat, zwłaszcza na temat religijności ludowej. Kariera terminu, mimo jego roz­ licznych wad z lubością wytykanych przez kolejnych badaczy wcale się nie zakoń­ czyła i choć może nie nabiera już rozpędu, wciąż stykamy się z tekstami, które sta­ nowią świadectwo wiary w możliwości redefinicji, odświeżenia i powtórnego zasto­ sowania pojęcia religijności ludowej (por. Bukraba-Rylska 2008, s. 30). Kariera nie kończy się też w takim sensie, że ta kategoria pozostaje głównym, jeśli nie jedynym, punktem odniesienia w tekstach o polskiej religijności. M ó j artykuł nie będzie t u wyjątkiem. Lecz zamiast walczyć z demonami przeszłości, a autorom tekstów po¬ święconych religijności ludowej wytykać niewłaściwe podejście do omawianych za¬ gadnień, mam zamiar skorzystać z luki, jaką stworzyły pozostawione przez nich opi¬ sy, i w pewnym stopniu ją wypełnić. Mam na myśli lukę, na którą wskazuje Magda Zowczak: C h o c i a ż istnieją e t n o g r a f i c z n e d z i e w i ę t n a s t o w i e c z n e ś w i a d e c t w a g ł ę b o k i e g o p r z e ­ żywania Pasji w religijności l u d o w e j , a w s z t u c e l u d o w e j o d p o w i a d a i m p o p u l a r n o ś ć i b o g a c t w o p r z e d s t a w i e ń p a s y j n y c h , b a d a c z e religijności l u d o w e j nie poświęcili s z c z e g ó l n e j u w a g i t e m u a s p e k t o w i ( Z o w c z a k 2 0 0 8 , s. 3 3 ) . Zdaniem autorki brak zainteresowania t y m tematem wynika z przekonania autorów zajmujących się religijnością ludową o braku mistycyzmu w t y m rodzaju religijnoś­ ci, jak też z podkreślania w niej aspektu magicznego oraz pragmatycznego, podczas gdy „głębokie przeżywanie Pasji" było znakiem szczególnej wrażliwości religijnej (Zowczak 2008, s. 32-33). Informacje o roli Pasji i praktykach z nią związanych w dawniejszej religijności znajdujemy tylko w kilku akapitach rozrzuconych po różnych tekstach zawierają350 �Męka Pańska symbolicznie czy dosłownie? cych opisy, które możemy potraktować jako etnograficzne. Jedno z barwniejszych przedstawień zwyczajów wielkanocnych zostawił nam Jędrzej Kitowicz. Opisał nie tylko nabożeństwa związane z okresem wielkanocnym, ale także pełne ekspresji i po¬ święcenia zachowania kapników umartwiających się postem, biczowaniem czy nie­ sieniem ciężkiego krzyża w wielkopiątkowej procesji (Kitowicz 2003, s. 43-54). Już te kilka stron opowiadających o zachowaniach wielkanocnych informuje nas, że prze¬ żywaniu męki Chrystusa towarzyszyła szczególnie głęboka pobożność . Wzmian¬ ka o przeżywaniu Pasji pojawia się także u Stefana Czarnowskiego. Choć zasadniczo odmawiał on religijności ludowej głębi i refleksyjności, dostrzegł szczególny charak¬ ter pielgrzymek na kalwarie. 1 2 G o r l i w o ś ć zaś, z jaką l u d p o l s k i p i e l g r z y m u j e d o k a l w a r i i , ś w i a d c z y o t y m , jak b a r d z o odpowiada mu t o uzmysłowienie tajemnicy Męki, O d k u p i e n i a i Z m a r t w y c h w s t a n i a , tak jak z a c h o w a n i e się jego w czasie w ę d r ó w k i o d stacji d o stacji oraz n a s t ę p n e w y ¬ p o w i e d z i u c z e s t n i k ó w p i e l g r z y m e k pozwalają stwierdzić, ż e p r z e ż y c i a i c h są nie t y l k o g ł ę b o k i e , ale ż e nie o d r ó ż n i a j ą i c h o n i o d p r z e ż y ć , k t ó r y c h b y d o z n a w a ć musiał rze¬ c z y w i s t y w i d z M ę k i Pańskiej, t o w a r z y s z h i s t o r y c z n e j w ę d r ó w k i Jezusa o d W i e c z e r ¬ nika, p o p r z e z G ó r ę Oliwną, więzienie, sądy aż na G o l g o t ę i d o Ś w i ę t e g o G r o b u ( C z a r n o w s k i 1958, s. 9 3 ) . W o w y m nieodróżnianiu doświadczeń własnych od przeżyć rzeczywistych świadków męki Chrystusa Czarnowski dostrzega ułomność chłopskiej religijności, 1 K a p n i c y - nazywani tak o d swojego stroju - t o o s o b y zrzeszone w bractwach religijnych lub p o ­ zostające poza n i m i , oddające się szczególnego rodzaju p r a k t y k o m r e l i g i j n y m , np. b i c z o w a n i u , posz­ czeniu, z okazji świąt bądź w ramach pokuty. C z ę s t o t e ż u c z e s t n i c z y l i w procesjach religijnych. 2 „Kładli się wszyscy krzyżem i poleżawszy tak d o p e w n y c h słów w śpiewaniu kościelnym nad­ chodzących, za takimże z n a k i e m o d marszałka danym p o d n o s i l i się na kolana i zawinąwszy kaptura z pleców na ramię - biczowali się w gołe plecy dyscyplinami r z e m i e n n y m i albo nicianymi, w powrózki kręte splecionymi. N i e k t ó r z y końce d y s c y p l i n r z e m i e n n y c h przypiekali w o g n i u dla dodania większej twardości albo szpilki zakrzywione w d y s c y p l i n y niciane i rzemienne zakładali, ażeby lepiej ciało swo­ je wychłostali, które czasem t a k o w y m ćwiczeniem, silno przykładanym, aż d o żywego mięsa i szkar­ łatów wiszących sobie szarpali, b r o c z ą c krwią suknię, kapę i p a w i m e n t kościelny. [...] N i e ze wszyst¬ k i c h kościołów, ale z niektórych t y l k o , procesyja kapników - o p r ó c z krzyża z w i z e r u n k i e m C h r y ¬ stusowym na czele procesyi niesionego, miewała d r u g i krzyż w i e l k i , grubości b e l k i , z tarcic spajanych dla letkości zrobiony, który w pośrodku kapników dźwigał jeden k a p n i k , idąc nie w y p r o s t o w a n y , ale w pół człeka p o c h y l o n y tak, jak nam malarze wystawują Chrystusa krzyż na Kalwaryją niosącego. D l a ­ tego p o d ten krzyż dobierali chłopa mocnego. Miał na głowie, c z y l i raczej na czapce kapturem p r z y ­ k r y t e j , koronę cierniową, łańcuch długi i g r u b y przez ramię p o d pachę przepasany koniec krzyża uno¬ sił za n i m i n n y k a p n i k , wyrażający Cyreneusza, a dwaj k a p n i c y d o b y t e pałasze niosący na ramieniu oznaczali żołnierzów, na Kalwaryją Chrystusa prowadzących, z których jeden trzymał w r ę c e koniec łańcucha. W y o b r a ż a j ą c y Chrystusa kapnik udawał także Jego p o d krzyżem upadania, a na ten czas je¬ den żołnierz targając łańcuchem i bijąc n i m o krzyż, czynił duży łoskot, d r u g i uderzając płazem p o krzyżu i po plecach l e k k i m i razami nosiciela krzyża, wołał na niego głosem donośnym: postępuj Jezu! Wtenczas nosiciel, w samej rzeczy pochyłym c h o d e m znużony, odpocząwszy nieco powstawał i dal­ szą drogę, czyli procesyją, kończył" ( K i t o w i c z 2003, s. 4 6 - 4 9 ) . 351 �Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska ja będę jednak chciała pokazać, że w t y m właśnie tkwić mogło jej bogactwo . Po­ wyższy fragment z tekstu Czarnowskiego cytuje też w swoim artykule na temat re­ ligijności ludowej Ryszard Tomicki. Ponadto zamieszcza on informację, że podczas pielgrzymek na kalwarie i odprawiania drogi krzyżowej pątnicy powszechnie d o ­ datkowo (ponad trud samej pielgrzymki) udręczali swe ciała. Wkładali na głowy wieńce uwite z ciernistych gałązek, a kieszenie wypełniali kamieniami i tak obciąże­ ni wchodzili na górę ukrzyżowania (Tomicki 1981, s. 55). Czarnowski dopatrzyłby się zapewne w tego rodzaju zachowaniu szczególnego pragmatyzmu - przez zwięk­ szenie ofiary pielgrzym zwiększał prawdopodobieństwo, że jego prośba zostanie wysłuchana. W moim przekonaniu jednak podobne zachowania wynikają nie tylko ze swojego rodzaju wymiany z Bogiem, ale również z konkretnego typu wrażliwości religijnej. 3 Zawarte w wymienionych, klasycznych już tekstach informacje na temat prze¬ żywania męki Pańskiej są skąpe, lecz wystarczają, by wyobrazić sobie, że doświad¬ czanie Pasji mogło być niezwykle głębokie, a co więcej, towarzyszyć mu mogła za¬ duma nad losem zarówno Chrystusa, jak i nad własnym. Wierni rozpamiętywali ży¬ w o t Jezusa, ofiarowali mu swój trud, by choć w ten sposób towarzyszyć mu na dro¬ dze krzyżowej, płakali nad jego losem, a mistyczne uniesienia, tak wypatrywane przez badaczy w religijności ludowej, nie są przecież jedynym świadectwem głębi przeżycia. Towarzyszące opisywanym praktykom emocje mogły równie silnie zbli­ żać do Boga. Być może ze względu na wyjątkowo emocjonalny charakter przeżyć związanych z upamiętnianiem męki Chrystusa badacze religijności ludowej pominęli ten temat. Ich zabieg wydaje się jednak niezrozumiały Wszak męka Chrystusa, odkupienie i zmartwychwstanie to wydarzenia podstawowe, a nawet założycielskie dla chrześ¬ cijaństwa. Poświęcenie szczególnej uwagi t y m rozdziałom z historii życia Zbawi¬ ciela już od średniowiecza stanowiło element zalecanego modelu religijności. Pisane wówczas podręczniki medytacji nakazywały rozpamiętywanie męki i wręcz w c z u wanie się w sytuację Chrystusa (por. Freedberg 2005, s. 170-176). W t e d y też zro­ dził się ruch devotio moderna, a na jego fali powstał postulat naśladowania Chrystusa. Dobroć, cierpliwość, wytrwałość Zbawiciela miały być wartościami obecnymi w ży­ ciu każdego wiernego. Jak zaznacza David Freedberg, niepoślednią rolę w p o d o b ­ nych medytacjach czy uczynieniu z Chrystusa wzoru do naśladowania odegrały wi¬ zerunki przedstawiające mękę. Staje się nam bliższy [ C h r y s t u s ] i łatwiej jest nam k s z t a ł t o w a ć nasze ż y c i e na w z ó r jego życia i życia jego ś w i ę t y c h , k i e d y z n i m c i e r p i m y - a najlepiej r o b i ć t o za p o m o c ą 3 Inaczej do nieodróżniania znaczącego i znaczonego p o d c h o d z i Joanna Tokarska-Bakir. W y k a z u j e ona, że jest t o jedna z p o d s t a w o w y c h cech opisywanej przez nią religijności t y p u ludowego, a co więcej, przeciwnie d o Czarnowskiego, w a l o r y z u j e t e n proces p o z y t y w n i e (Tokarska-Bakir 2000, s. 5 3 - 5 7 ) . 352 �Męka Pańska symbolicznie czy dosłownie? w i z e r u n k ó w . D o c h o d z i m y d o w s p ó ł o d c z u w a n i a , k o n c e n t r u j ą c się na w i z e r u n k a c h C h r y s t u s a i j e g o ś w i ę t y c h oraz na i c h c i e r p i e n i u ( F r e e d b e r g 2 0 0 5 , s. 166). U podłoża medytacji leżała zatem empatia rozbudzana przez wizerunki. Tym sa¬ mym aspekt wizualny był od początku wpisany w kult pasyjny. Dziś przypominają nam o t y m rozliczne przestawienia męki Chrystusa - krucyfiksy obrazy rzeźby itp. Wystarczy przyjrzeć się krajobrazowi Polski, by dostrzec, że Pasja w badaniach nad współczesną religijnością nie może pozostać białą plamą. Współczesna wrażliwość pasyjna Przeżywanie Pasji nie jest cechą jedynie dawnej religijności. C h o ć możemy odnieść wrażenie, że obecne w krajobrazie wsi i miast krzyże czy kaplice na tyle spowszed¬ niały, iż nikt, patrząc na nie, nie przywołuje w myślach obrazów męki Chrystusa, rola Pasji we współczesnej religijności pozostaje niezwykle żywym tematem. Jak pisze Zowczak: W i e l e c e c h i p r a k t y k p r z y p i s y w a n y c h m o d e l o w o religijności l u d o w e j w s p ó ł c z e ś n i e jeszcze b a r d z i e j się u m o c n i ł o , a p i e l g r z y m k i , m i s t e r i a i k u l t o b r a z ó w cieszą się nieustającą p o p u l a r n o ś c i ą ( Z o w c z a k 2 0 0 8 , s. 4 1 ) . Rzeczywiście, pielgrzymki, zwłaszcza te na kalwarie, stanowią jeden z elementów dzisiejszego kultu męki Pańskiej. Wpisują się w niego także wszystkie nabożeństwa upamiętniające wydarzenia z ostatnich dni życia Chrystusa - gorzkie żale, droga krzyżowa, także rekolekcje wielkopostne, liturgia Niedzieli Palmowej. Coraz więk­ szą popularnością cieszą się też w Polsce misteria męki Pańskiej wystawiane w sank¬ tuariach, klasztorach i kościołach. Współczesność rządzi się swoimi prawami, więc wśród wymienionych zjawisk składających się na obraz dzisiejszego kultu męki Pańskiej nie może zabraknąć też filmów prezentujących i interpretujących całość Pasji, jej wybrane fragmenty bądź losy konkretnych postaci. By przedstawić znaczenie kultu męki Pańskiej we współczesnej religijności, p o ­ stanowiłam wykorzystać pojęcie „wrażliwości pasyjnej". Inspirowana tekstem A n ­ drzeja H e m k i i Jacka Olędzkiego zamierzam przedstawić szczegółowe ujęcie wraż­ liwości religijnej (Hemka, Olędzki 1990). O n i skupili się na „wrażliwości mirakularnej", owej potrzebie cudowności towarzyszącej życiu religijnemu. M i m o że wrażliwość pasyjna niejednokrotnie wkracza na teren zarezerwowany dla mirakularnej, jest nakierowana na inne treści. Tym, co wyróżnia wrażliwość pasyjną, jest określony stosunek do ostatnich scen z życia Chrystusa oraz ich znaczenie dla wier­ nych. Wrażliwość pasyjna zakłada pewien stopień zaangażowania w kult męki Pań­ skiej, nie tylko powierzchowne z nim zetknięcie. W historii prezentowanej w Pasji ludzie doszukują się odpowiedzi na wiele pytań, dotyczących losów zarówno świa­ ta, jak i własnych; dopatrują się w postawach jej uczestników wzorów postępo­ wania, i pozytywnych, i negatywnych; niejednokrotnie też w ostatnich scenach 353 �Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska z życia Chrystusa znajdują swój klucz do wiary Wrażliwość religijna stanowi oczy­ wiście kryterium subiektywne, lecz jak zauważają Hemka i Olędzki, powiązane z określonym modelem religijności (Hemka, Olędzki 1990, s. 13), a przez to łatwiej uchwytne dla etnologów. Opisywaną w t y m tekście wrażliwość pasyjną zawężę jednak do badanych prze¬ ze mnie zjawisk, dwóch elementów współczesnego kultu męki Pańskiej - uczest­ nictwa w misteriach wielkanocnych oraz oglądania filmów poświęconych śmierci Chrystusa, przede wszystkim zaś Pasji w reżyserii Mela Gibsona. Takie ogranicze¬ nie zakresu wrażliwości pasyjnej wynika z przedmiotu badań, które prowadzę od kilku lat - właśnie nad polskimi misteriami męki Pańskiej. Podczas tego rodzaju stu­ diów nie sposób uciec od rozmów o innych możliwościach przedstawiania czy upa­ miętniania Pasji. Badania objęły więc także nabożeństwa drogi krzyżowej czy prze­ żywanie liturgii Niedzieli Palmowej. Dotknęły także zjawiska niezwykle żywot­ nego we współczesnej kulturze, mianowicie oglądania filmów. Podczas rozmów, które prowadziłam, okazało się, że niejednokrotnie najsilniejszymi bodźcami bu¬ dzącymi w wiernych ową wrażliwość pasyjną jest obejrzenie misterium i uczestni¬ ctwo w nim lub obejrzenie i przeżywanie filmu opowiadającego o męce Chrystusa. Wrażliwość pasyjna, o której piszę, wręcz rodzi się wskutek zetknięcia z jednym albo z obydwoma z wymienionych rodzajów przedstawienia Pasji. Specyfika badań nad przedstawieniami męki Chrystusa O d 2006 r. prowadzę badania nad misteriami wielkanocnymi w Polsce. D o tej pory zgromadziłam materiały na temat misterium w Poznaniu, w Zawoi Przysłop, w Kal­ warii Pacławskiej, w Bydgoszczy Fordonie oraz w Miejscu Piastowym. Obserwo­ wałam też misteria w Lądzie, O t w o c k u , Zakroczymiu. W każdej z tych miejsco¬ wości przedstawienie wielkanocne wygląda inaczej, inne jest miejsce wystawiania, inny zestaw scen, inna scenografia, stroje, aktorzy . We wszystkich przypadkach 4 4 Z e względu na ogromną rozmaitość misteriów badania nad poszczególnymi przedstawieniami zasadniczo się różnią. W Poznaniu rozmówcami b y l i przede w s z y s t k i m b y l i członkowie duszpaster­ stwa akademickiego salezjanów, a więc ludzie młodzi. C z ę ś ć z nich p r z y g o t o w u j e m i s t e r i u m , c z ę ś ć t y l k o w n i m uczestniczy, lecz t y m , co ich wiąże, jest nie t y l k o m i s t e r i u m , ale także rodzaj wspólnoty powstałej p r z y salezjanach. W Z a w o i Przysłop badania wyglądały już zupełnie inaczej. Przedstawie¬ nie wielkanocne jest p r z e d m i o t e m zainteresowania całej w s i , silnie wiąże się z jej lokalną tożsamoś¬ cią. W y s t a w i a n e jest tam o d około 60 lat, więc miałam okazję porozmawiać z osobami zarówno star¬ s z y m i , jak i młodymi i porównać ich odczucia oraz o p i n i e związane z m i s t e r i u m . Z kolei w K a l w a r i i Pacławskiej m o i m i rozmówcami b y l i mieszkańcy miejscowości położonych wokół sanktuarium, młodsi i starsi, traktujący m i s t e r i u m jako wydarzenie t y p o w e , nieco już spowszedniałe, na stałe w p i ¬ sane w kalwaryjski kalendarz. W Bydgoszczy F o r d o n z n ó w miałam okazję rozmawiać przede wszyst­ k i m z ludźmi młodymi. M i s t e r i u m organizują tam osoby zrzeszone w różnych grupach powstałych p r z y fordońskiej parafii. Jeszcze i n n y c h r o z m ó w c ó w spotkałam w M i e j s c u P i a s t o w y m . Tam zetknęłam się przede w s z y s t k i m z młodzieżą, grającą i uczestniczącą w m i s t e r i u m , gdyż przedstawienie organi­ zowane jest przez uczniów l i c e u m p r z y niższym seminarium michalitów. 354 �Męka Pańska symbolicznie czy dosłownie? miałam jednak d o czynienia z osobami związanymi z misterium, czy to przez orga¬ nizowanie go, czy przez uczestnictwo w nim. Fakt ten zapewne uwrażliwiał ich na historię Chrystusa, a przez to czynił ich ciekawszymi rozmówcami. Stąd też pre¬ zentowana przeze mnie wrażliwość pasyjna jest obrazem religijności osób szcze¬ gólnych - zaangażowanych w przedstawianie samej Pasji. Jednocześnie opisywana wrażliwość pasyjna stanowi pewien znak czasu. Z a n i m rozpoczęłam swoje badania, miało miejsce przynajmniej jedno - tyleż szczęśliwe dla jakości badań, co istotne - wydarzenie. W 2004 r. odbyła się światowa premiera filmu Pasja reżyserowanego przez Mela Gibsona. Jak się okazało, zdarzenie to zna¬ cząco wpłynęło na przebieg moich badań. Z rozmówcami prowadziłam rozmowy już nie tylko o misteriach, ale też o słynnej Pasji Gibsona; na palcach jednej ręki mogę policzyć osoby, z którymi się zetknęłam podczas badań, deklarujące, że nie widziały tego filmu. Porównania, komentarze, a także wzajemne relacje między t y m filmem a przedstawieniami wielkanocnymi pojawiały się niemal w każdej rozmowie. D o dziś brak wzmianki o Pasji Gibsona w opowieściach na temat misterium pozo¬ staje rzadkością. Postanowiłam zatem badania nad misteriami poszerzyć o odbiór innego rodzaju przedstawienia męki Pańskiej - filmu Pasja. Wyłącznie jednak o o d ­ biór tej jednej ekranizacji losów Chrystusa, gdyż w oczach moich rozmówców cał¬ kowicie przyćmiła ona inne, wcześniejsze filmy. Przeżywanie misterium i przeżywanie dzieła Gibsona nie wygląda oczywiście identycznie w przypadku każdego rozmówcy, nie zawsze prowadzi też d o podob¬ nych wniosków. Wśród osób, z którymi rozmawiałam, zarysowały się dwie ogólne postawy: zwolenników misterium i zwolenników filmu Pasja. Rozmówcy podzielili się ze mną swoimi odczuciami, że jedno z wydarzeń oddziałuje na nich silniej niż drugie i t y m samym zapewnia i m , ich zdaniem, poczucie większego zaangażowania w losy Chrystusa czy lepszego zrozumienia ich. N i e zdarzyło mi się jednak spotkać osoby, która stanowczo stwierdziłaby, że jeden z wymienionych sposobów przed¬ stawiania męki Chrystusa w ogóle na nią nie wpływa. Mamy tu zatem do czynienia z sytuacją modelową, kiedy porównywanie doświadczeń z uczestnictwa w misterium oraz wrażeń z filmu Pasja pozwala na utworzenie pewnych typów idealnych. Jeden będzie opisywał maksimum uczuć, emocji, przeżyć religijnych wzbudzonych przez film Gibsona, drugi zaś przez dane misterium; postawy uczestników przedstawień wielkanocnych w większości lokują się gdzieś pomiędzy t y m i typami, nie odpowia¬ dając całkowicie jednemu bądź drugiemu. M i m o to można wyraźnie zauważyć, że jednym łatwiej jest przeżywać i rozważać mękę Pańską wskutek impulsu danego przez uczestnictwo w misterium, innym przez obejrzenie Gibsonowskiej Pasji. D w a typy idealne wrażliwości pasyjnej Wyraźnie zarysowują się nam dwa typy wrażliwości pasyjnej, które nazwałabym nieco górnolotnie symbolicznym (większe oddziaływanie misteriów) i dosłownym (większe oddziaływanie filmu Pasja). Oba niewątpliwie wiążą się z deklarowaną 355 �Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska przez moich rozmówców potrzebą wizualizowania treści religijnych, umożliwiają bowiem zobaczenie męki Pańskiej. Freedberg wskazywał na niebagatelną funkcję statycznych wizerunków, być może współcześnie wobec gwałtownego rozwoju kultury popularnej podobną rolę należy przypisać dynamicznym wizualizacjom (zob. Zowczak 2008, s. 41). W i e l u moich rozmówców podkreślało, że zobaczenie męki Chrystusa umożliwia i m , jak i innym, głębsze jej przeżywanie. By tego do¬ świadczyć, trzeba jednak być osobą wierzącą. Jeśli k t o ś jest r e l i g i j n y t o b ę d z i e m ó g ł p r z e ż y ć t e ż f i l m [Pasję G i b s o n a ] . Jeśli nie, t o t y l k o g o o b e j r z y I t a k samo jest z m i s t e r i u m . C h c e m y ż e b y w s z y s c y p r z y j e c h a l i . A l e to, c o z n i e g o . . . no, wyniosą, t o sprawa i n d y w i d u a l n a . Jedni p ó j d ą t a m , b o są w i e r z ą c y i n n i z o b a c z y ć , b o c o ś się d z i e j e ( k o b i e t a , lat 27, Poznań, m a r z e c 2 0 0 6 ) . Z siły oddziaływania wizualnych przedstawień męki Pańskiej zdają sobie sprawę twórcy misteriów. Dlatego też sięgają po środki, które w ich przekonaniu podkreślą istotę pokazywanej historii. Tak, właśnie d l a t e g o t e ż używamy t y c h r ó ż n y c h ś r o d k ó w w m i s t e r i u m . W i a d o m o , że jest t o w i d o w i s k o teatralne jako takie, ale r o b i o n o inne wrażenie. Jest l u d z i o m bliskie. Te e f e k t y p o m a g a j ą l u d z i o m t o p r z e ż y ć . Z j e d n e j s t r o n y jest t o teatr, ale z d r u g i e j w ł a ś n i e p r z e ż y c i e religijne, i t o n a p r a w d ę silne. T o w r a ż e n i e jest n i e s a m o w i t e ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 3 5 , Poznań, m a r z e c 2 0 0 6 ) . Zarówno uczestnictwo w misteriach, jak i oglądanie Pasji Gibsona zdaniem moich rozmówców niesie w sobie ogromny potencjał. Pozwala na lepsze zrozumie­ nie znaczenia ofiary Zbawiciela, na pogłębienie wiary na wywołanie empatii, na o d ­ nalezienie w Chrystusie lub innych postaciach swoistego wzorca osobowego. „Wi­ dzowie" męki Pańskiej szukają postaci, z którą mogliby się porównać, by zgłębić własne życie. T o C h r y s t u s prosił s w o j e g o ojca, b y ł B o g i e m i prosił s w o j e g o O j c a . N i e umiał p r z e ż y ć tego, tej męki. O n tą m ę k ę widział, p o c i ł się k r w a w y m p o t e m . I prosił ojca, ż e b y t o oddalił. P r o s z ę panią, p a n i sama zobaczy. Jak p a n i b ę d z i e m y ś l e ć o t y m . I jeżeli k t o ś myśli, ł ą c z y się d u c h o w o , t o jest się n a d c z y m z a s t a n o w i ć - n a d własnym ż y c i e m . P o r ó w n a ć go d o męki C h r y s t u s a ( k o b i e t a , lat 65, Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2006). C z ł o w i e k jest słaby co m o ż e sam z r o b i ć , t o nie w i e m , b e z Boga. Ja tak uważam. N o ale ja tam, n o i n o i Pan B ó g go uznał [św. P i o t r a ] , a p o t e m stał się ś w i ę t y m , go całował i płakał, a wyparł się. N o t o tys c z ł o w i e k nie n i e r o z tam g o d a : j o b y m t e g o nie zrobił, a p ó ź n i e j c z ł o w i e k jakoś z g ł u p n i e c z y jak i r o b i . T a k myślę ( k o b i e t a , lat 85, Z a w o j a Przysłop, l i p i e c 2 0 0 6 ) . 356 �Męka Pańska symbolicznie czy dosłownie? B o z samego siebie t o jest p r z e ż y c i e , m o ż n a tak p o w i e d z i e ć . B o tak c z ł o w i e k tak m o ż e p o r ó w n a ć siebie, ż e jest t y m k i m ś , k t o się p r z y c z y n i ł d o t e g o [ u k r z y ż o w a n i a ] . T o w t e d y widać ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 40, K a l w a r i a Pacławska, m a r z e c 2 0 0 7 ) . Przeżycia te stanowią pewne bogactwo, które moi rozmówcy wynoszą z uczest­ nictwa w misteriach bądź oglądania filmu Pasja. Ale by mogli je pozyskać, potrze¬ bują określonego rodzaju bodźców. Jedni znajdują je w przeżywaniu misterium, żałując, że wcześniej nie mieli możliwości uczestniczyć w p o d o b n y m zdarzeniu, i n ­ ni doszukują się ich w oglądaniu Pasji Gibsona, zawierzając prezentowanej tam in¬ terpretacji losów Chrystusa. Typ wrażliwości pasyjnej, któremu większy impuls d o refleksji nad męką Pańską daje uczestnictwo w misteriach, nazwałam symbolicznym, by skontrastować spo¬ sób przedstawiania historii Jezusa w przedstawieniach wielkanocnych z brutalną i werystyczną formą prezentacji w filmie Gibsona. Twórcy misteriów nie dysponują ani wystarczającymi środkami, ani możliwościami technicznymi, a często też chęcia¬ mi, by losy Chrystusa przedstawić z dbałością o każdy szczegół. Jednocześnie też część organizatorów świadomie unika prezentowania zbytniego okrucieństwa. W niektórych misteriach (np. w Lądzie, w Zawoi Przysłop) w ogóle nie ma scen bi¬ czowania i krzyżowania, pokazanie ich zastępują odgłosy tych czynności. W in¬ nych przedstawieniach wielkanocnych, choć sceny te są prezentowane (Poznań, Kalwaria Pacławska, Miejsce Piastowe, Bydgoszcz Fordon) i Chrystus wspina się na Golgotę umazany sztuczną krwią, umowność tych scen (niezależna od wrażeń, ja¬ kie wywołują) jest z daleka widoczna. Ponadto twórcy misteriów nie dążą do abso­ lutnego odtworzenia realiów. Zdarza się, że Chrystusa gra 18-latek (Zawoja Przysłop), apostoła 70-latek (Kalwaria Pacławska). Chleb podczas ostatniej wieczerzy może być z powodzeniem zastąpiony blatem do pizzy (Zawoja Przysłop), a jej przebieg mogą całkowicie zakłócić fotoreporterzy podtykający aktorom obiektywy pod nos (Kalwaria Pacławska). Uczestnik sam wie, na czym się skupić i jak przeżyć dane wydarzenie, by nie przeszkadzały mu pomyłki aktorów, błyski fleszy i nawoły¬ wania porządkowych. - C z e m u starszy c z ł o w i e k nie m o ż e z a g r a ć Piłata? - Pewno, że może. T o nieważne, ile ma lat. A k t o r z y są m n i e j ważni. O n ma p o k a z a ć , p r z e c z y t a ć w e r d y k t . T o jest rola. A c z y on tam stary, c z y młody. Ja t e r o z m ó g ł b y m g r a ć ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 75, Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . I jeśli t o się t a k p r z e ż y w a , t o n a w e t jak k t o ś się p o m y l i raz c z y d w a , t o nie zważa się na to. C h o ć w i e m , ż e się pomylił, b o z n a m tekst, ale jak się c z ł o w i e k w c z u w a , t o m u nie p r z e s z k a d z a . T o c z ę s t o było, ż e jak już k t o stary, t o się zatkoł, t o nie w i e d z i a ł t e g o słowa. A l e t o nic. M y i t a k przeżywamy. T o a k t o r jak z a p o m n i t o nic, b y l e on t a k się w c z u ł w te r o l ę ( k o b i e t a , lat 55, Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . 357 �Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska U nas nie musi b y ć tak p o d o b n y d o Pana Jezusa, w y s t a r c z y żeby się w c z u w o ł . M y t o i tak p r z e ż y w a m y ( k o b i e t a , lat 55, Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . Odmienną konwencję przyjęli twórcy filmu Pasja. Odcięli się od dotychcza¬ sowej tradycji pokazywania w kinematografii męki Chrystusa - łagodnie, bez epa¬ towania okrucieństwem. Stworzyli dzieło, które swoją brutalnością, dosłownością niektórych scen przypomina co krwawsze horrory. Lecz częściowo to właśnie okru¬ cieństwo, bezpośredniość prezentowania tortur, poniżania Jezusa przyniosły filmo¬ wi taki rozgłos. Także wśród moich rozmówców te sceny podawane są za przykład tych najprawdziwszych - przecież tak cierpiał Chrystus i dzięki Pasji Gibsona od tej świadomości już nie uciekniemy Kaźń pokazana w filmie dla wielu osób stanowi o jego wartości, otwiera i m oczy, uzmysławia, jak te wydarzenia mogły wyglądać. Dopiero tak silny bodziec sprawia, że starają się oni zgłębić znaczenie ofiary C h r y ­ stusa. Pasję Gibsona niejednokrotnie traktują jako najwierniejsze przedstawienie męki Pańskiej. Wszak sam papież Jan Paweł I I po projekcji tego filmu miał powie¬ dzieć: „To jest tak, jak było" (Lis 2005, s. 337). Typ symboliczny Typ symboliczny wrażliwości pasyjnej cechuje osoby, którym uderzająca dosłow¬ ność w prezentowaniu męki Chrystusa nie jest potrzebna, by skłonić je do rozwa¬ żań nad losem Zbawiciela, a wręcz i m w t y m przeszkadza. N o właśnie, Pasja jest m o c n i e j s z a i t o p o d t a k i m , t a k i m k ą t e m t a k i e g o p r z e ż y c i a ta¬ kiego, j a k b y s t r a c h u , t a k i c h n e r w ó w p o p r o s t u . Ź l e się czułam, jak oglądałam tą Pasję. B a r d z o źle. A t u [na k a l w a r y j s k i m m i s t e r i u m ] s p o k o j n i e ( k o b i e t a , lat 75, K a l w a r i a Pacławska, m a r z e c 2 0 0 7 ) . Misteria przybliżają historię Chrystusa w sposób, jaki wpisuje się w charakter nabożeństw wielkanocnych - ukazują mękę, niejednokrotnie wskazując na jej okrutny wymiar, lecz nie epatują o w y m okrucieństwem, nie zmuszają do wyobra¬ żania sobie Jezusa jako bohatera krwawej jatki. Dopowiedzenie, jak dokładnie mo¬ gła wyglądać męka Pańska, zostawiają wyobraźni i wrażliwości wiernych, którzy tę historię rozpamiętują. Pozwalają też na wyłowienie z przedstawianych scen innych treści niż niepojęcie krwawa ofiara Chrystusa - a ta u niektórych osób zostaje w pa¬ mięci jako główna scena Gibsonowskiej Pasji. N i e dooglądałem Pasji d o końca i nie c h c ę oglądać. To, co t u r o b i m y [ m i s t e r i u m ] , w y d a ­ je m i się d o b r e . A Pasji nie c h c ę w i d z i e ć . [ . . . ] N i e d o o g l ą d a ł e m i nie c h c ę , b o t r o s z k ę m i się w y d a j e . . . m o ż e t o t e ż jest t o przejaskrawienie, że G i b s o n chciał t o p o k a z a ć w ja­ kiś taki s p o s ó b b a r d z o przejaskrawiony tą m ę k ę , ale t o nie jest właściwe. T o b u d z i u m n i e niesmak, p r z y n a j m n i e j u mnie, t a k i jakiś. M o i m z d a n i e m t o nie p o w i n n o tak wyglą¬ dać, t a k s t r a s z y ć ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 3 7 , Z a w o j a Przysłop, sierpień 2 0 0 6 ) . 358 �Męka Pańska symbolicznie czy dosłownie? Misteria pozwalają też na zatarcie granic czasowych między wydarzeniami jero¬ zolimskimi sprzed dwóch tysięcy lat a dzisiejszymi. Podczas misteriów wytwarza się pewna szczególna atmosfera, którą moi rozmówcy na równi z samym ogląda¬ niem męki Pańskiej identyfikują jako szczególny bodziec do zastanowienia się nad sobą w kontekście ofiary Chrystusa. N o b o jest c i e m n o , t o jest t a k i e i n d y w i d u a l n e , n o jest taka atmosfera, nie w i e m , n o i n ¬ t y m n o ś c i , n o o s o b n o ś c i , ż e tam się jest. N o jest się w tłumie, ale jest się w c i e m n o ś ¬ c i , że nie w i d a ć t y c h w s z y s t k i c h l u d z i , ale z d r u g i e j s t r o n y jest ta ś w i a d o m o ś ć cały czas t y c h l u d z i , nie. Przy f i l m i e t e g o n i e ma, nie. N o nie no, b o t o na ekranie nie m o ż n a o d d a ć tego, co jest w m i s t e r i u m , n o b o c i l u d z i e t e ż b i o r ą w t y m udział, nie ( m ę ż c z y ¬ zna, lat 25, Poznań, m a r z e c 2 0 0 6 ) . Właśnie możliwość określonego t y p u uczestnictwa, którą daje misterium, bez względu na to, czy jest ono wystawiane w przykościelnej salce, czy na kalwaryjskiej drodze krzyżowej, jest wartością, której żadna projekcja filmowa nie zagwarantuje. Uczestnictwo w misteriach budzi troskę zarówno organizatorów, jak i „widzów"; dla obydwu tych grup jest niezmiernie ważne i poświęcają mu wiele uwagi. Osoby przygotowujące przedstawienia wielkanocne starają się zorganizować je tak, by jak najbardziej wciągnąć wiernych w uczestnictwo. W przypadku filmu takie zabiegi nie są możliwe. A l e c h o d z i t e ż o to, ż e b y t y m l u d z i o m dać t a k i udział a k t y w n y . C o k o l w i e k , c h o ć b y n a j m n i e j s z ą rolę, żeby i n n y c h t e ż jakoś w c i ą g n ą ć . Jak p o d c z a s w i e c z e r z y , d a j e m y l u ¬ d z i o m chleb [ k i e d y C h r y s t u s łamie chleb, p o n a d tysiąc b o c h e n k ó w z o s t a j e r o z d y s t r y b u o w a n y c h w ś r ó d w i d z ó w - K . B - O . ] . T o właśnie w t e d y m o g ą p o c z u ć , ż e u c z e s t n i c z ą w t y m , ż e t e ż mają w t y m swój udział, t a k m i się w y d a j e ( k o b i e t a , lat 25, Poznań, k w i e ¬ cień 2006). Uczestnictwo w misterium i namysł, do jakiego ono skłania, są przez część moich rozmówców postrzegane jako główne zalety przedstawień. W ich braku z ko¬ lei upatrują głównej wady filmu Pasja. Tak, widziałam, c h y b a w s z y s c y w i d z i e l i t e n f i l m . A l e m o m e n t a m i miałam wrażenie, że już n i e w y t r z y m a m , ż e t o za dużo. M i się w y d a j e , ż e t o nie o t o c h o d z i , ż e b y t a k krwią z a r z u c i ć , p o to, ż e b y z r o b i ć w r a ż e n i e na l u d z i a c h . T o nie w y s t a r c z y Bo m y w i e m y że t o c z ł o w i e k b y ł u k r z y ż o w a n y i m ę c z o n y ale f i l m p o w i n i e n p o k a z a ć c o ś w i ę c e j , p o c o była ta m ę k a . T o ważne, ż e b y p o k a z a ć w n ę t r z e , b o t o jest t y l k o w tej r e l i g i i . I m y się i tak n a d t y m zastanawiamy, i t a k t o przeżywamy. A jak się t o w i d z i t a k b r u t a l n i e , tak bez t e g o . . . n o ,wnętrza, t o człowiek już się tak nie zastanawia, nie, b o już ma t o w s z y s t ­ ko d o k ł a d n i e pokazane ( k o b i e t a , lat 25, Poznań, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . Wyższość uczestnictwa w misterium nad oglądaniem filmu wiąże się też z ko¬ niecznością zaangażowania się czy to w przygotowanie, czy w wyprawę na przed359 �Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska stawienie wielkanocne. Oglądanie filmu postrzegane jest jako czynność prostsza, nie tak odświętna i wymagająca mniej osobistego zaangażowania - niekoniecznie emocjonalnego, ale organizacyjnego. L u d z i e są n i e c i e k a w i . W o l ą f i l m o b e j r z e ć . T y l k o m y jesce w o l i m y s w o j e [ m i s t e r i u m ] i sami z r o b i ć dla Pana Jezusa ( k o b i e t a , lat 55, Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . Jednocześnie jednak w świadomości organizatorów i uczestników misteriów ist¬ nieje przekonanie, że film pozwala na o wiele bardziej precyzyjne odwzorowanie wydarzeń. W przedstawieniu wielkanocnym nie sposób osiągnąć podobnej do¬ kładności. Film Pasja, mimo całej swej brutalności, pozostaje pewnym ideałem po¬ kazywania męki Pańskiej właśnie ze względu na szczegółowość przedstawienia, bo¬ gactwo strojów, scenografii. Gibsonowska ekranizacja stała się więc pewnym punk¬ tem odniesienia także dla uczestników misteriów. A jak przeżywali, te pirse jak m y oglądali i przeżywali, t o w s z y s t k o w y s z ł o jak z t e g o f i l m u , z Pasji. Bo się l u d z i e w c z u w a l i w t o [ w m i s t e r i u m ] . Bo t o nase l u d z i e . T o l u d z i e t u t a j t a k lubią. Jak b y ł o t o m i s t e r i u m , t o się garnęli d z i a d k i , b a b k i . W s z y s t k o i prze¬ żywało. T o t a k i ogrojec, n o i t e n Pan Jezus w t e m o g r o j c u , i t e n sąd Piłata t o się prze¬ ż y w a ł o w e w n ę t r z n i e i c z u ł o się tak, j a k b y się b y ł o w J e r o z o l i m i e ( k o b i e t a , lat 55, Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . Części osób, z którymi rozmawiałam, oglądanie Pasji Gibsona podobnych prze¬ żyć jednak nie zapewnia. Jednym dlatego, że razi ich brutalność przedstawienia, innym dlatego, że potrzebują szczególnego, odświętnego charakteru misteriów, by zaangażować się w przedstawianą historię. Symboliczny t y p wrażliwości pasyjnej jest też naznaczony dozą wrażliwości mirakularnej. Podczas misterium ludzie wręcz oczekują odrobiny cudowności, nie­ zwykłości, gdyż doskonale pasuje ona do całości sytuacji - zdarzenia niecodzienne­ go. Uczestnictwo w przedstawieniu wielkanocnym, jak pisałam, wiąże się ze szcze¬ gólną atmosferą. Inaczej rzecz się ma w przypadku czynności tak powszedniej jak oglądanie filmu, zwłaszcza w domu, nawet jeśli filmem t y m jest Pasja. Jeśli chodzi o ekranizację męki Chrystusa, świętość nie uobecnia się w filmie tak, jak dzieje się to w czasie trwania misterium, kiedy ludzie mają wrażenie, że mogą tej świętości niemal dotknąć. D l a t y c h l u d z i n i e k t ó r y c h t o jest tak, że j a k b y d o t k n ę ł a t e g o p ł a s z c z a [ C h r y s t u s a ] , t o b y została uzdrowiona, t o b y jakąś ł a s k ę d a ł o (mężczyzna, lat 4 0 , K a l w a r i a Pacławska, m a r z e c 2 0 0 7 ) . Wieloma osobami rządzi potrzeba wykazania, że zdarzenie, w którym brali udział, było cudowne. Większość opowieści dotyczy ingerencji opatrzności w przedsta¬ wienie wielkanocne poprzez znaczące zjawiska pogodowe czy prowadzenie akto360 �Męka Pańska symbolicznie czy dosłownie? rów tak, by ich działania zyskiwały dodatkową symbolikę. Najczęściej jednak po¬ wtarzają się historie o gwałtownej zmianie pogody podczas sceny ukrzyżowania i śmierci Chrystusa. T o jest taka b a r d z o w z r u s z a j ą c a r z e c z . T a k c h w y t a za serce. K i e d y ś t a k było, ż e w t y m m o m e n c i e z a c z ą ł p a d a ć deszcz. T o serce tak b i j e c o r a z słabiej, c o r a z ciszej. O n o d d a ¬ je ż y c i e w r ę c e O j c a i w t e d y gaśnie całe światło, jest taka tajemnica ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 35, Poznań, m a r z e c 2 0 0 6 ) . A t u t a j G o l g o t a jest na tej t a k i e j g ó r z e naszej i tam s z c z e g ó l n i e jakiś t a k i prąd p o w i e ¬ trza jest, t a k w t e n c z a s [ p o d c z a s u k r z y ż o w a n i a ] jakiś t a k i wiatr, jakoś t a k d z i w n i e (ko¬ b i e t a , lat 75, K a l w a r i a Pacławska, m a r z e c 2 0 0 7 ) . Tak, t o zawsze. I te p i o r u n y jak, jak, przepraszam, ja zaraz muszę iść. Tam jest kwes¬ tia, jak on t r a c i życie, i w t e d y te p i o r u n y co są s z t u c z n e t a k i e na te, a p o c h w i l i z c h m u r takie w y c h o d z ą ciemne, t a k i e u c z u c i e , j a k b y t o b y ł o z a ć m i e n i e ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 50, K a l w a r i a Pacławska, m a r z e c 2 0 0 7 ) . W 2006 r zaś, podczas poznańskiego misterium wystawianego w rocznicę pogrze¬ bu Jana Pawła I I , śmierć Chrystusa, jak sprawdzili organizatorzy, nastąpiła dokład¬ nie o godzinie 21.37, czyli tej samej, o której nieco ponad rok wcześniej zmarł papież. Typ dosłowny Zwolennicy Pasji Gibsona nie deprecjonują oczywiście emocji i wrażeń, jakich do¬ starcza, także im, uczestnictwo w misterium. C i , z którymi miałam okazję rozmawiać, niejednokrotnie byli twórcami bądź uczestnikami misteriów i bardzo cenili sobie możliwość doświadczenia przeżyć, które zapewnia obecność na przedstawieniu wielkanocnym. I choć misterium oddziaływało na nich, nie pozostawiało obojętny­ mi, oni sami w filmie Pasja upatrywali odpowiedniego dla swej wrażliwości religijnej sposobu pokazywania męki Pańskiej. Jednych do refleksji pobudzało właśnie okru¬ cieństwo, z jakim Gibson zekranizował drogę krzyżową, innych precyzja przedsta¬ wienia, dbałość o szczegóły, pozwalająca rozeznać się w realiach ówczesnej Jero¬ zolimy. Jeszcze inni dostrzegali w Pasji wysoko przez nich wartościowaną prawdzi¬ wość, realizm prezentacji, nieobecny w umownych jednak misteriach. Co ciekawe, to samo, co dla jednych stanowi główną wadę tego filmu, w oczach i n ­ nych staje się jego zaletą - dosłowność i brutalność przedstawienia samej męki Chry¬ stusa. Dopiero taki rodzaj bodźca, zdaniem części moich rozmówców, porusza na tyle mocno, by sprowokować do refleksji religijnej. Więcej nawet, dopiero tak dra¬ styczna prezentacja męki Pańskiej prowadzi do odczuwania empatii z Chrystusem. N o tak, ale t o p r z e c i e ż właśnie o t o chodziło. W ł a ś n i e o c i e r p i e n i e . M y ś l ę , ż e dzięki t a k i m s c e n o m l u d z i e lepiej m o g ą z r o z u m i e ć c i e r p i e n i e C h r y s t u s a . P r z e c i e ż , w i e s z , 361 �Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska w s z y s c y wiedzą, że za nas cierpiał i cierpiał. A l e n i k t nie zdaje sobie s p r a w y z t e g o c i e r p i e n i a . A tak m ó g ł się n a d n i m jakoś z a s t a n o w i ć . Z r o z u m i e ć , jak o g r o m n e b y ł o t o c i e r p i e n i e . Pasja miała t o p o k a z a ć , m o ż n a tak p o w i e d z i e ć . Bo l u d z i e się nad t y m nie zastanawiają. A jak z o b a c z ą , t o t r o c h ę t o t e ż t a k o d c z u j ą ( k o b i e t a , lat 25, Poznań, marzec 2006). Powszechne wśród moich rozmówców jest przekonanie, że dziś ludziom nie wystarczy mówić o ofierze Chrystusa, nie wystarczą i m nabożeństwa drogi krzy¬ żowej, by dotarła do nich istota męki. Trzeba i m tę historię pokazać, a co więcej, pokazać tak, by odpowiadała ich wrażliwości, niekiedy odpornej na bardziej sub¬ telne przedstawienia. Dla takich osób niemal idealnym rozwiązaniem jest właśnie film Pasja. M i się Pasja b a r d z o p o d o b a ł a . Z n a c z y nie ze w z g l ę d u , ż e tam b y ł y te d r a s t y c z n e sce¬ ny u k a z y w a n e , ale ze w z g l ę d u na to, ż e Pasja jest bliska r e a l i z m u , bliska t e j p o s t a c i . M e l G i b s o n m o ż e p o s u n ą ł się za daleko w t y m realizmie, n i e m n i e j t e n f i l m w y w o ł a ł coś. Ja słyszałem taką d y s k u s j ę na t e m a t c i e r p i e n i a t e g o C h r y s t u s a i m i się w y d a j e , że Pasja jakiś p o z y t y w n y s k u t e k wywołała. D l a t e g o ż e w i e l e o s ó b sobie nie uświadamia dokładnie, co t o jest właśnie d r o g a k r z y ż o w a , tak naprawdę. C o t o jest u k r z y ż o w a n i e , tak naprawdę. I t y m l u d z i o m trzeba t o p o k a z a ć . M o ż e n a w e t t a k t r a g i c z n i e jak w Pa­ sji, ż e b y z r o z u m i e l i ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 37, Poznań, m a r z e c 2 0 0 6 ) . Bo studiując Pismo, m o ż n a o d c z y t a ć , ż e t o m n i e j w i ę c e j t a k m o ż e w y g l ą d a ć . Te sce¬ ny, k t ó r e nas przerażają, t a k i e p o p r o s t u były. I m o i m z d a n i e m trzeba t o p o k a z a ć . Z b l i ż y ć się jak n a j b a r d z i e j d o t e g o o b r a z u , k t ó r y r z e c z y w i ś c i e się tam rozegrał. Ja my¬ ślę, ż e d o b r z e , d l a t e g o ż e c z ę s t o się t o w o g ó l e u k r y w a . T o się p o k a z u j e tak, ż e d o ¬ brze, że go ukrzyżowali, że go kopali, ale t o w s z y s t k o jest takie ugładzone. Takie ładne. Tam g o t r o c h ę ciągnęli, t r o c h ę g o k o p a l i i g o ukrzyżowali ( k o b i e t a , lat 26, B y d g o s z c z Fordon, marzec 2008). W pewnym sensie film Pasja odkrywa przed nami realia męki Pańskiej, uzupełnia wszelkie inne przedstawienia o dosłowność, okrucieństwo, których brak mógł wier¬ nych w niedostatecznym stopniu pobudzać do rozważań nad Chrystusową ofiarą. Ofiarą, na którą składało się nieludzkie cierpienie. Gibsonowska ekranizacja wręcz wymusza zastanowienie się nad sensem cierpienia Chrystusa, ponieważ po obejrze¬ niu kilkudziesięciu minut krwawej jatki nie sposób myśleć o niczym innym. Dlatego też osoby, które w filmie Pasja widzą ten najwłaściwszy sposób oddania męki Pań¬ skiej, niejednokrotnie oglądają ten film po kawałku, rozmyślając nad kolejnymi sce¬ nami i wydarzeniami; traktują go niemal tak jak zespół biblijnych czytań, z których każde można potraktować jako odrębną część. A on o g r o m n i e cierpiał. I d l a t e g o d o b r z e , że t a k i f i l m powstał, n a w e t jeśli dla niektó¬ r y c h jest z b y t d r a s t y c z n y Ja sama niektórych scen nie widziałam jeszcze, m i m o że go d r u ­ g i raz oglądam. Bo ja t o oglądam p o kawałku, r o z w a ż a j ą c ( k o b i e t a , lat 26, Fordon, marzec 2008). 362 Bydgoszcz �Męka Pańska symbolicznie czy dosłownie? Takie podejście do Pasji Gibsona czyni z oglądania jej głęboko religijne prze¬ życie. To już nie jest oglądanie filmu, to doświadczanie Pasji. Dla wielu osób szcze¬ gólnie istotne w okresie wielkiego postu i Wielkanocy Pozwala i m się bowiem przy¬ gotować zarówno na nadejście świąt upamiętniających wydarzenia prezentowane w filmie, jak i na misterium, które choć inne od Gibsonowskiej Pasji, dla tych ludzi też stanowi istotny element obchodów Wielkanocy. Bo dla m n i e t o są naprawdę t a k i e p r y w a t n e rekolekcje. Z j e d n e j s t r o n y właśnie p r z y ¬ g o t o w a n i e się d o t e g o [ m i s t e r i u m ] , ale t e ż t a k i e rekolekcje p r y w a t n e ( k o b i e t a , lat 26, Bydgoszcz F o r d o n , marzec 2008). O g l ą d a ł e m Pasję, tak, ale dla m n i e t o p r z e ż y c i e z b y t osobiste, nie b ę d ę o t y m mówił ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 3 5 , B y g d o s z c z F o r d o n , m a r z e c 2 0 0 8 ) . Oglądanie Pasji jest nie tylko doświadczeniem intymnym, to także przeżycie niezwykłe ze względu na wspomniany już przeze mnie odwzorowany w filmie ideał przedstawienia losów Chrystusa. Ideał, d o którego, inaczej niż w przekonaniu osób prezentujących t y p symboliczny, misteriom daleko. N i g d y się nie sugerowaliśmy Pasją, n o b o nie ma sensu, no, p o d r a b i a ć c o ś , c o jest c h y ­ ba d o s k o n a ł e ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 35, B y d g o s z c z F o r d o n , m a r z e c 2 0 0 8 ) . N a zakończenie Oba przedstawione typy wrażliwości pasyjnej mogą się zazębiać. Osoby, z którymi miałam okazję rozmawiać, uczestniczą w misteriach, ale oglądały też film Pasja, przy t y m jedno z tych wydarzeń zrobiło na nich większe wrażenie niż drugie. Trze¬ ba jednak pamiętać, że nie chodzi t u o rywalizację między dwoma przedstawienia¬ mi męki Chrystusa. Musimy też cały czas mieć świadomość, że nie są tutaj istotne rozważania, k t o woli film, a k t o teatr, a raczej komu jakiego rodzaju impuls religijny odpowiada. N i e jest to też wyłącznie kwestia sądu estetycznego. Ocena zarówno Pasji Gibsona, jak i poszczególnych misteriów wiąże się przede wszystkim z prze¬ życiem religijnym, ze wzruszeniem, poruszeniem, ale także z przyrównaniem tych reakcji do odczuć, jakie wywołuje uczestnictwo w nabożeństwach, w innych prak¬ tykach religijnych. Niejednokrotnie bowiem moi rozmówcy, choć film wywoływał w nich o wiele większe emocje niż misterium, mówili, że sposób przedstawiania męki Chrystusa w misterium jest i m bliższy Wrażliwość pasyjna, którą przedstawiłam, pozostaje p o d dużym wpływem kul¬ tury popularnej. Z jednej strony wyraża się on w cenieniu przez wiernych rozbudo­ wanych, wizualnych przedstawień męki Pańskiej i w twierdzeniu, że ich treści trafia¬ ją do nich o wiele skuteczniej niż czytania na mszy czy nabożeństwa wielkopostne. Z drugiej strony wyraźnym znakiem mariażu dzisiejszej religijności z kulturą popu¬ larną jest niezwykły sukces filmu Pasja. Z powodzeniem spełnia on wymogi dzisiej363 �Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska szej superprodukcji - gwiazdy w obsadzie, napięcie, wartka akcja, rozmach sceno¬ grafii. Pod tą wpisaną w kulturę masową formą przemyca jednak treści, które dla wielu osób stanowią inspirację d o głębokiej refleksji. Dzisiejsza religijność to pole przecięcia wielu porządków. To, co lokalne - organizacja swojego misterium - nie funkcjonuje już bez tego, co popularne - wszak nawet lokalne misterium niejedno¬ krotnie nosi ślady inspiracji Pasją, a podczas odprawiania drogi krzyżowej w koście­ le przypomną się sceny z tego filmu. Stąd też współczesna religijność zyskała miano religijności popularnej. W badaniach nad nią nie należy jednak pomijać wątku pa¬ syjnego i skupiać się wyłącznie na tematach dyktowanych przez model religijności ludowej. Zaryzykowałabym twierdzenie, że w religijności popularnej kult męki Pań¬ skiej zajmuje pozycję kluczową. Jak zauważa Magdalena Zowczak, w t y m typie religijności obraz odgrywa jedną z głównych ról (Zowczak 2008, s. 41). Taką też odgrywa we współczesnej wrażli¬ wości pasyjnej. Kultura popularna dostarcza mnóstwa bodźców kształtujących ten rodzaj wrażliwości, bodźców przede wszystkim wizualnych. Coraz więcej jest mis¬ teriów męki Pańskiej. Scenariusze do znacznej części z nich powstały w ciągu kilku¬ nastu ostatnich lat i ich realizatorzy pełnymi garściami czerpią z zasobów kultury popularnej - czy to przy produkcji scenografii, strojów, czy przy doborze muzyki, efektów dźwiękowych oraz świetlnych. Kolejną grupę stanowią ekranizacje męki z Pasją na czele. Film stał się źródłem dogłębnych przeżyć religijnych. Statyczny wizerunek - krucyfiks, obraz - umieszczony w d o m o w y m zaciszu czy na krańcu miejscowości nadal przypomina o męce Chrystusa, lecz coraz więcej osób zamiast wpatrywać się w martwy przedmiot, woli włączyć sobie mękę Chrystusa „na żywo" - choćby w postaci Pasji Gibsona. Bibliografia Bukraba-Rylska I . 2008 Religijność ludowa i jej niemuzykalni krytycy, „Znak", r. L X , nr 3 (634), s. 11-30 Czarnowski S. 1958 Kultura religijna wiejskiego ludu polskiego, w : Kultura religijna wiejskiego ludu pol­ skiego, Warszawa Freedberg D. 2005 Potęga wizerunków. Studia z historii i teorii oddziaływania, Kraków Hemka A., Olędzki J. 1990 Wrażliwość mirakularna, „Polska Sztuka Ludowa", t. XLIV, nr 1, s. 8-14 K i t o w i c z J. 2003 Opis obyczajów za panowania Augusta JJJ, t. I, Wrocław 364 �Męka Pańska symbolicznie czy dosłownie? Lis M . 2005 Film pasyjny: doświadczenie misterium, w: Liturgia w świecie widowisk, red. H.J. Sobeczko, Z . Solski, Opole Tokarska-Bakir J. 2000 Obraz osobliwy: hermeneutyczna lektura źródeł etnograficznych, Kraków Tomicki R. 1981 Religijność ludowa, w : Etnografia Polski. Przemiany kultury ludowej, red. M . Bier¬ nacka, M . Frankowska, W. Paprocka, Wrocław Zowczak M . 2008 Między tradycją a komercją, „Znak", r. L X , nr 3 (634), s. 31-44 365 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/316b96c14d65473d2d21e20118b6cebf.pdf a71cb3cab20fda3a124306cd86886d0b Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5012 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource kultura społeczna wesele rodzina Macedonia - obrzędy weselne Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4649 Title A name given to the resource Peczalbarskie wesele - prestiż, tradycja i więzi rodzinne w Zachodniej Macedonii / Antropolog wobec współczesności Description An account of the resource Antropolog wobec współczesności pod red. Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.395-412 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bielenin-Lenczowska, Karolina Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Karolina Bielenin-Lenczowska Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Peczalbarskie wesele prestiż, tradycja i więzi rodzinne w zachodniej Macedonii Peczalba (tur. gurbet, alb. kurbet) jest zjawiskiem tradycyjnego zarobkowania miesz­ kańców Półwyspu Bałkańskiego, notowanym w źródłach historycznych od drugiej połowy X I X w., po wojnach krymskich. Początkowo była to sezonowa migracja mężczyzn 1 , którzy opuszczali rodzinne strony w okresie wiosenno-letnim (od św. Jerzego - 6 maja, do św. Dymitra - 8 listopada 2 ), aby nająć się do pracy w rolnictwie, pasterstwie czy budownictwie. Peczalba była szczególnie popularna we wschodniej i środkowej części Półwyspu Bałkańskiego, a peczalbari cieszyli się w swojej s p o ł e c z ­ ności znacznym prestiżem. Migrowano z biednych, górzystych regionów w boga­ tsze niziny i doliny rzek. Jak podaje za Ferdynandem Braudelem bułgarski antropo­ log Petko Hristow, taki s p o s ó b zarobkowania był charakterystyczny dla całego base­ nu Morza Śródziemnego (Hristow 2008). Kierunki migracji zależały od aktualnej sytuacji społeczno-politycznej. A zatem z zachodniej Macedonii, w t y m z regionu Reka, o którym traktuje niniejszy tekst, wyjeżdżano w czasach imperium osmań­ skiego do Salonik i Stambułu, a po wojnach bałkańskich do Belgradu. Ze wschodniej Macedonii j e ż d ż o n o przede wszystkim do Sofii. Albańczycy z kolei wyjeżdżali do wolnej już wtedy Albanii. O d początku X X w. z a c z ę t o migrować do Stanów Z j e d ­ noczonych i Kanady (przede wszystkim, aby uniknąć wcielenia do armii), a następ­ nie do różnych krajów Europy Zachodniej (Hristow 2008). Obecnie zmienił się model migracji: od kilku, kilkunastu lat wyjeżdżają całe ro¬ dziny i spędzają na obczyźnie większą c z ę ś ć roku. M i m o tej zmiany wydaje się, że zasada pozostała taka sama - miejscem odniesienia jest dla peczalbarów kraj po¬ chodzenia, czyli w t y m przypadku Macedonia (zob. Pieszczyk 2008 i 2009). Nadal 1 Petko Hristow notuje, że istniało zróżnicowanie peczalbarów pod względem płci i wieku. Jeśli chodzi o kobiety migrowały jedynie panny, mężatki pozostawały w domu i zajmowały się gospodarst­ wem oraz wychowywaniem dzieci (Hristow 2005, s. 87-88). 2 Daty podaję zgodnie z kalendarzem juliańskim, używanym przez prawosławnych Macedończyków. 395 �Karolina Bielenin-Lenczowska peczalba postrzegana jest jako migracja sezonowa - wraca się bowiem, tak jak daw­ niej, na najważniejsze święta rodzinne (poza weselami w społecznościach muzuł­ mańskich jest to również obrzezanie chłopców 3 , często zresztą organizowane przy okazji wesela) oraz wypełnia społeczno-rodzinne powinności, takie jak wzajemne odwiedzanie się, nawiązywanie nowych relacji i podtrzymywanie więzi już istnie¬ jących. Powroty dają także możliwość zademonstrowania zarobionych za granicą pieniędzy - przez inwestycję w nowy, duży dom, przyjazd drogim samochodem czy choćby pokazanie najnowszego modelu telefonu komórkowego i wydawanie pieniądze w okolicznych lokalach. A także przez organizację wystawnego wesela. Ten nowy model peczalby jest w zasadzie również migracją m ę ż c z y z n - mimo że obecnie wyjeżdżają całe rodziny zwykle jedynie mężczyźni (ojciec i synowie) pracują. Kobiety wykonują pracę zarobkową tylko w sytuacji, gdy brakuje środków na utrzymanie całej rodziny z pensji mężów. N i e oznacza to oczywiście, że nie zmieniają się w ogóle relacje między kobietami a mężczyznami w rodzinie, choć ra­ czej nie są one przenoszone na sytuację w Macedonii. Sam fakt, że wyjeżdżają razem i spędzają czas przede wszystkim w gronie najbliższych, powoduje, że np. mężczy¬ źni więcej czasu poświęcają swoim żonom i dzieciom, choć też za granicą pracują znacznie więcej niż w Macedonii, więc de facto czasu dla rodziny nie mają zbyt wiele. Deklarują jednak, że okazują swoim żonom więcej szacunku niż ich krewni w kraju pochodzenia. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest pokazanie, jak poprzez organizację uroczystoś¬ ci weselnej demonstrowany jest prestiż (oraz jak to pojęcie jest konceptualizowane), w jakim stopniu wesele peczalbarów jest sposobem na utrzymanie rodzin¬ nych więzi z krewnymi pozostającymi w Macedonii oraz rozsianymi po różnych miejscach na świecie, a także w jaki s p o s ó b przekazywane są tradycyjne wartości i zwyczaje. Teren badań Zachodnia Macedonia jest wieloetniczna i wielowyznaniowa. Zamieszkują ją oso¬ by deklarujące się jako Macedończycy, Albańczycy i Turcy wyznający prawosławie oraz różne odłamy islamu. Materiał do niniejszego tekstu pochodzi z badań terenowych, które prowadzi¬ łam w latach 2006-2008 w gminie Centar Zupa w okolicach Debaru oraz w okolicz­ nych gminach należących do regionu Reka. Obszar ten zamieszkują przede wszystkim M a c e d o ń s c y muzułmanie (zwani - zwykle pejoratywnie - Torbeszami 4 ), Albań- Hristow podaje, że w rodzinnej wsi odbywało się również opłakiwanie i symboliczny pogrzeb zmarłego za granicą peczalbara (Hristow 2008). 4 Negatywne nacechowanie tego określenia wiąże się z ludową etymologią, według której Torbesze to ci, którzy sprzedali się za torbę sera (lub w innej wersji - mąki), tj. sprzedali swoją wiarę (chrześci­ jaństwo) i przyjęli islam. 3 396 �Peczalbarskie wesele - prestiż, tradycja i więzi rodzinne w zachodniej Macedonii czycy oraz - najliczniej reprezentowani - Turcy C i , którzy deklarują się jako Turcy dzielą się na dwie kategorie: tych, którzy posługują się na co dzień językiem turec­ kim i mają silne związki z Turcją (mieszkańcy tzw. Górnej Z u p y ) , oraz tych, którzy wyznają islam, tureckiego nie znają i których językiem ojczystym jest macedoński. Mówią oni o sobie, że zapomnieli języka tureckiego, t j . że ze względu na wielowiekowe życie poza swoją ojczyzną (Turcją - deklarują oni wszak, że są potomkami Turków osmańskich) nie mieli możliwości posługiwania się językiem tureckim. O k o ł o 10 lat temu w szkole podstawowej w Centar Zupie język turecki został wprowadzony jako wykładowy (obok macedońskiego i albańskiego) - rośnie więc nowe pokolenie Turków znających język turecki i utrzymujących związki z Turcją (np. przez wyjazd na studia do Stambułu). W miejscowościach, które badałam, obecnie mieszkają wyłącznie muzułmanie (z nielicznymi wyjątkami), jednak do lat 60. X X w. w niemal każdej wsi istniało hristijansko maalo, t j . chrześcijańska c z ę ś ć wioski. Oznacza to, że dwuwyznaniowe społeczności nie żyły z sobą w b e z p o ś r e d n i m sąsiedztwie, ale zamieszkiwały dwie odrębne części wsi. Prawosławni wyjechali z rodzinnych miejscowości w latach 60-70. X X w. w poszukiwaniu pracy do macedońskich miast - głównie do Skopje 5 . W rodzinnych wsiach mają zwykle domy do których przyjeżdżają w weekendy b ą d ź na wakacje. Muzułmanie nie wyemigrowali do miast, lecz zaczęli wyjeżdżać za granicę na peczalbę. Gdy w 1968 r. Jugosławia podpisała z Republiką Federalną Niemiec umowę 0 sprowadzeniu gastarbeiterów, wyjechało wielu m ę ż c z y z n - najczęściej z Chor¬ wacji, ale również z Macedonii czy Bośni (zob. Bringa 1995). Przebywali za granicą nawet kilkadziesiąt lat i wracali do ojczyzny dopiero na emeryturę. Pracowali w trud­ nych warunkach jako robotnicy fizyczni i mieli bardzo ograniczony (w zasadzie tylko listowny rzadko telefoniczny) kontakt z rodziną , która pozostawała w Macedonii. W latach 90. X X w. rozpoczęła się masowa migracja z Centar Z u p y i okolicy do Włoch. Jest to obecnie najważniejsze źródło d o c h o d ó w mieszkańców tego regionu, ponieważ niemal każda rodzina ma we W ł o s z e c h krewnych, którzy wspierają ją f i ¬ nansowo. Migrują muzułmanie niezależnie od przynależności etnicznej. M o d e l mi¬ gracji wygląda w ten sposób, że najpierw wyjeżdża mężczyzna i dopiero po jakimś czasie sprowadza żonę, dzieci i ewentualnie innych członków rodziny W zasadzie wszyscy są we W ł o s z e c h legalnie; kiedy tam przyjeżdżają, mają już zapewnione mieszkanie i pracę. Korzystają bowiem z pomocy swoich krewnych i znajomych, którzy na peczalbę wyjechali wcześniej. Wykorzystują więc tzw. sieci społeczne (social networks) (Levitt 2001, s. 8), czyli ponadgraniczne więzi pokrewieństwa, przyjaźni i przywiązania do miejsca pochodzenia, łączące zarówno migrantów, jak 1 niemigrantów oraz migrantów powrotnych. Jak zostało powiedziane, większość 5 Nie oznacza to jednak, że współczesna peczalba jest zjawiskiem występującym tylko wśród muzułmanów. Zarówno ta dawna, jak i obecna obejmuje obywateli Macedonii różnych wyznań. 397 �Karolina Bielenin-Lenczowska kobiet nie pracuje zarobkowo; niektóre tylko zatrudniają się jako opiekunki do dzieci b ą d ź sprzątaczki. Podział pracy ze względu na płeć jest taki sam, jak w Mace­ donii - w kraju pochodzenia kobiety również rzadko pracują zarobkowo: zajmują się prowadzeniem domu i wychowywaniem dzieci. Jeśli już idą do pracy zatrudniają się jako nauczycielki, pielęgniarki, sprzątaczki, ewentualnie sprzedawczynie w skle¬ pach prowadzonych przez m ę ż ó w lub ojców. M ę ż c z y ź n i z kolei pracują zwykle w budownictwie (niektórzy zakładają własne firmy w których zatrudniają swoich bliższych i dalszych sąsiadów z Macedonii). Drugi ważny element życia na peczalbie, b ę d ą c y przeniesieniem systemu z kraju pochodzenia, to całkowita kontrola gło¬ wy rodziny nad finansami. Oznacza to, że nieżonaci synowie oddają zarobione pie­ niądze ojcu, który dysponuje nimi według własnego uznania. Synowie zatem nie mają własnych o s z c z ę d n o ś c i , co w praktyce sprowadza się do tego, że o wszystko muszą prosić ojca, np. o pozwolenie na wyjście do kawiarni czy do dyskoteki. Dalej oznacza to, że ojciec ma również kontrolę nad t y m , kiedy, d o k ą d i z k i m wychodzi jego syn. Taka sama, a nawet ostrzejsza kontrola sprawowana jest nad córkami, które po pierwsze, nie pracują, a po drugie, nie zezwala się im na wychodzenie do miasta. Anna Hausmaninger, która prowadziła badania we wsi w okolicach Strugi, dowodzi, że migracja prawosławnych do miast, a muzułmanów za granicę związana jest z więk¬ szym zurbanizowaniem chrześcijan i ich łatwiejszym dostosowaniem się do warun¬ ków życia w mieście. Muzułmanie, jej zdaniem, urbanizują się dopiero na peczalbie (Hausmaninger 2005). O p o w i e ś c i młodych peczalbarów wyglądają jednak zupełnie inaczej niż rzeczy¬ wistość. Zapytani o życie we Włoszech, rozmarzają się i opowiadają o nieustannych zabawach, nocnych wypadach do miasta, dyskotekach i niezliczonych dziewczy¬ nach. C z ę s t o również przedstawiają się włoskimi imionami-pseudonimami (np. Leo czy Marco). Używają ich we W ł o s z e c h i tłumaczą to t y m , że miejscowi mieliby problem z wymówieniem trudnych macedońskich, tureckich czy albańskich imion. Przyznają również (i to wydaje się ważniejszą przyczyną używania pseudonimów), że c z ę s t o nie podają kraju swojego pochodzenia, lecz np. mówią, że są z Chorwacji. W y n i k a to z niechęci W ł o c h ó w do imigrantów i obcych w ogóle, a także z niepo¬ chlebnej opinii o przybyszach z Macedonii (zwłaszcza o Albańczykach). Takie opo¬ wieści mają na celu przede wszystkim wzbudzenie zazdrości wśród innych miesz¬ kańców Z u p y oraz wykreowanie szczególnego, prestiżowego wizerunku peczalbara w kraju pochodzenia. Bycie migrantem, Jtalijancem , jest bowiem jednym z istot¬ nych wyznaczników identyfikacji, zwłaszcza młodych mężczyzn. Jednakże, inda¬ gowani, r o z m ó w c y przyznają, że życie we W ł o s z e c h to przede wszystkim ciężka praca, brak czasu wolnego i całkowita kontrola rodziców nad dziećmi oraz wcale nie 6 6 Mianem Jtalijanec, czyli Włoch, określa się migrantów z Macedonii do Włoch. Nie oznacza to oczywiście, że utożsamia się ich z etnicznymi Włochami. Zresztą sami peczalbarzy nie mówią o sobie Jtalijanci, ale właśnie peczalbari. 398 �Peczalbarskie wesele - prestiż, tradycja i więzi rodzinne w zachodniej Macedonii takie znów wysokie zarobki (biorąc pod uwagę znacznie większe wydatki niż w M a ­ cedonii). M i m o że w zasadzie każda osoba w Zupie wie (jeśli nie z własnego do¬ świadczenia, to z opowiadań kogoś z rodziny), jak naprawdę wygląda życie na peczalbie, jest utrzymywany i reprodukowany mit o nieograniczonej wolności m꿬 czyzn i ogromnych pieniądzach. To z kolei, a także potrzeba podniesienia swojego statusu w oczach społeczności z kraju pochodzenia, skutkuje t y m , że peczalbarzy w Macedonii żyją ponad stan, budują wielkie i kosztowne domy, kupują drogie sa¬ mochody oraz organizują wystawne uroczystości - c z ę s t o za pieniądze z zaciągnię­ tych we W ł o s z e c h kredytów. Jest to zresztą sytuacja d o ś ć uniwersalna dla środo¬ wisk migranckich i wymaga rozleglejszych studiów porównawczych. O b r z ę d weselny Tradycyjne muzułmańskie wesele w Macedonii trwa co najmniej trzy dni, a zwykle pięć - od środy do niedzieli, nawet do poniedziałku. Zgodnie z powiedzeniem sekoje selo, baszka adet (co wieś, to obyczaj) o b r z ę d o w o ś ć jest bardzo zróżnicowana. Co więcej, pewne zwyczaje różnią się nie tylko w poszczególnych miejscowościach, ale nawet w obrębie rodzin. Poniżej przedstawiam najważniejsze, najbardziej charak¬ terystyczne elementy wesela, po części zaobserwowane przeze mnie we wsiach Brosztica i M a l Papradnik w 2007 r., a po części zaobserwowane przez Ibraima Saitowskiego w Broszticy (Saitowski 2001) i Filis Sinanoską we wsi D o l n o Koliczani (Sinanoska 2007). Ten ostatni opis nie pochodzi z regionu, który badałam, ale doty¬ czy macedońskich muzułmanów i stanowi dla poniższego opisu materiał pomoc¬ niczy Większość terminów związanych z o b r z ę d o w o ś c i ą weselną przedstawiam za powyższymi publikacjami, przede wszystkim dlatego, że wiele z nich słyszałam w różnych wersjach gwarowych. Ponadto nie udało mi się, niestety, uczestniczyć we wszystkich częściach wesela, przede wszystkim dlatego, że pewne o b r z ę d y odby¬ wają się jednocześnie w domu chłopaka i w domu dziewczyny D o tych pierwszych jako kobieta nie miałam d o s t ę p u . Zresztą opisy poszczególnych zwyczajów prezen­ tują je z reguły osobno, jako odrębne całości (zob. Saitowski 2001; Zadrożyńska 1995). Ponadto nie wszystkie z opisanych o b r z ę d ó w się zachowały choć wielu roz¬ m ó w c ó w mi o nich wspominało. W środę w domu chłopaka odbywa się tzw. tupanje czenica (uderzanie pszenicy) - zaprasza się całą wieś i wszyscy mężczyźni mają za zadanie gnieść drewnianym m o ź d z i e r z e m pszenicę, która potem, ugotowana z cukrem, b ę d z i e posiłkiem dla gości weselnych. Z kolei w domu dziewczyny odbywa się domesuwanie, czyli zarabia¬ nie ciasta na pitę, która zostanie podana rodzinie panny młodej. Ciasto robi panna młoda i inne dziewczęta, które do niej przychodzą. Wieczorem kobiety i dziewczę¬ ta (krewne i przyjaciółki) farbują henną dłonie i włosy panny młodej. W czwartek nosi się do domu dziewczyny czeiz, czyli posag, a także wszystkie prezenty darowa¬ ne narzeczonej - są to najczęściej pościel, kołdry, poduszki. D o dziewczyny idzie również grupa, zwana kalesznica - tworzy ją kobieta (siostra pana młodego lub żona 399 �Karolina Bielenin-Lenczowska jego starszego brata) oraz pięcioro dzieci. Kobieta niesie tacę z kosmetykami, a dzie¬ ci naczynia z sorbetem. Sorbet oraz inne słodkie napoje lub potrawy, pojawiające się kilkakrotnie w o b r z ę d o w o ś c i weselnej, mają sprawić, że panna młoda b ę d z i e „słodka"; jeśli oboje narzeczeni piją sorbet lub jedzą słodycze, to po to, by zagwa¬ rantować sobie słodkie życie. W piątek do domu dziewczyny przychodzą krewni pana młodego, których należy ugościć (tzw. kumsto) i których witają chłopcy z ro¬ dziny zwani preczakualeni. Obecnie zamiast kumsto podaje się słodycze, po m a c e d o ń sku blago (muzułmanie z miejscowości, które badałam, na takie okazje przygotowy¬ wali przede wszystkim baklawę, choć słodkich o b r z ę d o w y c h potraw mają tak wiele, że można by im poświęcić o s o b n ą pracę). Z piątku na s o b o t ę w domu panny młodej kucharz i jego pomocnicy przygo¬ towują jedzenie dla grupy mężczyzn, tzw. kumstari. W s o b o t ę wieczorem ręce i nogi dziewczyny są malowane henną, a ona kładzie się do łóżka z dwoma chłopczykami - aby rodziła chłopców. W t e d y też na ustrojonym koniu brat pana młodego jedzie z kumstari do narzeczonej - trzyma w dłoni kwiat ozdobiony pieniędzmi. Tego dnia nad drzwiami domu pana młodego zawiesza się flagę. Wieczorem bajraktari (m꿬 czyźni, którzy niosą flagę, chorąży; od bajrak - flaga, chorągiew) oraz kobiety tzw. kanarici, a także kumstari idą z muzyką i słodyczami do dziewczyny. W sobotnią noc przygotowuje się jedzenie, aby już o ósmej rano bajraktari i tapandżiji (mężczyźni grający na bębnach - tapanach) mogli wezwać całą wieś na posiłek. Po posiłku na¬ stępuje golenie (briczenie) pana młodego, znane też jako lepenje pari (przyklejanie pieniędzy). Robi to zwykle brat panny młodej lub mąż którejś z kuzynek. Pan mło­ dy sadzany jest na środku placu (w Broszticy odbywało się to na jednym z p o d w ó - 400 �Peczalbarskie wesele - prestiż, tradycja i więzi rodzinne w zachodniej Macedonii rek obok głównego placu we wsi), dwie kuzynki (panny) trzymają rozłożony ręcz¬ nik, a p o z o s t a ł e osoby smarują mężczyźnie twarz kremem do golenia i obdarowują go pieniędzmi, przyklejając je do nakremowanej brody (Sinanoska 2007, s. 4). Później wokół pana młodego tańczy się tradycyjny taniec korowodowy - oro. M u z y k ę , która towarzyszy wszystkim tańcom weselnym, grają miejscowi, czyli po­ chodzący z Debaru, Cyganie/Romowie. Oro prowadzi matka pana młodego, trzy¬ mając w dłoni sito, wałek oraz ciasto. Na głowie ma fez, który zostanie włożony na jego głowę. N a s t ę p n i e przygotowuje się konie - biały dla panny młodej oraz inne, na których zostanie przywieziony jej posag. Najpierw na konia panny młodej siada jej przyszły teść i z weselnikami oraz bajraktarami udaje się do niej; zgodnie ze zwy¬ czajem po drodze, na środku wsi, muszą razem zatańczyć dwa lub trzy ora. Po przy¬ byciu teść zsiada z konia i sadza na nim swą przyszłą synową. Wyruszają do domu pana młodego, a na miejscu wprowadza on do środka swą przyszłą żonę. Wykonuje się wtedy różne czynności, mające zapewnić dobre życie dziewczyny w nowym do¬ mu oraz zagwarantować, że będzie dobrą gospodynią, np. musi ona wziąć do ręki ko¬ ciołek, wałek do ciasta czy miskę do prania (Sinanoska 2007, s. 5). Tego dnia prosi się również hodżę, aby odprawił uroczystość zgodnie z zasadami islamu. Jest to zwyczaj, o którym mówili mi rozmówcy jednak w praktyce hodża nie zawsze jest obecny W niedzielę chodzi się także na prwiczari - pierwszą wizytę panny młodej, pana młodego i teściowej w domu rodzinnym dziewczyny. W poniedziałek rano tapandżiji budzą pana młodego. W t e d y też prezentuje się zakrwawione prześcieradło, by potwierdzić, że panna była dziewicą. Jeśli okazałoby się, że nie była, zhańbioną należałoby odesłać do domu rodzinnego, posadziwszy tyłem na ośle. Jeśli wszystko jest w porządku, uroczystość weselna trwa dalej. Współcześnie jest to bardzo istotny element wesela. O ile dziewczyny już nie odsyła się do domu na ośle, o tyle hańba, którą się okrywa, jest dla niej ogromnym piętnem. Traktowana jest jako osoba nieczysta (ne e newina), co oczywiście utrudnia jej kolejne zamążpójście. Dlatego też istnieje wiele strategii mających na celu ukrycie problemu. W przypadku gdy młodzi sami wcześniej skonsumowali związek, oboje próbują swój „grzech" ukryć, prezentując na prześcieradle krew ze skale¬ czonej ręki lub nogi, albo też np. krew jakiegoś zwierzęcia zabitego na tę okazję (zwykle r o z m ó w c y mówili o kogucie). Jednak gdy przyszły mąż nie wie o wcześ¬ niejszych relacjach seksualnych narzeczonej, ucieka się ona do chirurgicznego za¬ biegu zaszycia błony dziewiczej. Ta praktyka jest d o ś ć powszechna, czego dowo¬ dem jest z a m o ż n o ś ć ginekolożki z Debaru, świadczącej taką usługę i otwarcie podającej jej cenę - 500 euro (zresztą wiele kobiet z Centar Zupy, aby uniknąć możliwych plotek, wyjeżdża na zabieg do Tetowa lub innych większych miast za¬ chodniej Macedonii). W następnej części wesela dziewczyna z dwoma chłopczykami idzie do studni po w o d ę . Kolejne pojawienie się w o b r z ę d o w o ś c i weselnych małych chłopców ma ten sam cel: spowodowanie, aby młoda mężatka rodziła tylko synów (więcej w: Si401 �Karolina Bielenin-Lenczowska nanoska 2007). Wesele kończy się tańczeniem oro przez pana młodego (zetowsko oro) oraz przez pannę młodą (newestinsko oro). Dla niniejszej pracy szczególnie ważne w całej uroczystości są częste wzajemne w i z y t y w domu dziewczyny i chłopaka. W t e d y bowiem jest okazja, czy nawet ko¬ nieczność, pokazania wystawności wesela - wszelkie bowiem tego typu odwiedzi­ ny związane są z wymianą darów oraz przygotowywaniem posiłków. Demonstracja majątku odbywa się również podczas przewożenia posagu panny młodej do domu jej przyszłego męża, a także podczas tańców wykonywanych w publicznej prze¬ strzeni wsi czy na podwórkach. O ile bowiem na c z ę ś ć wesela, tj. wzajemne odwie¬ dziny w domu chłopaka i dziewczyny, zapraszani są tylko krewni, sąsiedzi i przyja¬ ciele, o tyle wieczorne tańce czy te odbywające się na wiejskich placach i podwór¬ kach są obserwowane (i komentowane) przez całą s p o ł e c z n o ś ć wiejską. Wesele w Macedonii Peczalbari nigdy nie organizują wesel w kraju, do którego migrują. M i m o że za gra¬ nicę wyjeżdżają całe rodziny i spędzają tam większą c z ę ś ć roku, na tę uroczystość zawsze wracają 7 do ojczyzny. Tradycyjna, sezonowa peczalba była organizowana w taki sam s p o s ó b - mężczyźni wyjeżdżali w sezonie wiosenno-letnim i wracali je¬ sienią. W t e d y to, jesienią i zimą, organizowano najważniejsze uroczystości rodzin¬ ne, w t y m również wesela czy obrzezania 8 . Obecnie przyjeżdżają w sierpniu - mie¬ siącu, który we W ł o s z e c h jest czasem urlopów. W t e d y to, ponieważ to tylko jeden miesiąc, w peczalbarskich wsiach odbywa się kilka wesel dziennie. Organizacja we¬ sel w kraju pochodzenia związana jest z kilkoma czynnikami - przede wszystkim r o z m ó w c y uważają za istotne to, aby uroczystość odbyła się zgodnie z tradycją. Jak stwierdził jeden z r o z m ó w c ó w Ewy Pieszczyk: „Skąd we W ł o s z e c h wziąć np. muzy­ kantów? Przecież nie ma tam takich muzyków, którzy by znali i grali taką muzykę" (Pieszczyk 2008, s. 24). Oczywiście w znacznej mierze jest to tylko pretekst, pe¬ wien s p o s ó b racjonalizacji takiego postępowania. Również we W ł o s z e c h można znaleźć muzyków grających odpowiednią muzyką. Jednak nie chodzi o samą muzy¬ kę, a raczej wykonawców - muszą nimi być Cyganie, ponieważ to właśnie ich uważa się za najlepszych do tej roli. Zapewne również dałoby się ich we W ł o s z e c h znaleźć. Ale, co jest d u ż o ważniejsze, na wesele należy zaprosić krewnych i znajomych, któ¬ rych c z ę ś ć pozostała w Macedonii. Ponadto tradycyjna endogamia nakazuje, aby przyszli małżonkowie pochodzili z tej samej wsi lub z najbliższej okolicy. I wreszcie, należy mieć możliwość zademonstrowania swojego majątku przed własną społecz¬ nością. A zatem organizacja wesela we W ł o s z e c h nie miałaby sensu - trudno było­ by znaleźć odpowiedniego partnera / odpowiednią partnerkę, mimo że często oboje 7 Wizyty peczalbarów w ojczyźnie, mimo że odbywają się zwykle raz w roku i trwają miesiąc, są z reguły określane jako powroty. 8 W przypadku migrantów chrześcijan - chrzty. 402 �Peczalbarskie wesele - prestiż, tradycja i więzi rodzinne w zachodniej Macedonii młodzi żyją na peczalbie, uroczystość zapewne nie zostałaby odpowiednio ocenio­ na pod względem zachowania tradycji (a takie oceny moi rozmówcy wystawiali licz¬ nym weselom) oraz nie doceniono by wysiłku związanego z jej finansowaniem. W y b ó r partnera czy partnerki wiąże się z krajem, regionem czy wręcz wsią po¬ chodzenia. O ile już zwykle nie ma aranżowanych małżeństw (choć słyszałam o takich, a nawet poznałam 15-letniego chłopaka, który swoją przyszłą żonę widział tylko na zdjęciu), o tyle rodzice c z ę s t o mają decydujący głos w sprawie w y b o r u przyszłego małżonka / przyszłej małżonki. Sprawą najistotniejszą jest religia, a dok¬ ładniej to, aby przyszli małżonkowie byli jednego wyznania. W miejscowościach, w których prowadziłam badania, rzadko spotyka się mieszane wyznaniowo małżeń¬ stwa albo nie spotyka się ich w ogóle. Co więcej, dla moich r o z m ó w c ó w pojęcie małżeństwa mieszanego dotyczy jedynie związków muzułmanina z prawosławną (islam nie zabrania takich związków, w przeciwieństwie do sytuacji, w której muzułmanka chciałaby poślubić niemuzułmanina), a nie np. małżeństw mieszanych etnicz¬ nie. Na pytanie więc, czy zdarzają się małżeństwa mieszane, o d p o w i e d ź moich r o z m ó w c ó w była negatywna lub przytaczano jakieś nieliczne przykłady osób, które wyjechały ze wsi (zwykle do miasta, a nie za granicę). Związki z Włoszkami (o mał¬ żeństwach Macedonki 9 z W ł o c h e m w ogóle nie ma mowy) nie są pochwalane, cho¬ ciaż tolerowane. Za podstawową przeszkodę uważa się właśnie różnicę wyznaniową, a w t y m m.in. inne zwyczaje żywieniowe czy dokładniej zakaz jedzenia wieprzowi­ ny i - w mniejszym zakresie - picia alkoholu przez muzułmanów. Związki mieszane etnicznie (a te w samej zachodniej Macedonii są liczne) nie są w ogóle traktowane jako „mieszane". Przynależność etniczna nie jest bowiem tak istotna jak religijna. Ponieważ małżeństwa zawierane są w obrębie jednej (jak np. Brosztica) lub kilku wsi, istotna jest dokładna z n a j o m o ś ć stopni pokrewieństwa p o m i ę d z y p o s z c z e g ó l ­ nymi osobami, aby nie d o s z ł o do kazirodztwa. Zakaz zawierania związków małżeń¬ skich obowiązuje do siódmego pokolenia, a także obejmuje dzieci rodziców chrzest¬ nych czy osoby karmione mlekiem tej samej kobiety (Saitowski 2001, s. 22; Zadrożyńska 1995, s. 91-92). W Zupie dwojgu młodym ludziom nie jest łatwo się spotkać i poznać. Dziew¬ częta nie bywają w miejscach publicznych, rodzice nie zezwalają im na wychodze¬ nie do kawiarń czy dyskotek. Poznanie się zwykle jest zapośredniczone przez kogoś z krewnych - brata, kuzyna. Pośrednik podaje zainteresowanemu chłopakowi numer telefonu dziewczyny lub aranżuje spotkanie. Okazją do zapoznania się jest również uczestnictwo w weselu lub różnych świętach (Czyżewska, w druku). Wprawdzie większość czasu podczas wesela mężczyźni i kobiety spędzają osobno lub w gronie 9 Pisząc „Macedonka", mam na myśli przynależność państwową, a nie etniczną, t j . może chodzić np. o Albankę z Macedonii. Zresztą dla większości moich rozmówców „Macedończyk" oznacza wy¬ znawcę prawosławia. Gdy macedońscy muzułmanie mówili o sobie, że są „Macedończykami", zwyk¬ le dodawali, że wyznają islam. 403 �Karolina Bielenin-Lenczowska bliskich krewnych, to jednak wieczory są czasem tańców i wspólnej zabawy Z kolei prawie wszystkie święta peczalbari spędzają za granicą. Jednakże, np. w zamieszkałej przez etnicznych Turków wsi N o w a k (Górna Zupa), zwyczajowo przyjeżdżają oni na Giurgiowden (6 maja). W wigilię święta wieczorem odświętnie ubrani 1 0 miesz¬ kańcy udają się na w z g ó r z e za wsią. Tam chłopcy zbierają roślinę zwaną kukurek, którą wręczają d z i e w c z ę t o m . Później odbywa się zabawa przy muzyce. Jest to, po¬ dobnie jak opisywane przez Annę Z a d r o ż y ń s k ą (1995, s. 92) Lazarki, okazja d o za¬ prezentowania się młodych. T u ponadto pojawia się możliwość b e z p o ś r e d n i e g o za¬ sygnalizowania sympatii - przez wręczenie ulubionej dziewczynie kukurka. Młodzi, którzy postanawiają być razem i których rodzice g o d z ą się na ich zwią¬ zek, zaręczają się. Zaręczyny odbywają się za pośrednictwem swata (strojnik), który udaje się d o rodziców dziewczyny z prośbą o oficjalną z g o d ę na ślub. N a s t ę p n i e spotykają się rodzice obojga młodych, ustalają wielkość posagu panny młodej oraz datę wesela i jego wystawność wesela. Koszt takiej uroczystości to około 15 tysięcy euro, z czego około jedna trzecia przeznaczana jest na złotą biżuterię dla panny młodej, kupowaną przez rodzinę chłopaka (Pieszczyk 2009). Znaczna c z ę ś ć wese¬ la, aby mógł być ukazany jego koszt i t y m samym podniesiony (lub obniżony) pres¬ tiż organizatorów, odbywa się w publicznej przestrzeni wsi lub przynajmniej na podwórku domu. Dzięki temu sąsiedzi mogą, a wręcz powinni przyjść i popatrzeć. Zwyczaj nakazuje, aby orszak weselny z głośną muzyką cygańską przedefilował przez wioskę - można wtedy ujrzeć barwne, bogate stroje kobiece (zmieniane kilka razy w ciągu całej uroczystości). Podczas tańców zaś goście rzucają muzykom bank­ noty G o ś c i e mają okazję (a nawet są do tego zachęcani) obejrzeć pokój panny mło¬ dej zastawiony prezentami. Ją samą, wystrojoną i o z d o b i o n ą złotą biżuterią, można - i powinno się - podziwiać. Przez c z ę ś ć wesela stoi ona nieruchomo w t y m poko¬ ju, należy więc dotrzymywać jej towarzystwa. Peczalbarskie powroty są również czasem odnawiania i zacieśniania więzi rodzin¬ nych . Jest t o okazja d o spotkania się zarówno z krewnymi, którzy pozostali w M a ­ cedonii, jak i z tymi, którzy również gdzieś wyemigrowali. C z ę s t o jest nawet tak, ż e migranci d o W ł o c h spotykają się tylko w Macedonii, nigdy we Włoszech, nawet jeśli mieszkają tam blisko siebie. Włochy bowiem postrzegane są jako kraj, w którym jedynie zarabia się pieniądze na życie, za to w Macedonii żyje się naprawdę (se użiwa - korzysta się z życia), na co zresztą we W ł o s z e c h nawet nie ma czasu. Tym istot¬ nym elementem korzystania z życia jest wzajemne odwiedzanie się i spędzanie cza¬ su wspólnie z krewnymi i sąsiadami. Niemniej migranci żyją w dwóch kontekstach - macedońskim i włoskim. M o ż n a więc określić migrantów do W ł o c h jako transmigrantów, t j . takich, którzy na co dzień utrzymują więzi z krajem zarówno wysy¬ łającym, jak i przyjmującym. Są to, jak piszą Linda Basch, Nina Glick Schiller i C r i ­ stina Szanton Blanc, „imigranci, których życie codzienne zależy o d różnorodnych 10 Dla kobiet oznacza to tradycyjny strój świąteczny a dla mężczyzn - garnitur. 404 �Peczalbarskie wesele - prestiż, tradycja i więzi rodzinne w zachodniej Macedonii i stałych związków przekraczających granice państwowe oraz których tożsamości publiczne tworzone są w odniesieniu do więcej niż jednego państwa narodowego" (Basch i in. 1995, s. 48). Macedonia jest dla peczalbarów punktem odniesienia - to tu buduje się prestiż i t u korzysta się z życia, jak mówią moi rozmówcy, podczas miesięcznych wakacji od ciężkiej pracy zarobkowej. Prestiż Pojęcie prestiżu nierozerwalnie wiąże się zarówno z samym byciem peczalbarem (profesja ta zapewniała wysoką p o z y c j ę społeczną - zob. H r i s t o w 2008), jak i z ma¬ terialnym oraz społecznym jego funkcjonowaniem. D o t y c z y głównie m ę ż c z y z n i jest wpisane w pojęcie „męskości" w ogóle. W analizowanym materiale prestiż peczalbara wiąże się przede wszystkim z pozycją młodych, nieżonatych mężczyzn, którzy demonstrują swój materialny status poprzez strój, nowy model telefonu komórkowego, samochód czy ostentacyjne wydawanie pieniędzy w kawiarniach i dyskotekach. Z kolei kosztowne domy oraz wystawne wesela budują prestiż całych rodzin, choć przede wszystkim m ę ż c z y z n (głów rodzin), którzy - w przeciwień¬ stwie do kobiet - funkcjonują w publicznej przestrzeni wsi i są w niej przedstawicie­ lami danej rodziny Sherry Ortner i Harriet Whitehead (1981, s. 13) ukuły pojęcie „męskie struktury prestiżu", które uznają za mające podstawowe znaczenie dla k u l ­ turowego formowania się gender. Ich zdaniem większy prestiż mężczyzn związany jest z dominującą i uniwersalną męską ideologią. Sylvia J. Yanagisako i Jane F Collier 405 �Karolina Bielenin-Lenczowska zauważają, że samo pojęcie struktur prestiżu jest wyjaśniane na różne sposoby, co wynika ze stawiania znaku równości pomiędzy dominującą ideologią a męskim punk­ tem widzenia. Dalej związane jest to ze strukturalistyczno-funkcjonalistyczną dychotomią domowe - publiczne, w której pierwsza ze sfer przypisana jest kobie¬ t o m (sfera ogarniana), a druga m ę ż c z y z n o m (sfera ogarniająca). Autorki te odrzu¬ cają wiązanie męskiej ideologii z męskim punktem widzenia, jak również nie zgadzają się z samym pojęciem „męski/kobiecy punkt widzenia" jako czymś homo­ genicznym i uniwersalnym (Yanagisako, Collier 2007, s. 32-33). Ich zdaniem punktem wyjścia powinno być założenie, że płeć nie tylko kulturowa, ale również biologicz¬ na jest konstruowana kulturowo, a nie uznanie, że istnieją jakieś „fakty" biologiczne czy materialne, które mają pewne konsekwencje lub same z siebie niosą znaczenia kulturowe (Yanagisako, Collier 2007, s. 44). Badaczki proponują wprowadzone przez Bourdieu pojęcie ucieleśnienia (embodiment), które dostarcza ramy pojęciowej do przekroczenia wspomnianych dychotomii. Ucieleśnienie zakłada bowiem, że sfera domowa nigdy nie jest izolowana od publicznej, t j . że zarówno stosunki mię¬ dzy płciami, jak i socjalizacja dziecka odbywają się w świecie ustrukturyzowanym społecznie (Yanagisako, Collier 2007, s. 34). D o zrozumienia prestiżu istotne jest jeszcze inne pojęcie używane przez Pierre'a Bourdieu (2007), mianowicie honor. Sprawą honorową, jak zauważa Bourdieu, pisząc o społeczności Kabylów w Algierii, jest nie tylko o d p o w i e d ź na wy¬ zwanie (np. na o b r a z ę ) , ale także swego rodzaju rywalizacja, mająca na celu pub¬ liczne zaprezentowanie swojego majątku za p o m o c ą np. gościnności i wymiany darów 1 1 . Wesele jest oczywiście jedną z okazji do takiej rywalizacji (Bourdieu 2007, s. 23-58). Jest zarówno materialnym, jak i niematerialnym wyznacznikiem prestiżu, ponieważ istotna jest nie tylko jego wystawność, ale również pozycja społeczna spowinowacających się rodzin. Prestiż peczalbarów wyraża się w materialnym dobrobycie, który demonstruje się przede wszystkim przez budowę nowych, okazałych d o m ó w , wznoszonych za pieniądze zarobione za granicą lub za zaciągnięte tam kredyty. D o m bowiem, jak pi¬ sze Ewa Pieszczyk (za: Carl-Ulrik Schierup i Alexandra A l u n d ) , to nie tylko najbar¬ dziej widoczny symbol społecznego awansu rodziny, ale przede wszystkim jeden z tradycyjnych p r z e d m i o t ó w prestiżu (Pieszczyk, w druku). M i m o że de facto nikt w nim na stałe nie mieszka i przez większość roku pozostaje on pusty, ambicją każ¬ dej peczalbarskiej rodziny jest wybudowanie takiego domu. Ponadto domy c z ę s t o pozostają niewykończone, g d y ż ich właścicielom brakuje pieniędzy. Samo jednak r o z p o c z ę c i e budowy jest już wyznacznikiem prestiżu, a także zapewne zaspokoje¬ niem potrzeby posiadania domu w ogóle. Jak wspomniałam, życie we W ł o s z e c h jest traktowane jako tymczasowe, jako pewien środek (zarabianie pieniędzy) do celu, którym jest korzystanie z życia w Macedonii. 11 O tym samym o wiele wcześniej pisał Marcel Mauss w klasycznym już Szkicu o darze (1973). 406 �Peczalbarskie wesele - prestiż, tradycja i więzi rodzinne w zachodniej Macedonii Prestiż peczalbara konstruują również jego niematerialne atuty. Jest to mianowi¬ cie posługiwanie się w Macedonii językiem włoskim lub wplatanie włoskich słów w zdania macedońskie (bądź tureckie czy albańskie) i czasem trudne do zweryfi­ kowania przez miejscowych narracje o korzystaniu z życia (użiwanie) we Włoszech. Istotne jest w t y m momencie ważne w tamtejszej kulturze pojęcie szetanie. Do¬ słownie wyraz ten oznacza spacerowanie, chodzenie 1 2 , jednak w zależności od kon­ tekstu można go przełożyć jako włóczenie się, chodzenie bez celu. Szetanie to nocne wypady do miasta czy nad jezioro, przesiadywanie w kawiarniach i ogólnie - użiwa­ nie (korzystanie z życia). O ile taki s p o s ó b spędzania wolnego czasu jest akceptowa¬ ny w przypadku mężczyzn (zwłaszcza młodych, nieżonatych), o tyle słowo szetanie użyte w stosunku do młodych, niezamężnych kobiet zyskuje silny podtekst seksu¬ alny: dziewczyna, która szeta, to mniej więcej tyle, co po polsku wulgarnie „puszcza się". Takie znaczenie odnosi się również do mężatki, ale tu pojawia się jeszcze jeden kontekst - szeta, a więc spotyka się z różnymi ludźmi we wsi, ergo zna i roznosi miejscowe plotki. Ponadto mężatka, która szeta, nie jest d o b r ą gospodynią, ponie¬ waż marnuje czas na plotkach, zamiast zajmować się domem. Takie samo wyjaśnie¬ nie pojawia się czasem w stosunku do żonatych mężczyzn, którzy szetają, a więc trwonią pieniądze, które powinni przeznaczać na utrzymanie rodziny. Szetanie to również przechadzanie się w celu zademonstrowania swojego stroju, nowego modelu samochodu czy telefonu. Peczalbari, zwłaszcza młodzi chłopcy pre­ zentują w Zupie m o d ę , którą wynieśli z W ł o c h - mocno nażelowane włosy obcisłe koszulki i spodnie, liczne ozdoby w postaci cekinów, błyszczących pasków i biżute­ rii, a także ubrania w jaskrawych kolorach, np. różowym. Prestiż peczalbara budowany w kraju pochodzenia wynika w pewnej mierze z tego, że w kraju przyjmującym jest on marginalizowany - jak pisze Rhacel Salazar Parenas (2001), dla kraju przyjmującego migrant jest p o ż ą d a n y m pracownikiem, ale odrzucanym obywatelem. Nie oznacza to automatycznie, że marginalizacja we Wło¬ szech zwiększa prestiż migrantów w Macedonii, ale po pierwsze, peczalbari, w związ¬ ku z niskim statusem za granicą, mogą budować swoją p o z y c j ę jedynie w kraju po¬ chodzenia. Po drugie, co już zostało powiedziane, samo bycie peczalbarem jest tradycyjnie uznane za prestiżowe. Peggy Levit z kolei, którą interesują migranci z miejscowości Miraflores z Dominikany do Stanów Zjednoczonych, pisze, że dzięki aktywności transnarodowej migranci m o g ą b u d o w a ć poczucie własnej wartości na statusie, jaki uzyskują w kraju pochodzenia. Status ten jest zdobywany dzięki środkom materialnym i doświadczeniom z kraju przyjmującego (Levitt 2001, s. 20). „Migranci - pisze Levitt - są aktywni w swojej ojczyźnie, ponieważ nie są w stanie osiągnąć pełnego społecznego uczestnictwa w Stanach Zjednoczonych" (Levitt 2001, s. 19). Podobna jest sytuacja macedońskich peczalbarów migrujących 12 W podobny sposób Tone Bringa konceptualizuje bośniackie pojęcie hodati - też dosłownie 'chodzić, spacerować' (Bringa 1995, s. 88-91). 407 �Karolina Bielenin-Lenczowska do Włoch. Większość z nich nie integruje się ze społeczeństwem kraju przyjmują­ cego i pozostaje, jak pisze Levitt, recipient observers (Levitt 2001, s. 57), którzy nie pracują poza domem i obracają się jedynie w środowisku swoich rodaków. W i e d z ę o społeczeństwie kraju przyjmującego zdobywają od innych lub z mediów. Przykła­ dem takich migrantów są przede wszystkim kobiety ale także wielu mężczyzn, pra­ cujących we własnej firmie lub u krewnych czy znajomych z kraju pochodzenia. Organizacja wesela jest jednym z wyznaczników prestiżu rodziny a przede wszystkim głowy rodziny, ponieważ daje możliwość zademonstrowania swojego majątku, ale także zaprezentowania gościnności. Wiele elementów o b r z ę d o w o ś c i weselnej zakłada wzajemne odwiedziny rodziny dziewczyny i chłopaka, co wiąże się z wymianą darów i ugaszczaniem. Ponadto wesele nie tylko jest wydarzeniem rodzinnym, ale obejmuje całą wspólnotę wsi, a zatem kwestią prestiżu, a także ho¬ noru (wszak wydarzenie będzie potem komentowane przez społeczność) jest przy¬ gotowanie jak najbardziej wystawnej uroczystości. Podobnie o budowaniu prestiżu przez organizację wesela pisze Tone Bringa w swojej monografii pewnej wsi (nazwanej przez autorkę Dolina) ze środkowej Boś­ ni. Autorka zwraca uwagę, że małżeństwa zawierane są na trzy sposoby: gdy ro­ dziny państwa młodych wcześniej umawiają się na określoną datę, o której informa­ cja dociera do wszystkich mieszkańców wsi (nie trzeba ich specjalnie zapraszać); poprzez ucieczkę (o takim sposobie piszę poniżej) oraz tzw. fikcyjną ucieczkę. Małżeństwo przez ucieczkę polega na t y m , że rodzice młodych nie wiedzą o związ­ ku lub się na niego nie zgadzają i panna młoda ucieka - tradycyjnie zawsze przez okno - do czekającego na nią chłopaka. Dopiero na następny dzień młodzi ob¬ wieszczają rodzicom swoją decyzję. W t y m przypadku nie organizuje się wesela, a jedynie skromne przyjęcie dla najbliższych krewnych. Z kolei zawarcie małżeństwa, którego data została ustalona wcześniej, wiąże się z organizacją uroczystości, na której pojawiają się wszyscy mieszkańcy wsi lub przynajmniej przedstawiciele każ­ dego domu. Takie wesele jest, jak pisze Bringa, przede wszystkim okazją do poka¬ zania się i zaprezentowania swojego majątku. Wiąże się to z ogromnymi kosztami, a zatem najczęściej wybierana jest trzecia droga - coś, co Bringa nazywa małżeńst¬ wem poprzez fikcyjną ucieczkę (fictive elopement). Odbywa się całe zwyczajowe wy¬ mykanie się dziewczyny z domu przez okno do chłopaka, rodzice udają, że o ni¬ czym nie wiedzą, jednak wiedzą nie tylko oni, ale i cała wieś. W takim przypadku wesele się odbywa, jego organizatorzy mogą się pokazać mieszkańcom wsi, jednak skala uroczystości jest znacznie mniejsza niż tej, o której mówi się otwarcie (Bringa 1995, s. 121-122). W Centar Zupie podczas mojego pobytu nie został zawarty żaden związek po­ przez ucieczkę, chociaż takie również się zdarzają. Na przykład w ten s p o s ó b jeden z moich miejscowych kolegów, Albańczyk z Debaru, wymusił na rodzicach swojej dziewczyny z g o d ę na małżeństwo z nim. Dziewczyna pochodziła ze znacznie bo¬ gatszej rodziny niż on, a ponadto była nieletnia. Jednak oboje postanowili, że chcą 408 �Peczalbarskie wesele - prestiż, tradycja i więzi rodzinne w zachodniej Macedonii być razem, więc pewnego dnia dziewczyna wyszła z nim i nie wróciła na noc. W związ¬ ku z t y m rodzice musieli się zgodzić na związek, inaczej dziewczyna zostałaby uzna¬ na za zhańbioną. Wprawdzie nie godzili się na ślub córki i zgodnie z tradycją nie powinno być wesela lub powinno być ono bardzo skromne, postanowili jednak, że uroczystość o d b ę d z i e się zgodnie z ich statusem materialnym. A zatem chłopak mu¬ siał stanąć na wysokości zadania i wyłożyć ogromną sumę pieniędzy na złotą biżu¬ terię dla narzeczonej (około 5 tysięcy euro), a jego rodzice musieli obdarować sy¬ nową kosztownymi prezentami i sprostać wymianie darów. Podsumowanie Tradycyjna na Półwyspie Bałkańskim migracja mężczyzn - peczalba - mimo zmiany swojego modelu nadal pozostaje sezonowa i męska. C h o ć obecnie wyjeżdżają całe rodziny, to zwykle jednak tylko mężczyzna pracuje zarobkowo, a miesięczny pobyt w kraju pochodzenia określany jest jako „powrót". W t e d y to organizowane są najważniejsze uroczystości rodzinne, w t y m wesela. U r o c z y s t o ś ć weselna musi speł¬ nić kilka w y m o g ó w : ma o d b y ć się zgodnie z tradycją, małżonkowie powinni pocho¬ dzić z tej samej miejscowości lub najbliżej okolicy, a ceremonia powinna być obser¬ wowana i komentowana przez lokalną s p o ł e c z n o ś ć . Wesele w Centar Zupie w zachodniej Macedonii jest jednym z wyznaczników prestiżu jego organizatorów. Prestiż jest pojęciem związanym z pojęciem męskości, a wyznaczają go cechy zarówno materialne, jak i niematerialne. Wśród tych pierw¬ szych należy wyróżnić drogie, bogate domy, które peczalbari budują za pieniądze zarobione we Włoszech, a do których przyjeżdżają zaledwie na jeden miesiąc w ro¬ ku. Prestiż, zwłaszcza młodych mężczyzn, wyznaczają również drogie samochody, najnowsze modele telefonów komórkowych czy markowe ubrania. Niematerialnymi wyznacznikami prestiżu są zaś: posługiwanie się w Macedonii językiem włoskim, używanie włosko brzmiących imion-pseudonimów oraz snucie opowieści o nieogra¬ niczonej swobodzie m ę ż c z y z n i wysokich zarobkach. Wesele organizowane przez peczalbarów w Macedonii jest wyznacznikiem pre¬ stiżu zarówno materialnym, jak i niematerialnym. Liczą się bowiem wysokie koszty uroczystości, a także (co zresztą w znacznej mierze jest związane z materialnym statusem) pozycja spowinowacających się rodzin. M i m o że obecnie raczej nie spo¬ tyka się aranżowanych małżeństw, to jednak rodzice podejmują ostateczną d e c y z j ę d o t y c z ą c ą w y b o r u partnerów. Koszt nawet przeciętnego wesela jest na tamtejsze warunki ogromny, a te części uroczystości, które mają na celu zademonstrowanie majątku, odbywają się w publicznej przestrzeni wsi lub na podwórkach tak, aby mogły być obejrzane i skomentowane przez sąsiadów. 409 �Karolina Bielenin-Lenczowska Bibliografia Basch L. Schiller N . G., Blanc C. S. 1995 From Immigrant to Transmigrant: Theorizing Transnational Migration, „Anthropo- logical Quarterly", v o l . 68, nr 1 Bourdieu P. 2007 Szkic teorii praktyki poprzedzony trzema studiami na temat etnologii Kabylów, Kęty Bringa T. 1995 Being Muslim the Bosnian Way. Identity and Community in a Central Bosnian Village, N e w Jersey Crwenkowska I . 2000 Zenata wo semejniot i jawniot żiwot - po primerot na sełoto Mełnica, „EtnoAntro- poZum" Czyżewska M . 2009 Młodzi mężczyźni z Centar Żupy o kobietach: koleżanka, siedztwo w obliczu konfliktu. Relacje kochanka, żona..., w : Są­ społeczne i etniczne w zachodniej Macedonii - refleksje antropologiczne, red. K. Bielenin-Lenczowska, Warszawa Hausmaninger A . 2005 The Construction a Macedonian of Identities in a Trans-Local Context. Inter-Ethnic Relations in Village During Socialism and Transition, http://www.sant.ox.ac.uk/esc/esc-lectures/hausmaninger.pdf ( d o s t ę p 28.04.2010) Hristow P 2005 The Market and the Piazza for Hired Hand in Sofia as Places to Exchange Cultural Stereotypes, „Ethnologia Balkanica" nr 9 2008 Family and migrations in the Balkans Family Strategies in the Balkans (i9th and 20th century), w: Social Behaviour and (i6th - 20th Centuries), Bucharest L e v i t t P. 2001 The Transnational Villagers, Berkeley, Los Angeles Mauss M . 1973 Szkic o darze. Forma i podstawa wymiany w społecznościach archaicznych, w : Socjo¬ logia i antropologia, Warszawa O r t n e r S. B., W h i t e h e a d H . (red.) 1981 Sexual meanings: the cultural construction of gender and sexuality, Cambridge, N e w York Petreska W 2000 Dewerot — posrednik wo sroduwanieto na dwe semejstwa, „ E t n o A n t r o p o Z u m " 410 �Peczalbarskie wesele - prestiż, tradycja i więzi rodzinne w zachodniej Macedonii Pieszczyk E. 2008 Ponadpaństwowe elementy migracji z Centar Żupy (zachodnia Macedonia) do Włoch, praca licencjacka, archiwum I E i A K U W 2009 Macedonio, gdzie są Twoje dzieci? - ponadpaństwowe elementy migracji z Centar Żupy do Włoch, w: Sąsiedztwo w obliczu konfliktu. Relacje społeczne i etniczne w zachodniej Macedonii - refleksje antropologiczne, red. K. Bielenin-Lenczowska, Warszawa Saitowski I . 2001 Swadbeniot obred kaj islamiziranite makedonci od seło Brosztica, praca dyplomowa napisana p o d kierunkiem A n e t y Swetiewej, Skopje Sinanoska F 2007 Swadbenite obredi i pesni od sełoDołno Koliczani, w: Researches in Musicology musicology http://mmc.edu.mk/IRAM/Conferences/XIVConf/ and Ethno- Sinanoska.pdf ( d o s t ę p 21.11.2008) Yanagisako S.J., Collier J.F 2007 O ujednoliconą analizę antropologiczna, t . 1 . Organizacja płci kulturowej i pokrewieństwa, w : Qender. Perspektywa społeczna, red. R.E. H r y c i u k , A . Kościańska, Warszawa Zadrożyńska A. 1995 Semejni obredi. Sporedbena monografija na połskite seła Pientki to seło Jabłanica, Skopje. 411 i Twarodi i makedonsko- � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/dd2aef1221c4e13c9fdc066c2e8497dc.pdf 7b3ec3ecefd89b1fc2810edc006d57d9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. 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Macieja Ząbka; s.83-106 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bieliaeva-Sachuk, Veronika Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Międzynarodowe Centrum Dialogu Miedzykulturowego i Miedzyreligijnego UKSW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 3 Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii Przykład ZSRR Etnologia w państwie wieloetnicznym zazwyczaj odgrywa ważną, a może nawet kluczową rolę. W zależności od wizji, ustroju i ideologii państwa, przy pomocy naukowców lub tylko „pod płaszczykiem” etnologii, tworzy się polityka wobec różnych etnosów zamieszkujących wybrany kraj. Te procesy nasiliły się zwłaszcza w XX w. i po dzień dzisiejszy możemy je obserwować w takich państwach wieloetnicznych, jak Chiny, Indie, Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki etc. Chciałabym jednak skupić się na Rosji, która w XX w. przeżyła kilka drastycznych zmian ustrojowych, podczas których ważną rolę odgrywała polityka etniczna. Zmiany te zaważyły na sytuacji politycznej oraz gospodarczej prawie całego świata. W Rosji można do dziś obserwować procesy etniczne, które nastąpiły po rozpadzie ZSRR – przebudzenie poczucia etniczności, odrodzenie (często odtwarzanie) tradycyjnej kultury, pojawienie się ruchów nacjonalistycznych oraz separatystycznych. Obecnie wiodący etnolodzy rosyjscy, np. Walerij Tiszkow, zwracają uwagę na fakt wieloetniczności czy multikulturalizmu występującego w Rosji od początku państwowości rosyjskiej (Тишков, s. 246–253). Podkreśla się, że już Ruś Kijowska, od której tradycyjnie w historiografii rosyjskiej wywodzi się państwowość Rosji, była niejednorodna pod względem etnicznym – oprócz plemion słowiańskich, tereny Rusi zamieszkiwały plemiona bałtyckie i ugrofińskie. Po rozpadzie Rusi Kijowskiej na księstwa ruskie, niektóre z nich – np. Księstwo Nowogrodzkie czy Pskowskie – handlowały z sąsiednimi plemionami niesłowiańskimi czy obejmowały kontrolą tereny, na których owe plemiona zamieszkiwały. Podbite ludy były chrystianizowane, ale nie była wśród nich prowadzona akulturacja. Dobrym przykładem mogą być Karelowie, których tereny zamieszkania od XII w. stają się częścią Republiki Nowogrodzkiej, a od 1478 r. częścią scentralizowanego Państwa Rosyjskiego (Народы России, s. 186). Mimo tak długiego okresu przynależności do Rosji, Karelowie mieszkający w jej granicach do dziś zachowali własny język, pewne tradycje �84 Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk oraz tożsamość, natomiast Karelowie, zamieszkujący tereny Finlandii, zostali praktycznie całkowicie zasymilowani przez Finów. Historia Rosji jako państwa/imperium wieloetnicznego zaczyna się jednak dopiero po wzmocnieniu się Księstwa Moskiewskiego i scentralizowaniu władzy, co miało miejsce w drugiej połowie XV w. i na początku XVI w. Kluczowym momentem w tworzeniu Rosji jako państwa wieloetnicznego był podbój w 1552 r. Kazania – stolicy Chanatu Kazańskiego, jednego ze spadkobierców Złotej Ordy – przez Iwana Groźnego. Na terytorium Chanatu zamieszkiwały liczne ludy nadwołżańskie pochodzenia ugrofińskiego oraz Tatarzy i Baszkirowie – ludy tureckie. Wraz z nimi w Rosji pojawili się poddani należący do innego kręgu kulturowego i wyznający inną religię światową – islam. W następnych stuleciach do Rosji zostały przyłączone takie regiony, jak Syberia, Kaukaz, Azja Środkowa oraz Daleki Wschód, zamieszkały przez różne etnosy odmienne kulturowo od Rosjan i od siebie nawzajem. Od samego początku przyłączania regionów nie było prowadzonej polityki wzmocnionej asymilacji oraz masowego przesiedlania i przemieszania różnych ludów (takie działania mają miejsce dopiero w XX w., w okresie rządów Stalina), dlatego do 1917 r. na terenie Rosji nie dochodziło do drastycznych zmian w składzie etnicznym poszczególnych regionów. Migracja i osadnictwo jednej grupy etnicznej na obszarze nie tradycyjnym dla jej miejsca zamieszkania przed rewolucją październikową, przeważnie miały znaczenie ekonomiczne oraz polityczne, np. osadnictwo chłopów rosyjskich na terenie Syberii i Dalekiego Wschodu w celu rozwijania rolnictwa i zajmowania pustych terenów, do których rościły sobie prawo Chiny. Władza Imperium Rosyjskiego już pod koniec XVIII w. zaczyna zwracać uwagę na politykę etniczną. Przy dużej różnorodności etnicznej i kulturowej potrzebna była koncepcja spajająca wszystkie ludy mieszkające w Rosji. Postawiono na dwa aspekty, w pewien sposób ze sobą powiązane – tożsamość mieszkańców państwa miała być oparta na poddaństwie carowi oraz na prawosławiu. Car, jako pomazaniec boży, dobry i sprawiedliwy ojciec wszystkich mieszkańców kraju, miał być podstawą tożsamości nie tylko etnicznych Rosjan, ale wszystkich swoich poddanych. Prawosławia z kolei użyto jako narzędzia, które miało łączyć wszystkie ludy rosyjskie. Problem polegał na tym, że część etnosów zamieszkujących przyłączone terytoria wyznawało inne religie – islam i buddyzm. Chociaż chrystianizacja była prowadzona wśród wszystkich ludów, jednak religie światowe zostały przez władzę rosyjską oficjalnie uznane – w 1741 r. cesarzowa Elżbieta uznała buddyzm za jedną z religii Rosji, zaś w 1788 r. Katarzyna II powołała pierwszą oficjalną organizację muzułmanów na terenie Rosji – Orenburską Duchową Radę Muzułmanów. Pomimo oficjalnego uznania innych niż prawosławie religii, były one jednak kontrolowane �Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii. Przykład ZSRR 85 przez władzę. Przywódca wszystkich muzułmanów Rosji – mufti – miał być zatwierdzany osobiście przez cesarza. Mogły one mieć tylko określoną liczbę świątyń i duchownych oraz posiadały zakaz zapraszania duchowieństwa spoza Imperium Rosyjskiego. Wszystkie te działania miały zatrzymywać rozwój i ekspansję innych religii, a także chronić nieprawosławnych poddanych Rosji od wpływów zewnętrznych – z państw islamskich oraz buddyjskich i dzięki temu powstrzymać ewentualne ruchy separatystyczne. Jednak w przypadku wierzeń przedchrześcijańskich (pogańskich) wśród ludności ugrofińskiej oraz szamanistycznych wśród ludów Syberii i Dalekiego Wschodu, stosowane były metody represyjne i bezwzględne wyparcie tych wierzeń przez prawosławie. Po rewolucji październikowej w 1917 roku dla Rosji i wszystkich mieszkających na jej terenie ludzi zaczął się nowy etap historyczny. Po okresie wojny domowej pomiędzy „czerwonymi” i „białymi” na początku lat dwudziestych XX w. nastąpił pewien rozwój społeczno-kulturowy i ekonomiczny rosyjskich chłopów oraz rdzennych ludów wszystkich regionów byłego Imperium Rosyjskiego. Znaczne zmiany zaszły zwłaszcza wśród rdzennej ludności Syberii, w Rosji carskiej nazywanej inorodcami (obcoplemieńcami), uważanej za najbardziej zacofaną cywilizacyjnie i kulturowo, przez co miała znacznie mniejsze prawa niż inne ludy Rosji. Jest to jeden przykład z wielu zmian pozytywnych dla mniejszości etnicznych Rosji, których na początkowym etapie dokonała władza radziecka. W latach dwudziestych powstawały narodowe republiki i obwody autonomiczne, naukowcy radzieccy stwarzali systemy pisma dla niepiśmiennych ludów, języki ludów rdzennych w republikach i obwodach autonomicznych uznawano za języki urzędowe na równi z językiem rosyjskim, rozwijano tradycyjną gospodarkę etc. Niestety proces ten został zahamowany, a następnie odwrócony wraz z objęciem władzy przez Stalina, jednak jeszcze na początku lat dwudziestych starano się przywrócić „dziejową sprawiedliwość” wszystkim ludom, które w czasach caratu były traktowane znacznie gorzej niż napływowa ludność rosyjska. Polityka etniczna w ZSRR uległa diametralnej zmianie w momencie objęcia władzy przez Józefa Stalina. Mimo tego, że oficjalnie mówi się o równości wszystkich ludów, rozwoju, wolności i szczęściu wszystkich obywateli ZSRR – okres stalinowski to czas konsekwentnego niszczenia wszystkich tradycyjnych kultur na obszarze Związku Radzieckiego (w tym też kultury rosyjskiej) w ekonomicznych, obyczajowych oraz religijnych aspektach. Propaganda stalinowska chętnie pokazywała radosnych ludzi różnych narodowości, którzy są szczęśliwi w ZSRR, gdzie wszyscy są równi, mówią we własnych językach, gdzie nie ma zjawiska rasizmu etc. Najlepszym przykładem tego są �Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk 86 filmy radzieckie z lat trzydziestych oraz czterdziestych XX w. W większości filmów z tego okresu pojawiają się przedstawiciele różnych etnosów (zawsze w tradycyjnych strojach) jako statyści, przechodnie etc., co miało ukazywać różnorodność etniczną ZSRR. Ciekawostką jest fakt, iż przede wszystkim przedstawiciele etnosów pojawiających się w filmach to rdzenni mieszkańcy Kaukazu, co niewątpliwie było ukłonem w stronę Stalina1. Najciekawszymi filmami związanymi z propagandą równości etnicznej w ZSRR, pochodzącymi z omawianego okresu, są Cyrk z 1936 r., w reżyserii Grigorija Aleksandrowa, oraz Świniarka i pastuch z 1941 r., w reżyserii Iwana Pyrjewa. Świniarka i pastuch jest historią miłości Rosjanki z północy Rosji, która pracuje w kołchozie jako świniarka i Dagestańczyka – pasterza owiec. Będąc przodownikami pracy spotykają się w Moskwie na Wystawie Osiągnięć Gospodarki Narodowej ZSRR. Pomimo dalekiej odległości oraz pewnych nieporozumień wynikających z różnic kulturowych, na koniec filmu para bierze ślub. W filmie Cyrk główną bohaterką jest artystka cyrkowa ze Stanów Zjednoczonych, grana przez Lubow Orłową – ulubioną aktorkę Stalina. Film rozpoczyna się ucieczką bohaterki z USA, ponieważ sama należąc do rasy białej ma czarne dziecko. Poznaje ona niemieckiego artystę, który początkowo udziela jej pomocy, ale uzależnia ją od siebie, strasząc wyjawieniem jej tajemnicy w razie nieposłuszeństwa. Po przyjeździe do ZSRR, artystka zakochuje się z wzajemnością w radzieckim artyście, ale cały czas boi się przyznać do faktu posiadania czarnego dziecka. W ostatniej scenie filmu prawda wychodzi na jaw, jednak okazuje się, że ludziom radzieckim jest wszystko jedno, jaki kolor skóry ma dziecko. W scenie końcowej filmu maluch jest przekazywany po kolei w ręce przedstawicieli różnych narodowości, wśród których pojawiają się przedstawiciele najważniejszych etnosów Kraju Rad – Rosjan, Ukraińców, Kazachów, Gruzinów oraz Żydów. Każdy z nich śpiewa dziecku kołysankę w swoim własnym języku. Scena ta miała zapewne pokazywać, że w ZSRR nie istnieje nienawiść na tle rasowym, a każdy naród podtrzymuje własną kulturę i nie jest dyskryminowany. Ciekawostką jest fakt, że pod koniec lat czterdziestych, zwrotka śpiewana w jidysz została z filmu usunięta – przywrócono ją dopiero po śmierci Stalina. Ten fakt pokazuje, jak manipulowano świadomością etniczną obywateli radzieckich w zależności od zmieniającej się sytuacji politycznej (koniec lat czterdziestych XX w. to początek tak zwanej „sprawy lekarzy”, która była skierowana w najbardziej znanych radzieckich lekarzy pochodzenia żydowskiego).  Stalin osobiście oglądał każdy nowy film, który miał się pokazać na ekranach ZSRR – od jego decyzji zależał nie tylko dalszy los filmu, ale także jego reżysera. 1 �Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii. Przykład ZSRR 87 W Związku Radzieckim pojęcia „wielokulturowości” i „bratniej przyjaźni narodów” stają się hasłami kluczowymi nie tylko dla wewnętrznej polityki etnicznej. Hasła te stają się jedną z wizytówek ZSRR, zwłaszcza już po śmierci Stalina. Związek Radziecki nie tylko nie dyskryminuje oraz wspiera własne etnosy, ale również pomaga innym narodom w walce przeciwko kolonializmowi, dyskryminacji rasowej, wspomaga budowę własnej państwowości, gospodarki etc. Warto jednak zwrócić uwagę, że wielokulturowość radziecka w praktyce jawiła się jako jedna zunifikowana kultura, która obecnie jest często nazywana kulturą radziecką, z folklorystycznymi dodatkami w rodzaju tradycyjnych strojów, tańców, wzornictwa – wszystkich tych elementów, które nie mają jakiegoś zabarwienia ideologicznego i nie są mocno związane z kulturą tradycyjną wybranego ludu, w poszczególnych regionach czy autonomiach. Człowiek radziecki musiał mieć podobną kulturę i wykazywać się patriotyzmem radzieckim, a nie lokalnym – tym bardziej, jeśli był on związany z jakąś narodową jednostką administracyjną. Jeszcze w osiemdziesiątych latach XX w., tuż przed rozpadem ZSRR, można zaobserwować tego typu model kulturowy, który był w tym okresie bardzo rozpowszechniony. W tworzeniu kultury radzieckiej – zunifikowanej, ale „wielokulturowej” – zaczynając od dwudziestych lat XX w. uczestniczyli również radzieccy etnografowie. Ideologia ZSRR – najbardziej uwidoczniona w czasie rządów Stalina – zakładała, że wszystkie sfery życia człowieka mają być podporządkowane i kontrolowane przez władzę. Nauka, jako jedna z najważniejszych dziedzin życia człowieka, mająca regulować i ułatwiać jego istnienie w świecie, w państwie totalitarnym również podlega ścisłej kontroli, przez co staje się narzędziem w rękach władz. Etnografia/etnologia w Związku Radzieckim, jako państwie wielonarodowym, była nauką, która wyjaśniała „wielką rolę” narodu rosyjskiego w budowaniu państwa socjalistycznego oraz udział w tym dziele innych „bratnich” narodów i ludów, zamieszkujących ZSRR. W praktyce etnologia była często używana do uzasadnienia represji wobec całych ludów, uczestniczyła w walce antyreligijnej, odcinała ludzi od własnej kultury, tworzyła nową obrzędowość radziecką etc. W dalszej części przedstawię pięć przykładów wykorzystania etnologii jako narzędzia tworzenia nowej ideologii państwowej, uzasadniania pewnych działań władzy, represji etc. Ubóstwienie przywódców państwowych W religioznawstwie ostatniego okresu została szeroko przyjęta koncepcja ideologii komunistycznej czy komunizmu radzieckiego jako rodzaju quasi-reli- �88 Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk gii2. Od samego początku istnienia ZSRR, władza (także przy pomocy folklorystów oraz etnografów) próbowała stworzyć obraz przywódców państwowych jako nadludzi, bohaterów kulturowych czy wręcz istoty boskie. Tradycja takiego podejścia do władz wywodzi się jeszcze z Imperium Rosyjskiego, w którym cesarz była osobą namaszczoną przez Boga. Pierwszą postacią władcy rosyjskiego, który do dziś funkcjonuje w świadomości ludzi jako bohater kulturowy, był Piotr I. Po dzień dzisiejszy w północno-zachodnim regionie Rosji (Karelia, obwód archangielski), gdzie Piotr I często bywał, znane są opowieści o tym, jak cesarz własnymi rękami budował cerkwie, domy, chrzcił dzieci zwykłych chłopów, lubił z nimi przebywać, pić, jeść, o tym, jak karał możnowładców, którzy niesprawiedliwie traktowali swoich chłopów, zakładał miasta, osady etc. (Криничная, Пулькин 1988; Иванова 1986, s. 170–187; Райкова 1993). Lenina już za życia kreowano na podobną postać – był to według propagandy państwowej człowiek skromny, zawsze otwarty na zwykłych ludzi, od samego dzieciństwa posiadający takie cechy jak odwaga, prawdomówność i umiłowanie sprawiedliwości. W ZSRR od samego dzieciństwa zaczynała się indoktrynacja i ukazywanie postaci Lenina jako bohatera kulturowego – znany pisarz radziecki Michaił Zoszczenko w 1940 roku napisał dla przedszkolaków książkę „Opowiadania o Leninie”, która do czasu rozpadu Związku Radzieckiego była obowiązkową lekturą w podstawówce. Dla starszych dzieci oraz dorosłych istniała masa książek opowiadających o życiu Lenina, które miały jeszcze bardziej wzmacniać pozytywny wizerunek Wodza. Ciekawym narzędziem propagandy stał się folklor. W latach trzydziestych XX w. na wielką skalę prowadzone były badania folklorystyczne, które miały zbierać pieśni, wiersze, bajki, legendy o Leninie, Stalinie, Kraju Rad, Partii etc. Folklor był odpowiednim materiałem dla ukazania różnorodności i równouprawnienia wszystkich ludów w okresie panowania ideologii komunistycznej na obszarze ZSRR, w dodatku badania miały z góry udowadniać, że wolni ludzie radzieccy dalej tworzą, a ich twórczość pokazuje najważniejsze dla nich wartości. W 1937 roku ukazał się zbiór folkloru ludów ZSRR pod tytułem Twórczość ludów ZSRR, który był poświęcony dwudziestoleciu rewolucji październikowej. Książka zawiera prawie 600 stron folkloru zbieranego w ciągu dwóch lat przez pisarzy, folklorystów, etnografów, dziennikarzy etc. We wstępie opracowania redakcja od razu zastrzega, iż niestety nie udało się zamieścić całego materiału, dlatego w książce można znaleźć tylko najlepsze 2  Nie będę tutaj głębiej tłumaczyć koncepcji komunizmu radzieckiego jako quasi-religii – odsyłam do takich prac napisanych po polsku jak: R. I m o s, Wiara człowieka radzieckiego (Kraków 2007) oraz M. K u l a, Religiopodobny komunizm (Kraków 2003). �Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii. Przykład ZSRR 89 przykłady. W zbiorze znajdują się utwory 35 ludów zamieszkujących ZSRR. Oprócz folkloru tytułowych ludów związkowych republik ZSRR, których liczba w 1937 roku wynosiła 10, przedstawiono też folklor ludów Kaukazu (najwięcej liczebnie – 11 ludów – co można zinterpretować jako ukłon w stronę Stalina), europejskiej części Rosyjskiej Republiki radzieckiej, Syberii i Dalekiego Wschodu oraz Azji Środkowej. W latach trzydziestych XX w. wśród zwykłej ludności ZSRR folklor o Leninie, Stalinie i władzy radzieckiej oczywiście istniał, ale nie w takiej formie, w jakiej przedstawiony jest w omawianym zbiorze. Propaganda radziecka nie przyniosła jeszcze tylu owoców jak w pokoleniu następnym, które było już od dziecka indoktrynowane. Tylko strach przed represjami nie pozwalał opowiadać złośliwych żartów o władzy otwarcie. Warto zwrócić uwagę, że twórczość ludowa ze zbioru jest owocem pracy pisarzy oraz etnografów, którzy wiedzieli, jakie gatunki folkloru są najbardziej rozpowszechnione wśród poszczególnych ludów i sami pisali poszczególne utwory. W większości przypadków folklor przedstawiony w Twórczości ludów ZSRR był dziełem tak zwanych ludów „niepiśmiennych” lub piśmiennych tylko w niewielkim stopniu, czyli tych, które nie posiadały przed 1917 r. własnego pisma lub posługiwały się „obcym” alfabetem – staromongolskim lub arabskim. Oznaczało to, że rozwojem cywilizacyjnym znacznie odbiegali od Rosjan, chociaż chłopi rosyjscy również przedstawiani byli jako lud zacofany. Jednak to z narodu rosyjskiego, według propagandy państwowej, wywodzili się ideolodzy i działacze rewolucyjni i komunistyczni. Przedstawiciele każdego innego mniejszego ludu na terenie ZSRR mieli być ludźmi radzieckimi, budującymi nowy ład społeczny, ale posiadającymi własną bogatą tradycję kulturową, którą mogli teraz spokojnie przedstawiać bratnim narodom – „równym wśród równych”. We wstępie do Twórczości ludów ZSRR czytamy: „Wielobarwna jest złota księga twórczości ludowej, tak jak wielobarwny jest wielonarodowy piękny nasz kraj. Twórczość ludu rodziła się w pracy i w walce. [...] Lud zawsze tworzy. Lud śpiewał, mówił nawet w tych mrocznych epokach, kiedy pod śmiercionośnym wzrokiem reakcji zamierało całe życie, kiedy kraj stawał się podobny do cmentarza, kiedy w makabrycznej ciszy słychać było tylko szczucie kapitalistycznych i ziemiańskich psiarzy. [...] Na dalekie wieki minione lud przenosił swoje marzenia o lepszym sprawiedliwszym życiu, o wolności. [...] Wielka rewolucja socjalistyczna otworzyła wszystkie źródła twórczości ludowej. Po raz pierwszy wszystkie ludy ZSRR zaczęły śpiewać głośno, wolno, z całej swojej mocy i uskrzydlonej zwycięstwami duszy. [...] Na tym właśnie polega istota leninowsko-stalinowskiej polityki narodowej bolszewizmu – na połączeniu treści internacjonalistycznej, socjalistycznej z narodową formą” (Tworczestwo narodow SSSR, s. 5–9). �Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk 90 Wśród wszystkich ludów ZSRR w trzydziestych latach XX w. można zaobserwować próby wprowadzenia postaci Lenina oraz Stalina jako bohaterów kulturowych do folkloru i świadomości ludzi, ale tylko wśród ludów syberyjskich – wyznających tradycyjnie jakąś formę wierzeń szamanistycznych. Istniały próby przedstawienia przywódców komunistycznych jako istoty boskie. Do tego celu, przez etnografów oraz folklorystów, a najczęściej przez działaczy partyjnych, którzy użyli etnografii jako narzędzia propagandy, zostały stworzone nowe mity, które miały oparcie w miejscowej mitologii szamanistycznej. Przykładem mogą być takie bajki jak chantyjska Stalin patrzy na północ, nanajska Słońce ludu o Stalinie i Leninie, czukocka Słońce o władzy radzieckiej, ewenkijska Jak dwa potężne orły przyleciały do Ewenków o Leninie i Stalinie, które zostały przetłumaczone między innymi na język polski i wydrukowane w zbiorze Bajki ludów północy (Warszawa 1954)3. W Twórczości ludów ZSRR pojawiają się również podobne utwory – ewenkijska pieśń Za górami rozjaśniało się, w której Lenin jest przedstawiony jako słońce, a partia jako jego promienie, czy ewenkijska bajka Teraz w tajdze jest jasno. Ta ostatnia opowiada o Ewenku, który za trzy ruble obiecywane przez kupców postanawia zabić Lenina. Gdy jednak go zobaczył, nie był w stanie wycelować w niego swojej broni. Gdy po raz kolejny składał się do strzału, zwierzęta przemawiają, aby „lepiej je zabił, niż Włodzimierza”. W końcu Lenin pojawia się, zaczyna rozmawiać z Ewenkiem, który czuje skruchę i zaczyna rozumieć jego dokonania. Po 10 latach w tajdze już jest władza radziecka i ten sam Ewenk spotyka jej przedstawicieli. Ci opowiadają mu o Leninie. Ewenk mówi, że Lenin mieszkał w tajdze i że on go widział, ale w odpowiedzi usłyszał, że Lenina nigdy tu nie było (Творчество народов СССР, s. 46–51). We wszystkich tych bajkach Lenin i Stalin pojawiają się jako najważniejsze bóstwa w panteonie szamanizmu syberyjskiego – słońce lub orzeł (który często występuje na Syberii jako demiurg, pierwszy szaman etc.) lub jako istota boska, gospodarz sakralny, którego nie można zabić. Chociaż często wydaje się nam, że w czasach obecnych nie może się zdarzyć manipulacja na taką skalę, warto pamiętać, że propaganda i indoktrynacja potrafi skutecznie „zarazić” całe społeczeństwa – zwłaszcza jeśli w tym procesie uczestniczy nauka. Jako podsumowanie tego podrozdziału chciałabym przedstawić sytuację, która miała miejsce trochę ponad 25 lat temu, a przytrafiła się mnie samej, kiedy uczęszczałam do szkoły podstawowej w Leningradzie. Na przerwie nauczycielka powinna być zawsze obecna na korytarzu i pilnować dzieci. Musiała jednak pilnie odejść i dzieci zaczęły rozrabiać. Jedna z dziewczynek 3  Ta książka została wydana ponownie w 1986 r., ale już bez bajek o Leninie i Stalinie. �Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii. Przykład ZSRR 91 z oburzeniem stwierdziła, że nauczycielka z pewnością się o tym dowie i dzieci spotka kara. Gdy spytałam ją czy ona chce poskarżyć się nauczycielce, dziewczynka odparła, że to Lenin wszystko jej powie. Ze zdumieniem spytałam, jak to zrobi, skoro zmarł dawno temu. Dziewczynka odparła, że on jest zawsze żywy, wszystkich pilnuje i wszystko widzi. Tworzenie z polityka bohatera kulturowego, człowieka, który ma wsparcie sił nadnaturalnych, czy wręcz istoty boskiej jest niezwykle niebezpieczne, ponieważ odbiera ludziom możliwość trafnej oceny działalności tego polityka, może nawet stać się narzędziem represji wobec niepokornych. Niestety, w wielu państwach świata nadal możemy obserwować takie sytuacje. Tworzenie nowej obrzędowości – obrzędy radzieckie Prawie od samego rozpadu Imperium Rosyjskiego zaczęła się walka z religią, która nasiliła się zwłaszcza od końca lat dwudziestych XX w. Każda religia w ZSRR (głównie prawosławie), była konkurentką nowej ideologii komunistycznej, która miała tworzyć podwaliny nowej tożsamości obywateli ZSRR. W latach trzydziestych XX w. następuje nie tylko prześladowanie duchowieństwa i zamykanie oraz niszczenia obiektów sakralnych wszystkich religii, ale także próby niszczenia obrzędowości. W przypadku świąt kościelnych istniała możliwość zastępowania ich nowymi świętami – rocznicą rewolucji październikowej, Świętem Pracy, Międzynarodowym Dniem Kobiet, urodzinami Lenina, a po II wojnie światowej – Dniem Zwycięstwa. Sprawa była trudniejsza w przypadku obrzędów rodzinnych – jak narodziny dziecka czy wprowadzenie go do społeczności, ślub czy pogrzeb. Od samego początku zmian obrzędowości w ZSRR w procesie tym brali udział etnografowie. Ciekawym przykładem takiej działalności jest pozycja Tradycyjne i nowe obrzędy w życiu ludów ZSRR, wydana w 1981 r. przez Akademię Nauk ZSRR, Instytut Etnografii. Można tam znaleźć artykuły znanych etnografów radzieckich na temat zmian w obrzędowości, potępienia starych religijnych obrzędów etc. Bezspornie najciekawszą częścią tej pozycji jest aneks, który zawiera wskazówki prowadzenia świeckich obrzędów socjalistycznych. Można tu znaleźć wskazówki, jak prowadzić obrzędy rodzinne, np. wesele, święto narodzin dziecka czy pogrzeb. Oprócz scenariuszy samych obrzędów, opisane są również dokładniejsze szczegóły, takie jak strój prowadzącego obrzędy, podane przykłady pieśni, wiersze, których można użyć w czasie uroczystości etc. Na koniec został opisany zupełnie nowy obrzęd radziecki – „wyświęcenie na pracownika rolnictwa”. Cały aneks został stworzony przez etnografów oraz pracowników domów kultury. �92 Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk Chciałabym na jednym konkretnym przykładzie pokazać zmianę obrzędowości tradycyjnej na nową – radziecką. Skupię się na pogrzebie, ponieważ ten obrzęd ma znaczenia zarówno rodzinne, jak i państwowe – w przypadku pogrzebów działaczy politycznych czy innych zasłużonych ludzi ZSRR. Od samego początku tworzenia ideologii komunistycznej odrzucała ona życie pozagrobowe, jednak uważano, że człowiek nie znika po śmierci, a zostaje w pamięci towarzyszy. W wyniku rewolucji październikowej państwo zostało oddzielone od Kościoła, a w konstytucji gwarantowano obywatelom zarówno swobodę sprawowania kultu religijnego, jak i swobodę antyreligijnej propagandy (Przebinda, s. 73–75). Oczywiście żadnego wyboru tak naprawdę nie było – ruszyła kompania antyreligijna. W tym czasie dla zmarłych bolszewików nie można było stosować pochówku cerkiewnego. Zaczęto tworzyć krematoria, specjalnie szkolono ich pracowników, powstawały podręczniki dyktujące co należy mówić i jak postępować przy paleniu ciała – tworzono nową obrzędowość socjalistyczną. Jest to zjawisko dobrze widoczne na przykładzie cmentarza Nowodziewiczego w Moskwie, gdzie leżą najbardziej zasłużeni radzieccy politycy, elita partyjna, naukowa i artystyczna. Na tym cmentarzu istnieją trzy kategorie pochówku – „trumna-ziemia”, najlepsza, tylko dla najbardziej zasłużonych, „urna-ziemia” – średnia klasa i „urna-kolumbarium” – najmniej ceniona. Zasłużeni rewolucjoniści (jedna z najbardziej cenionych grup) pochowani są jednak właśnie w kolumbarium, gdyż zwalczając obrzędowość religijną, chcieli osobiście szerzyć nową tradycję – krematoria (Żebrowska, s. 8–13). Palenie ciała ewidentnie zaprzeczało głównej doktrynie prawosławnej o zmartwychwstaniu. Rozpowszechniona była w ludzie praktyka zbierania od urodzenia wszystkich swoich włosów i paznokci, żeby stanąć przed Bogiem „w komplecie”, a bez kości nie było w ogóle mowy o odrodzeniu się na Sąd Ostateczny. Dopiero po śmierci Stalina sytuacja religii w ZSRR trochę się polepszyła, ale na obrzędy kościelne władza wciąż patrzyła nieprzychylnym okiem. Obrzędy ludowe otrzymały natomiast „amnestię” od radzieckich historyków, etnografów i archeologów. Przyjęto, że Kościół prawosławny, w celu podporządkowania sobie ludzi, wykorzystywał wszelkie możliwe sposoby, w tym też przekształcał „prastare ludowe obrzędy”, które wywodziły się z czasów „czystych” od jakiejkolwiek religii. Pogaństwo z kolei było uważane za religię Słowian, którzy byli równi, prości, egalitarni i już wtedy przejawiali ciągoty w stronę socjalizmowi. Cała rzesza naukowców rzuciła się na poszukiwanie elementów socjalizmu-komunizmu u „prymitywnych” ludów ZSRR, a także w kulturze Słowian przed chrześcijaństwem – usiłowano udowodnić, że taki ustrój jest najbardziej naturalny dla ludzkości. �Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii. Przykład ZSRR 93 Po okresie odwilży partia komunistyczna znów zaczęła atakować religię. W 1971 r. została uchwalona ustawa „O zwiększeniu ateistycznego kształcenia ludności”, w której między innymi podkreślano: „Należy aktywizować działalność ateistyczną organizacji społecznych, kulturowo-oświatowych stowarzyszeń, organizacji „Wiedza”, a także prasy, telewizji, radia i kina. Trzeba zwrócić szczególną uwagę na odpowiednie przygotowanie kadry propagandystów ateizmu... Należy poświęcać więcej uwagi na tworzenie i rozpowszechnianie nowych socjalistycznych tradycji i obrzędów” (Постановление ЦК КПСС). Uważano, że w odróżnieniu od obrzędów religijnych, obrzędy ludowe odpowiadały społecznym, demokratycznym potrzebom społeczeństwa pracującego. Były w nich, zdaniem etnografów radzieckich, odzwierciedlone charakterystyczne cechy wspólnej pracy i życia prostego ludu, jego języka i sztuki, zwyczajów, socjalnego doświadczenia (Руднев, s. 4). Nowe obrzędy socjalistyczne nie mogły powstać na pustym miejscu, musiano więc dokładnie przejrzeć ludowe obyczaje i wybrać najmniej przypominające religię, „bezpieczne” elementy. Do tego też zachęcał Lenin, pisząc: „W każdej narodowej kulturze, są, chociaż i nierozwinięte, elementy demokratycznej i socjalistycznej kultury, bo w każdym narodzie istnieje klasa pracujących i uciskanych, warunki życia której zawsze prowadzą do powstania socjalistycznej i demokratycznej ideologii... Bierzemy z każdej narodowej kultury tylko jej demokratyczne i socjalistyczne elementy, bierzemy je i bezwzględnie przeciwstawiamy burżuazyjnej kulturze, burżuazyjnemu nacjonalizmowi każdego narodu” (Ленин, s. 143). Państwo bolszewickie od samego początku zwracało dużą uwagę na obrzędowość pogrzebową. Bolszewicy mieli też swoich poległych bohaterów, którzy powinni byli dostać miano „nieśmiertelnych”, „tych, którzy złożyli swoją ofiarę za sprawę” etc. Jak już wspominałam, została zmieniona przede wszystkim koncepcja pochówku – chowanie ciała w ziemi zmieniono na kremację. Choć było to tłumaczone rozrastaniem się miast i wzrostem liczby ludności, tak naprawdę chodziło o zaprzeczenie koncepcji życia pozagrobowego. Nowa socjalistyczna koncepcja istnienia po śmierci nie była dokładnie określona. Oficjalnie zostały uznane pominki ludowe (wspominki po zmarłych, Zaduszki), których np. Cerkiew nie mogła uznać, ponieważ pominki cerkiewne miały postać mszy żałobnych, modlitw za wszystkich zmarłych, refleksji, smutku. Ludowe przypominanie zmarłych było natomiast diametralnie inne. W pominki Rosjanie szli na cmentarz odwiedzić swoich zmarłych krewnych, przynosili jedzenie i alkohol, jedli i pili na grobach, zostawiając resztki dla ptaków (zwyczaj związany z ludowymi wierzeniami, według których w dni zaduszne zmarli mogą wracać na ziemię i odwiedzać swoich potomków pod postacią ptaków lub motyli). W ZSRR powstało zjawisko pominek publicznych �94 Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk – jednym z ich elementów było np. odczytywanie Księgi Wiecznej Sławy, do której są wpisywane nazwiska i imiona zmarłych, a także podkreślane były ich zasługi dla państwa i społeczeństwa. Na pominkach prywatnych zalecano zapraszanie „wodzireja”, który będzie prowadził spotkanie i zachęcał krewnych i kolegów zmarłego do spokojnego wspominania bez używania napojów „wyskokowych” (Руднев, s. 48–49). Pierwszy publiczny pochówek bez obrzędowości cerkiewnej, bez krzyży nagrobnych i nie na cmentarzu (czyli w niepoświęconej ziemi) w Rosji odbył się w Pietrogradzie, na Polu Marsowym w marcu 1917 r. Pochowane zostały ofiary rozruchów ulicznych przewrotu lutowego 1917 r. (Адоньева, s. 121). Wiele z tych osób nie zostało rozpoznanych. Długo dyskutowano na temat miejsca pochówku (były nawet propozycje, żeby pogrzebać ciała przed Pałacem Zimowym na miejscu Słupa Aleksandryjskiego). W tym czasie przez prawie miesiąc zwłoki leżały bez należytych obrzędów i zabezpieczeń. Tak opisywał to zjawisko I.A. Bunin: „Widziałem Pole Marsowe, na którym dokonano jakiegoś tradycyjnego składania ofiar rewolucji, komedię pogrzebu zmarłych – jakoby dla swobody – bohaterów. Co gorsze, była to faktycznie ironia nad zmarłymi, bo byli oni pozbawieni normalnego chrześcijańskiego pogrzebu, pochowani w trumnach nie wiadomo dlaczego koloru czerwonego i nienaturalnie pogrzebani w samym centrum miasta żywych! Komedia odbyła się w sposób nieprzemyślany i obraziła skromne prochy nieznanych nikomu zmarłych patetycznymi przemowami. Całkowicie zepsuli wspaniały plac, zrobili wykopy, wsadzili do ziemi wysokie ohydne kije zawinięte w czarną tkaninę i nie wiadomo dlaczego, obudowali to miejsce płotami, tak samo jak te kije brzydkimi” (Бунин, s. 157–158). Na początku lat dwudziestych trzeba było jednak zamienić czasowy pomnik na trwały w celu wpisania na stałe w pamięć ludzi pierwszych poległych dla rewolucji socjalistycznej. Obiekt ten faktycznie jest pierwszym tworem radzieckiej architektury. W tym samym czasie pojawiają się pierwsze koncepcje na temat nieśmiertelności bohaterów socjalistycznych. Tak np. uważał Lunaczarskij, który w ten sposób wypowiadał się na temat pomników dla poległych rewolucjonistów: „Nieśmiertelny jest poległy dla wielkiej sprawy, w ludzie będzie zawsze wiecznie ten, kto życie złożył dla ludu, pracował, walczył i zmarł dla wspólnego szczęścia. Nie znając wszystkich bohaterów, którzy podczas walki za swobodę krew swoją oddali – rodzaj ludzki czci nieznanych” (Литературное наследство, s. 82). W późniejszych dziejach pojawiało się coraz więcej zmarłych dla socjalizmu, na których miejscach pochówku pojawiało się zjawisko palenia wiecznego ognia. Pierwszy wieczny ogień w ZSRR zapłonął na tym samym �Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii. Przykład ZSRR 95 Polu Marsowym w 1957 r. (czterdziesta rocznica rewolucji październikowej). Z tego miejsca ten sam ogień rozpoczął wędrówkę po całym kraju. Dziesięć lat później wieczny ogień został przywieziony z Leningradu do Moskwy, gdzie zapłonął przed Grobem Nieznanego Żołnierza pod ścianą Kremla. Następnym miejscem podróży ognia był cmentarz Piskariewski i Seramiwoski w Leningradzie, gdzie zostały pochowane ofiary II wojny światowej, a dokładniej ludność cywilna, która zginęła podczas oblężenia Leningradu w latach 1941–1944. W taki sposób „do bohaterów Rewolucji dołączyli bohaterowie Wielkiej Wojny Ojczyźnianej. Sztafeta wiecznego ognia symbolizuje nieśmiertelność czynów bohaterskich pokoleń walczących za zwycięstwo socjalizmu” (С.Б. Адоньева, s. 130; Kaлинин). W taki sposób do kategorii „świętych” socjalistycznych, do której zaliczani byli zmarli działający na rzecz rewolucji, zostały zaliczone także ofiary i polegli żołnierze wojny 1941–1945 r. W latach dwudziestych XX w. powstawały najbardziej zadziwiające pomysły, które miały zastąpić starą obrzędowość. Wiele z tych pomysłów zostało już dawno zapomnianych, jak np. „oktiabriny”, które miały zastąpić chrzest (rosyjskie określenie chrztu brzmi „kriestiny” – w analogii do tego stworzono „oktiabriny”, od rosyjskiego „oktiabr’” – październik), podczas których nadawano uroczyście imię i śpiewano pieśni rewolucyjne4; „wesele czerwone” czy pogrzeb świecki. W tym okresie odrzucono zwyczaj ozdabiania choinki, jako element kościelny oraz burżuazyjny, jednak choinka powróciła w drugiej połowie trzydziestych lat XX w., ponieważ nie wymyślono niczego, co mogłoby ją zastąpić. Tradycja ubierania choinki i zostawiania pod nią prezentów została przeniesiona na święto Nowego Roku, które nie miało wydźwięku religijnego. Nowa ideologia asymilowała stare obrzędy i święta kościelne, nadając im nowe znaczenia – nie była to zresztą nowa strategia – wszystkie religie światowe wchłaniały obrzędy i święta występujące wcześniej wśród nowo nawracanych ludów. Po rozpadzie ZSRR można było obserwować próby adaptacji świąt radzieckich do nowej rzeczywistości. Te próby nie zawsze były udane – przykładem może być święto 7 listopada, które od 1918 r. było świętem Dnia Wielkiej Rewolucji Październikowej. Po rozpadzie ZSRR w 1995 r. to święto zostało ogłoszone Dniem Chwały Wojskowej, ale ta zmiana nie została przyjęta przez ludzi. W 1996 r. nazwę święta zmieniono na Dzień Zgody i Przyjaźni, a w 2004 r. święto zostało przeniesione na 4 listopada i przemianowane na Dzień Jednoś4  Ten obrzęd został pokazany w radzieckim filmie Psie serce w reżyserii Władimira Bortko z 1988 r. oraz opisany przez Michaiła Bułhakowa w opowiadaniu Złote korespondencje Fieraponta Fierapontowicza Kaporcewa, Moskwa 1990. �96 Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk ci Narodowej, który ma upamiętniać zdobycie Kremla, okupowanego przez oddziały polskie, przez wojska rosyjskich powstańców ludowych w 1612 r. Data i wydarzenie z nią związane zostały wybrane głównie dlatego, że było to najbardziej znaczące wydarzenie w historii Rosji najbliżej daty 7 listopada. Po dzień dzisiejszy dla większości Rosjan to święto jest mało zrozumiałe, ponieważ dotyczy zbyt odległych czasów. Ten wybór jest odczytywany również jako zły, dlatego że w przyszłości, przy ewentualnej zmianie polityki państwowej, święto to może stać się narzędziem antypolskiej propagandy. Istnieje także problem z przywróceniem świąt religijnych, ponieważ tradycja ich obchodzenia zanikła w Związku Radzieckim. Znów pomocni stają się etnolodzy, którzy udzielają wskazówek jak „tradycyjnie” mają być obchodzone wszystkie święta. Często odrzuca się doświadczenie okresu radzieckiego i nakłania się do obchodzenia świąt w taki sposób, jak robiono to przed 1917 r. W takich przypadkach może dochodzić do zupełnego załamania obrazu współczesnej kultury wszystkich ludów rosyjskich. Dlatego sądzę, że etnolodzy powinni pamiętać, iż kultura poszczególnych ludów czy narodów jest zmienna, adaptuje się do zmieniającego się świata. Nie warto więc wracać do obrzędów sprzed 1917 r., uważając, że nie zostały one skażone przez komunizm i dlatego są bardziej „prawdziwe”. W przypadku tworzenia nowych świąt warto zaś się zastanowić, czy będą one czytelne dla szerokich mas, czy będą miały znaczenie i w jaki sposób wykreowanie jakiegoś święta może zmienić współczesną kulturę mieszkańców Rosji. Język a polityka etniczna Język jest jednym z kluczowych elementów tożsamości etnicznej. Zanik własnego języka oznacza często również zanik własnej odrębnej kultury i asymilację. Chciałabym teraz przytoczyć dwa przykłady manipulowania językiem w Związku Radzieckim dla osiągnięcia pewnych celów politycznych. Jak już wspomniałam, w początkowym okresie ZSRR prowadzono intensywne badania i prace nad stworzeniem pisma dla wszystkich radzieckich grup etnicznych. Lingwiści i etnografowie również zastanawiali się nad unifikacją różnych alfabetów używanych w Imperium Rosyjskim. Dla ludów rosyjskich tradycyjna była cyrylica, alfabet arabski oraz staromongolski. Oczywiście była też grupa narodów używających alfabetu łacińskiego, ale nie była to ludność rdzennie rosyjska, która po 1917 r. w większości uzyskała niepodległość i stworzyła własne państwa. Cyrylica (grażdanka) na początku lat dwudziestych XX w. kojarzyła się ze starym reżimem, przez niektórych naukowców i działaczy politycznych była uważana za alfabet zacofany, dlatego pismo dla ludów nie- �Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii. Przykład ZSRR 97 piśmiennych tworzone było na podstawie alfabetu łacińskiego. W tym okresie istniały zresztą pomysły przeniesienia zapisu języka rosyjskiego na alfabet łaciński. Nie wprowadzono natomiast żadnych zmian w zapisie dla ludów posługujących się innymi alfabetami niż cyrylica. Lata trzydzieste XX w. okazały się destrukcyjne dla literatury ludów używających alfabetów innych niż cyrylica. Przykładem mogą tu być Buriaci, do 1917 r. posiadający bogatą literaturę, głównie sakralną, zapisywaną pionowym alfabetem staromongolskim. Po 1917 r. inteligencja buriacka zaczęła tworzyć literaturę piękną, a także naukową, używając nadal zapisu staromongolskiego. W 1931 r. cała Buriacja przeszła jednak z alfabetu staromongolskiego na łaciński. Doprowadziło to do sytuacji, w której młodsze pokolenie Buriatów zostało odłączone od literatury buriackiej powstałej przed 1931 r., co oczywiście prowadziło do pewnego zubożeniu kultury buriackiej. Za podstawę literackiego języka buriackiego uznano dialekt selengijski (congolski), najbardziej zbliżony do języka Chałcha, co miało według naukowców nie pozwolić na oddalenie od cywilizacji mongolskiej zachodnich i wschodnich Buriatów. Dialekt selengijski zbyt się jednak różnił od dialektów zachodnich i wschodnich Buriatów, co doprowadziło do tego, że oficjalny język literacki nie pełnił swoich funkcji społecznych i posługiwali się nim w pełni tylko mieszkańcy Buriacji Centralnej (Чимитдоржиев 1996, s. 45). W roku 1936 r. literacki język buriacki zostaje zmieniony z dialektu selengijskiego na wschodnio-buriacki dialekt choryjski. Zaczynał się okres czystek i represji stalinowskich i zmiana ta była podyktowana strachem władz przed sztucznie wykreowanym zagrożeniem panmongolizmu. Propagatorzy zmiany języka literackiego powoływali się na ten sam argument, co propagatorzy dialektu selengijskiego – zbyt duża bliskość do języka Chałcha, co miało łączyć Buriatów z innymi ludami mongolskimi i zwiększać niebezpieczeństwo wpływu idei panmongolizmu na Buriatów. W 1939 r. dokonało się ostateczne zniszczenie tradycji języka buriackiego, nierozerwalnie związanego z tradycją i kulturą innych ludów mongolskich – alfabet łaciński zmieniono na alfabet rosyjski, do którego zostały dodane trzy litery oznaczające dźwięki, których brakuje w języku rosyjskim (Хабаева, s. 12). Wszystkie te zmiany były prowadzone pod okiem radzieckich etnografów i lingwistów. Po rozpadzie ZSRR naukowcy buriaccy znów pochylili się nad problemem literackiego języka buriackiego. Panuje przekonanie, że obecny buriacki język literacki jest językiem tylko jednego z plemion buriackich – Chori, oraz że we współczesnej Buriacji powinny być minimum dwa różne języki, należące do języków mongolskich, które obecnie są uważane za dialekty jednego języka buriackiego. Zwraca się uwagę, że Buriaci z różnych regionów swojego terenu �98 Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk etnicznego posiadają tak odrębne dialekty, że aby rozumieć się nawzajem, zmuszeni są rozmawiać pomiędzy sobą po rosyjsku. Język buriacki jest drugim obok rosyjskiego językiem państwowym w Buriacji. Jest jednak rzadko używany oficjalnie, między innymi dlatego, iż jest niezrozumiały dla wielu grup Buriatów. Zdaniem wielu naukowców buriackich zajmujących się problematyką własnego języka, jest to jeden z powodów obniżenia czytelnictwa literatury w języku buriackim, a także skuteczności nauki tego języka w szkołach (Шагдаров, s. 127–131). Drugim przykładem jest historia języka karelskiego w czasach istnienia ZSRR. Przed rewolucją październikową istniała literatura w języku karelskim zapisywana cyrylicą, chociaż nigdy nie został skodyfikowany jeden wspólny zapis. Po 1917 r. język karelski nie miał własnego systemu pisma. W 1918 r. w Karelii najważniejsze stanowiska partyjne i administracyjne obejmowali tak zwani „czerwoni Finowie” – uczestnicy rewolucji socjalistycznej w 1918 r. w Finlandii, którzy po klęsce uciekli do Karelii. Finowie uważali wówczas (nawet do dziś część naukowców z Finlandii podziela ten pogląd), że „małe” języki ugrofińskie Rosji Północnej, jak np. karelski czy wepski, są dialektami języka fińskiego. Fiński przedstawiano jako język kulturowy posiadający formę pisaną. W opozycji do niego postawiono rdzenne języki Karelii – karelski oraz wepski, przedstawiając je jako zacofane. Skutkiem takiego działania była „fonizacja” tych dwóch języków i wycofanie ich zupełnie ze sfery oficjalnej – język fiński uznano za drugi obok rosyjskiego rdzenny język ludowy mieszkańców Karelii (Клементьев, s. 197–200). Taka sytuacja trwała do połowy trzydziestych lat XX w., kiedy Stalin w obawie o ruchy separatystyczne zmienia koncepcję polityki etnicznej. Narzucenie języka fińskiego było określane jako przejaw nacjonalizmu burżuazyjnego. Wskutek tego w 1937 r. podjęto prace nad stworzeniem literackiego języka karelskiego oraz pisma dla niego. Stworzono alfabet na podstawie cyrylicy. Proces ten trwał do 1940 r., kiedy po wojnie radziecko-fińskiej 1939–1940 Karelska Autonomiczna Socjalistyczna Republika Radziecka, wchodząca w skład Rosyjskiej Federacyjnej Socjalistycznej Republiki Radzieckiej, została wyodrębniona, zmieniła status i nazwę na Karelo-Fińską Socjalistyczną Republikę Radziecką. Ta zmiana spowodowana była planami podboju i włączenia Finlandii w skład ZSRR. Wskutek tych zabiegów w 1940 r. konstytucja Karelo-Fińskiej SRR ponownie zatwierdziła jako języki państwowe tylko język rosyjski i fiński (Советы Карелии, s. 208). Karelo-Fińska SRR w 1956 r. została z powrotem przekształcona w Karelską ASRR, ponieważ władza radziecka ostatecznie zrezygnowała z zamiarów aneksji Finlandii. Język karelski nie został jednak uznany za język urzędowy �Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii. Przykład ZSRR 99 Karelii, a prace nad tworzeniem języka literackiego i jego zapisu zostały zawieszone. Istniała pomimo wszystko potrzeba stworzenia zapisu języka karelskiego. W rozmowie z Aleksandrem Sawieljewym, piszącym po karelsku poetą z miejscowości Priaża, okazało się, że potrzeba czytania we własnym języku była na tyle silna, że w latach siedemdziesiątych XX w. zaczął on pisać wiersze w języku karelskim i zapisywać je fonetycznie po rosyjsku (badania terenowe, Rosja, Karelia, Priaża, sierpień 2010). Dopiero po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego lingwiści i etnolodzy z Pietrozawodska (stolicy Republiki Karelia) wrócili do kwestii stworzenia języka literackiego. Obecnie istnieje zapis tego języka na podstawie alfabetu łacińskiego, nie stworzono jednak jednego języka literackiego. Wybór języka literackiego oraz zmiana alfabetu może stać się narzędziem manipulacji w rękach władzy. Takie działania mogą być destrukcyjne dla każdej kultury – mogą powodować jej zanik i całkowitą akulturację etnosu. Ruchy narodowe jako narzędzie represji Począwszy od drugiej połowy XIX w. do początków XX w. nastąpił okres rozkwitu ideologii narodowych, takich jak panslawizm, pangermanizm, panturkizm, panmongolizm czy panfinizm. Wszystkie te ruchy oparte były na pomyśle stworzenia jednego państwa, które zrzeszałoby ludy o podobnym pochodzeniu i języku. Miało to zapewnić rozwój kulturowy i cywilizacyjny wybranej grupie narodów i pokój w takim hipotetycznym państwie. Niektóre z tych koncepcji były realizowane na obszarze Imperium Rosyjskiego, a potem ZSRR. Chcę skupić się na jednej ideologii, która w 1937 r. została wykorzystana jako narzędzie represji wobec ludów mongolskich. Po raz pierwszy określenia panmongolizm użył twórca symbolizmu rosyjskiego, poeta Władimir Sołowjow. Pod pojęciem tym rozumiał sojusz ludów Azji (należących do rasy mongolskiej) przeciwko Europejczykom i zniszczenie ich kultury. Wkrótce to hasło zostało przyjęte przez ruch niepodległościowy Mongołów, którzy dążyli do stworzenia niezależnego państwa, poprzez oddzielenie się terytorium Mongolii Zewnętrznej (obecne państwo Mongolia) i Wewnętrznej (obecnie prowincja Chin) od Chin i stworzenie państwa mongolskiego. Ludy mongolskie Rosji – przede wszystkim Buriaci, mieszkający w sąsiedztwie z Mongołami – wspierali tę działalność, ale do 1917 r. nie stawiali sobie za cel oddzielenia się od Rosji. Dopiero dojście do władzy bolszewików w 1917 r. i rozpoczęcie wojny domowej pomiędzy „czerwonymi” i „białymi” popchnęły część inteligencji buriackiej w stronę idei odłączenia Buriacji od Rosji i wejścia w skład istniejącej już wówczas niepodległej Mongolii. Idea pan- �100 Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk mongolizmu oraz sami Mongołowie i Buriaci byli używani dla własnych celów przez takich znanych przywódców „białych” na obszarze Syberii Południowej jak baron Ungern oraz ataman Siemionow, dążących do odtworzenia „starego porządku” – restauracji monarchii w Rosji. Po zwycięstwie Armii Czerwonej na Zabajkalu i ustanowieniu władzy radzieckiej koncepcja panmongolizmu została ogłoszona jako kontrrewolucyjna, będąca przejawem nacjonalizmu burżuazyjnego (Жамаганова 2000, s. 157–162). W latach trzydziestych XX w. miała miejsce destabilizacja sytuacji politycznej na Dalekim Wschodzie na skutek ekspansji japońskiej na tereny Chin północno-wschodnich. Stalin, w obawie przed użyciem ideologii panmongolizmu przez Japonię w celu stworzenia w regionie „państwa marionetkowego”, zaczyna czystki wśród inteligencji buriackiej. Od początku 1937 r. NKWD fabrykuje „sprawę organizacji A. Dorżyjewa5”, która jakoby istniała w 1929 r. i miała swoje „powstańcze filie” we wszystkich dużych dacanach (świątyniach buddyjskich). Stwierdzono, że lamowie w większości są szpiegami japońskimi – zbierali ważne dane i zajmowali się działaniem dywersyjnym w dużych fabrykach i w kołchozach. Dodatkowo w Leningradzie ujawniono Japońsko-Buriackie Centrum Kontrrewolucyjne, które według NKWD było filią „organizacji A. Dorżyjewa”. Wszyscy lamowie mieszkający w Leningradzie, ale także wielu naukowców wschodoznawców, którzy pracowali w Instytucie Wschodoznawstwa i w Leningradzkim Instytucie Wschodnim, zostali aresztowani (Историко-культурный атлас Бурятии, s. 246). Lamom „wypomniano” ich ponoć kontrrewolucyjną działalność w czasie wojny domowej w latach 1918–1922. Lamowie wraz z nacjonalistami buriackimi mieli jakoby wspierać atamana Siemieniowa i barona Ungerna i popierać hasło „Azja dla Azjatów”, rzucone przez japońskich interwentów, przystając tym samym do idei panmongolizmu. Takie podejście lamów, według sfabrykowanych danych NKWD, owocowało ich uczestnictwem wraz z kułakami w egzekucjach komunistycznych partyzantów, a także wydawaniem ich oddziałom białogwardzistów (Шулунов, s. 110–117). W Buriacji w ciągu 1937 r. i 10 miesięcy 1938 r. zostało aresztowanych 6836 osób, z których w tym samym okresie osądzono 4907 osób. 2483 osoby skazano na karę śmierci, a pozostałe 2424 otrzymały różne kary pozbawienia wolności. Dodatkowo w tym czasie organy praworządne odkryły na terenie 5  Agwan Dorżyjew – buddyjski lama oraz działacz polityczny pochodzący z Buriacji. Pod koniec XIX w. był jednym z nauczycieli młodego XIII Dalajlamy. W późniejszym okresie wysłannik Tybetu w Rosji. Po rewolucji 1917 r. pozostał w kraju, gdzie próbował odnowić buriacki Kościół Buddyjski – lamowie mieli się zrzec bogactw i sami wytwarzać jedzenie dla siebie. �Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii. Przykład ZSRR 101 Buriacji dużą liczbę szpiegów: japońskich – 347, polskich – 74, niemieckich – 12, estońskich – 5, litewskich – 5 i po jednym szpiegu z Jugosławii, Rumunii i Bułgarii (История Бурятии, s. 63–64). Represjom zostali poddani przede wszystkim lamowie, większość z wysoko postawionych lamów została rozstrzelana, Agwan Dorżyjew w wieku 84 lat zmarł na zawał w szpitalu więziennym Ułan-Ude 29 stycznia 1938 r. (Андреев, s. 161–162), a także inteligencja buriacka i Buriaci-działacze Partii Komunistycznej. W 1937 r. Stalin, obawiając się buntu i odłączeniu Buriacji od ZSRR, zdecydował się podzielić tereny zamieszkałe przez Buriatów, które wchodziły w skład Buriat-Mongolskiej ASRR, na pięć jednostek terytorialnych. 26 września 1937 r. uchwalono postanowienie Centralnego Komitetu Wykonawczego ZSRR o podziale obwodu wschodnio-syberyjskiego na obwody irkucki i czytyjski, a także o przyłączeniu do obwodu irkuckiego ajmaku6 olchońskiego i części bałagańskiego, a do obwodu czytyjskiego – ajmaku ułan-onońskiego. Ponadto na terenie obwodu irkuckiego stworzono ust’-ordyński buriat-mongolski okręg narodowy, a na terenie odwodu czytyjskiego – agijski buriat-mongolski okręg narodowy. Zarządzaniem tymi dwoma okręgami miały się zajmować władze obwodu irkuckiego i czytyjskiego (Чимитдоржиев 2001, s. 35–37). Wynikiem takiego podziału było znaczne zmniejszenie procentowe liczby Buriatów we wszystkich trzech jednostkach terytorialnych – od czasu podziału Buriaci stanowią mniejszość na swojej ziemi. Większość z inteligencji buriackiej pod koniec lat dwudziestych i na początku trzydziestych rozumiała ideę panmongolizmu jako odrodzenie kulturowe ludów mongolskich. Niestety, w państwie totalitarnym każde pojęcia, myśl lub idea może stać się narzędziem terroru. Stalin w obawie, że nawet jeden przykład separatyzmu lub idei ponadpaństwowego połączenia pokrewnych ludów może doprowadzić do rozpadu ZSRR, prowadził politykę represji wobec wszystkich ludów ZSRR. W Związku Radzieckim etnologia, jak inne gałęzie nauki były podporządkowane władzy. Część etnografów oraz folklorystów tworzyła koncepcje polityki etnicznej ZSRR lub świadomie w nich uczestniczyła. Warto w tym miejscu jednak wspomnieć także o represjonowanych etnografach, którzy zginęli w trzydziestych latach XX w. z powodu wygłaszania koncepcji, które nie podobały się władzom, przez obronę kultury ludów, które badali czy po prostu z powodu „złej” biografii. W 2002 i 2003 r. Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Rosyjskiej Akademii Nauk opublikował dwutomowy zbiór biografii zapomnianych, represjonowanych etnografów radzieckich pod tytułem Represjonowani etnografowie. W czasie 6 Ajmak – tradycyjna dla Mongolii i Buriacji jednostka administracyjna. �102 Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk istnienia Związku Radzieckiego zarówno etnografowie, jak i inni naukowcy próbowali przystosować się do systemu politycznego, nie rezygnując jednak z własnych zainteresowań. Prawie dziesięć lat temu w prywatnej rozmowie profesor Taras Maksimowicz Michajłow, wybitny specjalista w badaniach nad szamanizmem buriackim, tak wypowiedział się na temat swojej opublikowanej w 1987 r. książki Szamanizm buriacki: historia, struktura i funkcje społeczne: „Owszem – w tej pracy jest dość pokaźna ilość odwołań do dzieł Lenina i innych przywódców komunistycznych. Ale w tamtym okresie wszyscy etnografowie musieli powoływać się na Lenina, bo inaczej prace nie byłyby publikowane. Ja musiałem jeszcze bardziej się postarać, ponieważ temat szamanizmu i w ogóle tematyka religijna nie były chętnie widziane przez władzę”. Mimo zabarwienia ideologicznego, prace wielu etnografów radzieckich do dziś stanowią ważne źródła naukowe. Czytając je, należy jednak pamiętać, jak ważną rolę może odegrać etnologia w każdym państwie, nie tylko totalitarnym, ale również jak ideologia każdego państwa może oddziaływać na naukę. Konkluzje Powyższy tekst jest przykładem wykorzystania etnografii/etnologii przez państwo. W przypadku państw totalitarnych i wieloetnicznych ma ono szczególne znaczenie. Zostały tu przedstawione konkretne przykłady wpływu sytuacji politycznej na etnografię/etnologię w ZSRR, a także przykłady jak władze radzieckie przy pomocy teorii etnologicznych i niektórych naukowców decydowały o losie całych grup etnicznych. Wszystkie te działania, zdaniem polityków radzieckich, miały tworzyć jedną wspólnotę obywateli ponad etnicznymi podziałami, kontrolować tę wspólnotę i zwalczać wszelkie dążenia separatystyczne. Zakres wykorzystywania różnych aspektów etnicznych w życiu politycznym ZSRR był bardzo szeroki. Okresem, w którym etnografia/etnologia była szczególnie stosowana przez władze radzieckie, była druga połowa lat dwudziestych oraz lata trzydzieste XX w. W czasie, kiedy powstawała koncepcja nowego państwa, bardzo ważnym aspektem było tworzenie nowej „braterskiej” wspólnoty wszystkich ludów ZSRR, w której każdy miał być „człowiekiem radzieckim”. W celu utworzenia nowej świadomości istniały próby „wytłumaczenia” nowego układu politycznego w kategoriach zrozumiałych dla wybranych grup etnicznych – przykładem tego jest tworzenie folkloru „ludowego” przez naukowców, dziennikarzy etc. na temat Lenina, Stalina, władzy radzieckiej, a w niektórych przypadkach nawet ubóstwiania przywódców państwowych. Władze ZSRR podjęły również próbę odcięcia całych narodów od przedrewolucyjnej literatury, która mogła �Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii. Przykład ZSRR 103 wzbudzać poczucie tożsamości etnicznej, co z kolei prowadziłoby do działań separatystycznych – w tym celu odbyło się kilka reform języków pisanych występujących w Związku Radzieckim. Reformy te doprowadziły do sytuacji, w których młodsze pokolenia nie potrafiły przeczytać spuścizny własnej literatury etnicznej, ponieważ uczone były czytania tylko w nowym alfabecie. W latach trzydziestych XX w. ideologie etniczne były używane przez państwo jako narzędzie represji w stosunku do przedstawicieli inteligencji etnicznej, także w celu osłabiania poczucia tożsamości, przykładem może być sprawa panmongolistów – przedstawicieli rzekomo niebezpiecznego ruchu separatystycznego, zagrażającego racji stanu młodego państwa socjalistycznego. Najwięcej pracy praktycznej etnografowie radzieccy wykonali podczas tworzenia nowej obrzędowości rodzinnej i dorocznej „człowieka radzieckiego”, która bez względu na różnice etniczne i religijne istniejące przed 1917 r., miała za zadanie zespolić każdego z nowo wytworzoną wspólnotą. Warto pamiętać, że również obecnie, w państwie demokratycznym stosuje się aspekty etniczne jako narzędzie polityki. To może być prowadzenie polityki międzynarodowej, podpartej pewnymi stereotypami etnicznymi, podtrzymywanie i budowanie więzi ponadetnicznych z państwami, z którymi utrzymuje się przyjazne stosunki dyplomatyczne, czy wykorzystanie elementów etnicznych w polityce wewnątrzpaństwowej. Etnolog powinien rozumieć głębsze znaczenie działań politycznych związanych z różnymi aspektami etnicznymi i pamiętać, do czego może doprowadzić odgórnie kontrolowana współpraca etnologii i państwa. Literatura I. W języku polskim: Bajki... 1954 – Bajki ludów Północy, Warszawa. Imos R. 2007 – Wiara człowieka radzieckiego, Kraków. Kula M. 2003 – Religiopodobny komunizm, Kraków. Przebinda G. 2002 – Bóg na stosie, w: „Polityka”, nr 20(2350). Żebrowska A. 2002 – Biust z harmonią orderów, w: „Gazeta Wyborcza”, Magazyn, nr 18 (478). �104 Veronika Beliaeva-Saczuk II. W języku rosyjskim: Адоньева С.Б. 2001 – Категория ненастоящего времени, Санкт-Петербург. Андреев А.И. 2004 – Храм Будды в Северной столице, Санкт-Петербург. Булгаков М. 1990 – Золотые корреспонденции Ферапонта Ферапонтовича Капорцева, Москва. Бунин И.А. 2000 – Oкаянные дни, С.-Петербург. Зощенко М.М. 1984 – Рассказы о Ленине, Москва. Жамаганова Д.В. 2000 – Некоторые аспекты влияния политического фалтора на формирование и трансформацию идеи панмонголизма // Проблемы истории и культуры кочевых цивилизаций Центральной Азии. История. Филосифия. Социология. Филология. Искусство, Улан-Удэ. Иванова Т.В. 1986 – Святозеро в его песнях и преданиях // Фольклористика Карелии, Петрозаводск. – Историко-культурный атлас Бурятии, ред. Н.Л. Жуковская, Москва. В.Ц. Найдаков (ред.) 1993 – История Бурятии. Конец XIX в. – 1941 г. Часть I, Улан-Удэ. Б. Kaлинин 1986 – Вечный огонь, w: „Ленинградская правда”, nr 277. Клементьев Е.И. 2003 – Карельский язык. Языковые процессы в XIX–XX вв. // Прибалтийско-финские народы России, Москва 2003. Криничная Н. 1988 – Пулькин В., Медный вершник, Петрозаводск. Ленин В.И. 1972 – Социализм и религия, Собрание сочинений, т. 12, Москва. Литературное... 1971 – Литературное наследство. Т. 80: В.И. Ленин и А.В. Луначарский. Неизданная переписка, Москва. �Etnologia na usługach państwa i ideologii. Przykład ZSRR 105 Михайлов Т.М. 1994 – Бурятский шаманизм: история, структура и социальные функции, Новосибирск 1987. Тишков В.А. (ред.) 1994 – Народы России, Москва. Постановление... 1971 – Постановление ЦК КПСС от 16 июля 1971 г. „Об усилении атеистического воспитания населения”. Райкова И. 1993 – Петр I: Предания, легенды, сказки и анекдоты, Москва. Руднев В.А. 1982 – Обряды народные и обряды церковные, Ленинград. Советы... 1993 – Советы Карелии. 1917–1992: Документы и материалы, Петрозаводск. Тишков В.А. 2003 – Реквием по этносу. Исследования по социально-культурной антропологии, Москва. Горький А.М. (ред.) 1937 – Творчество народов СССР, Москва. Хабаева И.М. 1996 – Буряты и бурятский язык: сложная судьба // Мэндэ-э! Начальный курс бурятского языка, Улан-Удэ. Чимитдоржиев Ш.Б. 1996 – Проблемы бурятского литературного языка // Современное положение бурятского народа и перспективы его развития, Улан-Удэ. 2001 – Бурят – монголы: история и современность, Улан-Удэ. Шагдаров Л. 2004 – Бурятский литературный язык // Куда исчезла единая Бурят-Монголия (1937 и 1958 годы), Улан-Удэ. Шулунов Ф.М. 1940 – Котрреволюция и ламство // Записки ГИЯЛИ, № 2. �� https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/3f77738bb5136c4ee1a113c326841737.pdf bb4bdc953e4bdb52d0172507d57aea3a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5520 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 Subject The topic of the resource uchodźcy Tybet - uchodźcy Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5135 Title A name given to the resource Wyobrażony status uchodźcy i niechciane obywatelstwo / Obywatelstwo na progu XXI wieku: konteksty prawne i kulturowe Description An account of the resource Obywatelstwo na progu XXI wieku: konteksty prawne i kulturowe, pod red.Macieja Ząbka, s.199-206 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Bloch, Natalia Language A language of the resource pol Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Biuro Krajowe UHCR Miedzynarodowe Centrum Dialogu Międzykulturowego i Międzyreligijnego UKSW Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 14 NATALIA BLOCH Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu WYOBRAŻONY STATUS UCHODŹCY I NIECHCIANE OBYWATELSTWO Dekonstrukcja naturalizacji jako zwieńczenia integracji na przykładzie diaspory tybetańskiej w Indiach Niniejszy tekst jest dekonstrukcją, z jednej strony, kategorii obywatelstwa jako źródła wzmocnienia (empowerment) i podmiotowości, z drugiej natomiast uchodźstwa jako kategorii stygmatyzującej. Celem tego zabiegu jest ukontekstowiona próba zrelatywizowania pewnych kategorii często traktowanych jako uniwersalne i jednoznacznie waloryzowanych – przykładem jest tutaj naturalizacja ukazywana jako zjawisko pozytywne pozwalające zakończyć uchodźstwo postrzegane jako stan anormalny – oraz ukazanie możliwości, jakie z takiej dekonstrukcji wynikają dla projektowania polityki integracyjnej wobec uchodźców i imigrantów. Artykuł został oparty na wielostanowiskowych, częściowo wahadłowych badaniach terenowych, które prowadziłam w diasporze tybetańskiej w Indiach na przestrzeni lat 2002–20081. Diaspora tybetańska w Indiach Tybetańczycy zaczęli uciekać na subkontynent indyjski po fiasku powstania przeciwko władzy Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej, które wybuchło w Tybecie w roku 1959. W efekcie tej pierwszej fali uchodźstwa schronienie w Indiach, Nepalu i Bhutanie znalazło około 80 tys. osób. Kolejna fala napłynęła wskutek represji, do których doszło po demonstracjach niepodległościowych w latach 1 Zasadnicza część badań została zrealizowana przy wsparciu finansowym Ministerstwa Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego w ramach grantu promotorskiego nr N N109 3683 33 zatytułowanego „Kultura a polityka. Na przykładzie młodego pokolenia uchodźców tybetańskich w Indiach” (2007–2009). Pełne efekty tych badań zostały zaprezentowane w książce: N. B l o c h, Urodzeni uchodźcy. Tożsamość pokolenia młodych Tybetańczyków w Indiach, Wrocław 2011. �198 Natalia Bloch 1987 i 1989, zakończonych wprowadzeniem stanu wojennego2. W rezultacie w Indiach mieszka obecnie ponad 95 tys. Tybetańczyków3, a ośrodek recepcyjny w Dharamsali – nieformalnej stolicy diaspory – rejestruje rocznie napływ 3–4 tysięcy nowych uchodźców. Na terytorium Indii utworzono około 35 obozów tybetańskich, rozrzuconych po całym subkontynencie: od południowego stanu Karnataka po himalajski Ladakh. W położonej na północy Dharamsali mieści się siedziba rządu uchodźczego oraz tybetańskich organizacji pozarządowych. Obywatelstwo w studiach uchodźczych Uzyskanie obywatelstwa kraju przyjmującego jest ukazywane w klasycznej literaturze przedmiotu oraz w politykach państw jako przypieczętowanie pomyślnej integracji uchodźców i imigrantów z ich „nową ojczyzną”4. W kategoriach dyskursu narodowego oznacza deklarację lojalności i ponowne wpisanie ludzi określanych jako wymiejscowieni (displaced) w ramy, które Liisa Malkki nazywa „narodowym porządkiem rzeczy”5. Porządek ów, ukształtowany na fali rodzących się nacjonalizmów w XIX-wiecznej Europie, każe nam postrzegać świat jako wielkie puzzle złożone z państw narodowych. Sam związek państwa o określonych granicach i zamieszkującego w ich obrębie narodu jawi się jako naturalny, a przez to oczywisty. To właśnie implikuje termin „naturalizacja”: przywrócenie do naturalnego stanu bycia obywatelem państwa narodowego6. W zamian zyskuje się prawa przysługujące obywatelom i ochronę państwa. Stanie się obywatelem ma zakończyć liminalność stanu uchodźstwa, interpretowanego przez antropologów jako obrzęd przejścia pomiędzy dawnym życiem w kraju pochodzenia a „zakorzenieniem” w kraju przyjmującym7. Ten 2 T. P h u n t s o, Government in Exile, w: Exile as Challenge. The Tibetan Diaspora, eds. D. Bernstorff, H. von Welck, New Delhi 2004, s. 142. 3 P. T h i n l e y, Planning Commission Releases Report on Tibetan Demographic Survey, 2010, http://www.phayul.com/news/article.aspx?id=28666&t=1 [26.10.2012]. 4 K. Tr z c i ń s k i, Obywatelstwo w Europie. Z dziejów idei i instytucji, Warszawa 2006. 5 L.H. M a l k k i, Refugees and Exile: From ‘Refugee Studies’ to the National Order of Things, „Annual Review of Anthropology”, 24(1995), s. 495–523. 6 Zob. P.Q. Ya n g, Explaining Immigrant Naturalization, „International Migration Review”, 28(1994), nr 3(107), s. 449–477. 7 B.E. H a r r e l l - B o n d, E. Vo u t i r a, Anthropology and the Study of Refugees, „Anthropology Today”, 8(1992), nr 4, s. 6–11. Jako narzędzia analitycznego używa się tu klasycznej kategorii rite de passage Arnolda van Gennepa: obrzęd taki jest bolesny, ale ma zapewniać temu, który przez niego przechodzi, społeczny awans (A. van G e n n e p, Obrzędy przejścia. Systematyczne studium ceremonii, przeł. B. Biały, Warszawa 2006). �Wyobrażony status uchodźcy i niechciane obywatelstwo 199 rodzaj konceptualizacji jest konsekwencją krytykowanej przez coraz większą liczbę badaczy tendencji do terytorializowania ludzi i ich tożsamości, czyli „ukrytego odwzorowywania kultur na miejsca”8, a co za tym idzie – postrzegania „wymiejscowienia” jako stanu anormalnego9. Stąd zakładanie, że dążeniem każdego uchodźcy – czy szerzej każdej osoby „wymiejscowionej” – jest uzyskanie obywatelstwa kraju przyjmującego. Mamy tu więc do czynienia z tym, co Akhil Gupta i James Ferguson nazywają „naturalizmem narodowym”, czyli postrzeganiem związków obywateli państw z ich terytoriami jako naturalne, „podczas gdy w rzeczywistości są one sporne, niepewne i płynne”10. Odmowa naturalizacji jako strategia adaptacyjna Tymczasem Tybetańczycy żyjący w Indiach – nawet ci należący do drugiego i trzeciego pokolenia11 – w większości nie poddają się procesowi naturalizacji, mimo iż zgodnie z indyjskim prawem12 obywatelstwo Republiki Indii nabywa się, poza tzw. prawem krwi (ius sanguinis), również na mocy prawa ziemi (ius soli), czyli bycia urodzonym na terytorium Indii, niezależnie od narodowości rodziców. Ten drugi przypadek dotyczy osób, które przyszły na świat pomiędzy rokiem 1950 a 1987, czyli całego drugiego pokolenia uchodźców tybetańskich. Aby uzyskać potrzebne dokumenty, teoretycznie wystarczy złożyć odpowiedni wniosek i załączyć akt urodzenia. Ponadto, w odniesieniu do osób, które przyszły na świat po roku 1987 – czyli trzeciego pokolenia „indyjskich” Tybetańczyków – obywatelstwo można uzyskać w drodze naturalizacji, jeżeli cudzoziemiec zamieszkuje terytorium Indii przez okres minimum dwunastu lat (co w przypadku osób urodzonych w tym kraju nie jest długim okresem)13. The South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre przytacza dane, według których zaledwie 1–3% wszystkich uprawnionych Tybetańczyków ubiega 8 A. G u p t a, J. Fe r g u s o n, Poza „kulturę”: przestrzeń, tożsamość i polityka różnicy, przeł. J. Giebułtowski, w: Badanie kultury. Elementy teorii antropologicznej. Kontynuacje, red. M. Kempny, E. Nowicka, Warszawa 2006, s. 267–283. 9 L.H. M a l k k i, National Geographic: The Rooting of Peoples and the Territorialization of National Identity among Scholars and Refugees, w: Culture, Power, Place: Explorations in Critical Anthropology, eds. A. Gupta, J. Ferguson, Durham 1997, s. 52–74. 10 A. G u p t a, J. Fe r g u s o n, Poza „kulturę”..., art. cyt., s. 273. 11 Według perspektywy etapu życia – zob. A Life-Course Perspective on Migration and Integration, eds. M. Wingens, M. Windzio, H. de Valk, C. Aybek, Dordrecht 2011. 12 Citizenship Act 1955, http://mha.nic.in/pdfs/ic_act55.pdf [26.10.2012]. 13 http://indiancitizenshiponline.nic.in/citizenshipact1.htm [31.10.2012]. �200 Natalia Bloch się o indyjskie obywatelstwo14. Tybetańczycy nie zabiegają o nie, mimo iż jako „cudzoziemcy” są pozbawieni praw wyborczych, nie mogą nabywać ziemi ani nieruchomości, korzystać z umów konsularnych czy pracować w sektorze publicznym, który w Indiach jest postrzegany za socjalnie najbezpieczniejszy. Stosunek Tybetańczyków mieszkających w Indiach do obywatelstwa kraju przyjmującego jest – moim zdaniem – rezultatem polityki tożsamości prowadzonej przez rząd uchodźczy15. W jej ramach to status uchodźcy stanowi jeden z najważniejszych czynników konstruowania tybetańskiej tożsamości w warunkach diaspory: być Tybetańczykiem to być uchodźcą. Dickey, Tybetanka wychowana w duchu chrześcijańskim w misyjnej szkole w Indiach, słabo mówiąca po tybetańsku, za to świetnie w hindi, odrzuca możliwość ubiegania się o indyjskie obywatelstwo: „RC16 jest tym, co mnie łączy z innymi Tybetańczykami, jest moim jedynym dowodem na to, że ja też jestem Tybetanką”17. Status ten jest jednak kategorią wyobrażoną – nie tylko w odniesieniu do kolejnych pokoleń Tybetańczyków urodzonych już poza Tybetem, którzy nigdy znikąd uchodzić nie musieli, ale również ich rodziców, którym oficjalnie status ten nie został nadany. Republika Indii należy bowiem do grupy krajów, które nie ratyfikowały Konwencji Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych z roku 1951 dotyczącej statusu uchodźców (tzw. Konwencji Genewskiej), na mocy której osobom spełniającym określone kryteria zapewniana jest międzynarodowa ochrona18. Co więcej, Indie nie wypracowały żadnej własnej polityki uchodźczej na poziomie rządu centralnego. W efekcie osoby, które mogłyby ubiegać się o nadanie statusu uchodźcy, są traktowane jak wszyscy inni cudzoziemcy. Władzom indyjskim daje to możliwość stosowania różnych polityk wobec poszczególnych grup uciekinierów i elastycznego reagowania na zmieniającą 14 Tibetan Refugees in India. Declining Sympathies, Diminishing Rights, „Human Rights Features” (Voice of the Asia Pacific Human Rights Network), 183(8), 2008, http://www.hrdc. net/sahrdc/hrfeatures/HRF183.htm [07.06.2009]. 15 Tibetan Government in Exile, oficjalnie nieuznawany przez rząd Indii, choć tolerowany jako Central Tibetan Administration. 16 Registration Certificate – dokument wystawiany uchodźcom tybetańskim przez władze indyjskie, będący odpowiednikiem polskiego zezwolenia na zamieszkanie na czas oznaczony (wymaga corocznego odnawiania); w przypadku Tybetańczyków urodzonych już w Indiach będący często ich jedynym dowodem tożsamości. 17 N. B l o c h, Urodzeni uchodźcy..., dz. cyt., s. 328. 18 Konwencję przyjęły 144 kraje, czyli ¾ państw będących członkami ONZ (State Parties to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol, 2011, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, s. 1, http://www.unhcr.org/protect/PROTECTION/3b73b0d63.pdf [26.10.2012]). �Wyobrażony status uchodźcy i niechciane obywatelstwo 201 się sytuację polityczną. Samych uchodźców z kolei stawia przed takimi samymi wyzwaniami adaptacyjnymi, przed jakimi stoją społeczności imigranckie. Pielęgnowana liminalność Podtrzymywana przez diasporę tybetańską od ponad półwiecza liminalność nie prowadzi jednak – wbrew klasycznym koncepcjom – do marginalizacji tej społeczności ani do nasilania się w niej zjawisk uważanych za społecznie niepożądane (takich jak apatia, wyuczona bezradność czy przestępczość). Wręcz przeciwnie – jest źródłem afirmacji tej grupy, która na wyobrażonej kategorii uchodźstwa buduje swoje klarowne, pozytywne autoidentyfikacje. Tybetańczycy zdołali stworzyć reprezentację uchodźcy, która zyskała powszechne uznanie jako szlachetna ofiara reżimu komunistycznego, motywowana bodźcami politycznymi, a nie chęcią zysku, niewchodząca w konflikt z prawem, niestanowiąca zagrożenia ekstremizmem religijnym i otwarta na tzw. zachodnie wartości – demokracji, praw człowieka, równouprawnienia kobiet czy troski o środowisko naturalne19. Taki uchodźca cieszy się moralnym i materialnym poparciem Zachodu, które sprawczo wykorzystuje. O pozytywnej reinterpretacji statusu uchodźcy tybetańskiego i wynikających z tego korzyściach świadczą znane mi z badań terenowych przypadki podszywania się mnichów ladakhijskich kształconych w klasztorach tybetańskich w Indiach pod uchodźców czy pozostawanie Tybetańczyków, którzy zawarli związki małżeńskie z Ladakhami (obywatelami indyjskimi), przy statusie uchodźcy zamiast bardzo łatwego w tym przypadku poddania się naturalizacji. Oznaczałoby ono bowiem odcięcie dostępu do zagranicznego sponsoringu, możliwości stypendialnych i wsparcia instytucjonalnego, jakie daje diaspora20. Jednocześnie ważną rolę odgrywa tutaj kategoria rasy. Wielu Tybetańczyków obawia się bowiem, że przyjęcie indyjskiego obywatelstwa mogłoby, paradoksalnie, pociągnąć za sobą ich wizerunkową degradację w społecznej hierarchii 19 Według Emily T. Yeh i Kungi T. Lamy Tybetańczycy zinternalizowali stereotyp „modelowej mniejszości”. E.T. Ye h, K.T. L a m a, Hip-hop Gangsta or Most Deserving of Victims? Transnational Migrant Identities and the Paradox of Tibetan Racialization in the USA, „Environmental and Planning A”, 38(2006), s. 809–829. Więcej na ten temat zob. N. B l o c h, Urodzeni uchodźcy..., s. 403–482. 20 Przykładowo – do szkół. Tybetańczycy – przy wsparciu zarówno indyjskim, jak i międzynarodowym – stworzyli rozbudowany system edukacji na uchodźstwie, obejmujący ponad 80 szkół w Indiach, Nepalu i Bhutanie. Dzieci rodziców będących posiadaczami RC są w nich kształcone nieodpłatnie, istnieje też możliwość uzyskania licznych stypendiów. Więcej na ten temat zob. N. B l o c h, System świeckiej edukacji uchodźców tybetańskich w Indiach (na poziomie podstawowym i średnim), „Problemy Humanistyki”, 12(2006), s. 59–71. �Natalia Bloch 202 Indii. Miałoby się to stać poprzez przypisanie do kategorii „ludności plemiennej” o mongoloidalnych cechach, zamieszkującej stany na północnym wschodzie kraju i postrzeganej – w wyobrażeniach Tybetańczyków – przez wielu Indusów jako zacofani, dzicy „Inni”21. Samorządność w obozach W rezultacie istniejących uwarunkowań i ich wykorzystania przez uchodźców, po ponad pięćdziesięciu latach od powstania diaspory Tybetańczycy wciąż w zdecydowanej większości mieszkają w obozach. Idea obozów na gruncie studiów uchodźczych – zwłaszcza antropologii – została poddana miażdżącej krytyce. Przy użyciu koncepcji Ervinga Goffmana opisywano je jako instytucje totalne22, w których uchodźcy są koncentrowani, a następnie izolowani, kontrolowani i dyscyplinowani23. W rezultacie osoby umieszczane w ośrodkach recepcyjnych traktuje się jako niezdolne do decydowania o sobie samych, jako kogoś pomiędzy dzieckiem a przestępcą, co prowadzi do pozbawienia ich sprawczości i podmiotowości24, czyli do sprawowania nad nimi władzy w rozumieniu Michela Foucaulta. Tak jak system sądownictwa „tworzy” więźnia25, tak reżim uchodźczy „tworzy” uchodźcę już poprzez samo jego zdefiniowanie26. Jak zatem Tybetańczykom żyjącym w Indiach udało się uniknąć tej formy podporządkowania? Wydaje się, że – paradoksalnie – właśnie dzięki nieratyfikowaniu przez władze indyjskie Konwencji ONZ dotyczącej statusu uchodźców. Niezwiązany regulacjami ONZ Jawaharlal Nehru – premier Indii w czasie, gdy Tybetańczycy przybyli na uchodźstwo – umożliwił diasporze tybetańskiej samorządność na terenie obozów powstałych na obszarach wydzierżawionych od rządów stanowych, oczywiście w granicach obowiązującego w Indiach prawa. W oboTa ż, Urodzeni uchodźcy..., s. 280–281. E. G o f f m a n, Instytucje totalne. O pacjentach szpitali psychiatrycznych i mieszkańcach innych instytucji totalnych, przeł. O. Waśkiewicz, J. Łaszcz, Gdańsk 2011. 23 Zob. np. L.H. M a l k k i, Refugees and Exile..., art. cyt. 24 A.-B. S t e e n, Varieties of the Tamil Refugee Experience in Denmark and England, Copenhagen 1993. 25 M. Fo u c a u l t, Nadzorować i karać. Narodziny więzienia, przeł. T. Komendant, Warszawa 1993. 26 Edwin Ardener pisał, że już sam „związek pomiędzy klasyfikującym i klasyfikowanym należy do sfery relacji władzy”. E.W. A r d e n e r, Tożsamość i utożsamianie, przeł. Z. Mach, w: Sytuacja mniejszościowa i tożsamość, red. Z. Mach, A. Paluch, Kraków 1992, s. 29–30 („Zeszyty Naukowe UJ, Prace Socjologiczne”, t. 29, z. 15). Nazywanie danej grupy ludzi „uchodźcami” niesie za sobą ich etykietowanie, tj. odgórne przypisanie im szeregu zobiektywizowanych cech. Zob. R. Z e t t e r, Labelling Refugees: Forming and Transforming a Bureaucratic Identity, „Journal of Refugee Studies”, 4(1991), nr 1, s. 39–62; t e n ż e, More Labels, Fewer Refugees: Remaking the Refugee Label in an Era of Globalization, „Journal of Refugee Studies”, 20(2007), nr 2, s. 172–192. 21 22 �Wyobrażony status uchodźcy i niechciane obywatelstwo 203 zach tych Tybetańczycy, przy materialnym wsparciu federalnych i stanowych władz indyjskich, ponadnarodowych i zagranicznych organizacji pomocowych i różnorakich grup wsparcia oraz indywidualnych sponsorów, utworzyli własne instytucje – przedszkola, szkoły, domy spokojnej starości, ośrodki opieki zdrowotnej, stowarzyszenia itd. – w większości działające pod auspicjami rządu uchodźczego. Obozy przekształciły się w sprawnie zorganizowane i z czasem względnie samowystarczalne osady, których obraz znacznie odbiega od tego znanego nam z obozów działających pod zewnętrznym nadzorem. Dawa Norbu, uchodźczy historyk i antropolog tybetański, twierdzi, że to właśnie „rdzenne przywództwo” i samodzielna społeczna organizacja stały się podstawą udanej adaptacji Tybetańczyków w Indiach i że idea ta powinna być wskazówką dla innych społeczności uchodźczych na świecie27. Innymi słowy, samorządność zagwarantowana Tybetańczykom przez kraj przyjmujący umożliwiła im stanie się bardziej sprawczymi w ramach międzynarodowego reżimu uchodźczego (International Refugee Regime), jak nazywają badacze sieć relacji władzy, w którą uwikłane są osoby objęte silnie upolitycznionym systemem ochrony uchodźców z jego przepisami prawnymi, porozumieniami, instytucjami, procedurami i praktykami28. Niepożądane obywatelstwo Postrzeganie tybetańskości przez pryzmat bycia uchodźcą prowadzi do powstawania w diasporze fałszywych wyobrażeń na temat możliwości uzyskania indyjskiego obywatelstwa29. Większość Tybetańczyków urodzonych w Indiach wierzy, że nie ma legalnej drogi, aby stać się indyjskim obywatelem i podaje to jako ewidentny przykład dyskryminacji, co stawia ich w pozycji „ofiar najbardziej zasługujących na wsparcie” (the most deserving victims)30. Jakiekolwiek podejmowane przeze mnie próby zasugerowania moim rozmówcom, że taki stan rzeczy jest rezultatem nieoficjalnego porozumienia zawartego pomiędzy rządem uchodźczym a rządem Indii, na mocy którego zapis o prawie ziemi z Citizenship Act nie dotyczy Tybetańczyków, spotykały się z oburzeniem D. N o r b u, The Settlements: Participation and Integration, w: Exile as Challenge. The Tibetan Diaspora, eds. D. Bernstorff, H. von Welck, New Delhi 2004, s. 199; t e n ż e, Refugees from Tibet. Structural Causes of Successful Settlements, „The Tibet Journal”, 2, Summer 2001, s. 3–25. 28 R.A. Z o l b e r g, A. S u h r k e, S. A g u a y o, Escape from Violence: Conflict and the Refugee Crisis in the Developing World, Oxford 1989. 29 Zob. J.M. H e s s, Statelessness and the State: Tibetans, Citizenship, and Nationalist Activism in a Transnational World, „International Migration”, 44(2006), nr 1, s. 84. 30 E.T. Ye h, K.T. L a m a, Hip-hop Gangsta..., art. cyt., s. 818. 27 �Natalia Bloch 204 i udowadnianiem mi, że to nieprawda. Tymczasem rząd uchodźczy zastrzega sobie prawo do wydawania tzw. zaświadczeń o braku zastrzeżeń (non-objection letters), wymaganych od Tybetańczyków, którzy zdecydowaliby się na taki krok. Są one jednak wystawiane niechętnie, gdyż, jak mówi jeden z tybetańskich urzędników: „To byłoby całkowicie sprzeczne z celem, jaki sobie stawiamy – a jest nim uzyskanie niepodległości dla naszego własnego kraju. Stanie się obywatelem tutaj oznaczałoby, że się poddaliśmy”31. Gdyby Tybetańczycy masowo uzyskiwali indyjskie obywatelstwo, nie tylko groziłoby to – według tybetańskich elit – asymilacją ze społeczeństwem indyjskim, ale i odebrałoby rządowi uchodźczemu moralną legitymizację do zabiegania o wolny Tybet, do którego wszyscy uchodźcy pragną przecież powrócić. Co ciekawe, przyjmowanie obywatelstw państw europejskich czy krajów Ameryki Północnej u większości uchodźców, z którymi rozmawiałam, budzi pozytywne odczucia, a władze uchodźcze, choć zaniepokojone „odpływem” Tybetańczyków na Zachód, dostrzegają ich ważną rolę jako „ambasadorów” Tybetu32. Judith M. Hess jest zdania, że przyjmowanie obywatelstw państw zachodnich jest przykładem transnarodowych „wielorakich lojalności” w diasporze tybetańskiej33, ale nie tłumaczy to, dlaczego takich lojalności uchodźcy nie odczuwają w stosunku do Indii. Moim zdaniem, Tybetańczycy traktują obywatelstwa państw zachodnich instrumentalnie, podczas gdy obywatelstwo indyjskie – ideologicznie i to rodzi różnice w ich podejściu do tej kwestii. W emigracji na „bardziej zielone pastwiska” na Zachodzie widzą oni nie tylko szansę na poprawę swojej sytuacji materialnej, a co za tym idzie możliwość udzielania wsparcia rodzinie, ale i – dzięki uzyskaniu obywatelstwa zachodniego państwa – możliwość skutecznego lobbowania na rzecz kwestii tybetańskiej czy otrzymania wizy do Tybetu i odwiedzenia, często po raz pierwszy w życiu, swojej ojczyzny. Społeczeństwo mnogie i indyjski multikulturalizm34 Stosowanie przez Tybetańczyków tej swoistej strategii separacji nie byłoby możliwe, gdyby nie sprzyjał temu model społeczeństwa indyjskiego, E. R o y, Tibetan Refugees to Cast Votes, „Express India”, 19 March 2002, za: J.M. H e s s, Statelessness and the State..., art. cyt., s. 85. 32 J.M. H e s s, Statelessness and the State..., art. cyt., s. 91–92. 33 Tamże, s. 96. 34 Zob. N. B l o c h, Poza integracją. Separacja jako uchodźcza strategia adaptacji, postkolonialny model społeczeństwa mnogiego i indyjski multikulturalizm, w: Imigranci: między integracją a izolacją, red. M. Buchowski, J. Schmidt, Poznań 2012, s. 171–186 („Prace Komitetu Nauk Etnologicznych PAN”, t. 18). 31 �Wyobrażony status uchodźcy i niechciane obywatelstwo 205 w którym różne grupy etniczne konstytuujące indyjską wielokulturowość funkcjonują w dużej mierze autonomicznie. Nie integrują się w wymiarze kulturowym i społecznym, dążąc do podtrzymania własnej odrębności. Ich wzajemne kontakty, odwołując się do zinterpretowanej koncepcji społeczeństwa mnogiego Johna S. Furnivalla, sprowadzają się często wyłącznie do tzw. spotkań na placu targowym, czyli wymiany towarów i usług35. Tybetańczycy, wciąż umiejętnie wykorzystujący międzynarodowe wsparcie, wypracowali szereg form samozatrudnienia. Z jednej strony, stworzyli własne miejsca pracy w obrębie diaspory (w administracji, edukacji itd.), z drugiej natomiast zajęli niezagospodarowane nisze w indyjskiej gospodarce, takie jak handel swetrami. Funkcjonują jednak w obrębie tego samego systemu instytucjonalno-prawnego, co inne grupy, akceptując indyjskie prawodawstwo i z reguły nie wchodząc z nim w konflikt. Biorąc pod uwagę kształtowaną historycznie etniczną, językową i religijną złożoność indyjskiego społeczeństwa, która coraz bardziej cechuje też społeczeństwa europejskie wskutek procesów migracyjnych, trudno byłoby odpowiedzieć na pytanie, do jakiej „kultury” przybysz miałby się adaptować. Czy do większościowej „kultury hinduskiej”? Abstrahując od jej wewnętrznej złożoności, a biorąc jedynie pod uwagę hermetyczność systemu kastowego, byłoby to niemożliwe. A może do którejś z kultur różnych grup etnicznych, z którymi sąsiadują obozy? Ale czy one same są zintegrowane z jakąś większą całością? Wydaje się zatem, że separacja – przy poszanowaniu przez przybyszów prawa kraju przyjmującego oraz zapewnieniu im możliwości funkcjonowania w wymiarze ekonomicznym – nie jest wcale takim złym rozwiązaniem. Jeśli nie obywatelstwo, to co? Przedstawiony przeze mnie przykład pokazuje, że obywatelstwo wcale nie musi być celem, do którego dążą uchodźcy i imigranci. Co więcej, nie jest to wcale odosobniony „egzotyczny” przypadek z odległej od europejskiej rzeczywistości Azji. Zrealizowany między innymi przy moim udziale projekt badawczy pt. „Cudzoziemcy w Polsce. Heterogeniczność kulturowa ośrodków wielkomiejskich na przykładzie Poznania”36 pokazał, że najbardziej 35 J.S. F u r n i v a l l, Colonial Policy and Practice: A Comparative Study of Burma and Netherlands India, New York 1956, s. 304; zob. t e n ż e, Netherlands India. A Study of Plural Economy, Cambridge 1944. 36 Projekt nr N N109 224836 sfinansowany ze środków Ministerstwa Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego, zrealizowany w latach 2009–2012 pod kierownictwem prof. dr. hab. Michała Bu- �206 Natalia Bloch pożądanym przez imigrantów, którzy wzięli udział w naszych badaniach, statusem prawnym było nie obywatelstwo, ale zezwolenie na osiedlenie się. Bardzo liczne były przypadki cudzoziemców, którzy mieszkali w Polsce po kilkanaście, a nawet ponad dwadzieścia lat i wciąż nie posiadali polskiego obywatelstwa ani nawet nie zamierzali się o nie ubiegać. Stosunkowo niskie zainteresowanie naturalizacją zostało odnotowane przez badaczy migracji w całym kraju37. Tendencja ta jest również obserwowana w krajach europejskich, których rezydenci posiadają takie same prawa ekonomiczne i socjalne, co obywatele, za wyjątkiem praw politycznych na szczeblu państwowym. Tomas Hammar proponuje nawet osobne pojęcie do opisu osób, które przebywają w kraju przyjmującym legalnie, posiadają liczne związki z tym krajem, ale nie jego obywatelstwo: denizens38. Dzieje się tak przypuszczalnie dlatego, że sami obywatele państw należących do Unii Europejskiej coraz częściej rezygnują z udziału w demokracji na szczeblu krajowym, w tym z czynnego prawa wyborczego, a coraz chętniej angażują się w działania oddolne39. Zmiany w podejściu członków społeczeństw przyjmujących do kategorii obywatelstwa powinny pociągnąć za sobą zmianę w myśleniu o integracji z takim społeczeństwem. Warto byłoby zastanowić się, czy alternatywą dla naturalizacji nie mogłoby być wdrożenie praktyk, które pozwoliłyby na aktywizację przybyszów w sferze publicznej i współtworzenie przez nich lokalnej społeczności. Takim rozwiązaniem na poziomie Unii Europejskiej jest prawo uczestnictwa w lokalnych wyborach przysługujące wszystkim obywatelom państw członkowskich UE. Pomijając czynnik wykluczający, którym – ponownie – jest tu obywatelstwo, uznanie, że fakt zamieszkiwania przez osobę w danym miejscu stanowi podstawę do dania jej prawa wpływu na rzeczywistość, w której żyje, jest moim zdaniem właściwym kierunkiem myślenia. chowskiego w Centrum Badań Migracyjnych Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. Pełne opracowanie wyników badań można znaleźć w: Migracje a heterogeniczność kulturowa. Na podstawie badań antropologicznych w Poznaniu, red. M. Buchowski, J. Schmidt, Poznań 2012 („Poznańskie Studia Etnologiczne”, nr 10). 37 R. S t e f a ń s k a, Prawny wymiar integracji, w: Transformacja nieoczywista. Polska jako kraj imigracji, red. A. Górny, I. Grabowska-Lusińska, M. Lesińska, M. Okólski, Warszawa 2010, s. 199–201. 38 T. H a m m a r, Democracy and the Nations State: Aliens, Denizens and Citizens in a World of International Migration, Avebury 1990. Hammar wyprowadza to pojęcie od starego angielskiego słowa z połowy XIX wieku, które oznaczało „uprzywilejowanych obcych niebędących w pełni obywatelami”. 39 N. B l o c h, M. B u c h o w s k i, A. C h w i e d u k, J. S c h m i d t, Wnioski końcowe, w: Migracje a heterogeniczność kulturowa..., dz. cyt., s. 272. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/acd89fdeae6e23d80656469a58669fb1.pdf df2285750062aececf571291fb7b95e0 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5451 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource Śląsk Cieszyński - dziedzictwo kluturowe wielokulturowość Cieszyn Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5068 Title A name given to the resource Wielokulturowość Cieszyna jako miasta pogranicza / Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego Description An account of the resource Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego; pod red. Haliny Rusek,Agnieszki Pieńczak i Jacka Szczyrbowskiego , s.53-66 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Błahut, Grzegorz Language A language of the resource pol ang. cz. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Cieszynie Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Grzegorz Błahut Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Wielokulturowość Cieszyna jako miasta pogranicza Problematyka wielokulturowości przyciąga uwagę coraz szerszej grupy badaczy i teoretyków różnych dyscyplin naukowych. Mimo że najczęściej kojarzy się z obszarami pograniczy i miast, obserwowana jest także w nowoczesnych społeczeństwach nie związanych z tak określonym obszarem determinującym jej występowanie. Sam termin wielokulturowość nie jest też jednoznacznie interpretowany – w niektórych kontekstach używany jest zamiennie z pojęciem pluralizmu kulturowego1, w innych zaś, zwłaszcza na gruncie pedagogiki, dokonuje się prób sprecyzowania jego definicji na drodze wartościowania związanych z nim zjawisk i odróżniania od pojęcia międzykulturowości2. Można też spotkać się z interpretacją głoszącą iż wielokulturowość stanowi wyższe, czy też bardziej dojrzałe stadium różnorodności kulturowej, jest niejako efektem świadomie stosowanej polityki3. Jak widać zjawisko wielokulturowości nie jest tylko przedmiotem zainteresowania antropologii, ale stało się także istotną kwestią innych, pokrewnych nauk społecznych. Za Marianem Golką wielokulturowość pojmuję jako współwystępowanie na tej samej przestrzeni (albo w bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie bez wyraźnego rozgraniczenia, albo w sytuacji aspiracji do zajęcia tej samej przestrzeni) dwóch lub więcej grup społecznych o odmiennych kulturowych cechach dystynktywnych: wyglądzie zewnętrznym, języku, zachowaniu, wyznaniu, pochodzeniu, układzie wartości itd., które przyczyniają się do wzajemnego postrzegania odmienności z różnymi tego skutkami4. 1 Zob. np. R. Kantor: Wielokulturowość miasta. Prolegomena do badań nad zróżnicowaniem kulturowym społeczności miejskiej Krakowa. W: Miasto – przestrzeń kulturowego współistnienia. „Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne”. T. 8. Red. I. Bukowska-Floreńska. Katowice 2006, s. 37-45. 2 Zob. np. M. Sobecki: Kultura symboliczna a tożsamość. Białystok 2007, s. 26-28. 3 Zob. np. A. Śliz: Śląsk: Wielokulturowość czy kulturowe zróżnicowanie. „Studia Socjologiczne”. Nr 4 (195)/ 2009, s. 150-151. www.ceeol.com 4 M. Golka: Wielokulturowość miasta. W: Pisanie miasta, czytanie miasta. Red. A. ZeidlerJaniszewska. Poznań 1997, s. 176-177. �54 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Wzajemne interakcje pomiędzy takimi grupami może charakteryzować pokojowe współistnienie i współpraca, współzawodnictwo i rywalizacja, ewentualnie antagonizm odzwierciedlony w aktach dyskryminacji i procesach segregacji, czy nawet otwarty konflikt i agresja5. Do dnia dzisiejszego na pograniczach etnicznych zjawisko pluralizmu kulturowego jawi się jako oczywiste, natomiast w przypadku miast kwestia ta bywa czasami sporna. Miasto jest wielokulturowe z definicji, jak widział to Wirth – „względnie duże zagęszczenie heterogenicznych społecznie jednostek”6, z drugiej strony owa konstytuująca miasto wielokulturowość nie zawsze dana jest wprost, nie zawsze rzuca się w oczy. Pomimo braku niekiedy oczywistych cech wyróżniających pod względem etnicznym, językowym czy religijnym jakieś grupy społeczne, nigdy – jak pisze Marian Golka – społeczność miejska nie jest jednorodna. Zawsze istnieją różnice kulturowe mające swe źródło w biologicznych uwarunkowaniach (różnice pomiędzy płciami, a także generacyjne); zawsze też istnieją różne subkultury młodzieżowe, poniekąd także zawodowe7. Im większe miasto, zwłaszcza pod względem liczby jego mieszkańców, tym większego można spodziewać się w nim zróżnicowania na wielu płaszczyznach życia. Współczesne metropolie jako węzły w globalnej sieci rozmaitych zależności stanowią swoistą miniaturę świata, odzwierciedlenie jego rozmaitych społecznych i kulturowych osobliwości. Jednak w wytwarzaniu i doświadczaniu wielokulturowości miasta ważny jest także wymiar historyczny – im dłużej dane miasto istnieje, tym większym legitymuje się często zróżnicowaniem społeczno-kulturowym na przestrzeni swych dziejów8. Jednym z przykładów wielokulturowego miasta był i jest niewątpliwie Cieszyn, który jako nieduży ośrodek miejski posiada jednak bogatą, barwną i złożoną historię spisaną przez różne grupy społeczne. Przede wszystkim zamieszkują je dwie różniące się liczebnie w niewielkich dysproporcjach procentowych grupy wyznaniowe – katolicy i ewangelicy. Od wieków Cieszyn jako punkt na szlaku handlowym był także terenem stykania się mieszkańców z przybywającymi do miasta okazjonalnie lub na stałe obcymi przybyszami. Jak w każdym mieście wykształciła się tu także określona struktura społeczna inicjująca procesy segregacji i agregacji. Wielokulturowość Cieszyna ukształtowały jednak nie tylko procesy miastotwórcze, jest ona też wynikiem położenia tego miasta na pograniczu. „Pogranicze to jednym słowem wielokulturowa przestrzeń”9. Co równie istotne, jest to miasto nie tylko na pograniczu jako obszarze, ale także od 1920 roku miasto na granicy pomiędzy Rzeczpospolitą Polską a Republiką Czeską. Podział ten jeszcze bardziej wyostrzył 5 R. Kantor: Wielokulturowość miasta. Prolegomena…, s. 40. 6 Cyt. za M. Castells: Kwestia miejska. Warszawa 1982, s. 83. 7 M. Golka: Wielokulturowość miasta…, s. 176. 8 Na znaczenie procesów historycznych w kształtowaniu się zróżnicowania kulturowego miasta zwraca uwagę m. in. R. Kantor na przykładzie Krakowa. Por. M. Gołka: Wielokulturowość miasta…. 9 H. Rusek: Pogranicze etniczne – wielokulturowa przestrzeń. W: Przestrzeń kulturowego współistnienia. „Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne”. T. 4. Red. I. Bukowska-Floreńska. Katowice 2000, s. 147. �Grzegorz Błahut: Wielokulturowość Cieszyna jako miasta pogranicza 55 optykę stykania się na jego terenie narodowych kultur Polaków i Czechów. Jak widać to miasto okazuje się pod względem wielokulturowości niezwykle interesujące. Nie pomijając faktu przynależności Cieszyna do regionu Śląska Cieszyńskiego, pełniącego od zawsze funkcję jego stolicy w rozumieniu centralnego ośrodka, chciałbym w dalszej części skupić się przede wszystkim na samym mieście, którego kulturowe oblicze ukształtowały czynniki miastotwórcze i procesy zachodzące na pograniczach. W tym celu analizie zostały poddane materiały i publikacje dotyczące Cieszyna i regionu, zgłoszone na konkurs pamiętniki i wspomnienia mieszkańców oraz stałych bywalców w mieście, a także wyniki badań terenowych prowadzonych w ramach działalności naukowo-badawczej Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. Badania techniką wywiadu, w oparciu o uprzednio przygotowany kwestionariusz, przeprowadzono jesienią 2009 roku w ramach realizacji zespołowego projektu badawczego pt. Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego na Śląsku Cieszyńskim. W 1200-lecie Cieszyna, finansowanego z funduszy Unii Europejskiej na rzecz rozwoju regionalnego. Mieszkańcy Cieszyna wypowiadali się na temat zróżnicowania kulturowego w odniesieniu do sąsiedzkich stosunków narodowościowych, wyznaniowych, oraz wynikających ze zróżnicowania społecznego o podłożu ekonomicznym. Celem analizy materiałów ogólnodostępnych oraz opublikowanych pamiętników było poznanie historii wielokulturowości miasta Cieszyna. Celem badań terenowych – zdiagnozowanie obecnego stanu tej wielokulturowości z uwzględnieniem wynikających z owego stanu rzeczy interakcji społecznych. Jak głosi legenda o powstaniu miasta, od samego początku, czyli od roku 810 Cieszyn był miejscem spotkań. Według historyków początki grodu nad rzeką Olzą sięgają jednakże wieku X, a jego pojawienie się wynikało z potrzeby obrony południowej granicy państwa polskiego10. Rozwój samego miasta u podnóża wzgórza zamkowego i na przeciwległym do niego zboczu wzdłuż ulic Głębokiej i Menniczej przypadł jeszcze na wieki późniejsze. Pod względem interesującej nas tu wielokulturowości na tle historii miasta dość istotne wydarzenia zostały opisane w wieku XVI. Z tego okresu pochodzą pierwsze wzmianki o osiedlaniu się tu Żydów. Znaczne zmiany architektoniczne musiały nastąpić też po poważnym pożarze miasta w 1552 roku – w przypadku typowej na tamte czasy drewnianej zabudowy pożary często ogarniały jej całość, co wiązało się z koniecznością odbudowy11. Duże znaczenie mają także na tych ziemiach działania związane z Reformacją. Zróżnicowanie kulturowe Cieszyna na tle religijnym Wielu badaczy, zwłaszcza lokalnych – jak zauważa Janusz Spyra – podtrzymuje tezę Arona Einsensteina głoszącą, że już w średniowieczu istniała w Cieszynie dobrze zorganizowana i liczna gmina żydowska. Widoczny jednak w świetle dokumentów historycznych proces osiedlania się Żydów w Cieszynie oraz ich wpływ na życie społeczne mieszkańców ma swój wyraźny przebieg w wieku XVII. Edykt tolerancyjny dla Żydów na Śląsku ogłoszony później przez Karola VI w 1713 roku pobudził dalsze pro10 I. Adamczyk, J. Spyra: Cieszyn wczoraj i dziś. Cieszyn 2001, s. 10. 11 W. Iwanek: Książęce miasto piastowskie. W: Cieszyn. Zarys rozwoju miasta i powiatu. Red. J. Chlebowczyk. Katowice 1973, s. 119-120. �56 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví cesy osiedleńcze, mimo iż ani cieszyńscy chrześcijanie, ani zasiedziały w mieście ród Singerów niechętnie dopuszczali obcych do zamieszkania w mieście. Do kolejnych ważnych zmian przyczyniły się Patent Tolerancyjny dla Żydów Śląska Austriackiego ogłoszony przez cesarza Józefa II w 1781 roku oraz Ustawa zasadnicza z 1867 roku 12. Złoty wiek społeczności żydowskiej w Cieszynie, jej wpływ na życie społeczne, polityczne, kulturalne i ekonomiczne miasta zmierzał ku końcowi już w czasie I wojny światowej, kiedy w 1915 roku napłynęła fala biedniejszych uchodźców żydowskich ze wschodu, z zajętej przez Rosjan Galicji. Następnie w wyniku rozpadu monarchii austriacko-węgierskiej oraz podziału miasta Cieszyna pomiędzy Czechosłowację i Polskę w 1920 roku znaczna część Żydów przeprowadziła się do Czeskiego Cieszyna, a nawet wyjechała do Wiednia lub Niemiec. Kolejne lata upływały pod znakiem sporów o sprawy polityczne i religijne, a także były okresem działań mających na celu powołanie nowych instytucji po stronie Czechosłowacji. Tuż przed wybuchem II wojny światowej w Cieszynie po obu stronach Olzy mieszkało 2800 Żydów. Skalę unicestwienia społeczności i kultury żydowskiej w Cieszynie w latach wojennych może obrazować fakt, iż do lat 50. XX wieku ci, którzy pozostali lub powrócili do Cieszyna nie byli w stanie niczego odbudować, zarówno w sensie materialnym, jak i społecznym. Nieliczni pozostali Żydzi z Cieszyna nieprzychylnie traktowani też przez ówczesne władze przyłączyli się do gminy wyznaniowej w Bielsku-Białej, a z Czeskiego Cieszyna do gminy w Ostrawie13. Mając jednak na uwadze cechy kultury żydowskiej w ogóle, jej uniwersalność, zachowawczość, przywiązanie do tradycji można z powodzeniem odtworzyć jej udział w obrazie wielokulturowości Cieszyna. Rygorystyczne nakazy i zakazy religijne narzucały określony styl życia w jakimkolwiek mieście. W innym czasie obchodzono święta, inaczej się ubierano, a nawet odżywiano. Inaczej też wyglądały elementy wyposażenia mieszkań, w czasie świąt posługiwano się innymi przedmiotami. Oryginalność, specyfika żydowskiego domu, chęć uświęcenia wszystkich manifestacji życiowych i jej związek z duchową treścią Prawa, stworzyła atmosferę świadomie tworzonej kultury14. Inaczej wyglądała też w miastach żydowska architektura, nie tylko ta sakralna. We współczesnej znikomej recepcji kultury żydowskiej wśród mieszkańców Cieszyna pozostały przede wszystkim cmentarze i związane z nimi nośniki znaczeń. Na kartach historii Cieszyna zapisały się świadectwa konfliktów, ale też koegzystencji i współpracy z chrześcijańskimi współobywatelami miasta. Bez wątpienia w XVI wieku istotnym czynnikiem rzutującym na późniejszą wielokulturowość Cieszyna było przyjmowanie idei związanych z reformacją. Religia jako element kształtujący i stanowiący podstawę systemu wartości jest jednocześnie ważnym elementem systemu kulturowego danej społeczności, wskazywanie zatem na różnice wyznaniowe bądź religijne w kontekście wielokulturowości należy uznać za istotne. Wielu autorów opracowań poświęconych życiu cieszyńskich mieszczan, tak jak Barbara Poloczkowa, zauważa, iż protestantyzm w istotny sposób ubogacał kul12 J. Spyra: Zarys dziejów ludności żydowskiej w Cieszynie i okolicach. W: Żydowskie zabytki Cieszyna i Czeskiego Cieszyna. Red. J. Spyra. Cieszyn 1999, s. 7-10. 13 Tamże, s. 10-22. 14 E. Rabin: Żydowski dom. W: Judaizm. Red. M. Dziwisz. Kraków 1989, s. 103. �Grzegorz Błahut: Wielokulturowość Cieszyna jako miasta pogranicza 57 turę duchową mieszkańców tego miasta. Dopuszczano i zalecano samodzielne czytanie i interpretację Biblii, ożywiła się działalność szkół, powstała potrzeba kształcenia w szerszych warstwach społecznych15. W myśl zasady głoszącej, że religia władcy jest religią jego poddanych, co później obróciło się przeciwko protestantom na Śląsku, już w 1545 roku na mocy rozporządzenia Wacława Adama wszystkie kościoły cieszyńskie przekazano ewangelikom. Warto tu wspomnieć, że na terenie całego Śląska Cieszyńskiego ewangelicy wybudowali po pewnym czasie wiele nowych kościołów, w tym jeszcze pod koniec XVI wieku kościół Św. Trójcy w Cieszynie. Jak donoszą źródła historyczne już w pierwszej połowie XVI wieku w stolicy księstwa powstała związana z protestantami dzielnica nazwana Nowym Miastem16. Ten szczęśliwy okres nie trwał zbyt długo gdyż syn Wacława Adama narzucał wiarę katolicką i odebrał z powrotem część kościołów. Możliwości praktykowania swej wiary przez protestantów w ich własnych świątyniach skończyły się definitywnie w latach 1653-1654, kiedy w wyniku powszechnych działań kontrreformacyjnych odebrano z rąk ewangelików wszystkie kościoły17. Od osiedlenia się w Cieszynie Jezuitów w 1671 roku, którzy mieli poparcie najwyższych zwierzchników – dynastii Habsburgów, protestancką społeczność w Cieszynie wyizolowano przez odebranie jej niemal wszelkich praw, w tym tzw. „prawa miejskiego”, które należało wykupić, aby uzyskać status pełnoprawnego obywatela danego miasta18. Ten okres prześladowań i dyskryminacji przyczynił się do znacznej emigracji ewangelików ze Śląska na tereny Węgier lub tolerancyjnej Polski19. Pozostali spotykali się potajemnie, korzystając z posługi wędrownych duszpasterzy, którzy przychodzili ze Słowacji, Dolnego Śląska czy Królestwa Polskiego. Sytuacja ta odmieniła się dopiero w latach 1709-1710, kiedy za pozwoleniem władz rozpoczęto w Cieszynie budowę nowej świątyni – monumentalnego Kościoła Jezusowego. Widoczne, formalne odrodzenie nastąpiło jednakże nieco później, w roku 1781 za sprawą patentu tolerancyjnego wydanego przez cesarza Józefa II. Od tamtego czasu ewangelicy mogli zakładać szkoły, nowe świątynie i praktykować swoją wiarę bez porównywalnych we wcześniejszym okresie przeszkód20. Rozkwit wielokulturowości pod względem religijnym w Cieszynie przypadł na wiek XIX. Niewątpliwie przyczynił się do tego wspomniany wcześniej patent tolerancyjny, można zatem mówić, przynajmniej na tym poziomie, o wielokulturowości już wtedy chronionej prawem. W dalszym okresie historii, zwłaszcza po II wojnie ludzie wyznający jakąkolwiek religię musieli zmierzyć się z zupełnie nowym problemem – propagowanym przez ówczesne komunistyczne władze ateizmem. Być może chrześcijaństwo bez względu na zaistniałe w przeszłości różnice stało się wspólną wartością i nie liczyło się tyle czy ktoś jest katolikiem a ktoś ewangelikiem, ile sama praktyka 15 Poloczkowa B.: Życie w dawnym mieście. W: Cieszyn, zarys rozwoju miasta i powiatu. Red. J. Chlebowczyk. Katowice 1973, s. 147. 16 Tamże, s. 119. 17 J. Broda: Dzieje parafii Diecezji Cieszyńskiej. Warszawa 1978, s. 9-21. 18 J. Kwak: Ustrój i rola cywilizacyjna miast górnośląskich w czasach nowożytnych XVI –XVII w. W: 500 lat ratusza i rynku w Cieszynie 1496-1996. Red. I. Panic, M. Makowski. Cieszyn 1996, s. 57-58. 19 B. Poloczkowa: Życie w dawnym mieście. W: Cieszyn. Zarys rozwoju…, s. 151. 20 J. Broda: Dzieje parafii…, s. 21-23. �58 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví wiary. Niewątpliwie i to osłabiło wśród przedstawicieli obu wyznań wzajemne resentymenty i zbliżyło ich do siebie. Mieszkańcy Cieszyna i całego regionu stworzyli ekumeniczną płaszczyznę koegzystencji i współpracy we wszystkich dziedzinach życia. Protestanci i katolicy w Cieszynie przestrzegają ogólnych zasad tolerancji i wzajemnej akceptacji. Tak jak w przypadku zróżnicowania stykających się tu kultur narodowych, do czego jeszcze powrócę, można powiedzieć iż zarysowały się dwie postawy. Niektórzy przedstawiciele starszego pokolenia, dla którego sprawy wiary wydają się być bardziej istotne, zwracają uwagę na dawne zasady dotyczące choćby zawierania małżeństw endogamicznych pod względem wyznania. W języku mieszkańców Cieszyna i regionu zachowały się przykłady obraźliwych powiedzonek czy epitetów upamiętniające dawne podziały21. Przezwiska „Luter”, „heretyk”, „Morcin” czy „szkopyrtok” piętnujące protestantów, znane są niektórym i współcześnie. Co interesujące – nie stwierdzono tego typu określeń ani przysłów (nawet jeśli są to ich popularność jest znikoma) z drugiej strony, czyli wśród ewangelików pod adresem katolików. Drugą postawę przyjmuje większość młodych ludzi wychowana już w duchu liberalno-demokratycznym, która nie dostrzega jakichkolwiek problemów na tle zróżnicowania wyznaniowego. Wymownym przykładem są tu liczne obecnie małżeństwa mieszane zawierane pomiędzy katolikami i ewangelikami. Pomimo ustanowionego w tej kwestii prawa, zasady wychowania dzieci w takich małżeństwach nie podlegają sztywnym, rygorystycznym regułom. Bardziej ugruntowany model zakłada jednak wychowanie w wyznaniu matki lub na zasadzie dziedziczenia według płci rodziców – syn zobowiązany jest do praktykowania wiary ojca, a córka wychowuje się w wierze matki. Członkowie takich rodzin przyzwyczajeni są także do obchodzenia różnych uroczystości obrzędowych w obu kościołach. Informatorzy zauważają jednak nieco odmienne zasady formalno-prawne obejmujące małżeństwa mieszane. Potocznie rozumiane tu prawo w ich opinii uznaje tylko te małżeństwa mieszane, które zawierane są w kościele rzymsko-katolickim. Rzeczywiście, warunki jakie stawia strona katolicka w przypadku zawierania takich małżeństw zdają się lokować ją w pozycji bardziej uprzywilejowanej i zachowawczej pod względem wiary22. Instytucjonalne zróżnicowanie kulturowe na fundamencie wyznania przejawia się obecnie bardziej we wzajemnej współpracy niż rywalizacji. Zasłużony działacz na rzecz ekumenizmu ksiądz Józef Budniak zauważa, że ekumenizm na Śląsku Cieszyńskim był realizowany dużo wcześniej zanim pojawił się jako pojęcie w nauce i teologii23. W historii tej koegzystencji zapisały się przykłady użyczania kościołów, wzajemnej pomocy w obliczu klęsk żywiołowych, wspólnych spotkań podczas nabożeństw ekumenicznych i wielu innych uroczystości24. O rywalizacji można natomiast mówić przede wszystkim na przykładzie szkół i szeroko rozumianej edukacji. Wielu 21 Jedna z informatorek ur. w 1918 roku podaje następujące przykłady: „Luter. Luter Świńsko noga co nie wierzy w Pana Boga” lub „Luter woził do piekła szuter”. 22 Por. J. Budniak: Ekumenizm jutra na przykładzie Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Katowice 2002, s. 143-144. 23 J. Budniak: Ruch ekumeniczny na Śląsku Cieszyńskim. W: Stosunki wyznaniowe na Śląsku Cieszyńskim od średniowiecza do współczesności. Red. P. Chmiel, J. Drabina. Ratingen 2000, s. 257. 24 Tamże, s. 258-260. �Grzegorz Błahut: Wielokulturowość Cieszyna jako miasta pogranicza 59 mieszkańcom znane są przedszkola i szkoły wyznaniowe tak jak fakt uczęszczania do nich zarówno ewangelików, jak i katolików. Szkoły dla młodzieży szczycą się długimi i barwnymi tradycjami. Wśród części mieszkańców, zwłaszcza tych zainteresowanych nauką w szkole wyznaniowej, przyjął się pogląd, iż szkoły ewangelickie mają wyższy poziom kształcenia. Może wynikać to między innymi z postrzegania etosu protestantyzmu jako kształtującego bardziej pożądane w obecnym świecie cechy osobowości. Podsumowując należy stwierdzić, że wzajemne relacje mieszkańców Cieszyna na płaszczyźnie wyznaniowej, w przeważającej mierze cechuje pokojowe współistnienie, koegzystencja i współpraca. W przypadkach małżeństw mieszanych, na poziomie życia rodzinnego niejednokrotnie można też spotkać się z asymilacją. Zróżnicowanie na płaszczyźnie kultur narodowych Różnorodność kulturowa mieszkańców Cieszyna pod względem narodowym jest reprezentowana, poza oczywistą obecnością Polaków i Czechów, także w dużej mierze przez ludność niemieckojęzyczną, Węgrów, opisanych wcześniej Żydów, oraz osiadłych ostatnio w Czeskim Cieszynie Wietnamczyków. Znamiennym dla wielokulturowości Cieszyna na tle narodowościowym może być tu odnotowany przez historyków fakt posiadania przez mieszczan już w wieku XVII książek drukowanych w różnych językach. Konkretny przykład dziedziczenia takiego księgozbioru wymienia czeską Biblię, niemiecki zbiór praw miejskich i psałterz Kochanowskiego25. Wspólna historia tych trzech narodów na terenie Cieszyna jest niezwykle skomplikowana i bogata. Wydaje się, iż do zakończenia I wojny światowej więcej uwagi poświęcano Niemcom. Niezwykle interesujący opis wielokulturowości Cieszyna z połowy XIX wieku zawarł w swoich wspomnieniach Jan Kubisz pisząc o społeczności uczniów gimnazjum ewangelickiego w następujących słowach: Mimo niemieckiego języka wykładowego było ono właściwie wielojęzyczne. Zjeżdżała się do nas młodzież ewangelicka z całej prawie Austrji, a więc z Rakus, Czech, Galicji, Słowaczyzny, a nawet z zagranicy. […] Było to gimnazjum jakby wierny kontrefekt (konterfekt – portret, wizerunek, obraz – przypis autora) Austrji, tego poliglotycznego dziwoląga, tej właśnie klatki, mieszczącej w sobie tyle różnych narodów, aż – w pewnej dziejów chwili piorun uderzył w nią i ptaki wyfrunęły na wolność26. Po odrodzeniu się państw słowiańskich w wyniku rozpadu monarchii austriackowęgierskiej punkt ciężkości wzajemnych relacji został przeniesiony na płaszczyznę sąsiedzkich stosunków polsko-czeskich, na co szczególnie chciałbym skupić tutaj swoją uwagę. Granica państwowa wyznaczona w 1920 roku na Śląsku Cieszyńskim na rzece Olzie dość szybko spolaryzowała wiele elementów tkwiących w przynależnych tym narodom systemach kulturowych. Stała się też punktem odniesienia w postrzeganiu różnic w sposobie życia, zachowania, ubiorze jak i w wielu przedmiotach codziennego użytku. Należy tu także zaznaczyć, że w wypowiedziach badanych zarysował się podział na pokolenie pamiętające strzeżoną granicę, a nawet oddalone od niej strefy miejskie oraz na młode pokolenie, które nie pamięta lub nie doświadczyło trudności 25 B. Poloczkowa: Życie w dawnym mieście. W: Cieszyn…, s. 148. 26 J. Kubisz: Pamiętnik starego nauczyciela. Cieszyn 1928, s. 110-111. �60 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví z powodu jej istnienia. Niezwykle dramatycznym dla tożsamości narodowej mieszkańców Cieszyna, jak zresztą dla przedstawicieli wielu narodów europejskich, okazał się okres II wojny światowej, co także wymaga osobnego opisu. Wbrew politycznym odgórnym decyzjom o podziale Cieszyna między dwa państwa, granica w okresie międzywojennym nie stanowiła aż tak poważnego problemu jak w późniejszym ustroju. Dla mieszkańców osiedlonych na przylegających do niej terenach oznaczała dodatkowe formalne trudności w podtrzymywaniu naturalnych związków z miejscem pracy, praktyki religijnej rodziną, czy znajomymi. Istniejące wówczas zjawisko przemytu obejmowało swoim zakresem całe spektrum towarów od najbardziej drobiazgowych takich jak przyprawy, pomarańcze, papierosy po inwentarz gospodarstw rolnych w postaci koni i krów. O niewielkiej uciążliwości granicy w porównaniu z późniejszym okresem może tu świadczyć wspominany przez jednego z informatorów zwyczaj uczęszczania do Czech w soboty i niedziele na kawę i po owoce. W latach 1938-1945 funkcjonowały też nazwy dla obu części miasta Cieszyn Wschodni – prawobrzeżny i Cieszyn Zachodni – zaolziański27. Po okrzepnięciu nowego ustroju państwowego pod koniec lat 40. ubiegłego stulecia granica państwowa w Cieszynie była powodem bardzo uciążliwej sytuacji – ciągłych i drobiazgowych kontroli, konieczności posiadania różnych dokumentów, czy np. zakazu swobodnego spacerowania wzdłuż Olzy. Wymyślili w Cieszynie i Č. Těšině most Družby – Przyjaźni, a na nim finansów tela, ze dwa wedle siebie przez most nie przeszli. Jak se gdo z Czeskiego Cieszyna chcioł jyny podziwać na piastowskom wieże tak uż doma musioł wypełnić taki papiry z pytokym czymu, po co, kiedy chce przyńść po moście do Polski abo naopak. Papiry potym urzyndnicy zbadali, a jak prawili, że ja, toż było trzeba zapłacić i wyrobić se turystycznom wize. Na moście Družby-Przyjaźni zaś musieli wypełniać dalszy papiyr. […] Jak ukozoł papiyr tak eszcze ni móg przyjść po moście. Musioł ukozać szrajtofle, kapsy, taszke a niekiedy musioł iść do kontroli osobistej28. W warunkach izolacji i względnych różnic polityczno-gospodarczych wytworzyła się lista deficytowych w danym państwie towarów i potrzeba ich wzajemnej wymiany. W okresach mniej restrykcyjnych granica pełniła więc nie tylko określone funkcje instytucji państwowej, ale także instytucji kulturowej. Chęć niesienia pomocy bliskim pozostającym po drugiej stronie aktywizowała całe rodziny w pozyskiwaniu i dostarczaniu pożądanych towarów, co w połączeniu z ryzykowną przeprawą i trudami poprzedzającej spotkanie podróży, musiało przyczyniać się do wzmacniania więzi i podnoszenia wartości wzajemnych kontaktów. Były to jednak przede wszystkim kontakty w ramach tej samej grupy narodowej, z której część posiadała inny status. Obecnie, kiedy przepływ ludności, towarów i usług jest swobodny kontakty Polaków z Czechami w Cieszynie przebiegają przede wszystkim na płaszczyźnie handlowej. Zatem jako umotywowane korzyścią ekonomiczną ciągle skazane są na powierzchowność i zewnętrzne uwarunkowania. Masowe imprezy mające integrować sąsiadujące ze sobą narody nie spełniają do końca swoich funkcji. Szczególną do tego 27 Informacje pochodzą z materiałów nadesłanych na konkurs pamiętnikarski pt. Między starymi a nowymi laty – wspomnienia mieszkańców ziemi cieszyńskiej, zorganizowanym w ramach jubileuszu 1200-lecia legendarnego założenia miasta Cieszyna przez Burmistrza Cieszyna oraz Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji (2009-2010). 28 W. Wrana: Prawdziwe starzikowe opowiadania. Stonawa 2009, s. 89. �Grzegorz Błahut: Wielokulturowość Cieszyna jako miasta pogranicza 61 okazją jest organizowane od wielu lat po obu stronach granicznej rzeki Święto Trzech Braci. To święto pełne historycznych inscenizacji, ulicznych pochodów i zabaw, nawiązujące w swej nazwie do legendarnych założycieli Cieszyna, ma na celu nie tylko odtwarzanie historii miasta, ale także integrację obu narodów. Jednakże podczas Święta Trzech Braci – jak zauważają niektórzy – Czesi i Polacy są wprawdzie w tym samym miejscu, ale bawią się i siedzą osobno, w swoim towarzystwie. Festiwale filmowe i teatralne organizowane od lat w Cieszynie i Czeskim Cieszynie przyciągają natomiast w dużej mierze osoby z zewnątrz, których uczestnictwo w takich spotkaniach jest okazjonalne i wynika z charakteru własnych zainteresowań. Mieszkańcy przyzwyczaili się do miasta podzielonego między dwa państwa. Choć po pilnie strzeżonej niegdyś granicy pozostało już tak niewiele śladów, wciąż tkwi ona głęboko w mentalności i nie pozwala patrzeć na Cieszyn jako jedno i to samo miasto. Mówi się o jej zniesieniu jako ułatwieniu komunikacji w sensie przestrzennym, co może mieć takie samo znaczenie w przypadku innych miast jak np. wybudowanie kolejki metra. Wytworzona w tych warunkach optyka wzajemnego postrzegania się jako przedstawicieli dwóch różnych narodów i przypisywanego im etosu kulturowego nie jest wolna od stereotypów i ambiwalentnych odczuć. Dla mieszkańców Cieszyna i Czeskiego Cieszyna porozumiewanie się w swoim języku nie stwarza większych trudności. Niektórzy zwracają jednak uwagę, iż język czeski z okolic Cieszyna jest bardziej zrozumiały niż z innych regionów Czech, a zwłaszcza z Pragi. Potwierdza to wyrobiony w praktyce pogląd, iż zrozumienie języków reprezentowanych przez te oba narody ułatwia posługiwanie się miejscową „cieszyńską” gwarą. Gwara cieszyńska, jak zauważa Daniel Kadłubiec, jest gwarą rdzennie polską, i to z wieloma elementami rdzennie staropolskimi tak w sferze gramatyki, jak i słownictwa29. W kwestiach przestrzennego rozmieszczenia ludności zauważa się tę oczywistość, że po stronie polskiej mieszka znikoma ilość Czechów, natomiast dużo Polaków mieszka po stronie czeskiej, co w większości przypadków jest skutkiem politycznej decyzji z roku 1920. Innym powodem zmiany miejsca zamieszkania jest w ostatnim czasie zawieranie małżeństw pomiędzy Polakami a Czechami – najczęściej jest to wariant kiedy Czech poślubia Polkę. Ponadto w młodym pokoleniu, nie obciążonym historycznym resentymentem, rozwijają się liczne i szerokie relacje towarzyskie. Pieczołowicie kształtowana i pielęgnowana w dawnym systemie tożsamość narodowa zdaje się nie mieć takiego znaczenia jak identyfikacja lokalna lub ewentualnie kosmopolityczna. Od czasu pojawienia się granicy można wyróżnić kilka okresów, w których wzajemne relacje pomiędzy Polakami i Czechami były bardziej oczywiste i jednoznaczne. Były to otwarte konflikty w latach 1919 i 1938, okresy skrywanego antagonizmu w latach międzywojennych i po II wojnie światowej do lat 90. oraz współcześnie stosunki, które odznaczają się w znacznej mierze pokojowym współistnieniem bądź współzawodnictwem. Społeczno-ekonomiczna płaszczyzna miejskiej wielokulturowości W pogłębionej refleksji antropologicznej, jak wspomniałem na początku, wielokulturowość miasta posiada swoje mniej oczywiste i znane oblicza. Przenosząc uwagę 29 K. D. Kadłubiec: Cieszyńsko-zaolziańska polszczyzna. Katowice 1994, s. 29. �62 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví z kwestii religii i pogranicza chciałbym teraz skoncentrować się na płaszczyźnie zróżnicowania społeczno-ekonomicznego. Ten rodzaj wielokulturowości – jak zauważa Adam Pomieciński – przyciąga uwagę badaczy między innymi z powodu pojawiających się na jej tle konfliktów, które wybuchają w ulegających segregacji i polaryzacji społecznościach miejskich30. Różnicująca się od lat 90. XX wieku majętność mieszkańców Cieszyna, tak jak zresztą wszystkich miast objętych transformacją ustrojową, inicjuje określone zmiany społeczno-kulturowe, procesy segregacji; wyznacza horyzont możliwości jednostek w realizacji swoich potrzeb i aspiracji. Zjawisko to wydaje się być też bardziej spektakularne w wiekach XVI i XVII niż w chwili obecnej. Ogólnie w miastach śląskich wyróżniały się wówczas trzy zasadnicze warstwy społeczne – patrycjusze, pospólstwo i plebs. Najbogatsi mieszkali w przylegających do rynku okazałych domach, a najbiedniejsi w obrębie murów lub na przedmieściach31. Istniała także duża różnica pomiędzy mieszkańcami miasta a kooperującymi z nimi mieszkańcami okolicznych wsi. Jeszcze w XIX wieku miejskie środowisko społeczne Cieszyna było środowiskiem trudno dostępnym; zamieszkanie w mieście, możliwość zdobywania wykształcenia czy pracy traktowane były jako awans społeczny i kulturowy32. Mieszczanie cieszyńscy wyróżniali się wieloma elementami swojej kultury, w tym także charakterystycznymi strojami33. Duże zmiany w strukturze społecznej nastąpiły w XX wieku a zwłaszcza po wojnie. W latach 70. ubiegłego stulecia kiedy w Cieszynie rozbudowano i upaństwowiono zakłady przemysłowe oraz pobudowano osiedla robotnicze, a „obcym” stał się nie tyle przybywający z wioski położonej na obszarze Śląska Cieszyńskiego, co przybysz spoza tego regionu, najczęściej Kielecczyzny i Nowosądeckiego. Zróżnicowanie kulturowe miasta straciło wtedy swoją wielobarwność na skutek sprawowanej władzy i tworzenia ujednoliconej kultury robotniczej. Ponowne odrodzenie się, przynajmniej w kwestii możliwości pielęgnowania własnej kultury i naturalnego jej rozwoju, pojawiło się stopniowo w okresie transformacji ustrojowej po 1989 roku. Obecnie opinie mieszkańców Cieszyna na temat ich zróżnicowania społeczno-ekonomicznego są podzielone, chociaż przeważa pogląd, iż stanowią oni wciąż jednolitą i zintegrowaną społeczność. Wielu zorientowanych w kwestiach mieszkaniowych dostrzega umiarkowaną segregację przestrzenną. Panuje tu oczywiście odwrotna niż w dawnych czasach tendencja osiedlania się bogatych nie w centrum, lecz na przedmieściach i peryferiach miasta. Stwierdza się także brak ogrodzonych i strzeżonych osiedli mieszkaniowych, ale za lepsze do zamieszkania uważa się przede wszystkim dzielnicę Bobrek, tereny wzdłuż ulicy Przepilińskiego i w Błogocicach. Pewne konflikty odnoszone są do subkultur młodzieżowych jako wynik przewartościowania przez nie, a nawet wypaczenia idei lokalnego patriotyzmu. Mieszkańcy zaangażowani w życie kulturalne Cieszyna podkreślają też rozwojowe znaczenie osiedlania się absolwentów znajdujących się w tym mieście wydziałów Uniwersytetu Śląskiego. 30 Zob. A. Pomieciński: Antropologia miasta a kwestia wielokulturowości. „Sprawy Narodowościowe” 33/2008, s. 108, www.ceeol.com 31 J. Kwak: Ustrój i rola…, s. 57-58. 32 Por. J. Kubisz: Pamiętnik…, s. 98. 33 Tamże, s. 136. �Grzegorz Błahut: Wielokulturowość Cieszyna jako miasta pogranicza 63 Wielokulturowość miasta jako twórczy potencjał dla lokalnych społeczności Socjologowie miasta reprezentowani między innymi przez Marka Szczepańskiego powołując się na koncepcję „twórczego miasta” autorstwa Richarda Floridy dostrzegają w wielokulturowości ogromny potencjał dla społeczno-kulturowego i ekonomicznego rozwoju. Ludzie żyjący w społecznościach wielokulturowych są ich zdaniem lepiej przystosowani do zmieniających się warunków geopolitycznych zachowując przy tym swoją wyjątkową odrębność. Ich zdaniem ukształtowane w takich warunkach postawy otwartości, tolerancji, nieustannego dążenia do budowania jak najlepszych relacji z innymi równoprawnymi podmiotami tej wielokulturowości przyczyniają się do takiego rozwoju34. Tak też najczęściej określają siebie mieszkańcy Cieszyna. Wielokulturowość tego miasta posiadająca w nim wielowiekową historię, poza trudnymi okresami, rzeczywiście przyczyniała się do jego kulturowego czy ekonomicznego rozkwitu. W odniesieniu do przeszłości można spoglądać na nią jako fundament kulturowego dziedzictwa tego miasta i regionu, zaś w odniesieniu do przyszłości niewątpliwie stanowi wspólny dla wszystkich wyodrębniających się w niej grup społecznych potencjał dla ich dalszego, wspólnego rozwoju na wielu płaszczyznach życia. Bibliografia: Adamczyk I., Spyra J.: Cieszyn wczoraj i dziś. Cieszyn 2001 Broda J.: Dzieje parafii Diecezji Cieszyńskiej. Warszawa 1978 Budniak J.: Ekumenizm jutra na przykładzie Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Katowice 2002 Budniak J.: Ruch ekumeniczny na Śląsku Cieszyńskim. W: Stosunki wyznaniowe na Śląsku Cieszyńskim od średniowiecza do współczesności/Die konfessionellen Verhältnisse im Teschener Schleisen vom Mittelater bis zur Gegenwart. Red. P. Chmiel, J. Drabina. Ratingen 2000, s. 257-263 Castells M.: Kwestia miejska. Warszawa 1982 Golka M.: Wielokulturowość miasta. W: Pisanie miasta - czytanie miasta. Red. A. Zeidler-Janiszewska. Poznań 1997, s. 171-180 Iwanek W.: Książęce miasto piastowskie. W: Cieszyn. Zarys rozwoju miasta i powiatu. Red. J. Chlebowczyk. Katowice 1973 s. 115-131 Kadłubiec K.D.: Cieszyńsko-zaolziańska polszczyzna. Katowice 1994 Kantor R.: Wielokulturowość miasta. Prolegomena do badań nad zróżnicowaniem kulturowym społeczności miejskiej Krakowa. W: Miasto jako przestrzeń kontaktu kulturowego i etnicznego. „Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne”. T. 8. Red. I. BukowskaFloreńska. Katowice 2005, s. 37-45 Kubisz J.: Pamiętnik starego nauczyciela. Cieszyn 1928 Kwak J.: Ustrój i rola cywilizacyjna miast górnośląskich w czasach nowożytnych XVI –XVII w. W: 500 lat ratusza i rynku w Cieszynie 1496-1996. Red. I. Panic, M. Makowski. Cieszyn 1996, s. 57-66 34 M. Suchacka, M. S. Szczepański, W. Ślęzak-Tazbir: Prometeusz w wielkim mieście. Wielokulturowość i twórcze metropolie. W: Wielokulturowość-międzykulturowość-transkulturowość w perspektywie europejskiej i pozaeuropejskiej. Red. A. Barska, M. Korzeniowski. Opole 2007, s. 163-164. �64 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Poloczkowa B.: Życie w dawnym mieście. W: Cieszyn, zarys rozwoju miasta i powiatu. Red. J. Chlebowczyk. Katowice 1973, s. 133-153 Pomieciński A.: Antropologia miasta a kwestia wielokulturowości. „Sprawy Narodowościowe” nr 33/2008, s.101-113 (www.ceeol.com) Rabin E.: Żydowski dom. W: Judaizm. Red. M. Dziwisz. Kraków 1989, s.103-115 Rusek H.: Pogranicze etniczne – wielokulturowa przestrzeń. W: Przestrzeń kulturowego współistnienia. „Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne”. T. 4. Red. I. BukowskaFloreńska. Katowice 2000, s. 145-153 Sobecki M.: Kultura symboliczna a tożsamość. Białystok 2007 Spyra J.: Zarys dziejów ludności żydowskiej w Cieszynie i okolicach. W: Żydowskie zabytki Cieszyna i Czeskiego Cieszyna. Red. J. Spyra. Cieszyn 1999, s. 7-22 Suchacka M., Szczepański M. S., Ślęzak-Tazbir W.: Prometeusz w wielkim mieście. Wielokulturowość i twórcze metropolie. W: Wielokulturowość-międzykulturowość-transkulturowość w perspektywie europejskiej i pozaeuropejskiej. Red. A. Barska, M. Korzeniowski. Opole 2007, s. 153-167 Śliz A.: Śląsk: Wielokulturowość czy kulturowe zróżnicowanie. „Studia Socjologiczne”. Nr 4 (195)/2009. s. 149-166. (www.ceeol.com) Wrana W.: Prawdziwe starzikowe opowiadania. Stonawa 2009 Shrnutí Multikulturnost Cieszyna jako města a příhraniční oblasti Multikulturnost je zde chápaná jako analytická kategorie, popisující společný výskyt na stejném území vymezených společenských skupin charakterizujících se odlišnými prvky svých vlastních kulturních systémů, má ve vztahu k Cieszynu několik zdrojů svého původů. Prvním z nich je multikulturnost vyplývající ze zeměpisné polohy Cieszyna v polsko-české příhraniční oblasti. Specifikum tohoto druhu multikulturnosti se formovalo spíše horizontálně – důležité jsou zde zeměpisné podmínky, sousedské vztahy, zejména po roce 1920, kdy město bylo rozděleno státní hranicí. Na druhé straně multikulturnost Cieszyna formují faktory, které město formují. Město – co zdůrazňuje mnoho výzkumných pracovníků – je již ve své podstatě multikulturní. Jiným důležitým faktorem dělícím obyvatelé Cieszyna bylo a je náboženství – kromě již spíše do dějin patřícího judaizmu, v Cieszyně v současné době jsou dvě křesťanské náboženské skupiny – katolíci a evangelíci. Kromě prostorového rozmístění společenských skupin prokazujících se odlišnými prvky kulturních systémů, jakými jsou náboženství, jazyk, národní symboly, je rovněž zohledňována kulturní různorodost vyplývající z ekonomického postavení a pocitu zabydlenosti obyvatel, z čehož je pak odvozen jev společenské segregace. Tento třetí typ odlišnosti kultur by bylo možno nazvat vertikální odlišností. V případě Cieszyna, který je nepříliš velkým městem, však nesehrává příliš významnou úlohu. Analyzovány jsou nejen tyto roviny multikulturnosti, ale rovněž vzájemné interakce mezi jednotlivými skupinami: evangelíky a katolíky, Poláky a Čechy, jakož i mezi obyvateli Cieszyna jako členy obce s různým statusem a pocitem příslušnosti k místní společnosti. �Grzegorz Błahut: Wielokulturowość Cieszyna jako miasta pogranicza 65 Summary Multiculturalism of Cieszyn as a borderland town In regard to Cieszyn, multiculturalism (understood here as an analytic category which describes the co-occurrence, in the same space, of particular social groups characterized by different elements of their own cultural systems) has several sources. The first is the multiculturalism resulting from the geographical location of Cieszyn in the Polish-Czech borderland. Specificity of such multiculturalism is shaped rather horizontally – what seems important here are territorial determinants, neighbour relationships, especially after 1920, when the town was split by the state border. In the second aspect, the multiculturalism of Cieszyn is built by towngenerating factors. As many researchers emphasize, the town is multicultural by nature. Another factor which has diversified the residents of Cieszyn is religion – apart from Judaism, which belongs to history now, there are two numerous Christian denominations – Catholics and Lutherans. Besides the spatial arrangement of social groups possessing different elements of cultural systems (religion, language, national symbols), also such cultural differentiation is taken into account which results from the economic status and the residents’ feeling of inrootment. This is a derivative of social segregation. This third type of cultural diversification can be called vertical. In the case of Cieszyn, which is a small city, this diversification has not much significance. In the presented study, not only the above mentioned dimensions of multiculturalism are analyzed, but also interactions between particular groups: Lutherans and Catholics, Poles and Czechs, and the inhabitants of Cieszyn as members of groups of a different status and feeling of belonging to a local community. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/6a0d4ff623e27c83a434f199153d896d.pdf 6c49860b0e34c37f1c5966e4e13e0f63 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5493 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 Subject The topic of the resource antropologia stosowana - podręczniki Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5109 Title A name given to the resource Etnologia i antropologia strosowana dla samorządu / Antropologia stosowana Description An account of the resource Antropologia stosowana, pod red. Macieja Ząbka; s.229-238 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Braun, Krzysztof Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Międzynarodowe Centrum Dialogu Miedzykulturowego i Miedzyreligijnego UKSW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 8 Krzysztof Braun Etnologia i antropologia kulturowa dla samorządu Wstęp Niniejszy tekst dotyczy użyteczności, przydatności umiejętności i wiedzy pojedynczego etnologa/antropologa kultury, który znalazł lub może znaleźć zatrudnienie na „rynku pracy” – konkretnie w instytucjach samorządu terytorialnego. Będę używał określenia „etnologia stosowana”, ponieważ uważam, że jest to najbardziej obiecująca, a metodologicznie i praktycznie najbardziej płodna wypadkowa pomiędzy etnografią a kulturową czy społeczną antropologią. Sam zresztą uważam się za etnografa, który dokumentując czy opisując rzeczywistość społeczną szuka mechanizmów, które decydują o takich czy innych zachowaniach społecznych, przez co przechodzę na pozycję etnologa. Mógłbym w tym miejscu przywołać Cliforda Geertza – to przecież on, posługując się metajęzykiem antropologii zawsze odwołuje się do etnografii, ponieważ w zapisie etnograficznym znajduje się pierwszy przekaz, pierwsza informacja, którą nasz rozmówca, informator, respondent – wszystko jedno jak go nazwiemy – dostarczył badaczowi do dalszej interpretacji. Trudno wyobrazić sobie badacza zajmującego się zagadnieniami społecznymi – podkreślę, że problemy czy zachowania społeczne podlegają stałym zmianom – który by nie angażował się osobiście w kontekst społeczny czy kulturowy badanych zagadnień. Liczni badacze, cała plejada „dobrych” nazwisk z najwyższej półki naszej dyscypliny, podejmują, jak mi się wydaje, czysto teoretycznie, problem potrzeby bycia „czynnym” etnologiem czy antropologiem. I tak np.: „zabierać głos w najważniejszych debatach”, „trzymać rękę na pulsie współczesności” – pisze Wojciech Burszta; „podejmować badania na palące tematy dotyczące naszej współczesności” – dodaje Michał Buchowski; „i trzeba angażować się w rzeczywistość, w której – jak konstatuje Czesław Robotycki – nie wszystko jest oczywiste”. Te i inne tak dobrze brzmiące – i oczywiście całkowicie słuszne, �230 Krzysztof Braun lecz bez jakiejkolwiek kontynuacji praktycznej – hasła i postulaty spotykamy w większości uczonych ksiąg. Doświadczenia lat (prawie 40) pracy zawodowej na styku użytecznej etnografii, organizacji nauki i pracy dydaktycznej dają mi poczucie dystansu do problemu stosowanej etnologii. Pierwsza połowa 2012 roku minęła pod znakiem dyskusji grona polskich przedsiębiorców, zapoczątkowanej przez prezesa PZU A. Klesyka wokół problemu absolwentów wyższych uczelni: wiedzy, jaką dysponują po ukończeniu studiów, przygotowania do pracy zawodowej, doświadczeń praktycznych, innowacyjności. Nie ma w tej dyskusji miejsca dla nauk społecznych i humanistycznych, ale wiadomo, że pracodawcy oczekiwaliby od absolwentów umiejętności krytycznego myślenia, rozumienia procesów społecznych, zdolności rozumienia problemów innych, zrozumienia powodów powstawania konfliktów społecznych i umiejętności ich rozwiązywania, umiejętności komunikacji i empatii. W sumie uczestnicy dyskursu dochodzą zgodnie do wniosku, że źli są absolwenci naszych uczelni wyższych, bo niewłaściwie ich uczymy (!). Przyznaje to nawet Minister Nauki i obiecuje „...milion za ulepszenie studiów”. Zabrakło mi w tym dyskursie głosu dwu kategorii zainteresowanych: głosu absolwentów, którym tak wiele się zarzuca i głosu pracowników uczelni, którzy ich przygotowują do pracy zawodowej. Od jesieni 2011 roku trwają na polskich uczelniach prace nad opracowaniem Krajowych Ram Kwalifikacji dla przygotowywania systemu potwierdzania kompetencji zawodowych absolwentów w poszczególnych dziedzinach wiedzy, co ma promować edukację opartą na rzeczywistych efektach uczenia się. Wiadomo będzie co potrafi i czego można oczekiwać od absolwenta np. etnologii po studiach II stopnia (magisterskich). Czy etnolog jest potrzebny samorządom? Chcąc pisać o tym, czym może zajmować się etnolog/antropolog kultury zatrudniony w samorządzie terytorialnym (starostwie powiatowym/gminie), rozesłałem do starostów i przewodniczących rad powiatu w województwie mazowieckim oficjalne listy. Adresatów było około 80. Prosiłem w listach o informację, jakiego rodzaju zadania można powierzyć zatrudnionemu w samorządzie etnologowi/antropologowi kultury i jakiej wiedzy i umiejętności oczekiwano by od niego. Do listów, dla ułatwienia znalezienia odpowiedzi na moje pytania, dołączyłem opracowany dla potrzeb KRK profil absolwenta studiów II stopnia. Warto tu przytoczyć ten tekst: �Etnologia i antropologia kulturowa dla samorządu 231 „Studia na kierunku etnologia i antropologia kulturowa umieszczone są na pograniczu nauk humanistycznych i społecznych. Dzięki szerokiej interdyscyplinarnej perspektywie teoretycznej student zdobywa pogłębioną wiedzę pozwalającą na rozumienie i krytyczną analizę zjawisk zachodzących we współczesnym świecie. Ważnym i nieodłącznym elementem procesu kształcenia na kierunku etnologia i antropologia kulturowa są etnograficzne badania terenowe. Opierają się one na bezpośrednim doświadczeniu studenta zdobytym w kontakcie z innymi ludźmi. Pozwalają na rozwinięcie wrażliwości i otwartości na odmienność. Absolwenci etnologii i antropologii kulturowej w trakcie studiów zdobywają: — wiedzę dotyczącą specyfiki kulturowo-społecznej wybranych grup i regionów w Polsce, Europie i na świecie; — umiejętność prowadzenia i projektowania badań jakościowych, stanowiących podstawę nauk humanistycznych i społecznych; — umiejętność przygotowywania i realizacji projektów wykorzystywanych w instytucjach kultury, organizacjach pozarządowych oraz w biznesie; — rozumieją mechanizmy powstawania zjawisk wykluczenia i dyskryminacji oraz potrafią opracowywać i realizować programy zapobiegające uprzedzeniom i marginalizacji; — umiejętność przygotowywania i opracowywania tekstów naukowych”. Nie czułem się zaskoczony wynikami ankiety; otrzymałem pięć odpowiedzi, co stanowi 6,25% w stosunku do wysłanych listów. Z tych pięciu jedna stwierdzała, że „nie przewiduje zatrudnienia etnologa lub antropologa kultury”, druga „po wnikliwej analizie wszystkich stanowisk pracy naszego urzędu oraz zakresu ich obowiązków, nie przewidujemy stanowiska związanego z powyższymi zagadnieniami z powodu ich specyfiki”. Natomiast trzy pozostałe wypowiedzi, w sposób satysfakcjonujący określają zadania i wymagania, którym musiałby sprostać zatrudniony w samorządzie powiatowym etnolog. Gdyby w Grójcu zatrudniono etnologa, to odpowiadałby za następujące sfery działania: — prowadzenie działalności badawczej dotyczącej społeczeństwa i jego kulturalnego rozwoju w regionie, — przygotowanie, koordynowanie oraz współudział w projektach dotyczących rozwoju społeczności w aspekcie historycznym i kulturowym, — współpraca z organizacjami pozarządowymi, w tym zajmującymi się rozwojem społeczności lokalnej, — współudział w programach szkolnych (pogadankach, dyskusjach, pokazach, prelekcjach) dotyczących zjawisk dyskryminacji, uprzedzeń, w oparciu o zgromadzone dane o grupach etnicznych, kulturowych, religijnych występujących w regionie. �232 Krzysztof Braun Starostwo w Makowie Mazowieckim przedstawia wykaz zadań, które miałby wykonywać etnolog/antropolog kultury zatrudniony w samorządzie: — współpraca z miejskim i gminnymi ośrodkami upowszechniania kultury, — pełnienie funkcji animatora kultury, — koordynacja projektów podejmowanych przez domy kultury, — przygotowywanie materiałów, informacji z działań podejmowanych przez powiat na jego stronę internetową, — prowadzenie pogadanek dla uczniów szkół ponadgimnazjalnych, dotyczących dziejów kultury i cywilizacji powiatu, — prowadzenie działań polegających na upowszechnianiu kultury, wychowania, edukacji oraz promocji dorobku kulturalnego i prowadzenie przedsięwzięć propagujących i promujących dorobek kulturalny. Starosta Pułtuski w sposób najbardziej szczegółowy określa trzy sfery, w których nasz absolwent może ubiegać się o zatrudnienie i przedstawia swoje oczekiwania w stosunku do niego: Praca w placówkach kultury wymaga: — wiedzy dotyczącej lokalnych obyczajów i innych przejawów kultury ludowej: literatury, sztuki, muzyki ludowej, obrzędowości danego rejonu i rozpowszechnianie tej wiedzy wśród lokalnej ludności, — wiedzy w zakresie występowania w lokalnej społeczności mniejszości etnicznych lub religijnych. Praca w placówkach pomocy społecznej wymaga: — dokonywania analiz życia codziennego lokalnej społeczności, — wyciągania wniosków wobec zjawisk kulturowych, np. multikulturalizmu, metakulturalizmu, współczesnych „wojen kulturowych”, — reagowania na mechanizmy wykluczenia i dyskryminacji społecznych, — opracowywania programów zapobiegających uprzedzeniom i marginalizacji, — nawiązywania kontaktów z przedstawicielami środowisk zagrożonych wykluczeniem. Praca (zatrudnienie) w organizacjach pozarządowych, których działalność statutowa przewiduje pomoc dla osób niepełnosprawnych, niezaradnych życiowo, znajdujących się w trudnych warunkach. Tu Starosta widzi potrzebę umiejętności: dokonywania analizy zachowań społeczności lokalnej, badania adaptacji do warunków życia ludności najuboższej, współdziałanie z przedstawicielami opieki społecznej w zakresie wsparcia osób potrzebujących pomocy. Z zestawienia wykazu umiejętności, które zawiera profil naszego absolwenta z tematami i zadaniami, które starostowie powierzyliby zatrudnianym �Etnologia i antropologia kulturowa dla samorządu 233 przez siebie etnologom, wynika, że kompetencje absolwenta są wystarczające dla sformułowanych tu potrzeb pracodawcy – starosty. Ta konstatacja wywołuje potrzebę zastanowienia się, z jakimi problemami boryka się samorząd na swym podstawowym poziomie – tj. w gminie. Praca w gminie to stykanie się etnologa z najbardziej autentyczną sferą ludzkich problemów, z mechanizmami powstawania społecznych więzi i animozji. Także dla wnikliwego obserwatora możliwość pomocy w rozwiązywaniu sytuacji konfliktowych, znajdowanie płaszczyzn dla tworzenia więzi społecznych, upodmiotowienie członków lokalnej społeczności, tworzenie postaw tożsamościowych prowadzące do zaistnienia społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Czym jest gmina? Gmina, zgodnie z Ustawą z dnia 8 marca 1990 roku o Samorządzie Gminnym, to wspólnota samorządowa plus określone terytorium. Istotnym dla całokształtu bytowania mieszkańców gminy jest zarząd gminy – to znaczy wójt i rada gminy, która zostaje wyłoniona drogą demokratycznych wyborów. Są to ludzie, których mieszkańcy obdarzyli zaufaniem i powierzyli im zarządzanie dobrem wspólnotowym, a więc zasobami gminy: materialnymi, przyrodniczymi i niematerialnymi, czyli społecznymi i kulturowymi. Gmina dla dobrego funkcjonowania ma do spełnienia wiele zadań, a realizuje to poprzez wyspecjalizowane komórki administracji samorządowej: biuro gminy i instytucje gminie podległe, np. gminny ośrodek kultury, gminna biblioteka, niekiedy muzeum regionalne, także zespoły szkół, opieki zdrowotnej, sportu i rekreacji i wiele innych, zależnie od specyficznych warunków lokalnych. Od tego jak sprawnie, jak kompetentnie, jak innowacyjnie będą działały stanowiska, pracownicy administracji gminy, zależy realizacja podstawowego celu funkcjonowania gminy – ładu społecznego. Potraktujmy gminę jako instytucję produkcyjną, której zadaniem jest zaspokojenie zbioru potrzeb wspólnoty, a jednocześnie zapewnienie jej członkom – mieszkańcom, optymalnej wartości, jaką jest właśnie ład społeczny. Zakres realizacji potrzeb mieszkańców i obowiązki gminy wobec nich wynikają z ustawy o samorządzie terytorialnym (rozdz. 2, art. 7). Zaspokojenie potrzeb wspólnoty obejmuje następujące sfery, cytuję: — ładu przestrzennego, gospodarki nieruchomościami, ochrony środowiska i przyrody oraz gospodarki wodnej, — gminnych dróg, ulic, mostów, placów oraz organizacji ruchu drogowego, — wodociągów i zaopatrzenia w wodę, kanalizacji i oczyszczania ścieków komunalnych, utrzymania czystości i porządku oraz urządzeń sanitarnych, wysypisk i unieszkodliwiania odpadów komunalnych, zaopatrzenie w energię elektryczną i cieplną oraz gaz, — lokalnego transportu zbiorowego, �234 — — — — — Krzysztof Braun ochrony zdrowia, pomocy społecznej, w tym ośrodków i zakładów opiekuńczych, gminnego budownictwa mieszkaniowego, edukacji publicznej, kultury, w tym bibliotek gminnych i innych instytucji kultury oraz ochrony zabytków i opieki nad zabytkami, — kultury fizycznej i turystyki, w tym terenów rekreacyjnych i urządzeń sportowych, — targowisk i hal targowych, — zieleni gminnej i zadrzewień, — cmentarzy gminnych, — porządku publicznego i bezpieczeństwa obywateli oraz ochrony przeciwpożarowej i przeciwpowodziowej, w tym wyposażenia i utrzymania gminnego magazynu przeciwpowodziowego, — utrzymania gminnych obiektów i urządzeń użyteczności publicznej oraz obiektów administracyjnych, — polityki prorodzinnej, w tym zapewnienia kobietom w ciąży opieki socjalnej, medycznej i prawnej, — wspierania i upowszechniania idei samorządowej, — promocji gminy, — współpracy z organizacjami pozarządowymi, — współpracy ze społecznościami lokalnymi i regionalnymi innych państw. Rozległość wiedzy, w jaką jest wyposażony etnolog, gwarantuje, że może być dla gminy pracownikiem nie do przecenienia, pod warunkiem jednak, że będzie chciał tam pracować, będzie twórczy i innowacyjny w swych działaniach i będzie nieustannie uzupełniał swoje kompetencje zawodowe. Warunkiem nieodzownym, podstawową potrzebą, zanim podejmie pracę, jest dokładne zapoznanie się ze strukturą społeczno-zawodową mieszkańców gminy, jej historią społeczno-gospodarczą, dawną strukturą własności ziemi, stosunkami religijnymi i etnicznymi. Ta wiedza zestawiona ze znajomością zasobów przyrodniczych i materialnych gminy pozwoli na zajmowanie stanowiska tak wobec stawianych mu zadań, jak przy wnikaniu w zrozumienie sytuacji trudnych czy konfliktowych. Etnolog może skutecznie działać w wielu sferach funkcjonowania gminy: — w sferze promocji gminy: jej walorów przyrodniczych, wartości kulturowych – materialnych i niematerialnych, istniejących zabytków, — w szeroko pojętej sferze pomocy społecznej: od identyfikacji nurtujących społeczność problemów i patologii (np. negatywne skutki masowej emi- �Etnologia i antropologia kulturowa dla samorządu 235 gracji zarobkowej) po propozycje podejmowania przez gminę i podległe jej agendy działań naprawczych: przekwalifikowywania bezrobotnych, szukania nowych miejsc pracy, np. w agroturystyce, — w sferze edukacji i kultury: od przygotowywania materiałów do edukacji regionalnej dla szkół: ścieżki edukacyjne itp., poprzez organizację mieszkańcom czasu wolnego, opiekę nad lokalnymi wartościami kulturowymi: muzyczno-folklorystyczno-obrzędowe zespoły, twórczość amatorska i regionalna, merytoryczne wspieranie inicjatyw kulturalnych mieszkańców (np. tworzenie kolekcji, zbiorów zabytków, lokalnych muzeów itp.), działania lokalnych stowarzyszeń twórczych, miłośników regionu (wsi, krajobrazu itp.), — w sferze współdziałania gminy z działającymi na jej terenie organizacjami samorządowymi i instytucjami produkcyjnymi. Ich działania mogą wspierać funkcje opiekuńcze gminy, ale mogą też wprowadzać „konflikt interesów”. Etnolog, rozumiejący istotę tworzenia struktur współżycia społecznego, może pełnić tu ważną rolę eksperta – mediatora, — w sferze organizacji gminnych mediów informacyjnych i społecznej komunikacji: prasy lokalnej, pism samorządowych, parafialnych czy związanych z działającymi na terenie gminy instytucjami. Nie sposób jest omówić wszystkie sfery działań, w których etnolog/antropolog kultury może dobrze pracować. Ograniczę się do dwóch przykładów: W połowie lat dziewięćdziesiątych w jednym z powiatów województwa mazursko-warmińskiego, pojawili się akwizytorzy ze Skandynawii, szukający ludzi do prac z zakresu haftu. Pracujący tam etnolog skontaktował ich ze środowiskiem ukraińskim i wkrótce okazało się, że starsze panie, doskonale z młodości pamiętające haft krzyżykowy, wykonują hafty, które później, za morzem, znajdują miejsce w aplikacjach do eleganckich ubiorów, z notatką „norweski/szwedzki hand made”. Smaku dodaje to, że w Skandynawii też jest haft krzyżykowy. Etnolog to wiedział. Drugi przykład wiąże się z nowymi perspektywami pracy: w 2011 roku Polska ratyfikowała Konwencję UNESCO w sprawie ochrony niematerialnego dziedzictwa kulturowego. Konwencja zakłada, że ciałem, które może zgłaszać element niematerialnego dziedzictwa, jest społeczność lokalna, bo to dla niej zgłaszane zachowanie kulturowe jest cenne i ważne jako wartość przekazywana z pokolenia na pokolenie. Jest w chwili obecnej ogromna rozbieżność pojmowania, czym jest niematerialne dziedzictwo kulturowe, które zachowania kwalifikują się do umieszczenia na liście elementów kulturowych przeznaczonych do ochrony, jak je identyfikować i dokumentować. Niemniej, czy będzie to ważny dla społeczności zwyczaj kultywowany przez pokolenia, �236 Krzysztof Braun czy będzie to zespół treści należący do sfery pamięci kulturowej, to właśnie etnolog obserwujący te zjawiska w terenie jest szczególnie predestynowany, aby się tym zajmować, ponieważ najlepiej potrafi zdefiniować i umotywować te zagadnienia. Dlaczego więc, jeśli etnologowie są tacy przydatni (o czym jestem głęboko przekonany), nie znajdują pracy w samorządach? Pierwsza odpowiedź już się pojawiła: na 80 wysłanych ankiet zareagowało 5 osób, w tym 2 negatywnie. To świadczy o tym, że świadomość, czym może zajmować się antropolog kultury w gminie, jest praktycznie żadna. Druga odpowiedź w jakimś sensie obciąża absolwentów etnologii. Nie mają chyba do końca świadomości, że gmina może być dla nich miejscem pracy, że to nie tylko pracownik socjalny, a w najlepszym przypadku instruktor kulturalny w GOK-u, więc nie aplikują o taką pracę. Trzecia odpowiedź wiąże się z uczelnią, z macierzystym instytutem etnologa. Nie interesujemy się losami naszych absolwentów gdzieś w dalekim terenie. Pamiętam, że w końcu lat sześćdziesiątych, gdy pracowałem w Ośrodku Badań Naukowych im. Wojciecha Kętrzyńskiego w Olsztynie, Pracownią Badań nad Współczesnością kierowała dr Anna Szyfer, a szefem Rady Naukowej OBN był prof. Józef Burszta. Regularnie raz na kwartał przyjeżdżał, rozmawiał o realizowanych badaniach, wysłuchiwał naszych narzekań i litanii kłopotów. A potem szedł do komitetu wojewódzkiego PZPR i już jako profesor, dyrektor Katedry Etnografii Uniwersytetu Poznańskiego, redaktor Dzieł Wszystkich Oskara Kolberga, tłumaczył sekretarzom komitetu, jak ważna jest praca etnologa, jakie profity region dzięki temu uzyskuje i tak dalej. Efekt – wiele spraw, dla nas nie do załatwienia, okazywało się łatwymi do rozwiązania. Urzędnika, nawet jeśli to jest marny poziom władzy, przekonać może albo siła, albo autorytet; sam z siebie przeświadczony jest o swojej wyższości i nieomylności. Pisze o tym Florian Znaniecki w Naukach o kulturze: „ludzie posiadający władzę... aczkolwiek przeważnie świadomi swej ignorancji w zakresie współczesnego przyrodoznawstwa, często zupełnie nie zdają sobie sprawy ze swej ignorancji w zakresie wiedzy o kulturze – zwłaszcza w zakresie wiedzy o zjawiskach społecznych – i są przekonani, że dzięki swemu doświadczeniu praktycznemu potrafią rozwiązać wszelkie problemy społeczne lepiej niż mniej doświadczeni uczeni”. Co więcej, urzędnicy, przedsiębiorcy, mniej lub bardziej eksponowane elity, nie zdają sobie sprawy ze swych delikatnie mówiąc, intelektualnych niedostatków. Czego tu żądać od wójta czy lokalnego przedsiębiorcy, jeśli np. Prezydent RP goszcząc w Zambrowie mówi, że jest na takim pięknym Podlasiu; �Etnologia i antropologia kulturowa dla samorządu 237 jeśli wiceminister spraw wewnętrznych i administracji na przeglądzie folklorystycznym w Ostrołęce wyraża radość, że przyjechali Kurpie z dalekiego Podlasia – a chodzi tu o gminę Turośl i Zbójna, które od granicy historycznego Podlasia dzieli dobre sto kilometrów; jeśli doktor etnologii mówi o okolicach Katowic, że są to ziemie, które były pod zaborem pruskim – to o czym tu mówić! A dziennikarze: mówi taki radiowy reporter, że jest właśnie na Śląsku w Częstochowie. Inny, redagując w Gazecie Wyborczej cykl „Wędrówki po Mazowszu”, pisze: „Stare mazowieckie wsie kryją prawdziwe skarby” – i tu następują opisy pałacu w Chlewiskach, Borkowicach, Przysusze – małopolskich magnackich rezydencji. Czy w takiej sytuacji absolwent etnologii, historii czy historii sztuki może mieć inne uczucie niż poczucie zażenowania prymitywizmem tzw. „elit”, u których stara się o zatrudnienie? Etnolog/antropolog kultury, po studiach magisterskich, znający języki, programy komputerowe i mający inne widzenie rzeczywistości jako przybysz z zewnątrz, jest w gruncie rzeczy poważnym zagrożeniem dla gminnego status quo, ale nie tylko, bo także w większych instytucjach. Aby nie wchodzić na grząski grunt patologii zatrudniania pracowników, powróćmy do zawodowych kompetencji etnologa/antropologa kultury i pozycji, jaką powinien mieć w samorządzie terytorialnym. Konkluzje Etnolog – aby w optymalnym stopniu można było wykorzystać jego wiedzę oraz zawodowe kompetencje, powinien być zatrudniony w pionie wójta – sekretarza gminy – działu promocji, gdyż tam zbiegają się wszystkie kanały informacji. Powinien być traktowany jako ekspert, osoba, która niezależnie od powierzanych jej zadań, może ocenić społeczno-kulturowe konsekwencje podejmowanych w gminie decyzji. Kończąc, przypomnę opinię Joanny Tokarskiej-Bakir: „Antropologia jest unikalną kombinacją wiedzy i wolności, które, o ile się spotkają, [...] stają się potężnym narzędziem obrony przed [...] zagrożeniami”. Literatura Buchowski M. 2004 – Ku odpowiedzialnej antropologii, „(op. cit.)”, nr 19–20, s. 6. Burszta W. 2004 – Na obrzeżach, „(op. cit.)”, nr 21, s. 8–9. �238 Krzysztof Braun Klesyk A. 2012 – Diamenty z miękkimi kompetencjami, „Gazeta Wyborcza”, z 23 IV 2012, s. 8. 2012 – Minister: dam milion za ulepszenie studiów, „Gazeta Wyborcza”, z 24 IV 2012, s. 4. Robotycki Cz. 1998 – Nie wszystko jest oczywiste, Kraków. Tokarska-Bakir J. 2004 – Ku antropologii, „(op. cit.)”, nr 19–20, s. 13–14. Znaniecki F. 1971 – Nauki o kulturze: narodziny i rozwój, Warszawa. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/bc7ca707f4c1c220652b42141c487a43.pdf c27417b9b0bd023d18ee7340a37bddf0 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5008 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource Kurpie Zadrożyńska, Anna wzór kulturowy palimpsest - aspekt wsółczesny Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4645 Title A name given to the resource Kurpiowski palimpsest, czyli o odtwarzaniu wzoru kulturowego/ Antropolog wobec współczesności Description An account of the resource tom w darze Profesor Annie Zadrożyńskiej Antropolog wobec współczesności pod red. Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.318-332 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Braun, Krzysztof Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Krzysztof Braun Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Kurpiowski palimpsest, czyli o odtwarzaniu wzoru kulturowego Wyobraźmy sobie, że na starym pergaminie, pieczołowicie przechowywanym przez jakąś społeczność, zapisano wszystko to, co świadczyło o specyfice jej codziennego życia, więziach międzyludzkich, systemie wartości, światopoglądzie. Wydarzenia dziejowe zatarły ten zapis, a na odzyskanym pergaminie zapisano nowe wiadomości. Po latach społeczność, szukając swych korzeni, mozolnie odczytuje pierwotnie za¬ pisany tekst. Współcześnie, liczyć to można od drugiej połowy lat 90., Kurpie Puszczy Zie¬ lonej są chyba najbardziej, obok Kaszub, aktywnym i ekspansywnym regionem et¬ nograficznym Polski. Prawie wszędzie, gdzie odbywają się duże imprezy folklory¬ styczne, jarmarki, spotkania promocyjne regionów itp., spotykamy kurpiowskie ze¬ społy folklorystyczne, stoiska z „łysoziańskim" chlebem, miodunką, „kozicowym psiwem" i twórców ludowych z wycinankami, plecionkami, bursztynami lub orygi¬ nalnym pieczywem obrzędowym - adaptowanymi do współczesnego podniebienia „fafernuchami". Jak to się stało, że obszar leżący na peryferiach Mazowsza, biedny i powszechnie uznawany za zacofany, dziś osiąga dominującą pozycję nie tylko na obszarze Polski centralnej, lecz również w rejonach kraju od niego odległych. Spotykając Kurpiów na imprezie np. w Lublinie czy w Lubartowie, Węgorzewie czy na Jarmarku Dominikańskim w Gdańsku, słyszymy dumnie wypowiadane de¬ klaracje: „Jesteśmy z Kurpiów, to, co przywieźliśmy to jest nasza sztuka, nasza regio­ nalna k u l t u r a . . . " . A przecież jeszcze w latach 70. w Ostrołęce, czy nawet wewnątrz regionu - w Kadzidle, Lipnikach czy Myszyńcu, nazwanie kogoś „Kurpiem" było poważną obrazą i stanowiło pretekst do wszczęcia awantury i bijatyki. Określenie „Kurp" było i jest szczególnie pejoratywne na terenach powiatu makowskiego i przasnyskiego - „na szlachcie", dokąd Kurpie od połowy X I X w. masowo jeździli, i jeżdżą do dzisiaj, do sezonowych prac polowych. Sami o sobie mówili Kurpie, że są „Puszczakami" - mieszkańcami puszczy: Zielonej, Myszynieckiej, Nowogrodz¬ kiej lub Szkwańskiej. W najdawniejszej oficjalnej nomenklaturze nazywano ich jed­ nak „Kurpikami": Sejm Rzeczypospolitej w 1735 r. podjął uchwałę „o poskromieniu 318 �Kurpiowski palimpsest, czyli o odtwarzaniu wzoru kulturowego swawolnych Kurpików" (Volumina Legum 1860, s. 32), a uchwała Sejmu, króla i skonfederowanych stanów z maja 1792 r. wzywa do czynu Kurpików ze starostwa ostro­ łęckiego i umożliwia stworzenie oddziałów broniących obszarów północnego M a ­ zowsza (Volumina Legum 1885, s. 455-456). Ustalenia badawcze ostatniego ćwierćwiecza dowodzą, że Kurpie wcześniej niż mieszkańcy innych regionów Polski mieli rozwiniętą, wynikającą z tradycji zwycza­ jowego prawa bartnego, lokalną organizację społeczną, a także świadomość i przy­ sługujących i m praw społecznych, i ciążących na nich obowiązków „obywatels­ kich". Pisałem o t y m w artykule na temat etnomitu „zbrojnego Kurpia" (Braun 2007, s. 531-537). Wydaje się, że aby lepiej zrozumieć mechanizmy tworzenia się współczesnej kurpiowskiej tożsamości, trzeba zmodyfikować paradygmat badawczy o opóźnie¬ niu kulturowym Kurpiowszczyzny w stosunku do reszty Polski i dystansie wynika¬ jącym z izolacji przestrzennej, a także paradygmat o jednolitości etnicznej i wyzna¬ niowej. N i e można mówić, „że jest opóźniona kulturowo", o społeczności, która od dwóch wieków bierze udział w życiu politycznym kraju i daje niezbite dowody wy¬ sokiej świadomości patriotycznej. M y ś l w a l k i zarysowała się w y r a ź n i e t y l k o w ś r ó d t y c h e l e m e n t ó w w a r s t w y w ł o ś c i a ń ­ skiej, k t ó r e w c z e ś n i e j już zerwały z a l e ż n o ś ć o d d w o r ó w i posiadały w i ę k s z e o ś w i e c e ­ nie, lepszy b y t , a p r z e d e w s z y s t k i m s a m o d z i e l n o ś ć (wsie rządowe, c z y n s z o w e ) , l u b g d z i e p r z e c h o w y w a ł y się t r a d y c j e w a l k z n a j e ź d ź c a m i ( K r a k u s i , K u r p i e , o s a d n i c y p u s z c z y r a d o m s k i e j ) ( Z i e j k a 1981, s. 23 - 2 4 ) . Konstatuje Franciszek Ziejka i przytacza opinię Kazimierza Przerwy-Tetmajera: „Walczyli również najmężniej Kurpie w puszczach swoich p o d Zygmuntem Padlewskim" (Przerwa-Tetmajer 1915, s. 94). Peryferyjne położenie trudnego fizjograficznie obszaru nie jest równoznaczne z izolacją przestrzenną, a stosunkowa niezamożność i samowystarczalność gospo¬ darstw nie oznacza niższego poziomu kulturowego. Opis życia mieszkańców Pusz­ czy Myszynieckiej podany przez H i p o l i t a Gawareckiego w 1828 r. pokazuje stan zamożności regionu, zakres światowych jak na ówczesne warunki kontaktów oraz bogatą sferę zarobkowania pozarolniczego: N i e u y r z y s z tam t y l k o w y d m y piaszczyste, o b s z e r n ą p r z e s t r z e ń z i e m i l o t n y m pias¬ k i e m z a s y p a n ą i d o u p r a w y n i e z d a t n ą . Bagna b ł o t n i s t e i lasy n i k c z e m n e , b o na l i c h y m gruncie nawet sosnowe d r z e w o tępo i k r z y w o rośnie [ . . . ] . M i m o tak upośledzoney o d n a t u r y p u s z c z y M y s z y n i e c k i e y m i e s z k a ń c y iey m o g ą się l i c z y ć d o z a m o ż n i e y szych włościan w Królestwie Polskim, a t o z p r z y c z y n następujących. [ . . . ] nie robią p a ń s z c z y z n y i d a n i n ż a d n y c h w n a t u r z e nieuiszczaią, t y l k o płacą c z y n s z stały i nader u m i a r k o w a n y . N a i c h p i a s z c z y s t y m g r u n c i e r o d z ą się o b f i c i e k a r t o f l e , na n i z i n a c h i p r z y b ł o t a c h d o b r z e się udaie kapusta, wieprze, k t ó r y c h z n a c z n ą l i c z b ę nawet na p r z e daż wypasaią, d o s t a r c z a i ą i m o k r a s y a w i ę c e y t e ż Kurp d o ż y w n o ś c i nie p o t r z e b u i e . 319 �Krzysztof Braun [ . . . ] Z n a c z n y m n i e g d y b y ł y i c h s p o s o b e m z a r o b k u f u r m a n k i , d o k t ó r y c h są s p o s o b ­ n i , a k u p c y d a w n i e y p o w i ę k s z e y c z ę ś c i używali i c h d o s p r o w a d z a n i a t o w a r ó w z K r ó ­ lewca. Teraz t e n d o c h ó d u s z c z u p l i ł się dla K u r p i ó w p r z e z z a m k n i ę c i e g r a n i c y i z n i e ­ sienie k o m o r y w M y s z y ń c u , lecz n a t o m i a s t maią teraz z a r o b e k p r z y Chausse, d o k ą d n a w e t za W a r s z a w ę z f u r m a n k a m i u d a w a l i się, iako t e ż p r z y w y w o z i e d r z e w a z lasów Nadbuznych, l u b o o d l e g ł y c h o m i l 7. d o 8. wynaimuią się. D o p o m a g a i m t e ż w i e l e p o ­ ł o ż e n i e i c h w ś r ó d lasów, w k t ó r y c h m o g ą z n a c z n ą l i c z b ę i n w e n t a r z y w y ż y w i ć i w y ­ rabiać r ó ż n e n a r z ę d z i a d r e w n i a n e [ . . . ] te na i a r m a r k a c h p o b l i s k i c h miast przedaią. Z b i e r a i ą t e ż w i e l e g r z y b ó w , k t ó r e suszone d o W a r s z a w y w y w o ż ą . [ . . . ] D o z a r o b k ó w k u r p i ó w n a l e ż y t a k ż e k o p a n i e b u r s z t y n u , k t ó r e S k a r b c o lat t r z y wydzierżawia ( G a w a r e c k i 1828, s. 5 7 - 6 1 ) . Adam Chętnik, pisząc o bursztyniarstwie, wyznacza dla obszaru Kurpiowszczy­ zny prawie 200 miejscowości, w których w X I X w. działały kopalnie bursztynu lub go w mniejszych czy większych ilościach znajdowano (Chętnik 1952, s. 355-415). Dla wykazania kontaktów Kurpiowszczyzny ze światem warto wspomnieć, że po III roz­ biorze Polski, gdy Kurpiowszczyzna wchodziła w skład Prus Nowowschodnich, sy­ stematyczne poszukiwania bursztynu w Puszczy Zielonej przeprowadzał przybyły z Berlina pruski geolog Wolgram de Vozy (Zejszner 1844, s. 419-421). Wracając do sposobów szukania zatrudnienia: w studium o zarobkowaniu pozarolniczym miesz­ kańców wsi Królestwa Polskiego Józef Śmiałowski (1973) omówił znaczącą rolę tych prac - przy budowie dróg, kolei, fabryk, przy wyrębie lasów oraz transporcie mate­ riałów; prace furmanów, wozaków, flisaków. Kurpie przez cały X I X w. wykonywali te zajęcia na obszarze Północnego Mazowsza. Rzadko przywoływany opis życia codziennego Kurpiów stworzony przez H i p o ­ lita Gawareckiego jest podstawą do kreowanego w latach 80. X I X w. pierwszego stereotypu Kurpia; warto przypomnieć, jak wówczas mieszkano w puszczy: Jak u b i ó r k u r p i a i k u r p i a n k i iest p o s p o l i t y i n ę d z n y w p o r ó w n a n i u z o d z i e ż ą n a s z y c h w ł o ś c i a n w i n n y c h o k o l i c a c h osiadłych, t a k z n o w u i c h d o m y mieszkalne i inne zabu¬ d o w a n i a ani są p o d o b n e d o lepianek n a s z y c h w i e ś n i a k ó w . I c h d o m m i e s z k a l n y z a z w y czay iest w w ę g i e ł w y s t a w i o n y o b s z e r n y o k n a iasne i duże, c z ę s t o k r o ć o k i e n n i c a m i m a l o w a n y m i o p a t r z o n e . W e w n ą t r z i z b a i e d n a obszerna, d r u g a mnieysza i c z y s t o u t r z y m y w a n e . Piec czasem polewany. N a p ó ł k a c h u s t a w i o n e są m i s y i inne n a r z ę d z i a kuchenne. W g ł ę b i i z b y iest s t ó ł o c h ę d o ż n y , a p r z y o k n a c h w a r s z t a t y tkackie. N i e u y r z y s z t u w i z b i e mieszkalney cieląt, prosiąt i gęsi. D o tak p o r z ą d n e g o u t r z y m y w a n i a b u d o w l i , służy n i e p o m a ł u p r z y k ł a d s ą s i e d z k i c h Pruss, g d z i e b u d o w l e r ó w n i e o c h ę dożne i w porządku utrzymywane, oraz łatwość o drzewo, które dawniey bezpłatnie, dawane i m było, a dziś za nader umiarkowaną c e n ę iest sprzedawane (Gawarecki 1828, s. 6 0 - 6 1 ) . Pozytywny opis pracowitego Kurpia, gotowego oddać życie w obronie ojczyzny tonują nieco opinie o jego ulubionym stylu życia. O ile wszystkie notatki mówią o niezwykłej pracowitości i zapobiegliwości Kurpianek, o tyle Kurp mężczyzna jest, 320 �Kurpiowski palimpsest, czyli o odtwarzaniu wzoru kulturowego zdaniem Gawareckiego, zupełnie inny: „W ogólności jednak lud płci męzkiey w puszczy Myszynieckiej iest próżniacki, ieżeli nie ma zatrudnienia z furmanką nic nie r o b i " (Gawarecki 1828, s. 59). Pleban z Brańszczyka w Puszczy Białej, Bonifacy Ostrzykowski, po 20 latach co¬ dziennego obcowania z osadzonymi w okolicznych wsiach Kurpiami (osadnictwo z połowy X V I I I w., po zniszczeniach wojny północnej) taki daje „malowniczy" opis Kurpiów: L u d t u t e j s z y p o s i a d a j ą c y ł a t w o ś ć wyżywienia, m i m o w r o d z o n ą c z e r s t w o ś ć , m o c n ą b u d o w ą ciała i z d r o w i e , s p u s z c z a j ą c się na los, nie ma c h ę c i d o pracy, b o k a ż d y o d dzia¬ d ó w i n a d d z i a d ó w p r z y z w y c z a j o n y b ł ą k a ć się p o lasach, w k r ó t k i e j szarej k a t a n c e i l e k k i c h łapciach, z t o r b ą , siekierką u pasa, w o k r ą g ł y m k a p e l u s z u , fuzyą u z b r o j o n y , taką ma n i e p o j ę t ą c h ę ć d o p o l o w a n i a , łowienia r y b , p s z c z ó ł p o d b i e r a n i a , ż e m u się zdaje iż nie siejąc ani orząc, jak I z r a e l w z i e m i o b i e c a n e j , m o ż e b e z p r a c y siebie i swoją w y ż y w i ć r o d z i n ę . Z tej t o p r z y c z y n y n a ł o g o w e g o o p u s z c z e n i a się, na małym przestaje, i d z i e o g o d z i n i e d z i e s i ą t e j d o r o b o t y i s c h o d z i z niej zawczasu, ani g o w i ę k s z y z y s k , ani żadna z a m o ż ­ n o ś ć d o przełamania t e g o nałogu nie p r z y w i e d z i e . N i e ma p r z e t o z a m o ż n o ś c i w do¬ mu t u t e j s z e g o w ł o ś c i a n i n a , ale za t o z a s t ę p u j e o c h ę d ó s t w o w z o r o w e , parę fałdzistych s u k m a n , kilkadziesiąt k o s z u l własną jego ż o n y ręka w y r o b i o n e , parę k o n i , k i l k a k r ó w składają j e g o d o b y t e k , a o n , c h o ć b y miał pieniądze, t y c h p r z e d światem nie w y d a , z a c h o w a n e w g ł ę b o k i m dole, c z ę s t o stają się w ł a s n o ś c i ą z i e m i . K i e d y K u r p i o w i w y d o s t a r c z a chleb c z a r n y d o b r z e w y p i e c z o n y , a p r z y n i m w ó d k a z m i o d e m , w t e d y śpiewa w e s o ł o p o lesie i w p i o s e n k a c h s w o i c h b i e d ę k w i e c i s t e j p r z y r o d z i e p o w i e r z a , w i e c z ó r p o c h w a l a B o g a i s m a c z n i e w m a r z e n i u o b i e d z i e swo¬ jej zasypia ( O s t r z y k o w s k i 1856, s. 6 3 5 - 6 3 6 ) . Beztroskie i względnie zamożne bytowanie Kurpiów kończy się w latach 80. X I X w. Region dotykają przez kilka lat z rzędu klęski powodzi, nieurodzaju, wręcz głodu, a co najgorsze: powszechnego, nałogowego alkoholizmu wśród mężczyzn - pili Kur¬ pie na umór, bo wódka była pocieszycielką, pozwalała na chwilę bodaj zapomnieć 0 przerażającej biedzie. W usprawiedliwieniu swego nagannego postępowania sięgali Kurpie do biblijnych motywów: „Pan Jezus się rozochocił, beczkę wina kupił, / Wszyst­ kich ludzi potraktował i sam też się upił" (Syska 1967, s. 140). Dramatyczną sytuację próbują ratować miejscowe władze, proboszczowie, wiej¬ scy nauczyciele, właściciele ziemscy na obrzeżach puszczy. D o władz gubernialnych - płockich i łomżyńskich, także d o środowiska warszawskiej inteligencji, za pośrednictwem apeli i licznych artykułów prasowych docierają prośby o pomoc 1 wsparcie dla głodujących, dotkniętych klęskami żywiołowymi Kurpiów. Apele te zawierają, oprócz opisu dramatycznej sytuacji ludzkiej, także opis historii, życia codziennego i dokonań Kurpiów, z podkreśleniem ich zasług patriotycznych i etyczno-moralnych w przeszłości. Przypomina się ich tradycje bartnicze, umiłowanie wolności, udział w powstaniach narodowych, styl życia, zdolności artystyczne. 321 �Krzysztof Braun N i e bez racji przywołuje się fakt, że gdy w 1879 r. odbywały się obchody 50-lecia pracy pisarskiej Józefa Ignacego Kraszewskiego, przedstawiciele Zespołu „Lut¬ nia" z Ostrołęki zawieźli do Krakowa kałamarz i przybory biurkowe wykonane z kurpiowskiego bursztynu przez ostrołęckich rzemieślników; zrobili to nielegalnie, omijając carskie zakazy Podobnie H e n r y k Sienkiewicz, gdy przybył do Łomży z odczytem o Śląsku, otrzymał bursztynowy kałamarz i bursztynową obsadkę d o pióra. W ten sposób Kurpie stają się przedmiotem dyskursu społecznego w Kró¬ lestwie Polskim, na poziomie guberni i stolicy, a co ważniejsze, wśród środowisk in¬ teligenckich i naukowych. Dzięki uzyskanej pomocy na początku ubiegłego stulecia poprawia się stan go¬ spodarczy Kurpiowszczyzny. Także w w y n i k u skutecznego oddziaływania środo¬ wisk nauczycielskich i Kościoła - misji w intencji abstynencji i zabiegów probosz¬ czów w Kadzidle, Łysych, Myszyńcu, Czarni - zostaje ograniczone pijaństwo Kur¬ piów, którzy publicznie wyrzekają się picia gorzałki. Powstaje nowy zwyczaj rodzinno-religijny: „wyrzeczysko". Kolosalne znaczenie dla poprawy zamożności regionu ma także emigracja sezonowa do prac polowych w pobliskich Prusach Wschodnich oraz emigracja stała do Ameryki. Adam Chętnik szacuje, że w latach 1912-1914 za ocean wyjechało około 20 tysięcy Kurpiów. Dane te wydają się poważnie przesa¬ dzone, ale nawet zmniejszone o połowę, wobec około 160 wsi kurpiowskich, dają szokującą liczbę ponad 60 emigrantów z każdej. Należy jeszcze wspomnieć o problemach etnicznych i wyznaniowych ( M i r o n czuk 2007) na Kurpiowszczyźnie. Przełom X V I I I i X I X w. to koniec jednolitości et¬ nicznej (polskiej) i wyznaniowej (katolickiej). Po trzecim rozbiorze pojawiają się Z y d z i , którzy na mocy zarządzenia króla Augusta I I I nie mogli mieszkać na ob¬ szarze powiatu ostrołęckiego. Na półtora wieku organizują handel „kramny" i skup różnego rodzaju wyrobów wiejskich - głównie wykonywanych powszechnie tkanin i poszukiwanego bursztynu. Organizują też przewóz nielegalnych emigrantów do Prus i przemyt, głównie koni. Praktycznymi wykonawcami tego procederu są oczy¬ wiście Kurpie z nadgranicznych wiosek. Ta bliska i , co należy podkreślić, bezkon¬ fliktowa koegzystencja trwa do I I wojny światowej. W okresie Prus Nowowschodnich pojawiają się protestanci: ewangelicy i kalwini. Niewielka ich liczba pozostaje w Ostrołęckiem w okresie Królestwa Kongresowego w związku z próbami uprzemysławiania regionu. O mentalności ówczesnych ostrołęczan dobitnie świadczy wydarzenie następujące: ewangelik G o t f r y d Berg, ożeniony z katoliczką Anną, zmarł w marcu 1842 r. i na cmentarzu w Ostrołęce p o g r z e b a n y z o s t a ł G ł o w o na E w a n g e l i c k i e j , a n o g a m i na K a t o l i c k i e j c z ę ś c i C m e n t a ­ rza. [ . . . ] D z i a d y ( Ł u k a s z Parzych i Jan S t e f a ń s k i ) , k t ó r z y w y k o p a l i g r ó b na g r a n i c y e w a n g e l i c k i e j i k a t o l i c k i e j c z ę ś c i c m e n t a r z a , z r o b i l i t o z p o w o d ó w s p r z e c z n y c h żą¬ dań - o b r o ń c a s ą d o w y P r u s i n o w s k i ( t e n sam k t ó r y c h c i a ł „ n a w r ó c i ć Berga") p o l e c i ł im żeby wykopali grób w części katolickiej, a proboszcz Dłużniewski ewangelickiej ( M i r o n c z u k 2 0 0 7 , s. 2 5 - 2 6 ) . 322 �Kurpiowski palimpsest, czyli o odtwarzaniu wzoru kulturowego Na początku X X w. pojawiają się na Kurpiach i zakładają własną świątynię w Dłu­ gim Kącie mariawici — zwani „mankietnikami" lub „kozłowitami" — od nazwiska „ma­ teczki" M a r i i Kozłowskiej, oraz marginalnie tzw. polskokatoliccy hodurowcy — wyznawcy Polskiego Narodowego Kościoła Katolickiego. W okresie I wojny światowej Kurpiowszczyzna była poważnie zniszczona wsku­ tek i działań wojennych, i niszczycielskiej, rabunkowej gospodarki Niemców. Okres bezpośrednio powojenny charakteryzuje zdecydowana pauperyzacja regio­ nu, głównie przez powstanie, na skutek działów rodzinnych, ogromnej liczby karło­ watych gospodarstw, które nie mogły prowadzić żadnej sensownej działalności produkcyjnej. Sytuacja zaczyna się zmieniać po 1926 r., kiedy zaczęto na obszarze całej puszczy przeprowadzać działania komasacyjne i melioracje. Miały one na celu intensyfikację gospodarki rolnej i wprowadzenie nowocześniejszych zasad gospo­ darowania. Zmiany postępowały jednak bardzo powoli, a gospodarka kurpiowska w zdecydowanej mierze miała charakter samowystarczalnej. N i e przyniosły sukce¬ su próby zorganizowania produkcji chałupniczo-rzemieślniczej, nawet w tak d o m i ­ nującej dawniej dziedzinie wytwórczości jak tkactwo. Utworzone w 1927 r. z inicja­ t y w y Towarzystwa Popierania Przemysłu Ludowego spółdzielnie „Kurpianka" w Myszyńcu i „Lipniczanka" w Lipnikach upadły już w 1932 r., ponieważ nie mogły zorganizować odpowiedniego zbytu wyrobów, podołać kosztom przygotowania przędzy barwienia itp. Część osób zaangażowanych w organizację tych spółdziel­ ni spotkamy 20 lat później, pod koniec lat 40., w Kadzidle i w ministerstwie kultury i sztuki, przy tworzeniu spółdzielni cepeliowskiej „Kurpianka". W t y m samym czasie (1932 r.) z inicjatywy Józefa Warycha i Jana Bojkowskiego powstaje w przygranicznej gminie Czarnia oddział Towarzystwa „Strzelec" — parami¬ litarnej organizacji, której zadaniem było przygotowywanie młodzieży wiejskiej do służby wojskowej, wychowanie obywatelskie i kulturalne, organizowanie chórów, ze¬ społów artystycznych, czytelnictwa. W 1934 r. powstaje właśnie tam pierwszy zespół folklorystyczny na Kurpiach. G d y oglądałem amatorskie fotografie zespołu sprzed ponad 70 lat, zobaczyłem na aksamitnych czółkach (opaskach na głowie) dziewcząt jasne plamki. W powiększeniu okazało się, że są to srebrne orzełki, gdyż tancerki, któ­ rych sympatie byli członkami „Strzelca", tak właśnie zdobiły swoje stroje regionalne. Z tragedii II wojny światowej Kurpiowszczyzna wyszła w stanie poważnego znisz¬ czenia i dezorganizacji społecznej. Okupacja, terror, kontyngenty, przesiedlenia i wy¬ wózki na roboty do Niemiec sprawiły że na obszarze Kurpiowszczyzny już od 1940 r. działały konspiracyjne komórki różnych organizacji zbrojnych ruchu oporu, które z czasem weszły w skład A r m i i Krajowej (Kijowski 1992, s. 49—56). Organizacyjnie należały do rejonu Kadzidło, z placówkami w Lelisie, Kadzidle i Zbójnej, i rejonu M y ­ szyniec, z placówkami w Czarni, Myszyńcu, Turośli i Łysych. Wspomnienia d o ­ wódcy A K Rejonu Myszyniec Kazimierza Stefanowicza (Stefanowicz 1998) poka­ zują, jakie działania, oprócz akcji stricte wojskowych, podejmowały jednostki A r m i i Krajowej i jak wyglądał udział w nich i zaangażowanie Kurpiów. W a r t o zaznaczyć, 323 �Krzysztof Braun o czym pisze we wspomnieniach Stefanowicz, że mundury dla AK-owców były szyte przez miejscowych krawców, z tkanin wykonanych we wsiach na obszarze gminy. Tak¬ że specjalne pojemniki na pociski do moździerzy wykonywano na miejscu z tradycyj­ nej plecionki z korzenia. Można je zobaczyć w Ośrodku Etnograficznym w Lelisie. Jesienią 1944 r. rozpoczyna się na terenie powiatu ostrołęckiego organizowanie placówek administracyjnych władzy ludowej. Przypomnę tu, że powiat ostrołęcki jest przedzielony Narwią na dwie części: północną - właśnie Kurpiowszczyznę, i po¬ łudniową, zamieszkaną przez ludność pochodzenia drobnoszlacheckiego, o czym praktycznie nigdy się nie wspomina (!). Okres „kształtowania się władzy ludowej" na północnym Mazowszu to biała plama w historii. Jedynym opublikowanym dotąd tekstem, który rzuca nieco światła właśnie na atmosferę powojennego życia na Kurpiowszczyźnie, jest artykuł Benona Dymka z 1984 r. Uznaję je za ważne, więc przywołam bez komentarza nieco danych z tego artykułu: C o n a j m n i e j s z e ś ć t y s i ę c y l u d z i wraca d o miasta [ O s t r o ł ę k i ] z k i l k u m i e s i ę c z n e j , a na¬ w e t k i l k u l e t n i e j tułaczki w y s i e d l e n i o w e j i e w a k u a c y j n e j - z a b i e d z o n y c h , w y g ł o d z o ¬ n y c h , o b d a r t y c h i z r u j n o w a n y c h m a t e r i a l n i e , o c z e k u j ą c p o m o c y w w y ż y w i e n i u , za­ o p a t r z e n i u w o b u w i e i o k r y c i e ( D y m e k 1984, s. 147). J u ż o d p i e r w s z y c h d n i p r z e c i w k o a p a r a t o w i n o w e j w ł a d z y w y s t ą p i ł y o r g a n i z a c j e pra¬ w i c o w e , reakcyjne, starające się z d y s k r e d y t o w a ć n o w y ustrój, przeniknąć d o jego o g n i w i z w a l c z a ć g o w s z e l k i m i d o s t ę p n y m i środkami, w ł ą c z n i e z walką o r ę ż n ą . P o z o s t a j ą c e w p o d z i e m i u organizacje, g ł ó w n i e s p o d z n a k u N S Z i W i N , ale t a k ż e c z ę ś c i A K , roz¬ p o c z ę ł y t e r r o r y s t y c z n ą a k c j ę p r z e c i w k o l u d z i o m p r o w a d z ą c y m reformę rolną oraz p r z e c i w k o c h ł o p o m , k t ó r z y z i e m i e te b r a l i i ośmielali się d o k o n y w a ć na niej zasie¬ w ó w . W p o w i a t a c h o s t r o w s k i m i o s t r o ł ę c k i m b a n d y c i b i l i c h ł o p ó w w i o z ą c y c h kon¬ t y n g e n t i z a b i e r a l i i m k o n i e ( D y m e k 1984, s. 151) . 1 Z o p ó ź n i e n i e m p o w s t a w a ł y o r g a n i z a c j e PPR. K P PPR u k o n s t y t u o w a ł się o s t a t e c z n i e d o p i e r o 1 marca 1945 r. I sekretarzem b y ł o d stycznia z n a n y komunista Jan K ę d z i e r s k i z B o r a w e g o [ . . . ] . 11 maja 1945 b a n d a z a m o r d o w a ł a J. K ę d z i e r s k i e g o ( D y m e k 1984, s. 149). N a t e r e n i e w o j e w ó d z t w a warszawskiego, z w ł a s z c z a w jego północno-wschodniej c z ę ś c i , d z i a ł a l n o ś ć z b r o j n e g o p o d z i e m i a była p r o w a d z o n a z d u ż y m n a s i l e n i e m . B y ł o 1 W a r t o t u przypomnieć, że język władzy ludowej nadał na dziesiątki lat słowu „banda", „bandyci" specjalne znaczenie. N a V I I sesji K R N (1945 r.) Władysław Gomułka mówił: „Sanacyjni i reakcyjni ban¬ d y c i , w y r z u c e n i za burtę życia politycznego Polski, próbują jeszcze wykorzystać dokonane zjednocze¬ nie wszystkich grup i odłamów d e m o k r a t y c z n y c h narodu dla uwicia sobie gniazd w różnych demokra­ t y c z n y c h u g r u p o w a n i a c h koalicji rządowej, w organizacjach społecznych i wychowawczo-oświatow y c h , jak t e ż w aparacie państwowym". Z n a m i e n n a jest relacja z manifestacji 22 lipca 1946 r „Drgnął n i e r u c h o m y dotąd las różnokolorowych sztandarów. Takiej defilady młodzieży Warszawa jeszcze nie widziała. » W y t ę p i m y bandy leśne N S Z « - obiecują białe l i t e r y na c z e r w o n y m transparencie" ( K r o h , Magierowa, w druku). 324 �Kurpiowski palimpsest, czyli o odtwarzaniu wzoru kulturowego t o p o d z i e m i e R O A K , W i N , N S Z , działał r ó w n i e ż cały szereg b a n d b e z o k r e ś l o n e g o zabarwienia politycznego. N a K u r p i a c h szczególnie o k r u t n e i k r w a w e były bandy „ M ł o t a " , „Lasa", „ O r z e c h a " , „ R o m a n a " , „ C i e m n e g o " ( D y m e k 1984, s. 1 5 5 - 1 5 6 ) . Jeden z p i e r w s z y c h a k t ó w t e r r o r u w O s t r o ł ę c k i m z o s t a ł d o k o n a n y w B o r a w e m w no¬ c y z 21 na 22 l u t e g o 1945 na n o w o w y b r a n y m b u r m i s t r z u O s t r o ł ę k i Stefanie U r b a ń ­ s k i m , k t ó r e g o z a m o r d o w a n o w r a z z synem M a r i a n e m [ . . . ] . N a s t ę p n i e w n o c y z 5 na 6 marca 1945 o d d z i a ł W i N z a m o r d o w a ł A n t o n i e g o M o r a w s k i e g o , znanego na Kur¬ p i a c h komunistę. [ . . . ] 16 k w i e t n i a 1945 d o k o n a n o n a p a d u na p o s t e r u n e k M O w T u rośli, w n a s t ę p n y m d n i u na p o s t e r u n e k w Z b u j n i e , w n o c y z 18 na 19 t e g o miesiąca na p o s t e r u n e k M O w Ł y s y c h , a 19 k w i e t n i a z a m o r d o w a n o w T r o s z y n i e m i l i c j a n t a ( D y ­ m e k 1984, s. 156). N o c y z 17 na 18 maja 1945 d o k o n a n o n a p a d u na M y s z y n i e c , z n i s z c z o n o p o s t e r u n e k M O i urząd g m i n n y [ . . . ] N a K u r p i a c h w y s t ę p o w a ł o zarzewie w o j n y d o m o w e j , w k t ó ­ rej n a j w i ę k s z e o f i a r y p o n i o s ł o PPR, ale m o r d o w a n i b y l i t a k ż e l u d o w c y socjaliści, b e z ­ p a r t y j n i ( D y m e k 1984, s. 156). D o p i e r o w k o ń c u 1948 r o k u r o z b i t e z o s t a ł o z b r o j n e p o d z i e m i e w p ó ł n o c n o - w s c h o d ­ niej części w o j . warszawskiego. Sporadyczne napady powtarzały się jeszcze w r o k u 1949, a n a w e t w 1950 ( D y m e k 1984, s. 159). Zofia Niedziałkowska, autorka kilkakrotnie wznawianej monografii Ostrołęki, doprowadziła opis historii miejscowości do 1945 r. G d y zapytałem ją kiedyś, dlaczego nie opisała współczesności ukochanego miasta, odpowiedziała, że aby mogła napisać o t y m rzetelnie, musi wymrzeć pierwsze powojenne pokolenie ostrołęczan i Kurpiów. Kiedy obserwuję współczesne postawy i zachowania mieszkańców miasta i, delikat­ nie mówiąc, „żywy dyskurs społeczny" wokół odsłoniętego w 2008 r. przez prezy¬ denta RP pomnika Zołnierzy Wyklętych, stwierdzam, że miała całkowitą rację. W czasie gdy pisałem ten tekst, została opublikowana bardzo obszerna praca (950 stron) poświęcona ruchowi oporu przeciw organizacji władzy ludowej na tere­ nie powiatu ostrołęckiego (Krajewski 2009). W kontekście przytoczonej wypowie¬ dzi Z o f i i Niedziałkowskiej znamienne jest to, że część nakładu, jak twierdzą miesz¬ kańcy Ostrołęki, nie została przez władze miasta, które współfinansowały książkę, dopuszczona do wolnej sprzedaży i leży zamknięta w magazynie. Warta przytocze¬ nia jest konkluzja jednego z autorów książki na temat uznawanego przez Kurpiów systemu wartości w zetknięciu z perspektywami, które niosła władza ludowa: Z n a c z n ą c z ę ś ć ludności p o w i a t u stanowili Kurpie, zamieszkujący g m i n y położone w P u s z c z y Z i e l o n e j ( K u r p i o w s k i e j ) . G o s p o d a r s t w a w i o s e k o s t r o ł ę c k i c h b y ł y na o g ó ł d r o b n e i u b o g i e - w y d a w a ć b y się w i ę c mogło, iż i c h mieszkańcy, c z ę s t o s z u k a j ą c y d o r y w c z e g o z a r o b k u daleko p o z a m i e j s c a m i s t a ł e g o zamieszkania, s t a n o w i ć b ę d ą w niejako n a t u r a l n y s p o s ó b klasową klientelę p a r t i i k o m u n i s t y c z n e j sprawującej w Pol­ sce p r z e z 45 lat ( p o 1944 r.) d y k t a t o r s k ą w ł a d z ę . O k a z a ł o się j e d n a k , że przywiązanie 325 �Krzysztof Braun d o w o l n o ś c i , w i a r y p r z o d k ó w i n a r o d o w e j t r a d y c j i b y ł o silniejsze i sprawiło, iż Z i e m i a O s t r o ł ę c k a stała się p r z e z p i e r w s z y c h dziesięć lat p o t z w . w y z w o l e n i u j e d n y m z bastio¬ n ó w r u c h u o p o r u p r z e c i w k o m u n i s t y c z n e m u r e ż i m o w i ( K r a j e w s k i 2 0 0 9 , s. 16). Powojenni mieszkańcy Kurpiowszczyzny stanęli przed dylematem: jak żyć po¬ między silną i obiecującą wiele dobrego władzą ludową, do której nie mieli zaufa¬ nia, bo reprezentowała wrogie i m wartości, a coraz bardziej nieokreślonym zbroj¬ nym podziemiem, które wiele żądało bez jakiejkolwiek perspektywy zmian na lep¬ sze. Stanisław Ceberek, organizator ruchu folklorystycznego i późniejszy działacz ludowy, przywołuje we wspomnieniach takie wydarzenie: W r o k u 1948 ó w c z e s n y w ó j t g m i n y M y s z y n i e c - Kulas prosił mnie, a b y m p o j e c h a ł w r a z z z e s p o ł e m na ś w i ę t o l u d o w e d o Warszawy. Prosił mnie, ż e b y m p o j e c h a ł , g d y ż jego z k o l e i prosił o t o starosta, a n i k t nie c h c i a ł j e c h a ć . Z e b r a l i ś m y się i ruszyliśmy w d r o g ę d o Warszawy. Po d r o d z e j e d n a k k t ó r y ś z a r m i i p o d z i e m n e j p o w i e d z i a ł d o m o i c h l u d z i , ż e k t o k o l w i e k p o j e d z i e na t o ś w i ę t o r a z e m z C e b e r k i e m , o d p o w i e za t o głową. W o b e c czego wróciliśmy. Po ś w i ę t a c h w M y s z y ń c u na r y n k u jakaś k o b i e t a zaszła d r o g ę m o j e j m a t c e i powiedziała, ż e za w s p ó ł p r a c ę z k o m u n i s t a m i zabiją m n i e [ . ] . P r z y s z l i p e w n e j nocy, kazali nam się z o j c e m p o ł o ż y ć na b r z u c h u , p r z y s t a w i l i k a r a b i n y d o g ł o w y i nie kazali się r u s z a ć . [ . ] Z a b r a l i nam z d o m u w s z y s t k o , u b r a n i a , o b u w i e , n a k r y c i a z ł ó ż e k , w s z y s t k o , co b y ł o w szafie i w k u f r z e . Byliśmy p r a w i e n a d z y z o s t a l i ś m y z o j c e m t y l k o w k o s z u l i i w kalesonach. Byliśmy n ę d z a r z a m i na s w o i m 1 7 - h e k t a r o w y m g o s p o d a r s t w i e . Potem l u d z i e dawali nam to, c o k t o m ó g ł : j e d e n b u t y d r u g i marynarkę. I u b r a l i nas jak m o g l i . N i k t m i nie wierzył, j e d n i mówili, ż e t r z y m a m z p a r t y z a n t a m i , i n n i , ż e z U B , a t o nie b y ł o prawdą. Jeszcze i n n i mówili „Jeden B ó g w i e " ( C e b e r e k 2 0 0 1 , s. 7 8 ) . N i e ma opublikowanych wspomnień z terenu Kurpiowszczyzny dotyczących tego okresu. Jedynym materiałem podającym nieco informacji są materiały z kon¬ kursu pamiętnikarskiego zorganizowanego przez Związek Kurpiów w 1999 r. (Pajka 2000). Trudno to udowodnić, ale w moim przekonaniu decydującym o obecnym stanie regionalnej tożsamości kurpiowskiej momentem było pojawienie się w 1945 r. w Ka¬ dzidle pochodzącego spod Zbaraża ks. Mieczysława Mieszki, kapelana 76. pp Ar¬ mii Krajowej, obwodu Wysokie Mazowieckie. Parafia kadzidlańska pozbawiona była proboszcza od 1939 r. - sześć lat. Podczas wojny kościół zamieniono na skład siana, paszy, zboża, także czasowo na magazyn niemieckich materiałów wojsko¬ wych. Zniszczenia parafii i Kadzidła były ogromne: we wsi spalono ponad 120 gos¬ podarstw. W styczniu 1945 r. żołnierze A r m i i Czerwonej I I I Frontu Białoruskiego zdewastowali kościół i rozkradli całkowicie plebanię i większość zachowanych w Kadzidle domów. Wśród ludności panowało całkowite rozprzężenie, brakowało środków do życia i jakiejkolwiek administracji terenowej. W tej sytuacji oprócz działalności stricte duszpasterskiej proboszcz Mieszko zajął się organizacją życia 326 �Kurpiowski palimpsest, czyli o odtwarzaniu wzoru kulturowego społecznego i gospodarczego parafii. Ciekawe i zupełnie nowe materiały zebrała Oktawia Kasztelewicz w swojej pracy laboratoryjnej (Kasztelewicz 2006). Priorytetem działań proboszcza były z jednej strony opieka społeczna, edukacja i wychowanie patriotyczne, z drugiej poprawa b y t u materialnego parafian — zorga¬ nizowanie zajęć, które były proste, bliskie, łatwe dla miejscowej ludności. W Kadzi¬ dle pojawiły się siostry zakonne (bezhabitowe, trzeciego zakonu), które organizo¬ wały dla Kurpianek naukę haftu. Paradoksalnie wykonywano głównie haftowane sztandary a właściwie jedynym odbiorcą były komunistyczne organizacje, jedyne, któ¬ re musiały je mieć. Początkiem „wielkiego triumfu kurpiowskiego folkloru", w moim przekonaniu , było zorganizowanie w 1947 r. w kadzidlańskiej plebanii pierwszej w y ­ stawy sztuki kurpiowskiej, na którą zaprosił ks. Mieszko przedstawicieli tworzącego się w Warszawie Związku Spółdzielni Przemysłu Ludowego, późniejszej „Cepelii". Na święto 22 Lipca powstał zalążek zespołu ludowego, a zimą w kościele wysta­ wiono jasełka. W 1949 r. ks. Mieszko podjął próbę nakręcenia filmu folklorystycz¬ nego o kurpiowskim weselu, według scenariusza ks. Władysława Skierkowskiego z 1928 r.; aktorami byli mieszkańcy Kadzidła, a konsultantem Adam Chętnik. Zdję¬ cia przerwano z powodu ingerencji władz politycznych, żądających usunięcia z fil¬ mu elementów „klerykalnych". Film został dokończony po kilku latach, w domu Cze­ si Konopkówny w Tatarach. O d tej pory Kurpiowszczyzna — jej sztuka, folklor, dzieje — jest stale obecna w polskim dyskursie społeczno-kulturalnym i naukowym. Wydarzenia z następnych lat mogłyby stanowić materiał do filmowego scenariusza o t y m , jak rozwijała się polska wieś i jak wyglądała w czasach PRL-u nieustanna wza¬ jemna gra ludzi, Kościoła i władzy ludowej. Znam to z autopsji, gdyż Kurpiowszczy¬ znę poznawałem od drugiej połowy lat 60., rozmawiałem z wieloma uczestnikami tych wydarzeń, a w 1972 r. pisałem dla związku „Cepelia" (Braun 1976, s. 115—141) pracę o relacjach pomiędzy spółdzielnią „Kurpianka" a lokalną społecznością. By przywołać atmosferę ówczesnych wydarzeń, przedstawię kilka z nich. W 1948 r. pracownicy związku „Cepelia" zatrzymali się u księdza Mieszki w drodze do M y ¬ szyńca, gdyż planowano tam założenie — z wykorzystaniem przedwojennych trady¬ cji — spółdzielni artystycznej. Ksiądz serdecznie ich ugościł, a do Myszyńca posłał wiadomość, że jadą do nich „specjalni z Warszawy", żeby zakładać kołchoz albo spółdzielnię produkcyjną. Pracownicy napotkali zdecydowany opór myszynieckiej społeczności i z niczym wrócili do Kadzidła. Proboszcz Mieszko zaproponował i m lokalizację w Kadzidle, sprzedaż odpo¬ wiedniego terenu na budowę zakładu i pomoc w zatrudnieniu pracowników — cha¬ łupników. Parafia za zgodą kurii sprzedała ziemię, z czasem powstał duży tkacki zakład przemysłowy pracujący na dwie zmiany i zatrudniający w swym najlepszym okresie kilkuset dostawców. Ks. Mieszko został dożywotnim honorowym preze¬ sem „Kurpianki", a setki ludzi wspomina go jako swego dobroczyńcę: „Niech mu Pan Bóg da niebo, ale ja mam dzisiaj rentę, a za co mam? A za to, że bębniła te kros¬ na. Nogami się naprzebierała czy to ręcznie, bo to były chałupnicze i na zwartym 327 �Krzysztof Braun zakładzie. I za to mam rentę dzisiaj". A inna informatorka mówi: „W szczycie »Kurpianka« zrzeszała 650 członków, czyli 650 rodzin miało tutaj zatrudnienie. Bo zrze¬ szona była matka czy ojciec, ale całe rodziny wykonywały. Czyli tyle ludzi miało zatrudnienie, tyle ludzi miało na chleb" (Kasztelewicz 2006). Postacią równie ważną dla Kurpiowszczyzny była, zmarła w 1993 r., Czesława (Czesia) Konopkówna z Tatar k. Kadzidła. Jej rodzice, Marianna i Konstanty, zwią¬ zani byli przed wojną ze spółdzielnią „Lipniczanka" i tam zaprzyjaźnili się z jedną z działaczek TPPL Haliną Nowosadową i Janiną Orynżyną z kręgu przedwojen­ nego „Ładu", po wojnie pracownikiem dyrekcji Cepelii. Opowiadała mi w latach 70. Czesia Konopkówna o swym nigdy niespłaconym długu wdzięczności wobec obu pań. O t ó ż przed śmiercią Marianna Konopka prosiła Halinę Nowosadową o opiekę nad małą Czesią, która już jako mała dziewczynka przejawiała wybitne zdolności ar¬ tystyczne. Po wojnie, gdy Nowosadowa była pracownikiem departamentu plastyki ludowej w ministerstwie kultury i zorganizowała w 1948 r. konkurs na chatę kurpiow­ ską, artystyczna ekspozycja chaty w Tatarach, gdzie mieszkała już sama Czesia K o nopkówna, otrzymała pierwszą nagrodę. Także w późniejszych latach jej zdolności i kunsztowne wycinanki zapewniały jej pierwsze miejsca w konkursach (Kolago 1949; Wystawy i konkursy 1952, s. 551—567). Niekwestionowaną czołową pozycję wśród kurpiowskich, a może i krajowych twórców dała Konopkównie wystrzyżona w 1953 r. wycinanka typu „leluja" w kształcie warszawskiego Pałacu Kultury i Nauki oraz wy¬ cinanki z motywem planu sześcioletniego. Te prace były interpretowane jako do¬ wód akceptacji i poparcia środowisk wiejskich dla ideologii państwa ludowego. Była twarzą Kurpiowszczyzny i jedną z najpopularniejszych polskich twórczyń ludowych. W i d z i m y ją na plakatach L O T - u i Polskich L i n i i Oceanicznych, jeździ po całym świecie z zespołem „Kurpianka" oraz oficjalnymi delegacjami resortu kultury. M i m o że pomiędzy Czesią, która w spółdzielni była najważniejszą osobą po preze­ sie, a chałupnikami istniały bardzo duże animozje na tle swoistego nepotyzmu, spo¬ łeczność kurpiowska była z niej dumna i uważała ją za najlepszego ambasadora Kur¬ piów w Warszawie. A z tego zadania Konopkówna wywiązywała się doskonale, pro¬ mując kulturę kurpiowską gdzie tylko mogła. Najszerzej otwartym dla Kurpiów oknem na świat był zespół folklorystyczny (li¬ czący kilkadziesiąt osób), który promował kurpiowski folklor dosłownie na całym globie. Początki zespołu są wcześniejsze niż moment założenia spółdzielni, sięgają bowiem pierwszych lat powojennych. Już w 1947 r. istniała tu kapela Józefa Mroza — harmonisty (Gadomski 1982, s. 6). Praca w zespole folklorystycznym i spółdzielni zapewniała bardzo duży prestiż i warto było o nią zabiegać. Dla społeczności wiązała się z zarobkiem i pozycją społeczną — dawała możliwość otarcia się o wielki świat. N o w e wartości, które można by wiązać z kategoriami świadomości regionalnej, pojawiły się po 1975 r., po utworzeniu województwa ostrołęckiego i struktury gmin. Wartości kulturowe, wówczas inaczej rozumiane niż obecnie (nie używano określe¬ nia „dziedzictwo"), stały się elementem pewnej specjalizacji gmin: każda z nich miała 328 �Kurpiowski palimpsest, czyli o odtwarzaniu wzoru kulturowego własne święto, eksponowany zwyczaj ludowy przegląd zespołów, konkurs na coś kur­ piowskiego - np. na „gadkę kurpiowską", dla przypomnienia gwary; w Myszyńcu odbywało się „Miodobranie Kurpiowskie", w Kadzidle inscenizowano wesela kur­ piowskie, a w Łysych organizowano konkurs na najpiękniejszą kurpiowską palmę. Należy t u przypomnieć, że Kurpiowszczyzna od połowy lat 50. była obszarem sys­ tematycznych badań etnograficznych środowiska warszawskiego. Powstały dzie­ siątki prac, filmów, książek i artykułów o etnografii i kulturze tego regionu, z t r z y t o mową monografią Kurpie. Puszcza Zielona na czele. M i e l i więc organizatorzy życia kulturalnego Kurpiowszczyzny ogromny materiał do poszukiwań i przypominania społeczności kurpiowskiej zapomnianych treści kulturowych z dziejów ich regionu. O d tego również okresu datuje się działalność popularyzatorska i wydawnicza Sta­ cji Naukowej Mazowieckiego Ośrodka Badań Naukowych (Pajka 2008, s. 182-191), która, najpierw kierowana przez etnografa Bernarda Kielaka, później przez socjolo¬ ga regionalistę Stanisława Pajkę, przygotowała kilkadziesiąt broszur na temat his¬ torii i tradycji regionu oraz prowadziła w Ostrołęce wyjazdowe studia doktoranckie z kilku dziedzin: historii, socjologii i pedagogiki dla nauczycieli z regionu. Z pełną odpowiedzialnością można stwierdzić, że efektem działalności M O B N jest wyksz¬ tałcenie środowiska ostrołęckiej inteligencji, skupionej obecnie wokół Ostrołęckie­ go Towarzystwa Naukowego i m . Adama Chętnika. Procesy transformacji ustrojowej po 1990 r. spowodowały na Kurpiowszczyźnie powszechny, czasem przesadny, nawrót do eksponowania swojej specyfiki regional¬ nej. Treści regionalne są rozumiane (i słusznie) jako atrakcja i przynęta w programach promocji gmin i agroturystyce. N a obszarze Puszczy Zielonej działa kilkanaście organizacji pozarządowych, których celem jest promowanie atrakcji własnej gminy lub wsi, a w swych działaniach wszyscy wykorzystują kurpiowskie dziedzictwo kul¬ turowe. Przykładem manifestowania istnienia Kurpiów jest np. organizowana przez Związek Kurpiów impreza pod nazwą „Przyjechał Kurpś do Warszawy", na której prezentuje się w stolicy folklor i „tradycyjne pożywienie puszczańskie" (zdziwiłby się dawny Kurp, gdyby zobaczył niespotykane u niego smakołyki). Podobnym przypomnieniem-manifestacją była np. msza w gwarze kurpiowskiej, odprawiona przez proboszcza z Myszyńca, ks. Zbigniewa Jaroszewskiego, w adwencie 2008 r. Współcześnie sferą najbardziej sprzyjającą odbudowywaniu lokalnej kompeten­ cji kulturowej na Kurpiach jest agroturystyka. W kilku gospodarstwach powstały miniekspozycje etnograficzne, które mają stanowić atrakcję dla gości. Stosowane jest także włączanie turystów w tradycyjne działania świąteczne: wspólne gotowa¬ nie kurpiowskich potraw, lepienie nowolatka, skrobanie pisanek itp. Bramy i wjazdy do gospodarstw są ozdabiane figurami i kapliczkami z postaciami św. Jana N e p o m u ­ cena lub św. Rocha. Powszechnie w tego typu działaniach jest wykorzystywana tra¬ dycyjna symbolika kurpiowska - aby ją zastosować, trzeba szukać, trzeba przypo¬ minać sobie elementy które dawniej były ważne dla codziennego i zgodnego funkcjo­ nowania społeczności. Impulsy przychodzą z zewnątrz,- w 2003 r. wydano reprint 329 �Krzysztof Braun dzieła Władysława Skierkowskiego Puszcza Kurpiowska w pieśni; w tomie trzecim znaj¬ dujemy opis „bożych obiadów", zanotowany w kilku wsiach gminy Zalas. Dało to asumpt do odtworzenia tego bardzo archaicznego zwyczaju, który odbywa się współcześnie, w formie zamkniętej dla osób spoza społeczności, tylko w tych wsiach, w których Skierkowski spisał teksty. Odnaleziono nawet przechowywane od wielu lat na strychach zeszyty z zanotowanymi tekstami zwyczajowych pieśni. Zastanawiało mnie zawsze to, że Kurpie, ludzie od zawsze głęboko religijni, nie mają w swoim regionie ośrodka kultowego czy sanktuarium maryjnego. N i e wspo¬ mina o nich również literatura. Okres po 1990 r. przyniósł p o d t y m względem zmia­ ny: w wyniku objawień, jakich doznał w tymże roku miejscowy rolnik Stefan Gwiaz­ da, zmarły w 2002 r. jako nieuznany przez hierarchię kościelną stygmatyk, powstało sanktuarium M a t k i Bożej Miłosierdzia i klasztor sióstr klarysek w Wykrocie. We­ dług miejscowej opowieści Gwiazda spotkał starą kobietę, która poprosiła go o chleb. Po chwili zniknęła, a na niebie ukazały się krzyż i korona. W ciągi dwóch lat Gwiazda miał 14 objawień — spotkań z Matką Boską, która wyrażała swe życzenia: modlitwy wkopania krzyża bez użycia narzędzi, zbudowania „kapliczki-domku", namalowa¬ nia jej wizerunku, wreszcie budowy kościoła. Wszystkie życzenia Gwiazda spełniał, ale gdy przyszło do budowy kościoła — stał się cud: o t o pojawił się kanadyjski ka¬ płan, ks. Roman Hope, który podczas modlitwy dowiedział się o potrzebie Gwiaz­ dy a ponieważ jest „niewolnikiem M a t k i Bożej", postanowił pomóc w budowie. Kościół został konsekrowany w 1999 r. jako sanktuarium. Prawdziwym jednak miejs¬ cem kultu jest „kaplica-domek", przy której Gwiazda wkopał krzyż własnymi rękami. Tam przychodzą wierni, potrzebujący, proszący. Zostawiają wota: szkolne tarcze, święte obrazki, zwykłe kartki z intencjami. Zapełniają liczne zeszyty przejmującymi i wzruszającymi prośbami d o M a t k i Bożej. Sanktuarium w pobliżu jest tylko oka¬ załym, poświęconym budynkiem (Ceberek 2000). Drugie sanktuarium kurpiowskie powstało w 2004 r. w wyniku przypomnienia (?) niespójnej legendy (Kosińska 2002, s. 28—29) o ścięciu cudownej sosny bartnej i obja­ wieniu się M a t k i Bożej dwu dziewczętom Kurpiankom: Marcynie i Rozynie. Dzisiaj w Dąbrówce, „gdzie barć cudowna stała", istnieje prężnie rozwijające się sanktuarium Matki Boskiej Dąbrowskiej. Przytaczane podania i legendy które uwiarygodniają dawność sanktuarium, nawiązują do historii Kurpiów i ich symboliki regionalnej, stano­ wią jednocześnie ważne wsparcie dla lokalnej tożsamości mieszkańców regionu. Obserwacja religijno-społecznych zachowań Kurpiów pozwala przewidywać, że następne sanktuarium może powstać we wsi Duglasy, gdyż stamtąd pochodzi cu¬ downie odnaleziona figura M a t k i Boskiej, która (jak mówi przypomniana legenda) wspierała Kurpiów walczących w powstaniu styczniowym. Kurpie ną kulturę lecz także lokalnych jako grupa etnograficzna mają 350-letnią historię. W y t w o r z y l i oryginal¬ w sferze zarówno materialnej, jak duchowej, w sztuce, systemie wartości, w zakresie świadomości narodowej i obywatelskiej. Bez pisanych kronik wydarzeń pamięć o wielu rzeczach zanikła, zapamiętano wydarzenia 330 �Kurpiowski palimpsest, czyli o odtwarzaniu wzoru kulturowego nowe, ważniejsze dla codziennego życia społeczności. Dziś z satysfakcją możemy obserwować, jak mieszkańcy regionu prawie powszechnie podejmują trud w y d o b y ­ cia z zapomnienia i odtworzenia swego kulturowego dziedzictwa. Bibliografia Braun K. 2007 Kurp zbrojny - powstanie regionalnego etnomitu, w: W mazowieckiej przestrzeni kultu­ rowej, Warszawa, s. 5 3 1 - 5 3 7 1976 Kurpie. Puszcza Zielona, w: Analiza wytwórczości ludowej na tle przemian społeczno-go¬ spodarczych wsi i działalności spółdzielni regionalnych „Cepelia", Warszawa, s. 115-141 Ceberek S. 2001 2000 Dzieje mojej Ziemi Kurpiowskiej i ludu kurpiowskiego (historia), Warszawa O objawieniach Matki Bożej w Wykrocie, W y k r o t Chętnik A . 1952 Przemysł i sztuka bursztyniarska nad Narwią, „Lud", t. 39, s. 355-415 Dymek B. 1984 Walka o społeczne i narodowe wyzwolenie oraz rozwój regionu (1864-1975), w: Dzieje ziem województwa ostrołęckiego, red. K. Braun, Warszawa, s. 117-164 Gadomski H . 1982 Kurpiowskie zespoły folklorystyczne, Ostrołęka Gawarecki H . 1828 Pamiętnik historyczny płocki, Warszawa Kasztelewicz O. 2006 Życie i działalność księdza Mieczysława wum IEiAK Mieszko, praca laboratoryjna, archi­ Kijowski J. 1992 Zarys dziejów Armii Krajowej w powiecie ostrołęckim, „Zeszyty Ostrołęckiego Towarzystwa Naukowego", t. V I , s. 49-56 Kolago W. 1949 Konkurs na wystawę chaty kurpiowskiej, „Polska Sztuka Ludowa", nr 5, s. 156-159 Kosińska M . 2002 Matka Boska „Dąbrówkowska", „Kurpie",, nr 1, s. 28-29 Krajewski K. 2009 Powiat Ostrołęka w pierwszej dekadzie rządów komunistycznych, w : Mazowsze i Po¬ dlasie w ogniu 1944-1956, red. K. Krajewski, Warszawa 331 �Krzysztof Braun K r o h A., Magierowa B. (w druku) hasło Bandy, w: Prywatny leksykon współczesnej polszczyzny Mironczuk J. 2007 Mniejszości wyznaniowe chrześcijańskie w Ostrołęce i powiecie ostrołęckim (od połowy XVJJJ wieku do współczesności), Ostrołęka Ostrzykowski B. 1856 Opis kościoła parafialnego we wsi Brańszczyka Diecezyi płockiej, „Pamiętnik Religij¬ no-Moralny", nr 12, s. 635-636 Pajka S.T 2008 Stacja Naukowa w Ostrołęce, „Rocznik Mazowiecki", t. XX, Warszawa, s. 182-191 Pajka S. (red.) 2000 Losy Kurpiów — sukcesy i porażki. Materiały z konkursu, Ostrołęka Przerwa-Tetmajer K. 1915 O żołnierzu polskim 1795—1915, Oświęcim Stefanowicz K. 1998 „AS'. Rok 1944 w Puszczy Myszynieckiej. Wspomnienia, Ostrołęka Syska H . 1967 Sosny mazurskiej cień, Warszawa Śmiałowski J. 1973 Zarobkowanie pozarolnicze ludności rolniczej w Królestwie Polskim w latach przeduwłaszczeniowych (1815—I864), Łódź Wystawy i konkursy 1952 Wystawy i konkursy sztuki ludowej MKiSz w latach 1948—1949, „Lud", t. 39, s. 5 5 1 - 5 6 7 Volumina Legum 1885 Volumina Legum, t. IX, Kraków, s. 455-456 1860 Volumina Legum, t. V I , Petersburg, s. 32 Zejszner L . 1844 Kopalnie bursztynu w Królestwie Polskim, t. III, Warszawa Ziejka F 1981 Bohaterowie i szakale, „Regiony", nr 1, s. 23-24 332 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/efe497a83e340f61161a4140d552f545.pdf ccf8a6db0ab9d866c5201256124af0ed Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. 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Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Mkwawa University College of Education, a Constituent College of the University Dar es Salaam Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology University of Warsaw Type The nature or genre of the resource książka Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text DEV ELO P M E N T IN EA S T AFR I CA 3 Cultural Shift: Developments, Biographies, (Im) materialities edited by Piotr Cichocki, Maciej Ząbek �Development in East Africa ��Development in East Africa Cultural Shift in East Africa: Developments, Biographies, (Im)materialities edited by Piotr Cichocki, Maciej Ząbek Mkwawa University College of Education (MUCE), a Constituent College of the University of Dar es Salaam (Tanzania) & Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology University of Warsaw (Poland) Iringa – Warsaw 2018 �© Copyright by Piotr Cichocki, Maciej Ząbek 2018 Reviewers: Prof. Hayder Ibrahim Ali Prof. Jacek Pawlik Proofreading by Iwona Handzelewicz Cover design by Grzegorz Sztandera ISBN 978-83-7401-639-1 Printed in Poland WDR, Włocławek �CONTENTS Introduction – Piotr Cichocki & Maciej Ząbek . ...............................     7 Part I DEVELOPMENTS Chapter 1 KAWONGA GERVAS AND WAKATI MALIVA East African Development: Language as a Forgotten Factor .....    31 Chapter 2 MAXMILLIAN J. CHUHILA Commerce or Food? Development Narratives of Maize Farming in Ismani, 1940s to the Present ................................................    57 Chapter 3 MLOWE N.P. AND JUSTIN K. URASSA Formalization of Customary Land Rights on Rural Household’s Livelihood Outcomes: A Case of Handeni District, Tanzania ......    91 Chapter 4 MACIEJ ZĄBEK Ujamma. Contemporary Discourse about Julius Nyerere Socialism . ................................................................................ 143 Chapter 5 AMBILIASIA PENIEL MOSHA AND STEVEN KAUZENI Social Cultural Habits and Climate Change: The Untold Stories of Climate Preservation From Kilimanjaro .................... 167 Part II BIOGRAPHIES Chapter 6 ANNA CICHECKA Gender agenda and development in Tanzania ......................... 207 �6 Contents Chapter 7 ANNA WIECZORKIEWICZ “Black women” as a rhetorical tool of persuasion ...................... 223 Part III (IM)MATERIALITIES Chapter 8 ASHURA JACKSON African Independent Churches as a Threat to the Survival of Historical Churches in Mbeya .............................................. 245 Chapter 9 MUSSA KASSIMU Foreign Religions and Wanyamwezi Traditional Religious Rituals; Influences and Absorption of African traditionalists’ Mind in the Third Millennium . ................................................. 271 Chapter 10 PIOTR CICHOCKI African electronic music in church and beyond. Dialectic relation of religion and development . ....................... 303 Chapter 11 ANTONIO ALLEGRETTI The religious (and political) materiality of development among Christian Maasai in contemporary Tanzania . ............... 325 Part IV VARIA Chapter 12 KLAUDIA WILK MHAGAMA Efficiency and utility of Polish Aid projects in Tanzania: Socio-cultural aspects of cooperation between local partners and external donors and its impact on development . .............. 359 �INTRODUCTION This collection of articles aims to bring closer the problem of current dynamic changes taking place in East Africa, something we may call cultural shifts, that actually incorporates transformations in every sphere of life from social, economic, through religious and linguistic to the rapid changes in environment and climate. A quick look at the table of contents proves that the collection is in the strict sense interdisciplinary, but the common ground for this meeting is founded by anthropological theory. By starting to investigate the problem of a cultural shift, it is adequate to trace the constellation of academic theories referring to that question. Among concepts that are most frequently used in academic debate and outside academia are development, globalization and modernization. In the course of the book we refer to them ambiguously: at the same time we use them as analytic tools and polemicize with them, criticize them and ask them uncomfortable questions. The good example is the concept of the development, very often used in relation to African context, but not only by Africanists or anthropologists. The development is a paradigm for thinking and acting about and through an African state, a society or even a personal life of Africans. Moreover, the concept is not only an analytical tool used to describe processes but rather it became a persuasive political tool used to redefine and reshape social and economic life of individuals, communities and regions. The example of how this concept manifests on the level of individual �8 Introduction biographies comes from ethnographic fieldwork. Number of Tanzanians and Malawians with whom we had opportunity to talk during our independent research projects planned or fantasized about their further lives similarly as they would write a developmental plan. Furthermore, similar observations from the fieldwork illustrate how communities or local institutions address to and organize according to the notions of development. Most of orations of traditional authorities in public or semi-public occasions were related to a development as more or less hypothetical but always desirable future. But developmental is not only, or even not mostly, discursive. It is rather an element of effective, embodied, shared imagination of powers, hierarchies and prosperities. As above mentioned examples suggest, we propose the perspective on the cultural shifts that reflects their local diversifications and negotiations. We argue that specifically ethnographic methods, with their focus on unmediated experience play a crucial role in understanding the phenomenon as multilayered rather than universal and homogenous. Due to ethnographic methodology, we – and most of the authors from this volume – had an opportunity to observe and understand contradictions, multifariousness and spottiness of shifts and changes, that are often seen as monolithic and leading one universal way of life in the spacious and diverse continent and region. This book has been organized into three sections, each of which contains the set of interrelated articles. The division reflects some theoretical orientations in modern African studies, but even more, the categories of institutions and experience of everyday life in East Africa. We have proposed three points of view: throughout the already discussed concept of the development, through the perspective of biographies and narrations on the body, then through the scope of (im)materiality. �Introduction 9 The first part presents papers that focus on what is usually discussed, within the public debate on the issues of development of states and economies. Their configuration, however, addresses the intersection of economic, political and environmental issues. We have no doubts that dynamics of these relations is essential to regional and state politics in the region, putting the environmental problems as central actor in the composition of the social1. The second point of view – connected with eponymous biographies and narrations – is driven from methodological orientation on the individually embodied experience. By these we want to stress the importance of cultural shifts as seen from the perspective of the embodiment on individuals. One of the leading attempts of the problematization of the embodiment in today’s anthropology is the gender theory. It is arguable through reading of current African studies2, that the gender theory applies to both the reinterpretation of what was and is African society from one side, and a deep change, that eventually may bring the cultural shift from postcolonial structures from the other. The perspective of the biography, especially in relation to women experience and their struggles in colonial and post-colonial social settings, questions the official historical discourse and suggests that cultural shifts we focus on, might be multidirectional. The example of this multi-directionality comes from modern history of independent Tanzania. As literature informs3, the ideological and economic reforms – establishment of Ujamaa, suahilization and generally development of African socialism – was parallel to puritanism in 1 B. Latour, Politics of nature: how to bring the sciences into democracy, Cambridge 2004. 2 African gender studies: theoretical questions and conceptual issues, ed. O. Oyěwùmí, Houndmills – Basingstoke – New York 2005. 3 A.M. I v a s k a, Cultured states: youth, gender, and modern style in 1960s Dar es Salaam, Durham 2011. �10 Introduction spheres of attirement and behaviour of Tanzanian women. The state ideological control over women’s bodies was implemented under the ideology of Africanness freed from western corrupted influences. The more present struggles of women, who aim to broaden the space of political and personal agency, prove that the previous reform supported only part of Tanzanians in their de-colonial aspirations. The last part of the book concerns phenomena of the religious realm, understood, however, not only from the perspective of beliefs and systems, but also as networks set by people, material and immaterial elements. We decided to define it by the concept of (im)materiality, referring to the anthropological literature on religion, that highlights the importance of a material component and an embodied experience of a ritual, a faith or a morality4. To be exact, the mentioned authors stressed the ‚materiality’ of the religion (and the art). By adding ‚im’ to the ‚materiality’, we like to highlight the importance of mediated and technologic5 elements in network established by religious rituals and communities. The other reason for implementation of the prefix refers to an active role of imagination and spiritual phenomena that are essential in the religious realm as defined by church attendants and ritual goers. The notion of (im)materiality ties also “human experience and technical of (im)material objects”6, which refers to wider spheres of culture outside the religious. Therefore, we aim to address religion by defining it through used elements and also through links that 4 A. Gell, Art and agency: an anthropological theory, Oxford – New York 1998; B. Meyer, Materializing religion, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, pp. 227–228; Idem, Media and the senses in the making of religious experience: an introduction, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, pp. 124–134, 2008. 5 Cargo/(nie)materialność. Katalog. CARGO/(im)materiality. The Catalogue/ CARGO/(非)物质图录, ed. P. Cichocki and W. Plińska, Warszawa 2016. 6 Ibidem, p. 44. �Introduction 11 it is creating with seemingly other spheres of social life: economy, technology, politics or art. Shift or shifts? Before we elaborate on the content of particular chapters, it is required to define more precisely the concept of ‚change’ – or ‚shift’. In the context of colonized regions and southern Africa more precisely, these concepts were fundamental for scholars from the so called Manchester school, in fact centered around Rhodes – Livingstone Institute in today’s Zambia. Scholars who worked in Rhodes – Livingstone Institute, led by Max Gluckman were interested mostly in the cultural shift7 manifested on both material and symbolic aspects of newly formed urban communities. The example of the thematic scope was the relation between political units of „tribes” and working class. Another distinctive novelty from Max Gluckman’s group was a method of the research and the description, based mostly on case studies that are ideal lenses to observe the process of shift. However, it is worth noting that deep dynamic and instability were a constant feature of African social landscape. At the same time, which is not contrary, the current processes create unprecedented situation of cultural, demographic, ecologic and technologic shift. Researchers8 proved by certain case studies that Africans in precolonial and colonial times manifested a great deal of attach7 E. Colson, Tonga religious life in the twentieth century, Lusaka 2006; M. Gluckman, Order and rebellion in tribal Africa: collected essays with an autobiographical introduction, London 2004 (1963); J.C. Mitchell, The Kalela Dance, Manchester 1956; R.P. Werbner, The Manchester school in south-central Africa, „Annual review of anthropology”, 13(1984), no. 1, pp. 157–185. 8 R. Natvig, Oromos, Slaves, and the Zar Spirits: A Contribution to the History of the Zar Cult, „The International Journal of African Historical Studies”, 20(1987), �12 Introduction ment to cultural and spatial mobility. Phenomena like migrations, (sometimes very dynamic and creating new communities like mfecane), crossover of groups, religious pluralism or culture creativity were a remarkable feature of people throughout the whole continent. By far, Africans do have their own antiquity, but they also do have magnitude of history. Another question that attracts attention of scholars9 is a comparison of modern African cultural shifts to economic, political and cultural transformations from other continents. The remarkable discussions on the African working class and its similarity – or distinction – to European or American labour, again was a deal of the discussion of Manchester School. As Max Gluckman insisted ‘An African townsman is a townsman; an African miner is a miner”10, stressing the universality (or rather the process of universalization) of the capitalism. We do not deny, however, that the changes are not a transnational phenomenon. As James Ferguson argues, Africa is a part of world order11, call it neoliberal or, if we decide to call it with the newer denotation, any global network of power, defining its certain elements by its own logic. The interesting approach that compares the African (post)modernity and (neo)liberation/liberalism comes no. 4, p. 669; T. Ranger, The Invention of Tradition in Colonial Africa, in: The Invention of Tradition, eds. E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983, pp. 211–262; T. Ranger, Religious Pluralism in Zimbabwe. A Report on the Britain-Zimbabwe Society Research Day, St Antony’s College, Oxford, 23 April 1994, „Journal of Religion in Africa”, 25(1995), no. 3, p. 226. 9 The objects of life in Central Africa: the history of consumption and social change, 1840–1980, eds. R. Ross, M. Hinfelaar and I. Peša, Leiden 2013; L. Vail, The Creation of tribalism in Southern Africa, London – Berkeley 1989. 10 M. Gluckman, Anthropological problems arising from the African industrial revolution, in: Social change in modern Africa, ed. A. Southall, London 1961. 11 J. Ferguson, Global shadows: Africa in the neoliberal world order, Durham 2006. �Introduction 13 from theoretical writings of Immanuel Wallerstein12. Wallerstein argues that the modern interconnected world – the world system in his nomenclature – is indeed universal and overwhealming (or at least widely and aggresively expanding), but its terrain is heterogenous and hierarchically systematized into core, semi-peripheries and peripheries, the latter two equated to post-colonial states13. The connection and the hierarchy are strengthened by the global division of labor, where the peripheral areas are sentenced to less paid, less specialized and more strenuous labour. National states are in fact subordinary in this process, only administrating the division and in case of peripheral areas weakly structured and marginally autonomous. As far as we draw a lot from two mentioned perspectives we would like to propose a slightly different perspective that compares the global perspective and the local social and ecological environment. As most of presented papers can be described as case studies based on particular localities, we cannot underestimate the locality, the difference, the uniqueness. On the field of social studies the defiance of the local and the singular is at best a methodological limitation, and ignorance at worse. At the same time the lack of the perspective on the global processes is a lapse as well. The example from Tanzania refers to the twilight of the African socialism, when Julius Nyerere declared the end of the politics started by Arusha Agreement. It is widely known that the change of politics was an effect of pressures from International Monetary Fund and other global institutions. This decision though affected in many ways numerous localities in Tanzania. After the national change, the particular territories of Tanzanian state evolve economically in I.M. Wallerstein, Africa and the modern world, Trenton 1986; Idem, Africa: the politics of independence and unity, Lincoln 2005. 13 Idem, World-systems analysis: an introduction, Durham 2004. 12 �14 Introduction different directions. A good example of the analysis of Tanzanian transformations diversified among different localities comes from ethnography of Pat Caplan, who described variously how communities of Mafia Island changed separately underway of historical changes of the state14. Another perspective that necessitates scholars to link global and local perspective and to diversify cultural change into a bundle of transformations comes from the study of environment and climate change. As far as we understand the source of the problem – and some of its solutions – we know that particular realizations and effects of the climate change are always local. This collection of texts, as the variety of fieldworks, themes and approaches, aims to represent a certain epistemological value. This juxtaposion, however, corresponds with the theoretical approach toward social shift, elsewhere reffered to as the development or the modernisation. We understand this shift as a non-linear, non-homogenic, stratified, multi-dimensional phenomenon. It is clearly a too much distanced perspective to talk about an “African development”. Even if financial politics or technical innovations concern wider areas (or rather construct global areas e.g. ‚global south’ or ‚third world’ by the political, economic distinctions and hierarchies), they are each time shaped by local social environment, which differentiates their role, meaning and outcome. Hence, we tend to describe ‚developments’ instead of a single ‚development’, ‚modernisations’ as a contrast to the vision of homogenised modern Africa and even more broadly: ‚Africas’ instead of homogenous ‚Africa’. Moreover, we argue that not only national policies and institutions differentiate the ‚developments’. As proved by a numP. Caplan, African voices, African lives personal narratives from a Swahili village, London – New York 2003; Idem, Between Socialism & Neo-Liberalism: Mafia Island, Tanzania, 1965–2004, „Review of African Political Economy”, 34(2007), no. 114, pp. 679–694. 14 �Introduction 15 ber of theoreticians and researchers15, the remarkable feature of African states lies in their internal incoherency and juxtaposition. Observing countries like Tanzania and Malawi, we might see that there are numbers of factors that affect the differentiation between regions, social groups or social identities. If we take the example of relations between Northern and Southern Regions in Malawi, we consider different ethnic composition, geographical environments and landscapes, economic traditions and projects, historical backgrounds, languages used and many others factors that apart from the general condition of economy of shortage and higher administrative belonging, brings to mind more an image of contrast than a homogeneity. Developments As it was mentioned, the first part of the book directs us to problems of the development, understood in the context of dynamic configurations of social and natural phenomena. We argue that to address these phenomena, the interdisciplinary approach is needed, and the chapter reflects this confidence. The first chapter by Wakati Maliva and Gervas Kavonga concerns the link between what is understood as development, the power and the language. Authors argue that “a foreign language is not a proper tool for development”. The thesis is based on the observation, how the education of certain languages differs the faces and dynamics of African states and current developments of the region. Good enough example comes from the comparison of two neighboring countries: post-socialist Tanzania, where Kiswahili promoted – or A.I. Asiwaju, Partitioned Africans: ethnic relations across Africa’s international boundaries, 1884–1984, London 1984; A. Mbembe, On the postcolony, Berkeley 2001; A. Mbembe and S. Nuttall, Public Culture, „Public Culture”, 15(2003), no. 1, pp. 11–40. 15 �16 Introduction enforced as critics may say – the cultural homogeneity despite the extreme linguistic and ethnic differentiation; and post-authoritatian Malawi, where the domination of Chewa group had not translated onto domination of Chichewa language and often English still is a lingua franca, at least among educated population. It is unauthorized to foretell political and economic future to both countries, but it clearly depends on the level of social integration of certain regions, the development of which is highly differentiated. Authors make a clear statement, that “a foreign language is not a proper tool for development” and “imperative education [should] be delivered in the language that everyone is conversant with to enable educated people in the society to translate theories into practice”. It is remarkable, though, that the relationship between colonization, decolonization and language used by state institutions became precisely proven. Moreover, authors connect the possible wider spread of Kiswahili as the language of higher education16 as the factor that contributes to the development of the region, the African Union and the EAC. By this, we can see how the language becomes somehow institutionalized and materialized as an actor in the process of the cultural shift. The author of the next chapter, Maximilian Chuhila presents an in-depth historical analysis of rural transformations in Tanzania, more precisely maize farming in Ismani, part of the present day Iringa District. By the precise perspective of the Ismani locality, the author presents contradictions of development in the sphere of agriculture: simultaneous large size of faring as an informal sector of employment in Tanzania and its relative and limited technological means involved in it and vast land resource in rural areas contrasted with inability to adequately utilise the land. Chuhila shows the slow process of development of accessibility to market 16 For now English is still the language of higher education in Tanzania. �Introduction 17 outlets, improving of seeds and accessibility to farm-loans parallel to political and economical changes in Tanzania. Factors that play the most crucial role in this entanglement are the physical environment and the government interventions. Due to climate change, the agriculture finds worsening conditions and the shifting stability is secured only through the administrative support (or remittances from relatives). Through the article it is clearly visible how the local versions and practices of development varied from a number of independent factors. The land ownership, right to use it and knowledge on it – is the subject of the paper by Napoleon Saulos Mlove and Justin K. Urassa. The specific location of the study is Handeni District in northeastern Tanzania. Authors study the legal aspect of land ownership and estimate its demographic, economic and quotidian effects. The important aspect of the control over the land in the district are Certificates of Customary Right of Occupancy (CCRO), which is the legal model of formalization of customary land rights. The customary rights, however, are playing a certain role within the neo-liberal economy, for example they may enable owners of the land to access bank credits and loans. The context of Mlowe and Urassa research also relates to the growing demographic and social mobility, both affecting the notions of land as a commodity or a passive capital. The authors prove, however, that Certificates of Customary Right of Occupancy enhance tenure security, reduce border conflicts and support ownership of land by vulnerable groups. At the same time formalised customary land rights do not affect positively household incomes and capital accumulation. The study, though, brings an interesting and based on precise data perspective on the entanglement of three systems: the so-called ‚traditional’, legal based on the state and neo-liberal. By these the article brings a question of how the growth of social and economic mobility interferes with earlier social structures of rural communities. �18 Introduction Maciej Ząbek’s article also refers to the Tanzanian socialism, more specifically to rural Ujamma communities. The author is especially interested in the role of Ujamaa in forming Tanzanian social relations and identity. The analysis of the historical context, carefully studied by the author, reveals the ideological, political and economic environment in which Ujamaa project emerged, along with reforms concerning the gender roles (regulation on the attire of women) and the educational reform supporting the spread of Kiswahili as the national language. Ujamaa was part of the wide front of reforms, which, purposely thank to Julius Nyerere’s political project, had to establish the new ideological, economic structure of decolonizing state. Though, the ujamaa undoubtedly had the most tremendous effect on unevenly inhabited rural areas of Tanzania. The realization of ujamaa policy brought the relocations of whole village populations, technologization of agricultural work, but what is most interesting for Ząbek, also effects on the cultural practices, discourses and a sense of individual identity. The paper concerns the today’s look at the ujamaa past. Not surprisingly the memories about ujamaa are ambiguous and differentiated depending on which class comes from and what age group he or she represents. The vision of the past is also reshaped by today’s experiences of new economic order and unequal development deepening inner diversification of Tanzanian society. Perhaps this is one of the reasons why ujamaa still takes a central role in debates on political identity of Tanzanians in media, hiphop music or academic conferences. Certainly the ujamaa and general Nyerere’s policy shaped the modern notions of Tanzanianess, altogether with later economic reforms, which led to (neo-)liberalisation of the market. As Ząbek mentions, it is interesting to compare eastern European memories about the socialism, despite the contrasting differences between their historical contexts, realisations and effects. Perhaps among �Introduction 19 few similarities is the fact that both of the systems were replaced by the realm of capitalism. The next chapter written by Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha and Steven Kauzeni concerns seemingly different phenomenon, namely the issue of climate change, but observed from the local point of view. Mshiri village population, as authors argue, has the set of procedures to preserve the climate of their environment on the slopes of the Kilimanjaro elevation. This perspective, however, concerns wide spectrum of modern life in a postcolony. The status of local, indigenous knowledge reflects the relations of power and hierarchies of certain practices toward the environment. Moreover, the shape of social cultural deeply rooted interventions that helped to preserve the climate is interrelated with moral and religious beliefs and practices. In the context of colonial and postcolonial Tanzania we can understand how the local knowledge was first neglected, administrative attitudes toward the environment modernized and only recently some projects make an effort to restitute and re-appreciate what is now called ‘traditional knowledge’. Without a doubt Mosha and Kauzeni fit into the engaged approach. They urge to re-conctruct (or construct) that environmental conversation should be “faith-based, collectively held, and engraved in peoples’ hearts in the adoration of the creation which takes us back to the theories of moral realism”. By this, the paper is an interesting proposition of project between African philiosophicaly grounded social work and modern science and it brings an economic and political vision of what the development can be. Biographies The second part of the book regards the relations between narrations, the role of body and gender in eponymous cultural shifts. �20 Introduction The body and gender, as authors prove, are the effect of social and historical processes. It would be a lapse, however, to easily identify gender roles for example in rural Tanzania as only effect of the so called ‚traditional African culture’. Although we do not underestimate the historicity of African indigenous social roles, we must be suspicious for a crucial part of colonizing institutions in creating the dominant gender ideology, that justifies the masculine hegemony among most of the communities in East African states. We would rather propose to trace how gender roles were and are constructed by many different actors in the historical process. Anna Cichecka traces the social and political entanglement of gender equality and women’s empowerment as from the perspective of representatives of the NGO sector and political circles in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania. The author compares and juxtaposes the gender equality understood both as global, political project and as the social and existential struggles of local women for better and equal opportunities in their everyday life (or very often an alternative to injustice or even violent social environment they are been born into). In Cichecka’s view the non-governmental sector reflects this suspension and contradictions determining roles of Tanzanian women in current rural and urban communities around the country17. From European perspective, women’s movements ability to act autonomically and to control social, political and economic resources faces certain contradictions in Tanzania. One of the tendencies here is a ‚neopatrimoniality’ ideologically driven from ‚African traditions’ but at the same time its current ideology is constructed by colonial and postcolonial policies. Describing the realization of the gender equality policy, Cichecka addresses indirectly the cultural shift, that contains also the quesIt is worth mentioning that the promotion of gender equality becomes an agenda in most developing countries as a key strategy for balanced development. 17 �Introduction 21 tion of gender roles and gender stereotypes. Gender equality as seen through the policy makers and from bottom-up perspective may influence the dominant ideology of development in many different ways, for example support it when it comes to the strengthening of the agency, or contest it, when it tends to concentrate social and economic capital in hands of (mostly masculine) proprietors. Anna Wieczorkiewicz asks a question about a body and a gender from a different perspective. In her paper ‚„Black women” as a rhetorical tool of persuasion’ she is interested mostly in relation that binds various cultural subjects and social theories. By these the article links the view of researchers with the embodied perspective of certain human actors, namely two women signified within the colonial and postocolonial realm as ‘black’: Saartije Baartman and Waris Dirie. Baartman, known also under an objectifying name ‘Hottentot Venus’ in XIX had performed or rather was exhibited for white audiences in Britain and France, as phenomenon of natural world, one can interpret. Waris Dirie, on the other hand, is a Somali-born model, who escaped an arranged marriage to a much older man, moved to London and by chance was discovered by a professional photographer who started her stunning career, during which she became an activist for women’s rights, especially regarding campaigns against female genital mutilation. Wieczorkiewicz compares biographies of these two ‘black women’ and analyses how they were narrated in several juxtaposed ways by varied subjects and constructed, shaped by social and political factors. In effect these two biographies became persuasive tools for negotiating and contesting different ideologies and hierarchies. The thematic scope of Wieczorkiewicz’s chapter crosses the boundaries of the East African region, media and discourses transmitting biographies of Baartman and Dirie as global but locally reinterpreted. These two cases give an example of a cultural shift that is processing parallel in many localities. Within this shift the �22 Introduction narratives deterritorialize and their meanings become multilayered. It is another premise to understand the analyzed cultural shift as ambiguous, multidimensional and juxtaposed. (Im)materialities The third part of the book gathers four articles related to African religious life in the process of a historical shift. However, as it was noted earlier, the approach to the religion is extended by the sphere of materiality – and also immaterial objects that are conceptualized not as a sphere of belief, but as actors affecting the network of elements they belong to. We also want to emphasize the role of the religion in the processes of cultural shifts in East Africa and beyond. It is addressed by authors within this section: Ashura Jackson and Mussa Kassimu write about the political and social consequences of Christian missions establishment, these two chapters approach religion from the historical perspective; Piotr Cichocki and Antonio Allegretti refer to the technical development and changing material infrastructures in context of a shift in the religious life. To be more precise, Ashura Jackson compares African ���������������� Independent Churches (AICs) to what she calls historical churches, initiated outside Africa. The comparison refers to the area known today as Mbeya region. Author shows skilfully how the administrative region was constructed by the establishment and the activity of missions, setting the first colonial structures of power. Moreover, the African Independent Churches, which were emerging relatively early in this area (from 1920s), were seen as not only religious communities but also as a political threat to colonial administrative hegemony. In fact the religious practices were not completely separated from political realm, by the way how they address issues of the subjectivity, the race, the power, the competence of human and non-human actors. �Introduction 23 The rivalry between African Independent Churches and historical (colonial) churches were clearly seen in the spheres of everyday life of Mbeya inhabitants and issues like family life (monogamy or polygamy), individualism, secularism and consumerism. The conflict had not finished with the colonial period, but remains vivid in post-colonial Tanganyika (and furthermore Tanzania). As Jackson writes: “Post-colonial threats were on the economy, different doctrine, followers, and teachings, things they provide to people, freedom of praising and worshipping and the way they considered faith with culture”. Mussa Kassimu in his paper refers to a particular group from Central-Western Tanzania, namely Wanyamwezi. The analysis also concerns the colonisation and transformation of religious life and beliefs. Same as Arusha Jackson Kassimu writes about the conflict between “African beliefs” and incoming religious systems. In case of Wanyamwezi both Christianity from white missionaries and Arab traders played a role. Kassimu generally defines their role as somehow negative in relation to identity crisis that started to undermine the consistency of community (the oneness of the group – Unyamwezi18). The precolonial group was divided into Wanyamwezi Christians and Wanyamwezi Muslims, which led to conflict and therefore weakened political meaning of the group. The social split was also the result of the forsake of “important traditional ritual practices” which were dissolved in religious practices of new denominations. By this, the paper brings an interesting comparison of religion, politics and political identity. Kassimu argues that the change of religious life, especially when the shift undermines the homogeneity of community, may cause the political destabilisation in case of pre-colonial communities. In fact, the analysis is a model of thinking about the role of monotheisms in the process of 18 R.G. Abrahams, The Political Organization of Unyamwezi, Cambridge 1967. �24 Introduction colonisation. The case of Wanyamwezi can be compared to the process of colonisation of what is now Central African Republic, where the influences of Christianity and Islam dominated over the traditional beliefs. From this perspective it seems to be justified to evaluate the religious systems and practices as politically effective. The effectiveness is also the subject of the next chapter, whose author is Piotr Cichocki. This time the main fieldwork concerns Northern Region of Malawi where a Christian mission in Livingstonia was established as far as in 1894. From that time on, the influence of Christianity has an indisputable influence on every sphere of life of local Tumbuka and Ngoni people. Cichocki is interested mostly in the connection between Christianity and the technological development, and traces these bonds through religious and ritual practices connected with music. He makes a comparison between pentecostal and presbyterian Christianity and local cults of spirits named vimbuza. The comparison reveals close phenomenological relationship between Christianity and electricity along with other modern technological facilities and connection between local ritual life with handcraft, and what is called in case of music – acoustic sound. The case of two types of religious practices (Christianity and Vimbuza) reflects the relation between religion and development which is in both academic and colloquial discourse somehow oversimplified. Instead of contrasting the developed technology and the religion, it is more accurate to observe and interpret ways in which they are entangled. The juxtaposed attitudes toward the technology and its relationship with religious rituals complicate and diversify the allegedly homogenised image of global development. Moreover, the analysis of the technological aspects of rituals emphasises the material and dynamic aspects of religion in lieu of static approach focused on systems of beliefs. �Introduction 25 The next chapter by Antonio Allegretti brings a similar perspective on the relations between religion and the development. The author comments on the very distinct group of Tanzanian society – Maasai, and questions the role of Christianity in the transformation of the social, cultural and material landscape of Maasailand. The analysis is concerned mostly with the material aspect, which again binds the issues of technological and material shift with the overall aspects of changing culture. Allegretti, as Cichocki in previous chapter, argues that there is a need to change anthropological perspective on religion from a set of internal or immaterial beliefs to practices involving networks of social relations and materialities19. Using this approach the author shows the development of Christianity among Maasai, which is a relatively current phenomenon, comparing to the role of Christianity among other groups in former Tanganika. This phenomenon however should not be discussed as external to what can be called Maasai traditional culture. Rather the religious sphere is understood as a space in which relations of power between individuals, communities and spheres of society compete. To the general idea of the book the chapter contributes also by theorising cultural shift not as much as a generational change, but rather as a construction of new spaces (both material and imaginary) like religion, which become “sites of negotiations” for hierarchies, access and generally development. Methods The method shared by authors, whose papers build this volume,is worth mentioning. As it was underlined we have been tracing the T.G. Kirsch, Restaging the Will to Believe: Religious Pluralism, Anti-Syncretism, and the Problem of Belief, „American Anthropologist”, 106(2004), no. 4, pp. 699–709; B. Meyer, Mediation and the Genesis of presence: towards a material approach to religion, Utrecht 2012. 19 �26 Introduction local and embodied ways of changing the social realm of current East Africa. Obviously, the perspective of analysis does not stand apart from the character of the knowledge. The source is obviously based on everyday life of social actors and the local knowledge. Most of research projects presented in papers are based on the ethnographic fieldwork including the participant observation of fluctuating dailiness in certain localities and ethnographic interviews. By conducting semi-structured ethnographic interviews authors aimed to understand local conceptualizations and emic classifications. The method of the participant observation addresses problems of the embodiment, the materiality, the cultural practice and the imponderabilia of dailiness. Moreover, it also helps to understand ways in which technologies and media take part in mundane everyday life and the human experience. Some authors, however, decided to research the developmental and cultural shifts through the historical archives or official documents (chapters by Maximilan Chuhila and Arusha Jackson) or through the narratives on historical past as seen and experienced by individual social actors (chapter by Maciej Ząbek and to some extent – Anna Wieczorkiewicz). Others interspersed also the quantitative methods used especially to present the economic aspect of research problems. As final remarks we invite readers to explore these multi-accentual, multilayered perspectives and reverberations of shifting Africas. We hope that tracing the way how this mosaic or polyphonic symphony fuses into a wider composition will be epistemically and practically enriching. Piotr Cichocki & Maciej Ząbek REFERENCES Abrahams R.G., The Political Organization of Unyamwezi, Cambridge 1967. �Introduction 27 African gender studies: theoretical questions and conceptual issues, ed. O. Oyěwùmí, Houndmills – Basingstoke – New York 2005. Asiwaju A.I., Partitioned Africans: ethnic relations across Africa’s international boundaries, 1884–1984, London 1984. Caplan P., Between Socialism & Neo-Liberalism: Mafia Island, Tanzania, 1965–2004, „Review of African Political Economy”, 34(2007), no. 114, pp. 679–694. Caplan P., African voices, African lives personal narratives from a Swahili village, London – New York 2003. CARGO/(nie)materialność. Katalog; CARGO/(im)materiality. The Catalogue/ CARGO/(非)物质图录, ed. P. Cichocki and W. Plińska, Warszawa 2016. Colson E., Tonga Religious Life in the Twentieth Century, Lusaka 2006. Ferguson J., Global shadows: Africa in the neoliberal world order, Durham 2006. Gell A., Art and agency: an anthropological theory, Oxford – New York 1998. Gluckman M., Anthropological problems arising from the African industrial revolution, in: Social change in modern Africa, ed. A. Southall, London – Oxford, 1961. Gluckman M., Order and rebellion in tribal Africa: collected essays with an autobiographical introduction, London 2004. Ivaska A.M., Cultured states: youth, gender, and modern style in 1960s Dar es Salaam, Durham 2011. Kirsch T.G., Restaging the Will to Believe: Religious Pluralism, Anti-Syncretism, and the Problem of Belief, „American Anthropologist”, 106(2004), no. 4, pp. 699–709. Latour B., Politiques de la nature: comment faire entrer les sciences en démocratie, Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2004. Mbembe A., On the postcolony, Berkeley 2001. �28 Introduction Mbembe A. and Nuttall S., Public Culture, „Public Culture”, 15(2003), no. 1, pp. 11–40. Meyer B., Materializing religion, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, pp. 227–227. Meyer B., Media and the senses in the making of religious experience: an introduction, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, pp. 124–134. Meyer B., Mediation and the Genesis of presence: towards a material approach to religion, Utrecht 2012. Mitchell J.C., The kalela dance: aspects of social relationships among urban Africans in Northern Rhodesia, Manchester 1956. Natvig R., Oromos, Slaves, and the Zar Spirits: A Contribution to the History of the Zar Cult, „The International Journal of African Historical Studies”, 20(1987), no. 4, p. 669. Ranger T., The Invention of Tradition in Colonial Africa, in: The Invention of Tradition, eds. E. Hobsbawm and T. Ranger, Cambridge 1983, pp. 211–262. Ranger T., Religious Pluralism in Zimbabwe. A Report on the BritainZimbabwe Society Research Day, St Antony’s College, Oxford, 23 April 1994, „Journal of Religion in Africa”, 25(1995), no. 3, p. 226. Ross R., M. Hinfelaar, and I. Pesa, Introduction: Material culture and consumption patterns – A Southern African revolution, in: The Objects of Life in Central Africa: The History of Consumption and Social Change, 1840–1980, eds. R. Ross, M. Hinfelaar and I. Peša, Leiden 2013, pp. 1–13. Vail L., The creation of tribalism in Southern Africa, London – Berkley 1989. Wallerstein I.M., World-systems analysis: an introduction, Durham 2004. Wallerstein I.M., Africa: the politics of independence and unity, Lincoln 2005. �PART I DEVELOPMENTS ��Chapter 1. KAWONGA GERVAS, WAKATI MALIVA EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE AS A FORGOTTEN FACTOR No country has developed on the basis of a foreign language, a language mastered by only a few elite. Brock-Utne, 2014 ABSTRACT Development is a process which is anticipated to involve the whole society. In order for every individual to participate fully, it is imperative that the language used in accessing education be understood by all stakeholders involved in the development process. The argument of this paper is that appropriate language for communication and language of education is the uppermost requisite for development to be achieved. The skills of saving, investing and taking risks cannot be accessed by majority if they are provided through an education system whose language of instruction serves the interest of the few elites. The conclusion given is rooted from critical literature review and the authors experience in learning and teaching in higher education through foreign language and Kiswahili, an African language of the majority in EACs countries. This paper intended to show the extent to which a foreign language is not a proper tool for development; not only in East Africa but to any society. Language of instruction has a great role in development since the kind of education provided by the nation determines her path of development, KAWONGA GERVAS – Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences. WAKATI MALIVA – Faculty of Education, Mkwawa University College of Education. �32 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva the emphasis of this paper is that it is imperative education be delivered in the language that everyone is conversant with to enable educated people in the society to translate theories into practice for the development of East African region. The suggestion which is put forward is to replace a foreign language as a language of instructions with indigenous languages of wider communications such as Kiswahili. Kiswahili is being advocated for because it has two main characteristics. First is the advantage of being nobody’s language throughout East Africa despite its widespread use in the region. Second, Kiswahili is linguistically related to the most indigenous languages creating necessary condition for easy acquisition. Furthermore, the language has also gained a status of an official language in the African Union and the EAC. Introduction The sociolinguistic situation in East Africa is characterized by the widespread use of Kiswahili as a lingua franca, ethnic languages at local scale and foreign languages, particularly English and French among the few elites. Since the 1960s Kiswahili became an official and national language in Tanzania and Kenya1 while a number of other indigenous languages are left aside. Uganda has 40 indigenous languages and English, making a total of 41 languages but only English has been given a status of both official and national language. Selection of any indigenous language to become a national and official language in Uganda would mean that other tribes are sidelined. Unfortunately, national and official language, English, is estimated to be spoken by only 21% of Uganda’s population. Given that situation, only Kiswahili belongs to none of the ethnic groups. The choice of Kiswahili, being ethnically neutral and widely spoken in the country, as a national language and subsequently LoI would V. Pawliková-Vilhanová, Swahili and the dilemma of Ugandan language policy, „Asian and African Studies”, 5(1996), no. 2, pp. 158–170. 1 �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 33 improve the quality of education and eventually sustainable development in the country. In Kenya the state of Kiswahili is better. Kiswahili enjoys the constitutional status of both an official and a national language. By 1996, 70% of Kenyans were estimated to speak Kiswahili along with other ethnic languages2. Although a number of ethnic languages in Kenya is not well established, they are estimated to range between 40 and 603. Despite the variations, the fact is that the country’s language which can serve as LoI and that is widely used in the East African region apart from English is Kiswahili. Provided that Kenya has accorded Kiswahili a national language status, making it LoI, may not be as difficult. Tanzania has a unique experience with Kiswahili. Despite having 120–155 ethnic languages4, Kiswahili is spoken all over the country. The language is a LoI in primary education, certificate in teacher education and is taught as a compulsory subject in Certificate of Secondary Education (CSE). Kiswahili is also learned at university level as a discipline. However, Kiswahili is not used as LoI in secondary and higher education in Tanzania. Kiswahili was to start to be used as LoI at all levels of education in Tanzania by 1990’s as recommended by the Makweta commission of 1984 but for no apparent reason it was delayed to date. It is estimated that only less than 5% of Tanzanians are fluent in English language. Although English is mastered by that small population in the country, it is used as a LoI in post primary education. Ibidem. L. Muaka, Language Perceptions and Identity among Kenyan Speakers, in: Selected Proceedings of the 40th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, ed. G.E. Bokamba [et al.], Somerville 2011. 4 H.R.T. Muzale & J.M. Rugemalira, Researching and Documenting the Languages of Tanzania, „Language Documentation & conservation”, 2(2008), no. 1. 2 3 �34 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva Rwanda has Kinyarwanda as the only ethnic language where more than 90% speak it and this has made it easier for the nation to make the language both national and official. It is also the LoI in primary school education. Rwanda had three official languages until 2008 when French was officially dropped from being an official language. This change was caused partly by the political disagreements between Rwanda and France. Prior to that change, both English and French were used as LoI in secondary education and used as a criterion for selection into university. Since Rwanda joined the East African Community in 2009, it has made Kiswahili, which is an official language of the community, its official language, too. Burundi is as linguistically homogeneous as Rwanda where it is estimated that 98% of its population speak Kirundi, a national language. French is an official language and is used in secondary and higher education. Kiswahili is a trade language but has not been given any status by the state. Kiswahili and English are now taught in schools as subjects from as early as the first year of their primary education. Given the sociolinguistic situation in this section, it is apparent that two issues are noted. First, languages used in post primary education in East African region are foreign and ill mastered by both teachers and students. Second, Kiswahili has received a special attention across EAC countries. With this trend of Kiswahili, communication challenges among people of the EAC can be eliminated. Moreover,, LoI issue in the region can be appropriately addressed. The solution to communication and LoI will pave the way to the majority to engage in the discussion and implementation of development plans in the region. There is a close and indispensable relationship between language and development. Arguing in line with this view Laitin and Ramachadran had the following to say: “... we assume that increasing distance and lower exposure [to LoI] results in increasing learning costs and consequently reduces the �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 35 level of human capital in society. We see in Africa a combination of elite access to the official language and widespread popular ignorance of that language. We can infer from this combination that the failure of newly independent African states to choose local languages as official increases manifold times the costs of effective participation in political and professional roles [both factors affect development] for much of the local populations. Similarly the use of a distant language increases the cost of acquiring and processing pertinent health information, [development information in this case], and acts as a barrier to fostering desirable health behavior, as well in affecting access and quality of health care provided. These differences in physical and mental human capital in turn translate into differences in productivity and wealth”. [Squared brackets and emphasis is ours]5. As can be noted from the quotation above, the concept of official languages does not solely exclude the LoI especially when it is associated with development. The reason behind is that education has a vital role for human development. Before any further discussion, the concept of development is introduced here with argument on the importance of appropriate LoI for development to be achieved. The term development is oftentimes used to denote physical infrastructure such as better roads, railway lines, electricity, better houses and of course, better education. Okonkwo observes that if a nation in present age does not have education as its prime project, there must be an agenda of underdevelopment as its alternative6. Every nation tries to educate its citizens to the best of their capacities. A massive amount of money is being spent by nations on education. New curricula are being crafted to keep pace with the global development in science and technology. Despite all investment and concerns in 5 D.D. Laitin, R. Ramachandran and S.L. Walter, Language of instruction and student learning: Evidence from an experimental program in Cameroon, in: 15th SAET Conference on Trends in Economics, Cambridge, UK, 2015, p. 3. 6 J.I. Okonkwo, Appropriate Language in Education, in: Giving Space to African Voices: Rights in Local Languages and Local Curriculum, Z. Babaci-Wilhite, Rotterdam 2014, pp. 131–146. �36 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva education, less discussion is devoted to language of instruction (LoI) in our education. The LoI is so crucial in fostering development in all areas of human wellbeing. Development in all sectors cannot be disassociated from the language that is used by the people to acquire knowledge and skills. The importance of language, particularly LoI in our schools holds a key role to development because decision about development requires right information on concepts, theories and practices through quality education. We all agree that our children must get a good education. But what is a good education? Through which medium should our children be educated? For whose benefit are they educated? The answer to the first question is difficult even to the developed world to date. Lessow-Hurley puts it clearly how difficult it is for Americans to decide what good education is: Everyone agrees that children are our most precious resource, that they should all have access to a good education that they should achieve. But in a multiethnic, multidenominational, multilingual society with broad geographic, socioeconomic, and value spectra, what constitutes a good education, what children should achieve, and how they should achieve it, isn’t at all clear7. East African region has a great diversity when it comes to languages as many African nations do. The diversity naturally came in place since language is made of arbitrary symbols. Colonial powers divided Africa on their own criteria, not based on the languages spoken by people of the particular area. Those who inherited the political leadership from colonialists took over diverse population groups with distinct languages and cultures alongside alien and haphazard territorial boundaries8. Since the colonial masters educated J. Lessow-Hurley, Meeting the needs of second language learners: an educator’s guide, Alexandria 2003, p. 61. 8 S.Y. Hameso, The language of education in Africa: The key issues, „Language, culture and curriculum”, 10(1997), no. 1, pp. 1–13. 7 �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 37 few Africans through the medium of their language, new governments inherited and continued to educate their citizens through the same. During colonialism, using colonial languages to educate Africans was aimed at obtaining few colonial assistants to facilitate their administration. Any attempt to remove this great language and cultural diversity into a single, foreign language and culture is too great undertaking. In the midst of this language diversity, there is Kiswahili, a language that is spoken by majority of East Africans. Genetically Kiswahili shares all main linguistic features with most languages found in EAC. This is to say that most languages including Kiswahili belong to the Bantu Family languages. That being the case, a child with a Bantu mother tongue will learn Kiswahili as a second language more easily than learning English which belongs to the Germanic Language Family. This assumption is consistent with Laitin and Ramachandran argument that a foreign language to be used for instruction, must be in proximity to the indigenous language9. They further insisted that there are more economic gains for using local languages as opposed to using a foreign language. According to Rubanza, most children in Tanzania acquire their mother tongue plus Kiswahili simultaneously to the extent that no clear line can be drawn when a child finishes learning mother tongue and starts to learn Kiswahili10. Astonishingly, our citizens are educated, not even through the second language (L2) but through the foreign languages (FL). The difference between the two is given by Kecskâes & Papp when he explains: In the second language environment (SLE), language learners have full exposure to the target language (not only to the language system, but to its frame as well) because it is the dominant or the only language of the community. This is not the case in the foreign language environment D.D. Laitin, R. Ramachandran, and S.L. Walter, Language of instruction..., op. cit. Y.I. Rubanza, Can a three-tier language policy model work in Tanzania? A new perspective, „Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies”, 24(1996), no. 1. 9 10 �38 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva (FLE) where students’ experience and activities in the target language are almost always restricted to the time spent in the classroom11. And the way English is used in East African states, Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda secondary schools is exactly what Kecskâes and Papp refer to as FLE. The situation is also similar to the French speaking countries in EAC such as Burundi and Rwanda. Students do not use a foreign language beyond the four walls of their classrooms. This situation makes the LoI new throughout their schooling years. As a result, this deficiency in LoI is carried over to university. This is evidenced by Komba who studied communication skills among Third Year university students at the Sokoine University of Agriculture and found that most students had little skills for essay writing12. He measured several aspects and concluded that 89.1%, 88.6% and 85.1% were unable to use appropriate tenses, conclude essays and use examples or illustrate ideas respectively. This deficiency in communication skills among Third Year university students suggests that despite English being used for six years of secondary education in Tanzania as LoI, its mastery is poor. If these are university students, what about those who could not make to this level? It can be implied from the study that the LoI is not understood among students and instructors even at university level. There are many more who could not make it to the university because of a language barrier. This could also mean that those who have lower language abilities are left without education. It should be remembered that the more the people get educated, the more the development the country or region achieves. Therefore, if many citizens in East Africa are dropped from education due to the language barrier, development I. Kecskés and T. Papp, Foreign language and mother tongue, New Jersey 2014, p. 2. 12 S. Komba, The Predictive Validity of the Communication Skills Examination on Students’ Overall Academic Performance at the Sokoine University of Agriculture (unpublished PhD Thesis), University of Dar es Salaam 2012. 11 �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 39 becomes a daydream to the region. Technological advancements in agriculture, manufacturing and other sectors cannot be developed if fewer people in the region become educated. When East Africa insists on educating its citizens through foreign languages, it is insisting on underdevelopment. Language and development defined Scholarly works have put forward very clearly to explain why some countries have developed and others have not. Putting forward factors which facilitate or constrain development, Moyo classifies them as geographical factors, historical factors, psychological factors and cultural factors13. While these general factors hold water, the role of a language has not been given a desired attention which this paper has devoted to address in the context of EAC countries. The vital role of a language for development falls in the wider concept of communication. As it can simply be defined, communication is a process of sending and receiving information. The emphasis in this context is on effective communication which helps to create social networking for socio-economic development. People need to make informed decisions on issues regarding development. When zonal economic communities like EAC lack effective means of communication, development cannot be attained. For example, among the EAC countries, Kenya is regarded to be at the top in English fluency. However, the number of English speakers in Kenya is less than 30% of the total population14. It means that the majority are marginalized in the development agenda. Within the Community the relationship created among its people is that D. Moyo and N. Ferguson, Dead aid: why aid is not working and how there is a better way for Africa, Vancouver 2010. 14 V. Pawliková-Vilhanová, Swahili and the dilemma..., op. cit. 13 �40 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva of superior and inferior just because of a language and not on the bases of genuine contribution on how to eradicate social-economic challenges. According to Wanyama, the dialect of Kiswahili known as Sheng’ emerged in Nairobi in 1960s and 1970s among the youth in their efforts to find an effective means of communication15. The language employs vocabulary from African languages and English while using Kiswahili syntax. There are several sociolinguistic reasons for the emergence of that dialect but in the context of this paper, the youth sought for their communication freedom to push forward their development agenda and define their destiny in their own environment. The weak language policy of Kenya failed to address the language problem among the Kenyans not unknowingly but deliberately to exclude majority in the development agenda for the benefit of the few elites, “elites of English Language”. Based on the communication setbacks among the citizens of the same nation or across the region, development is far from achievement. Indigenous knowledge which is important for socioeconomic development of the society cannot be harvested using a language not familiar to the society. The similar observation is given by Laitin and Ramachandran that: One institutional factor distinguishing “developed” from many “developing” nations today is their official language. The official language in developed nations is typically one which is spoken and used widely by a majority of the population. Even in developed states, when official languages/ Loi were selected, they were not universally accepted. On the other hand, in most developing states today, the official language is often one that is neither indigenous nor spoken by citizens outside of an elite minority16. L.L. Wanyama, Language Communication And Marketing: Contextualising the Rise of Sheng’Language in Advertising Platforms in Kenya, „New Media and Mass Communication”, 32(2014). 16 D.D. Laitin, R. Ramachandran, and S.L. Walter, Language of instruction..., op. cit., p. 5. 15 �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 41 Based on that argument there is a great correlation between the nature of the language employed in seeking development and the level of development attained by a nation or a region. Language of Instruction conceptualized This refers to the language used to implement a formal curriculum in or outside the classroom. This is the language used as an instrument of passing over knowledge, norms and beliefs of the society to its new generation17. According to UNESCO mother tongue or language of the wider communication is the most recommended as LoI18. The research by UNESCO insists that a language which is familiar to the children is wealthy for teaching and learning. Mkude has a view that it is a burden to make people struggle for their life using a foreign language because they are required to restructure their thoughts about the reality19. Several research20 findings agree that teaching and learning through unfamiliar language result into poor performance and low quality in education. East African countries are still in the chain of colonial languages particularly English and French as LoI. Warning has over time been provided that there 17 A. Masudi, The need for an appropriate medium of instruction in secondary education and institutions of higher learning in Tanzania, „Papers in Education and Development”, 2006, no. 26, pp. 32–41. 18 UNESCO, Education Position Paper, Paris 2003. 19 D.J. Mkude, Ujenzi wa Demokrasia na Sera ya Lugha Nchini Tanzania: Kiswahili/Kiingereza Dhidi ya Lugha za Jumuiya Ndogondogo, in: Kiswahili katika Elimu, Dar es Salaam 2007, p. 14–30. 20 B. Brock-Utne, Language of instruction and student performance: New insights from research in Tanzania and South Africa, „International Review of Education”, 53(2007), no. 5–6, pp. 509–530; M.A.K. Halliday, Explorations in the functions of language, London 1977; Z.S.M. Mochiwa, Utotoni hadi Ungumbaru: Matatizo ya Elimu Tanzania. Ktk. Tumbo Massabo na Chiduo, in: Kiswahili katika Elimu, Dar es Salaam 2007, p. 40–53; Z. Babaci-Wilhite, Language, Development Aid and Human Rights in Education: Curriculum Policies in Africa and Asia, Basingstoke 2015. �42 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva is a little possibility of maintaining the objectives of education in a specific society while the language used is not familiar to the majority. In other words, at a moment you change the language of instruction to unfamiliar one, it is the time you change the objectives of education. In order to attain this aim, communication between teacher and pupil must be smooth. Most pupils in schools in East African Countries are passive participants almost in all levels of education including universities. Academic Audit report of the University of Dar es Salaam of 2008 revealed an acute language problem among the university students. The report suggested to the university management to switch to Kiswahili as a medium of instruction in order to improve the quality of education. On the contrary, the same report suggested the university to continue using English based on the international demands and trends in science and technology. The fact here is that Tanzanians learn poorly in English as their fellows do across the EAC member states. This is what is observed by Babaci-Wilhite that some African languages are well established in both scientific and technological terminologies yet they are not used as LoI in secondary education21. The similar views are put forward by Laitin and Ramachandran that “Secondary education, the key to joining the modern sector in Africa, is almost entirely conducted through the media of non indigenous languages throughout Africa, with possible exceptions of Somalia (before state collapse) and Mauritania”22. Kiswahili is the most pointed language in Africa which can afford the responsibility of being a LoI. Kiswahili being a lingua franca in East Africa could be adopted in all member states as LoI. Kiswahili is the right LoI we ought to use as EAC in education and based on what is argued by Babaci-Wilhite23 on the Ibidem. D.D. Laitin, R. Ramachandran, and S.L. Walter, Language of instruction..., op. cit., p. 5–6. 23 Ibidem. 21 22 �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 43 importance of localizing instruction and curricular. Kiswahili can accommodate the linguistic diversity in East Africa because of having common linguistic features with most ethnic languages and its being sociolinguistically neutral as it is argued elsewhere in this paper. Historical perspective of LoI (imperial legacy) Much is said in favour of foreign LoI in Africa. Many argue that global languages such as English are inevitable if Africa and the developing world throughout the world want to achieve development. The thesis is that science and technology is better accessed through the medium of English. This idea is strongly opposed by Language-Power-Pedagogy which argues that no language is inherently and permanently designed for science and technology24. And if science and technology was inherent to certain language or languages, it would not spread to other nations that speak a different language and therefore nuclear technology that began with western nations would not be present in North Korea where the West opposes their possession. We witness many nationalities from around the globe such as the Chinese, undertaking great projects in road construction, industrialization and mining in Africa. Do they construct the roads in English? Do they manufacture industrial goods that are scattered all over Africa in English? It is time for East Africans to realize that it is the skills that matter and not language. When that is realized, education in this region will aid the development we aspire to achieve as opposed to the current practice where education acts as barrier to development due to FL being its vehicle of delivery. There is another claim by parents on the use of English as LoI in primary school in Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya. They educate their 24 J.I. O k o n k w o, Appropriate Language in Education, op. cit., pp. 131–146. �44 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva children in the medium of English because secondary education is provided in English and therefore primary education in English paves the way for smooth education at secondary level. However, there is no evidence to support this claim because even the children who learn through their L1 need to learn more grammar and new ways to communicate in academic arena. What makes a foreign language even worse to be a LoI is its limited use outside classroom walls where more free communication and language learning takes place among students. Also a foreign language cannot mold the psychological part of the human being. Language and mind / thought The term mind is synonymously related to brain. The WebsterDictionary defines a term mind in three different ways: (a) the element or complexity of elements in an individual that feels, perceives, thinks, wills, and especially reasons. (b) the conscious mental events and capabilities in an organism (c) the organized conscious and unconscious adaptive mental activity of an organism. All these definitions are in line with the fact that language has a direct link to the brain for production, processing and comprehension. According to Caplan, brain consists of a large number of regions each of which contributes to motor function, thought, emotion and other functions in special ways25. However, mind operates from actual experiences which an individual acquires from her/his environment. Mind absorbs information through various senses of organs to build a base for thoughts. Aspects of culture, norms, beliefs and traditions impose significant effects on thoughts produced by an individual. The uppermost strong mechanism which brings cultural D. C a p l a n, Neurolinguistics and linguistic aphasiology: An introduction, Cambridge 1987. 25 �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 45 aspects in the mind is language. Language is both the most effective means of communication among the human species and the means of inheriting values to the new generation. This is to suggest that a thought is produced after its conception through overtime experiences acquired from specific context through language. The proper language is the one which has arbitrarily emanated from the specific context in which individuals found themselves. However, we are aware of the controversial debate raised by Whorf26 about what is to start between language and thought. Despite the debate taking egg and chicken model, the possibility suggested in Whorfian hypothesis of linguistic relativity cannot be ignored. According to Whorfian hypothesis of linguistic relativity, language is not simply a reporting device for our experience, but a defining framework of it. This assumption suggests that people of different linguistic background think and understand concepts differently. In the context of this paper, the concept of development has different conception among different races of various backgrounds in linguistics, their conception must be respected. People understand concepts in their right way as they are shaped through their languages. Krashen in the theory of social interaction insisted on the importance of resources available in the speech community for language development27. Interpretations of meaning to most language expressions are culturally constructed. Taking example of idiomatic expressions, the meaning interpreted is not a result of the total words available in the expressions but rather culturally constructed, produced, interpreted and defined. Studies in second language learning have suggested that a learner cannot attain a native speaker’s competence. All these suggest that conB.L. Whorf and J.B. Carroll, Language, thought, and reality: selected writings of Benjamin Lee Whorf, Mansfield 2011. 27 S. Krashen, Second Language Acquisition and Second Language Learning, Oxford 1981. 26 �46 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva cepts like development must be rooted in the specific culture to be well understood and accepted. The superimposed definition and practices of poverty alleviation programmes in Africa and among EAC countries in particular, will never become sustainable and multiply to the grassroots. This is because thoughts and concepts are culturally constructed and understood. Arguing in line with Social semiotic theory, Kress (2007:18) had the following to say: The sign is a social semiotic entity because the process of realization and making meaning is based on choices that are contingent action by the speakers in a social environment. Shifting modes of representation results to profound changes in our stance towards how we make sense of the world28. Based on that view, the emphasis is that people should discuss their challenges using the signs of communication they are competent in. Using a foreign language is to change the mission of the society for the benefit of the few. This view is consistent with Ellis (2016) who argues thatlanguage and social context play an important role in conceptual processing29. This means that the context cannot fully be shared or transferred to the new context expecting to yield the same results. Using a foreign language to address poverty alleviation in EAC and elsewhere is to shift the mode of representation of reality and constrain the development process. This is because representation and communication is always a social matter which responds to social change30. Development must be conceived and addressed through language and culture of those who want development. Foreign languages especially 28 G. Kress, Meaning, Learning and Representation in a Social Semiotic Approach to Multimodal Communication, in: Advances in Language and Education, eds. A. McCabe, M. O’ Donnel and R. Whittaker, London 2007, p. 18. 29 C.A. Ellis, How Language Culture and Emotions Shape the Mind, Phd Thesis (unpublished), Bangor University 2016. 30 D. Caplan, Neurolinguistics and linguistic aphasiology, op. cit. �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 47 English and French have caused communication difficulties over African countries including EAC. The result of such a situation, development agenda are only understood by the few elites. Borrowing from the dependency theory, discussion on development in developing countries involves the centre of the core and the centre of the peripheral while the majorities are marginalized through language31. Since discussion about development is inevitable, our concern is that in which language and for whose benefit the discussion is held. How many people are aware of several conferences being held within EAC on development every year? To what extent are the resolutions being disseminated to common people who are important for development? In whose language are the resolutions disseminated? These are questions that need to be addressed while discussing development in the EAC and elsewhere. This section has addressed the relationship between language and mind/thoughts. We have emphasized the importance of specific cultures for concept creation and understanding at a significant degree to yield the desired impact. This is to say, foreign languages cannot bring development in the foreign context. Taking example of EAC, the lingua franca is Kiswahili which is not used in education to familiarize the development theories. This is contrary to the principles of psychology, education and sociology in language and education32. Language and Education Education is related to language because it is through language that education is provided. For education to be meaningful, the D. Moyo and N. Ferguson, Dead aid: why aid is not working and how there is a better way for Africa, op. cit. 32 K.K. Prah, Going native: Language of instruction for education, development and African emancipation, in: Language of instruction in Tanzania and South Africa (LOITASA), Dar es Saalam 2003, pp. 14–34. 31 �48 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva language that is used to deliver it has to be familiar to both the teacher and the learners. Corson shows how language is related to education: A school curriculum is a selection of knowledge from the culture: all those things in the culture (or from other cultures) considered worth passing on through schooling. Since all forms of knowledge are „filtered” through language, the chief item of knowledge in any culture is its language. The chief object of the school is to encourage the complete mastery of the language of the culture, since without this mastery children are denied power and influence over their own affairs and an opportunity for success in education33. It is difficult to educate people of one language using other people’s language. Language performs both positive and negative roles. It can be used to unite people, strengthen relationships and the like. However, language can be used to discriminate, dominate and block people’s access to political and economic progress34. East African region needs to rethink the way languages in education are used in their respective nations; whether they are used for domination or emancipation. For if language of education is used in the same way the colonial masters used against us, the possibility of development is narrowed by the fact that very few citizens will get meaningful education necessary for development. Learning is a demanding activity, it becomes more demanding when the learner has to learn the language and the content at the same time and hence be faced with double tasks35. This is because every language divides its world differently. This means that the current practice in East African region, where the languages of D. Corson, Language policy across the curriculum, Clevedon 1990, p. 3. S.Y. Hameso, The language of education in Africa..., op. cit., pp. 1–13. 35 W. Maliva, Challenges encountered by teachers in implementing the advanced level competence based English language curriculum in Iringa municipality-Tanzania (unpublished M.A. Education dissertation), University of Dar es Salaam 2013. 33 34 �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 49 education are foreign, creates a drawback to educational development which in turn leads to underdevelopment in other areas as well. The problem is that we view education only through western lens and so believe that it can only be provided in English36. In West Africa the situation is the same and Okonkwo further notes that since education is provided in the language alien to learners37, the education attained is just surface level compartmental education and it results into poor national development. Despite English being used for 200 years and now LoI in Nigeria, less than 20% of Nigerians are able to speak and write it38. Research on local LoI A significant number of researches have revealed that local languages are most appropriate for teaching and learning in schools. According to UNESCO there are three main factors which make local languages more appropriate as LoI39. These factors are psychological, sociological and educational. Psychologically, local language like other languages is a system of signs which can be comprehended more easily and accurately in the brain of a learner. This means that a learner having acquired native competence of his/her language uses a little energy to follow what is being taught compared to using a second or a foreign language. Sociologically local languages are devices to establish relations and friendship in the society which is important for experience sharing. People in EAC are not free to interact due to J.I. O k o n k w o, Appropriate Language in Education, op. cit., pp. 131–146. Ibidem. 38 E.M. Emenanjo, Languages and the national policy on education policy on education: Implications and Prospects, Retrieved June 18, 2011, from http://fafunwafoundation.tripod.com/ fafunwafoundation/id9.html [Accessed: 02-Jan-2018]. 39 Education Position Paper, op. cit. 36 37 �50 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva communication barrier. Kenyans, for example, are regarded to have high level of competence in English language. Ugandans can be regarded the second. In both countries English is the second language based on sociolinguistic analysis. Tanzania and the rest, English and French are foreign languages. These differences create unnecessary inferiority among member states just because of less or more mastering foreign language. The attitude is that knowing English or French means possessing knowledge. Using a foreign language for education alienates the elites from their society and makes them belong to the foreign culture and nation. That being the case development can be difficult to attain in the region. Educational wise, local languages simplify learning and teaching. Reaserchers have suggested that a teacher and a student must use a language they well master40. On the one hand, it suggested that the university switches to Kiswahili as a LoI. On the other hand, it suggested continuing using English due to global trends in Science and Technology. In our opinion the first suggestion is valid because it is absurd to think of global solutions to local challenges. Thinking in that way violates the hierarchy of needs as suggested by Maslow. According to him, a human being strives most for the basic needs towards the less basic needs. Development must adhere to that hierarchy. A critical community cannot think of external world while its own people are starving. Language serves as a vehicle for transmission of knowledge and skills among members of the community. This function is best performed when the language is familiar to both parties involved in communication. Any deficiency in either party hampers the communication process, and worse in the education provision. B. Brock-Utne, Language of instruction and student performance: New insights from research in Tanzania and South Africa, op. cit., pp. 509–530. 40 �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 51 When education is provided through the language both the teacher and the learners master, the result is greater than when it is only the teacher who masters the language. The situation is worse when it is not only the students who do not master the LoI, but teachers as well. What is expected from students even when the teacher does not master the LoI? There are several constraints of using a foreign language as LoI. One of them is exclusion of learners in teaching and learning process. Those who do not master the foreign language especially English and French for the case of EAC countries are regarded as fools, slow learners and hopeless children. The second impediment is incomprehension of content even to those few who seem to master the language. Over years researches have suggested that most language of education in Africa is a curse to the intellectual development of the young people. According to Senkoro, using a foreign language results into the intellectual “genocide” of African children41. That being the case, education provided does not help people to master their environment and thus development cannot be attained. Innovations and discoveries in foreign language have rarely been reported on earth. Conclusions and recommendations The society’s language is one of its most treasured possessions. When that language is used in education, the results are great. Those who defend English for education in Africa say that the language carries with it science and technology42, and if that was the F. Senkoro, Mauaji ya Halaiki ya Watoto wa Tanzania Kupitia Lugha ya Kufundishia Sekondari na Vyuoni, Dar es Salaam 2008. 42 R.A. Foyewa, Language attitudes in Nigeria: Implication on General English in Higher Institutions, „Journal of Language and Applied Linguistic”, 3(2012), no. 2, pp. 28–36. 41 �52 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva case, the Chinese would not have achieved their vast technological development just from 1949 using their own language. Since language is used by examination agencies to determine children’s educational fate43, it is important to ensure that the language that is used to assess what these learners use to display what they know is familiar to them. Our students may be unable to understand what they are taught not because it is difficult, but because the language used in the process of teaching and learning is not familiar to them. We must be able to discern when learners cannot understand what is taught because of their aptitude or that the language is the barrier. The LoI has to change if we want East Africa to develop and it is the people who belong to the elite group that are to lead this movement. The elite has to lead the movement because it is this group that perpetuates the use of foreign languages, not because of the benefit of their country they live in, but because of their own children44. Speaking of LoI shift from foreign to native, BrockUtne further argues that most African academics know that the majority of Africans cannot learn well if the learning is going to take place in the language they do not master. Although the fight against the belief that the use of foreign languages in higher education is hard, we have to be bold enough and start it. Okonkwo argues that language is power and an explosive that can explode in many directions and can affect people positively or negatively45. He further sees that knowledge and education are also powers that are totally inherent and interpretable through the forms and concatenations of language. By that D. Corson, Language policy across the curriculum, op. cit. B. Brock-Utne, Language of instruction and student performance: New insights from research in Tanzania and South Africa, op. cit. 45 J.I. Okonkwo, Appropriate Language in Education..., op. cit. 43 44 �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 53 observation, nations have to be careful in selecting LoI in order to avoid negative impact on the learners and the nations. The reason we should select our local languages such as Kiswahili to be used as LoI is well said by Okonkwo: Since all languages have the natural endowment to construct and deliver knowledge, the knowledge so far delivered becomes a ‘Form of Life’ for the producers. The fact here is that as long as you use a language that is by nature not yours, you have imported a ‘Form of Life’ that is not yours either. Language is the determiner of the kind of life people lead46. It should be clear that the argument here is not a total rejection of other languages. Learning a second and even a third and fourth language is an asset. What is being advocated here is that other languages are worth learning and we should learn them to the best proficiency possible. In order for these foreign languages to be learnt well, deliberate efforts to train competent teachers in these languages is needed and the students can learn these foreign languages and become more competent than the current students are. What is suggested here is that foreign languages should not be used as LoI. Their use implies inability of students to master these languages and thus becomes a barrier to access education. Tanzania has an education policy of 2014 that assigns more roles to Kiswahili in education. If that move continues, a leap in education and subsequently in development can be achieved. Makweta commission of 1980s recommended the use of Kiswahili as LoI from primary school to university. It was suggested to be implemented in phases such that secondary education was to begin using Kiswahili from Form One, and therefore English medium would phase out in the same order. This recommendation was not implemented and no clear explanations were given for its rejec46 Ibidem, p. 137. �54 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva tion. However, logical analysis brings the conclusion that linguistic imperialism has succeeded to dominate the cultures of the world. The starting point has to be primary education where all primary schools should educate children in the language that is better known to them than foreign languages such as English, and for East Africa, Kiswahili can serve that purpose. East Africa and Africa have to understand that it takes knowledge and skills to develop, not language. Clinging to languages the learners and perhaps the teachers cannot master is detrimental to development. REFERENCES Babaci-Wilhite Z., Language, Development Aid and Human Rights in Education: Curriculum Policies in Africa and Asia, Basingstoke 2015. Brock-Utne B., Language of instruction and student performance: New insights from research in Tanzania and South Africa, „International Review of Education”, 53(2007), no. 5–6, pp. 509–530. Caplan D., Neurolinguistics and linguistic aphasiology: An introduction, Cambridge 1987. Corson D., Language policy across the curriculum, Clevedon 1990. Ellis C.A., How Language Culture and Emotions Shape the Mind, Phd Thesis (unpublished), Bangor University 2016. Emenanjo E.N. Languages and the national policy on education policy on education: Implications and Prospects, Retrieved June 18, 2011, from http://fafunwafoundation.tripod.com/ fafunwafoundation/id9.html [Accessed: 02-Jan-2018]. Foyewa R.A., Language attitudes in Nigeria: Implication on General English in Higher Institutions, „Journal of Language and Applied Linguistic”, 3(2012), no. 2, pp. 28–36. Halliday M.A.K., Exproration in Function of Language, London 1973. �EAST AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT: LANGUAGE... 55 Hameso S.Y., The language of education in Africa: The key issues, „Language, Culture and Curriculum”, 10(2001), no. 1, pp. 1–13. Kecskâes I. & Papp T., Foreign Language and Mother tongue, New Jersey 2000. Komba S., The Predictive Validity of the Communication Skills Examination on Students’ Overall Academic Performance at the Sokoine University of Agriculture (unpublished PhD Thesis), University of Dar es Salaam 2012. Krashen S., Second Language Acquisition and Second Language Learning, Oxford 1981. Kress G., Meaning, Learning and Representation in a Social Semiotic Approach to Multimodal Communication, in: Advances in Language and Education, eds. A. McCabe, M. O’ Donnel and R. Whittaker, London 2007, pp. 15–39. Laitin D.D., Ramachandran R. and Walter S.L., Language of instruction and student learning: Evidence from an experimental program in Cameroon, in: 15th SAET Conference on Trends in Economics, Cambridge, UK, 2015. Lessow-Hurley J., Meeting the needs of second language learners: An educator’s guide, Alexandria 2003. Maliva W., Challenges encountered by teachers in implementing the advanced level competence based English language curriculum in Iringa municipality-Tanzania (unpublished M.A. Education dissertation), University of Dar es Salaam 2013. Masudi A., The Need for Appropriate Medium of Instruction in Secondary Education and Institutions of Higher Learning in Tanzania, „Papers in Education and Development”, 2006, no. 26, pp. 32–41. Mkude D.J., Ujenzi wa Demokrasia na Sera ya Lugha Nchini Tanzania: Kiswahili/Kiingereza Dhidi ya Lugha za Jumuiya Ndogondogo, in: Kiswahili katika Elimu, Dar es Salaam 2007, p. 14–30. Mochiwa Z.S.M., Utotoni hadi Ungumbaru: Matatizo ya Elimu Tanzania. Ktk. Tumbo Massabo na Chiduo, in: Kiswahili katika Elimu, Dar es Salaam 2007, pp. 40–53. �56 Kawonga Gervas, Wakati Maliva Moyo D. and Ferguson N., Dead aid: why aid is not working and how there is a better way for Africa, Vancouver 2010. Muaka L., Language Perceptions and Identity among Kenyan Speakers, in: Selected Proceedings of the 40th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, ed. G.E. Bokamba [et al.], Somerville 2011, pp. 217–230. Muzale H.R.T. & Rugemalira J.M., Researching and Documenting the Languages of Tanzania, „Language Documentation & conservation”, 2(2008), no. 1, pp. 68–108. Okonkwo J.I., Appropriate Language in Education, in: Giving Space to African Voices: Rights in Local Languages and Local Curriculum, ed. Z. Babaci-Wilhite, Rotterdam 2014, pp. 131–146. Pawliková-Vilhanová V., Swahili and the dilemma of Ugandan language policy, „Asian and African Studies”, 5(1996), no 2, pp. 158–170. Prah K.K., Going native: Language of Instruction for Education, Development and African Emancipation, in: Language of instruction in Tanzania and South Africa” (LOITASA), Dar es Saalam 2003, pp. 14–34. Rubanza Y.I., Can a Three – Tier Language Policy Model Work in Tanzania? A New Perspective, „Ufahamu: A journal of African Studies”, 24(1996), no. 1, pp. 82–97. Senkoro F.E.M.K., Mauaji ya Halaiki ya Watoto wa Tanzania Kupitia Lugha ya Kufundishia Sekondari na Vyuoni, Dar es Salaam 2008. UNESCO, Education Position Paper, Paris 2003. Wanyama L.L., Language Communication and Marketing: Contextulising the Rise of Sheng’ in Advertising Platform in Kenya, „New Media and Mass Communication”, 32(2014), pp. 66–69. Whorf B.L. and Carroll J.B. , Language, thought, and reality: selected writings of Benjamin Lee Whorf, Mansfield 2011. �Chapter 2. MAXMILLIAN J. CHUHILA COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES OF MAIZE FARMING IN ISMANI, CA. 1940S TO THE PRESENT About 60% of gross domestic product is earned in the agricultural sector, and so we find 80% of total employment and 80% of total export earnings originating there. G.K. Helleiner, 1979:188. ABSTRACT Farming is a major informal sector employer of more than 80 per cent of the active labour force in Tanzania. This has been the case since independence and will slightly change in a course of a long time. Rural transformations in Tanzania will depend on modernisation of agricultural development, improvement of accessibility to market outlets, guarantees on improved seeds and access to farm-loans. Amidst the existence of vast land resource in rural areas, the land is inadequately utilised for farming because of various challenges facing the rural sector. Most of such land is either less fertile or receives less rainfall with no possibilities for irrigation. This paper provides an overview of the development of maize farming in Ismani, part of the present day Iringa District. It argues that the development of maize farming in Ismani depended on government interventions on the one side and on the other the physical environment. When the government encouraged production, maize farming was for both food and commerce but when the physical environment hindered MAXMILLIAN J. CHUHILA (Ph.D.) – Lecturer Department of History University of Dar es Salaam – Mwalimu Nyerere Main Campus. �58 Maxmillian J. Chuhila production, even that small supply for food fell short. In recent years especially from the year 2000 to the present Ismani remains unpredictable in as far as food security is concerned. Once a prosperous zone for maize farming that used to feed a large part of Tanzania, today, an area with recurrent food insecurity that depends on government relief food or remittances from relatives outside Ismani. The paper explores the dynamics of maize farming in the area to provide a detailed historical understanding of the present day situation in the area. This paper uses archival sources, fieldwork interviews and secondary sources collected between 2012 and 2013 and 2017. Key words: rural modernisation, agriculture, Ismani, development, maize farming, environmental history, Ujamaa. Introduction The above extract shows the importance of the rural sector in most of the third world countries. Although the statistics were specific for the year 1979 nothing substantial has reversed the situation completely up to the last decade. The contribution of the rural sector to the economy of less developed remains significant. The quotation indicates that for a successful economic planning and development to occur effort should be made to liberate the rural sector from unnecessary strings limiting its progress1. This will help to modernise the rural sector and contribute intensively to the national gross income through export of cash crops and assurance of food supplies. In Tanzania, according to the 2013 agricultural policy, the average annual growth rate of agricultural productions was 4.4% compared to population growth that was 2.6%. This trend of agricultural and population growth is G.K. Helleiner, Agricultural Export Pricing Strategy for Tanzania, in: Papers on the Political Economy of Tanzania, eds. K.S. Kim, R. Mabele and M.J. Schultheis, Nairobi 1979, p. 188. 1 �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 59 not enough to reduce poverty and solve the challenges of food security in Tanzania. An average agricultural annual growth of at least six to eight per cent would sustain a healthy and more progressive rural sector. The other challenge in the statistics of the agricultural policy is the combination of food and commercial crops in the estimations of annual agricultural growth2. Commercial crops like coffee, cotton and sisal are entirely for the market while crops like maize, groundnuts, rice, beans and many others are divided between the market and the kitchens. This implies while cash crops are entirely for the market, food crops are at a risk of going to the market especially in areas without alternative cash crops. In the period between the 1980s and 1990s, there was a primary school textbook3 used all over Tanzania for school children. In this book there were case studies on different crops how they were grown and the required climatic and weather conditions for optimal growth. These were sampled from different areas of rural Tanzania. One of its chapters was on maize farming in Iringa District that used Ismani as an example of the areas where modern and prosperous agriculture existed. It was during the heyday of maize farming in Ismani. Unfortunately, the conditions that brought fame to maize farming in Ismani are no longer in place. The historic maize farming in Ismani has now remained in the minds of the people of Ismani as well as the minds of many Tanzanians. Some of them still consider the pride of maize in Ismani still continues while some understand that it was a nostalgic past. Media reports have repeatedly reported what currently happens in Ismani as opposed to what was the case in the 1970s and 1980s. Refer National Agricultural Policy, Ministry of Agriculture, Food Security and Cooperatives, 2013, p. 2. 3 Taasisi ya Elimu, Wafanyakazi wa Tanzania: Jiografia kwa Darasa la Nne, Kitabu cha Wanafunzi, Wizara ya Elimu ya Taifa, Dar Es Salaam 1983, pp. 26–28. 2 �60 Maxmillian J. Chuhila Background Classified agro-ecologically, Ismani falls in the Lowland and Midland climatic zones of Iringa District. Most villages of Ismani division fall in the lowland zone. The Lowland zone lies between 900m to 1200m above the sea level. It always receives low amount of rainfall between 500mm to 600mm per annum with a mean temperature of between 20°C and 30°C. It was endowed with fertile soils that had a high potential for agriculture from 1900s to 1980s, however, farming was hindered by unreliable rainfall and the fact that other areas of Iringa District were used for farming. Out of the four wards of Ismani Division, only two fall in the Midland zone. The Midland zone is comparatively more suitable for cultivation than the other zones. The zone lies within an attitude of 1200m and 1600m above the sea level. The landscape of the midland zone is characterised by scattered mountain hills, plateaus with swamps and ponds. This zone receives an annual rainfall between 600mm and 1, 000mm per annum and a mean temperature between 15°C to 20°C. The two wards of Ismani division that fall in the midland zone are Kising’a and Kihorogota4. In Tanganyika agricultural activities that might have culminated in rapid production and environmental change were observed in the 1930s. Farming became particularly noticeable during this time when the British colonial government intensified production of crops by launching the ‘grow more crops campaign’. Through this campaign, peasants were encouraged to open new fields to take advantage of price incentives provided by the colonial government5. Enough food crops were required for labourers who were in various estate and settler farms such as sisal plantations Iringa District Profile, 2011. B.D. Bowles, The Political Economy of Colonial Tanganyika 1939–1961, in: Tanzania Under Colonial Rule, ed. M.H. Kaniki, London 1980, p. 168. 4 5 �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 61 in Morogoro and Tanga. Also during the same time there were several British soldiers who camped in Kenya for the Second World War6. The intensity of production increased remarkably soon after the Second World War as a result of the modernisation campaigns of the colonial government. After the war Ismani became under intensive considerations for maize farming and more settlements were opened in the area during this period. The modernisation campaigns in Ismani resulted into major success in maize farming. Specifically after the Second World War and the two decades of independence, during the heydays of maize farming, the area was regarded as a national grain basket. Despite all this historic significance of area, in the recent decades, Ismani has been characterised by recurrent shortage of food and difficulties in farming as will be discussed later in this paper. Farming during the 1940s to 1961 Intensive farming did not start in Ismani until the 1940s. Before the 1940s Ismani was not heavily settled as peasants occupied land elsewhere in the region. Also before this period the area experienced some challenges that hindered settlement and farming in the area. The challenges included the absence of perennial crops, the introduction of Lupa Goldfields in Mbeya which attracted labourers from Iringa District to work in European firms, the predominance of livestock keeping over subsistence farming, the poor knowledge on the potentiality of the soil and fear of wild animals7. The post-Second World War period and especially the 1950s witnessed what some historians have called the period of Ibidem. A. Awiti, Ismani and the Rise of Capitalism, in: Rural Cooperation in Tanzania, ed. Lionel Cliffe, Dar es Salaam 1975, p.52. 6 7 �62 Maxmillian J. Chuhila ‘new colonialism’8, ‘second colonial occupation’9, or ‘the beginning of the end of the great colonial epoch’10. Generally, it was a period of struggle against environmental, political and economic constraints to realise greater hopes for recovery from the depredations of the war. It was characterised by all these names because of the new strategies and campaigns implemented in the colonies to improve the livelihood of the colonised people and compensate the loss of the war. The post World War II period was also partly characterised by shortage of food and edible oil. This prompted the British colonial government to encourage establishment of large scale farming in the territory so as to cater for the demands of food and cash crops. This culminated into the opening up of large areas of land in different parts of the colony for production. For instance, tobacco farms were established in Urambo, cattle ranches were opened up in Dodoma, and a groundnut scheme was established in Nachingwea11. Most of these schemes failed due to poor conceptions and failure to consider environmental specifications and the availability of labour. They were conceived in 1940s and were abandoned in 195012. During the same period new settlements were established in Ismani and heavy investment in maize farming continued. Awit, Goran Hyden and Finn Kjærby acknowledge this period as an important interlude for colonial agricultural developments in the colony. Strategic J. Illife, A Modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge 1979, pp. 436–484. D.A. Low and J.M. Lonsdale, 1976, as Cited in Illife 1979, p. 436. 10 N.R. Fughes-Couchman, Agricultural Change in Tanganyika: 1945–1960, Stanford 1964, p. 5. 11 G. Hyden, Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania: Underdevelopment and Uncaptured Peasantry, Nairobi 1980, p. 63; J.S. Hogendorn and K.M. Scott, Very Large Scale Agricultural Projects: The lessons of the East African Groundnut Scheme, in: Imperialism, Colonialism and Hunger: East and Central Africa, ed. R.I. Rotberg, Massachusetts – Toronto, pp. 167–192. 12 J. Illiffe, Modern History, op. cit., pp. 436–484. 8 9 �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 63 cash crops such as sisal and rubber were encouraged on large-scale farming. At the same time more emphasis was on the production of food crops to reduce dependence on imported food supplies13. Food grains were produced on large-scale farms in two zones; that is, wheat in the Northern highlands, notably West Kilimanjaro and Mbulu, and maize chiefly in Ismani14. Some scholars have seen this period as experiencing the ‘peasant mode of production’ where large and small-scale farmers engaged in farming activities15. Tanganyika peasants were at advantage as compared with peasants in other British colonies like Kenya and Zimbabwe. Peasants in Tanganyika were allowed to produce cash crops while they were prohibited in settler-dominated colonies like Kenya and Zimbabwe. Most European colonial governments left economic development to private enterprise and the governments contributed indirectly through establishment of infrastructure, legal provisions and taxation systems16. The British colonial government in Tanganyika did not commit itself to too much economic intervention until after the enactment of the Colonial Development Act of 1929. After the Act the British government started to show interests in overseas development and development approach in the colonies received a new dimension17. Government intervention started with the A. Coulson, Tanzania: A Political Economy, Oxford 2013, pp. 78–79. H. Ruthenberg, Agricultural Development in Tanganyika (Afrika-Studies, no. 2), Cited in G. Hyden, Beyond Ujamaa, op. cit., p. 63; F. Kjærby, The Development of Agricultural Mechanisation in Tanzania, in: Tanzania Crisis and Struggle for Survival, eds. J. Boesen [et al.], Uppsala 1986, pp. 175–178. 15 G. Hyden, Beyond Ujamaa, op. cit., pp. 12–18. 16 J. Tosh, The Cash Crop Revolution in Tropical Africa: An Agricultural Reappraisal, „African Affairs”, 79(1980), no. 314, pp. 79–94; J. Illiffe, Africans: The History of a Continent, Cambridge 1995, pp. 202–208. 17 M. Jennings, ‘A Very Real War’: Popular Participation in Development in Tanzania the 1940, „The International Journal of African Historical Studies”, 40(2007), no.1, p. 74. 13 14 �64 Maxmillian J. Chuhila improvement of transport and communication infrastructure. Later during the 1930s the efforts were extended to cover social welfare18. The role of the government in supervising the economy continued to be significant throughout the 1930s and 1940s. The establishment of Colonial Development and Welfare Act (CDWA) in the post World War II period had a considerable impact on the role of the state in stimulating development. It was after the Second World War that the government assumed a major role in economic planning and implementation through the creation of marketing boards, institution of price controls and use of by-laws to enforce agricultural practices19. Like many other parts of colonial Tanganyika, Ismani did not fall into an immediate target of colonial production in the early days of colonial occupation because of the dynamics and the challenges already examined. During this period other areas of Iringa District were under colonial production and they produced cash crops like tobacco. Before the introduction and the extension of colonial production, Ismani was characterised by small-scale subsistence farming. They used broadsheet-planting technique, later hand hoes, then ox ploughing20. Despite the use of these unsophisticated methods of farming, they were able to harvest 8 to 15 sacks of maize per hectare21. The transition from small scale subsistence farming based on low level technologies into large scale commercial farming of maize in Ismani was marked by increased demand for maize during and soon after the Second World War. Also the establishment of the 18 Ibidem. E.F. Twinning (Lord Twinning), The Last Nine Years in Tanganyika, „African Affairs”, 58(1959), no. 230, p. 15. 19 Ibidem. 20 Broadsheet planting technique included spreading the maize seeds randomly without tilling the land. Interview with, Aloyce Mpagama, Nyang’oro, 17.11.2011. 21 See TANU, Siasa ni Kilimo, Dar es Salaam 1972, Interviews with, Aloyce Mpagama (Nyang’oro) and Daniel Musa Kavindi, Ismani Tarafani, 18.11.2011. �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 65 Revenue Ordinance in 1943, which amended the War Revenue Act, encouraged peasants to produce more maize for the market in order to get money for payment of taxes22. This was the first initiative that stimulated commercial maize production by peasant producers. There were no alternatives to get cash for tax than producing maize or seeking wage labour outside Iringa District. To meet the wartime and post war demands the colonial government instituted measures that led to the production of sufficient food. One of those measures was the provision of subsidies in terms of free grants of shillings 7.5 to farmers who produced maize on land of over 25 hectares23. Peasants in Ismani were encouraged to open more arable land to benefit from free grants. The second measure was the use of guaranteed return for farmers who would get loss as a result of intensive capital investment in food crop production. They were to be refunded by the colonial government24. This encouraged intensive investments in food crop production in one way or another as farmers were insured against any loss. Peasants with capital expanded farming activities to the limit of their capital. This increased both the acreage under maize farming and maize produces. In addition to guaranteed return upon loss in agricultural investment, the government provided acreage grants that were different from free grants. Through acreage grants, the government issued a list of names of farmers who first applied for them in each District. Selected farmers were given planting orders and conditions to sell their maize to the colonial Grain Storage Department25. After selling their produce, 22 Tanganyika Territory, Ordinances Enacted During the Year 1943, Dar es Salaam 1944. 23 „The Tanganyika Standard”, Saturday, February 12, 1944. 24 „The Tanganyika Standard”, Thursday, August 30, 1951. 25 TNA, EC B. 833/III/313: Department of Grain Stores, 1949. Guaranteed Prices of Maize Acreage Grants and Reduced Prices (1949). �66 Maxmillian J. Chuhila the farmers were paid dues in the manner outlined here by the director of Grain Stores: It is emphasized that the Director of Agriculture will only consider payment of acreage grant to planters who can produce either Grain Storage Department purchase receipts in respect of delivery to Government or Agents Stores or written permission by Provincial Produces Officers or District Commissioners’ in respect of direct sales26. In Ismani, only few farmers qualified for the grants in the period between 1947 and 1950. They included few big farmers in Nduli who were eligible beneficiaries for acreage bonus in the 1948/1949 growing season27. Under the acreage grants scheme, the maize that was to be used by producers either individually or as a producing company or institution or even a group of corporate producers, had first to be sold to Unga Limited, the only buying agent by the time and then bought back by producers. This was a condition for all farmers who received grants from the government. After harvest, producers declared the quantity of maize they harvested plus the amount that was enough for their food and the surplus to be sold to Unga Limited28. The condition to declare the amount of food enough for the producer and the surplus for sale had little significance to the producer. As regardless of the amount they required for food they had to sell all the maize to Unga Limited before they could buy them back. Interestingly, during this time producers were even allowed to sell their crops on the farm. Therefore, the incentives given to maize producers, price guarantee, guaranteed return and acreage grants stimulated maize farming for the market. Progressive farmers, as we have seen, did this, while small-scale peasant producers continued to produce for subsistence. Ibidem. Ibidem. 28 TNA, 24/A3/21: African Staples, Permits to Retain. 26 27 �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 67 The establishment of the Land Bank in 1947 had a significant contribution to large-scale maize farming in Ismani. On inception the Bank provided loans to large-scale cash crop farmers such as tobacco farmers in Nduli. Later, the loans were extended to maize farmers, although most of them were non-African farmers29. It was not until the 1950s when African farmers started to access the loans. African peasants obtained loans from two sources of funds that were established at the end of the 1940s. These sources included the Local Development Loan Fund (LDLF) and the African Productivity Loan Fund (APLF). These loan schemes accelerated differentiation in the rural areas. Some peasants expanded production by use of modern agricultural inputs, such as tractors obtained through loan money30. The Bank provided loans only to farmers whose farmlands were 50 acres and above. Those whose farmlands were below 50 acres were encouraged to expand their farms in order to qualify for the loans31. Government intervention in supervising and encouraging maize production especially in the 1950s was a catalyst towards expanded commercial production of maize. The provision of acreage grants, loans, guaranteed returns and the introduction of a new taxation system accelerated extensive rather than intensive cultivation. Colonial intervention in the production process also contributed towards the replacement of the traditional food crops, such as millet and finger millet, by extensive production of maize. Prior to this period maize was produced in small scale. Therefore, by the 1950s Ismani had become one of the most important places for maize production in Iringa District. There was sufficient rainfall and the L.A Msambichaka and R. Mabele, Agricultural Credit and the Development of Ujamaa Villages in Tanzania, „ERB, Paper”, no. 74.10, 1974, p. 2. 30 Ibidem, pp. 4–7. 31 TNA, 24/52/3/13: Monthly Report for May 1956. 29 �68 Maxmillian J. Chuhila fertility of the soil was suitable. These facts were acknowledged in a monthly report of the agricultural field officer who noted; From reports and personal observation it is noticed that the most advanced area in the District is Ismani where rains broke early and cultivation have taken every opportunity to push forward with cultivation and planting. Their zeal and enterprise is providing itself worthwhile as excellent germination can be seen in almost every shamba32. Ismani was a potential maize production area by this time and there were no signs of crop failure33. In the 1950s, Ismani had no alternative cash crop to depend on apart from maize. Therefore, maize served dual purposes, as a staple crop and cash crop. Another effort by the colonial government to transform Ismani into a colonial food granary was the establishment of demonstration farms in 1956 in the area. Under this new programme farmers were given land and money. By this time there were already indications that farmers from other places of Iringa District were moving to Ismani to benefit from the advantages of demonstration farms. As a result it was stated that for one to be given a demonstration farm was to be a resident in Ismani. Many people did not meet this condition but were still given the farms because of the need to produce as much maize as possible34. Demonstration farms acted as units for teaching farmers the best practices for maize cultivation35. They were expected to have a trickle-down effect to the rural sector at large and boost productivity in the main. As a consequence of all those efforts, Ismani came to be 32 TNA, D3/4: Development: Ismani Development, Report for the Month Ending 31st December, 1951-114/IV/29/552, Report for the Month Ending June 1951-114/IV/20. 33 Ibidem. 34 TNA, D3/4: Folio: Letter-P/SCH/ISM, Demonstration Farm, Ismani, 21.12.1956. 35 Ibidem. �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 69 under intensive colonial production in the last decade of colonial rule in Tanganyika. It is notable that during this period the colonial approach to peasant production changed significantly. Previously, the government concentrated on peasantry production as whole that changed into a new ‘focal point approach’. This change was partly a colonial response to the 1950s nationalist movements and the need to reduce production costs in the after war period. It was thought that promoting African peasantry entirely would create wealthy Africans who, in turn, would increase political consciousness and stability in rural areas36. In practice this would disadvantage the smooth functioning of the colonial enterprises. The new approach focused on the promotion of progressive farmers at the expense of the larger peasantry sector37. Through this method, the colonial government was able to get sufficient maize from few progressive farmers. The change of approach to rural development resulted into narrowing down all colonial projects. They became small in scale, sometimes based on a clan or a village, or a group of few enterprising individuals38. Small-scale projects would benefit from the few extension services provided by a small number of extension personnel. Extension personnel were reduced to match with the budgetary constraints that faced the peasantry sector at the time39. Farmers on individual bases did not get assistance from the central government but were instead supervised by the Native Authorities40. 36 J. Illife, Agricultural Change in Modern Tanganyika: An Outline, Nairobi 1971, p. 37. 37 Ibidem. Lord Twinning, Nine Years in Tanganyika, op. cit. p. 15. 38 ‘Memorandum No.10 for Provincial Commissioners’, Conference, January 1957: Focal Point Approach in Agricultural Extension Work, LG 9/36/011. p. 1. 39 Ibidem. 40 Ibidem, p. 2. �70 Maxmillian J. Chuhila In the post World War II period, especially in the 1950s, there came what John Illife calls the ‘cash crop boom’. The boom promoted production of not only the crops earlier considered marginal cash crops but also food crops such as maize. The colonial government declared, ‘the United Kingdom will require increased quantities of maize and will be able to absorb any increases in export in this Territory’41. To get assured with high output of maize the government started to supply maize seeds for free or at much lesser subsidised prices. Also, the government continued with campaigns for increased maize production and made advertisements on newspapers, steamers, buses and railway stations42. The boom years were characterised by the emergence of new commercial growers. These included the Maize Growers of Ismani, Wheat Growers of Mbulu, Pyrethrum Growers of the Southern Highlands and Cashew nut Growers of the southern part of Tanganyika. Also there was mushrooming of farmers associations such as the Ismani African Maize Growers Association43, which later changed into Ismani African Maize Growers Cooperative Society44. The associations later became instrumental in negotiating prices for their produced crops. Most prosperous progressive farmers benefited more from the associations as they had more to sell than ordinary peasants. The production of maize in Ismani was very profitable in the last decade of colonial rule in Tanzania. It made producers own tractors after farming for few seasons. This profitability continued to attract more and more farmers to the area. After only six years 41 B. Bode and D. Wu, The Legacy of Underdevelopment in Tanzania: A Case Study from Morogoro, Research Paper, Report for Care International Tanzania, 2011, p. 16. 42 Illife, Agricultural Change, op. cit., pp. 39–40. 43 Ibidem. 44 Illife, Modern History, op. cit., p. 465. �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 71 (1959 to 1965), more than 16, 000 hectares were under maize cultivation in Ismani45. The number of producers reached 367 and each owned more than four hectares, and 29 farmers who each owned more than 40 hectares46. These acreages per individual producer kept on increasing as the indigenous people allocated plots to foreigners only by measuring the width of the plots and did not bother about limiting the length. This tendency led to rapid expansion of arable land in Ismani47. Farming During 1961–1971 The rural sector in Tanzania at independence experienced continuation of the implementation of colonial development policies for a long time. The implementation of colonial plans, as were suggested by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IRBD), manifested in the entire period covering the 1960s to the 1980s. The first Five-Year Development Plan articulated clearly the need to improve and transform the rural sector48. The First Five Year Development Plan was ambitious and wished that the development of the country could be realised as soon as possible to satisfy people’s expectations of independence. Through the First Five Year Plan, Tanzania encouraged, and anticipated a massive flow of foreign investments in agricultural and industrial sectors49. In the mid 1960s it became apparent that the anticipations were not materialising. As a consequence of this Ibidem, p. 457. Ibidem. 47 Interview with, Benitho Masangula, Nyang’oro, 17.11.2011. 48 The United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, Tanganyika Five-year Plan for Economic and Social Development, 1st July, 1964 – 30th June, 1969, vol. 1, General Analysis 1964, pp. ix–x. 49 Ibidem, p. viii. 45 46 �72 Maxmillian J. Chuhila frustrating situation, the government was inclined in 1967 to resort to a new path towards development. This shift was officially enunciated in the Arusha Declaration of February 1967. The Arusha Declaration, unlike the First Five Year Development Plan, did not put much emphasis on foreign grants, loans and investments but emphasis went on using internally available resources for development. Political slogans such as ‘Uhuru na Kazi: Freedom and Work’ and ‘Uhuru na Maendeleo: Freedom and Development’ served as catalysts towards popular participation in development. The implementation of those slogans concentrated much on selfhelp projects that included construction of roads, bridges, schools, dispensaries and initiation of agricultural activities. Participation in community or self-help projects was a credit to responsible citizens50. It was held that improvement or development at the local level was a contribution to the entire national development51. Popular participation was highly encouraged during the period. The adoption of the Arusha Declaration in 1967 symbolized two major things for the newly independent Tanzania. In the first place it implied a change in economic planning from reliance on what Michael Jennings called the colonial development paradigm to a nationalist rural oriented development paradigm. Also the Arusha Declaration signalled the transition of the economy from one that was highly dependent upon foreign assistance to an economy based mostly on the utilization of internal resources. However, the declaration did not reject outright gifts and loans, but emphasised that these would be accepted if and only if they were being made in the interest of national development. To show the contrasts between the pre-Arusha Declaration situation in economic planning and the newly anticipated system, the declaration pointed out that; 50 51 M. Jennings, Very Real War, op. cit., pp. 86–87. Ibidem. �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 73 Our government and different groups of our leaders, never stop thinking about methods of getting finance from abroad. And if we get some money or even if we just get a promise of it, our newspapers, our radio, and our leaders, all advertise the fact in order that every person shall know that salvation is [was] coming or is on the way. If we receive a gift we announce it, if we receive a loan we announce it, if we get a new factory we announce it-and always loudly. In the same way, when we get a promise of a gift, a loan, or a new industry, we make an announcement of the promise. Even when we have merely started discussions with a foreign government or institution for a gift, a loan or a new industry we make an announcement-even though we do not know the outcomes of the discussions52. This shows dissatisfaction with externally oriented economic thinking. The Arusha Declaration provided principles by which the system would be changed towards self-reliance. By this time Ismani was still under commercial farming of maize. The adoption of the Arusha Declaration in one way promoted the large-scale production of maize as it encouraged progressive farmers. On the other hand however, it gave way to restrictions on continued intensive capital investment in agriculture by individuals in favour of communal development approach. This follows from the fact that the gap between rich progressive farmers, small peasants and labourers was increasing fast. During this period rich farmers enjoyed expansion to areas formerly owned by small farmers through purchase of land. In implication, the few rich farmers owned and controlled the economy at the expense of the impoverishment of the majority of peasants; something that was not the priority of the declaration. Small peasants continued to be landless and poor while the number of labourers working for progressive farmers continued to increase. Small producers also started to be labourers as the only way available for their subsistence. TANU, The Arusha Declaration, in: J.K. Nyerere, Ujamaa: Essays on Socialism, Oxford 1968, p. 22. 52 �74 Maxmillian J. Chuhila Villagization and maize farming, 1971 to 1985 State-led and externally controlled economic policies and development have in most counts resulted in several impacts in the communities and the environments where they are implemented. Such impacts originate from the failure to recognise local environmental conditions and the reality on the ground that does not necessary reflect the expectations of state bureaucrats53. State control of rural development in Tanzania is historically rooted. It started during the colonial period and went on through the postcolonial period. State control on the economy was challenged after the collapse of the East African community in 1977 a period that went together with several other economic and political problems. There was the 1978 Tanzania – Uganda war, the global oil crisis, disturbance in the balance of trade in Tanzania and the poor weather of the 1980s that brought general crop failure. These led into an impoverished economy and poor livelihood of a majority of the population. The government failed to provide the necessary supplies such as medicine, food and other consumables54. During the same period of the 1970s political and economic crisis, the government overcommitted itself into the very expensive villagization projects that were implemented in the rural – centred development model. As a result, the government’s defiance to liberal policies and the conditions of the Breton wood institutions (IMF, World Bank and WTO) was challenged. The unexpected retirement of Julius Nyerere from presidency on one side resulted from his failure to contain the pressure of change enforced by the Breton wood institutions See the analysis of how several state controlled projects failed to modernize the rural sector in J.C. Scott, Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed, New Haven – London 2008, pp. 1–8. 54 K. J. Havenevik, Tanzania: The Limits to Development from Above, Dar es Salaam 1993, pp. 29–62. 53 �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 75 and on the other side he was not ready to accept them. The only option remaining was stepping down. In 1982 the government softened its hand on its control of the rural sector. A new agricultural policy was launched in 1982, the same year with the launching of the Structural Adjustment Programmes. The agricultural policy aimed at improving the rural sector mainly by allowing private investment in agriculture and private ownership of land. When this was happening countrywide, its impact varied from one area to another55. Commercial farmers benefited from liberal policies. Large-scale capital owners and producers in Ismani moved their capital from the area to other areas of Tanzania. State control of the rural sector through Ujamaa in Tanzania took both courses, that is, direct and indirect coercion on one side and voluntary on the other. Compulsory resettlement included total planning and movement of people’s settlement into closer proximities to each other to facilitate service delivery. Under this category, poor ecological knowledge of the environments affected the new residents. On the second count, indirect coerced resettlement included joining Ujamaa villages to receive relief food from the government especially in areas with food insecurity. When villagers faced famine they had no option than joining into an Ujamaa village56. In areas where peasants voluntarily moved, they were able to find suitable areas for agricultural activities and agriculture continued without many problems. The areas like Songea under the famous Ruvuma Development Association and Handeni – Tanga experienced both coerced and voluntary movement at the same time. In the areas with voluntary associations with Ujamaa villages, the Ujamaa projects succeeded and failed in the areas where force Ibidem, pp. 56–62. Suleman Sumra, Problems of Agricultural Production in Ujamaa Villages in Handeni District, in: Papers on the Political Economy of Tanzania, op. cit., pp. 202–206. 55 56 �76 Maxmillian J. Chuhila was used57. In Urambo, in western Tanzania, tobacco farming was both boosted on one side in terms of extensive farming – increase of acreage but on the other side it faced challenges. Large – scale tobacco farmers were confiscated of their land and machinery in favour of communal farming that resulted into extensive farming but reduced productivity58. In Ismani where forced resettlement took place and large progressive farmers ran away, Ujamaa projects did not achieve much59. In the Iraqwland, where ecological considerations were not given priority, the programmes under Ujamaa were not successful60. In general the villagization policy in Tanzania had varied impacts depending on the area where it was implemented. We have explored the production side of the impact in various areas of Tanzania. On the environmental side, villagization had far reaching implications because there was no feasibility study done to assess the environmental impact of the programme. Yusufu Lawi, Helge Kjekshus, Esbern Friis-Hansen and Idris Kikula provided a general evaluation of the environmental impact of villagization and resettlement schemes of the 1970s61. They argued that the 57 Refer to Havenevik, Tanzania, and H. Ndomba, The Ruvuma Development Association and Ujamaa in Songea District, 1960s–1990s, Unpublished MA Dissertation: University of Dar es Salaam, 2014, pp. 54–88. 58 S. Ayo, Tobacco Farming and its Influence on the Social Cultural Transformation in Urambo District, Western Tanzania, 1950s to 2010, forthcoming MA Dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam. 59 Details in M.J. Chuhila, Maize Farming and Environmental Change in Iringa District: The case of Ismani, 1940–2010, Unpublished MA Dissertation: University of Dar es Salaam 2013, pp. 64–79. 60 Yusufu Q. Lawi, Tanzania’s Operation Vijiji and Local Ecological Consciousness: The Case of Eastern Iraqwland, 1974–1976, „Journal of African History”, 48(2007), pp. 75–83. 61 Idem, May the Spider Web Blind Witches and Wild Animals: Local Knowledge and the Political Ecology of Natural Resources Use in the Iraqwland, Tanzania, 1900–1985, Unpublished PhD Thesis: Boston University 2000, p. 319; Idem, �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 77 impact resulted from the concentration of people in small areas due to clearing of new areas for settlement and farming. Lawi adds that it destroyed the social ecological considerations which people regarded when choosing settlement areas in Iraqwland. On the whole, as a result, the failure to control ecological conditions of the new areas affected the communities that were relocated into other areas62. Although the period from the 1970s experienced several socioeconomic and political challenges throughout the country, the villagization programme created a new history in Ismani and it is highly remembered in the area. It is remembered not only because of the environmental impact but also the influence on the production of maize. It changed the history of maize farming in Ismani at large. The villagization programme was preceded by the implementation of the Iringa Resolution that was another big step towards improving the rural sector. To reflect its emphasis on agriculture, the Iringa Resolution of 1972 was commonly referred to as Siasa ni Kilimo (Agriculture is Politics). The Iringa Resolution came up with four principles to promote agriculture. Siasa ni Kilimo enabled the organisation of agricultural production in a way which ensured food self-sufficiency to peasants, improved quality of food through production of nutritious food, production of exportable crops and production of sufficient raw materials for industrial development63. At almost the same time, the Ismani Tanzania’s Operation Vijiji, op. cit.; H. Kjekshus, The Tanzanian Villagisation Policy: Implementation and Ecological Dimensions, „Canadian Journal of African Studies”, 11(1977), no. 2, pp. 270–272; E. Friis-Hansen, Changes in Land Tenure Use Since Villagisation and their Impact on Peasant Agricultural Production in Tanzania: The Case of Southern Highlands, Copenhagen 1987, pp. 9–20; Idris Kikula Lessons From Twenty-Five Years of Conservation and Seven Years of Research Initiatives in the Kondoa Highlands of Central Tanzania, „Ambio”, 28(1999), no. 5, p. 445. 62 Yusufu Q. Lawi, Tanzania’s Operation Vijiji, op. cit. 63 TANU, Siasa ni Kilimo. �78 Maxmillian J. Chuhila Maize Credit Programme was introduced to boost maize productivity. The credit scheme had three main objectives. The first was to replace large-scale capitalist oriented (market – oriented) farmers by cooperative communal based farmers. Although the objectives for this were not articulated, communal farming involved the production of both food and commercial maize64. However, production for the market was hindered when large-scale farmers decided to reallocate from Ismani. As a result neither food nor market based maize was produced sufficiently. What followed in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s was a struggle for survival that was a transition from proud producers of maize in Tanzania. The second objective of the Ismani maize credit was to increase productivity of maize produce in the area. This was done through the application of better crop husbandry, fertilisers and improved seeds. Unfortunately, all these attempts to increase productivity failed because the people who were forced to join in Ujamaa villages sabotaged Ujamaa production. This was done through stealing seeds and produces and at the same time working with obvious laxity in Ujamaa farms65. All these led to the decline of production in Ismani instead of encouraging and promoting its production. Also, as pointed out earlier, maize farming in Ismani depended on large-scale capital-intensive farmers who at the time of these modernisations had decided to move from Ismani. Modernisation involved the distribution of hybrid seeds and chemical fertilizers where the seeds were distributed for free in one growing season and in the subsequent seasons producers prepared their own improved seeds66. Some farmers in the 1970s did not opt for chemical fertilizers; instead they used Farm Yard Manure (FYM) A.T. Mohele, The Ismani Maize Credit Programme, in: Papers on the Political Economy of Tanzania, op. cit., pp. 217–218. 65 Interview with, Andephice Mahali, Mikong’wi, 14.11.2011. 66 Interview with, Aloyce Mpagama, Nyang’oro. 64 �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 79 that was also a new experience for farming in Ismani67. They could not adopt chemical fertilisers while they had not even used FYM – from their livestock on farms because the soil was fertile enough to allow cultivation. The reorganization of settlements and production in Ismani during the villagisation programme was not supported by the will of the majority. The traditional land tenure was abolished through the implementation of the villagisation policy. Villagers wondered to find and occupy new land in the new areas. As a result, it went on to happen that peasants lived in Ujamaa villages but went out to work on their previous farms. This lost a considerable amount of their time walking to and from and hence reducing the working time on the farms. The Villages and Ujamaa Villages Act of 1975 formalised the abolition of traditional land rights that implied a new struggle for land ownership68. On the whole, ujamaa farming in Ismani is remembered to have been a problem rather than a solution to peasant’s problems. Working in ujamaa farms was not as productive as working on individual farms. The big farmers who owned tractors were forced to work on ujamaa farms before they could start working on their plots. This decision was unpopular among large-scale maize farmers. The last objective of the Ismani maize credit scheme was to improve the incomes of the wajamaa through guaranteed crop prices that were regulated by cooperative societies. This was unrealistic because not all villages were given credit and even those given credit did not manage to improve the livelihood of the people because the repayment rates of the loans were high. In the early days of the scheme 1971/72 and 1972/73 growing seasons some successes were registered by maize farming. However, the sustainability of both Ibidem. E. Friis-Hansen, Changes in Land Tenure Use Since Villagisation and their Impact on Peasant Agricultural Production in Tanzania..., op. cit., pp. 23–28. 67 68 �80 Maxmillian J. Chuhila food and commercial maize farming was threatened. There emerged loan-serving farming, sabotage of Ujamaa projects and continued decline in the acreages cultivated because of lack of capital and machinery equipment after the withdrawal of large-scale producers69. In the end, the villages given the credit produced a loan – serving maize while those that did not receive loan produced both maize for food and market70. To indicate the inefficiency of operation Ismani, in 1971/72 it was revealed that an average of 595 kilograms per hectare was produced on Ujamaa fields while at the same time and in the same environment, individually owned farms produced an average of 869 kilograms per hectare71. This example demonstrates that the success in maize farming in Ismani did not depend on the investment of industrial inputs. It rather depended on the knowledge of the environment, soil, locally determined growing seasons and market incentives. All these conditions existed during the colonial period and were discarded during Ujamaa period in favour of state directed agriculture. Closely related to the decline in productivity, another challenge was on how to distribute the produces amongst the members of a particular Ujamaa village. A number of villages failed to distribute produces to members or the income coming from selling Ujamaa produces. This situation resulted from the low harvests that were also sold to repay the loans in Ujamaa villages. In turn, this discouraged members from committing themselves in Ujamaa projects. Due to this challenge and of course, the national commitment towards agriculture, the National maize Programme was introduced in 1973. The programme aimed to increase maize acreage and reduce the import of food72. Interview with, Innocent Mtakidunga Wilomo, Mangawe, 19.11.2011. A.T. Mohele, The Ismani Maize Credit Programme, op.cit. 71 B.Ch. Nindi, Agricultural Change and Rural Class Formation in Iringa District, Tanzania, Unpublished PhD Thesis: University of Hull 1978, p. 267. 72 Ibidem, pp. 274–280. 69 70 �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 81 Apart from the Ismani maize credit scheme the government also established agricultural credit schemes, which were given to middlemen to enable them to buy crops from producers, while the producers received production credits73. This was generally applied countrywide and started in 1962 through the Agricultural Credit Agency (ACA). The ACA provided loans to individual farmers, to groups of farmers or to government institutions that embarked on agriculture. The second loan scheme was through the National Development Credit Agency (NDCA) that came into being in 1964. NDCA did not register achievements, as up to its dissolution it had only reached one ujamaa village. The establishment of the Tanzania Rural Development Bank (TRDB) in 1971 was the most comprehensive programme to finance agriculture in the rural areas. It covered many sectors of the rural economy by supporting ujamaa villages especially those engaged with the production of food crops, such as maize and wheat74. TRDB was therefore committed to modernising the rural sector. TRDB reiterated that; ‘the Tanzania Rural Development Bank was therefore instituted as a means of providing a comprehensive credit system for transforming the subsistence living into a modern cash economy with its attendant increased employment opportunities and income distribution’75. The villagisation campaign of 1974 was the first transformative wave for Ismani. It propelled the area’s change from a prosperous place to an impoverished one. The 1974 Villagisation campaign discouraged progressive farmers in favour of communally owned 73 L.A Msambichaka and R. Mabele, Agricultural Credit and the Development..., op. cit., p. 1. 74 Ibidem, p. 12. 75 Tanzania Rural Development Bank, Annual Report and Accounts for the Year Ended 30th June 1971 – 30th June 1972, Quoted in L.A Msambichaka and R. Mabele, Agricultural Credit and the Development..., op. cit., p. 11. �82 Maxmillian J. Chuhila farms and cultivation that were small in scale and faced several challenges to operate the farms. Ownership of large farms was shifted to villages while some were distributed to former labourers at the rate of three hectares per head. The evidence at hand shows that it was difficult to incorporate the former progressive farmers into ujamaa cooperative work as we have pointed earlier76. The most remembered incidence of ujamaa farming in Ismani was the murder of Dr. Wilbert Kleruu, then Regional Commissioner for Iringa. Dr. Kleruu is claimed to have been a committed socialist who wanted everybody to live on socialist principles. On Christmas day 1971, Dr. Kleruu went to Ismani to see how production was going on. Unfortunately, he found one of the large-scale farmers of maize in Ismani called Said Mwamwindi cultivating his privately owned farm. Mwamwindi had worked for most of his time on ujamaa plots but during the holiday he wanted to cultivate his private shamba. Nevertheless, Dr. Kleruu ordered him to stop. This action is believed to have made Mwamwindi angry, hence his decision to gun down the Regional Commissioner at Mkungugu village77. The death of the Regional Commissioner created tensions amongst all big producers of maize in Ismani and the implementation of villagization in the area78. Mwamwindi started farming in Ismani together with other progressive farmers in the Interview with, Aloyce Mpagama. The main reasons that resulted into his death are varied in local articulations. Some point out that he was insulted in front of his wives others; claim that Mwamwindi became angry when he was told to stop working on a privately owned farm. Generally, the death of a regional Commissioner indicated the extent to which progressive farmers in Ismani were committed to realise profit out of maize farming. The regional Commissioner was seen as a threat to many of the progressive farmers. Interviews with, Henry Mkayula Likoko, Kising’a, 15.11.2011, Speditho Magidanga, Uhominyi, 14.11.2011, Omary Chunga and Bayati Mkwama at Mkungugu, 20.11.2011. 78 Interview with, Omary Chunga, Mkungugu. 76 77 �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 83 1950s. During this period he owned only three acres of land and worked as a lorry driver. He continued to buy land and expand his cultivated plots that by the 1970s he had over 160 acres79. This indicates that he was one of the most progressive farmers in the area that operation Ismani targeted. It also shows the type of anger that a person could have when his assets and wealth were threatened with being confiscated or nationalised. Bad enough the aftermath of the death of the Regional Commissioner brought more mess than progress in the area. It became increasingly difficult to convince people to work in Ujamaa villages. Local leaders and state technocrats feared that what happened to Kleruu could happen to them. As a result production in Ujamaa villages continued to decline. Maize farming and the challenge of Environmental Change, 1985 to Present Environmental change in Ismani has been a gradual process and was generally unnoticed until the second half of the last century. This was partly contributed by the presence of extensive and fertile arable land, which made it easy for peasants to abandon exhausted areas in favour of new ones80. Environmental change in Ismani manifested itself in various forms, including changes in vegetation cover, soil exhaustion, unreliability of rainfall, drought and decline of crop yields. It has been argued in the preceding discussion that commercial production of maize was responsible for the change of the socio-economic relations in Ismani from the 1950s. Through commercial production of maize, Ismani gained fame and became a conceited feeder based 79 80 B.Ch. Nindi, Agricultural Change, op. cit., pp. 259–264. A. Awiti, Ismani and the Rise of Capitalism, p. 53. �84 Maxmillian J. Chuhila on the agricultural output by large producers. Smallholders were also not left behind, as they were assured of food from the small areas they cultivated. The fame of Ismani changed in the recent years. While in the 1950s up to the 1980s it had famous names because of its capacity to feed a large part of the country with maize, from the last decade onwards things have turned upside down. The production of maize is no longer tenable and villagers live on food insecurity and abject economic poverty. This situation is evidenced by both media reports and oral articulations81. For example, the high productivity of maize in the 1970s called for the Iringa Resolution, famously known as Siasa ni Kilimo (Agriculture is Politics) to boost productivity82. The resolution recognised the declining trend of productivity of maize in the area from 20 to 25 sacks of maize grains per hectare in the 1950s to only 7 sacks in the 1970s83. However, the trend of production continued to decline throughout the 1970s to 1980s despite the modernization of the methods of production. The situation worsened much starting from the 2000s. During this period peasants were unable to produce either for sale or for their food sufficiency. This can partly be evidenced by Lukelo Kihogota, a smallholder producer in Ismani, who recalled the practices of Siasa ni Kilimo and then added that ‘we have no alternative than to depend on relief food’84. Mr. Kihogota used to be a good producer over the years, sold surplus maize to those 81 Tumaini Msowoya, Ukame wa Miaka Minne Wageuka Balaa Kuu la Njaa, Mawazo Malembeka, ‘Njaa: Malengamakali, Wananchi Wanaishi Kwa Mboga za Majani’, Radio Report, htt://radiofreeafricatz.com/2011/njaa_malengamakali_wananchi_waishi_kwa_mboga_za_majani- Accessed on 21.10.2011, at 1300hrs. 82 TANU, Siasa ni Kilimo. 83 Ibidem, pp. 11–12. 84 Tumaini Msowoya, Ukame wa Miaka Minne. �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 85 who were in need, but now fails even to produce enough for his family. This is not a unique situation for him alone as it cuts across the majority of the families in Ismani. All this indicates the degree to which Ismani in recent years starting from the 2000s has become the home of food shortage. The government takes initiatives by providing regular relief food to starving villagers nearly every year. Starvation in Ismani resulted from regular crop failure as an outcome of unpredictable weather conditions, shifting in farming preferences from maize to commercial crops like sunflower and tomatoes. Tomatoes and sunflower have no ban when it comes to exporting them to foreign markets. But if surplus maize is produced, the government limits its export in favour of domestic market. Most families in Ismani in recent years face hunger and in some cases they depend on green vegetables as their food especially during the rain season where food shortage is at its peak. The most affected areas are Malengamakali Ward and Ikengeza village in Nyang’oro Ward. Food insecurity in Ismani was at some point given emphasis in the parliament when a Member of Parliament, Ms. Pindi Chana commented, ‘the District Council agricultural projects should target to increase productivity especially in those areas with hunger such as Ismani where every year there is a need to send relief food’85. Such statements demonstrate the extent to which what was formerly a national grain basket is now a place with acute food shortages. Other news headlines in recent days include: ‘Four Years Drought turns A Great Hunger in Iringa’86, ‘Hunger: Malengamakali, 85 Bunge la Tanzania, Majadiriano ya Bunge, Mkutano wa Ishirini, Kikao cha Kumi na Tatu Tr. 22 Juni 2010. The MP, Pindi Chana said ‘Eneo la Mufindi katika mashamba ya chai, zao la Biashara, wameomba wapewe vocha katika zao hilo la Biashara. Miradi ya Halmashauri ya Kilimo ilenge kuongeza uzalishaji hususani maeneo ya Njaa kama Ismani ambako kila mwaka hupelekwa Chakula’, p. 162. 86 Tumaini Msowoya. �86 Maxmillian J. Chuhila People Live on Green Vegetable’87, ‘9,000 People Face Hunger in Iringa’,88 and ‘Ikengeza to Face Severe Food Shortage’89. Conclusion There is no way we can generalise the impact of state interventions in rural sector development in Tanzania. The impacts varied depending on several factors based on the production side and the environment. On the production side, it depended on the incentives that peasants received out of what they produced that in turn intrinsically motivated them to produce more. Environmentally wisely, it depended on the specific environmental conditions for a specific crop. The case presented by Ismani is an example of both positive and negative outcomes of state interventions in rural development. Colonial interventions boosted productivity as production based on individuals unlike the communal production relations advocated by the postcolonial government. However, we should not take for granted that the colonial government was keen enough to boost productivity, we must also understand the fact that Ismani was opened for intensive farming in the 1940s, thus it was still fertile enough to allow high productivity in the entire colonial period. In the postcolonial period especially from the 1970s, 1980s and 1990s soil fertility deteriorated and when coupled with other problems resulting from the political economy of the time Mawazo Malembeka, Njaa: Malengamakali, Wananchi Wanaishi Kwa Mboga za Majani, Radio Report, htt://radiofreeafricatz.com/2011/njaa_malengamakali_ wananchi_waishi_kwa_mboga_za_majani- Accessed on 21.10.2011, at 1300hrs. 88 http://www.ippmedia.com/fronted/?!=29291, ‘Watu 9, 000 Wamekumbwa na Balaa la Njaa Iringa’, Accessed on 21.10.2011, at 1330hrs. 89 Irene Mwakalinga, Wakazi wa Ikengeza-Iringa Kukumbwa na Uhaba wa Chakula, http://www.tbc.go.tz-tbc_local_general/1501_wakazi_wa_Iikengeza_iringa_kukumbwa_na__uhaba_wa_wa-_chakula.html. Accessed on 22.10.2011 at 0953hrs. 87 �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 87 and environmental change, it limited the progress of maize farming. The future of peasant farming in Ismani will depend on the control of population growth and control of the rapidly changing environment through rampant charcoal burning and opening of more fields for agriculture and settlement. REFERENCES Archival sources TNA, EC B. 833/III/313: Department of Grain Stores, 1949. Guaranteed Prices of Maize Acreage Grants and Reduced Prices (1949). TNA, 24/A3/21: African Staples, Permits to Retain. TNA, 24/52/3/13: Monthly Report for May 1956. TNA, D3/4: Development: Ismani Development, Report for the Month Ending 31st December, 1951-114/IV/29/552, Report for the Month Ending June 1951-114/IV/20. TNA, D3/4: Folio: Letter-P/SCH/ISM, Demonstration Farm, Ismani, 21.12.1956. ‘Memorandum No.10 for Provincial Commissioners’, Conference, January 1957: Focal Point Approach in Agricultural Extension Work, LG 9/36/011. Secondary sources Awiti A., Ismani and the Rise of Capitalism, in: Rural Cooperation in Tanzania, ed. Lionel Cliffe, Dar es Salaam 1975. Ayo, S., Tobacco Farming and its Influence on the Social Cultural Transformation in Urambo District, Western Tanzania, 1950s to 2010, forthcoming MA Dissertation, University of Dar es Salaam. Bode B. and Wu D., The Legacy of Underdevelopment in Tanzania: A Case Study from Morogoro, Research Paper, Report for Care International Tanzania, 2011. �88 Maxmillian J. Chuhila Bowles B.D., The Political Economy of Colonial Tanganyika 1939–1961, in: Tanzania Under Colonial Rule, ed. M.H. Kaniki, London 1980. Coulson A., Tanzania: A Political Economy, Oxford 2013. Chuhila M.J., Maize Farming and Environmental Change in Iringa District: The case of Ismani, 1940–2010, Unpublished MA Dissertation: University of Dar es Salaam, 2013. Friis-Hansen E., Changes in Land Tenure Use Since Villagisation and their Impact on Peasant Agricultural Production in Tanzania: The Case of Southern Highlands, Copenhagen 1987. Fughes-Couchman N.R., Agricultural Change in Tanganyika: 1945–1960, Stanford 1964. Havenevik K.J. and Ndomba H., The Ruvuma Development Association and Ujamaa in Songea District, 1960s–1990s, Unpublished MA Dissertation: University of Dar es Salaam, 2014. Havenevik K.J., Tanzania: The Limits to Development from Above, Dar es Salaam 1993. Helleiner G.K., Agricultural Export Pricing Strategy for Tanzania, in: Papers on the Political Economy of Tanzania, eds. K.S. Kim, R. Mabele and M.J. Schultheis, Nairobi 1979. Hogendorn J.S. and Scott K.M., Very Large Scale Agricultural Projects: The lessons of the East African Groundnut Scheme, in: Imperialism, Colonialism and Hunger: East and Central Africa, ed. R.I. Rotberg, Massachusetts – Toronto 1983. Hyden G., Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania: Underdevelopment and Uncaptured Peasantry, Nairobi 1980. Kjærby F., The Development of Agricultural Mechanisation in Tanzania, in: Tanzania Crisis and Struggle for Survival, eds. J. Boesen [et al.], Uppsala 1986. Idris Kikula, Lessons From Twenty-Five Years of Conservation and Seven Years of Research Initiatives in the Kondoa Highlands of Central Tanzania, „Ambio”, 28(1999), no. 5, pp. 444–449. �COMMERCE OR FOOD? DEVELOPMENT NARRATIVES... 89 Illife J., A Modern History of Tanganyika, Cambridge 1979. Illife J., Agricultural Change in Modern Tanganyika: An Outline, Nairobi 1971. Illife J., Africans: The History of a Continent, Cambridge 1995. Iringa District Profile, 2011. Jennings M., ‘A Very Real War’: Popular Participation in Development in Tanzania the 1940, „The International Journal of African Historical Studies”, 40(2007), no.1, pp. 71–95. Kjekshus H., The Tanzanian Villagisation Policy: Implementation and Ecological Dimensions, „Canadian Journal of African Studies”, 11(1977), no. 2, pp. 269–282. Lord Twining [E.F. Twining], The Last Nine Years in Tanganyika, „African Affairs”, 58(1959), no. 230, pp. 15–24. Mohele A.T., The Ismani Maize Credit Programme, in: Papers on the Political Economy of Tanzania, eds. K.S. Kim, R. Mabele and M.J. Schultheis, Nairobi 1979. Msambichaka L.A and Mabele R., Agricultural Credit and the Development of Ujamaa Villages in Tanzania, „ERB, Paper”, no. 74.10, 1974. Nindi B.Ch., Agricultural Change and Rural Class Formation in Iringa District, Tanzania, Unpublished PhD Thesis: University of Hull, 1978. Scott J.C., Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed, New Haven – London 2008. Suleman Sumra, Problems of Agricultural Production in Ujamaa Villages in Handeni District, in: Papers on the Political Economy of Tanzania, eds. K.S. Kim, R. Mabele and M.J. Schultheis, Nairobi 1979. Taasisi ya Elimu, Wafanyakazi wa Tanzania: Jiografia kwa Darasa la Nne, Kitabu cha Wanafunzi, Wizara ya Elimu ya Taifa, Dar Es Salaam 1983. TANU, The Arusha Declaration, in: J.K. Nyerere, Ujamaa: Essays on Socialism, Oxford 1968. TANU, Siasa ni Kilimo, Dar es Salaam 1972. �90 Maxmillian J. Chuhila Tanganyika Territory, Ordinances Enacted During the Year 1943, Dar es Salaam 1944. The United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar, Tanganyika Five-year Plan for Economic and Social Development, 1st July, 1964–30th June, 1969, vol. 1, General Analysis, 1964. Tosh J., The Cash Crop Revolution in Tropical Africa: An Agricultural Reappraisal, „African Affairs”, 79(1980), no. 314, pp. 79–94, Yusufu Q. Lawi, Tanzania’s Operation Vijiji and Local Ecological Consciousness: The Case of Eastern Iraqwland, 1974–1976, „Journal of African History”, 48(2007), pp. 75–83. Yusufu Q. Lawi, May the Spider Web Blind Witches and Wild Animals: Local Knowledge and the Political Ecology of Natural Resources Use in the Iraqwland, Tanzania, 1900–1985, Unpublished PhD Thesis: Boston University, 2000. �Chapter 3. NAPOLEON SAULOS MLOWE JUSTIN K. URASSA FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL HOUSEHOLD’S LIVELIHOOD OUTCOMES IN HANDENI DISTRICT, TANZANIA ABSTRACT Access to land is central to the livelihoods of many Tanzanians. The study specifically aimed at assessing people’s perception on formalization of customary land rights; determining the contribution of CCRO1 in enabling owners of land to access credit and ownership of CCRO, and a household’s income and asset accumulation. And to identify challenges faced by CCRO holders in accessing credit. The study adopted a cross-sectional research design whereby data were collected from four villages in Handeni District. Multi stage sampling was employed to select 184 household with and without CCRO. Findings show that, having a CCRO has enhanced tenure security, reduced border conflicts and has enhanced ownership of land by vulnerable groups. However, CCRO ownership has not significantly contributed to a household’s livelihood outcomes in terms of income and asset accumulation. Major challenges facing formalization of customary land rights in the study area include existence of land conflicts, lack of capital to investing in agriculture and male dominance on land ownership. The paper recommends more research on better land ownership schemes for improvement of rural livelihoods. NAPOLEON SAULOS MLOWE, JUSTIN K. URASSA – Corresponding Authors Sokoine University of Agriculture, Tanzania. 1 Certificates of Customary Right of Occupancy (CCRO). �92 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa Introduction Land is of utmost importance for socio-economic development in both developed and developing countries. Land includes resources such as arable land, and surface and sub-surface resources. According to Poteete2 “everyone has a relationship to land”. Literature3 shows that the entire life of an average African revolves around land” and that “realistic discussions of poverty alleviation in Africa need to be addressed in the context of land”. The Tanzania National Land Policy and Tanzania’s Development Vision 2025 recognize the critical importance of land for poverty reduction. According to URT4, 70% of land in Tanzania is under customary land ownership and 80% of the population living in rural areas depends on land for their livelihoods. Property rights to land and dwellings in developing nations are, according to de Soto5, notoriously insecure, a fact that has led to impoverishment of the citizens in those nations. Land laws in Tanzania recognize customary rights as having equal legal force and effect as rights acquired through grant or purchase from the state. In practice, customary rights are stronger because they are held and registered in perpetuity whereas statuA.R. Poteete, Analyzing the politics of natural resources: from theories of property rights to institutional analysis and beyond, in: Environmental Social Sciences: Methods and Research Design, eds. I. Vaccaro, E.A. Smith, and S. Aswani, Cambridge 2010, pp. 57–79. 3 J.C. Franco, Making land rights accessible: Social movements and politicallegal innovation in the rural Philippines, „The Journal of Development Studies”, 44(2008), no. 7, pp. 991–1022; S. Razavi, Engendering the political economy of agrarian change, „The Journal of Peasant Studies”, 36(2009), no. 1, pp. 197–226; R.V. Murthy, Political economy of agrarian crisis and subsistence under neoliberalism in India, „The Nehu Journal”, 11(2013), no. 1. 4 URT (United Republic of Tanzania), National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty: Poverty and Human Development Report, URT 2011. 5 H. de Soto, The mystery of capital, New York 2010. 2 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 93 tory rights have a limited term. Nearly 70% of the land area is “village land” and to which the Village Land Act applies. Each village as a legal entity has rights to define its village land area, and the village government is the lawful controller and manager of those lands6 (URT, 1999). This includes the right to set up its own Village Land Register, register collectively owned areas, and issue titles of Customary Rights of Occupancy over house and farm plots. In Tanzania when it comes to village land registration, the government recognizes both formalized customary land rights and informal indigenous land ownership rights7. In 2006, Tanzania initiated a program called Property and Business Formalization Program (PBFP), popularly known in Kiswahili as MKURABITA (Mkakati wa Kurasimisha Rasilimali na Biashara za Wanyonge Tanzania). PBFP Programme carried out a pilot customary land right titling project in Handeni District in 2006 by providing certificates of customary right of occupancy (CCRO) through implementation of the Village Land Act No 5 of 1999. One of the objectives of introducing land reforms in Tanzania was to improve customary tenure system for the rural poor communities. The existing customary system basically operates more effectively when land is relatively abundant and population is low such that people involved in the transactions have regular and direct contact8. High population growth in Sub Saharan Africa, land markets expand and transactions increase between individuals who are not closely related therefore, certainty over the entitlement of 6 URT, National Land Policy (1997). 2nd (ed.). The Ministry of Lands and Human Settlements Development (MLHSD), 1999. 7 URT, National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty: Poverty and Human Development Report 2011. 8 C.B. Kerekes and C.R. Williamson, Propertyless in Peru, even with a government land title, „American Journal of Economics and Sociology”, 69(2010), no. 3, pp. 1011–1033. �94 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa the owner to transfer land rights becomes increasingly relevant9. The government relies on the expectation that documentation of land rights will increase tenure security, access to formal financial institutions for credit, and finally promote investment. Since the introduction of rural land registration under the Village Land Act (VLA) of 1999, there has been a vast mobilization on land registration taking place at a promising rate (for instance in Handeni from 500 CCROs in 2006 to 1 007 CCROs in 2016), land holders together with other land users are expecting to use CCRO as collateral to access credit. Therefore, the current study aimed at exploring the influence of formalizing customary land rights on rural household livelihood outcomes. Rural households generally face a number of hindrances when it comes to accessing credit from formal financial institutions, the major one being the lack secure property rights. Therefore, formalizing land rights has been promoted as a way to enhance credit access, encourage investment, stimulate land markets, and improve livelihoods10. However, there has been little improvement in those aspects; for example, Handeni District council has reported that access to credit through formal financial institutions in rural settings is still low at about 3%11. Formalization of customary land rights (CCRO) and access to credit do not give consistent outcomes; researches carried out in Tanzania, Kenya Ghana and Rwanda showed that, CCRO ownership had no clear impact in improving livelihoods12; On 9 E.C. Fairley, Upholding Customary Land Rights through Formalization? Evidence from Tanzania’s Program of Land Reform, Minneapolis 2013. 10 F.N. Lugoe, Tanzania’s Experience in Land Administration and Land Policy, „The Guardian Series”, 2007. 11 URT, Handeni District Profile, 2013. 12 E.C. Fairley, Upholding Customary Land Rights through Formalization?..., op. cit.; F. Place and S.E. Migot-Adholla, The economic effects of land registration �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 95 the contrary, a study conducted in Latin America, Honduras, Paraguay, and Brazil showed positive impacts on access to credit and improvement of household’s livelihoods13. So it is debatable as to whether formalization of customary land rights can really lead to improved rural livelihood outcomes, through access to credit from the formal financial institutions available in the study area. Hernando de Soto hypothesizes that, government land titling establishes secure property rights and leads to the associated positive benefits. However, literature14 on the effects of land titling finds mixed results. Moreover, the Tanzanian government piloted the PBFP program in the District in 2006, but since then, no study has been done in the area to empirically determine the impact of the CCRO’s on livelihood outcomes of the rural households in the District. The study on which the manuscript is based aimed at gathering some empirical evidence on the impact of CCRO on rural household’s livelihood outcomes in Handeni District. Previous researches15 in the District have dealt with issues of land and rural livelihoods in isolation. Hence, there is so much emphasis on smallholder farms in Kenya: evidence from Nyeri and Kakamega districts, „Land Economics”, 74(1998), no. 3, pp. 360–373; M. Lyons, Pro-poor business law? On MKURABITA and the legal empowerment of Tanzania’s street vendors, „Hague Journal on the Rule of Law”, 5(2013), no. 1, pp. 74–95. 13 C.B. Kerekes and C.R. Williamson, Propertyless in Peru, even with a government land title, „American Journal of Economics and Sociology”, 69(2010), no. 3, pp. 1011–1033. 14 F.N. Lugoe, Tanzania’s Experience in Land Administration..., op. cit.; Baseline survey of female entrepreneurs in Temeke, Kinondoni and Ilala districts of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, Dar es Salaam 2009; M. Lyons, Pro-poor business law?..., op. cit., pp. 74–95. 15 PBFP And The implementation of The Village Land Law – Act No 5 Of 1999, A participation Report of The MKURABITA Pilot Project in Handeni District, TAPHGO (Tanzania Pastoralists, Hunters and Gatherers Organization), 2007; F.N. Lugoe, Tanzania’s Experience in Land Administration and Land Policy, op. cit.. �96 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa of some issues at the expense of others or overlooking of some topics (e.g. more weight on land at the expense of livelihoods). Generally, findings from such kind of works might mislead policy makers leading to erroneous policies and programs. Therefore, the need for a more specific study on formalized customary land rights and rural livelihood outcomes, which needs to be analysed simultaneously. The importance of the study was also based on the fact that land and livelihoods issues remain major concerns of development policy both at the national and international levels. Thus, the manuscript represents a crucial body of reference which will assist the decision makers on appropriate steps to be taken in Handeni District in poverty reduction and land administration and management. Moreover, the study is in line with the National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty (NSGRP) and the former Millennium Development Goals (MDGs); goal number one which was to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger with a target linked to reduce poverty and reduce income inequality16 and also the study is linked to the current Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) especially 1–3 which emphasize poverty eradication17. Results from the study could therefore benefit rural communities, policy makers, development practitioners, researchers, and planners in their endeavor to alleviate rural poverty. Generally, the study aimed at exploring the influence of formalizing customary land rights on rural household livelihood outcomes. Specifically, it determined people’s perception on formalization of customary land rights; assessed the influence of CCRO in enabling owners of land to access credit in formal URT, National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty: Poverty and Human Development Report, 2011. 17 URT, Press release; The United Nations in conjunction with the Government of Tanzania officially launched 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) also known as Global Goals, 2015. 16 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 97 financial institutions; determined how ownership of CCRO has influenced household income and asset accumulation and identified challenges facing land owners in using land as a tool to improve rural livelihood outcomes. Conceptualization of Key Terms What is land? There are controversial statements about the definition of land, as some people confine the term only to the soil, thus separating other components attached to it. This has led to misconceptions about the term. However, Sumberg18 argues that land includes much more than just the physical soil or substance. Studies by Sumberg, Njogu and Dietz19 have pointed out that land encompasses a range of resources the scope and influence of which transcends private property. These lines of thinking correspond to that by UNHABITAT20 which states that ‘land involves a wide range of rights and responsibilities’. Hence, unlike other resources, land consists of a diversity of resources such that to entrust all land rights exclusively to a single individual is difficult. This is particularly true in Africa where different people tend to have different rights over the same piece of land and over different land resources21. In the J. Sumberg [et al.], Young people, agriculture, and employment in rural Africa, 2014. 19 J.G. Njogu and T. Dietz, Land use and tenure: entitlement rights for community-based wildlife and forest conservation in Taita Taveta, Nairobi 2006. 20 D. Antonio, United Nations Human Settlements Programme, and International Institute of Rural Reconstruction, Eds., Handling land: innovative tools for land governance and secure tenure. Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat), 2012. 21 A.R. Poteete, Analyzing the politics of natural resources: from theories of property rights to institutional analysis and beyond, in: Environmental Social Sci18 �98 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa current study the term ‘land’ is defined as: “a physical resource that consists of many attributes of the biosphere that support life, ranging from arable land, landforms, surface and sub-surface hydrology, forest, minerals, pasture, and both human and animal populations”. Land tenure system Like the land concept, also the term land tenure is perceived differently by different authors. According to Maxwell and Wiebe22, land tenure is defined as a system of rights and institutions that govern access to and use of land and other resources. On the other hand, FAO23 defines land tenure on legal grounds, to refer to the bundle of both rights and obligations – the right to own, hold, manage, transfer, or exploit resources and land, but also the obligation not to use these in a way that harms others. Moreover, Münkner24 has argued that, the term land tenure has a very broad meaning and cautions that one should be careful to avoid misconception. To him it includes the social, economic, legal and technical relationships of persons (individuals or groups) to land and to other individuals or groups. It also covers relations concerning family, kinship, labour and access to resources, and is influenced by natural/physical factors as well as man-made rules regarding the man/land relationship. Perhaps, these are kinds of arguments that make Poteete25 and ences: Methods and Research Design, eds. I. Vaccaro, E.A. Smith, and S. Aswani, Cambridge 2010, pp. 57–79. 22 D. Maxwell and K. Wiebe, Land tenure and food security: Exploring dynamic linkages, „Development and Change”, 30(1999), no. 4, pp. 825–849. 23 FAO, Land tenure and rural development, Rome: Food and Agricultural Organization, 2002. 24 H.H. Münkner, Synthesis of Current State and Trends in Land Tenure, Land Policy and Land Law in Africa, Eschborn 1995. 25 A.R. Poteete, Analyzing the politics of natural resources..., op. cit. �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 99 FAO26 consider land tenure as an institution. As it includes roles invented by the society to regulate behaviours on how to utilize land resources. Based on the above definitions, land tenure can generally be defined to include terms and conditions under which land resources are governed and regulated. It constitutes legal or customarily defined bundles of rights and the obligations entrusted to an individual or groups as a whole regarding access to and use of land and other resources. These bundles of rights are defined based on existing social, legal, economic and environmental conditions. Hence, it should be clear from the outset that the rights on land resourcesmay be derived through customary or statutory laws, marriage and inheritance and through power and control. The land tenure system can therefore be classified into three main categories as detailed below. Statutory or formal tenure system Statutory land tenure system is a system whereby the rights to ownership or occupancy of land are defined according to formalized national legal or constitutional process. They are most effective when land values are high and transactions among strangers are frequent27. Informal land tenure This type of land holding is where means of access is vested through unsanctioned occupation, allocation by local leaders, inheritance and purchase from those who own the land28. Here people own land without having acquired it through the customFAO, Land tenure and rural development..., op. cit. F.N. Lugoe, ‘Tanzania’s Experience in Land Administration..., op.cit. 28 Ibidem. 26 27 �100 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa ary or statutory channels; a common situation in developing countries. Customary land tenure Customary land tenure is the mode of holding land rights which exists through historical agreement among people within the community without written laws. These unwritten laws are often based on the experience of the elders and are aimed at defending the interest of the group/clan/tribe/family29. In this system land belongs to the whole community or clan and not to an individual. The clan head is the custodian of the land rights on behalf of the community. Once the rights are granted to an individual they are held in perpetuity as long as the grantee conducts are in a manner satisfactory to the grantor30. Community leaders play a major role when determining allocation, use, transfer and other activities related to land and they do this on behalf of the entire community, the determinant being the need rather through payment for acquisition of land. The distinction often made between statutory and customary land rights is now becoming blurred in a number of countries, particularly in Africa where provision of formal legal customary land right (CCRO) is practised31. Rural livelihood The term livelihood comprises people, their capabilities and means of living, including food, income and assets32. Thus, rural M. Wanyama, L.O. Mose, M. Odendo, J.O. Okuro, G. Owuor, and L. Mohammed, Determinants of income diversification strategies amongst rural households in maize based farming systems of Kenya, „African Journal of Food Science”, 4(2010), no. 12, pp. 754–763. 30 D.A. Atwood, Land registration in Africa: The impact on agricultural production, „World development”, 18(1990), no. 5, pp. 659–671. 31 FAO, Land tenure and rural development..., op. cit. 32 R. Chambers and G. Conway, Sustainable rural livelihoods: practical concepts for the 21st century, Institute of Development Studies (UK), 1992. 29 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 101 livelihoods include different means of gaining a living in rural areas which to a large extent are connected to their capabilities, assets (including both material and social resources) and activities required for a means of living. Livelihood outcomes Livelihood outcomes are the results or outcomes of livelihood strategies. Livelihood outcomes include: increased household food security through improved and productive livestock and crop production, increased household income, increased employment opportunities, enhanced social and human capital, reduced livelihood vulnerability, ensured social inclusion, ensured good governance, increased equal access to information, communication, education and all forms of empowerment in general. Batterbury33 defines livelihood outcomes as the achievement or outputs of livelihood strategies, such as more income, increased well-being, reduced vulnerability, improved food security, and more sustainable use of natural resources. Therefore, the study’s operational definition of livelihood outcomes focuses on household income improvement and accumulation of assets through the use of land as natural resources available under the new scheme of land ownership in the customary land rights. The study’s Conceptual Framework The study’s conceptual framework is a modification of Batterbury34 diagnosis on sustainable livelihood framework (SLF) which assumes that the livelihood of any community comprises capabilities, assets, and activities required for a means of living35. S. Batterbury, Sustainable livelihoods: still being sought, ten years on, 2007. Ibidem. 35 R. Chambers and G. Conway, Sustainable rural livelihoods..., op. cit. 33 34 �102 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa The Sustainable livelihoods framework therefore examines the different elements that contribute to people’s livelihood strategies. It analyses how forces outside the household or community in ‘the external environment’ affect them. The framework looks at the interaction between individuals, their capabilities and the different types of assets or resources they have access to the activities through which they gain their livelihoods36. This study has borrowed some ideas from the Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) to uncover the influence of CCRO on rural livelihood outcomes. Therefore, customary land rights (CCRO) are considered as one of the assets in natural assets of the DFID model. Elements of the DFID were adopted under the following assumptions. Household vulnerability context; households with CCRO as a legal and formal customary land rights document are less vulnerable than households without a CCRO. This is because it is expected that such households are likely to have better livelihood outcomes reflected from their income compared to the households without CCRO. Households with CCRO are expected to access credit in the formal financial institutions, engage more into livelihood activities and ultimately improve their incomes. Improved social, financial and natural capital; households with a CCRO are likely to have more assets as compared to the households without a CCRO. This implies that households with a CCRO have received training on various issues concerning land benefits (improved human capital) including access to credit in financial institutions (financial capital), Land tenure security enhanced through CCRO (improved natural capital) as compared to household without CCRO. The role of PBFP project to issue CCRO is assumed to be the transforming structures and processes. This is because the general R. Smyth, Exploring the usefulness of a conceptual framework as a research tool: a researcher’s reflections, „Issues in educational research”, 14(2004), no. 2, p. 167. 36 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 103 objective of PBFP pilot project is to secure rural land as a livelihood resource to improve the concerned household livelihood activities and ultimately improve their livelihood outcomes. METHODOLOGY Description of the Study Area Description of Handeni District The study was conducted in Handeni District where the customary land titling pilot programme was implemented in 2006. Seven (7) villages of Mzeri, Sindeni, Kweisasu, Bongi, Nkale, Mbuyuni, and Kwamkono were involved with a total population of 19 73737. Handeni District Council covers an area of 7,080 km2 and occupies the south-western part of Tanga Region. The district is administratively divided into 7 divisions, 19 ward and 112 registered villages and it lies between 4.9° – 6.0°S and 36.8° – 38.5°E and an altitude of between 600 and 1000 metres above sea level, the district has an average temperature of 28.8°C. The district experiences two rainy seasons per year (bi – modal). Short rains fall between October – December and the long rains between March and May. Average annual rainfall is between 500–1000mm38. The reason for selecting Handeni Districts for the study rests on the fact that it was among the two pioneer districts (Mbozi and Handeni) to be involved in the pilot project of the National Property and Business Formalization Programme (populary known as MKURABITA (Mkakati wa Kurasimisha Rasimali na Biashara za PBFP And The implementation of The Village Land Law – Act No 5 Of 1999, A participation Report of The MKURABITA Pilot Project in Handeni District, TAPHGO (Tanzania Pastoralists, Hunters and Gatherers Organization), 2007. 38 URT, Handeni District Profile, 2013. 37 �104 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa wanyonge Tanzania) in Swahili. The above is not true for the other districts of Tanzania, though some districts have started to practice formalization of customary land rights by providing Certificate of Customary Right of Occupancy. Likewise, even other districts that are endowed with land in customary land tenure system do not have such a great number of CCRO as those provided in Handeni District 1 007, Mbozi has about 300, Mbarali 250 CCROs and the rest of districts has less than 100 CCROs issued so far39. These conditions motivated a study which looks at the interdependence of formalization of customary land rights and rural livelihoods outcomes. Research Design The study adopted a cross-sectional research design whereby data were collected at one point in time. According to Onwuegbuzie and Leech40, the cross-sectional research design is also cost effective. Therefore, the choice of this design was based on the ability to allow data collection that meets the study’s objectives within the duration of the study and available financial resources. In addition, a mixed-methods approach was chosen for gathering, analysing, interpreting and validating results. A mixed method research refers to a type of research, which combines elements of quantitative and qualitative research approaches for the broad purposes of breadth and depth of understanding and triangulation of information. Thus, instead of relying on just one method such as quantitative or qualitative methods, both approaches were employed to gather, cross-check, analyse and interpret data. By 39 A. Hart [et al.], Participatory Land Use Planning to Support Tanzanian Farmer and Pastoralist Investment: Experiences from Mbarali District, Mbeya Region, Dar es Salaam 2014. 40 A.J. Onwuegbuzie and N.L. Leech, On becoming a pragmatic researcher: The importance of combining quantitative and qualitative research methodologies, „International journal of social research methodology”, 8(2005), no. 5, pp. 375–387. �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 105 combining the strength of each method the research and its subsequent results are generally improved. Study Population The target population of this study was all households with CCRO granted through the PBFP pilot project in Handeni District and individuals without CCRO in the study villages. The strategy of having respondents with and without CCRO was adopted to capture the impact of CCRO on rural livelihood outcomes. Sindeni WEO, VEOs in the four villages, District land Officer, village land committee members (8; 2 from each village) and Extension Officers (8:2 from each village) were included in the study as key informants during In-depth Interviews to enrich information collected through household survey questionnaires. Moreover, representatives from formal financial institutions (FINCA, BRAC, Vision Fund, CRDB, PSPF and NMB) were also included as key informants in the study population, making a total of 32 key informants interviewed in the study area. The study’s unit of analysis is the household. Sample Size and Sampling Technique The sampling unit was a household since the benefits and ownership of CCRO are shared within the household. The study employed a multi-stage sampling technique. From the main sampling frame of 19 737 households the sample size of 188 households has been obtained (details in Appendix 4). Then sampling fraction was computed and sub-samples compiled per village. Among seven villages involved in the project, four villages were randomly selected as the community is relatively homogeneous, followed by stratified proportional random sampling across household with and without CCRO sub-samples. Based on the formula as pointed above 188 respondents were to be surveyed and interviewed for the study but only 184 re- �106 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa spondents were interviewed because it was difficult to meet all the respondents as it was farming time for most of the household members. According to Baker41, the sample size should range from 30 to 60 respondents with 30 respondents being the minimum number of respondents. Nevertheless, the sample size of 184 respondents is satisfactory to run rigorous statistical analysis. Stratified random sampling was used to select participants for the focus group discussions (FGDs) across socio-demographic groups. Then participants were organized in groups of eight to twelve participants, however these respondents were not included in the individual interviews; and a sum total of four (4) FGDs one from each village were conducted. Data Collection Methods and Tools Nature and type of data Both qualitative and quantitative data were collected. The Sustainable Livelihood Framework (SLF) by DFID (1999) was useful in determining the nature and types of data to be collected. Different livelihood resources which are found in rural settings together with livelihood strategies were identified. These are natural resources, physical capital, economic capital and social capital. However, more weight was given to livelihood strategies that mostly depend on land as many people (66%) still rely on agriculture42. Thus, data on crop cultivation and livestock keeping activities were gathered. Attention was also given to finan41 S.E. Baker, R. Edwards and M. Doidge, How many qualitative interviews is enough?: Expert voices and early career reflections on sampling and cases in qualitative research, 2012. 42 URT, 2012 Population and Housing Census: Population Distribution by Administrative Areas. National Bureau of Statistics, Office of Chief Government Statistician, 2012. �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 107 cial capital, physical capital and human capital components of livelihood resources. In respect to financial capital, data related to income, savings and credit cooperation societies, village community banks, financial institutions, remittance and pensions were gathered. Data on household annual income and asset value were collected as estimated figures from the respondents. However, social capital information was not collected due to limited time. Likewise, off-farm income generating activities such as petty trading, handcraft activities and the like were included. Regarding natural capital, weight was given to land ownership and its associated tenure security. Data collection methods Primary data were collected using a household survey questionnaire (Appendix I) with open and close-ended questions in order to collect a wide range of information. The primary data focused on households’ ownership of land with or without CCRO and rural community livelihood outcomes. In addition, FGDs and In-depth Interviews with key Informants were used to compliment information on rural livelihood outcomes in terms of challenges facing CCRO owners in improving their livelihood. The FGDs and In-depth Interviews were guided by an FGD guide (Appendix II) and In-depth interview guide Appendix III. Four FGDs were conducted, one for each village in the study area. Data Analysis Data analysis was mainly done using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) Program. After data cleaning the data was analysed. Multiple linear regression analysis model and Independent sample t-test were employed to capture information on objective three of the study about the influence of CCRO on livelihood outcomes (household income) against the selected predictor �108 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa variables between household with and without CCRO (Table 1). Multiple linear regression was used in the study because the dependent variable household income is a continuous variable and it was regressed against eight independent variables. Therefore, based on the R2 of 0.410, this means that the independent variables entered in the model explained 41% of the variance in the dependent variable. Descriptive statistical analysis was employed to determine means, frequencies, and percentages on selected household’s characteristics. Reliability of the results obtained from the qualitative data was checked by triangulation methods; whereby, the same issue is checked or supplemented through different ways to ensure authenticity. In addition to the above model, Independentsample t-test was used to compare estimated value of assets based on the current prices owned between the two groups (household with and without CCRO) independently. For objective one data were analysed using Likert Scale while objective (ii) data were analysed using descriptive statistics by establishing percentages and frequencies. Ethical Considerations Respondents were entitled to privacy and confidentiality both on ethical consideration and protection of their personal data. In addition, respondent’s participation in the study was voluntary. The research details were properly and clearly communicated to each respondent before the interviews. Participants were informed of their rights, assured of confidentiality and that their identity would be kept anonymous throughout the interview and study results unless well communicated and agreed upon between the researcher and the respondent. Researcher entry to the District followed administrative procedure set forth by the government and by Sokoine University of Agriculture. Pre-arrangement was made through the District Administrative Secretary’s (DAS) office, �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 109 District Executive Director, Ward Executive Officer (WEOs), Village Executive Offices (VEOs) in the respective study areas. Hence, the risk associated with improper entry and safety matters to the researcher and respondents were adhered to. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Socio-demographic Characteristics of Respondents and Land Ownership Household head’s age and land ownership Study findings as presented in Table 1 show that the majority (86%) and (84%) of the household heads with and without CCRO group belong to the age group of 18–60 years respectively and a few (14%) and (16%) in both groups were above 60 years of age and the overall mean age of 44.6. The results suggest that the majority of the household heads were in the active and productive age group. According to URT43, about half (49%) of the Tanzania population in the economically productive age range (15–64), a substantial burden is placed on these people to support older and younger members of the population. Cross tabulation results of household head’s age groups with average land size show that more than a half (51%) and (62%) of land belongs to those above 60 years for both household heads with and without CCRO respectively. This is because customary land acquisition is mainly based on inheritance and therefore the active age inherits land from their parents who are fewer generally but yet they still own big chunks of land as compared to the younger ones (i.e. those below 60 years). Moreover, results suggest that since the aged own big chunks of land, this could be among the 43 Ibidem. �110 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa other reasons why most of the land in the rural areas of Handeni are not developed or are underutilized resulting into poor improvement of the rural livelihood outcomes. Similar observations were reported by ILC44 in Mbozi Tanzania that the majority of land owned by those aged 60 years and above were underdeveloped. This observation was supported during the FGDs whereby a concern was raised about elders owning large pieces of land which is also not fully utilized as quoted below; “These elders own big chunks of land; however, they don’t use it as whole and they don’t allow us to use their land for crop production instead they want to sell it to people outside the village or from town” (A 32 years old male FGDs participant Kweisasu village, 08/03/2016). Table 1: Household head’s socio-demographic characteristics and land ownership Households heads owning land with CCRO (n=92) Characteristic Categories Frequency Average land size owned (acres) Frequency Average land size owned(acres) Household head’s age (years) 18–35 36–60 >60 12(13) 67(73) 13(14) 14.9 10.4 69.5 9(10) 68(74) 15(16) 12.4 11.2 60.3 Household head’s sex Male Female 74 (80) 18(20) 18 18 71(77) 21(23) 23 3.7 Married Divorced Single Widow 57(62) 8(8.6) 12(13) 15(16.4) 21.8 5.2 33.4 6.1 68(74) 4(4.3) 12(13) 8(8.7) 22 4.6 20.1 3.5 Household size 1–4 5–8 >8 22(23.9) 44(47.8) 26(28.3) 19.1 13.9 28.4 22(23.9) 49(53.3) 21(22.8) 25.5 14 25.6 Household head’s education level No formal Primary Secondary College 18(19.6) 70(76.1) 3(3.3) 1(1.1) 26.8 18.3 3.5 4 20(21.7) 58(63) 14(15.3) — 18.8 21.4 8.5 — Household head’s marital status NB: Numbers in the brackets indicate percentage A. Hart [et al.], Participatory Land Use Planning to Support Tanzanian Farmer and Pastoralist Investment: Experiences from Mbarali District, Mbeya Region, op. cit. 44 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 111 Household head’s sex and land ownership status The study findings show that male headed households (MHH) were the majority (87%) and (77%) with and without CCRO respectively as compared to females headed households (FHH) (20%) and (23%) as shown in Table 1. According to URT45, in the year 2011/12 FHH in Tanzania represented 22% of all households. Generally, women who head households tend to be widowed, divorced or separated. A similar observation was made by Songoro46 in a study on west Usambara about land, forests and livelihood in Tanzania whereby a total 254 household heads were randomly sampled for investigation whereby about 80 % households were headed by men, and 20% by women. In addition, Paaga47 in the study about customary land rights in Ghana observed that more than two third (68%) of the household heads owning land were males. Results from cross tabulation of a household head’s sex and land ownership status in terms of CCRO ownership show that most (96%) and (78%) of land in households with and without CCRO respectively was owned by MHHs as compared to FHHs (14%) and (22%) respectively. Results further show that generally over three quarters (80%) of land was owned by MHHs while only 20% of land is owned by FHHs. Similar results were observed by EFG48 URT, 2012 Population and Housing Census: Population Distribution by Administrative Areas. National Bureau of Statistics, Office of Chief Government Statistician, 2012. 46 A.E. Songoro, Land scarcity, rural livelihoods and forest management in West Usambara, Dissertation: Giessen University 2014. 47 D.T. Paaga and G. Dandeebo, Customary land tenure and its implications for land disputes in Ghana: Cases from Wa, Wechau and Lambussie, „International Journal of Humanities and Social Science”, 3(2014), no. 18, pp. 263–270. 48 Baseline survey of female entrepreneurs in Temeke, Kinondoni and Ilala districts of Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, Dar es Salaam, 2009. 45 �112 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa that land ownership by women in households was a problem, of all female respondents only 9.2% of respondents owned land individually and 10% owned land jointly with their spouses and or other household members. It was clear that ownership of land by women, either individually or jointly, was low49. The above results suggest that FHHs were adversely affected in terms of control to land, hence, most of them continue to remain in the poverty vicious cycle trap with poor livelihood outcomes. On the other hand, women in the households headed by males may not necessarily be poor but their face a similar challenge with FHHs when it comes to control over land50. Results from the study suggest that although formalization of customary land rights promotes land ownership to vulnerable groups, the challenge of control over land still holds. Generally, males inherit land from their parents based on the patriarchal system practiced in most African countries, including Tanzania. Land is simply divided between male heirs who enjoy full rights on such lands and who may then dispose of it to any one at any time. Land in most of the households is said to be owned by members of the household or jointly owned by married couples based on verbal terms and in case of marriage break up or divorce most women lose access and control over the land, this observation coincides with what had been observed by Navrotzki51 in the a study about rural livelihood and access to natural capital in Madagascar. During the FGDs a concern was raised about male dominance in land ownership as shown below; Ibidem. D.T. Paaga and G. Dandeebo, Customary land tenure and its implications..., op. cit. 51 R.J. Nawrotzki, L.M. Hunter, and T.W. Dickinson, Rural livelihoods and access to natural capital: Differences between migrants and non-migrants in Madagascar, „Demographic research”, 26(2012). 49 50 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 113 “Generally land is owned and shared between husband and wife when love is sweet, but when love turns bitter and the woman gets divorced, land remains in the hands of the greedy men. I am now happy after my name was included on the land certificate (referring to the CCRO). I hope that whatever happens I will still own the land together with my ex-husband”. (A 54 years old female FGDs participant at Mbuyuni village 05/03/2016). CCRO provides a formal and legal binding agreement between household members in terms of land ownership. The PBFP pilot project through CCRO has promoted gender mainstreaming on matters pertaining to land ownership across gender categories in the study villages. Table 2 shows a picture of participatory mapping of gendered rural livelihood resources ownership and decision making regarding use of such resources at Kweisasu village only in Handeni District52. Table 2 analysis for one village only (Kweisasu) shows that men own and decide on the use of houses, farms, radio, bicycle, cattle and the farm harvest while women own only chickens. Again, men decide on the use of all such livelihood assets they own, only labour seems to be shared equally across gender categories53. Land ownership under CCRO scheme provides an avenue for women to formally own land and ultimately own what is upon that land; house, crops and animal grazing areas. This implies that most of the household socio-economic resources are controlled by males. Therefore, use of such resources depends on males priorities of which in most cases marginalize the needs of the women and other vulnerable groups in the household thus adversely affecting women’s well-being. URT, Handeni District Profile, 2013. URT, National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty: Poverty and Human Development Report, 2011. 52 53 �114 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa Table 2: A gendered analysis of livelihood assets ownership and power for decision making to use such assets Livelihood asset Who Owns Male Female Male House V V V V Land V V V V Farm V V V V Cows V V V V Goats V V V V V V V Chicken Female Male Who decides on use V Female V Bicycle V V V V Radio V V V V 8(88) 8(50) 8(50) Total scores 1(12.5) 7(87.5) 1(12) NB: Numbers in the brackets indicate percent Source: Data from village file (Opportunities and Obstacles to development Programme (O&OD) at Kweisasu village, 2012. Household head’s marital status and land ownership The study findings in Table 1 show that more than a half (62%) and (74%) households’ heads with and without CCRO respectively were married couples while only (38%) and (26%) were not married (divorced, single, widows, widower). According to URT54, in Tanzania Mainland, the percentage of adults who are married or living together has declined from about 60% in 2007 to about 57% in 2011/12. Results of the study indicate a low number of separations which suggest that the majority of families are intact across all the four villages in the study area. Findings on the comparison of land ownership reveal that married couples own the largest part of URT, 2012 Population and Housing Census: Population Distribution by Administrative Areas. National Bureau of Statistics, Office of Chief Government Statistician, 2012. 54 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 115 the land (70%) and (84%) of households with and without CCRO. These findings suggest that the majority of the respondents were married couples and they are at the productive age, hence the need to inherit land from the grandparents. Since all the households had an equal chance in the pilot project to acquire CCRO then, study results suggest that the majority of the village population consists of married couples as compared to other marital status groups. Similar results were observed by Foukona55 in the legal aspects of customary land Administration in Solomon Islands, whereby 71% of respondents were married couples among which 64% and 45% of the households had CCRO and without CCRO respectively. Again literature56 found that during marriage separation or death of a husband, land that is jointly owned by both married couples using CCRO provides legal opportunity for women to have access and control over the land for their well-being. The results of this study together with other authors observation emphasize the importance of CCRO towards women and other vulnerable groups well-being with regard to access and control over land. Household head’s education level and land ownership Results in Table 1 show that majority (80.4%) and (78.3%) of all household heads with and without a CCRO had formal education (primary, secondary and college) while a few (19.6%) and (21.7%) respectively had no formal education. Moreover, results show that a large part of land (72%) and (63%) was owned by the household’s heads with primary education for both categories. This result suggests that literacy level in the study area is higher as compared to the National literacy level of 65.9 in rural J.D. Foukona, Legal aspects of customary land administration in Solomon Islands, „Journal of South Pacific Law”, 11(2007), no. 1, pp. 64–72. 56 Ibidem; F.N. Lugoe, Tanzania’s Experience in Land Administration..., op. cit.; D.T. Paaga and G. Dandeebo, Customary land tenure and its implications..., op. cit. 55 �116 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa areas in 201057. Generally, literacy is believed to be an important aspect in livelihood strategies, activities and its associated outcomes. Knowledge associated with primary education level has been observed to promote wise use of natural resources and its associated property rights of which land is of utmost importance livelihood resource. The results further suggest that the majority of the population in the study area have accessed formal education. The slight difference in ownership of CCRO among formal education household heads is due to PBFP pilot project procedure in provision of CCRO which provided an equal chance to all household’s heads to acquire CCRO. According to Jeannette et al.58, a household head’s education level is one of the important demographic characteristics which influences the choice and good performance of a livelihood activity. Literate households are expected to easily access financial capital in the form of rural credit. Again literate households are expected to easily adopt new innovations and therefore, increasing probability of improving their livelihood outcomes as compared to their non-formal educated household heads. Household size and land ownership Results presented in Table 1 show that about half (48.8%) and (53.3%) of all the household heads with and without CCRO interviewed had 5-8 household members (medium household size) while the rest 52.2% and 46.7% had 1 to 4 and more than 8 household members. The results also revealed that population in the study area had an average household size of 6 members per URT, National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty: Poverty and Human Development Report, 2011. 58 V. Jeannette, A. Notenbaert, S. Moyo, and M. Herrero, Household livelihood strategies and livestock benefits dependence in Gaza province of Mozambique, „African Journal of Agricultural Research”, 6(2011), no. 3, pp. 560–572. 57 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 117 household. Similar results have been observed by Songoro59 in a study about Usambara forest and livelihood outcomes whereby out of 254 study respondents (67%) had average household size of 6 and above with average household size being 7. The study results suggest that households in the study area had higher household size as compared to average household size of 5 members of the Tanga Region and 5.3 household members of the rural Tanzania60. These results imply land ownership is not directly related to household size but household size is an important household economic characteristic. This is based on the fact that the larger the household size the higher the need for more resources especially land and possibly improved technologies to allow intensification of agriculture production as an important livelihood resource. In addition to the above, results show that there is a slight difference in the number of respondents owning land with CCRO across household size categories; low (1-4), medium (5-8) and high (9 and above) own land around one third to each category, i.e.24%, 34%, 42% with CCRO respectively. A sSimilar observation was revealed in the household heads without CCRO that household size categories: low (1-4), medium (5-8), high (9 and above) own land about one third to each category (31%), (39%) and (30%) respectively. The study result suggests that household size has little influence on land ownership but it is an important demographic characteristic for assessment of household livelihood strategies, activities and outcomes61. 59 A.E. Songoro, Land scarcity, rural livelihoods and forest management in West Usambara, op. cit. 60 URT, 2012 Population and Housing Census: Population Distribution by Administrative Areas. National Bureau of Statistics, Office of Chief Government Statistician, 2012. 61 S. Batterbury, Sustainable livelihoods..., op. cit. �118 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa Household Socio-economic Characteristics and Land Ownership Household occupation and land ownership In the study villages main occupations observed were crop production, livestock keeping, businesses, government employment, bodaboda operators as shown in the Table 3. The majority (73% and 67.9%) of the household heads with and without CCRO respectively engaged in crop production. Considering livestock keeping and crop production together as agriculture, this made the majority’s main occupation to be agriculture in the households with and without CCRO. The rest of the respondents engage in business and other types of occupation such as formal employment and petty businesses as their source of income. According to URT62, more than two thirds (66%) of the rural Tanzanians depend on agriculture as the main employer and source of income. The study result indicates that agriculture is the main rural employer for the majority of the population in the study area and source of income for their livelihood. Moreover, the relationship between household head’s occupation and land ownership are as shown in Table 4, the majority of household heads with (70.1%) and without (65.5%) CCRO respectively own land under crop production and livestock keeping. The results suggest that a large part of land is owned by households engaging in agricultural related activities. In addition, the PBFP pilot project mainly aimed at providing CCRO to farms rather than land for other uses such as settlement. A similar observation was made by Mwangi63 in the study about URT, 2012 Population and Housing Census: Population Distribution by Administrative Areas. National Bureau of Statistics, Office of Chief Government Statistician, 2012. 63 L.H. Mwangi, Processes of Large-Scale Land Acquisition by Investors: Case Studies from sub-Saharan Africa, Sussex 2011. 62 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 119 process of land acquisition by large scale farmers in Sub-Saharan Africa, whereby it was revealed that over three quarter (76%) of land in Sub-Saharan Africa is owned by households engaging in agricultural activities. Table 3: CCRO ownership and socio-economic characteristics of respondents (n=184) Characteristic Occupations Business and other occupations of HH Without CCRO With CCRO 5(5.4) 2(2.2) 2 (2.2) 0 (0) 7(3.9) 2(1.2) Without CCRO With CCRO 3(3.2) 3(3.2) — — 3(2) 3(2) Crop production and Without CCRO livestock keeping With CCRO 16(17.4) 16(17.4) 4 (4.4) 3 (3.2) 20(10.9) 19(10.9) Crop production Without CCRO With CCRO 60(65.2) 65(70.7) 2(2.2) 3 (3.2) 62(67.9) 68(73) Female Without CCRO With CCRO 18(19.5) 12(13) 3(3.2) — 21(22.8) 12(13) Male With CCRO Without CCRO 84(91.3) 56(60.8) 3(3.2) 8 (8.6) 87(94) 64(69) Livestock keeping Sex of HH Access to credit Land ownership No (n=92) Yes (n=92) NB: Numbers in the brackets indicate percentage Respondent’s Perception on CCRO and Community Livelihood Outcomes Respondent’s perception on land ownership and CCRO issues were determined by computing mean and percentages of respondent’s perception on selected characteristics shown in Table 4 using a five summative Likert scale analysis. Overall results show that both groups (household heads with and without CCRO) recognize the importance of CCRO in their livelihood. Specifically, more than a half (61%) had a positive perception on the role of CCRO in improving tenure security, decreasing land conflicts, enhancing vulnerable groups, land ownership, promoting awareness on �120 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa land administration and enhancing community’s participation in decision making regarding land. A minority (15%) had a negative perception on CCRO; they thought that CCRO could enable them to access credit, an aspect which was not realized since inception of CCRO in the study area. In addition, the other 24% of the respondents had a neutral perception on CCRO which suggests that other community members with and without CCRO lack awareness on the potential values of CCRO on their livelihood. These results suggest that formalization of customary land rights does not always result into positive economic benefits in the modern market as postulated by de Soto but it depends on the environment and the actors involved. Again, literature64 studies done in Tanzania, Peru, Kenya and Ghana respectively show mixed results on the de Soto argumentation. These imply that environment and actors involved differ and ultimately outcomes of such land formalization differ and therefore the need for creating enabling environment for de Soto’s argumentation to work in the study area. Households’ perception on CCRO and access to financial services The majority (93.5%) and (83%) of household heads with and without CCRO respectively, strongly disagree that CCRO promote economic investment through more access to financial services. In addition, the existing land conflicts deter financial institutions to offer loans in rural areas using land as collateral. The slight dif64 O.M.L. Kosyando, Mkurabita and the Implementation of the Village Land Law-Act No 5 of 1999, TAPHGO, Arusha, Tanzania, http://www. tnrf. org/files/e info_taphgo_report_on_mkurabita_Handeni_land_registration_0. Pdf, 2007; C.B. Kerekes and C.R. Williamson, Propertyless in Peru, even with a government land title, op. cit., pp. 1011–1033, 2010; D.T. Paaga and G. Dandeebo, Customary land tenure and its implications for land disputes in Ghana..., op. cit., pp. 263–270. �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 121 ference between the two groups was based on the fact that both groups had not accessed financial services using land as collateral despite other households having CCRO. On the other hand, a minority (6.5%) and (17.4%) of those with and without a CCRO agreed thatownership of CCRO promoted economic investment since they accessed credit from the formal financial institutions. This observation is contrary to what was expected from the PBFP program which believed that formalization of customary land rights could enable land owners to access credit and promote economic investment. According to a study done in Ghana by Paaga65, it was shown that ownership of a CCRO promoted access to credit whereby more than a third (38%) of the households with a CCRO accessed credit in formal financial institutions. Table 4: Surveyed household’s perception on CCRO impact to rural livelihood outcomes (n=92) Statement HH owning land with a CCRO SD CCRO promoted access to financial services Yes No 76(83) 86(93.5) CCRO decreased land conflicts Yes No 0(0) 3(3) CCRO maintained traditional land tenure Yes No CCRO ownership promoted Yes land tenure security No D 4(4) 0(0) 13(14) 15(16) 56 (61) 6(6.5) 10(10.9) 70(76.6) 8(9) 3(3) 10(11) 11(22) Yes No 6(6.5) 0(0) 4(4) 0(0) CCRO enhanced community Yes awareness on land No 0(0) 0(0) 5(5.4) 26(28.3 9(10) 12(13) 2(2) 0(0) Ibidem. 2(2) 0(0) 4(4.3) 1(1.2) 76 (83) 81 (88) 4(4) 0(0) 8(9) 62(67.5) 12(13) 12(13) 80 (87) 0(0) 0(0) 66(71.7) 6(6.5) 81 (88) NB: Number in brackets indicate percent. SD-strongly disagree, D-disagree, N-neutral, A-agree, SA-strongly agree. 65 SA 0(0) 0(0) 5(5.4) 76(82.6) 0(0) 75(81.5) 0(0) 6(6.5) A 12(13) 0(0) 0(0) 0(0) CCRO enabled vulnerable groups to own land N 0(0) 0(0) �122 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa Community perception on CCRO and land conflicts Results of this study as indicated in Table 6. show that the majority (76.6%) and (61%) of respondents with and without CCRO thought issuing of CCRO could decrease land conflicts in the study area. However, a few (14%) and (6.5%) from the above groups respectively argued that land conflicts still exist in the study area despite issuing of the same. The study result suggests that in general terms CCRO has positively contributed to minimizing land conflicts but not their eradication. The low percentage of respondents reporting existence of land conflicts despite introduction of CCRO pinpointed that among other reasons which cause land conflicts in the villages is the government’s failure to properly administer land laws and bylaws. This was emphasized by one of the male pastoralist participant during one of the FGDs as pointed in the quote below; “Village Land Use Plan (VLUP) and CCRO are good for our livelihoods. However, effectiveness will depend on whether VLUP bylaws and CCRO will be respected by all stakeholders; village leaders, district leaders, regional, national and all village dwellers; both farmers and livestock keepers”. A male FGDs participant at Bongi village, 10/03/2016). The observation from the study suggests that land conflicts exist in Handeni and Tanzania in particular. Conflicts over land in many parts of Tanzania are to a large extent not related to land scarcity or even ethnicity and political pressures as commonly reported in other countries such as Kenya, Somalia and Rwanda66. Instead, land conflicts in Tanzania arise from what is 66 J.K. Nyerere, Freedom and a new world economic order, op. cit.; R.R. Simiyu, Militianisation of resource conflicts: the case of land-based conflict in the Mount Elgon region of western Kenya, Pretoria 2008, p. 80 (Institute for Security Studies Monographs, no. 152); C. Médard, ‘Indigenous’ land claims in Kenya: A case-study of Chebyuk, Mount Elgon district, Kenya 2010; M. Mghanga, Usipoziba ufa utajenga ukuta: land, elections, and conflicts in Kenya’s Coast Province, Nairobi 2010. �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 123 called by FAO67 overriding interest; failure by government and developing investors to take into account the needs of local people (i.e. ignoring collective and customary rights over land of local people); lack of adhering to procedures as stipulated in land laws; corruptive behaviours and mismanagement by the government. These factors are compounded by ineffective land use planning that fails to accommodate different land users, inefficiency in land administration as manifested in inadequate capacity to plan, compensate, map and issuance of land to different users. Also increase in human activities due to population increase that outstrip the government’s capacity to render land services a situation contributing into land conflicts. Similar challenges are facing the community in the study area with regard to land conflicts, a situation which adversely affects rural livelihood outcomes, since households will incur costs in terms of time and finances in conflict resolutions. PBFP was formulated to curb this problem in rural community to empower them with CCRO as a tool to minimize such problems. Households’ perception on CCRO and traditional land tenure The study findings (Table 4) show that the majority (88%) and (83%) of respondents with and without CCRO thought that CCRO land tenure system does not maintain traditional land tenure system. The respondents pinpointed one main reason for the above argument that traditional land tenure maintains land to the clan lineage but CCRO promotes individualization on land ownership. On the other side, a few (11%) and (22%) of the above respondents respectively thought that CCRO could maintain traditional land tenure system by protecting land ownership under clanship rather 67 FAO, Land tenure and rural development, Rome 2002. �124 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa than individualization. These results suggest that formalization of customary land rights promotes individualized ownership of land rather than by the clan as in the case of traditional land system. The same perception was observed by other scholars and experts in Tanzania who challenge formalization of customary land rights for example68. The above have challenged the government’s formalization of customary land rights, despite the argument that such changes are in favour of the interests of rural poor Tanzanians. The duo maintain that amendments in the land laws will compromise the welfare of many citizens in the near future by leaving many landless69. Similarly, although the formalization program (PBFP) sounds good in terms of poverty reduction, a close examination leaves a lot of doubt as to whether it would bear benefits to the poor. Some scholars70 have also argued that “amendments, especially those made in the land acts, were largely backed by the World Bank which to a large extent favours liberalization policies on land and a class of commercial farmers”71. The IMF/ World Bank’s agenda on land since 1980s has been to replace customary systems with private land tenure system72. According 68 W. Olenasha, Reforming land tenure in Tanzania: for whose benefit, A study prepared for Hakiardhi, Dar es Salaam, www. hakiardhi. or. Tz, 2005; P.K. Olengurumwa, 1990’s Tanzania Land Laws Reforms and its Impact on the Pastoral Land Tenure, presented at the Pastoral Week, Arusha, 2010. 69 W. Olenasha, Reforming land tenure in Tanzania..., op. cit. 70 R.R. Simiyu, Militianisation of resource conflicts: the case of land-based conflict in the Mount Elgon region of western Kenya, op. cit., p. 80; M. Mghanga, Usipoziba ufa utajenga ukuta: land, elections, and conflicts in Kenya’s Coast Province, op. cit.; L.H. Mwangi, Processes of Large-Scale Land Acquisition by Investors..., op. cit. 71 Ibidem. 72 P.K. Olengurumwa, 1990’s Tanzania Land Laws Reforms and its Impact on the Pastoral Land Tenure’, presented at the Pastoral Week, op. cit.; P. Peters, Challenges in land tenure and land reform in Africa: An anthropological perspective, Cambridge: Harvard University 2007. �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 125 to the study results, people’s perception on the CCRO land tenure system is that it destroys traditional land tenure. This concern was also raised during key informant interviews as shown in the quote below that; “Formalization of customary land rights promotes more individualization of land rights and makes it easier to sell land rights to other individuals as compared to the former traditional land tenure system. CCRO has now promoted many individuals from outside the villages and even districts to acquire large tracts of village land. This may lead into some poor rural households to lose their land and remain poor of the poorest landless people” (a female Key informant (land officer) Handeni District Office, 16/03/2016). Surveyed households’ perception towards the socio-economic role of CCRO Apart from understanding the general perception of people on land issues it was also necessary to understand their perception towards the role of CCRO economically in terms of impact on their livelihood. In this regard, mixed results (Table 5) were observed. A considerable number of respondents (85.3%) saw the indirect role of CCRO economically through enhancement of tenure security which supports investment in agricultural activities. Study findings in Table 6 show that the majority (71.7%) and (88%) of households who own land with and without CCRO respectively agree that CCRO promotes land tenure security. On the other hand, a few respondents (5.4%) and (28.3%) with and without CCRO respectively do not see the importance of CCRO in tenure security. The above findings suggest that the CCRO tenure security is important, however, it is not enough to convince everyone to see the importance of CCRO on rural livelihood outcomes. Hence, both tenure security benefits and the direct CCRO use value should go hand-in-hand. Similar observation has been made by �126 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa other authors’73 studies done in Tanzania; and Migot-Adhola74, 2012 in Kenya have revealed that households with CCRO who accessed financial services using land as collateral have positively influenced others to inquire CCRO for their land. This indicates that households owning land without CCRO have been positively motivated to obtain CCRO because of its use value. Table 5: Likert scale analysis summary on overall surveyed household’s perception on CCRO and rural livelihood outcomes (n=184) Range Percentage Positive Perception 21–30 61 Neutral 11–20 24 Negative 0–10 15 Contribution of CCRO to the Surveyed Households’ Livelihood Outcomes This section examines in detail the surveyed households’ livelihood outcomes using a multiple regression model and independent sample t-test. The models are based on the hypothesis that some household characteristics such as: sex, age, marital status, occupation, land size owned, ownership of CCRO, household size and household head’s education level may have influenced household livelihood outcomes. A sum total of eight independent variables were used which are: sex, age, marital status, occupation, farm size owned, ownership of a CCRO, household size and household head’s education. All the above mentioned independent variables were included in the models to determine their contribution to F.N. Lugoe, Tanzania’s Experience in Land Administration..., op. cit; W. Olenasha, Reforming land tenure in Tanzania..., op. cit. 74 F. Place and S.E. Migot-Adholla, The economic effects of land registration on smallholder farms..., op. cit. 73 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 127 the household livelihood outcomes especially household income and accumulation of assets. In addressing the above, a multiple linear regression model was used. Before running the model, the dependent variable (household income) and independent variables recorded at the ratio level (farm size cultivated, household size, and age of the household head in years) were checked for normality by computing their distribution curves and checking the curves visually to find whether they were skewed or not. The variables: household income, farm size cultivated were found to be skewed; hence they were transformed using base-10 Logarithm to normal distributions. The transformed variables were used in the regression model together with the other variables which were not transformed because they already had normal distributions. Multi-collinearity was checked by computing variance inflation factors (VIFs) and tolerances of the explanatory variables. Multi-collinearity is an undesirable situation which exists when some pairs of variables are so closely related that if both such variables are included in the regression equation, the resultant regression coefficients will be unstable75. Tolerances below 0.1 imply multicollinearity and VIFs values that are greater than 10 denote the presence of multicollinearity76. Multiple linear regression results for average household income are shown in Table 6. Therefore, based on the R2 of 0.410, this means that the independent variables entered in the model explained 41% of the variance in the dependent variable. Among the eight independent variables (household head’s sex, age, marital status, education level, household size, land ownership status, farm size and occupation) regressed against household income A. Bryman, Social research methods. Place of publication not identified: Oxford Univ Pr Canada, 2013. 76 S. Landau and B.S. Everitt, A Handbook of Statistical Analyses using SPSS, 2004. 75 �128 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa only three variables; household head’s age, marital status and farm size for both household heads’ with and without CCRO were positively significantat P≤0.05 and p≤0.1. Generally, the above observation seems to suggest that households with CCRO and those without CCRO had no significant differences in terms of average annual household income, since having a CCRO had no significant contribution on the household income. This is because most of the household as indicated in the earlier sections had not accessed credit and still financial literacy is very low in rural areas. These findings are similar to what was observed by Lugoe77 in a study conducted in Uganda, Kenya and Zambia; whereby it was reported that formalization of customary land rights had no significant contribution on the rural livelihood outcomes where the conditions for effective use of CCRO face a number of bottlenecks. Table 6: Multiple linear regression analysis results for predictor variable influence on household income Unstandardized coefficients Predictor variable (B) S.E Standardized coefficients (B) T Sig. Tolerance VIF Sex of household head 2.98 2.213 0.836 0.665 2.151 0.736 1.532 Age of household head 0.004 0.012 0.001 0.657 0.075* 0.686 1.847 Education of household head -0.978 1.078 0.867 0.443 0.851 0.363 1.568 Marital status of household head 0.664 1.335 0.231 0.354 0.004** 0.791 1.345 Household size 0.155 0.075 0.352 0.664 0.008** 0.868 1.349 Household occupation -0.425 0.342 0.256 0.376 0.257 0.686 1.954 Land ownership status with or without CCRO -0.161 0.154 3.234 0.762 0.531 0.774 1.232 0.222 2.111 0.123 0.001** 0.989 1.168 Farm size owned 0.586 NB: B=Coefficient, S.E=Standard Error, Sig.=degree of significance (p value), *=significance at p=0.1, **= significance at p=0.05. R2=386, Adjusted R2=0.410, Standard Error of estimates=0.3405. 77 F. N. Lugoe, Tanzania’s Experience in Land Administration...,op. cit. �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 129 According to the multiple linear regression results (Table 6), a household head’s age was positively associated with an increase in household income. An additional increase in one’s age meant also more income. The main reasons could be the fact that 18 to 60 years of age comprises youth and mature productive adults. Similar observations were made by Jayne et al78. These scholars narrated that ‘poverty reduction in countries where 70–80% of the rural population draws their income from agriculture will depend on the distribution of assets ‘in particular land’ across age categories since households income are associated with the age of the household head’s age. This observation was made after conducting a study on smallholder income and land distribution in Kenya, Ethiopia, Mozambique, Rwanda and Zambia. The study revealed existence of strong correlations between landholding size, household head’s age, education levels and household income. Further to the above, study results show that farm size has a positive and significant contribution to household income and that households with small farm size in acres had lower incomes as compared to households with larger farm size. The same kind of argument is given by the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) that certainly most households who own small size farms have limited potential to break out of poverty and that ‘an attempt to address poverty in Africa should be centred on reinforcing the rights of the poor people on land’79. Marital status was also considered as an important household head’s characteristic that influences household livelihood outcomes. T.S. Jayne [et al.], Smallholder income and land distribution in Africa: implications for poverty reduction strategies, „Food Policy”, 28(2003), no. 3, pp. 253–275. 79 Land Tenure Systems and their Impacts on Food Security and Sustainable Development in Africa, Addis Ababa, 2004. 78 �130 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa Results as shown in Table 8 show that marital status was positively and significantly (0.05) associated with a household’s income for both household with and without CCRO. Similar observation has been reported by URT80 in 2011/12 Household Budget Surveys (HBS) that income poverty rate was higher for those who were separated or divorced than in other categories of marital status; in 2007 HBS a similar picture was seen for widows. Moreover, a study conducted in Ethiopia by the African Union81 reported similar results that married couples had better household incomes as compared to other marital status categories because of stable families and networking among married couples as they complement each other. Ownership of a CCRO and Household Assets Estimated value of assets owned by households with and without CCRO was compared. From the results of Levene’s test for equality of the variance as shown in the Table 9 below the first line was selected because the probability shown in Levene’s test was 0.140 which was not statistically significant and therefore obeyed the assumption of equal variance. Moreover, the results from the second line (t-test equality of means) show that the probability at t-value 0.578 with 182 degrees of freedom and probability (p=0.578) which was also not statistically significant. These results suggest that there was no statistical difference between estimated values of assets owned by household head’s with and without CCRO in the study area. The population in the study area mostly depend on agriculture for their livelihood and they have never accessed credit which could probably improve agricultural productivity URT, 2012 Population and Housing Census: Population Distribution by Administrative Areas. National Bureau of Statistics, Office of Chief Government Statistician, 2012. 81 Land policy in Africa: a framework to strengthen land rights, enhance productivity and secure livelihoods, Addis Ababa, 2009. 80 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 131 and ultimately asset accumulation. This could possibly explain why both households with and without CCRO had no significant difference in terms of asset accumulation. Table 7: Independent sample t-test for the surveyed households assets values based on ownership of a CCRO (n=184) Asset value Levene’s Test for equality of variance F Sig. t-test for equality of means T df Sig. Mean Std Error (2tad) Difference difference Lower Upper Equal 2.199 0.140 -0.578 182 variances assumed 0.564 -279663 483945 -1234528 675202 Equal variances not assumed 0.564 -279663 483945 -1234682 675356 -0.578 177 Household head’s assets owned were again cross tabulated between households with and without CCRO as shown in Table 8. It was revealed that there were no significant differences between the household head’s with and without a CCRO in all assets listed. More than half (59%) and (52%) of the household head’s with and without CCRO respectively had houses roofed with grasses. Again, Table 10 shows that the majority (90%) and (88%) of the household heads with and without CCRO respectively own furniture. While less than a quarter (12%) and (8%) household heads with and without CCRO own a motorbike respectively. Moreover, more than half (78% and 82%) of the household heads had a bicycle for transport respectively. Further to the above, the study findings also show that only a few, 10% and 11% of the household heads with and without CCRO respectively, had solar system for electricity at least for household lights and phone charging. In addition, only (2%) and �132 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa (3%) of the household with and without CCRO respectively owned a television set. These results (Table 8) show that there is no statistical significant difference between assets owned by household heads with and without CCRO and therefore, ownership of a CCRO did not make a significant difference in terms of household livelihood outcomes, especially asset accumulation. These results suggest that both households mentioned above face similar opportunities and challenges with regard to accumulation of assets types despite existence of CCRO. Households having a CCRO were expected to use a CCRO to fetch some socio-economic benefits to enable them to have better assets as compared to their counterparts, a reality not realized. Table 8: Surveyed household’s list of assets owned (n=184) Asset Household heads with CCRO (%) Household heads without CCRO (%) Bicycle 78 82 House with grass roof 59 52 Furniture 90 88 Cattle 33 45 Poultry 67 54 Radio 98 95 Motorcycle 12 8 Solar system 10 11 Television set 2 3 Factors Hindering the Surveyed Household’s Use of Land for Improving Livelihood Outcomes The respondents to the study, both those with and without a CCRO, identified six (6) factors hindering land owners in using �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 133 land as a tool for improving livelihood outcomes as presented in the Table 9. Factors identified are: existence of land conflicts, household male dominance on land ownership, lack of awareness on micro-credit facilities available, poor knowledge on credit use and management, lack of capital for better investment and poor performance of the agricultural activities, in particular crop production. The majority (75%) and (68%) of households with and without CCRO respectively, claimed lack of capital to initiate or invest in agriculture as the main factor hindering improvement of the livelihood outcomes. Study findings further show that more than half (71%) of the respondents in the households without CCRO claimed the existence of land conflicts as the second major factor that affects their livelihood as compared to only a few (22%) of respondents in the household with CCRO. Findings from the current study are similar to a study conducted in Namibia by Paaga82 where it was reported that land owners who are also smallholder farmers in rural areas of Namibia are mostly affected by lack of capital to invest and access credit in formal financial institutions despite such lands being formalized or not. According to URT83 (2012), about 36.2% of businesses’ main source of start-up capital were obtained from own savings. One percent (1%) of the household members involved in business in Tanzania Mainland secured loans from financial institutions for starting their business. In addition to the above, results in Table 9 show that about a half (48%) of the respondents in households without CCRO argued that male dominance on land ownership is a stumbling block to households break out of poverty, as compared to under a third (28%) of D.T. Paaga and G. Dandeebo, Customary land tenure and its implications..., op. cit. 83 URT, 2012 Population and Housing Census..., op. cit. 82 �134 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa the respondents in the households with CCRO who pointed out that male dominance in land ownership is still a problem towards households livelihood improvement. This result implies that in both groups male dominance hinders household economic activities and hence blocks efforts to achieve better household livelihood outcomes. Widows and orphans are being dispossessed of their lands after the death of the male head of household. Under customary practice, a widow rarely inherits land upon her husband’s death, as the land (and oftentimes the family’s livestock, furniture, and all productive assets) is reclaimed by her husband’s family, goes directly to her adult sons, or is held in trusteeship by the widow or by uncles and other male relatives until her sons are of age. In the past, widows were usually allowed to continue to live on the land of their husband’s family for the rest of their lives, or until they remarried. This also emerged during key informant interviews as shown in the quote below; “I own land together with my husband about 20 acres. Last year I wanted to use CCRO to access credit from NMB to start poultry project for our household, but my husband refused without giving any reason and he said he doesn’t want to hear about it again. Or else he is going to remove my name from our CCRO”. (A 40 years female participant, Sindeni village, 16/03/2016). In addition, some literature, a study on “Rural livelihoods and access to natural capital in Madagascar and the Poverty Institute84, have reported that male dominance over resources especially land is currently declining due to increase in literacy level and women involvement in socio-economic activities. This has enabled women to acquire assets or resources of their own and in case of joint ownership, they inquire a formal and legal ownership as exemplified by land rights ownership through a CCRO. R.J. Nawrotzki, L.M. Hunter and T.W. Dickinson, Rural livelihoods and access to natural capital, op. cit. 84 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 135 Table 9: Factors affecting land owners in Handeni District (n=184) Factor Household Household head’s with CCRO (%) head’s without CCRO (%) Lack of capital to invest 75 68 Existence of land conflicts 22 71 Male dominance on land ownership 28 48 Low financial management education 86 88 Lack of awareness on micro-credit available 23 25 Poor performance of agriculture 69 58 Table 9. in addition shows that more than three quarter (86%) and (88%) of the respondents in the households with and without CCRO respectively correspond with the claim that low access to financial services in rural areas hinders household improvement of livelihood outcomes. The increasing microfinance services provided by SACCOS, micro-credit organizations (VICOBA, SEDA, BRAC) and mobile phone banking provide a window for rural communities to access financial services but yet not enough to access higher loans for bigger investment especially in the agricultural sector. For example, according to URT85 SACCOS provided about 0.5% of loans in rural areas. A similar observation made by Songoro86 shows that the number of credit facilities operating in Handeni is low and many villagers are not aware of their existence. For instance, only (23%) and (25%) of households with and without CCRO respectively were aware of the existence of local credit facilities such as Savings and Credit Cooperative Societies (SACCOS) and the Village Community Bank (VICOBA). Also, the financial capacities of these facilities in terms of providing loans are thin. Thus, they have not managed to assist a large section of the com85 86 URT, 2012 Population and Housing Census..., op. cit. A.E. Songoro, Land scarcity, rural livelihoods..., op. cit. �136 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa munity. The situation is compounded by lack of bank facilities in this area, currently the whole Handeni District is served by one bank – the National Microfinance Bank (NMB) which has a branch operating in Handeni town. The current study also aimed at understanding the willingness of the community to borrow from credit facilities if such opportunities are introduced. More than three quarters (86%) and (88%) respondents in households with and without CCRO respectively showed interest to borrow money. However, they were suggesting proper education to be given to them first before being given such credit. These results suggest that lack of financial management education is a major factor that hinders household’s access to financial services using land as collateral. A similar observation was made by Sumberg87, whereby it was reported that majority 68% respondents did not only have low financial literacy, lack of entrepreneurial spirit but also the fear to lose their possessions were found to be among other factors that hinder youth from accessing credit in formal financial institutions. On the other hand, CLKnet88 in the study about “Access to finance by majority of Tanzanians: a dream or reality?” whereby it was reported that there was an increase in women access to financial services in the VICOBA schemes. The findings from the study show thatwomen revive their entrepreneurial spirit when they are together in a group and the training received before given credit equips them with financial literacy. Finally, study findings in Table 9 show that over half (69%) and (58%) of the respondents for both households with and without CCRO respectively claimed that the low agricultural productivity was among the major factors that result into poor livelihood outJ. Sumberg [et al.], Young people..., op. cit. Access to Finance by Majority of Tanzanians: A Dream or a Reality?, CLK. net, Audience Forum Report Number 8. 87 88 �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 137 comes. The low productivity and unreliability of agricultural activities (90% of rural agriculture is rain fed and rainfall is unreliable) were claimed to be among the many factors deterring financial institutions to offer credit in agricultural investments. According to CLKnet89, other factors that hinder financial institutions to offer credit for agricultural investment include: challenges of market for agricultural produce, low prices of agricultural produce, poor infrastructures for transport and communication networks from the farms to the market and poor technologies on agricultural produce processing and storage. On the other hand, Sumberg90 reported that higher interest rates provided by the financial institutions deter farmers to access credit for agricultural investment. These studies above suggest that there is a gap between farmers, government, other development partners and financial institutions that needs to be filled for rural livelihood improvement. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Conclusions The general objective of the study was to explore formalization of customary land rights and rural livelihood outcomes in Handeni District. Based on the findings of the study it is concluded that people’s perception on formalization of customary land rights has been proved to improve land security of tenure as land rights are being formally registered, decrease land conflicts, enable vulnerable groups to some extent own and access land as a livelihood resource, and enhanced community awareness on matters pertaining to land administration and management. On the other hand, it is further 89 90 Ibidem. J. Sumberg [et al.], Young people..., op. cit. �138 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa concluded that formalization of land rights did not promote economic investment, access to financial services and traditional land tenure system. It can also be concluded that males (men) still dominate land ownership in the study area. Women and other vulnerable groups face a chronic problem of deprivation from access to land which is a major livelihood resource. This is because in customary land system land ownership is through inheritance and it is the male children who inherit land from their parents. Therefore, formalization of customary land rights simply formalizes male dominance on land ownership and women continue to suffer from gender specific poverty and remain in the poverty viscous cycle trap due to lack of control of the most important means of production (land). The study further concludes that formalization of customary land rights had no statistically significant influence on household’s income and asset accumulation. Despite ownership of CCRO the majority of the household heads had low access to financial services and hence low economic investment and ultimately poor livelihood outcomes. Lastly, it is concluded that despite its benefits mentioned in the earlier chapters, formalization of customary land rights and rural livelihood outcomes in the study area faces a number of challenges which include: existence of land conflicts among land users, lack of capital for investing in agriculture, male dominance on land ownership, low financial management education, lack of awareness on microcredit available and poor productivity of agriculture. Recommendations Based on the study’s findings and discussions, the following are recommended in order to improve the influence of formalization of customary land rights on rural livelihoods in Handeni District. 1) As observed from the current study, lack of capital for agricultural investment was identified as the most serious constraint to �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 139 land owners in both households with and those without CCRO in achieving livelihood outcomes. Therefore, it is recommended that the government and other development partners need to conduct research and come up with suitable and affordable capital support schemes in Handeni District such as VICOBA and other related schemes. 2) The study results revealed that existence of land conflicts hinder improvement of rural livelihood outcomes since households incur costs in terms of time and finances in land conflicts resolutions. Moreover, land conflicts hinder intensive and extensive agricultural investments. Therefore, it is recommended that the village government, district authorities, central government, other land stakeholders and the community at large, work together to minimize land conflicts in Handeni District. 3) Observation from the current study shows that male dominance on land ownership and access is among the stumbling block towards household livelihood outcomes improvement. To ensure that the government at all levels will advance individual interests and promote equal opportunity for all members of society, vulnerable groups should be encouraged to be granted the right of occupancy on land in separate certificates (CCRO) from other household/clan members. 4) Lastly, it is further recommended that formalisation of customary land rights should be encouraged as it pointed out earlier that CCRO promotes land tenure security and still holds the potential for accessing the modern market capital. REFERENCES Antonio D., United Nations Human Settlements Programme, and International Institute of Rural Reconstruction, Eds., Handling land: innovative �140 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa tools for land governance and secure tenure. Nairobi: United Nations Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat), 2012. Atwood D.A., Land registration in Africa: The impact on agricultural production, „World development”, 18(1990), no. 5, pp. 659–671. Fairley E.C., Upholding Customary Land Rights through Formalization? Evidence from Tanzania’s Program of Land Reform, Minneapolis 2013. Foukona J.D., Legal aspects of customary land administration in Solomon Islands, „Journal of South Pacific Law”, 11(2007), no. 1, pp. 64–72. Franco J.C., Making land rights accessible: Social movements and politicallegal innovation in the rural Philippines, „The Journal of Development Studies”, 44(2008), no. 7, pp. 991–1022. Jayne T.S. [et al.], Smallholder income and land distribution in Africa: implications for poverty reduction strategies, „Food Policy”, 28(2003), no. 3, pp. 253–275. Jeannette V., Notenbaert A., Moyo, S. and Herrero M., Household livelihood strategies and livestock benefits dependence in Gaza province of Mozambique, „African Journal of Agricultural Research”, 6(2011), no. 3, pp. 560–572. Kerekes C.B. and Williamson C.R., Propertyless in Peru, even with a government land title, „American Journal of Economics and Sociology”, 69(2010), no. 3, pp. 1011–1033. Lugoe F.N., Tanzania’s Experience in Land Administration and Land Policy, „The Guardian Series”, 2007. Lyons M., Pro-poor business law? On MKURABITA and the legal empowerment of Tanzania’s street vendors, „Hague Journal on the Rule of Law”, 5(2013), no. 1, pp. 74–95. Maxwell D. and Wiebe K., Land tenure and food security: Exploring dynamic linkages, „Development and Change”, 30(1999), no. 4, pp. 825–849. Médard C., ‘Indigenous’ land claims in Kenya: A case-study of Chebyuk, Mount Elgon district, Nairobi 2010. �FORMALIZATION OF CUSTOMARY LAND RIGHTS ON RURAL... 141 Mghanga M., Usipoziba ufa utajenga ukuta: land, elections, and conflicts in Kenya’s Coast Province, Nairobi 2010. Mwangi L.H., Processes of Large-Scale Land Acquisition by Investors: Case Studies from sub-Saharan Africa, Sussex 2011. Murthy R.V., Political economy of agrarian crisis and subsistence under neoliberalism in India, „The Nehu Journal”, 11(2013), no. 1, pp. 19–33. Nawrotzki R.J., Hunter L.M., and Dickinson T.W., Rural livelihoods and access to natural capital: Differences between migrants and non-migrants in Madagascar, „Demographic research”, 26(2012). Njogu J.G. and Dietz T., Land use and tenure: entitlement rights for community-based wildlife and forest conservation in Taita Taveta, Nairobi 2006. Nyerere J.K., Freedom and a new world economic order: a selection from speeches, 1974–1999, Dar es Salaam 2011. Onwuegbuzie A.J. and Leech N.L., On becoming a pragmatic researcher: The importance of combining quantitative and qualitative research methodologies, „International Journal of Social Research Methodology”, 8(2005), no. 5, pp. 375–387. Paaga D.T. and Dandeebo G., Customary land tenure and its implications for land disputes in Ghana: Cases from Wa, Wechau and Lambussie, „International Journal of Humanities and Social Science”, 3(2014), no. 18, pp. 263–270. Place F. and Migot-Adholla S.E., The economic effects of land registration on smallholder farms in Kenya: evidence from Nyeri and Kakamega districts, „Land Economics”, 74(1998), no. 3, pp. 360–373. Poteete A.R., Analyzing the politics of natural resources: from theories of property rights to institutional analysis and beyond, in: Environmental Social Sciences: Methods and Research Design, eds. I. Vaccaro, E.A. Smith, and S. Aswani, Cambridge 2010, pp. 57–79. Razavi S., Engendering the political economy of agrarian change, „The Journal of Peasant Studies”, 36(2009), no. 1, pp. 197–226. �142 Napoleon Saulos Mlowe, Justin K. Urassa Simiyu R.R., Militianisation of resource conflicts: the case of land-based conflict in the Mount Elgon region of western Kenya, Pretoria 2008 (Institute for Security Studies Monographs, no. 152). Smyth R., Exploring the usefulness of a conceptual framework as a research tool: a researcher’s reflections, „Issues in educational research”, 14(2004), no. 2. Wanyama M., Mose L.O., Odendo M., Okuro J.O., Owuor G., and Mohammed L., Determinants of income diversification strategies amongst rural households in maize based farming systems of Kenya, „African Journal of Food Science”, 4(2010), no. 12, pp. 754–763. �Chapter 4. MACIEJ ZĄBEK UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT JULIUS NYERERE SOCIALISM ABSTRACT This article is devoted to the history and specific character of Tanzanian socialism and the opinions of the contemporary Tanzanians on the rural Ujamma communities which were to constitute the basis for the future development of their society. The paper was written based on short ethnographic research of the selected group from among Iringa University students and inhabitants of the neighbouring villages. The cited accounts from the interviews illustrate ambiguous opinions of the interlocutors on the topic in question. Despite the consensus on the negative economic impact of the very project, the interlocutors defend its social advantages. The main reason of such a standpoint seems to be the dissatisfaction with the current socio-political situation, unemployment, extremely high prices and primarily the increasing social anomie, family dissolution and decay of traditional values. Introduction The word ujamaa stemming from the Swahili1 language is a term defining the Tanzanian model of socialism formed in the 1960s by MACIEJ ZĄBEK – Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology University of Warsaw. Ujamaa, from Swahili u- ‚condition, quality’; jamaa ‚family’, from Arabic.; the term introduced by the President Julius K. Nyerere in his book Uhuru na Ujamaa ‚Freedom and socialism’, Nairobi, 1968. 1 �144 Maciej Ząbek the former Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere2 and based mainly on agricultural cooperatives. During my last visit to Tanzania in 20153 I had the opportunity to convince myself that memory about that regime called „the system of social justice” was still alive both among the older and younger generations of Tanzanians and was the core subject of their discussions. The system, which was to lead to modernisation and guarantee justice, safety and political independence of the country, despite common awareness of its shortcomings, still evokes a great deal of genuine sentiment among people regardless of their education, age and ethnic identity. Thus, I would like to dedicate this paper to recollecting the history and the specific character of Tanzanian socialism by referring to relevant accounts of contemporary inhabitants of this country in this regard. Their accounts may be also interesting for the Polish readers who have their own recollections from the socialist period. How is it possible that people still miss and recollect with sentiment the times of socialism or communism which have always meant the systems of Economics of Shortage4 while for many years 2 Julius Kambarage Nyerere (1922-1999), the founder of the Tanzanian country and its president between 1964–1985, an ideologist of the concept of the African socialism, a Servant of God in the Catholic Church. 3 In February, 2015 I participated in the Polish-Tanzanian conference devoted to the idea of sustainable development at the University of Iringa. The conference was accompanied by research on the socialist project executed in the Tanzanian villages during the Nyerere’s rule and the contemporary capitalistic transformations. There were two stages. In the first stage the Iringa University students were asked to write essays on villagization and collectivisation of the Tanzanian villages in the 60s and 70s of the previous century. The second stage embraced quality research in the form of group discussions conducted in two selected villages (one of them underwent collectivisation) in the district of Kilolo. Apart from the guests from Poland, the Iringa University employees also participated in the research as the translators of the Swahili and commentators. 4 The term “Economics of shortage” was coined by the Hungarian economist János Kornai in 1980 as the centrally controlled communist economics. He stated �UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT... 145 now contemporary Tanzania has been considered a quite stable and relatively fast developing country? By answering this question it should be stated that the model of the so called free-market capitalism which has brought relative material well-being to some people is unfortunately at the same time the system which causes growing cultural changes the effects of which are not generally positively perceived. The negative consequences include among others the dissolution of African strong and conservative extended families, further stratification of egalitarian societies and emergence of unknown until then ecological problems affecting the natural environment. Repercussions embrace the Tanzanians’ sense of lack of security which is the primary need for majority of people, sometimes even more important than their personal freedom. Unfavourable situation is further hindered by worries about the increasing control of the Western powers over domestic natural resources and internal economy as well as a growing penetration of politics, economy and ideology. Juliusa Nyerere’s model of socialism In the post-colonial Tanzania, contrary to the Marxist theoreticians, socialism did not have socio-economic background, neither did it gain social support from young elites of the country. In Eastern Africa there were no prominent groups of proletariat or even rebellious peasants. Social classes5, so characteristic of Asia and Europe, have not been developed there except Ethiopia and Great Lakes Region. Moreover, Marxist philosophy, strongly based on materialism, was to a great extent incomprehensible that shortage is its inherent feature. See.: J. Kornai: Niedobór w gospodarce, Warszawa 1985. 5 P. Osafo-Kwaako, Long-run Effects of Villagization in Tanzania, Draft 2011, www.econ.yale.edu/conference [Accessed: June 2015]. �146 Maciej Ząbek even to the well-educated and deeply religious Africans. Moreover, according to the British historian Martin Meredith, people in Tanzania did not share common expectations towards such radical changes and there were no organisations or influential groups (it also regarded the very governing party) in favour of that idea6. If it had not been for one man – Julius Kambarage Nyerere – a future Tanzanian President7, who was very determined in following his dreams, socialism in Tanzania might have not developed at all. Nyerere, compared with other African leaders known for their extravagance or even cruelty, seemed to be exceptionally righteous, modest and religious8. Leading a one-party state he did not possess authoritarian manners and his speeches resembled sermons of a priest rather than political speeches of a country’s head. Defending himself against allegations of violating human rights he kept on saying: „Until we win our battle against poverty, ignorance and diseases, we will not allow any foreign powers to destroy our unity!”. Both Margery Freda Perham, a historian of, and writer on, African affairs, and Ryszard Kapuściński, a Polish reporter 6 M. Meredith, The State of Africa. A History of Fifty Years of Independence, London 2005, pp. 228–237. 7 Theoretical (according to the assumptions of Marxism) lack of favourable conditions for the development of socialism in Sub-Saharan Africa did not hinder its development on this continent, especially after the conference of the newly independent countries in 1955 in Bandung, Indonesia. Nyerere was one of its first theorists and pioneers along with Kwame Nkrumaha from Ghana and Ahmed Sekou Toure from Guinea; see: W.H. Friedland, C.G. Rosberg, African Socialism, Redwood City 1964. 8 Nyerere was baptised only at the age of 20 in the Roman Catholic Church after graduating from Makerere College in Uganda. First, he became a teacher in the missionary school and then he went to study history and economics in Great Britain. Since the beginning of his adult life he actively participated in social life forming the future ruling party TANU (Tanganyika African National Union); see: J. i K. Chałasińscy, Bliżej Afryki, Warszawa 1965, pp. 271–273. �UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT... 147 and writer, regarded Nyerere as a role model and an example to follow, and described him as a perfectly balanced and warm man, the most reliable of all African leaders9. In fact, he pacified the political opposition but he managed to achieve this by bloodless methods10. Fascinated by Maoist revolution and Israeli kibbutz he decided to combine those ideas with the African tradition of community11. He held the firm conviction that power should result from the achieved consensus like in traditional Africa where the elders discussed current affairs „in the shade of a big tree” trying to reach unanimity12, rather than from confrontation and outvoting minority. He pursued his objective with an admirable missionary passion persuading his „nation” to his idea for five years before finally implementing it. It should be noted, however, that in his understanding „socialism” meant a universal idea of brotherhood among people and in Africa, where the concept of private ownership was unknown, socialism existed long before Marx in the institution of a tribe. According to Nyerere, socialism was a natural African system which had only been affected by colonialism but after gaining independence it should be reinstated there not by adopting strange to Africans Marxist philosophy, but by reviving the tribal institution as a socialist unit of a society. He associated socialism mainly with the countryside where collective settlements (familyhood) in the form of ujamaa villages were created to conM. Meredith, The State of Africa, op. cit., p. 229; see also: M. Perham, The Colonial Reckoning: The End of Imperial Rule in Africa in The Light of British Experience, New York 1962; R. Kapuściński, Gdyby cała Afryka..., Warszawa: Agora, 1969. 10 Nyerere, after dissolving the army which made an attempt to overthrow him in 1964, formed a “party army”, the so called Tanzania People’s Defence Force from among members of Tanu League of Youth on which he based his power; P. Johnson, History of the world – from 1917 to 1990s, London 1991, p. 704. 11 See: A. Leszczyński, Skok w nowoczesność. Polityka wzrostu w krajach peryferyjnych 1943–1980, Warszawa 2013. 12 R. Oliver, A. Atmore, Dzieje Afryki po roku 1800, Warszawa 2007, p. 347. 9 �148 Maciej Ząbek stitute the basis for the future development of a country and thus they were also called „development villages”: Development villages are villages to which people moved so as to work together for their own sake and for the good of the community. Ujamaa settlements were created for people to enable the agricultural progress and infrastructure growth thanks to the support of the state. In contrast to other villages, they differentiated themselves by the communal character of management.... Villages formed the modern network of settlements and gave new possibilities providing the individual unit growth. Development villages aimed at the strategic advancement of the country and particularly the agricultural economy. Thanks to the communal work supported by the state communities were formed on the basis of which locals could develop themselves without external aid.... This led to the unification of both the citizens and the nation [based on the interviews with students from the University of Iringa]. In his famous book „Freedom and Unity” (Uhuru na Umoja), Nyerere wrote: „Ujamaa, in other words Familyhood, constitutes the basis of our socialism and the objection to capitalism, constructing a happy society free from the exploitation of man by man. However, it also means the opposition to dogmatic socialism based on the philosophy of constant fight of man against man”13. Besides, the choice of this political system was for Nyerere equivalent to opting for national autonomy and independence from foreign development assistance and the status of a customer of Western powers14. Nyerere himself, because of his popularity (sometimes 13 J.K. Nyerere, Freedom and Unity – Uhuru na Umoja, Nairobi – Lusaka – Addis Ababa 1996, p. 170. The essence of the “African socialism”, in contrast to the “classical socialism” was the rejection of class struggle and ideological materialism, and concentration on the development of public sector, preventing the creation of social classes and promoting a traditional African identity; see: W.H. Friedland, C.G. Rosberg, African Socialism , op. cit. 14 He spread the idea of self-reliance relating it with the principle of „freedom and work (Uhuru na Kazi) and the policy of non-involvement pursued by �UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT... 149 even called tanzaphilia) was the favourite of many Western providers of development aid (especially from the European left-wing circles), gaining from them much more aid measures per capita than any other African countries had ever received. However, he was perfectly aware that it meant subordination and limited possibilities to undertake independent decisions and actions. He claimed, fully justified, that: „Independence means reliance upon oneself. Independence is not complete when it is dependent upon donations and loans from other nations on its development path”15. Ujamaa meant working together. The government ordered people to collectively join ujamaa. All the villagers were asked to work together for the good of all. In practice, some plots of land were designated for communal farming. The concept of ujamaa assumed that there should be an equal division between families. Every family had its share and altogether all the people formed a community and shared everything equally supporting each other. Once it had finished, a lot of problems occurred. Nowadays, it is a great challenge to restore the same community spirit, which is our greatest loss. I want to pinpoint, however, that from the economic point of view it was pointless [based on the interview with members of the non-governmental organisation in Kilolo]. Nyerere published his development blueprint in the so called Arusha Declaration on 7 February, 1967 in which he called for the national independence stressing that external assistance would not suffice to develop economy. He underlined the need of fundamental work from basis, i.e. the development of village communities and the right of a given country to control all major means of production and exchange. By this last statement, without plans, discussions and preparations, he implemented a large-scale process of nationalisation of banks, insurance companies, food handling industries, Tanzania. In practice, he could not, however, do without external aid; H. Zins, Historia Afryki Wschodniej, Wrocław – Warszawa 1986, p. 339. 15 Cit.: M. Meredith, The State of Africa, op. cit., p. 230. �150 Maciej Ząbek export companies, cement plants, tobacco plants, footwear plants, breweries and other types of real estate including valuable houses, rental houses and apartments. However, the basis of the village development was to be formed by the above mentioned ujamma – self-sufficient, developmental socialist collective villages. By supporting the concept of ujamaa he listed the following arguments: „Our agricultural organisation will be mainly based upon communal life and work to the benefit of all the people concerned. [People] will live together in villages; will collectively cultivate land; will collectively trade in the marketplace and satisfy minor, essential needs...”16. Ujamaa villages were to have access to water and road connections, be provided with schools, health centres and basic services whereas people were to be accommodated in spacious, modern, brick houses. In order to understand the meaning of the changes put forward by Nyerere it should be explained that settlement in East Africa was highly dispersed and basically there were no big villages with service infrastructure and facilities such as schools or health centres17. Small-sized, self-sufficient family communities did not maintain any contacts either with towns or with the country’s authorities18. Thus, since the very beginning the political goal was as important as economy. By „villagization” of the country, which meant the concentration of dispersed people from various ethnic groups in big villages being local centres of agricultural production and various services, Nyerere expected not only an increase in agricultural output and improvement of farmers’ conditions, Ibidem, p. 232. It was the result of the centuries-long domination of Maasai pastoral tribes in Eastern Africa. 18 J. Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative lessons in authority and control, Princeton 2000; A.V. Chayanov, The Theory of the Peasant Economy, Homewood 1966. 16 17 �UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT... 151 but also „creation of the Tanzanian nation”, high above ethnic and tribal divisions, which was and still is the ambitious objective of numerous African politicians. He wanted to achieve his goal by unifying the patriotic state education, implementing Swahili as the obligatory national language and developing tight bonds between the province inhabitants and the central authorities. „Nationalisation” also entailed an obligation of physical work and a two-year stay of secondary schools graduates in para-military labour corps known as National Service with an aim to teach the youth the socialist attitude to work19. Failure of socialist villagization Ujamaa villages, contrary to the compulsory collectivisation in the USSR and other countries of Eastern Europe, basically were to be formed on a voluntary basis. Nyerere believed that people would trust him and attracted by modern facilities would settle new villages in large numbers. Socialism should stem from the villagers’ willingness to accept it. Moreover, socialism was against forcing people to establish such communities. In reality, much to his astonishment, people did not respond the way he had expected. Neither farmers nor peasants listened to him and supported him. Until the end of 1968 no more than 180 villages were formed under that project. First ujamaa was established in 1968. Our leader was a woman. Her name was Lamuna Niemba. She had a daughter, Joisi, and thus she was called Mama Joisi. She persuaded people to, in line with the government’s will, start collectively cultivate land. So, we started to grow wheat. In the beginning, we collected seven sacks per one acre. Everything was initiated by women who nagged people and only later they were supported as a community by the government. That women’s movement was called „Nation’s call for ujamaa”. 19 H. Zins, Historia..., op. cit., p. 339. �152 Maciej Ząbek When we started to work together the government started to assist us. First, we were given a tractor. Only then men joined us although they were initially against that concept. It may be said that ujamaa was created by women who triggered the whole process. Firstly, they won one acre of communal farmland and after receiving a tractor they could take eight acres [based on the interview with the community from Luanzi]. It meant a great change for people although the crops were not as high as expected. Nevertheless, it was certain that ujamma would sell part of its output. If the yields were satisfactory, part of the crops were sold and everybody got the equivalent of the number of days he had worked. Afterwards they built houses and lived happily. Trade took place between ujamma villages. One ujamma produced rice whereas another ujamaa grew grain and they exchanged the crops. They received a machine park from the government. The state delivered aid in the form of machines or land. The assistance was dependent upon the amount sold abroad. The amount was conditional upon the volume of production in a given ujamaa. If we were given a tractor we had to pay it back through the sale of grain. Then, cows and chickens were brought to villages, which enabled us to become less dependent upon other ujamaa villages. There were five hundred families and we had to acquire five thousand sacks of rice, not individually but from another ujamaa or directly from the government. There was a list of people registered in a given ujamaa. Those, who were not registered, did not receive anything. Service infrastructure in ujamaa villages was further developed, to the detriment of individual producers. Many farmers who could not sell their crops on the market and buy necessary goods agreed to join ujamaa in the hope to gain access to water, new schools and houses. The government encouraged people to build brick houses. Yet, to erect them you had to have bricks. Authorities gave instructions how to produce bricks and ujamaa villages were to create them from local clay. Engineering works including constructing roofs were provided by the government. All the houses were built in the same way. We treated those buildings as some kind of presents. We would never have built them if it had not been for ujamaa. �UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT... 153 Until mid-1973 the number of villages which underwent collectivisation in Tanzania rose to five thousand embracing 15% of the country’s population20. Majority of those villagers still preferred, however, to administer ujamaa in a traditional way. Thus, in November 1973, Nyerere disappointed with the situation made a decision about the compulsory resettlement into the development villages. He realised that it was impossible to forcefully transform people into socialists but his government could make everyone live in a village. “To live in a village is a command”, he declared21. At first people were encouraged but later on they were forced to move there. It was especially difficult to persuade men to join ujamaa. In order to reduce their reluctance they were given new houses and flats. Then, all the people together sang Ujamaa... Joining ujamaa was not voluntary in 100%. Some people were seduced with brick houses because they had only small huts but it was not sufficient to persuade everybody so the government had to take further steps to force them. Finally, people had a choice either to move into ujamaa or end up in a prison. Thus, people started to pretend that they were really working together. It was organised in such a way that people were given something to start from and then they could work on their own to sell grain and develop themselves but it was necessary for the government that all the houses were exactly the same. All of us had to work in the same way and the houses were to be identical. You could join that system or you had to face the consequences... Coercion to live together was closely linked to the possibility to attend schools. Nobody was allowed to stay alone in a field as all the people had to be together in ujamaa in order to collectivise. If people continued to work on their own they stood no chance of assistance. The government supported ujamaa but never individual farmers. If you wanted to have a new house or a flat you had to join ujamaa and eventually people acquiesced to it. Those staying outside the system were not supported by the government. You were allowed to live wherever you wanted but you needed 20 21 M. Meredith, The State of Africa, op. cit., p. 233. Ibidem, p. 234. �154 Maciej Ząbek the permit to build your house and if you did not belong to ujamaa you were not granted the permission. And in ujamaa you could get a new house [based on interviews with the community from Luanzi]. That way, within three years until 1976 the governing party managed to collectivise almost half of the village population, sometimes resorting to the use of force. It facilitated the construction of new schools and health centres but on the other hand, the collectively cultivated fields occurred to be a failure as they yielded much less crops than they had before the collectivisation process. At the same time transport continued to decline, inflation advanced and the strategy based on villagization paradoxically led to enormous waves of villagers fleeing to urban areas. The country which was to base its economy mainly on the village development policy, paradoxically became an example of one of the fastest growing urbanisation phenomenon in the whole world (above 10% annually)22. It was not taken into consideration that goods in deficit such as land, sources of water and forests are always usurped as otherwise they become exhausted or dilapidated. Secondly, whenever a man does some work he becomes individually responsible for it which means he acquires a type of ownership. In fact, in Eastern Africa, unlike in Europe, there was no individual land ownership with succession rights but it obviously did not mean that land or water could belong to anybody. First of all, it was owned by ancestors of a particular tribe, a particular community so it could be used only by their descendants whom a given community represented by local heads gave for temporary use designated plots of land which could be farmed individually. Even „strangers” could sometimes enjoy that form of”lease” but there was a clear distinction between primary and secondary users, the latter being given less rights to 22 J. IIife, Africans: the history of a continent, Cambridge 1995, p. 317. �UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT... 155 joint ownership. People often benefited from their neighbours’ help but such help was always to be compensated for in various ways. In reality, there was no communal work under joint ownership with identical gains. In ujamma those general rules were not respected so eventually ujamaa villages were doomed to failure, followed by state shops, industrial plants or banks, etc. Ujamma concept was likely to fail in all spheres administered by state service officials devoid of individual responsibility for the entrusted assets. The situation was exacerbated by other factors such as lack of managerial skills or improper use of entrusted modern farm machinery. We could not effectively use the equipment, which was a great problem. Although we continually enlarged the cultivated area we only managed to harvest 25 sacks per 8 acres against 56 sacks predicted, like today when we gathered 3 bags per acre. When we had only one acre we were able to cultivate it better than when we had more acres. Moreover, the land efficiency declined but nobody cared. The main problem was that nobody monitored that area. Nobody took responsibility for it and nobody took care of it. Reduced agricultural productivity resulted in the intervention of authorities but eventually blame was put on the local management represented by Mama Joisi. She was called to appear before the District Council and she had to explain herself. I remember her say she was an average person... Her position of a leader was assumed by her brother who seized power from her [based on the interview with the community from Luanzi]. Nyerere bitterly complained about laziness, total ineptitude and indifference of his fellow-citizens, but to no avail. His threats, requests and calls for greater discipline occurred to be ineffective. State economy, despite immeasurable international support, estimated in the 70s at three billion, still generated losses. For instance, the Chrysanthemums cultivation cost more than the value of flowers sold to Europe. At the end of the 70s, with the increase in oil prices and decline in the value of coffee and istle, income from export in Tanzania �156 Maciej Ząbek covered only 40% of its import whereas its external debt rose astronomically and the average living standard dropped by almost 50%. Nyerere was compelled to admit: „Now we are poorer than in 1972”. Yet, he still rejected all the suggestions implying that the choice of his favourite system might have been a mistake. He defended the system even at the beginning of the 80s comparing it to the vaccination immunising against inequality and excesses of capitalism23. In reality, Tanzania increasingly needed assistance. The World Bank and International Monetary Fund agreed to help Tanzania but in return they required painful structural reforms. Finally, in 1985 Nyerere voluntarily retired and apologised the nation for his final failure to implement his ideas. International community was totally surprised, not being used to peaceful transfer of power on this continent or to the leader admitting his mistakes. Nyerere died in 1990 and was declared, without objection, as „The Father of the Nation” and the Servant of God’s Catholic Church24. The party that he formed is still in power although it has already abandoned the concept of ujamaa in favour of the so called neoliberal solutions which are to bring that country to modernity. No sooner had Tanzania embarked on a path of Americanisation and global capitalism than Tanzanians started to miss socialism. Contemporary discourse on ujamaa communities Memory about ujamaa in Tanzania, as I could personally notice, is still alive being the centre of numerous discussions especially in the context of contemporary politics and morality. Moreover, it became the source of inspiration for young reporters and hipM. Meredith, The State of Africa, op. cit., p. 235–237. Definition used to the deceased person the Beatification process of whom has already started. 23 24 �UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT... 157 hop artists in the streets of Tanzanian cities25. To a certain extent it was a reaction to the disappointment people experienced in Tanzania after Nyerere’s death. Memory about ujamaa became a form of opposition to rapidly increasing prices and growing unemployment rate also affecting the well-educated citizens. It was a manifestation of a great shock at scandals, nepotism and corruption of an old and the same a new political class trying to enfranchise the state assets. Hip hop, which came to Tanzania along with globalisation, became an artistic form of opposition to those changes and recollection of Nyerere’s Times during which, according to many interviewed people, honesty, modesty, equality and family values were in force. Lyrics written by hip-hop artists are inspired by Afro-American celebration of Kwanzaa26 and promote the cooperative movement, family business, fair trade and sustainable development. They adopted its seven core principles: 1. Unity (umoja) of family, nation and race; 2. Self-determination (kujikhagulia); 3. Collective work and responsibility (ujima) in the process of building our community; 4. Cooperative economics (ujamaa) in building and maintaining our own shops and companies; 5. Creativity (kuumba); 6. Purpose: (nia) restoration of our race; 7. Faith (imani) in our people, our parents and teachers, our leaders, in justice and victory of our struggle. General perception of socialism in Tanzania seems to be completely different from that in Poland mainly because it was a native and anti-colonial project. As a matter of fact, interlocutors generally confirm that in economic terms the great project of Mwalim 25 L. Sidney, Ni Wapi Tunakwenda (Kultura Hip Hopu i dzieci Arushy), in: The Vinyl Ain’t Final. Hip Hop and the Globalization of Black Popular Culture, eds. D. Basu, S.J. Lemelle, London 2006, pp. 230–254. 26 A week-long holiday and movement of the African diaspora in the USA formed in the 60s by a black nationalist Maulane Karenge (born as Ronald McKinley Everett). �158 Maciej Ząbek (i.e. their teacher, as they commonly called Nyerere) failed but it does not mean that it was bad. They admit that currently their standard of living is a bit higher and that they may enjoy greater freedom in many areas, especially in business. When asked to compare their present situation with that from the 70s they claim: In economic terms, it must be stated that nowadays we lead better lives. Everybody can work on their own, can act in a group or individually. Productivity is higher now. Smaller groups are more effective than ujamaa villages [the interlocutor refers to work within non-governmental organisation]. Now you do not have to do what they ask you to do but you can choose what is profitable and in line with your business. We like the idea that greater responsibility lies with us and that everybody can fully exploit their own opportunities. Thanks to it you can see the results of your activities. You realise that you did something and succeeded in earning some money. In ujamma you could not see that. Nobody knew who was responsible for what and anyway greatest profits were acquired by the government. Work in ujamma was certainly of collective nature but I did not like the fact that I did not know what I had done and what my neighbour had. People stood no chance of self-development and could do nothing about that. Nowadays, it is up to me to choose whether to take up carpentry or start growing fruit and vegetables or keeping pigs and I can see that I am responsible for my activities, my final success or failure. I also feel better when I do not have to be subordinate to somebody and listen to their orders [based on the interview with people from Kilolo]. Nowadays, people are also satisfied, contrary to the times of Nyerere, that they can buy in shops whatever they want. There is a greater variety of goods than in the past and they are no longer limited. That is one of the most noticeable changes positively rated in contrast to the past: In the past all the services were centralised in ujamaa. Sale of goods could be held only there. For example, Ujamma decided to purchase sugar and the day it arrived a shop was opened in a village so that everybody could buy sugar. Yet, there was a list of people entitled to buy that sugar. People who did not belong to ujamaa or did not �UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT... 159 work in ujamaa could not buy anything [based on the interview with community people from Luanzi]. Some students from Iringa regret nowadays that: as a result of this programme... respect for private ownership was violated,... poverty spread over Tanzanian province and the spirit of private entrepreneurship, which was banned then, was eradicated, although [they add after a while] the unity was strengthened which positively influenced the process of creating our nation [based on interviews with students from Iringa]. All in all, contemporary interlocutors do not deny obvious shortcomings of the programme forming development villages, yet they do not condemn socialism as they can notice its numerous advantages when compared with the current system. It should be added that the number of people with whom we conducted the interviews on that topic and who positively evaluated ujamaa was significantly higher than those who focused on negative aspects. A surprising fact for us, Poles, may be that Africans from Tanzania distinctly stressed the non-economic aspects of life they suffer from. Their basic problems were not salaries, still much lower in comparison with the developed countries (like in the case of Poles), but the fact that they experienced the imbalance or even decline of traditional system of social control, binding in every African village for centuries. Additionally, they noticed a growing and expanding social anomy which let people live for their own and realised that capitalistic system further encouraged people to lead such lives, incur loans in banks and have as few children as possible. That is the most radical change which Africans do not eagerly accept though they themselves let capitalism seduce them. From our perspective, the greatest tragedy was the violation of natural social balance. We lacked that balance which could help us face ujamaa and could give us hope to fight that challenge together. Your child was part of ujamaa. That challenge starts with small things. If your child misbehaved and I could see that then everybody from �160 Maciej Ząbek ujamma could come to a child and reproach them as that child belonged to ujamaa and all the people formed ujamaa and the nation. Ujamaa meant creating the nation. Look at us. We were raised in ujamaa and we know how to respect the elders. If we go to other ujamaa villages we can see that they also show respect to old people as these are natural rules of upbringing. Nowadays, nobody pays attention to what an old man says. Everyone wants to follow their own paths and you are not allowed to reproach their children because parents will say that these children are theirs and you should not interfere in their affairs. The worst of all is the fact that everybody goes their own way and children choose their own way of life and do not care what is good for the community. The truth is that it was more difficult to earn money but people respected it more. When you earned some money you had to share it with your relatives, grandfathers and ujamaa. You had one thousand shillings to live on and buy clothes. It was to suffice. Today, you can even earn ten thousand but it means nothing as the time spent on earning that money is priceless. At present there are hundreds of various schools and everybody goes to a different one so it is not possible to compare the knowledge gained. The same applies to the question of safety. In the past we were together and ujamaa monitored the area. Now, in case of an accident the police may come but a lot of time will pass and we do not even know that policeman as he does not belong to ujamaa. He is an anonymous representative of unknown authorities. Look at how divided we are nowadays. Everybody represents different values and follows their own paths. But after all, if it had not been for ujamaa we would be still living in small huts. Thanks to our communal work and power all of that development took place. Nowadays, nobody stands a chance to buy a big house because they will not be able to earn for that on their own. Thus, because of the community breakdown we think that the times of ujamaa were despite everything better. Sentiment towards ujamaa is so great among old people because they knew that everybody had the same salaries and they followed the same rules. A drift away from ujamaa broke social ties and young people migrate to cities as they do not feel attached to their villages... �UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT... 161 Earlier ujamaa meant a family but youth today do not like their families and do not want to be limited by their families... The young do not perceive agriculture as a source of business. They think that the only business they can do is in the cities [based on the interview with the community from Luanzi]. Opinions on the causes of the failure of the ujamaa programme and the general breakdown of socialism in Tanzania may also attract our attention. It occurs that Tanzanians, mainly young and quite well-educated last year students, do not think that the idea was bad. In their opinion the failure was caused by weak planning and poor execution. They can easily list its numerous advantages and achievements: People were more interested in one another than today. The state provided social services, which strengthened unity of the nation. Tribalism declined. People living in ujamaa showed more solidarity and were more sensitive to others’ needs. The programme could not achieve success as it was badly planned. They often underline that the reason of failure existed not only inside the system, but also outside it. The ujamaa experiment was finished in 1982 because the villages, on one hand, were formed on the inappropriate legal basis and on the other hand the International Monetary Fund demanded structural liberalisation in return for assistance: Ujamaa ceased to exist as a result of growth of the global capitalism which came to power... Additionally, activities of the World Bank and United Nations added to its collapse. Domestic economy had to undergo changes and become compatible with the global economic system. Some of the statements resemble the then existing propaganda: Ujamaa ceased to exist because Tanzania was attacked by Western capitalism and individualism. Those ideologies spread all over the world by the imperialists took control of the Tanzanian authorities and forced them to complete the ujamaa project. Foreigners compelled the state to transform its system, which was facilitated by �162 Maciej Ząbek lack of national unity, selfishness and egoism of some state members who wanted to grow rich to the detriment of others. The idea of capitalism was spread in Tanzania [based on the interviews with Iringa University students]. Only those pragmatic ones admit that: the system could not defend itself because of its low economic efficiency along with continuous population growth and conflicts between the developing global market and inefficient economic system of Tanzania. Yet, almost everybody regrets the collapse of the system claiming that the moment it collapsed they lost a considerable lot: We achieved the economic unity, we enjoyed equal access to education and medical care as well as other social services. We gained national identity. And now people have stopped working together and living in communities. The government does not care about people, which affects social inequality [based on the interviews with Iringa University students]. Many representatives of intellectual and political elites are sceptical about their prior criticism of the villagization programme. In their opinion, although the programme collapsed it greatly contributed to the process of establishing ties of villagers with the state. They think that the programme should be considered not only in economic terms but also from social and cultural point of view as in these areas it evoked significantly greater changes than in economy. Thanks to the ujamma programme a dense network of local administrative offices was established, health care and effective tax systems were implemented and new modern law became applicable. In villages where ujamaa programme was implemented the level of trust grew and the cooperation between authorities and citizens who know their local leaders better and are more attached to their region and country strengthened. It is also noticeable that in the villagized areas people more eagerly �UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT... 163 participate in parliamentary elections and greatly support the governing party (currently CCM previously TANU27) with only slight support for the anti-government opposition. People living in development villages remember that they owe access to health centres and possibility to educate their children to socialism. In their opinion, the general level of development grew due to the increase in per capita income and cereal production, with a visible decrease in illiteracy. As a result of dissemination of education (100% of 13-year-old teenagers and 95% of 17-year olds learn at schools) average age of people getting married has become on average higher (20 years for women and 25 for men), with a slight fertility decline. Most importantly, however, a country, which was previously devoid of villages, gave rise to the development of huge rural settlements equipped with basic service infrastructure28. Experience from the 70s and 80s connected with the name of Nyerere and the ujamaa programme transformed Tanzanian villages. According to the socialism enthusiasts, despite the failure of the programme it led to the considerable changes in a country with long-lasting effects vital for that country’s development. Conclusions Tanzania (known as Tanganyika before it unified with Zanzibar) has been a formally independent country since 1961 29. 27 TANU, Tanganyika African National Union, the main political party in Tanzania formed by Julius Nyerere in 1954, at present Revolutionary State Party (Chama Cha Mapinduzi – CCM). 28 P. Osafo-Kwaako, Long-run Effects, op. cit. 29 The United Republic of Tanzania was formed only in 1964 as a result of union of Tanganyika and People’s Republic of Zanzibar and Pemba (earlier the Sultanate of Zanzibar). �164 Maciej Ząbek Nyerere was in power for 24 years. The historical experiment of combining African traditional community values with socialism in the form of the ujamaa project of villages reorganisation lasted just 10 years as it developed on a full scale in 1973 and ended in 1982. The changes brought about by the project are still visible not only in the architecture and landscape of today’s Tanzanian villages but most of all it left a long-lasting mark upon mentality and culture of the country’s inhabitants. The experiment’s consequences are highly inconclusive and opinions about it are indeed ambiguous. Tanzanians share the same opinion only on one point stating that in economic terms the project was completely unsuccessful. It remains an open question to the majority of Tanzanians whether the project stood no chance of success because it did not focus on human nature or due to its poor planning and having been deliberately led to collapse by hostile external forces. Distinctive weakness of the current political system alternative along with the futile social effects caused by neoliberal globalisation make many people defend the previous regime and search for its positive sides. Objectively speaking, it is hard to achieve as the common knowledge has it that all positive changes introduced in Tanzania under Nyerere‘s rule in infrastructure, education and building construction cannot be attributed to Tanzanians only but mainly to the international aid. However, the fact remains that today’s Tanzanians are much better educated, united and prone to solidarity with their country than the ethnically diversified tribal societies in the neighbouring countries. Tanzania has been up till now a peaceful, safe and relatively well-organised country. Up to the present day it has not been affected by civil wars and ethnic or religious tensions being a real nuisance for most of the African countries. In Tanzania they do not constitute a problem. Can it be, therefore, concluded that Tanzanian national identity may be attributed to ujamaa at least �UJAMMA. CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE ABOUT... 165 to a certain extent? I leave this question to the potential readers and researchers of this problem. Similarly, the question remains why for majority of people safety (socialism) is more important than freedom (liberal capitalism)? Maybe because there is no real freedom without safety? REFERENCES Chałasińscy J. i K., Bliżej Afryki, Warszawa 1965. Chayanov A.V., The Theory of the Peasant Economy, Homewood 1966. Friedland W.H., Rosberg C.G., African Socialism, Redwood City 1964. Herbst J., States and Power in Africa: Comparative lessons in authority and control, Princenton 2000. Iiffe J., Africans: the history of a continent, Cambridge 1995 Johnson P., History of the world – from 1917 to 1990s, London 1991 Kapuściński R., Gdyby cała Afryka..., Warszawa 1969. Kornai J., Niedobór w gospodarce, Warszawa 1985. Leszczyński A., Skok w nowoczesność. Polityka wzrostu w krajach peryferyjnych 1943–1980, Warszawa 2013. Meredith M., The State of Africa. A History of Fifty Years of Independence, London 2005. Nyerere J.K., Freedom and Unity – Uhuru na Umoja, Nairobi – Lusaka – Addis Ababa 1996. Oliver R., Atmore A., Africa Since 1800, Cambridge 1967. Osafo-Kwaako P., Long-run Effects of Viligization in Tanzania, Draft 2011, www.econ.yale.edu/conference [Accessed: Jun 2015]. Perham M., The Colonial Reckoning: The End of Imperial Rule in Africa in The Light of British Experience, New York 1962. �166 Maciej Ząbek Sidney L., Ni Wapi Tunakwenda (Kultura Hip Hopu i dzieci Arushy), in: The Vinyl Ain’t Final. Hip Hop and the Globalization of Black Popular Culture, eds. D. Basu, S.J. Lemelle, London 2006. Ząbek M., Wsie wspólnotowe w Tanzanii – wspomnienia po afrykańskim socjalizmie, „Zeszyty Wiejskie”, 21(2005), s. 43–58. Zins H., Historia Afryki Wschodniej, Wrocław – Warszawa 1986. �Chapter 5. AMBILIASIA PENIEL MOSHA STEVEN KAUZENI SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE: THE UNTOLD STORIES OF CLIMATE PRESERVATION FROM KILIMANJARO ABSTRACT Climate change has been one of the indispensable topics to international conferences and local ones, academics and streets, old and young, male and female and the stratification may go on, simply because its effects engulf all facets of man’s life regardless of heterogeneity. Most academic endeavors so far focused on the scientific preservation measures of climate change forgetting the other untapped and invisible side of traditional knowledge that helped to preserve the climate that recent generation wasn’t lucky to find. This paper goes deeper and explores the traditional untold measures used for environmental conservation and poses it as a challenge to modern generation. Using Qualitative approach the researchers conduct an in-depth interview to the purposeful selected elders of Mshiri Village and bring out the worked truths on how the villagers once imbibed interesting environmental conservation mechanisms which preserved the world they lived in. The key findings reveal that the question of environmental conservation and climate change is or should be faith-based, collectively held, and engraved in peoples’ hearts in the adoration of the creation which takes us back to the theories of moral realism. Having observed that most academic endeavors so far focused on the scientific measures to control climate change while neglecting the AMBILIASIA PENIEL MOSHA, STEVEN KAUZENI – Assistant Lecturer, The Mwalimu Nyerere Memorial Academy. �168 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni other untapped and invisible side of social cultural deeply rooted interventions that helped preserve the climate; this paper focuses attention on Traditional Knowledge as was used previously by Mshiri village natives and suggest how this can be used complementarily with modern scientific measures to conserve the environment and boost economic development as a result. The paper recommends that there should be deliberate efforts to inculcate ethical obligation to Tanzanians which will bring back the once felt connection between man and nature which as a consequence will arouse conscious environment conservation spirit that will be backed up by the fusion of belief and reality of what is societal good. Introduction Once upon a time climate change was a foreign topic in academia and students struggled hard to understand concepts like weather, temperature, draught, floods and many others. Nowadays, these concepts are easily understood as what was only to be known theoretically is now practical and easily observed. Environmental degradation is vivid and harnessed by man. Population growth resulting in overconsumption and technological advancements, resulted in degradation of biophysical environment and ultimately change in climate with vivid global effects like melting glaciers and rising sea levels resulting in floods, extreme weather, shifting rainfall patterns, extreme draught, human health defects, wildlife catastrophes and costs for society and economy. According to WWF1 for instance, the average temperature in arctic region has increased by 5 degrees C over the last 100 years and they suggest the disappearance of ice cover in few decades to come. This has disastrous effects on polar species and the world climate in general. In Tanzania consequences of climate change are also vivid. As reported by Patric Lameck (n.d.), climate change has several 1 WWF, Soil Erosion and Degradation, 2016. �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 169 impacts like invasion of salt water to freshwater bodies in Bagamoyo, submergence of Maziwe Island in Pangani and Tanga, land slidding in Same District and loss of soil fertility. Yussuf I.2 further reports effects like water salinity and scarcity, increase in rainfall intensity in different places, declining fish stock, beach erosion, rising temperature and changing wind. Governments all over the world are trying hard to control the rapid pace of climate change and dealing with resultant consequence. Several counteracting measures provided include scientific approaches like beach nourishment, agro forest, climate proofing of critical infrastructure, desalination and developing sustainable ground water management policies. However, it is evident that traditional African societies had own unique ways of conserving the environment and hence built conducive ecosystem that enabled them to survive for many years, having enough to eat and store, and have consistent weather patterns which were predictable and beneficial for their daily lives. Despite presence of this treasure, its documentation is scarce3. This paper uses qualitative approach and conducts a purposeful in-depth interview to Mshiri natives and brings out the worked – truths on how the Kilimanjaro traditional societies imbibed interesting environmental conservation mechanisms which preserved the world they lived in. Statement of the Problem Despite the fact that traditional knowledge played a great role in conserving the environment, it is currently minimally utilized. This is the knowledge that was revealed in social cultural practices interconnected with people’s belief in supernatural God and gods who I. Yussuf, Tanzania: Assessing Impact of Climate Change On Environment, Human Health, Food Security, 2016. 3 L. Sati, Traditional Practices Key to Environmental Conservation, Available at www.av.at.nwsofthesouth.com. Accessed on 21st July, 2017. 2 �170 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni were the providers and enforcers of the rules of nurturing nature. It was voluntary, cheap and collective hence simplified enforcement of mutually agreed measures and created belongingness and ownership of efforts. Its documentation is also scarcely available and its practice is about to disappear in the long run. Presence of extreme climate change indicators in rural Tanzania which was once well conserved raises questions as to what might have gone wrong. This has escalated to urban areas as well. For instance, the 2005/2006 draughts reduced economic growth by 1% GDP and affected livelihood enormously; change in crop yields and labor productivity is estimated to affect the economy causing losses to annual global GDP in 2060 by 0.8% and by 0.9% to more vulnerable regions according to OECD (2010); deterioration of aquatic systems; land degradation; lack of accessible, good quality water for rural and urban inhabitants, environmental pollution, food shortage, eruption of diseases and loss of wildlife habitats and biodiversity are all indicators that modern scientific environmental conservation knowledge is not sufficient to control climate change (Tanzania environmental policy). So far lots of money has been invested in scientific interventions to conserve the environment and deal with climate change (UKaid). Tanzania has joined global initiatives and signed protocols like Kyoto protocol and various donors such as Denmark, Finland and Sweden are also supporting the initiative. The government also has established institutions and policies to deal with environmental conservation, launching various campaigns like alternative energy campaigns and others despite the piecemeal results. However, there is the untapped traditional knowledge secreted in social culturally deeply-rooted interventions that helped to preserve climate in African natives. This is scarcely researched upon and documented, neither its usage is sufficiently employed. If well tapped, the researchers believe that it can complement the modern scientific �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 171 knowledge and robust environmental conservation and control climate change and its consequences as it used to be previously. The research investigated the significance of traditional knowledge in conserving the environment in Mshiri village in Kilimanjaro region. So, it is the standpoint of this paper that the use of traditional knowledge would significantly complement the present scientific methods of which some have been proved to accelerate further problems to environment. Purpose of the Study The purpose of the study was to assess the contribution of traditional knowledge in environmental conservation using a case study of Mshiri Village at Kilimanjaro region. Objectives of the Study The study was based on the following objectives: – To determine traditional knowledge practices which were used to preserve the environment in the study area. – To find out the significance of traditional knowledge in conserving the environment in the study area. – To identify indicators of climate change at Mshiri Village in Kilimanjaro. – To analyze factors influencing climate change in the study area. – To assess people’s awareness on day-to-day implication of climate change. Significance of the Study There is a need for complementary measure of conserving the environment in Tanzania, especially on the re-adoption of social cultural habits or practices that once worked. This information is currently scarce on literature and neither are there formalized efforts directed to such measures in Tanzania’s conservation undertak- �172 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni ings. This knowledge will be useful three-fold. One, to the people of Tanzania and elsewhere, it will impart them with complementary home-made measures of conserving climate and hence appreciate its consequences; two, for environmental and climate change activists it will provide a challenging countermeasure that they can incorporate in their interventions and three, it offers a unique opportunity for government to rethink and formally acknowledge the role of traditional knowledge in conserving the climate. Literature Review Introduction The need for traditional knowledge in preserving climate cannot be overemphasized. Gleb Raygorodetsky4 emphasizes the indispensability of traditional knowledge in environmental conservation. This traditional knowledge is embodied in traditional ways of life which contribute little to climate change; moreover it is the base for ‘‘community based adaptation and mitigation actions that sustain resilience of socio-ecological systems at the interconnected local, regional and global scales’’ according to Raygorodetsky5. Definition of Traditional Knowledge/ Indigenous Knowledge as used in climate change The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) conceptualizes traditional knowledge/ Indigenous knowledge or local knowledge as adaptation strategies held by indigenous people G. Raygorodetsky, Why Traditional Knowledge Holds the Key to Climate Change, United Nations University. Abrufbar unter: http://unu. edu/articles/ global-change-sustainable-development/why-traditional-knowledge-holds-thekey-to-climate-change (Zugriff am 19), 2011. 5 Ibidem. 4 �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 173 worldwide which are cost-effective, participatory and sustainable. This is to say that indigenous societies have own ‘know how’ which is adopted, instituted and transferred from one generation to another through the informal education mechanism such as experiential learning and storytelling. This definition will be used in this paper to represent traditional methods and techniques that were used previously by the indigenous forefathers around Mount Kilimanjaro in Mshiri village and whose traces still remain but suffocated by contemporary adverse anthropological activities which are hazardous to the environment and modern scientific control measures. Theoretical framework: Moral Realism Theory The questions of ontology (theory of being/existence) and epistemology (theory of knowing/ methods of knowing what exists) split when it comes to science and religion as they both have different assumptions. Religious ontology from Realist perspective for example confers the existence/ truth to Moral realism, i.e. truth exists beyond what we think of it while scientific ontology ascribes the truth to experiments and facts which lay proof for what exists. This paper focuses on realism. Assumptions of realism as pointed out by Ron White (n. d.) are as follows: There are at least some timeless universal facts or timeless universal values that serve as the foundation for our true beliefs. 1) Moral realism argues that ‘there at least some prescriptive beliefs that are similarly true, that correspond to values that are universally good, and independent of what individuals or communities think about those values’ (ibid). 2) The timeless and universal moral truths, are founded on timeless and universal foundation that is rooted in a theory of Truth ‘Value based on a one-to-one correspondence between belief and reality’. �174 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni 3) True beliefs correspond to the dictates of foundational reality and false beliefs contradict that reality. 4) The role of supernaturalism especially divine command theory which demands that universal moral truth is based on the word of God whose main presupposition is that all humans belong to same God who is unstoppable, all powerful and all pervading (i.e. omnipotent/unstoppable/all powerful, omnipresent/all pervading/universal and omniscient). 5) The unquestioned authority of God is usually supported by the inability to escape God’s timeless and universal vigilance to detect non-compliance with universal rules, and the inability to resist God’s timeless and universal enforcement of those rules’. The correspondence between belief and reality has been nurtured by the African traditional societies as regard to environmental conservation6. Environmental conservation practices were a positive externality of mixed rituals and beliefs that was held dear to peoples’ hearts and passed from one generation to the next. Being constructed by communities they then became venerated as traditions (White ibid). This theoretical stance elaborates clearly the foundation of the beliefs that existed in Kilimanjaro and which consequently provided the ecosystem that was favorable to the dwellers. The fact that indigenous people of Kilimanjaro held true beliefs that was found on the reality that the environment provided their physical needs which were connected to their religion and the fear of the supernatural God’s punishment and gods; they automatically abode to the collecL. Sati, Traditional Practices Key to Environmental Conservation, op. cit.; S. Asiimire, The Unwritten Law: Traditional Ways Of Conserving Environment. [Online], 2014. Available: https://www.newvision.co.ug/new_vision/ news/1316940/unwritten-law-traditional-conserving-environment. [Accessed: 02-Jan-2018]. 6 �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 175 tively agreed norms which were traditionally instituted as will be envisaged in the coming sections. Environmental Destruction in Tanzania The multitudinal impacts of climate change are vividly felt worldwide and Tanzania is not exceptional. The extent of environmental destruction has escalated the qualitative and quantitative short term and long term effects to living and non living things on earth. Stiftung Konrad’s (2016) for instance has provided a chaineffect of prolonged draughts in Tanzania which has reduced the mean annual temperature resulting in fall of cash crop production which has led to lower agricultural yields resulting in a whole set of social, political and economic difficulties to the country. Anthropological environmental destruction activity has resulted in consequences like reduced precipitation and underground water; dried wells, reduced springs and lakes like Victoria, Manyara and Rukwa; reduced dams like Nyumba ya Mungu in Kilimanjaro. This has led to food insecurity resulting in famine, desertification and the prolonged conflict between farmers and pastoralists. Land degrading encounters have facilitated soil erosion, desertification and salinization. This is due to activities like overgrazing, wild fires, deforestation and inappropriate agriculture practices. Forests and wetlands are suffering from deforestation caused by increasing need for timber and energy. According to Tanzania Environment and Climate Change Policy Brief (2010) as quoted, ‘The wetlands are threatened by increasing population, land clearance and deforestation of swamp forest and surrounding woodlands, poaching, pollution and eutrophication, and modification of natural flow regimes. The ecosystem services are impaired by infestation of alien species, declining fish populations, habitat destruction and loss of biodiversity’. �176 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni Biodiversity which plays a great role in supporting life on earth has been affected in numerous ways. For instance, aquatic life has been vulnerable to manned – harmful activities like destructive fishing, unregulated costal tourism and over-exploitation of aquatic resources. Deforestation is said to disturb forests potentials like purification and regulation of water, climate regulation, and carbon sequestration. It is also accused of being responsible for global climate change mainly facilitating erosion, siltation and loss of ecosystem services7. Impacts of Environmental Destruction in Tanzania Environmental destruction has a lot of impacts. Some of these include but not limited to overheated temperature from global warming which has led to melting icecaps like that of Mount Kilimanjaro with long-term threatening effects of total diminishing. It is estimated that the snow at the top of Mount Kilimanjaro will disappear in 10 years time to come. Consequent to this are economic impacts like lack of tourists who bring foreign currency that is directed to development interventions in the country. This impact trickles down to enhance family poverty especially to dependants of tourist activities of Mount Kilimanjaro. There has also been an outbreak of pests and diseases which have affected coffee production by 20% in areas which will experience heavy rainfall and maize production has declined by 33% on the national level leading to consequential effects of prize escalation impacting the poor who cannot afford the prize. The Tanzania Environment and Climate Change Policy (2010) has reported that Tanzania’s water resources’ flowing is being J. Andersson and D. Slunge, Tanzania – Environmental Policy Brief, Gothenburg 2005. 7 �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 177 reduced and hence affects lives of the users in many ways; for instance domestic usages and hydroelectric power production. Rivers like Pangani River which supports life in Kilimanjaro and Moshi, the Ruvu River which supports Dar es Salaam are also affected. It is estimated that ‘‘the reduced flows of the Pangani will impact the 17.4% of the country’s hydropower generated in that basin, while the increased flows in the Rufiji basin may cause damage to the Mtera and Kidatu hydropower installations, which generate 50.3% of the country’s hydropower’’8. Different Remedies Given In fighting environmental degradation and preserving climate Tanzania has joined forces with global initiatives like signing the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) in 1992 and ratified it in 1996; signed the Kyoto Protocol in 2002 and established a National Adaptation Program of Action in January 2007. Deliberate efforts have also been put by institutionalizing environmental conservation by establishing various sectors like ministry to deal with environment in Vice President’s Office Division of Environment, Ministry of Energy and Minerals, Ministry of Water and Irrigation, Ministry of Agriculture, Food Security and Co-operatives and Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, National Climate Change Steering Committee (NCCSC), Tanzania Meteorological Agency and others. Moreover, the establishment of several policies like National Environmental Policy (NEP, 1997), the National Environmental Action Plan (NEAP, 1997), the National Adaptation Program of Action (NAPA, 2007);, the Environmental Management Act (EMA, S. Mkhandi and J. Ngana, Trends analysis and spatial variability of annual rainfall, in: Water Resources Management in the Pangani River Basin: Challenges and Opportunities, ed. J. Ngana, Dar es Salaam 2001, pp. 21–29. 8 �178 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni 2004), a legislation providing for legal and institutional framework for sustainable management of environment, prevention and control of pollution, environmental compliance and enforcement, etc., the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) and Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEA) have been accomplished. Tanzania has also instituted measures like use of alternative sources of energy like improved sources such as biodiesel charcoal and stoves and donors likewise have been invited and they play a great role in saving the climate. The Government of Norway for instance has pledged US$100 million for work related to Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD); Denmark through DANIDA is conducting a lot of projects in various areas in the country, Finland supports forest and environment, and Bioenergy, and European Union also plays a key role. Traditional Knowledge for Environmental preservation General Overview Traditional social cultural habits of preserving climate and environment have been carried and demonstrated in traditional/ indigenous or local knowledge. In 1992 the UN Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) positioned this knowledge in the centre of attaining sustainable development though protecting earth’s biological diversity. Moreover, many international development agencies are recommending the integration of scientific and traditional knowledge which entails linking culture, environment and development in management of natural resources and conservation of biological diversity. This knowledge is said to be community based, collectively held and useful on complementing scientific interventions in climate change. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 179 insists on the indispensability of indigenous knowledge in developing adaptation and resource management strategies and that it is cost-effective, participatory and sustainable. Furthermore, the United Nations, Traditional Knowledge Initiative (UN-TKI) in Partnership with IPCC recognizes the importance of involving indigenous people in climate change debates. Other global organizations like UNDP, UNESCO, and CBD in recognizing the importance of local or traditional knowledge are campaigning to involve local people in developing local, regional and global policies in addressing climate change. Lastly, the 2011 Mexico City workshop has recognized the importance of local knowledge in agro forest, traditional medicine, biodiversity conservation, customary resource management, impact assessment and natural disaster preparedness and response9. It has to be noted that as mentioned in the background information and in the theoretical framework this traditional knowledge is backed up by existence of traditional beliefs that manifest themselves through fear of supernatural God or gods/goddesses whose abode lied in rocks, streams, trees, rivers and others and that these gods can protect them from harm, famine, draught, epidemics and war, and that it happens that these gods avenge their anger on however disobey them. Moreover, these beliefs have been merged with legal institutions of the community which in turn make people obedient10. G. Raygorodetsky, Why traditional knowledge..., op. cit. R.J. Chacon, ‘Conservation or Resource Maximization? Analyzing Subsistence Hunting Among the Achuar (Shiwiar) of Ecuador, in: The Ethics of Anthropology and Amerindian Research: Reporting on Environmental Degradation and Warfare, eds. R. Chacon and R. Mandoza, New York 2012, pp. 311–360; S. Krech, Reflections on conservation, sustainability, and environmentalism in indigenous North America, „American anthropologist”, 107(2005), no. 1, pp. 78–86; P.A. Cox, Will tribal knowledge survive the millennium?, „Science”, 287(2000), no. 5450, pp. 44–45. 9 10 �180 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni Traditional Knowledge Practice in Africa African traditional knowledge on environmental conservation is interconnected with religious practices as it was widely believed that ‘everything which belongs to ecosystem and environment had strong spiritual meaning for humans’11. It is widely believed that African communities have incredible knowledge on conserving climate and that Africans are excellent observers and interpreters of change in the environment12. African traditional knowledge has proved useful in conserving climate and providing subsistence for the dwellers over years as demonstrated in different ventures. Humans have relied on plants for multipurpose aspects such as food, clothing, construction materials, cosmetics and medicines, and this has sustained for years because ‘traditional value systems have guided the sustainable use of wild plants in Africa over the years’ (conserveafrica. org n. d). Also some African rituals set forests as ‘no go’ areas as they were regarded as Gods and gods’ residences as hence cannot be contaminated by community members who were not religious leaders. Moreover, unnecessary tree cut was forbidden and one has to acquire special permit to do so. Sati (2013) for instance posits that forests were made part of the community who had feelings for them. This cultural practice lets forests robust and as a result regulates climate by attracting rainfall, wind barring and cool the areas. In tribal communities of Urhobos in Delta Central in Ghana and even in Nigeria for instance there exist certain taboos on killing or eating an animal totem which has played a key practice of inS. Asiimire, The Unwritten Law..., op. cit. G. Raygorodetsky, Why traditional knowledge..., op. cit.; L. Sati, Traditional Practices Key..., op. cit. 11 12 �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 181 digenous knowledge for conserving biodiversity. This is practiced in the belief that there is supernatural connection between people and environment. In his own words Asimiire S. posits that ‘natural phenomena were seen as possessing spiritual powers, and the natural force that supplies food seen as superior and accorded respect and veneration; and therefore sacred and endowed with healing powers’13. Certain trees, for instance, could not be fell because they were considered as (God’s trees) and this shows the strength of traditional habits intrinsically connected with religion in environmental conservation. Land in African societies was also seen as a goddess. On Sunday or even when the community member has died, one could not farm the land; this regulated man’s impact on the land and thus secured its fertility. Land in these traditional societies belongs to clans and not to the individuals, and because the clan consisted of the living, the dead and even the unborn, it enhanced the idea of sharing and caring or nature. Generally, rivers and seas were also seen as abodes of the gods and as divinities, certain human activities that marred their beauty were considered abominations; therefore, pollutants and human waste could not be discharged into these water bodies lest the culprits were punished by gods. Traditional Knowledge Practices outside Africa Not only in Africa but also all over the globe traditional or local knowledge has way back been beneficial and used by indigenous people for survival and conserving the climate. The following case of Philippines, as demonstrated by UNESCO (2013), shows how traditional knowledge was used by the Philippines to enable them survive; 13 S. Asiimire, The Unwritten Law..., op. cit. �182 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni The Philippines used traditional knowledge in building social cohesion and cooperation networks using traditional supporting systems involving reciprocal exchanges of valuables with stories associated with them. These took place as rituals and provided the forum for the whole community to agree and transfer worked knowledge of resource management and environmental conservation. In Ranau S a b a h traditional knowledge on environmental conservation has been manifested through agriculture and traditional healing activities. In agriculture, for instance, hilly areas were protected from erosion by planting and avoiding cutting down trees and mixed farming and shifting cultivation methods were employed to retain fertility. Also, there were certain prohibitions like observing dreams and listening omens from birds. If, for instance, one had a bad dream when he/she is about to open a new piece of land it signaled bad luck unsuitability of place for farming; likewise certain birds’ sounds signaled good or bad omen and one had to strictly follow it hence limit land use. Vitality of certain food crops used for medicinal practices allowed plenty of trees to be found around native homesteads and hence regulated climate. Red rice water, for instance, was a medicine for women who have just given birth and its leaves were believed to increase blood content. In I n d i a several practices accompanied by religious practices have taken place whereby for instance certain forests are named as sacred and protected by customary laws. Such forests are potential for herbs and other medicinal plants. All these evidences of presence of traditional knowledge prove that it is not to be neglected. In Tanzania, however, there is scarce literature on this knowledge despite the fact that the remnants of its existence are still evident to indigenous societies to date. Moreover, no research has been conducted to study its existence in �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 183 Mshiri village and pose it as complementary measure to preserve environment to modern generation. This is the gap that this paper has attempted to fill. Research Methodology Introduction Methodology denotes a systematical way of solving Research problems. It contained various steps that have been generally adopted by research in studying this research problem along with logic behind them. This paper was set to find out whether traditional environmental conservation methods can be helpful to complement the modern and scientific methods of which its effectiveness is proving ineffective and adding further problem to the planet Earth. The process of achieving this involved investigation and exposed various methods of traditional environmental conservation that can be utilized to help the large mass of Tanzanian population to conserve environment in more distressful conditions of environment destruction that is in persistence today. Research design The study employed Case study research design with the view that it would provide an opportunity to study the aspect of the problem in some depth within some limited time scale, the research maximized qualitative approaches and quantitative approaches to ensure quality. Study Area The study was based on Kilimanjaro region; the focus was to assess the contribution of traditional knowledge in environmental conservation using a case study of Mshiri Village which in recent �184 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni years has lost its virginal condition of coldness and instead high level of temperature is being experienced. Study population has focused on the elder people of Mshiri village in Kilimanjaro region as well as some few middle aged people to air out their views on how properly traditional knowledge can be utilized to help and complement the current methods to achieve the promising environmentally friendly conditions to man’s life. This population is chosen because they have the treasure of the knowledge from experience and they are eye witnesses to climate change in the village and so reliable information was obtained from them. Sample size and sampling The study optimized purposive/judgmental sampling because researchers believed that it would provide the necessary and rich information relevant to the study problem. R a n d o m s a m p l i n g was used to complement purposive sampling whereby the sample size included 10 respondents who were the elders that in distant time utilized traditional methods in course of environmental preservation; 5 individuals of middle age, 2 of them being forest specialists aimed to provide technical experience on environmental conservation. Data collection methods and Analysis The study was optimally designed to use both primary and secondary data, however utilization of secondary data method found it difficult given that sources on traditional methods of environmental conservation were limited especially in Tanzanian context, however documents from other African countries were utilized. However, the study used n-depth interview method which involved face to face conversation between interviewer and respondents with the purpose of eliciting information from the respondents. This helped researchers to follow up ideas, probe responses and investigate motives �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 185 and feelings in relation to environmental conservation methods. Secondary data were obtained from books, journals, institutions statistics and reports for theoretical analysis. Data obtained from the field were recorded, summarized, operationalized and data from documents were subjected to content analysis. Presentation of Data was in the form of text and elaborations and qualitative elements were presented in the form of percentages and tables. Data quality control (Reliability and Validity) Reliability of data is the extent to which a test or procedures produce similar results under constant conditions on all occasion, on the other hand, validity tells us whether an item measures what is supposed to measure or describe. To ensure these a careful operationalization of research instrument was employed including employing multi methods in data collection. Data Presentation and Findings Discussion This section presents and discusses the findings of the study. They are presented following the sequence of research objectives. A number of questions were posed regarding environmental preservation and climate change in Mshiri village. Questions included asking the respondents to mention practices and significance of traditional knowledge used to conserve the environment, to mention practices of climate change in their village, to point out factors influencing climate change in their area, and to show their awareness on the implication of climate change in their day to day lives. Results are presented and discussed below. Practices and Significance of Traditional Knowledge in Environmental Conservation in Mshiri Village In answering the question on practices and significance of traditional knowledge on conserving the environment, it was found �186 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni out that traditionally local knowledge was paramount in preserving climate change for Mshiri village residents. This was facilitated by their homogeneity in race, language, religion and even leadership style whereby people were under patronage of their political and religious leaders. The fear of gods and God (Ruwa) for enforcing and punishing the law breakers of what was communally agreed has been one of the strongest reason for preserving the environment in the village. This is summarized in the table below, presented and discussed thereafter. Table1: Key Practices of Traditional Knowledge in Preserving the Environment Element Number % Religion 15 100 Solidarity works (Jumatatu) 13 86 Respect to Leaders and Sanctions Traditional Healing Homogenous Leadership Others Practices 5 15 14 93 2 13 15 100 Source: Field Data 2017. Religion From the table above it was revealed that Religion was the basic element that serves as the foundation of environmental conservation at Mshiri village supported by all 15 participants, i.e 100%. It reflects the traditional cultural heritage where by customs were ascribed to worship of gods and one God for Chagga people (Ruwa) who was the enforcer of truth. This God spoke to people vividly on the dos and dont’s in the society. He punished the law breakers by killing them, bringing famine of diseases to their clan/ homesteads and to this end everything was looked from religious perspective (Mbiti ibid). God provided nature and human realized this and so �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 187 was in good relationship with it14. There were several avenues that connected environmental conservation and religion as follows: All 15 respondents (100%) discussed about the existed belief that God and gods resided in specific major avenues like big trees or mountains. For instance, some trees were not supposed to be cut or touched. They grew in various places in the village and it was an abomination for anybody, to approach the tree zones except the elders. Trees like ‘Mkuu’ and ‘Mfuranje’ were considered sacred and every homestead had them. As a result the trees grew big attracting shades, preserving ecology, and acted as wind breakers making the area well-conserved. This traditional knowledge and belief are synonymous with Mkenda (n.d) findings that African society big trees like fig and baobab were a manifestation of the powers of Supreme Being and used as shrines. Not only in Africa but even outside Africa big trees have been considered sacred and kept for veneration. For instance, the Bothi tree is considered as a sacred fig tree by Buddhist, Hinduism and Jainism. This is according to Mkenda that “indigenous people knew that they had religious and moral responsibility towards the environment and that if they destroy environment it would imply destroying themselves” Moreover, big rivers were also preserved and adored as they were perceived to have supernatural powers. Big rives had ‘basin – like’ places traditionally known as ‘Nduwa’ which were considered to be the gods residence and so were inaccessible to ordinary villagers except for religious leaders who were authorized by gods to enter. These were used for rituals and intercession between people and gods in cases where for instance there were calamities caused C.V.O. Eneji [et al.], Traditional African Religion in Natural Resource Conservation and Management in Cross River State, Nigeria, „Environment and Natural Resource Research”, 2(2012), no. 4, p. 45. 14 �188 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni by man disobedience. These places were approached to remove bad omen and by pleading to the ‘mizimus’ i.e. ancestral spirits. These places were normally surrounded by big trees, grasses and tree bushes. As the place was well conserved it was never dry and it maintained rivers that flew to the village throughout the year. Solidarity works (Jumatatu) Another traditional practice which reflected people’s traditional knowledge in environmental conservation was existence of solidarity works. This was mentioned by 13 respondents equivalent to 86 %. Frequent meetings on how to conserve the environment were facilitated with religious leaders and political leaders. It was a tradition for village leaders to have a session after every Sunday service to give announcements and allocate ‘Jumatatu’ tasks (community solidarity works) and religious leaders would wind up by adding emphasis insisting Gods enforcements on top of legal ones. This practice still happens but to lesser extent and also these solidarity works are greatly affected with rural-urban migration whereby most of youth have shifted to urban areas in Moshi, Arusha and even Dar es Salaam leaving elderly people who are not as energetic to tender these works. Moreover, solidarity works were demonstrated in the act of guarding forests in turn against the stubborn and law breakers. As it was noticed that law breakers were always trying to enter forests for reasons like fuel searching, felling trees, honey harvest and others, and by noticing that these harmful activities will endanger their environment, they agreed to guard the forests in turn. The village leaders knew all members of the community and they were each assigned a day to guard the forests, failure to do so would attract sanctions like fines. For those who were caught destroying the forests punishment included beating in public, fines or confiscating personal property like baskets, cattle and anything available. �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 189 This was associated with the belief that forests were provided by God for caring his people, so it was collectively agreed to respect that by preserving what He has given them. Among the interviewees, 3 respondents (20%) mentioned demonstration of traditional knowledge in keeping tree nurseries. Leaders, both political and religious were champions in ensuring that trees were planted in every homestead and open places. It was even agreed that every Monday to be a community working day and one of the activities was planting trees all around the places that were identified by the leaders. This made the village to be so full of trees and fruits that served for shades, food and good climate. As pointed out by moral realists that true beliefs correspond to the dictates of foundational reality and false beliefs contradict that reality; it was easy for community members to place their belief in what they knew was true and this was reciprocated by having a good climate which supplied them with everything they needed. There was also unique knowledge on keeping water sources. One of them included guarding seriously ways that lead to Mount Kilimanjaro to prevent bypassers and those who would try to enter without permission as these were main sources of bush fires that frequently attacked the area and destroyed the natural forests for about 41 km2 between 1952 and 198215. It was also reported by almost 98% of the participants that all village men would on every Monday attend all water sources like springs, wells and rivers to make sure that they are not blocked and are clean and anyone who missed that activity was fined. Another activity was digging, directing and frequent cleaning of P.Z. Yanda and E.K. Shishira, Forestry conservation and resource utilization on southern slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro: trends, conflicts and resolutions, in: Water resources management in the Pangani River Basin: challenges and opportunities, ed. J.O. Ngana, Dar es Salaam 2001, pp. 104–117. 15 �190 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni canneries (mifereji asilia) that were made from the water sources directly to homesteads in the village for purposes of irrigation, domestic uses like washing, cooking and bathing and for taming harmful animals like wild rabbits (‘panya buku’) locally known as ‘fuko’ that destroyed banana trees and other crops. It was collectively agreed and enforced that no one has to do any private activity that dirty the water or prevent these waters from entering other people’s homesteads. This means that it was shared by all villagers equally. These made the water sources last for years and there was enough water for everybody’s use. Respect to Leaders and Sanctions Traditional knowledge was also manifested by existing sanctions like prohibiting animal grazing from water sources, in the forests and in private properties. Areas which were believed to be gods residence were no entry zones and fairy tales had it that when animals entered these areas they vanished. Also, if any community member, who was not even a leader, witnessed a law braking act, he/she went to report it to the leaders and appropriate measures were taken like public beating, fines or total confiscation of the cattle. Explaining keenly one old woman of about 70 years narrated that cattle rearing, being one of the major activities for every homestead, it was women’s major task to find fodder for cattle. Sanctions were the same that these no go areas like water sources and ‘Nduwas’ were no go areas and if caught same sanctions mentioned above would apply. It was very common to find women being slashed publicly in front of everybody including their children. As this was a humiliating and shaming activity women had to ask for permission and followed instruction to only enter the permitted zones. She narrated a case where she and her friend spent the whole night in the forest just to avoid being apprehended by the �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 191 villagers who noticed them entering the forbidden zone. They had to come out the other day afternoon and still face the humiliation and according to the woman, they never dared to repeat the act and it became a lesson to the rest, and this was so because leaders were highly respected. This practice has to be reintroduced. People have to be involved in formulating strict rules to conserve the environment in which they will feel ownership and hence implement as their own as it has been proved that people must have voice on deciding their fate, being listened, respected and empowered to implement what they collectively agree so as to bring ownership and sustainability16. Traditional healing Fourteen (93%) of respondents reported traditional healing practices as an area which demonstrated high knowledge in conserving the environment. This refers to knowledge that existence in varieties of trees and other plantations that were identified to have healing powers. These existed in planted trees’ seeds, leaves and roots of vegetations. It was learnt that some trees were not fell for traditional medicinal purposes both for humans and animals. Homesteads were also full of human medicine plantations like: ‘mpasi’, ‘kitolo’ and ‘mareremu’ for treating coughing’, ‘mamboko’ for curing broken bones or injured nerves, ‘ratune’/aloevera for wounds and ‘mapfuna’ for cuts. Leaves of a tree known as ‘Ringiri’ were also special for feeding domestic animals such as goats when they give birth; and it was found in every homestead. Other researches done elsewhere in Africa found the same kind of belief that there were supernatural powers behind vegetations R. Chambers, Rural development: putting the last first, London – Lagos – New York 1983. 16 �192 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni which originated from the link between religion and natural phenomena Asimiire17. These practices still remain in some societies to a lesser extent like Maasai Tanzania and Kenya. Researcher’s observation in Mshiri Village witnessed people walking a long distance deep in Kinapa forest to search for these herbs and some have disappeared altogether. Provided that this traditional practice served the multipurpose and its benefits are indispensable, still there is a need to recapture this knowledge and exercise it in modern generation. Homogenous Leadership Two, i.e. (13%) of respondents complained about presence of multi-partism which has brought division to the villagers. Presence of one common political affiliation has facilitated discipline and commitment to the agreed customs and traditions. This was ascribed to the sense of belongingness between the leader and the led whereby leaders were considered to share the same feeling and understanding with the led. Moreover, having respected clan heads, who were taken as God’s representatives and who gave direction to the community, facilitated togetherness and hence common understanding. This has been proved to be so; that division in party affiliation brings disagreements, prolonged meetings and even creation of opposing camps opposing each other hence delaying agreement and implementation of decisions. Other Domestic Activities Respondents also mentioned a number of other domestic practices where traditional knowledge was demonstrated. One of them was fuel uses. Most rural households live on fuel from trees, and this has been one of the major causes of deforestation and deser17 S. Asiimire, The Unwritten Law..., op. cit. �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 193 tification in Tanzania recently. It is intriguing how Mshiri, being one of these villages in rural areas, maintained sustainable use of trees for fuel purposes. Traditional knowledge played a great role in ensuring this. First, this was a custom to have all trees a family will need inside its Kihamba. This included trees traditionally known as ‘meresi’, ‘msonobari’ and ‘mtarako’. Despite the fact that these trees were used for timber and leaves for livestock beddings, what is interesting is the way they were used for fuel. A tree like ‘msonobari’ for instance could be lit for a week continuously without quenching. This was because after every use at night thick wet pieces of firewood were kept inside the fireplace and this was found still burning the next morning. Moreover, dry pieces of firewood were mixed with wet ones and these made the fire consistent and slow hence minimizing the need for a more firewood pieces. It was also revealed that traditional knowledge was useful in identifying signs from birds and surroundings for different activities of the year. Respondents described association of certain bird’s sounds with events. For instance, certain birds’ sound symbolizes planting or harvesting season, death, and drought or rain season. It was also a common knowledge which was passed from elders to children to read the clouds in the sky; for instance, when the clouds were so dark and in certain location like eastern side, western or overhead side it would rain on that day. Also, each particular clouds pattern had interpretation like God’s/ gods’ anger or happiness. All these indicators were of much significance to Mshiri people as they enabled them to conserve the environment and survive under good climatic condition of which they were responsible to create and nurture. This is in tandem with moral realism philosophy which states that true beliefs correspond to the dictates of foundational reality and further it was possible as all villagers �194 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni were aware that they will not escape God’s punishment for non compliance with caring nature. Indicators of Climate Change in Mshiri Village When asked about the indicators of climate change in the village, all 15 participants were not hesitant to mention changes in weather patterns. As all participants were 40 years and above, over four decades they lived they have been eye witnesses of changes in weather patterns from systematic weather condition of 1970s, to present unpredictable patterns. Prolonged and unpredictable hot/ summer seasons were reported as the most troubling condition which has twisted people lives in this once cool and wetland. All 15 respondents elaborated with deep feelings the way prolonged hot climate has affected their lives from economic activities to agricultural ones. Mshiri population which once lived on banana and coffee, which is robust in humid climate, is now unable to depend on this because hot climate will not allow them to grow as they used to. It was normal to have cloudy and very cold mornings accompanied with fog to about 10:00 a.m. in the morning. This is no longer there. According to the study conducted by the University of Witwatersrand Coffee production for instance has dropped and will drop to 200kg per hectare by 2030 and to 145kg per hectare in 2060 because it has been established that for every 1 degree night temperature rise, 137kgs are lost and since 1961 night temperature has risen by 1.4 degrees18. Glacier retreat and reduction of ice cap on Mount Kilimanjaro was also a matter of concern to all villagers as presented by the K. Makoye, Coffee production slipping in Tanzania as temperatures rise. [Online]. Available: https://www.reuters.com/article/us-tanzania-coffee/coffeeproduction-slipping-in-tanzania-as-temperatures-rise-idUSKBN0NI0D520150427. [Accessed: 02-Jan-2018]. 18 �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 195 respondents. One can have a direct view of the mountain when standing on any hilly area of the village. In the company of one respondent the researcher could see vividly Mount Kilimanjaro and the respondent was pointing his finger showing the way he used to see the amount of ice covering the rocks of the mountain to the bottom of the mountain but now it is like a naked man wearing an undersized hat. Another indicator mentioned was presence of reduced, drying or dried water sources and rivers like river ‘Kiruwi’ which was once full throughout the year and now is a dried area. A lot of springs have also dried up and this has reduced the supply of water in the village. Reason to these is multifaceted. Reduction of ice cap on Mount Kilimanjaro is the major reason as the ice has been drizzling and forms streams. It forms pure fresh water which supported ecosystem around the mountain. Other anthropological activities also have contributed like deforestation, bush fires and others. Also famine was mentioned as another indictor of climate change in Mshiri Village. As pointed out earlier, changes in weather patterns and reduction of water sources have direct impact on agriculture. Mshiri village has previously depended on producing their own food for 100% and this was possible due to support of conducive climate but only 5% have food throughout the year. Their population increases at an estimated rate of 3 per cent each year and the population density for the upper belt was around 650 people per km2 in the year 2000, according to the Moshi Rural District Council. Consequently, the land devoted to agriculture, which the Chagga call shamba, is shrinking. Yet, the old Chagga agro forestry system has been one of the most productive areas of agriculture in Tanzania. Its multicultural combination of trees, rice, vegetables, beans and groundnuts �196 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni combines well with naturally good soil to achieve sustainable resource management19. People described lack of ‘ghalas’ (locally made food store) and presence of empty ‘kais’ (traditional storage space in the roof) as an indicator of lack of food. It was learnt that years back when climate was good it was common for homesteads to have places they store food. For instance, extra harvested maize was processed and kept in a ghala for a very long time for future uses. Moreover, Mshiri houses were built with kais specially for storing surplus crops like coffee. Fertile black soils in shambas were also reported as indicator of plenty food. Subsistence farming supported by climate allowed mixed farming whereby homesteads grew their own food enough to consume throughout the year. People would grow maize, coffee, potatoes and various types of vegetables, yams, many fruits, sugarcanes, and many others. It was normal to have ripened bananas rotting on shambas from lack of people to consume. Also relatives from urban areas returned with big sacks of varieties of food when they went to visit back home in the village. All these have changed. Presence of empty kais, lack of ghalas, lack of coffee to harvest and store, visible shambas with only one type of food crop and few fruits and relatives from urban areas returning empty handed has been an order of the day and indicator of food shortage in the area. One of the respondents pointed out that this is happening because God and gods are angry with the people. In her research Mwangi20 found out that when weather was good and food was plenty it symbolized God’s and gods’ happiness towards his people and vice versa. A. Hemp, The banana forests of Kilimanjaro: biodiversity and conservation of the Chagga homegardens, „Biodiversity and Conservation”, 15(2006), no. 4, pp. 1193–1217. 20 E. Mwangi, Indigenous Knowledge and Environmental Conservation in East Africa, Bloomington 1998. 19 �197 SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... Factors influencing climate change in the area? The researcher was interested to know whether villagers were aware of factors influencing climate change in their village. The following factors were mentioned: Table 2: Factors influencing Climate Change at Mshiri Village Factor Harvest of natural forests Toothless laws Frequency 15 % 100 3 20 Unsustainable pastoralist’s activities 15 100 Destroying water sources 15 100 5 33 Lack of environmental conservation education Laziness 2 13 Neglecting traditional practices of replanting trees 11 73 Lack of discipline to leaders and elders 12 80 Life hardship/ low income/ poverty 15 100 Poor leadership 4 27 Drinking habits 3 20 Population growth 9 65 Source: Field Data 2017. The table above shows prominent factors mentioned to be destructive to environment: tremendous increases of harvesting of natural forests for fuel, farming and housing purposes. This was mentioned by 100% of respondents. Being a rural area where other sources of energy like electricity were unavailable or unaffordable, prime source remained to be firewood and charcoal which involved tree cutting. This was escalated by lack of reforestation (73%), population growth (65%), life hardship whereby people engaged in firewood and timber harvesting and selling to earn income (100%) and lack of environmental conservation education (33%). Other factors mentioned were unsustainable pastoralist activities �198 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni (100%) like grazing in water sources such as springs and wells, and cutting fodder for zero grazed cattle. Other factors were: presence of toothless laws which are not able to punish the culprits (80%), laziness 13%, lack of discipline to leaders and elders (80%), poor leadership (27%) and drinking habits (20%). Also destroying water sources was mentioned as the major factor that influences climate change. This was done through grazing in the sources, cutting trees around water sources, leaving them unattended, performing other domestic activities in the rivers like washing and bathing. Global warming has also affected Mt. Kilimanjaro which is the major source of water at Mshiri Village. Frequent bush fires, smokes from industries in towns and vehicles have resulted in overheated temperature leading to melting ice top of Mount Kilimanjaro with long-term threatening effects of total diminishing. As presented in previous sections this has an impact on economy and society at large. People’s awareness on day to day implication of climate change The research also intended to know whether people were aware of the implication of climate change. This was important so as to be able to establish the fact that people knew the consequences of their actions. Table number 3 shows the results: Table3: Respondent’s awareness on Day to Day Implications of Climate Change Sex Yes % No 0% M 6 out of 6 100% 0 0% F 9 out of 9 100% 0 0% TOTAL 15 100% 0 0% Source: Field Data 2017. All respondents (100%) demonstrated awareness of the impacts of climate change in the study area. They mentioned indicators �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 199 like disappearance of traditional food crops like ‘sowe’ (traditional yams), banana, potatoes and yams; cash crops like coffee; and lack of affordability of three meals per day, lack of rain, low tourism activities, lack of timber, diminished biological diversity resulting in drought, poor health status – eruption of diseases, poverty, deaths from hunger, lack of pure air, diseases to humans and animals and lack of biodiversity. Conclusion This section draws conclusion from the research findings and makes a number of recommendations. The principal objective of this study was to assess the contribution of traditional knowledge in environmental preservation using a case study of Mshiri Village at Kilimanjaro region in Tanzania. Traditional knowledge has come out in this research as a complementary mechanism that can be used hand in hand with scientific methods in controlling climate change by conserving the environment. Different traditional aspects of Kilimanjaro natives like religion, leadership, traditional healing and lifestyle accompanied with participatory mechanisms come out as major factors that contributed to conserving the environment in previous years. Moreover, ownership and institutionalization of collectively agreed methods has been the centre piece in effecting the efforts. This knowledge has also proved to be useful in many African countries like Zimbabwe, Mali and Nigeria21. However, there are little remnants of evidence that show existence of traditional knowledge in conserving the environment at A. Lalonde, African indigenous knowledge and its relevance to sustainable development, in: Traditional ecological knowledge: concepts and cases, ed. J.T. Inglish, Ottawa 1993, pp. 55–62. 21 �200 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni Mshiri village. Stories from elder people, existence of dry valleys once filled with water, traces of once existed water canaries in front of villagers’ households and empty and dilapidated food storage spaces prove the vanishing of traditional knowledge in conserving the environment. Increased famine, prolonged hot climate, water scarcity, lack of vegetations like trees surrounding homesteads and low tourists activities together with loss of biodiversity have been found as consequences of neglecting traditional knowledge in conserving the environment at Mshiri. Recommendations Guided by the findings of the study, the researchers recommend the following: There should be revival of traditional knowledge in conserving the environment in rural Tanzania which can also be duplicated in urban areas. This can be achieved through making deliberate efforts to visit and conduct more research in taping the traditional knowledge in rural areas so as to come out with context – specific measures which will be relevant to the dwellers. Also, the paper recommends that there should be deliberate efforts to inculcate ethical obligation to Tanzanians which will bring back the once felt connection between man and nature which as a consequence will arouse conscious environmental conservation spirit that will be backed up by the fusion of belief and reality of what is societal good. Moreover, policy makers should incorporate indigenous knowledge in planning environmental conservation interventions countrywide and especially in rural areas because these areas play a key role in regulating climate in cities and supplying them with food. This should go hand in hand with empowering local people in implementing the agreed efforts. �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... 201 However, the incorporation of indigenous knowledge as a complement to scientific one has to be done keenly as it has been observed to be of great challenge to adopt a technological mix of indigenous knowledge and modern scientific one. Ahmed22 recognizes the power of modern science in revolutionizing life on earth, and identifies as a challenge the ability to adopt a technological mix of indigenous knowledge and modern science in order to meet the social, spiritual, cultural and humanitarian goals of people to maximize their internal well-being. REFERENCES Ahmed M.M.M., The Concept of Indigenous Knowledge and its Relevance to Sustainable Development, in: Indigenous Knowledge for Sustainable Development in Sudan, ed. M. Ahmed, Chartum 1994. Andersson J. and Slunge D., Tanzania – Environmental Policy Brief, Environmental Economics Unit, Gothenburg 2005. Asimiire S., The Unwritten Law: Traditional Ways of Conserving the Environment, Available at www.newsvision.co.ug. Accessed on 25th July, 2017. Chacon R., Conservation or Resource Maximization? Analyzing Subsistence Hunting Among the Achuar (Shiwiar) of Ecuador, in: The Ethics of Anthropology and Amerindian Research: Reporting on Environmental Degradation and Warfare, eds. R. Chacon and R. Mandoza, New York 2012, pp. 311–360. Chambers R., Rural development: putting the last first, London – Lagos – New York 1983. Cox P., Will tribal knowledge survive the millennium?, „Science”, 287(2000), no. 5450, pp. 44–45. The Concept of Indigenous Knowledge and its Relevance to Sustainable Development, in: Indigenous Knowledge for Sustainable Development in Sudan, ed. M. Ahmed, Chartum 1994, pp. 1–41. 22 �202 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni Eneji C., [et al.], Traditional African Religion in Natural Resource Conservation and Management in Cross River State, Nigeria, „Environment and Natural Resource Research”, 2(2012), no. 4, pp. 45–53. Hemp A., The banana forests of Kilimanjaro: biodiversity and conservation of the Chagga homegardens, „Biodiversity and Conservation”, 15(2006), no. 4, pp. 1193–1217. Krech S., Reflections on conservation, sustainability, and environmentalism in indigenous North America, „American anthropologist”, 107(2005), no. 1, pp. 78–86. Lalonde A., African indigenous knowledge and its relevance to sustainable development, in: Traditional ecological knowledge: concepts and cases, ed. J.T. Inglish, Ottawa 1993. Lameck P., Climate Change in Tanzania, Available at www.tcd.ie. Accessed on 19th July, 2017. Mkhandi S. and Ngana J., Trends analysis and spatial variability of annual rainfall, in: Water Resources Management in the Pangani River Basin: Challenges and Opportunities, ed. J. Ngana, Dar es Salaam 2001, pp. 21–29. Mwangi E., Indigenous Knowledge and Environmental Conservation in east Africa, Bloomington 1998. Raygorodetsky G., Why Traditional Knowledge holds the Key to Climate Change, Available at www.unu.edu/publications/articles. Accesed on 23rd July, 2017. Sati L., Traditional Practices Key to Environmental Conservation, Available at www.av.at.nwsofthesouth.com. Accessed on 21st July, 2017. WWF, Biodiversity Loss and Soil Erosion, 2001. Available at www.panda. org. Accessed on 21st July, 2017. Yanda P. and Shishira E., Forestry conservation and resource utilization on southern slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro: trends, conflicts and resolutions, in: Water resources management in the Pangani River Basin: challenges and opportunities, ed. J.O. Ngana, Dar es Salaam 2001, pp. 104–117. �SOCIAL CULTURAL HABITS AND CLIMATE CHANGE... Diminishing River Kiruwi in Mshiri Village 203 �204 Ambiliasia Peniel Mosha, Steven Kauzeni Diminishing River Una Diminishing Morning Fog as viewed in Mshiri Village �PART II BIOGRAPHIES ��Chapter 6. ANNA CICHECKA GENDER AGENDA AND DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA ABSTRACT The promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment are indicated as essential elements of development. Put simply, it is pointed out that development without “half of the population” – what means without women – is impossible. Following this gender agenda one may observe that the elimination of gender disparity and the strengthening of the organizations working for women’s rights are present in most developmental strategies for developing countries. This situation is also reflected in Tanzania. At the same time, it is assumed that neopatrimonial political culture in Tanzania has strongly affected the activities of the non-governmental sector and has limited women’s movements ability to act independently and with full access to autonomy, because the state authorities react violently and with indignation to signs of oppositional voices. On the other hand, it is visible that the Tanzanian women’s movements have used these obstacles to strengthen their position in society, as well as in the public sphere. Thus, it is worth examining the role of gender agenda with regard to the issue of development and with local NGOs in Tanzania. The paper is based on an analysis of the subject literature as well as field research and interviews that the author has conducted with representatives of the NGO sector and political circles in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania. The field research was funded by a grant from the National Science Centre – PRELUDIUM 9 Number: 2015/17/N/HS5/00408 while the rest of the research was funded by a grant from the University of Wroclaw Number 0401/2467/17. ANNA CICHECKA – PhD Candidate, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of International Studies, University of Wroclaw, Poland. �208 Anna Cichecka Key words: development, women’s rights, gender agenda, Tanzania. Introduction Interest in official developmental strategies increased after the Second World War. However, an intensive debate on development has started at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, becoming one of the most dominant discussions in international relations. This situation was related to several historic cases, such as: the appearance of the phenomenon called “fatigue aid,” the summary of the decolonization decade as the “Lost Decade,” and the political transformation in Central and Eastern Europe. Moreover, in response to the growing economic and political problems in the global South, international institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), have presented proposals for solutions. They initiated the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), whose general aims were economic liberalization and political transformation towards democracy. These countries which implemented SAP regulations could receive various forms of financial assistance, including debt relief1. As a consequence, two opposite trends emerged at the turn of 1980s. and 1990s. On the one hand, the indicators of global economic growth have increased. On the other, the gap between poor and wealthy states has grown at an alarming rate, and millions of people in developing countries adjusted to live on the verge of poverty. In relation to this situation the discourse on development has been complemented by issues related to hunger and indigence – which have been defined as major developmental problems2. Foreign aid and development: lessons learnt and directions for the future, eds. F. Tarp and P. Hjertholm, London – New York 2000, pp. 80–83. 2 M.S. Grindle, Good Enough Governance: Poverty Reduction and Reform in Developing Countries, „Governance”, 17(2004), no. 4, pp. 525–548. 1 �GENDER AGENDA AND DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA 209 Simultaneously, it has been noted that one of the most vulnerable groups for these problems were women. This became an impulse for the United Nations (UN) to start a debate on the role of gender in development and to propose varied strategies dedicated to women’s rights and empowerment, which have started to be called the “gender agenda”. The UN assumed that development without “half of the population” – what means without women – is impossible3. Following this gender agenda one may observe that the elimination of gender disparity and strengthening the organizations working for women’s rights are present in most developmental strategies for developing countries. This situation is also reflected in Tanzania. At the same time, it is assumed that neopatrimonial political culture in Tanzania has strongly affected the activities of the non-governmental sector and has limited women’s movements’ ability to act independently and with full access to autonomy, because the state authorities react violently and with indignation to signs of oppositional voices4. On the other hand, it is visible that Tanzanian women’s movements have used these obstacles to strengthen their position in society, as well as in the public sphere. Thus, it is worth examining the role of gender agenda with regard to the issue of development and with local NGOs in Tanzania. Hypothesis and research questions Preliminary research has led to opposite assumptions. On the one hand, it can be observed that gender agenda is extremely popular in Tanzania due to the great influence of the UN and because of its unquestionable value for development. On the other hand, it Millennium Development Goals, Available: http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/bkgd.shtml, [Accessed: 29-Dec-2017]. 4 African Women’s Movements. Changing Political Landscapes, ed. A.M. Tripp [et al.], Cambridge – New York 2009, pp. 81–89. 3 �210 Anna Cichecka is stated that obviously the role of gender strategies is indispensable for economic growth but their implementation could not be so successful without the engagement of local NGOs advocating women’s rights. Therefore, the author proposes a balanced hypothesis that the gender agenda in Tanzania is considered as significant and needed not only because of the rhetoric of international institutions – such as the UN, but also because of the powerful forms of advocacy of local NGOs – which guaranteed success and which have created an impact as well. The author does not examine the role of gender agenda in terms of the economy but investigates the narratives about how these strategies have become popular. Methodology The paper refers to social constructivism theory5. Therefore, the ideational and normative structures will be defined by the actors such as: international institutions, the UN, NGOs, women’s movements, the state, the authorities, etc. The author undertakes a comprehensive explanation of the relationship between the actors, as well as considering and understanding this phenomenon. The research has been conducted by qualitative methods. The first method is the analysis of the source materials and an analysis of the subject literature. The author has also used an in-depth interview method during the field research conducted in Tanzania, in 2015 and 2016. The groups of respondents have included: representatives of women’s NGOs; representatives of public administration; representatives of academics and representatives of business circles – a total of 29 interviews. All of these groups received a set of questions adapted to the social role they play. 5 A. Wendt, Social theory of international politics, Cambridge – New York 1999. �GENDER AGENDA AND DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA 211 The way of asking the questions has allowed for free responses. All of the respondents have been questioned about the meanings, interests and objectives of gender agenda and the NGOs activities in general. The field research was funded by a grant from the National Science Centre – PRELUDIUM 9 Number: 2015/17/N/ HS5/00408 while the rest of the research was funded by a grant from the University of Wroclaw Number 0401/2467/17. In order to test the hypothesis, the author has used the following research methods: a critical survey of the literature and a critical analysis. The aim of the first part of this paper is to characterize narratives about the effectiveness and popularity of gender agenda in developmental strategies on the basis of the literature sources, whereas the aim of the second part is to investigate the perception of respondents, who have been interviewed by the author, and to present their beliefs about the omnipresence of gender strategies in developmental programs in Tanzania. The last part includes a brief comparison of these two attitudes and gives a summary as well. The explanation of gender agenda popularity in Tanzania proposed in the literature Among the most important authors, whose publications are linked to the issue of gender agenda and development, are: A.M. Tripp, A. Kiondo, C. Mercer, C.G. Ishengoma, A. Ellis, M. Blackden, J. Cutura, F. MacCulloh, H. Seebens, and R. Pinkney and S. Feinstein and N.C. D ‚errico. It is worth to note that this list is obviously much longer, yet the analysis of the positions published by the authors indicated above may serve as a basic point for further examination. A.M. Tripp describes the women’s movements in East Africa and examines their impact on socio-political changes in the state6. 6 African Women’s Movements. Changing Political Landscapes, op. cit. �212 Anna Cichecka A. Kiondo discusses varied issues linked to the NGO sector in Tanzania, paying special attention to the historical background and the factors that have shaped this sector7 – similarly to C. Mercer8. C.G. Ishengoma analyzes the activity of NGOs at local level, emphasizing the influence of external actors, authorities, the Church and donors9. A. Ellis, M. Blackden, J. Cutura, F. MacCulloh and H. Seebens analyze the relationship between the rising of women’s movements in Tanzania and the process of economic development, as well as social and political transformation10. R. Pinkney characterizes the NGO sector in sub-Saharan Africa in general11. S. Feinstein and N.C. D’errico describe the socio-political situation of women in Tanzania, taking into account historical and cultural dependencies, as well as analyzing the basic legal provisions relating to the issue of discrimination12. Despite differences between the research areas favored by these authors, all of them assume that when it comes to the establishment of gender agenda, the UN deserves special attention. Firstly, they emphasize the significance of four world conferences on women organized by the UN in Mexico City, in 1975; in Copenhagen in 1980; in Nairobi; in 1985; and in Beijing, in 1995 and perceive this A. Kiondo, F. Mtatifikolo, Developing and Sustaining NGOs in Tanzania. Challenges and Opportunities in the New Millennium, Dar es Salaam 1999. 8 C. Mercer, Reconceptualizing state-society relations in Tanzania: are NGOs “making a difference”?, „Area”, 31(1999), no. 3, pp. 247–258. 9 C.G. Ishengoma, Accessibility of Resources by Gender: The Case of Morogoro Region in Tanzania, in: Gender, Economies and Entitlements in Africa, ed. E. AnnanYao [et al.], Dakar 2004. 10 Gender and economic growth in Tanzania: creating opportunities for women, ed. A. Ellis, Washington 2007. 11 R. Pinkney, ‘NGOs, Africa and the global order’, NGOs, Africa and The Global Order, Basingstoke 2009. 12 S. Feinstein and N.C. D’Errico, Tanzanian women in their own words: stories of disability and illness, Lanham 2010. 7 �GENDER AGENDA AND DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA 213 set of events as the basic incentive for women’s movements worldwide to start the battle against discrimination13. They also agree that when it comes to Tanzania and other sub-Saharan countries the most important was the conference in Nairobi. Secondly, they notice that the UN has contributed to the implementation of gender agenda to the developmental debate, announcing that there would be “no development without empowerment”. According to this statement, development without gender equality is impossible as discrimination against women has a negative influence on society in general as women’s work and intellectual capacities (the same as men’s) are essential factors in the process of economic growth and strengthening development14. A.M. Tripp, A. Kiondo, C. Mercer and C.G. Ishengoma have emphasized that the establishment of gender agenda may be treated as a merit of the UN but at the same time, one should be aware of the mobilization of Tanzanian women’s movements at that time and their influence on popularizing of gender strategies in the state. In general, however, it may be assumed that the main discourse in the literature seems to favor the UN part, neglecting the role of local initiatives. The next point is that all of the authors consider the breaking point as the turn of 1980s and 1990s. They find that the implementation of gender agenda in developmental strategies in Tanzania as well as its popularization in the state was possible due to the 13 A.M. Tripp, Political reform in Tanzania: The struggle for associational autonomy, „Comparative Politics”, 32(2000), no. 2, pp. 191–214. 14 One of the documents that underlined this issue is the Alternative Declaration, prepared by the Non-Governmental Organizations Forum in Copenhagen. The Declaration mentions the necessity of revising existing development policies and turning to greater social, political and economic participation of women. C. Thomas, Ubóstwo, rozwój i głód, in: Globalizacja polityki światowej. Wprowadzenie do stosunków międzynarodowych, red. J. Baylis, S. Smith, Kraków 2008. �214 Anna Cichecka transformation initiated by the World Bank and the IMF. Thus, the accent falls again on the influence of external pressure – coming from international institutions (such as the UN, the World Bank, the IMF, the Commonwealth), which has mobilized regional organizations (such as the African Union, United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, SADC, ECOWAS) and eventually have encouraged local initiatives to take action15. The above-mentioned institutions have been focusing their attention on democratization, human rights, development and developmental aid at that time16. The pressure to implement specific strategies in these areas has been spreading and influencing the status of gender agenda twofold. On the one hand, developmental strategies simply included provisions dedicated to gender equality and very often have made developmental funds conditional on the observance of women’s rights. On the other hand, even if developmental programs have not prioritized the gender agenda directly they have emphasized the necessity of economic liberalization and democratization. Subsequently, these processes have been creating the space for women’s movements advocating the strength of gender agenda in institutional structures in the state17. The SAPs may serve as a good example. Moreover, the literature sources highlighted the great influence of international institutions on legislative changes. It is assumed that external organizations have forced the ratification of international commitments dedicated to strengthening women’s rights. It is also assumed that they have been encouraging regional and local actors to fight for legal system transformation18. At the same time African Women’s Movements. Changing Political Landscapes, op. cit., p. 62–68. C. Thomas, Ubóstwo, rozwój i głód, op. cit. 17 P. Norris, C. Welzel, and R. Inglehart, Gender Equality and Democracy, „Comparative Sociology”, 1(2002), no. 3, pp. 321–345. 18 C. Mercer, Reconceptualizing state-society relations in Tanzania..., op. cit., pp. 247–258. 15 16 �GENDER AGENDA AND DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA 215 one should be aware that signing of international agreements has rarely meant the fast implementation of provisions. Nevertheless, the acceptance of the proposed contracts is perceived as unequivocal19 with the acceptance of gender strategies20. The last dominant narrative on gender agenda emphasized the role of external donors. It is pointed out that the growth of the developmental aid sector has enabled NGOs advocating gender agenda in Tanzania to become independent from the authorities and the ruling party’s funds21. A.M. Tripp dedicates much attention to this issue. Although the number of grants for women’s activity African Women’s Movements. Changing Political Landscapes, op. cit., p. 217–229. Among the most important international agreements are indicated: the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women – CEDAW, 1979; Nairobi Forward-looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women, 1985; Beijing Declaration and the Beijing Platform for Action; Cairo Declaration on Population and Development – ICPD, 1994; Universal Declaration on Democracy, 1997; Millennium Declaration and Development Goals – MDGs, 2000; Resolution 1325, 2000; Protocol to the African Charter on the Rights of Women, 2003; Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa – SDGEA, 2004; Resolution 1820, 2006; Ouagadougou Action Plan to Combat Trafficking In Human Beings, Especially Women and Children, 2006. 21 Among the most important sources of funds are indicated: 1. Public Foundations: ActionAid, the Foundation for International Community Assistance (FINCA), the Humanist Institute for Cooperation with Developing Countries (HIVOS), Interchurch Organization for Development Cooperation (ICCO), Oxfam; 2. Bilateral donors: Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), the Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA), the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA), the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation (NORAD), the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), USAID; 3. Multilateral institutions: the European Development Fund, the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), the World Bank, the World Health Organization (WHO); 4. Special funds for women: African Women’s Development Fund, Global Fund for Women; 5. Private funds; 6. Foundations: McKnight Foundation, Ford Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation; 7. Local government; 8. The business sector. 19 20 �216 Anna Cichecka has decreased since 2000, previous years had significantly changed the behavior patterns of local NGOs. Firstly, external funds have contributed to the quantitative and qualitative increase of NGOs advocating women’s rights. Secondly, as donors have preferred cooperation with NGOs to national governments and have been favoring relations with NGOs, then as a consequence many NGOs have been adapting the donor’s agendas. On the one hand, it simply maximized the chance of receiving the funds. On the other hand, it has strengthened the gender agenda at local level22. To conclude this part of the paper, one may observe that the dominant narratives about gender agenda in literature sources put emphasis on the importance of external influence. It seems that international institutions have had a great impact on the actor’s behavior patterns on a local level and have shaped the dynamic of changes. The role of Tanzanian organizations has been not omitted but definitely less attention has been paid to them in comparison with the global entities. The gender agenda in local narratives in Tanzania It has been assumed above that the dominant narratives about gender agenda in the literature refer in particular to several points and events, which according to these narratives, may be perceived as significant for strengthening gender strategies. Among them are indicated: a set of conferences on women organized by the UN; the UN declaration that gender equality is an essential part of development; political and economic transformation set down by the SAPs; international institutions’ commitment to the legislature changes on a local level; and the role of external donors in financial support for local NGOs advocating women’s rights. This section 22 African Women’s Movements. Changing Political Landscapes, op. cit., p. 101–106. �GENDER AGENDA AND DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA 217 is dedicated to examining how the above-mentioned rhetoric – if it does – correlates with the perception of representatives of the NGO sector in Tanzania. According to the first point – the importance of conferences organized by the UN – all respondents declared the same, that they have perceived this set of events as significant, emphasizing the special status of the conference in Nairobi. For a number of reasons meeting in Nairobi turned out to be ground-breaking for Tanzania. Firstly, the location on the African continent had a symbolic and practical meaning. On the one hand, the urgency of the situation of African women has been underlined. On the other hand, these measures enabled women’s associations, which due to financial reasons could not afford to participate in conferences outside of the continent, to send their representatives to neighboring Nairobi. Secondly, the meeting ended with the adoption of the Nairobi Forward-Looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women – an important document that provided directions for the implementation of gender strategies at national levels23. At the same time, however, respondents have accented that although the influence coming from the UN could not be overestimated, it was not the only one important factor in the process of strengthening gender agenda in the state. The conference in Nairobi triggered the atmosphere of mobilization and became an incentive for women’s associations but the need for changes had existed before and merely appeared at this culmination moment (Interviews with Dr Rose Shayo, 2015; Rehema Msami, 2015, Profesor Severine M. Rugumamu, 2015; Anna Kikwa, 2016; Ngunga Tepani, 2016; and Mary Rusimbi, 2016). As an example may serve Report of the World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development, and Peace, Nairobi, 15–16 July 1985, New York 1986. 23 �218 Anna Cichecka the case of the Tanzania Media Women’s Association (TAMWA). This organization was established after the conference in Nairobi, in 1987 but one should be aware that TAMWA’s founders24 had been advocating women’s rights before that meeting. In a similar way to other representatives of women’s associations in Tanzania at that time (TAMWA). Moreover, one of the first initiatives dedicated to gender equality was launched much earlier, in 1978. It was The Women’s Research and Documentation Project, initially operating as an informal feminist student’s group and eventually an important center for data collecting and analyzing25. Therefore, it may be assumed that the main narrative at this point emphasizes the role of local initiatives in popularizing gender strategies on a national level. Yet, the UN merits for the implementation of gender agenda to developmental rhetoric in general seem to be almost uncontested. Respondents agree that nothing could happen without the engagement of local associations but at the same time they recognize the importance of external pressure (Interview with Dr Rose Shayo, 2015). Due to their well-developed structures international institutions were what had the power to initiate debate and create the discourse on current global issues. Obviously, this discourse may be treated as some kind of response to problems and needs but simultaneously, it has been a driving force for shaping the behavior patterns at regional and local levels. Similarly to the narrative in the subject literature, the respondents find out the breaking point as the turn of 1980s and 1990s and link it with economic and political transformation as well. It is The founders of TAWMA were: Fatma Alloo, Edda Sanga, Leila Sheikh, Rose Hajia and Ananile Nkya. 25 R. Meena and M. Mbilinyi, Women’s Research and Documentation Project (Tanzania), „Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society”, 16(1991), no. 4, pp. 852–859. 24 �GENDER AGENDA AND DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA 219 assumed that the reforms initiated by SAPs have transformed not only the economic and political sphere but have also strengthened social activity. It should be noted however that the formal change of a one-party state system to a multi-party has not been equal to the removal of previous political behavior patterns. It meant, among others, the consistent dominance of centralized power and limited space for opposition and the non-governmental activity26. Thus, it is worth asking the question how gender agenda has become important in such a difficult political realm. While the literature sources suggest that it was possible due to the influence of external institutions, the dominant narrative of interviewed respondents underlines the importance of local organizations advocating women’s rights and their forms of advocacy, such as: the watchdog method, creating coalitions and cooperation with the media (Interview with Sabetha Mwambenja, 2016). Accordingly, the emergence of gender agenda may be perceived as the process which has become apparent in international relations because of the pressure coming from international institutions – what simultaneously has been a response to current affairs at the global, regional and local levels; but ultimately has been grounded in the state because of great engagement of local non-governmental initiatives whose knowledge about domestic obstacles has enabled them to lobby for changes effectively. When it comes to the legislative changes, research has acknowledged the influence of international institutions. It is assumed that international commitments have contributed to more intensive debates on the gender issue in Tanzania. Subsequently, this discussion about women’s rights is perceived as ground-breaking as firstly, it has confronted authority with previously neglecting C. Mercer, Reconceptualizing state-society relations in Tanzania..., op. cit., pp. 247–258. 26 �220 Anna Cichecka social needs. And secondly, it has questioned the legitimacy of the patriarchal model of the family that has been deeply ingrained in tradition and beliefs (Interview with Dr Rose Shayo). Most respondents confirm the great role of external donors in the process of emphasizing gender agenda in the state. They underline that both the programs of financial support for NGOs and developmental strategies for the government simply included the provisions about gender equality and in this way they have determined the possibility of receiving the funds, making these funds conditional on the acceptance of provisions dedicated to women’s rights. At the same time, however, it is worth to mention that respondents rarely perceive this relation with donors as based on partnership and accent that the priorities of donors very often differ from local needs (Interview with Mary Rusimbi, 2016). In summary, it may be noted that the dominant narrative about gender agenda among respondents emphasizes the importance of local initiatives. It is also worth noting that during these interviews additional issues also emerged, such as: weak cooperation between NGOs advocating women’s rights and the business sector. Conclusion To conclude, it may be assumed that the results of the above analysis have proved the hypothesis proposed in this paper. Firstly, it has been demonstrated that the recognition of the role of gender agenda among respondents differs from the perception presented in the literature sources. While the literature emphasizes the influence of external actors, then the respondents underline the significance of local initiatives and accent their contribution to the adopting of gender strategies in the state. Secondly, respondents state that powerful forms of advocacy of local NGOs guaranteed success. �GENDER AGENDA AND DEVELOPMENT IN TANZANIA 221 Simultaneously, it may be stated that as gender agenda was a part of many developmental strategies, thus NGOs advocating these gender provisions have played also an important role in the process of development. Therefore, it seems that the dynamic of changes have been affected not only by the ideas coming from international structures but also from regional and national levels. REFERENCES African Women’s Movements. Changing Political Landscapes, ed. A.M. Tripp [et al.], Cambridge – New York 2009. Feinstein S., D’errico N.C. , Tanzanian women in their own words: stories of disability and illness, Lanham 2010. Foreign aid in historical perspective: Background and trends, in: Foreign Aid and Development: Lessons Learnt and Directions for the Future, eds. F. Tarp, P. Hjertholm, London – New York 2000. Gender and economic growth in Tanzania: creating opportunities for women, ed. A. Ellis, Washington 2007. Grindle M., Good enough governance: poverty reduction and reform in developing countries, „Governance”, 17(2004), no. 4, pp. 525–548. Inglehart R., Norris P. and Welzel Ch., Gender Equality and Democracy, „Comparative Sociology”, 1(2002), no. 3, pp. 321–345. Ishengoma C.G., Accessibility of Resources by Gender: The Case of Morogoro Region in Tanzania, in: Gender, Economies and Entitlements in Africa, ed. E. Annan-Yao [et al.], Dakar 2004. Kiondo A., Mtatifikolo F., Developing and Sustaining NGOs in Tanzania. Challenges and Opportunities in the New Millennium, Dar es Salaam 1999. Meena R., Mbilinyi M., Women’s Research and Documentation Project (Tanzania), „Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society”, 16(1991), no. 4, pp. 852–859. �222 Anna Cichecka Mercer C. Reconceptualizing state-society relations in Tanzania: are NGOs “making a difference”?, „Area”, 31(1999), no. 3, pp. 247–258. Pinkney R., NGOs, Africa and The Global Order, Basingstoke 2009. Report of the World Conference to Review and Appraise the Achievements of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development, and Peace, Nairobi, 15–16 July 1985, New York 1986. Thomas C., Ubóstwo, rozwój i głód, in: Globalizacja polityki światowej. Wprowadzenie do stosunków międzynarodowych, red. J. Baylis, S. Smith, Kraków 2008. Tripp A.M., Political reform in Tanzania: The struggle for associational autonomy, „Comparative Politics”, 32(2000), no. 2, pp. 191–214. Millennium Development Goals [Online]; http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/bkgd.shtml (Aug 10, 2017). Wendt A., Social Theory of International Politics, Cambridge – New York 1999. Interviews with: Dr Rose Shayo, 2015; Rehema Msami, 2015, Profesor Severine M. Rugumamu, 2015; Anna Kikwa, 2016; Ngunga Tepani, 2016; and Mary Rusimbi, 2016, Sabetha Mwambenja, 2016. �Chapter 7. ANNA WIECZORKIEWICZ “BLACK WOMEN” AS A RHETORICAL TOOL OF PERSUASION ABSTRACT How can theories support, obstruct and determine understanding and developing of various cultural subjects? I am going to approach this question by analyzing the biographies of two women who are called black: Saartije Baartman and Waris Dirie. These biographies have been told in many ways, for various reasons and for different purposes; they have been involved in ideological, political, scientific, and also popular culture discourses. In the perspective proposed by this article, biography is not conceived as the sequence of successive objective facts but as a cultural construct defined by many factors (social, political, etc.). This construct is variable and may occur in many variants, however, a specific horizon of cultural imagination, established in the particular time and place, stimulates creating certain types of biographical narratives. The juxtaposition of these cases may disclose more meanings than a single analysis of an isolated biography. I will discuss how biographies become effective persuasive tools for negotiating and contesting different opinions and convictions. However, my intention is also to present a reverse of this interaction: certain theoretical orders (e.g. postcolonial theory, feminism) can ideologize and influence the biographies, providing both ANNA WIECZORKIEWICZ – Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University of Warsaw. �224 Anna Wieczorkiewicz a language and a rhetorical frame for expressing experiences and emotions. In this way, theories can colonize biographies. My point of departure may seem trivial: I will start from the landscape of popular culture which may be defined as Western and global. I have chosen them because they exemplify the effects of processing, combining and using values and opinions of various origin. My examples come from feature films which claim biographical and historical accuracy; in each case, though, the reliability is established on a different basis. (In the first case, the basis is a careful reproduction of the historical period and even incorporating quotation from authentic scientific text to the movie; in the second case, the script is based on the autobiographical book of the female protagonist and it was adapted to the movie with her approval) Let’s juxtapose two scenes from two different movies: A well-endowed woman is turning around to the rhythm of the music that seems as wild as she herself is savage. Her red costume is tightly wrapped around her body, her legs are bent, she stuck her bottom in the air, her head is lowered. She is jumping; just a moment ago, she was tamed by a whip of a trainer who had led her – thrashing about and grinning her teeth – into the salon. She has showed, however, that she was not an animal. She has imitated playing the instruments, she could even produce a melody. And now she is dancing – wildly and passionately. Everybody in the salon is captured by the spirit of the dance. We are in Paris at the beginning of the nineteenth century. After the performance, elegant ladies in beautiful dresses offer some champagne to the savage girl and try to start a conversation with her. None of them would like to be like her. Watching her helps the viewers to feel in their own skin better than usual. A black woman is walking on the catwalk – she is so beautiful and self-confident that you cannot take your eyes off her. Just a moment ago, she was wearing a niqab and only her eyes �“BLACK WOMEN” AS A RHETORICAL TOOL OF PERSUASION 225 were flashing through the narrow opening in the fabric. She has dropped it, and she was immediately transformed into a bride in a white dress. This is only the beginning of her metamorphoses: one garment immediately changes into another; each of them offers a new version of the woman. But there is something solid in the core of all these changes – a firm core that seems to be fully controlled by the woman. This event takes place at the turn of the 20th and 21st century in the Western culture area. Both pictures show one black woman performing in front of the Western public; the first one comes from the movie “Venus Noire” (2010), the second one from “Desert Flower” (2009). Their juxtaposition may suggest the optimistic message about an oppressed individual (symbolized by the black woman) who is able to gain freedom and to take control of both her own life and the way in which it is told. This rhetorical procedure would be just a simplistic application of the feminist and the postcolonial studies discourses. However, it can be also treated as a tool for focusing certain predicaments of culture; it helps to analyze the complex mechanism of contesting meanings and values. When talking about development, we should not skip this issue, because it shows determinants of the discourse that aspires to be inter-cultural. I have started with the examples of the popular culture, because on this ground, we can easily observe the effect of processing, combining and using values and opinions of various origins. However, this is a part of a much broader issue and other examples can be found also in academic, political and artistic discourses. The protagonist of “Venus Noire” is known under the name Saartjie Baartman or Sarah Bartman. A name which was given to her in her native language remains unknown. She was Khoikhoi (who were called by European colonizers Hottentots). She was brought from the Cape of Good Hope to London in 1810 by Doc- �226 Anna Wieczorkiewicz tor Alexander Dunlop. That man started displaying her in public shows under her scenic name „Hottentot Venus”. The role which she was forced to play inevitably evoked the senses of wildness, sexuality, excess. These associations worked not only in entertainment enterprises in which she was engaged, but also in scientific ones, as she has become a handy example for academics who were considering races, human origins, or more general – the order of nature. She was also used as an example in abolitionist struggle against slavery; the fact that she was on display could serve as a spectacular argument against colonial exploitation. In 1814, the show was moved to Paris; at the end of 1815, Sartjie died. Then, the autopsy was carried out on her corpse. The scientific reports from this event, which were prepared by Georges Cuvier and Henry de Blainville, where considered very useful sources by many academics, although they used them in various ways and for various purposes. Her skeleton and plaster cast from her body were placed in the Museum of Natural History in Paris, alongside two other human skeletons and many specimens of comparative anatomy. Later, they were moved to the Musée de l’Homme which was opened in Paris in 1937. A visitor could see the plaster cast figure from the profile (this arrangement exposed the steatopygic shape); next to her, a skeleton was also exposed and a photograph of African men and women above1. In the 1970s, Saartjie Bartmaan’s exhibition was moved to museum storerooms as a result of growing feminist criticism2. (However, it was exhibited in 1994 at a temporary exhibition devoted to the nineteenth-century ethnographic sculpture which was organized by the Orsay Museum.) Sadiah Qureshi, Displaying Sara Baartman, the ‘Hottentot Venus’, „History of Science”, 42(2004), p. 246. 2 Ibidem, p. 245 et seq. 1 �“BLACK WOMEN” AS A RHETORICAL TOOL OF PERSUASION 227 In fact, the posthumous life of Saartjie Baartman was as spectacular and dramatic as her biography as a living person. Her career as a museum specimen was parallel to her career as a key case in various scientific theories. Sometimes, these two lines of life were intertwined. For example, in his famous essay “The Hottentot Venus”, Stephen Gould (paleontologist, evolutionary biologist and historian of science) described the moment when he found “the brain of Paull Broca floating in Formalin in a bell jar” in the Musée de l’Homme storage 3 and then, he continues the story:”I saw the dissected genitalia of three Third-World women, I found no brains of women, and neither Broca’s penis nor any male genitalia grace the collection. Three jars are labeled une négresse, une péruvienne, and la Vénus Hottentotte, or the Hottentot Venus”4. After this finding, Gould wrote an article about Cuvier and Cuvier’s study which was published in “Mémoires du Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle”. Gould interpreted that study as an example of the nineteenth-century mentality: observations were fitted into frameworks of a presumed theory, but also beliefs and fantasies5. Gould’s essay stimulated Baartham’s posthumous career as a crucial example in many theoretical studies. In the 20th century, S.J. Gould, The Hottentot Venus, in: The Flamingo’s Smile, London – New York – Victoria – Toronto – Auckland 1991, p. 291. 4 Ibidem, p. 292. 5 Gould points out that this practice is not extraordinary: ‘If earlier scientists cast the Khoi-San people as approximations to the lower primates, they now rank among the heroes of modern social movements. Their languages, with complex click, were once dismissed as a guttural farrago of beastly sounds. They are now widely admired for their complexity and subtle expression. Cuvier had stigmatized the huntergatherer life styles of the traditional San (Bushmen) as the ultimate degradation of a people too stupid and indolent to farm or raise cattle. The same people have become models of righteousness to modern ecoactivists for their understanding, nonexploitive, and balanced approach to natural resources.’ (Ibidem, p. 300). 3 �228 Anna Wieczorkiewicz Saartjie became the iconic example of a “black woman” in the feminist discourse. That time, she was discoursively blackened. Previously, Hotentots were not considered Negros (who were perceived black by Western people). Cuvier (in his reports she was actually called “Bushman”, not a Hottentot) – described her as yellow-brown (La coleur générale de peau étoit d’un brun-jaunâtre, presque foncée que celle de son visage6). Her biography was also useful for postcolonial studies, and, last but not least, for the South African political discourse. In 2002, her remains were returned to South Africa, as a result of negotiations at the government level. Her remains were buried ceremonially and she was called the mother of the nation. Thus, the identity of a “museum object” was replaced by the status of the “ancestor of the nation”. The idea that “Saartjie Baartman is the most famous and most respected South African icon of the colonial era”7 was expressed in many ways in various articles and books. It is worth mentioning that she was not the only African subjected to posthumous anatomical investigation in the nineteenth century, nor was she the only exhibition of an exotic person as a curiosity. Her biographers expressed the regret that her voice can never be heard, and that she can be known only from messages produced by other people. In the second example, the woman seems to surpass this restriction – the narratives about her (which are often created by herself) expose her agency. The protagonist of the second movie mentioned at the beginning, Waries Dirie seems to surpass this restriction. G. Cuvier, Faites sur le cadaver, d’une femme cunnue à Paris et à Londres sous le nom de Vénus Hottentotte, „Mémoires du Musée nationale d’histoire naturelle”, 3(1817), p. 265. 7 R. Holmes R., African Queen. The Real Life of the Hottentot Venus, New York 2007, p. XIV. 6 �“BLACK WOMEN” AS A RHETORICAL TOOL OF PERSUASION 229 The Somali woman, top-model, author, actress and human rights activist struggling against female genital mutilation – tells about her life herself. She speaks publicly, she publishes books about her life and about her social activities. She presents her own biography in such a way that it seems to embody vital narrative patterns, but she also suggests that she controls the meaning which are conveyed by the narratives. The narratives about her (which are often created by herself or consulted with her) expose her agency. For example, in one of her books “Letter to my Mother”, the epistolary form is used as a specific tool of therapy and the therapy is understood in the framework of the Western therapeutic culture. In this letter, Waris says that everything that happened to her may seem like a fairy tale. For the sake of the tale, the world of her childhood is exoticized. However, just at the point where the tale should end, the ultimate sense of the story is reversed. The narrator proposes a new story: she says that the “Happy End” is the false ending. In fact, the scene of her spectacular success is only an artificial world of illusory and deceptive values. In this way, she seizes the power over her biographical narrative. However, her narrative is open to various other meanings. The movie “Desert Flower” (which was consulted with Waris) reverses the biographical sequence which was told in the book. The story begins in London. It is true that the opening shots present the picturesque Africa and some equally picturesque childhood scenes, but then, the viewer is redirected to the luxury department store in London and the young Waris, dressed in African way, who feels completely lost among the abundance of Western women’s clothes. The change in the narrative order points to the place where the story begins and also suggests that it is where the conceptual perspective is constructed. It is in London where this Waris, who would be able to express her life, is born and who turns her life story into a manifesto in defense of all the girls and women who �230 Anna Wieczorkiewicz are being harmed. It influences the interpretation of the source of moral categories. Many articles and interviews referred to the figure of Cinderella to interpret Waris’ biography, and at the same time, they employed the language of therapeutic culture to tell about overcoming the childhood’s trauma and emancipation. However, it should be mentioned that in her latest book “Safa”, Waris explicitly says that the Cinderella story is not the proper point of reference. She wants her biographical narrative, and especially the movie “Desert Flower,” to be the weapon in the fight against FGM. Waris describes herself as the embodied message which circulates between two worlds. The two motifs which are crucial for the persuasive power of the message are: the visible beauty of the body and the hidden scar in an intimate part of her body. The meanings associated with these motives are subjected to changes, depending on the discursive area in which they occur. From the rhetorical point of view, we can ask: who is the agent of these changes? Is it so that only by obtaining the (Western) tools of self-understanding the African woman can get access to her intimate experience and also to express it? Or, is it so that by entering a new culture she also lets new meanings to be inscribed into her body according to this culture’s order? These questions can’t be answered unambiguously because the answer depends on the perspective in which the question is posed. (The psychological perspective is directed towards the individual’s experiences, whereas the anthropological one focuses on the predicament of cultural processes, or the inter-cultural relationship.) In the following passage, I will use another juxtaposition to present the problematic status of the notions which are used in biographical narratives. The episode of the movie “Desert Flower” when Waris is posing for photos for Pirelli calendar is very meaningful: she is extremely �“BLACK WOMEN” AS A RHETORICAL TOOL OF PERSUASION 231 uncomfortable when she is asked to undress herself and to expose her body in front of the photographic lens, but the photographer is so patient and delicatethat she overcomes her embarrassment and starts posing; and soon she starts doing it with joy. Her nakedness transforms in nude presented in black and white photography. This scene can be interpreted as the image of the liberation of a woman who regains her body (even if she is instructed by others on how to use specific gestures.) The counterpart to this episode is the scene from “Venus Noire”: In 1815, a few French scientists forced Saarthjie to pose naked in order to examine her body and to prepare the visual documentation of the research. (In fact, the project was not fully successful because they could not see famous sinus pudoris – Saartjie did not want to get rid of the handkerchief, which she managed to use for covering her most intimate parts.) Though in both cases there is the issue of presenting a nude female “object” in front of a white male spectator, the meanings of these episodes are opposing each other. Saartjie does not overcome her reluctance; she is forced and suppressed. In her case, nakedness is humiliating in all its versions, even if it was “only” designed as a stage costume. (During some performances, Saartije wore tight-fitting skin color costume that suggested that she was rather naked than dressed). In this case, nakedness is the motif that supports discourse about oppression. The movie “Venus Noire” adds one more episode to strengthen the nakedness-humiliation association: a rape during the private performance in Paris. Saartjie lies on her back, her legs are spread and the trainer encourages the public to touch the intimate parts of her body. She starts to cry. The boundary between staged and off-stage humiliation is broken. Then, she has only prostitution and lonely death coming. The movie indicates that she was raped many times and in many meanings – physically ad symbolically. �232 Anna Wieczorkiewicz On the contrary, the ‘Desert Flower’ episode of undressing a woman to nudity works for the discourse of liberation (though in both cases the female body is exposed to the male viewer and then presented in images that has exotic and erotic flavor.) This can be interpreted in the perspective of issues of control over expressing various contents, notions, values. The space for expression is created by the tension between various concepts of femininity, exoticism, otherness which are held by various social actors like scientists, politicians, doctors, artists, fashion designers. The ‘calendar girl’ does not want to be trapped within the boundaries established by the therapeutic culture society. She changes the persuasive direction of the manifesto of being sexy, and replaces the narrative of individual happiness and pleasure by another one – about the hidden suffering. The fact that she arrives from the non-western world (which means: from the world of other values) makes the meanings associated with this event even broader. With no clothes, dressed in art only, she seems to be more emancipated and freer than Western women. Paradoxically, these associations confirm the western strategies of individual self-determination that are crucial to the Western culture of narcissism. In this perspective, the liberation gesture is employed in the order of Western rites de passage. Over time, she changes the meaning of this rite by adding another dimension to it. This happens when, after revealing her secret of circumcision, she begins to work for other girls and women who do not have her power. She manages to find the discursive space where the matter of sexuality is a political and legal issue. However, she is successful because the personal and intimate dimension of her story is maintained. The act of converting the private into the public allows Waris to speak about sexuality in the high style, but it also changes the meaning of her intimate experience. Her past individual suffering is used to build a better world for the others. This may be inter- �“BLACK WOMEN” AS A RHETORICAL TOOL OF PERSUASION 233 preted as regaining the right to what was taken of Saartjie – to her body, her sexuality, her intimate story. However, the episode of Waris’ posing may be interpreted in one more way. The photo is black and white. Artistic asceticism stresses what – as one might think – is inscribed in nature: the black female body is beautifully drawn on the white background. However, Waris is black in so far as we decide her to be black. When she is presented in pictures, her skin may have various shades, mostly it is brownish or olive. She is posed in the way which allows to expose the narrow nose, slender silhouette. Unlike in the case of Hotentock Venus, her pictured beauty does not damage Western aesthetic canons. Spectacular attractiveness of Saartjie consisted in her non-western body shape, whereas Waris is arranged as a black woman framed by occidental beauty canons. In fact, the movie episode of posing may serve as the illustration to Dean McCannell’s article “White Culture”: the black woman is presented on the white culture background8. As much as the shape of Saartjie’s body determined its spectacularness, the monstrosity of the black model’s biography was not immediately apparent – whether and when it would be explored and in what light – it would be decided by Waris herself. For the time being, however, her body is arranged by the photographer, captured by a convention, to be occidentalized. This scene could be an illustration of Dean MacCannell’s text “White Culture”: “Black Woman” appears on the white culture background. “We can never see her except through the eyes of the white men who described her”9 – Anne Fausto-Sterling stated about 8 D. MacCannell, White Culture, in: Empty Meeting Grounds. The Tourist Papers, London 1992. 9 A. Fausto-Sterling, Gender, Race, and Natiom: The Comparative Anatomy of “Hottentot” Woman in Europe, 1815–1817, in: Deviant Bodies. Critical Perspectives on Difference in Science and Popular Culture, eds. J. Terry, J. Urla, Bloomington – Indianapolis 1995, p. 31. �234 Anna Wieczorkiewicz “Hottentott Venus”. This argument is very clear in the feminist discourse about Bartmann. Actually, the same statement could be made about Waris Dirie, the model who is created by the camera of a white man. Her body is given proper poses and gestures, and then she can be exposed to the public. But on the other hand, this statement cannot be referred to Waris in unconditional way, since she herself seems to decide about the selection of facts which compose her biography: she publishes books, she addresses in UN meetings in defense of all the women who were or could be subjected to FGM. She speaks as the one who managed to escape from the paternalistic authority thanks to her own courage, strong will, resistance, and then started to feel and act in a new way as a free individual. However: if she had not met the photographer. Or rather: if he had not discovered her... In fact, there are two contesting streams of interpretation which are equally well grounded. And it is not just the matter of glamor pictures, of wearing western clothes etc. The core question is: what triggers the process of reorganization of perceiving and sensing woman’s own body and interpreting her experiences? It seems (it is the suggestion which results from all versions of her life story) that if she had not joined the fashion world, if she had not become an icon of success, she would not be able to express her feelings and opinions on the official agenda. She would not be able to make such a spectacular and persuasive self-expression, if a conceptual language had not existed that involved values recognized as global and superior to other languages. When Fausto-Sterling writes that we can only see Saartjie through the eyes of others (that is of the white men), she means that we do not really know what her own feelings and thoughts were. We can only get the access to the second-hand reports of scientists or journalists. It is not the case of Waris who strives to �“BLACK WOMEN” AS A RHETORICAL TOOL OF PERSUASION 235 control narratives about herself. What is seen “through the eyes of men” is the body of a beautiful model presented in carefully posed photographic images (which, of course, may be interpreted as reflections of male desire). What she considers to be the essential truth about herself is expressed in the narratives signed by her own name (even if her books are written in a cooperation with co-authors). Yet, the discourse about the oppression is generated by the mechanism which is much more complex than the viewer/ viewed person opposition. As a matter of fact, the essential questions are more general: how are the conditions for constructing expressible experiences and feeling constructed on the multicultural ground? How to define a situation when one culture offers conceptual and institutional tools for naming their specific experiences to other cultures and how to associate them with specific values? It is not only the matter of expressing ideas, but also of instructing people how to experience their own biographies, how to interpret and evaluate past and present experiences and how to project future and endow it with meanings. It may be tempting to present the juxtaposition of these biographies as the optimistic exemplum of the process of emancipation of marginalized subjects: the surgery which Waris undergoes, restores to black woman the organs which were taken from Saartjie’s body. Public “confession” of Waris may be interpreted as reclaiming the ability to speak with one’s own voice which was suppressed in Saartjie’s case. Even nudity may be employed in this rhetoric: at the photographic image, Waris is nude, not naked. Saartjie’s biography can be told as a process of creating an object subjected to investigation and control, but, in a way, still not defined completely. As the work on the meaning of her body progresses, she becomes more and more disembodied: she provides matter for formulating clear judgments and persuasive opinions. �236 Anna Wieczorkiewicz Her body depicted in the illustrations from this age suggests sexual excess, and is associated with transgression of the conventions (both in terms of social customs and artistic). It also suggests that order of some fundamental categories (such as the male/female) are not definite. Waris’s biography is a story about a woman who struggles to survive being aware of her marginal position in the society. In Europe, she learns the performative gestures of Western women, but she should not lose the exotic flavor of her body in order to be successful as a model. Once she became successful (in the western sense of the word), she was able to address in the international institutional forum on behalf of other marginalized women. Her biography and her body should be treated as the incontrovertible evidence of the right of what she demands. The story which Waris writes with her life defines concepts of oppression and excesses in the way different from Saarthije’s biography. In the days of Saarthije, the language adequate to formulate this kind of criticism was in statu nascendi. Its rules were negotiated in courts, academic institutions, press articles and in other places of various character. This process was interrelated to the other one: redefinition of the Other. Saartjie’s biography reveals the fluency and negotiability of the rules to define racial and gender difference. Various narratives about Saarthie which were created over the years rhetorically reversed the concept of barbarism and obviously of those people who designed and exploited “Hottentot Venus” during her life and who were called barbarians after her death, and it seems impossible to re-read this story otherwise than as the story of how Western culture has destroyed a woman who was considered “Other”. Waris takes over the role of a storyteller; moreover, she is aware that from the western perspective she should play a specific role, �“BLACK WOMEN” AS A RHETORICAL TOOL OF PERSUASION 237 or, in other words, to be a definite type of character. However, she decides which roles she accepts and which rejects. The accepted roles composed with elements which she considered her roots, co-created her new occidentalized identity. By presenting this story in the way outlined above, we follow a trail which was designed by Waris Dirie herself. She speaks and writes in many different ways about liberation, salvation, getting free; it is getting free from personal trauma, but it also is the liberation of African women from the destructive customs, and also saving Africa from self-destructive processes. However, in comparison with each other, these biographies can also reveal the reverse of the optimistic story about liberation and they question opinions which are claimed to be obvious. Each of these two biographies can create a revealing perspective for interpreting the other one, and suggests concepts that are useful tools for revealing the hidden or the shameful elements of the other one. The alleged similarities in the structure of stories indicate structural differences of the cultural contexts. Let’s pay attention to the fact that the process of defining womanhood and femininity of both Saartjie and Waris did not take place just in one discursive area. Saartjie’s womanhood and femininity was analyzed in the framework of freak shows and academic procedures; in the Waris’ case, it was catwalk and the UN forum. In other words, the identity of the two women was articulated by the dynamic relationship of two socio-cultural areas associated with distinct values. Freak shows and a fashion show are the areas that are considered ambiguous in terms of the values that they evoke. Freak shows were flourishing at the time when the process of medicalization and anthropologization of curiosities was in progress. The “curiosities” were more and more likely to be explained as pathological cases or as ethnic specimens and this explanations entailed specific procedures and attitudes: diseases should be cured �238 Anna Wieczorkiewicz by a medical treatment; people from exotic areas should be placed in the taxonomic order of nature. Freak shows were eliminated towards keeping audience’s attention by referring to science, but in fact they were mixing various orders and were considered less and less appropriate for sophisticated audience, more and more shameful. Nowadays, fashion shows are also considered suspected in some way. Common criticism uses the argument that the beauty promoted by them is morally impure. They work towards establishing wrong and harmful beauty patterns and watching models makes each “normal girl” feeling bad. One of its effects should be anorexia among girls and women. This opinion is expressed also by Waris herself. She often manifests her critical attitude towards fashion and its dictatorship. She treats her model career as just one of the steps in her life that was necessary to pass towards issues that really matter. However, at any time, the accents can be changed – just as it was in the movie version of “Desert Flower”. It should me mentioned, however, that fashion as well as FGM and plastic surgery can be analyzed in terms of the interrelated categories of subjectivity/reifications of people who undertake/ undergo them. They are cultural practices that hew women’s bodies to adjust them to certain standards that suggest that they fit for certain social roles and, for example, they can be married, they can bear children, or they can look good enough to go out with them. Nevertheless, a simple feminizing explanation of these phenomena with the male domination can be satisfying in the short run only. Even Waris Dirie, in her writing about the operations, both in Africa and in the West, points out that in every culture, women and men, adults and children are involved in a complex network of interrelations and dependencies and the person who, at first glance, seems to be the oppressor, may be seen as a victim if we consider him or her in the broader contexts. In this multifaceted �“BLACK WOMEN” AS A RHETORICAL TOOL OF PERSUASION 239 system, what seems to be a mean of oppression can easily be transformed into a tool of emancipation and vice versa. The scientific discourse (in the case of Saartjie) and the political discourse (in the case of Waris Dirie) relativize the ambiguities of a freak show and a fashion show. They propose an authoritative, totalizing perspective that is strictly connected with certain axiology and with defined hierarchy of problems which should be resolved for the sake of the better world. In this perspective, issues of minor importance and associated with popular tastes can be tolerated if it can be assumed that somehow they are used for higher purposes. They mediate the colonization of bodies and biographies within the framework of dominant culture and their authoritative discourses. The freak show was a place where researchers were hunting for interesting material for their studies as abnormalities could explain the general rules adopted. As far as a fashion show is concerned, such relativization is achieved not only by introducing standards of minimum models’ weight, but also by spreading various types of expertise; in the framework offered by them, the appearance may be just a sign of other aspects of life (for example health, or a moral profile). In the Western culture, there is a widespread suggestion that by controlling the body, we control our lives. Various body regimes – diets, exercises, beauty treatments – are presented as tools for wellness; they also work towards colonizing the body in consumer culture area. I am referring to the notion of “colonization” because, in fact, it is very useful for analyzing Saartjie’s and Waris’ biographies as two parts of one diptych. As we know, this notion inevitably entails two assumptions (which not necessarily are expressed expressis verbis): the premise of structural dominance relation and the premise of discursive or political suppression of the heterogeneity of the colonized object. �240 Anna Wieczorkiewicz Colonial institutions change both the social relations and the order of thinking; the effect of these changes can last even when the visible political oppression is over. The example of this endurance is the last act of the “Hotentock Venus” biography. During the funeral of the remains of Saartjie Baartman, the President of South Africa made an address to the nation in which he referred to the democratic values of his country in the post-apartheid era. He spoke in terms established within the framework of the French Revolution and European Enlightenment: liberté, egalité, fraternité. These values are not questioned, and, at the same time, new freedom is described by referring to the former enslavement. It is not difficult to discern the fact of colonization of Saartjie’s body and biography. Her biography, taken over by poststructuralist and feminist critique, perfectly fitted theories and could help to clarify abstract elements of the theoretical construction. On the other hand, the theory processed the biography: specific facts were chosen to compose the plot. Certain views were expressed through the figure of “Hotentock Venus”, but this figure was also used as a proof of the theoretical truth. The physical body of Saartjie was also reinterpreted. The problem is more complicated when we ask about the colonization of Waris’ biography. This Waris which is available through discourses about her does not have a double identity; she has one multifaceted identity. She speaks as a mature African woman who still lives as a little girl subjected to the cruel operation; but to be able to discern the cruelty of this act and to express her experience, she must also be the Western woman and the citizen of the global world. Moreover, a social and a political area where this kind of narrative can be told, as well as a conceptual and moral language of alleged total expression should also be established. This language is claimed to be able and suitable to express the experiences of subjects from all over the world. �“BLACK WOMEN” AS A RHETORICAL TOOL OF PERSUASION 241 Waris Dirie biography can be interpreted as a story about the internalization and totalization of western norms and values and also about the moral power of these procedures. This biography can be used as an argument for both supporters and opponents of liberal choices. She presents herself both as a person who is liberated from the oppressive mechanism of the native culture, and as a subject who is colonized by the western culture. If we rename the process of internalization of western norms and values to colonization by western norms and values, then the axiological perspective of this story will change. The persuasive power of biographic narratives is strong: the biographies refer to the individual lives that are embedded in particular realities and, at the same time, they show the embodiment of social relationships, cultural codes, etc. Both biographies can be used as strong arguments in feminist or postcolonial discourses; however, considered as conceptual diptych, they manifest the problematic nature of the key concepts of these discourses – such as oppression or colonization. REFERENCES Cuvier G., Faites sur le cadaver, d’une femme cunnue à Paris et à Londres sous le nom de Vénus Hottentotte, „Mémoires du Musée nationale d’histoire naturelle”, 3(1817), pp. 259–274. Fausto-Sterling A., Gender, Race, and Natiom: The Comparative Anatomy of “Hottentot” Woman in Europe, 1815–1817, in: Deviant Bodies. Critical Perspectives on Difference in Science and Popular Culture, eds. J. Terry, J. Urla, Bloomington – Indianapolis 1995, p. 19–48. Gould S.J., The Hottentot Venus, in: The Flamingo’s Smile, London – New York – Victoria – Toronto – Auckland 1991, pp. 291–305. Holmes R., African Queen. The Real Life of the Hottentot Venus, New York 2007. �242 Anna Wieczorkiewicz MacCannell D., White Culture, in: Empty Meeting Grounds. The Tourist Papers, London 1992, pp. 121–146. Sadiah Qureshi, Displaying Sara Baartman, the ‘Hottentot Venus’, „History of Science”, 42(2004), pp. 233–257. �PART III (IM)MATERIALITIES ��Chapter 8. ASHURA JACKSON NGOYA AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT TO THE SURVIVAL OF HISTORICAL CHURCHES IN MBEYA ABSTRACT During the 1920s, Mbeya region witnessed the emergence of African Independent Churches (AICs) that survived up to the present. These churches emerged due to the dissatisfactions created by Western initiated churches. Both churches believed in God, and the Bible is used in teaching but differed somehow in doctrine. This paper draws on oral interviews, archival documents and secondary sources to examine how AICs remained as a threat to the survival of historical churches in Mbeya region during the post-colonial period. Since the formation of AICs, the state opposed the evolving AICs because these churches were a threat to authority and had different interests apart from religious issues. Hence, AICs were opposed to avoid contradiction in the nation controlled by the British. Similarly, historical churches opposed AICs because they resisted missionary institutions brought from Europe and their associated values, such as monogamy, individualism, secularism, consumerism and the exclusive privileges of white missionaries. However, with the challenges experienced by AICs in the colonial period, still, AICs survived and remained as a threat to the survival of historical churches in the post-colonial period. Post-colonial threats were on the economy, different doctrine, followers and teachings, things they provide to people, freedom of praising and worshipping, and the way they considered faith with culture. ASHURA JACKSON NGOYA – Mkwawa University College of Education (MUCE). �246 Ashura Jackson Ngoya Key words: African Independent Churches, Threat, Survival and Historical Churches. Introduction Mbeya region is one of the areas in Tanzania mentioned as having many denominations. In 2016, Mbeya was cited as the second region having highest number of denominations in Africa after Lagos in Nigeria1. People of Mbeya had and were good followers of their religion before the penetration of Christianity. The penetration of Christianity was accepted with two hands as leaders were after material benefit first than spiritual demand. Hence, by 1920s, Christianity expanded into different areas of the region. Some Christians after being aware of the religion introduced by Western people incorporated some African cultures into Christianity. From such desire, some Africans succeeded to form their own African Independent Churches (AICs). AICs have since their emergence, remained as a threat to the historical churches economically, spiritually and culturally. Christianity in Mbeya The Berlin Mission Society arrived in Mbeya in the 1890s from Central Africa through Lake Nyasa2. They did not arrive in Mbeya region from the Coast of the Indian Ocean. Their coming through Lake Nyasa was mainly due to the proximity 1 See: http/www.mpekuzihuru.com/2016/11/jiji-la-Mbeya-ni-la-pili-kwawingi-wa.html: 29 November, 2016. 2 B. Sundkler & C. Steed, A History of the Church in Africa, Cambridge: UK 2000, p. 535; A. Hastings, A History of African Christianity 1950–1975, Cambridge 1979, p. 45; World Christianities c1914 – c. 2000, ed. H. McLeod, Cambridge 2006, p. 80 (The Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 9). �AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT... 247 of Mbeya to the Central African region where Christianity had been established earlier. The Free Church of Scotland, under the leadership of Dr Kerr Cross, was the first mission group of historical churches to arrive and settle in Mbeya region. This church was part of the Livingstonia Mission which operated in Central Africa. Dr Cross bought a place and built a house at an area called Kapugi-Tukuyuin 18883. In the 1890s, when the Helgoland Treaty set a clear boundary between the German and British, the Free Church of Scotland-Presbyterian Church left an area to the Moravian and Lutheran given that the church was operating in Malawi where the area was under the British, and Tanganyika was under the German. The Moravian was another old church missionary which penetrated and worked in Mbeya region. Dr Kerr Cross of the Free Church of Scotland was of great help in finding the settlement areas for the Moravians. Dr Cross suggested to the Moravians to start their permanent centre at Rungwe area4. Dr Cross’ suggestion came after he was told that Moravians were interested in working in the area. The Free Church of Scotland welcomed the Moravians and allowed them to set a mission5. The Moravian missionaries under Theodor Meyer landed in Rungwe on July 7, 1891, and in October 1891 established their first mission station at the bottom of Mount Rungwe (the headquarters of the Moravian Church of Tanzania today) Rungwe Mission. The first missionaries including Theodor Meyer and Theophil Richard arrived at the place we now call Rungwe in Chief Mwakapalila’s territory. Later on, another group of missionaries came to Rungwe including John Kretschmer A.Y. Musomba, The Moravian Church in Tanzania Southern Province: A Short History, Nairobi 2005, p. 6. 4 Ibidem. 5 Ibidem. 3 �248 Ashura Jackson Ngoya and Traugott Bachman. At the end of 1894, they inaugurated the first worship building6. In the same vein, the Lutheran Missionaries arrived in Mbeya region on August 21st, 18917, constituting the third historical church to penetrate in Mbeya region. Under the leadership of A. Merensky, they established the first Berlin Lutheran Mission at Wangemanshohe near the Lufilyo River in October 1891. He was accompanied by three young missionaries; Nauhaus, Schumann and Bunk and by two helpers. These ministers were granted land by the chief Mwakabungila. Owing to the heat, the station was moved in 1899 to new Wangemanshohe, now known as Itete. Two more missionaries arrived in 1892, and three others came the following year (Hauer, Schuler and Wolff). Further stations were established at Manow by Reverend Schumann on the 4th June 1892 and Mwakaleli by the Reverend Bunk on the 31st of May 1895. Ikombe on the Lake Shore was founded on the 24th of August, 1893 by the Reverend Hubner and Grieguszies, and in 1910 Matema was built by two missionaries, Dost and Lyike. In August 1915, the missionary Doctor Ochne arrived and established a small medical station at Itumba8. To avoid religious conflicts among missionaries belonging to different denominations, the Moravians established their Christian congregations adjacent to the Berliner Lutherans. These missions demanded land for their faith and production, and people as their followers and labourers. In this case, they agreed upon a boundary between their respective mission fields following the 34 degree9 of 6 Rungwe Mission Archive (RMA), File Moravian General; File Origin and Growth of the UNITASFRARUM; see also A.Y. Musomba, Historia Fupi ya Kanisa la Moravian Kusini Tanzania, Dar es Salaam 1990, p. 11. 7 B. Sundkler & C. Steed, A History of the Church in Africa, op. cit., p. 535. 8 Mbeya Southern Highland Zonal Archive (MSHZA), Part of Vicariate of Tanganyika, 1899–1932. 9 A.Y. Musomba, The Moravian Church..., op. cit., p. 6. �AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT... 249 longitude from the North end of the Lake Nyasa and clear demarcation was Mbaka River. Moravian mission operated in the part of the district to the West of the Mbaka River, a boundary fixed under German administration. The Berlin Lutheran Mission conducted to the East of the Mbaka River. Mbaka River is near Mbambo village from Mount Livingstone, in that place the agreement for expansion was agreed in the whole Tanzania10. Following this division between Moravian and Lutheran, the former expanded mostly in Mbeya and the later in Njombe and Iringa. The historical churches which penetrated later on in Mbeya were given separate areas. For instance, White Fathers – Roman Catholic was given Tukuyu protectorate in the centre of the district11. Others included Pentecostal Holiness Mission and Assemblies of God which operated at Igale-Mbeya district. The Seventh-Day Adventists were given Mwakaleli as the centre of evangelization. Early during the colonial period, the division according to denomination was done to avoid religious conflicts which had torn Europe leading to long wars12. But, after the WWI denominations were somehow free to expand. League of Nations entrusted Tanganyika Territory to the British, they stipulated that there should be freedom of religion everywhere. Mbeya which was formerly closed to the Moravian and Lutheran was now open to different denominations13. These denominations never thought of religious unification for the expansion of Christianity. Their preference to the development relied much on their national interest. Meshack E. Njinga, Interview at Tukuyu, November 5, 2014. Tanzania National Archive (TNA) File: 25/9/33 Mission General Tukuyu. 12 K.I. Tambila, & J. Sivalon, Intra-denominational Conflict in Tanzania Christian Churches”, in: Justice, Rights and Worship: Religion and Politics in Tanzania, eds. R. Mukandala [et al.], New Delhi 2006,p. 226. 13 MSHZA, History of Diocese of Mbeya, Part III: Apostolic Prefecture of Tukuyu, 1932–1947. 10 11 �250 Ashura Jackson Ngoya Missionaries who converted Africans themselves have been regarded and remembered with the great ambiguity. For instance. in turning people, in some areas they involved in land alienation, given African knowledge, supported colonialism and preached Evangel. Such ambiguity laid the ground for later counter-cultural movements by Africans. Hasting reported that in early West African days, one or two missionaries became slave traders. Much more, in South and Central Africa, quietly turned into settlers, large landed proprietors or colonial officials14. In a nation like South Africa, Christian evangelists were intimately involved in the colonial process15. A.J. Njoh added that the missions of colonialism and Christianity in Africa often overlapped and appeared almost indistinguishable16. Thus, missionaries apart from religious activities were involved in other activities for their interest. For example, in Mbeya, early colonial production was firstly introduced by missionaries, for instance, production of coffee17. African Independent Churches in Mbeya Region Three decades since the formation of Christianity in Mbeya, Africans who were converted to Christianity, arouse consciousness against political, economic, social and cultural dissatisfactions through religion. In fact, it was during the British period when the historical churches were challenged by the AICs18. In Mbeya, A. Hastings, The Church in Africa 1450–1950, Oxford 1994, p. 263. J. Camaroff and J. Camarroff, Christianity and Colonialism in South Africa, „American Ethnography”, 13(1986), no. 1, p. 1. 16 A.J. Njoh, Tradition, Culture and Development in Africa: Historical Lessons for Modern Development Planning, Farnham 2006, pp. 31–32. 17 B. Brock, The Nyiha of Mbozi, „Tanzania Notes and Records”, 1966, no. 65. 18 T.O. Ranger, The African Churches of Tanzania, Dar es Salaam 1972, pp.11–12 (The Historical Association of Tanzania, no. 5); Africa under the Colonial Domina14 15 �AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT... 251 AICs emerged in the 1920s and continued to develop with time19. Examples of the early AICs in Mbeya region include the Watch Tower under Hanoc Sindano, the African National Church under Paddy Nyasulu and the Last Church of God and His Christ under Ben Ngemela. There was also the Little Flock Church under Sem Mboma20. Those emerged AICs in Mbeya operation were not positively supported. The opposition to AICs ranged from historic churches to the colonial government. Jimmy Nkwamu argued that Africans who were close to AICs leaders started earlier to oppose AICs21. It is important to note that AICs were opposed ever since their formation. AICs were known from South, Central and East Africa that they were against colonialism. Hence, allowing the growth of AICs in Mbeya meant the creation of contradiction with the colonial state and finally decolonisation22. AICs in Mbeya were criticised by the black and whites as being politically motivated, judged as bridges back to paganism, and looked as uneducated and sophisticated as primitive. Hence, some AICs followers especially leaders were removed from positions they held in the colonial government. For example, Paddy Nyasulu, who had been educated and became a leader of the African National Church (ANC), was employed as mission store-keeper tion 1885–1935, ed. A.A. Boahen, Portsmouth 1990, p. 282 (General History of Africa, vol. 7). 19 In this paper, AICs are Christian churches independently established and administered by Africans. AICs broke off from the mission/mainline/historical churches such as Roman Catholic, Moravian, Evangelical Lutheran, Pentecostal and Anglican churches. For this study, historical churches these are Christian churches initiated by Western people in Africa. 20 A. Makunde, Yafahamu Makanisa Yaliyoko Tanzania, op. cit., pp. 13, 93, 107, 122, 129, 136, 144. 21 Jimmy Nkwamu, Interview at Itende, December 7, 2014. 22 TNA File No. 25/8: Rungwe. �252 Ashura Jackson Ngoya later as a government clerk in Malawi and Tukuyu in Tanzania. He was dismissed from his position in 1923. Nyasulu was rejected due to his interest in the African National Church23. The colonial administration acted promptly to the Watch Tower Church which prohibited followers to work for the colonial government. In this process, top leaders of the church were arrested and charged with uttering words with deliberate intent to wound the religious feelings of others and were sentenced to 12 months each24. Moreover, some AICs faced problems to get land for religious activities and were not even allowed to own some books which they thought made people conscious. In the 1930s, the colonial government demanded all the African chiefs to take note of Kolineri Kibonde and Jonah Mwaiteleke who sold books related to religious knowledge. The books such as Deliverance, World Recovery, Prophecy, The Kingdom, Jehovah, Preparation, The end of the World, and Who Shall rule the world were prohibited in Mbeya region25. Thus, the colonial government and historical churches believed that AICs would decline for a short period in Mbeya as it happened on the Malakite Church in Mwanza which emerged in 1924 and collapsed in 1934. Also, in 1953, the Church of Holy Spirit was formed amongst the Haya by the secession from the Evangelical Lutheran Church; in 1962, half of its members had been won back by the Lutheran church. In 1956, the Tanganyika African was formed among the Gogo by secession from the Church Mission Society; a majority of its members were won back to the Anglican Church in the early 1960s. In 1958, there was secession from the Moravian Church amongst the Nyamwezi, Angolwisye Malambugi, Interview at TEKU, September 12, November 20, 2014. See also T.O. Ranger, The African Churches of Tanzania, op. cit. p. 17. 24 Idem, Christian Independence in Tanzania, in: African Initiatives in Religion, ed. D.B. Barrett, Nairobi 1971, p. 126. 25 TNA 25/9/13: Tukuyu. 23 �AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT... 253 and in 1960, the majority returned to the historical church, and Shambala members of the Usambara-Digo Lutheran Church in early 1960 had been averted26. In Mbeya, AICs survived in the colonial period up to the post-colonial era, and new AIC was emerging year after year. Contrary to other AICs formed in Mbeya, the Watch Tower Church proved a failure. At the end of the colonial period, the church was not considered anti-colonial government but turned as safety-valves of the colonial government. The Watch Tower changed the name to Jehovah Witness, and their church policy was also rectified examples of those policies that were amended. The change of a name happened when they developed a close relationship with Jehovah Witness in America. In the age of independence, these churches refused to salute the flag or consider the politics as anything but the agency of Satan. The church was seen as incompatible with the maintenance of peace, order and good governance. So, the Watch Tower declined, and Jehovah Witness developed27. The leader faced the challenge of mastering the church efficiently. Hanoc Sindano was not groomed into the church like other leaders of AICs; rather he was just a follower of the Watch Tower Bible Society which provided people books and pamphlets in South Africa without a church. From such base, he established the Watch Tower Church where he was not able to balance the relationship with the colonial government, historical churches in Mbeya, and the church was not even registered. But, this church was remembered how it was a threat to the British colonial government. The church refused his people to pay tax and work for the colonial production. T.O. Ranger, Christian Independence in Tanzania, op. cit., p. 124. Christianity in Tropical Africa: Studies Presented and Discussed at the Seventh International African Seminar, University of Ghana, April 1965, ed. C.G. Baëta, Oxford 1968, p. 356. 26 27 �254 Ashura Jackson Ngoya AICs as a Threat to the Mission Churches in the Post-colonial Period In the post-colonial period, AICs in Mbeya had established themselves so firmly that they were no longer mere Protestant movers, but theologically genuine expressed Christian faith in the African perspective or the extension of African traditions on Christian faith. AICs provided theological reflections centred on African religious beliefs, practices, values, morals, songs, sermons, teachings, prayers, sculptures, dances, rituals, and symbols. Some of AICs beliefs were modified compared to the way it happened during the colonial period. For example, AICs which allowed polygamy during colonialism in the postcolonial period changes were implemented. Meshack Njinga reported that in the post-colonial period there were some changes to AICs, they modified their constitution to fit the time. A person with many wives, when joined the church and being baptised, was not allowed to add another wife28. AICs which emerged in the post-colonial period based much on their doctrine, African and Western culture was interwoven. For example, AICs that appeared in the post-colonial period include Last Church of Tanzania under 1968 by Daniel Mwamuya – Airport; The Church of Holy Spirit Anosisye Mwabhungulu 1968 – Ghana-Mbeya, African Church Mission of Tanzania by Festo Mbeyale 1969 – Iyunga; African International Church A. Mwalyambile, 1969 – Kyela; United African Church Yohana Kabuje, 1969 – Mbalizi. The Last Church of Tanzania; Epharaim Sichone, 1973 Vwawa-Mbozi; Uamsho la Roho Mtakatifu Nise Mwasomola; 1978; Simike-Mbeya; Shalom Church of God, Stephano Mwamengo 1979, Isangu-Mbozi29; The Foundation Church of Apostle and Prophets, Gibson Tuya, 1982 – Ilengo Meshack E. Njinga, Interview at Tukuyu, November 5, 2014; May 20, 2015, May 21, 2015. 29 Mbeya District Office, October 2014: List of Churches in Mbeya. 28 �AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT... 255 Mbozi; Church of Gospel International, Timotheo Mwanyengo, 1985 – Uyole and the Tanzania Forward in Faith Church Pfumo Kahwema 1987 – Simike. Others were Gospel Revival Centre, Akimu Mtafya, 1988 – Simike; Tanzania Gospel Church, Alfred Kaputula, 1989 – Ilomba and Restoration Bible Church, Emmanuel Tumwidike, 1992 Esso, African Brotherhood Church, P. Mwamlima, 1994 Mbeya City centre, just to mention few30. Since the formation of the historical churches, economic interest has been among their preferences. Njinga noted that early production of cash crops in Mbeya was firstly introduced in the mission centre31. Early converts were also labourers in the introduced farms around the mission. Many people in the church meant financial gain. Judged regarding labourers and offerings. The emergence of a new denomination in an area where there was a historic church led to disturbance. The disturbance was firstly assessed economically of what the church gained from followers. With the growth of AICs, this affected historical churches automatically. AICs expanded in the region geographically, ethnically and with the number of members, this had a direct impact on the ancient churches. Similarly, AICs had a different technique to gain economically from followers. Members were encouraged to pay for miracles, other means of prayers required things which supporters were forced to buy at the church, and other leaders urged adherents to plant their seed. Hence, AICs remained as a threat to the historical churches given that followers were cycling or turned to AICs32. In Mbeya, AICs ranged from the small to the large AICs. Large AICs threatened historical churches given that these churches were growing compared to the period they emerged and the level of the Ibidem. Meshack E. Njinga, Interview at Tukuyu, op. cit. 32 Lusekelo Cheyo, Interview at Iwambi, September 21, 2014, November 5, 2014; Emmanuel Mwasile interview at Iwambi, September 24, 2014. 30 31 �256 Ashura Jackson Ngoya economy they had. Some leaders of AICs were economically stable compared to those in the historical churches given that the latter had many years of experience. Thus, some of the leaders from ancient churches were following AICs and negatively criticised their existence and operation. The critic was not based on the word of God, but it was on the level of the economy which the leader of AICs had. Thus, the degree of economy of the leaders in AICs also was a threat to historic churches. Why such wealth within a short period of existence33? People who introduced AICs were previously members of the historic churches. They gathered into one group, understood and respected each other. They were aware of strategies which historical churches adopted to maintain followers, to expand and to develop. Then, when individuals from the historical churches introduced AIC, experienced criticism, suspicion, lack of trust, lack of communication, unfriendliness, destruction of family unity all these were done by the historical churches to AICs. Nsaligwa Kimanga narrated that Nise Mwasomola, founder of Kanisa la Uamsho, was a member of Pentecostal Assemblies of God; she was given power by God to deliver the sick and preach. Her service was not accepted in the historical churches, and she chased away. In 1978, she decided to form her church34. Instead of being supported her services turned as a threat to the former church. It was revealed that Mwasomola’s church taped followers who were in need with services she was providing. AICs turned as a threat to historical churches given that some of the leaders of AICs were having unique talents while they were in the former churches. These people were not recognised and some Kolineri Mwampule, Interview at Jacaranda, September 13, 2014. Nsaligwa Kimanga, Interview at Simike, September 13, 2014. Rabi Mwakanani, interview at Sokomatola, September 28, 2014. 33 34 �AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT... 257 were seen as stubborn/ too crucial to the church. These people with their unique talents decided to establish their own AIC. These leaders exercised their talents in their next church, instead of being recognised for what they were doing, leaders turned to be a threat to the churches that they worshipped before. For example, the founder of Restoration Bible Church Emmanuel Tumwidike was a member of Anglican Church before forming his church and taped different followers from various historical churches in Mbeya town even from Anglican Church35. Most of those who established AICs were members of mission churches hence automatically they became their competitors. Leaders of AICs were aware of the weakness of the former church. Hence they adopted strategies to survive. While leaders in the historical churches sacrificed time to follow the preaching campaigns of AICs that led a certain amount of biases or antagonism against the AICs36. AICs reflected rebellion against Christianity that had continued with European culture. The mode of worship and other areas of ministry of the historical-related churches were not psychologically and sociologically satisfying to the Africans. With the emergence of AICs, the liturgy was made more African, where African drums, dresses, singing and dancing reflected the African culture. In this sense, the gospel was made relevant and contextualised to the thought patterns of the converts. Juma added this threatened historical churches as their followers were attracted with inclusiveness which was added in Christianity which was not there before. Medrick Mbuba revealed that AICs threatened historical churches because they in AICs traditional and modern were welded37. Interview with Angolwisye Malabugi, op. cit. Juma Jacob, Interview at Nzovwe, September 18, 2014. 37 Medrick Mbuba, Interview at Nzovwe, September 18, 2014. 35 36 �258 Ashura Jackson Ngoya Interpretation of the Bible, the issue of polygamy, taking alcohol, the way of singing in the church, not considering long preparatory period before baptism, just to mention a few, was contrary to the historical churches. The Last Church of God and His Christ and African National Church supported polygamy which was not allowed by the historical churches38. Mary Kategile emphasised that polygamy added members to AICs in Mbeya such as the Last Church of God and His Christ and the African National Church39. The Last Church of Tanzania, which emerged in 1973 by Sichone with registration number SO. 5712, also believed in polygamy40. In 1990, the church had about 850 followers in Tanzania, 215 in Zambia and 120 in Malawi with headquarters in Vwawa-Mbozi41. David Sichone Reverend that Archbishop Samweli Mwabughi was appointed in 2007 up to 2015, then the church had 260,000 followers both in Tanzania, Malawi and Zambia42. The historical churches and AICs were all Christians but had different beliefs which remained as a threat to the survival of historical churches. AICs were seen as an enemy to the historical churches43. The doctrine of polygamy threatened the old church even though they prevented it to the larger extent. The teachings threatened the church given that it was African culture from the beginning, many Pastor Mbao, Interview at Sabasaba, September 15, 2014. See also J. Baur, 2000 Years of Christianity Africa: An African History, Nairobi 1994, p. 479. 39 Mary Kategile, Interview at TEKU, September 8; September 9; September 11, 2014. 40 Mary Kategile, Interview at TEKU, op. cit. 41 SHMZA, File, M.60.15: The Last Church of Tanzania. See also W.H. Turner, The Church of the Lord: the Expansion of a Nigerian Independent Church in Sierra Leone and Ghana, „Journal of African History”, 3(1962), no. 1, pp. 91–92, Intention of AICs was not to expand within their own localities only, but into different areas. 42 David Ephraim Sichone, Interview at Vwawa, November 4, 2014. 43 Interview with Emmanuel Mwasile, op. cit. 38 �AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT... 259 people joined the church and accepted only a single wife, but in reality were having many wives44. With the church which gave an opportunity to many wives, this gave room to the development of African culture which was prevented by the historical church. The growth of AICs went parallel to the changes occurred in the society. AIC exemplifies the intimate link between problems and the solutions. For example, economic and social hardship in the 1970s and 1980s fuelled people to AICs. Different informants agreed that people joined AICs when they heard that people’s problems were tackled by the church45. Juliana Mbilinyi reported that early members of the church of Uamsho were Roho Mtakatifu in the 1970s were those whose diseases were cured by Nise Mwasomola, the founder of the Church. AICs in Mbeya gained followers as this experience was shared experience to the traditional religion when an individual had a problem related to diseases a traditional healer was a solution. Traditional African communities were to a large extent health-orientated communities, and in African traditional religions, rituals for healing and protection were the most prominent ones. So, AICs, with a similar function of healing diseases, made people join them. Also, Nathaniel Ndabila proclaimed that the same God who saves the soul heals the body, delivers from evil forces, and provides answers to human needs46. Indeed, sickness was by far the most common reason given by people attending AICs. Moreover, preaching the prosperity gospel, in these churches the pastor occupied a prominent place in the life of the followers, what the pastor was speaking, people were able to listen and follow. This trend expanded through the 1990s after the failure of Structural Adjustment Policies imposed by the Bretton Woods Daudi Sichinga, Interview at Mbeya City Centre, September 12, 2014. Juliana Mbilinyi, Interview at Simike, September 13, 2014. April 20, 2015. 46 Nathaniel Ndabila, Interview at Uyole, September 19, 2014. 44 45 �260 Ashura Jackson Ngoya institutions. People lost confidence in economic mechanisms, social recovery plans and the ability of governments to bail them out, and turned to the AICs for survival. Preaching the gospel of prosperity and miracles dominated, these churches, with their human founders called apostles, prophets or archbishop promised earthly happiness. These churches offered utopian hopes through the gospel of prosperity and miracles. The prosperity gospel found fertile ground in Africa because of the real sufferings facing these Christians burdened who needed immediate relief and thought, could find happiness trusting in anyone making such promises. Healing services, indeed, sickness is by far the most common reason which people give for attending AICs. Testimonies of healing, soundness and miracles are heard from many about their answered prayers. In quite some cases those concerned claim that they first went to the hospitals, and or consulted traditional healers. They then resorted to an AIC when the foreign physicians and herbalists failed them. In several AICs, a special day was set aside for healing purposes. Sometimes, a sick person would be expected to stay in the Church for healing service. David Nicholous put evident that prayer and healing is a significant role in these churches in Mbeya. Some AICs announced that they were curing specific diseases such as HIV which was a serious problem from the 1980s, cancer and diabetes through prayers47. Involvement of AICs on HIV, which was a problem facing different people in Mbeya, was compatible. Mbeya region in Tanzania encompasses two major highways and is adjacent to two international borders. In the late 1980s, HIV epidemic rapidly expanded in the Mbeya region, fuelled by these unique geographic features and exacerbated by a lack of trained health staff, shortage of medicine and a weak health care infrastructure. Interview with David Nicholous, op. cit: see also. Patric Mbao, Interview at Sabasaba, September 15, 2014. 47 �AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT... 261 To respond to the rapidly growing HIV epidemic in the region, in 1988 the Tanzania government (through the Mbeya Regional Medical Officer’s Office and the Mbeya Referral Hospital), in collaboration with the German Agency for Technical Cooperation and the University of Munich in Germany, established an intervention programme on HIV/AIDS called the “Mbeya Regional AIDS Control Programme”. The program aimed to fight against the rapidly expanding HIV epidemic in the region. The Programme collaborated with other partners including the US Military HIV Research Program (MHRP) in the late 1990’s and the Tanzanian National Institute for Medical Research (NIMR) under the vigorous and committed leadership of Dr. Leonard Maboko and Prof Michael Hoelscher48. The effort to prevent the spread of HIV somehow proved a failure in Mbeya. Instead of the decline in a number of the people affected by HIV, the toll increased year after year. Mbeya Regional AIDs Control Programme (MRACP) continued the fight against HIV/AIDS since the 1980s. The Regional Medical Officers (RMO) directly supervised the MRACP. MRACP adopted a participatory approach in all of its functions, involving all interested partners and the civil society organisation. But, Mbeya remained among the region where HIV/AIDS toll is high within the nation. Mbeya region is the second hard-hit region in the country after Dar es Salaam as far as AIDs infections are concerned49. Many followers in Mbeya were taped to AICs to get healing services. One of the distinctive features of these churches is the elevated position accorded to women. In spite of the fact that the historical See: http://www.hvtn.org/en/team/international-clinical-trial-sites/MbeyaClinicalResearchSite.html 22/9/2016. 49 F.R. Mbogella, Factors Associated with the Spread of HIV/AIDS among the Female Youth in Tanzania: A case of Mbeya Municipality, Dissertation (Unpublished), University of Dar es Salaam 2002, p. 45. 48 �262 Ashura Jackson Ngoya churches preached the principle of equality of sexes, men usually hold the principal positions of authority. The Archbishops, Reverend Ministers, Pastors, Priests, Choir Leaders and so on are typically all men. AICs, on the other hand, have been exceptional in encouraging women to participate in the ministry of the Church. They provide opportunities for leadership and the exercise of authority for women who usually far outnumber the men who attend these churches. Some of these Churches were and are being established or co-founded by women, for example, Nise Mwasomola in Mbeya. Omoyajowo has an extensive list of such founders in Nigeria. Asare Opoku also observed that there are women first-class prophetesses and deaconesses in the Musama Disco Christo Church in Ghana. Alice Lakwena of Uganda was another woman-founder of a Holy Spirit movement. Other positions of leadership for women, as Barrett showed, include Reverend-Mothers, Lady Leaders, Mothersin-Israel, Superior-Mothers, Praying-Mothers, Lady-Evangelists, women Church Planters and so on50. It may also be added that in these Churches women get more possessed, they are prone to give more testimonies, they are more operative in initiating songs, dancing, jumping and clapping than men. From the preceding, it is not surprising to note that there are usually far more women societies, prayer groups, hospitality associations and welfare unions than men’s in the AICs. Survival strategies adopted by AICs remained a threat to the historical churches. For example, the fight against poverty among church members through economic empowerment was among the strategies taken to survive. It was argued that the church saw poverty as spiritually characterised, meagre family income, powerlessness, physical weariness, isolation and vulnerability. D. Ayegboyin & S.A. Ishola, African Indigenous: A Historical Perspectives, op. cit., p. 30. 50 �AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT... 263 They believed that poverty was a social and economic justice which must be addressed by Christian as one of their primary responsibilities51. The church had exerted efforts to organise formal and informal entrepreneurship training among church members. Professional in areas related to business and entrepreneurship was invited by the church leaders to run training on entrepreneurship. From such practice, the church managed to form micro credit scheme among church members52. Enterprising training among church members catered in areas such as bookkeeping, marketing and rules of good business practices. Through this strategy, the church had seen to be emancipating its church members not only through spiritual bareness but also on economic well-being. Even though it was a slow growth, AICs were moving. People were able to construct their church through this strategy53. Some AICs established church departments to develop their church. These include evangelization, economic, health and press and information office54. AICs threatened historical churches in their mode of worship which is typically African. Drumming, clapping and dancing typify the community as different from other Christian denominations of European origin and the basic concept of religion. Thus, when one considers the doctrinal foundations of AICs and their closeness to the socio-cultural background of Africans, one can safely predict that these churches will maintain their leading role, and 51 A. Mpesha, The Role of the Church in Microcredit Financing for Business Development in Tanzania, Grand Rapids 2004, p. 5. 52 Oyi Masambili, interview at Mbeya city centre, September 12, 2014.; David Nicholas, Interview at Simike, September 14, 2014; Interview with Abiud Simkoko, Interview at Simike, September 09, 2014; Medrick Mbuba, Interview at Nzovwe, September 18, 2014. 53 Interview with David Nicholous, op. cit. 54 Dastan Hapelwa, Interview at Veta, September 20, 2014. �264 Ashura Jackson Ngoya AICs were projected to become more familiar because of their offer of assistance to the spiritual problems of people in the complex world of today. It is necessary, however, to ensure that church growth by the membership was accompanied by growth in spiritual power55. Africans naturally enjoy a more expressive form of worship. Consequently, in contrast to the supposedly dull liturgy of the historical churches, the AICs have given a home to a more fascinating and exciting form of worship with singing, clapping, dancing and stamping of the feet. Most of the songs sung are songs in traditional lyrics. Usually, they are evocations and sometimes spontaneous composition accompanied by ringing of bells, drumming and the use of other native musical instruments as well as Western equipment56. Everybody participates in clapping, dancing and singing. Prayer is also spontaneous and everyone is inspired to pray and deliver a message or give testimony. Thus, they practice lively church worship. Dedication to Evangelism and Revival; AICs have an extraordinary zeal and enthusiasm for evangelistic ministry and revivals. They organise and conduct regular crusades, revivals and prayer sessions at several nooks and corners of towns and villages. Most of the AICs leaders were itinerant preachers and evangelists who held revival meetings wherever they went. The practice is very right of Moses Orimolade, Babalola, Ositelu, Samson Oppong, and Simon Kimbangu, to name just a few. One of the usual prophetic utterances in these churches is the urge on the leadership and follower-ship to rise early in the morning, walk around a neighbourhood with the ringing of the bell, while proclaiming the message of the Gospel. https://www: Gospel and Culture from Perspective of African Instituted Churches, 30/7/2017; 4;54pm. 56 Lusekelo Cheyo, Interview at Iwambi, September 21, 2014, November 5, 2014; Kastory Erasto Msigwa, Interview at Tunduma, September 25, 2014. 55 �AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT... 265 The individuals concerned must also hold or lead between seven to twenty-day revival meetings in or outside the church or to conduct open-air crusades for a specific number of days. Different AICs were running their activities in the areas not set/designed for religious institutions as churches failed to acquire land legally. Very few succeeded to get the land lease earlier. So, it was not easy for AICs to get a proper area for church construction. AICs leaders ended up buying a house or using their own houses for the service. Many of AICs in Mbeya were located in slum areas such as Simike, Nzovwe, Iyunga, Mama John and Ilomba57. These areas are well populated and hence easy to get followers, while most historical churches were located in the designated religious areas58. Cheyo acknowledged teachings of the word of God in AICs to its followers. Instruction of the word of God was the clear foundation of the church’s existence; it enabled AICs to cross over all storms for the decades of its existence. They taught realities to their followers according to the Bible and relevant to the society, especially which touches people at the time59. In prioritising Bible teaching, the church had several scriptures teaching a session in the church as well as at home of the followers60. Teaching attracted church members and non-church members thus making the church permanently fill its people’s hearts and hence its survival. Different from the historical churches, some Africans had the culture of going to the church without the Bible just listening when leaders were reading. The practice was contrary to AICs people who were having the Bible and leaders sometimes pointed anyone to read the word of God. The new method meant that the sheep will alFrank E.P. Mwaitebele, interview at Tunduma, September 25, 2014. Ibidem. 59 Interview with Lusekelo Cheyo, op. cit. 60 Nathaniel Ndabila, interview at Uyole, September 19, 2014. 57 58 �266 Ashura Jackson Ngoya ways stray to where they might find good pasture, and they were getting it in AICs61. The historical churches in Mbeya had been affected by AICs. Christopher Mwanisongole noted that AICs had something to teach the historical churches and vice versa62. Since the formation of AICs, even though it remained small in comparison to the historical churches, AIC has continued to be the main threat to the historical churches. AICs Gospel was rooted in African style compared to historical churches. Nicholous supported that one of the AICs most precious assets was its experience of being rooted in African cultures. Leaders who formed AICs wanted Christians to fit African culture. Even though the result was not the same, it was the matter of challenge63. Also, even though AICs are complained negatively by the historical churches, still different modification in these churches was due to the services provided by AICs to the followers. As a result, in Mbeya, some people are getting services to both churches. Thus, they are dual worshipers; as a result, it was difficult to assess definite expansion of these churches. Followers were cycling members both in historical churches and AICs. Through AICs in Mbeya, the historical churches had adopted different things done in the AICs which were not standard to their denominations, mainly Protestant denominations. AICs practised well things like praising and worshipping, prayers, services like healing, and counselling. Without adopting these, AICs will remain a threat to the historical churches64. The his61 J.A. Gyadu, United over Meals Divided at the Lord’s Table: Christianity and the Unity of the Church in Africa, „Transformation”, 27(2010), no. 1, pp. 16–17. 62 Christopher Mwanisongole, Interview at Nzovwe, November 10, 2014. 63 Interview with David Nicholous, op. cit. 64 Interview with K. Mwaisumo, op. cit. Interview with Emmanuel Mwasile, op. cit. �AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES AS A THREAT... 267 torical churches leaders should also learn from AICs that even Africans were able to stand on their own and develop their church without asking support from outside65. Leonard Maboko, one of the leaders of the historical church, showed the desire on that “we feel that we must be in touch with independent churches to understand the influence and practice of self-reliance”66. Ositelu adds that most of their practices have been adopted by the so-called the historical churches and the American style new generation churches67. Maboko added that as long as the AICs speak the language which the ordinary person on the street, the masons, carpenters and illiterates understand, they will survive. As long as they continue to fulfil the claims that they were able to help those who faced unique difficulties in life, they will thrive. Provided they heal sicknesses, serve as a haven of rest to those in distress, and give relief to those with psychosomatic troubles, they will continue to survive in the face of all odds which were likely to befall them68. Conclusion AICs will remain a threat to the historical churches if they fail to recognise the meaning of Christianity and how Christianity had been expanding. It is true that in Mbeya Christianity is growing through AICs. By the 1960s, the religious picture in Mbeya region was somehow clear. The 1967 census shows that Interview with Abiud Simkoko, op. cit. Interview with Leonard Maboko, op. cit. 67 R.O.O. Ositelu, African Instituted Churches: Diversities, Growth, Gifts, Spirituality and Ecumenical Understanding of African Initiated Churches, Hamburg 2002, p. 38. 68 Interview with Leonard Maboko, op. cit. 65 66 �268 Ashura Jackson Ngoya Mbeya had about 43% Christians, 2% Muslims, 53% African Religion, and 2% others69. Ndaluka argues that there were over 90 churches in Zanzibar and there were over 300 denominations in Mbeya Regions in the 1990s. The new denominations seem to compete with the historical ones70. In 2016, Mbeya was mentioned as the second region having many denominations in Africa and the first being Lagos in Nigeria71. In the information declared by district commissioner Paul Ntinika, Mbeya had about 450 denominations. David Mwashilindi added that many churches were not a problem given that order was followed72. If at the beginning there were only two denominations with their doctrine and target, so it is clear that with AICs which are more than hundred denominations in Mbeya, the former churches were not happy with it. Also, Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT) and Pentecostal Council Tanzania (PCT), religious organisations in Mbeya, do not accept AICs. Historical churches and AICs all are Christians but they preferred division. 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MSHZA, Part of Vicariate of Tanganyika, 1899–1932. Musomba A.Y., Historia Fupi ya Kanisa la Moravian Kusini Tanzania, Dar es Salaam 1990. Musomba A., The Moravian Church in Tanzania Southern Province: A Short History, Nairobi 2005. Ndaluka T., Social Cohesion and Religious Intolerance in Tanzania, in: The Political Economy of Change in Tanzania: Contestations Over Identity, the Constitution and Resources, ed. R.S. Mukandala, Dar es Salaam 2015, pp. 35–54. �270 Ashura Jackson Ngoya Njoh A., Tradition, Culture and Development in Africa: Historical Lessons for Modern Development Planning, Farnham 2006. Ositelu R.O.O, African Instituted Churches: Diversities, Growth, Gifts, Spirituality and Ecumenical Understanding of African Initiated Churches, Hamburg 2002. Ranger T.O., Christian Independence in Tanzania, in: African Initiatives in Religion, ed. D.B. Barrett, Nairobi 1971, pp. 122–145. Ranger T.O., The African Churches of Tanzania, Dar es Salaam 1972 (The Historical Association of Tanzania, no. 5). RMA, File Moravian General; File Origin and Growth of the UNITASFRARUM; SHMZA, File, M.60.15: The Last Church of Tanzania. Sundkler B. & Steed C., A History of the Church in Africa, Cambridge: UK 2000. Tambila K.I. & Sivalon J., Intra-denominational Conflict in Tanzania Christian Churches, in: Justice, Rights and Worship: Religion and Politics in Tanzania, eds. R. Mukandala [et al.] New Delhi 2006. TNA File No. 25/8: Rungwe. TNA File: 25/9/33 Mission General Tukuyu. Turner W., The Church of the Lord: the Expansion of a Nigerian Independent Church in Sierra Leone and Ghana, „Journal of African History”, 3(1962), no. 1, pp. 91–110. URT, 1967 Population Census, vol. 3. World Christianities c.1914 – c.2000, ed. H. McLeod, Cambridge 2006 (The Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 9). �Chapter 9. MUSSA KASSIMU FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL RELIGIOUS RITUALS Influences and Absorption of African traditionalists’ Mind in the Third Millennium ABSTRACT Whether one’s religion is more or less worth is an attitude of mind. From the 19th century to date, foreign religions have profound effects on African beliefs. Foreign religions surpassed traditional African religions in the way African perceive them better at the expense of theirs. Wanyamwezi practices have been influenced in terms of identity, worship, religious ceremony, gratitude to Supreme Being and other institutions of religion; which are more based on foreign religions. The work deals with Wanyamwezi, a community of Central-Western Tanzania, which has been in contact with Arabs as porters and their areas stationed by European missionaries all of which acted as levers for foreign religions spread. This work, therefore, has shown some important traditional ritual practices strongly valued by Wanyamwezi before the influence of foreign religions and how the latter resulted into identity crisis, which if left unchecked may result into chaos accompanied by strives as it has been experienced at Buselesele and Zanzibar in Tanzania, as well as in the Central African Republic only few to mention. It is not conflict-based but impact-based paper in which there is an identity crisis accompanied by blustering of who are right in the eyes of God as an ideological weapon in winning more supports and gaining many followers. Islam and Christianity have MUSSA KASSIMU – Assistant Lecturer, Department of History, Political Science and Development Studies, Mkwawa University College of Education. �272 Mussa Kassimu numerous numbers of faith adherents, among them are Wanyamwezi with few not convinced by either of the sides. Data were collected from Tabora Municipality and former Urambo District (Kaliua and Urambo) through interview, questionnaire, focus group discussion and observation. The target was not to find the number of followers of each religion but to find out how the Nyamwezi as a case were absorbed by foreigners religiously. Understanding African traditional beliefs and merging with what religion is, one will be in a good position to understand the current role of African religions. Key words: religions, tradition, rituals. Introduction A human being is a social being who, from the first time of his existence, began a social life, lived and organized themselves in groups that later developed into the early societies. They engaged in different economic activities including agriculture during stone ages, and developed a system of beliefs to solve some complicated issues1. Africans had a sense of religion millions of year ago, from the time Africans were attempting to manipulate the unseen world that controls natural object and phenomena by means of magic2. Drought and little harvests are some of the issues that forced man to have such kind of belief. Shillington3 explains that with ‘Homo erectus’ of the ‘acheulian’ period men have had some form of ritual or early religion with the beginnings of the deliberate burial of the dead. Men probably sought remedies for evil in inherited beliefs and institutions. They consulted the diviners, made offerings for ancestral spirits, countered witches and employed medicines4. J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, New York 1979. J.S. Mbiti, African Religions &Philosophy, Dar-es-Salaam 1969. 3 K. Shilligton, History of African Revised, New York 2005. 4 J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, op. cit. 1 2 �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 273 For that sense, people had a belief in supernatural power and as a result they created imaginary Supreme Beings referred to as gods in their daily activities. The Supreme Beings are the origin and sustenance of all things5. The essence of religious practices is the struggle of human kind to control the unseen events. Religion became an institutional aspect of societies, which was the result of men’s struggle to control and understand the material world as Rodney6 asserts that religion was an aspect of the superstructure of a Society, deriving ultimately from the degree of control and understanding of the material world. Therefore, religion is very important among other institutions of society which maintains the bond between and among members and assures continuation as well as its existence. However, societies have been interacting overtime from the ancient period to the present. Such interactions resulted into social influences in not only religious aspects but also other structures of society7. ‘In God we trust’, is being used by most of Americans. The saying had its origin in African theological doctrine developed during the height of the infamous slave trade to reinforce the slaves8. When two societies of different sorts come into prolonged and effective contact, the rate and character of change taking place in both is seriously affected to the extent that entirely new patterns are created, and the weaker of the two societies is bound to be affected9. Most of African traditional religions were perceived weak in the Foreigners’ eyes, including that of the Nyamwezi; hence, were absorbed. Rodney10 stated that African ancestral religions J.S. Mbiti, African Religions &Philosophy, op. cit., p. 29. W. Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Dar es Salaam 1972. 7 J.S. Mbiti, African Religions &Philosophy, op. cit. 8 D.A. Mungazi, The Mind of Black African, Westport 1996. 9 W. Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, op. cit. 10 Ibidem. 5 6 �274 Mussa Kassimu were no better or worse than other religions as such. It implies that whatever happened in other world religions also could happen in African traditional religions. African societies were open-ended allowing integration of other new culture11. Therefore, African societies provided room for the new culture, religion as part of that culture. It evidently proves that African religions provided chance for the imported foreign religious aspects. T. Shibangu and colleague12 stated that African society is not the ancient Society but a Society with Euro-Christian and Islamic influences. Therefore, much of what was practised was influenced by Christianity and Islam. Accepting either of the two influential religions meant innovation in the existing culture. Africans, by the time outsiders came with what they called religious civilization, were recognizing and praising their own gods. Rodney13 disclosed that: “As are well known, traditional African religious practices exist in a variety, and it should also be remembered that both Islam and Christianity found homes on the African continent almost from their very inception. The features of the traditional African religions help to set African cultures apart from those in other continents”. Evidence shows that African religions have existed from ancient Africa, during the stone-age dominated by Homo erectus. Although Africans of a certain geographical area practiced cultures which slightly differed from that of others, they shared some common characteristics such as sacrifice to the ancestral spirits, the sacral role of the chief as a cult-personnel as well as tribal festival dur11 A.A. Mazrui, Africa and other Civilization; conquest and Counter Conquest, in: Africa in World Politics; The African State System in Flux, eds. J.W. Harbeson and D. Rothchild, Boulder 2000, pp. 110–135. 12 T. Shibangu, Essential of Research Methodology in Human and Social Sciences, Kampala 2007. 13 W. Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, op. cit. �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 275 ing tribal and personal crises as well as healing exercise in society. Rodney14 asserted that religion pervaded African life in the period before the coming of whites, just as it pervaded life in other prefeudal societies. Therefore, Africans had established their own belief system by the time foreigners landed on the continent. The nineteenth-twentieth century was the period of the considerable Arab and European influences on the African ways of life as the two were competing to de-Africanize the continent. Nineteenth century was the period of Europeans coming into Africa as Ranger explained that the 1870s – 1890s were the time of great flowering of European invented tradition. Europeans were rushing into Africa. Therefore, nineteenth century seems to be the time of competition between Asians and Europeans, respectively. Iliffe15 stated that missionaries in East Africa were competing with an expanding Islam as well as competing with each other. Kimambo16 (1969) reported that nineteenth century was the period of Tanzanian history which had been much oversimplified. For it was easy either to work in the nineteenth century as the period of change and the pre-1800 period as one during which many Tanzanian societies were static, or to recognize changes and, perhaps ‘improvements’ in both social and political organization, but consider that changes to be initiated by some ‘superior’ groups of people with a special kind of ‘know-how,’ while the stimulus to many of the changes which took place in that period could be traced to the arrival of new groups of people into regions already inhabited. The word ‘inhabited’ here may refer also to cultural achievements including development of religion. Neither Europeans nor Arabs only can be condemned for the changes on Ibidem. J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, op. cit. 16 I.N. Kimambo, The Interior Before 1800, in: A History of Tanzania, eds. I.N. Kimambo and A.J. Temu, Nairobi 1969. 14 15 �276 Mussa Kassimu Africans, but one can have a look over these influences from the multi-dimensions as Kimambo17 asserts that: “There was no single group responsible for transmitting the ideas of change and ‘improvements’ to all parts of Tanzania. Secondly, even when ideas defused from one area to another, local initiatives transformed these ideas and adopted them to the needs of that particular society”. Their influences resulted from Africans’ interaction with external world like what was happening to the rest of the world such as in China and Roman. Rodney18 noted that, “By the end of feudalism, Europeans began to narrow the area of human life in which religion and the church played a part”. Talking about Europeans and Christianity is the narration of inseparable aspects. Iliffe19 states that, “Three innovations in indigenous religions appear to have taken place in German times. One was the continued vulgarization of religious activities hitherto to specialists, much as kubandwa had been vulgarized into ‘buswezi’ in Unyamwezi”. Therefore, Christianity exerted its influence on popular cult. Methodology Approach and Research Design The study on the Foreign Religious Influence upon Wanyamwezi Traditional Rituals was organised qualitatively as an approach which includes designs, techniques and measures that do not produce discrete numerical data, and in which data are often in form of words rather than numbers, and these words are grouped into categories as it was done by the researcher20. Case study was Ibidem, p. 18. W. Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, op. cit. 19 J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, op. cit., p. 206. 20 O.M. Mugenda and A.G. Mugenda, Research Methods; Quantitative & Qualitative research Approach, Nairobi 1999. 17 18 �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 277 employed to find an in-depth, real time or retrospective analysis of case21 (Edmond and colleague, 2013). Therefore, case study was admitted purposefully to find in-depth and retrospective influence of the monotheistic religions, Christianity and Islam upon Wanyamwezi traditional religious rituals. Study area The study was carried at former Urambo District (Urambo and Kaliua) and Tabora Municipality (Unyanyembe) in Tabora, Tanzania (shown in figure 1) and Tabora Municipal (shown in figure 2) and former Urambo District (current Urambo and Kaliua). The region is populated by different groups including the Wanyamwezi: the dominant group, their cousin Basukuma. Significant minorities include: Waha, Wanyiramba in Igunga, Wafipa, Wachaga, and refugees from Burundi that have added varieties to that region ethnic’s make up22. The two areas (Tabora municipality and former Urambo district) have a total population of approximately four hundred thousand out of population of two million and three hundred thousand of the whole Tabora region: However, the researcher did not manage to get the number of Wanyamwezi23. Tabora municipal has twenty five wards out of which six were visited namely: Kanyenye, Gongoni, Chemchem, Kitete, Ng,ambo and Itetemia (Figure 2). Urambo has sixteen wards out of which four were reached and worked upon; Itundu, Imalamakoye, Kapilula and Urambo (Figure 3). However, the researcher also visited Ushokola ward of the new Kaliua District which was part of former Urambo because he intended to carry out the study in former Urambo district and Tabora Municipal. W.A. Edmonds, and T.D. Kennedy, An Applied Reference Guide to Research. Designs;Quantitative, Qualitative and Mixed Methods, New Delhi 2013. 22 The President’s Office, Planning and Privatisation, January, 2005, p. 208. 23 Population and Housing Census, vol. 2, 2012. 21 �278 Mussa Kassimu Figure 1. Map of Tanzania showing Tabora Region Source: Tanzania National Bureau of Statistics (2012). �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... Figure 2. A map showing Tabora municipality Source: Tabora Municipal Administrative office. 279 �280 Mussa Kassimu Figure 3. A map showing former Urambo District (current Kaliua and Urambo) Source: Urambo district administrative office. �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 281 Sample size, sampling procedures and data analysis The study involved twenty five Nyamwezi adult people aged fifty to sixty years and twelve elders of sixty one years old and above, with knowledge of the traditional religious rituals who were the key-informants. These were obtained through snowball sampling; eighteen religious officials, nine Muslim leaders, such as sheikhs and maalim, as well as nine Christian religious leaders including pastors, nuns and clergymen, religious leaders who would analyse the principles to which the converts should adhere to in order to become a true Christian or Muslim all of whom were purposively sampled. Four traditional healers were consulted as traditional ritual experts and two grandchildren of Nyamwezi chiefs, Mirambo and Fundikira who were also purposively selected Grandchildren would somehow disclose the sacred rituals practised by their grandparents as according to most African tradition grandchildren are given names and other ritual inheritance. Schonenbeger24 supports that, “In giving a name to a child, Wanyamwezi parents remember their own parents in gratitude and reverence by calling their children by the names of their own parents and of brothers and sisters of their own parents”. Names were given sequentially with the responsibilities vested to the grandparents. Generally, the study involved a total of sixty one respondents. The researcher employed purposive sampling technique to get religious leaders and chiefs’ grandchildren by virtue of their position. The selected cases were judged as the most appropriate ones for this study. Religious leaders would provide the principle to which the new converts should adhere. The report contains data from both primary sources and secondary sources through interview, Focus group discussion, QuestionP. Schonenbeger, Nyamwezi Names of Persons, „Anthropos”, 90(1995), Heft. 1–3, pp. 109–132. 24 �282 Mussa Kassimu naire and Documentary Review; therefore, the project preserved its validity due to the use of multiple data collection methods involved in the study in relation to the objectives. The stability of this study is based on the assumption that consistent results would be provided if investigation were repeated in the same context. Data have been analysed qualitatively. Findings Wanyamwezi traditional religious ritual practices Prior to foreign influences, there were varieties of Nyamwezi traditional religious rituals, according to the interviews held in 2014 in the areas under the study, one of the respondent explained ritual practice as ‘Kwisenga’ which means the prayer and any other related activities. Varieties of these ritual practices according to the respondents were determined by event in advance. These include: deaths of a family or community member, installation of chiefs to the office, preventive rituals against the occurrence of natural disasters, misunderstandings between or among family members, and that aimed at seeking blessing before a person left from his, her or their home for seeking better life were among the determinants. Kendall25 supports that religious beliefs are linked to practices that bind people together and to rites of passage such as birth, marriage and death. These events are associated with religious rituals. The following are varieties of religious rituals identified during data collection. 1. Religious rituals pracitsed in mourning days of death of members of the community. This was regarded as part of community rites; therefore, religious ritual practices would be held and were of two types. Those 25 D.E. Kendall, Sociology in Our Times, Ware 2000. �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 283 practised following deaths of chiefs and other respected, and that was held after the commoner’s death. At the interview, the member of the Nyamwezi community said: “During the burial ceremony of the chief, the elder people would organize the special prayer. We believed that a dead chief would become the ancestral spirit who would keep on helping us whenever we neededa help. A chief’s body had to be well chiefly dressed”. Burial of such kind revealed respect to the chief. It also signified the status of the chief in religious affairs. Iliffe26 explains, “Most commonly ancestors’ propitiation was extended to make a chief’s ancestors influential over the welfare of the territory they ruled. Regular sacrifices might be made at their graves, or they might be propitiated in communal misfortune”. Shillington27 in supporting this explains that African political and religious authority was generally very closely allied. Even in the smallest-scale society the chief was usually the guardian of religious shrines or protector of the ancestral spirits. Therefore, in respect to the chief, a special religious ritual practice following his death was necessary. Chiefs in almost all African ethnic groups had special respect. For example, Shillington28 stated that Mansa’s central religious role within the empire was crucial to people’s survival and he was thus treated with exaggerated respect. The Nyamwezi chiefs were honoured for the virtue of their status in the community; therefore, what was practised for them had no or slight difference from the other African community, whether of the Western, Southern, Eastern or Central Africa. Another type of traditional religious ritual practice in honour to death was that practised during the death of a common person. The J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, op. cit. K. Shilligton, History of African Revised, op. cit. 28 Ibidem, p. 94. 26 27 �284 Mussa Kassimu prayer would be carried out during the mourning days, differently from that in honour of the chief ‘mtemi’ or sub-chief ‘mwanangwa’. One of the interviewees said: “The commoners’ burial ceremonies were respected, but were never held like those of chiefs’. Commoners were buried alone followed by normal ritual practices. People also could stay at the funeral in the days of mourning. If he or she was an elder person, the elders would carry the corpse and were responsible for sacred requirement during burial ceremonies”. However, among the commoners, also the organisation of burial ceremonies differed from one another. The interviewee proceeded and the response was, “If any of the two twins died, he or she had to be buried while covered with the barks of trees, in lower land area or near the well or dams”. When the interviewee was asked if there was any gender consideration to these burial ceremonies she replied that gender could play part only for the twins. The male twin could only be buried by males and if it was a female, only females; in black clothes with soaked flour smeared on their foreheads, were responsible to bury her but all people attended the funeral. 2. There were also religious practices held during the installation of a new chief to the reign A chief having both political and religious authority was given respect during the ceremony. He was regarded as new to maintain good relationship among his subjects and between the communities and the sacred. One of the interviewees said that the installed chief was showered with water from the soaked leaves of tree called ‘Mvuta mvula’ meaning rain attractor”. Rain was valued so much as a source of life. Whichever worth thing was regarded as brought by rainfall. Therefore, washing him to attract rain was not only to attract rainfall but also attracting anything good for the betterment of the society. �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 285 Most of ritual practices involved the use of traditional medicine made of different types of trees and dead animals. The interview held at Chemchem in Tabora disclosed what was really done when the authority was entrusted to the chief. Another interviewee said their elders had the authority to declare the new chief and they told him that he was washed with ‘Mvuta Mvula’ purposively to attract good things to their community and throw away bad omen for the prosperity of the Nyamwezi society. Then, traditional prayer would be held for wishing success to the chief and the whole society throughout the period overseen by the installed chief. There were also medicines used by chiefs such as ‘mzimilwa’ to end conflict between the chief and his enemies. Another medical tree was ‘mtwaligana’ used to make him popular to the people. ‘Mkungamila’ also was used, while soaked in water, to call people from different world directions. It was spread towards West, East, South and North while articulating some words. All medicines used depended on the ritual practices, that is why certain words would be spoken to show intension for the practice. The interview held at Gongoni in Tabora, one of the grandsons of chief Mirambo said that ‘mkungamilwa’, ‘Mvuta Mvula’ and ‘mzimilwa’ were important materials that could not be let finish out”. That means, it would be better to let other things finish out than those medicines. Therefore, the role of a chief was associated with traditional medicine as part of their religious practice. The chiefs were considered the ritual experts as well as the only people who could communicate with the ancestral spirits. Most of the things which were done for the respect of any African chief were not different from other African leaders of prior to innovation. As African traditions had no much difference from one another as Kimambo29 supports, “Generally speaking the ‘ntemi’ was no 29 I.N. Kimambo, The Interior Before 1800, op. cit., p. 22. �286 Mussa Kassimu different from the king or chief of west lake region. He had to possess certain sacred symbols; he had to lead in certain rituals, above all, his own well-being was identified”. Shillington30 supported that the village head or chief; the ‘Mansa’ in Malinke was the person most directly linked with the spirit of the land upon whom continued and depended the production of their crops. The Mansa, as a guardian of the ancestors, was thus both religious and secular leader of his people. 3. There were also religious rituals practised for ending misunderstandings and conflicts among community or family members. It is normal for people living together, sometimes, to have conflicts, misunderstanding and even quarrels for different reasons. For Wanyamwezi, prolonged misunderstandings among family members were considered as the curse from God; therefore, immediate attention was required. Special religious ritual practices would be held for ending such problem. The interviewee at Ushokola explained that if any kind of prolonged misunderstanding or conflict arose, the family elders would make an urgent call, gathering all available members in the locality. During the occasion a fire was lit. Words signifying to stop the conflict would be spoken to beg God, then fire had to be extinguished showing the ending of such conflict. 4. Other rituals aimed to protect the family or community against epidemic diseases. Smallpox (ndui) was among those diseases. In protecting such kind of diseases, the interviewee at Itundu said, they were ordered to extinguish fire in their households on the day prior to occasion against ‘ndui’ and were required to take fire only from the chief’s 30 K. Shilligton, History of African Revised, op. cit. �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 287 residence that could be spread to all other households. Extinguishing fires in other people’s settlement signified stopping the spread of disease. Taking fire from the chief’s house was regarded as taking new fire free from such kind of disaster which was believed to heal people. That fire was regarded to be strong enough to fight the disease because it was from the guardian of religious shrine. 5. There were religious practices done for the purpose of seeking blessing from traditional god ‘Likubhe Linyagasa’. According to the interview held, the respondent elucidated that religious ritual practice would be carried and headed by the family elder, grandfather or father assisted by mother or grandmother within the household. The prayer aimed at achieving blessing from the ancestral spirit for the prosperity of clans’ or individuals’ goals. When he was asked if someone left without any ritual practice he replied that one would hardly succeed and he or she would be likely to get bad omen. For that sense, religious ritual practice was inevitable. The same was done for the person who was almost to marriage, and those who wanted to leave for trade. One of the discussion through focus group revealed that ritual practices would enable the married people to have good life, healthier children and be free from any magic trick or illusion. The prayer would lead them in good luck. Hence, for economic gain and the betterment of social affairs, ritual practice would be the best. 6. Religious rituals to avoid natural disasters such as flood, drought and others In regard to the occurrences of the natural disasters such as famine, draught and floods there were religious ritual practices as a means of protecting the community against them. For example, for the heavy rainfall accompanied with thunderstorms, one of the �288 Mussa Kassimu interviewees explained about special prayer that had to be held under twins’ supervision. Twins had to stand at the door while holding a winnowing basket ‘ungo’ containing maize flour. They had to beg for stopping the rainfall, and their prayer would soon end the rainfall. The prayers for the other disaster were also carried in accordance to the formality. The respondent added that draught was normally considered to be a result of people being against the norms so maybe god was annoyed; therefore, it was a curse from God (limurungu). Begging for forgiveness required elders to make an assembly on hills and sometimes to the specified area called ‘kwa itambalale’. Women were participating in accordance with norms of the society as it was explained by one of nyamwezi elders at Kitete that only women who were not in menstrual circle participated in the prayer. She added that the prayer involved sacrificing animals such as goats, sheep and cows with black colour. Shillington31 supports that: “Nyamwezi held Europeans responsible for drought, while Sukuma conservatives blamed religious innovation: ‘we see clouds but they move away. God hides the water lets us die...what our crime, oh God? Men arrived who taught us lies, not to make the right sacrifices”. 7. There are traditional religious rituals practiced in gratitude to God due to normal delivery of Children. Schonenbeger32 presents the feeling of Wanyamwezi on getting children and expressed that Wanyamwezi are fond of children and see children as the most marvelous gift of the creator. Therefore, they had to thank god ‘Likubhe Linyangasa’ in gratitude for the safe birth. It was explained by respondent that a pregnant woman always would pray for good health and normal delivery because only ‘liimulungu’ is the one that determines mother and child’s 31 32 Ibidem, p. 342. P. Schonenbeger, Nyamwezi Names of Persons, op. cit., p. 109. �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 289 health. Parrinder33 supported that when a woman announced to husband or mother that she was pregnant, there was rejoicing and precautions were taken to ensure normal gestation and delivery. A sacrifice of thanks was made to the supreme God, or the family gods’representatives or ancestors who were naturally relevant in the reproduction of their family and provision of a channel of rebirth. Prayers were made for the health of the mother and her baby. Organization of traditional religious practices Traditional religious rituals were organized in two levels. The lowest level was that of the family where religious rituals could be carried for the betterment of the family. Whether for happiness or sadness, the event brought members of the family together to hold traditional religious rituals. One of the interviewees said they used to congregate at their elder’s house when they wanted to thank their God, ‘Likubhe linyangasa’ for success or asking for forgiveness when things were going so badly. Eruption of diseases, misunderstandings among the family members, poor agricultural harvests and bad omen in the day to day activities were among the issues requiring ritual practice to be held upon”. The highest traditional religious organizational practice was of the community level. The chief, mtemi, or sub-chief, mwanangwa, was the ritual supervisor. It was coordinated in response to the problems directly affecting the whole community. The respondent interviewed at Mwinyi reported that drums were beaten to call people from different places. Then, it was announced the day and time when the gathering would be held, although time was not distinct as time was determined by the direction of the sun and crow of the cock among other signs. The matter would either be for political reasons, like the installation of a new chief, social rea33 E.G. Parrinder, African Traditional Religion, London 1974. �290 Mussa Kassimu sons like solving the problem existing in the society”. There were special areas arranged by either a chief with his council of elders at community level or by the head of the family at family level. 1. Requirements during religious ritual practices. The organization of religious practices required preparation. This includes clothing and other things in extra (clobber) as well as sacrifice. 2. Clobbers and sacrifices. There was special clothing alongside with other materials in accordance with the specified occasion. the clobbers usually were the permanently prepared things that could be used in more than one occasion, provided that they were appropriate and kept well to maintain natural appearance. According to the interview held at Itundu, the respondent elucidated that the ritual supervisor had to be in clothes made of barks of trees with a goat’s tail on hand. Beads made of either pumpkin seeds, or other identified materials would be worn on arms. Leather belt tightened on waist and a special hat with ostrich feathers on the head. A chief, due to his status, used to be in a special clobber different from that of other people. For the other people as respondent said, men would be in black, red or white clothes styled in man’s open-sided cloak (rubega) with beads on their heads and arms. Women also had to be in black, red or white clothes but worn tightened above their breast. They wore beads around their heads, arms, waists, and slightly above their ankles. Black and red were worn during the mourning occasion; the white clothes were worn during the happiness. All other participants had to be in a uniform-like clothes which depended upon the occasion on the spot. It was hard to find people in different dress during religious occasion because it was a custom. �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 291 However big the occasion was, it would be nothing without sacrifice to the ancestral spirit. The sacrifice included animals with specific colours and type, grain food and traditional beer. People had to prepare a black Billy-goat ‘beberu’ or a bull to be slaughtered during the occasion. Then, after the chief or head of the family would lead the crowd’s prayer by telling the ancestral spirits the reason for gathering at that place. The sacrifice was part and parcel of traditional religious practices. People had to sacrifice to their ancestral spirits showing a real concern. Influences by the foreign religions Religion is a belief intrinsically arisen which results into observable actions in an effort to either satisfying a person or being part of self-identity. Religious practices require identified areas on which the practice is held under respective leaders, time framework for religious activities and respective clothing. All these affected traditional religion of Wanyamwezi. 1. Seeking new identity The traditional Supreme Being known as “Likubhe Linyanyasa” was replaced by either Christian God or Muslim Allah. One is not considered as a true Muslim or true Christian unless admits in his mind the concept of Almighty God or Allah with other religious principles. One religious leader of Moravian sect annotated that it was an obligation for one to be a true Christian to accept that God is one. To believe in the Jesus Christ as a savior and his death was for the sins committed by human beings. The Holly Bible, new testament the gospel (John 1:26–29) 34 states that “The next day he saw Jesus coming toward him, and told them to behold, the The British and Foreign Bible Society, Holy Bible, revised Standard Version, New York 2008. 34 �292 Mussa Kassimu Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of World,” It is supported by the Holly Bible, the first letter of John1 (5:10)” he who believes in the son of God has the testimony in himself. He who does not believe God has made him a liar, because he has not believed in the testimony that God has born to his son”. The response from ustadh, a teacher of among Islamic school, in Urambo district told the researcher that one is obliged to adhere to the five Islamic principles if needs to be truly Muslim. This was supported by Johnson who explains the five Islamic pillars35 that: “The five pillars, primary duties, of the Islam: are witness; confessing the oneness of God and Mohammad, his prophet; prayer to be performed five times a day; alms giving to the poor and the mosque; fastening during daylight hours in the month of Ramadan; and pilgrimage to Mecca at least once in the Moslem’s lifetime”. Iliffe36 noted that the third religious innovation was reformulation of beliefs perhaps by emphasizing Gods intervention in human affairs as against the activities of subordinate spirits, for subordinated spirits were less relevant than God to the larger World. He added that in Unyamwezi, the missionaries’ identification of Katavi with Satan may have aided the growth of his cult. It is also through the invention of these new religions, the traditional prophets were replaced by Christian and Muslim prophets, Jesus Christ and Prophet Muhammad, respectively. Illife presented that indigenous religious resources could help men to comprehend their new situation but that work was believed to be truly done by the foreign religious prophets. Iliffe explained about the prophet who had foretold the coming of the Europeans. These were among other African prophets who used to tell about the future; among them were the rain makers who were part of 35 36 The Islamic Foundation, Qurani Takatifu; Chapa ya kwanza, Nairobi 2005. J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, op. cit. �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 293 ritual experts. Later in the era of Islamization and Christianization emerged new prophets with much prominence. Their birthdays are much more valued than traditional prophets’. “Maulid” and “Christmass” have been celebrated every year to mark the days when Prophets Muhammad and Jesus Christ were born respectively. Then, the roles of Muhammad and Jesus replaced that of the traditional prophets. John, as many people called him, the baptizer is one of the new prophets who gained popularity. The Holly Bible, The New Testament the gospel (John 1:26–29) explains that when John was answering the question asked by the priests and Laxities who were sent by the Jews, he said “I baptized with water but among you stands one whom you do not know, even he who comes after me, the thong of whose sandal I am not worthy to untie...”. John, according to that version, had foretold the coming of Jesus Christ that was proved to be true later. Therefore, the traditional prophets who did the similar work to what John and other foreign prophets did, was replaced by the foreign religious prophets. 2. Regular time for holding religious events Time framework on religious events was another religious innovation. Traditional religious events were irregularly held. They had no particular time identified, instead they depended on the event in advance. The Islamic religion, for example, needs recitation of a prayer five times a day, each is recited on a particular time. The respondent said that they attend the five session prayers namely; the Morning Prayer ‘Alfajiri’, the afternoon prayer ‘adhuhuri’, the evening prayer ‘Alasiri’ followed by another in two to three hours after ‘Magharib’ then the night prayer ‘Al-isha’. She added that Muslims also celebrate events namely Iddil-el-fitr after the fastening of the holy month of Ramadhan, and Iddi-el-Hajj. For the Christian, religious practice and events also are regularly done. �294 Mussa Kassimu One of the respondents told the researcher that they normally celebrate Christmas on 25th December every year, commemorating the birth of Jesus Christ, and Easter which starts on Wednesday to Ester Monday of the identified weeks in that particular year. It is done after ‘kwa resma’ a forty-day-fast. However, other Christian denominations such as the seventh day Adventists (SDA) celebrate neither Christmas nor Easter. Generally, foreign religious events are regularly prepared and held. 3. The role of chiefs in leading religious affairs was replaced by pastors, sheikh, bishops and other clergymen Another religious reformulation was the emphasis on the pastors, priests, sheikh, ‘ustadh’ at the expense of chiefs as religious leader. Because the chiefs lost their political power, so they did the religious’. Shillington37 supports, “As the power of the Mansa increased, so did the religious significance”. Mansa was the Malinke chief who is purposefully cited as an example in representing other African chiefs whose responsibilities look alike across the African continent. Generally speaking the “Ntemi” was no different from the king or chief of the West Lake Region. He had to possess certain sacred symbols; he had to lead in certain rituals above38. By the time the invented religions took way and Christianity valued pastors, priests, pop and other recognized people in Christian faith, the Muslim community put its emphasis on sheikh and ustadh who are very much respected. Traditional chiefs were devalued in the eyes of the Christian believers and Muslim followers. Traditional ritual experts like rain makers, chiefs and others are not as important as they used to be. 37 38 K. Shilligton, History of African Revised, op. cit., p. 94. I.N. Kimambo, The Interior Before 1800, op. cit., p. 22. �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 295 4. Specified places were introduced replacing the traditionally recognized areas in which religious rituals were practiced. The foreign religions, Christianity and Islam, brought a new concept of religiously specified area for prayer namely churches and mosques. The researcher portrayed in the preceding versions of this work that the Nyamwezi community held their prayer at home, at chiefs’ palaces, on hills and near dams in accordance with the event in advance. In the new era, Uyanyembe experienced the mushrooming of Mosques and churches as the Arabs introduced Islam at first, then Germans followed with Christianity, that also was supported by the British who came later, who did not deform Christianity instead they made it prosper. Churches were the buildings for European and Jewish Christian worship which used from the time immemorial. In ancient times, according to the Holy Bible, the revelation to John (1:10) when John stated that: “I was in the spirit on lord’s day, and I heard behind me a loud voice...telling me to write what I saw in the book, then I was ordered to send it to seven churches; to Ephesus, and to Smyrna and to Per’gamum and to Thyati’ra and to Sardis and to Philadelphia and to La-odice’a”. However, in the ancient time, the Holy Bible (Matthew: 16:18) shows the promise of building a church on the rock and the powers of death would not prevail against it. Therefore, it was a promise to build the church that its roles continue to influence other parts of the world. The churches spread to different parts of the world including Africa. Currently there are many churches and mosques in Unyamwezi. According to the interview, one of the respondents said that people were willing to provide contributions for building places for worship, churches and Mosques were built in every corner. They supported morally or materially as in the Qur an suratul swaf (Qur an 61:10) which reminds believers of how they can emancipate themselves from the everlasting fire, ‘Jehan- �296 Mussa Kassimu nam’ through believing Allah and to fight for the way of God; by providing moral and material support. There are almost more than nine Mosques in town as well as more than fifteen churches of different denominations, but only one place for traditional religion ‘Kwaitambare’, the place where traditional religious rituals were practised. That illustrates people’s emphasis on churches and Mosques at the expense of their traditional religious areas. 5. Traditional clobber was replaced by robes ‘kanzu/joho’, mantle ‘juba’ jellaba for the islams and modern clothes in other religions Religious influence also appears in the way people put on during prayers. Clobber for traditional ritual practices was replaced by modern clothes. Wearing black or red bed sheet-like clothes is no longer considered. The Christians attend their mass wearing the most modernized clothes like suits, modern gowns and skirts with rosary in some denominations. The Muslims wear modern trousers, robes of different colours with prayer beads ‘tasbihi’. Members of foreign denominations told the researcher that they are not bound to the dressing code but priests are obliged to be in robes with colour according to ‘Liturgy’. 6. Self-identity of the Nyamwezi based on their adherence to the new principles of the Islam and Christianity The foreign religions, Islam and Christianity, introduced the system of Islamization and Baptism as ways through which a member is legally accepted in these foreign religions against the old system in which a member was naturally born. A newborn adhered to traditional religion naturally as in other African communities39. 39 J.S. Mbiti, African Religions &Philosophy, op. cit., p. 4. �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 297 The indigenous Nyamwezi identify themselves with either Christian or Moslem names. Being baptized declared a person a Christian although the process has slight differences from one denomination to another. It is supported in the Holly Bible, the gospel according to John 1 (pp. 30–35) States, “This is he of whom I said, After me comes a man who ranks before me, fore he was before me... I came baptizing with water...but he who sent me to baptize with water said to me, this is who baptizes with the Holy spirit”. The Holly Bible chaptered the Gospel according to John 1 (3:3–5) when Jesus was asked by Nicole, a ruler of Jews on how man would be born again he responded “Truly, truly, I say to you, unless one is born a new, he cannot see the kingdom of God... Unless one is born of water and the spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of God”. Baptism is one of the conditions for entering the Kingdom of God. In the Islamic religion, also, one had to be Islamized to become a member of the Islamic word. The same, it was encouraged to accept the new names of Islamic culture, women to accept a new wearing style like covering all parts of the body with exception of the face and the hands. This had been done to Nyamwezi converts. According to the Holly Qur-an, (suratul Zumar:3} reveals that, “the only supreme being deserves to be adored is “Allah” and warns those who worship other creatures will be punished. Allah is never with those who do not accept him and his way. It is among the effective versions used to bring followers to accept and adhere to Islam. According to the interview with some converts, they explained one would have to confess that there is no one who deserves the worship upon him unless Allah and doubtlessly, Muhammad is Allah’s messenger. Following confession, the person has to adhere and practically follow the remaining pillars of Islam. Generally, almost Wanyamwezi community has been divided to the so called world religions namely Islam and Christianity. These �298 Mussa Kassimu religions have been in competition between them and among the varieties of the same religions trying to influence more people to join. Tshibangu40 et all states that the traditional African religion became identified in mind of many Africans that had failed and had been subjugated that many people began to proclaim adherence to Christianity and Islam. Iliffe41 supports, “In 1930s in Tabora, the African Muslims were said to be divided into two factions, the left hand and the right hand; the left hand standing for drumming in the mosque, more participation by women and in general for a more Africanist Islam”. Therefore, the division could be within or between religions. Illife42 wrote that it was reckoned by the Governor in 1912 in Tanganyika that the place contained 300,000 – 500,000 Muslims. It shows how far the Islamic influence had reached. Germans wanted to push Christianity: therefore, it seems they were in competition with Muslims. Among the effects of foreign religions to traditional Wanyamwezi religious ritual was also the spread of literacy which almost changed the way religious leaders supervised the prayers. People had to read Quran or Bible for Muslims and Christians respectively. All of what should be said was recited from those two Holly books. Shillington43 revealed one of the consequences of Islam was the spread of literacy usually in Arabic through the teaching of Qur-an. While the Missionaries opened mission stations in which people were taught bibles among other subject. Kiparapara mission station was one of the most influential centers. T. Tshibangu, J.F. Agayi and L. Sanneh, Religion and Social Evolution, in: A History of East Africa, eds. I.N. Kimambo and A.J. Temu, Nairobi 1999, p. 501. 41 J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, op. cit., p. 183. 42 Ibidem, p. 215. 43 K. Shilligton, History of African Revised, op. cit., p. 90. 40 �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 299 Conclusion Wanyamwezi community has varieties of ritual practices, only very few people practise them openly as the only way of solving problem but not their daily practice. The majority feel ashamed or betray their new faith. Traditional religious prayers are still practiced secretly among the converts. African traditional religions were open-ended and were receptive, able to accept changes and did not limit Africans to practice and join the new religions provided that one avoids taboo in accordance to Wanyamwezi customs. In real sense, techniques employed by influential groups, the European and Arabs used such as education, trade and evangelization among others aimed at attaining their goals. For the Africans, Wanyamwezi in particular, positive effects came as effects rather than motives. They used religions to soften the Wanyamwezi and African minds in general so as to accept their foreign faith and be the base for colonization. There are many aspects of the traditional religions that play roles similar to the invented aspects, for example, Wanyamwezi believed in a single deity, ‘Likubhe linyangasa’, a supreme being characterized by having over all control of the universe, the omnipotent. Also, God is the eternal, omniscient and invisible. Mbiti44 supported that conversion involves a mingling of traditional religion with a biblical religion, since nobody enters into the Christian faith with a religious vacuum and nobody can sweep out every trace of former religious background. The Christian faith with a biblical background, in effect finds a certain number of common or similar religious elements in the African converts45. Religion is the social institution in the society which includes beliefs about the sacred or supernatural rituals in which believ44 45 J.S. Mbiti, Bible and Theology in African Christianity, Nairobi 1986, p. 128. Ibidem, p. 128. �300 Mussa Kassimu ers are drawn together by the common religious tradition46. The traditional religion united Wanyamwezi community, guided their behaviors on evils and goods. Generally, since faith is unquestionable belief that does not require proof or scientific evidence, what was presented by the foreign religions about traditional religions that are of the uncivilized people is not correct47. The African religions could seek to answer important questions such as why we exist, why people suffer and die and what happens when we die. Neither Wanyamwezi traditional religions nor foreign religions are against life after death48. Religious practices in all religions discussed are of great importance provided that each fulfills the need of that society. Religions are socially defined and the rituals mean the obedience towards the Supreme Being. REFERENCES Edmonds W.A. and Kennedy T.D., An Applied Reference Guide to Research. Designs; Quantitative, Qualitative and Mixed Methods, New Delhi 2013. Iliffe J., A Modern History of Tanganyika, New York 1979. Johnson O., Information Please Almanach, 49th ed., New York 1996. Kendall D.E., Sociology in Our Times, Ware 2000. Kimambo I.N., The Interior Before 1800, in: A History of Tanzania, eds. I.N. Kimambo and A.J. Temu, Nairobi 1969. Mazrui A.A., Africa and other Civilization; conquest and Counter Conquest, in: Africa in World Politics; The African State System in Flux, eds. J.W. Harbeson and D. Rothchild, Boulder 2000, pp. 110–135. D.E. Kendall, Sociology in Our Times, op. cit., p. 530. Ibidem, p. 531. 48 J.S. Mbiti, African Religions &Philosophy, op. cit., p. 4. 46 47 �FOREIGN RELIGIONS AND WANYAMWEZI TRADITIONAL... 301 Mbiti J.S., Bible and Theology in African Christianity, Nairobi 1986. Mbiti J.S., African Religions &Philosophy, Dar-es-Salaam 1969. Mugenda, O.M and Mugenda A.G., Research Methods; Quantitative & Qualitative research Approach, Nairobi 1999. Mungazi D.A., The Mind of Black African, Westport 1996. Parrinder E.G., African Traditional Religion, London 1974. Rodney W., How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Dar es Salaam 1972. Schonenbeger P., Nyamwezi Names of Persons, „Anthropos”, 90(1995), Heft 1–3, pp. 109–132. Shibangu T., Essential of Research Methodology in Human and Social Sciences, Kampala 2007. Shilligton K., History of African Revised, New York 2005. The British and Foreign Bible Society, Holy Bible, revised Standard Version, New York 2008. Tshibangu T., Agayi J.F. and Sanneh L., Religion and Social Evolution, in: A History of East Africa, eds. I.N. Kimambo and A.J. Temu, Nairobi 1999. The Islamic Foundation, Qurani Takatifu; Chapa ya kwanza, Nairobi 2005. ��Chapter 10. PIOTR CICHOCKI AFRICAN ELECTRONIC MUSIC IN CHURCH AND BEYOND Dialectic relation of religion and development Introduction Since the sociocultural evolutionism died away, the technical development and the religion have been not discussed together. However, these two in western philosophies and social contexts have intermingled long before and ever after the evolutionist approach. Some remarks about these relations in a rough version can be grouped as follows: 1. The philosophy of enlightenment and social politics started by the French Revolution replaced the earlier, religion-centered approach with the glorification of the pure reason1. The pure reason in this case guarantees the progress, excluding the religion as outer or contested sphere. The effect of such an approach can be seen in the modern science, lacking the religious paradigm, including the anthropology of religion, founded on the lay, neutral assumption on a social provenance of a religion. These types of discourses are also visible in an organization of modern PIOTR CICHOCKI – Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology, University of Warsaw B. Meyer, Mediation and the Genesis of presence: towards a material approach to religion, Utrecht 2012. 1 �304 Piotr Cichocki states, especially in Europe (vide France, Scandinavia, Benelux countries or Germany), clearly separated from religious institutions or even dominating them. However, if we derive from Max Weber’s interpretation of the capitalism as an effect of Protestant values and ethics2, we can see that the distinction between these spheres are not absolute, but rather visible as a realization of a different model. I believe that closer observation of this model, combined with non-western imaginaries of bonds between the sacred, power and technical can shed a light on the unfamiliar terrain of social practices between above mentioned ideal types of ‚technology’ and ‚religion’. 2. The second perspective is derived from the perspective of religious institutions, sometimes questioning the authority of a modern state. It can be observed in conservative and religious social movements, like the Polish Catholic Church or many religious organizations in the United States. The approach to the technological development ranges from a contestation (defined as a fight with the so called “the culture of death”, supposedly transmitted by modern electronic media), to capitalize it only as a highly controlled means of a social communication. Only last few years bring the gradual dynamic implementation of the newest technologies to political campaigns of conservatists or evangelization in Europe and North America. The most remarkable example is Polish (and international) Radio Maryja and Television Józef. Both broadcasters using sophisticated and expensive technologies transmit an extremely conservative political message, questioning non-Christian media, technologies and economic model. Altogether it makes a good example of how western conservatism just from its foundation – if we date it again in the French Revolution times R.R. Wilk and L. Cliggett, Ekonomie i kultury: podstawy antropologii ekonomicznej, Kraków 2011. 2 �AFRICAN ELECTRONIC MUSIC IN CHURCH AND BEYOND... 305 – accepts new forms and meanings only when they became an integrated element of a social life. This short paper, however, regards not European or global relations between the religion and the technical development, but rather traces it in certain locations in East Africa. I believe, though, that the view from a different perspective can unveil some less understandable aspects of the critical bond. What religion and technical development have in common? The aim of the ongoing research, which I relate to within this short paper, is to understand how electronic technologies were integrated onto religious practices and imaginaries of East African religious men. I conduct research in Northern Region of Malawi and for the comparative purpose in Iringa Region of Tanzania. The growth of the technologic infrastructure – one of pillars of the development – is global and national project but it is also perceived, contextualized and sometimes contested in certain localities, and the latter is a subject of the study. The technical development, when it is becoming to materialize from being a project, a plan and a symbol, to materialized part of everyday life, is re-worked and incorporated by local ontologies. Hence, the technology affects and is affected by local discourses and practice, that are essential to constitution of the local life. From the other hand, as many anthropologists argue and as is confirmed by literally every and each interlocutor during the research, the religion plays an essential role in functioning of African communities and individuals. The classic of the anthropological theory of religion, E. Evans-Pritchard, observed that the understanding of notions of God – or spirit – gives “the key to [...] �306 Piotr Cichocki philosophy” of African communities3. The religion understood as a ritual practice, a cosmology, a moral constitution, a way of communication – incorporates and redefines discourses and materialities of the technical development, as well as is reshaped and recontextualized by them4. To properly understand the dynamic relation of religious life and the technical development in Eastern Africa it is required to identify the ambiguous role of religious institutions5. The religion – Christianity in this case – has a tremendous impact on the ‚colonization of minds’, but gives also an effective identity scripts and resources for the resistance against hegemonies6. The other key issue is an understanding of the current role of native religions and rituals that play a crucial but undefined part in the political and social life of Malawi and other countries from the region. In a consequence the main problem is in questioning the dichotomy of the seemingly rational technological development E.E. Evans-Pritchard and E. Gillies, Witchcraft, oracles, and magic among the Azande, Abridged with an introd. by Eva Gillies, Oxford 1976. 4 T.G. K i r s c h, Ways of Reading as Religious Power in Print Globalization, „American Ethnologist”, 34(2007), no. 3, pp. 509–520; Idem, Restaging the Will to Believe: Religious Pluralism, Anti-Syncretism, and the Problem of Belief, „American Anthropologist”, 106(2004), no. 4, pp. 699–709. 5 Due to various determinants and the need of precise scope, I limited my research to Christian congregations of continental Tanzania and northern Malawi and by institutionalized religious institutions I address Catholic, Protestant and African churches. Similarly, the theorization of religious practice bases on the historical context of Christianity in Africa, with absolutely key role of colonization. However, I am aware of different angle of Islamic history and hence different definitions of development and technology in its context, also because both countries have significant Muslim population especially in respectively – Swahili coast and southern Malawi. 6 J. Comaroff and J.L. Comaroff, Of revelation and revolution, Chicago 1991; B. Sundkler and C. Steed, A history of the church in Africa, Cambridge – New York 2000. 3 �AFRICAN ELECTRONIC MUSIC IN CHURCH AND BEYOND... 307 and the allegedly irrational sphere of ritual or at least to show the movement in between these spheres. Let me pause this theoretical, abstract exploration and start to elaborate the character of relations between the religion, the technology and the development on three examples observed in Malawi and Tanzania in 2016 and 2017. During the research I focus on the technology, specifically technology of sound and music7, I ask, how the technologic innovation influences the practice of believing and the religious and social onthology. The three cases concern respectively: – Church of Central Africa Presbiterian (CCAP) Malawi, more specifically in Mzuzu, Rumphi and Lilongwe; – Vimbuza possesion cult practiced by Tumbuka and Ngoni people from Northern Region of Malawi; – varied Christian congregations and gospel music production studios in Iringa region. In 2016 I experienced first meetings and discussions with the diviners from Malawian cities: Malawi and Rumphi. I conducted parallel observations in Christian congregations of number of parishes in Mzuzu and Rumphi, including St. Augustine, Christ Congregation in Malawi in Chiputula, CCAP Luwinga, CCAP Rumphi and others. I have talked with members of congregations and with frequent patients of the diviners, who are involved in vimbuza cult as well as possessed persons including vimbuza diviners. During the first stage of the research I applied mainly participant observations and interviews along with the detailed study on performative principles and practices. The research objective was to trace the categorizations and entanglements of technologies and practices in context of the (so-called) traditional ritual performance. 7 As ‘technology of sound and music’ I understand. �308 Piotr Cichocki I have conducted around 80 ethnographic interviews, based on reference scenarios. The knowledge from my interviewees gives an opportunity to understand religious and technologic conceptualizations, interpretations of genealogies and the connections to wider cultural universe8 Conversations with people associated with religious rituals shed a light on emic classifications, individual practices and subjectively used materialities related to prayers. The interview is recognized as one of the most innovative yet well established method of social sciences9, which gives an inside to inner cultural and individual worlds10. In case of religious practices the method may be essential to glimpse emotions and affects of interlocutors. The participant observation addressed problems of the materiality and the body in the fieldwork. Observations within the project comprehend spaces emerging from and through rituals11, imponderables of everyday life. They also allow to trace and understand bonds of the language and the practice and acts of embodiment. For example, the distinction between imported products of western technology (like electronic keyboards) and the local handicraft (like wooden drums) marked by a diverse symbolic can be observed by the ways how certain technological objects are treated, touched, stored, preserved and used (e.g. carefully cleansed, proudly presented, kept hidden or exposed12). A. Seeger, Why Suyá sing: a musical anthropology of an Amazonian people, Cambridge [Cambridgeshire] – New York 1987. 9 M.V. Angrosino, Doing Ethnographic and Observational Research, London 2007. 10 M. Hammersley and P. Atkinson, Ethnography: principles in practice, London – New York 1983. 11 G. Born, Music, Sound and Space Transformations of Public and Private Experience, Cambridge 2013. 12 G. Rose, Visual methodologies: an introduction to the interpretation of visual materials, London – Thousand Oaks 2001. 8 �AFRICAN ELECTRONIC MUSIC IN CHURCH AND BEYOND... 309 The research is based on emic approach, which requires that rather than the perspective of theories or global institutions represented by documents like catechism, national development strategies or prognosis of the World Bank, I study the perspective and experience of local social institutions and individuals. This optic allows to understand what is the religion and the technologic development in practice, in action, first of all embodied and enacted, only then verbalized. Electric Christianity Church of Central Africa Presbyterian is dominant denomination in the region. During the several months stay in Malawi I have observed mostly urban churches belonging to Livingstonia synod in Northern Malawi. Livingstonia has a special role in the history of Nyasaland and afterwards – Malawi. It was established in 1894 by Scottish missionaries, who in search of non malarial climate13 moved from lake-shore locations of Cape Maclear and Bandawe to higher grounds. Parallel to the activity of zealous Europeans, the British Central Africa Protectorate started to flag its military presence in the area, justifying it with the fight with slave trade, concentrated in nearby Karonga at the stronghold of warlord named Mlozi, soon after beaten by British troops. Soon the colonial administration prompted the restructuralization of local people into ‚tribal groups’ with hierarchies, allowing the colonists to rule through the mediation of tribal chiefs. This process also affected the relationship between earlier inhabitants and Ngonis14, by forming administration structure of Tumbuka tribe from By that time the knowledge of mosquito-borne cause of malaria was not popularized. 14 Ngoni people were a group composed by fugitives from today’s KwaZulu Natal and their captives migrated during mfecane movements. They had politi13 �310 Piotr Cichocki the former15. The mission was both the centre of this administrative reforms and education addressed also for members of the established Tumbuka tribe. Only several dozens later the well-educated graduates of Livingstonia took crucial part in the independence movement. This was followed by economic marginalization of the region during dictatorship of decades-long presidency of Kamuzu Banda, declared Chewa, who, as most of my interlocutors stressed, underdeveloped the Ngoni-Tumbuka area according to his plan. Today’s presbyterian Christianity is dominating the religious life in the region, especially among Tumbuka people16. Presbyterian liturgies and prayers require electronic17 instruments, like programmed keyboards as an accompaniment for gospel dancing choirs. Choirs are usually organized within particular congregations and they also use the technological equipment that belongs to the church. Due to the disposal of almost all musical equipment, churches are theoretically in control of the music education and the local scene18. cally dominated local groups in the mid-XIXth century, but in time assumed their language. Tumbuka people consisted on population inhabiting the area before Ngoni invasion. 15 L. Vail, The Creation of tribalism in Southern Africa, London – Berkeley 1989. 16 Although I do not dispose of the quantitive data, I have noticed that majority of Ngoni people who I met are members of Catholic church. 17 Of course the electronic and the electric should not be treated by anthropologists as purely “given” material context, but as the socio-technologic phenomenon. The electric and electronic sound, as a field of study on (post)modernity, engages also philosophers. Greatly appreciated by anthropologists, Don Ihde compares the classic music and rock music sound, and coins the notion of “flow” as an essential quality of the latter. The flow, as he demonstrates, an over-embracing embodied process, is a mode of experience distinctive for modernity, defined by an extended use of electronic media (D. Ihde, Listening and voice: phenomenologies of sound, Albany 2007). Ihde’s theory gives an remarkable example of how the social is constructed by the technologic and the technologic emerging from the social. 18 The other music studios belong to independent producers connected with hip-hop and dancehall music, but they are usually located in private household �AFRICAN ELECTRONIC MUSIC IN CHURCH AND BEYOND... 311 A similar pattern can be observed on the scene of presbyterian gospel of Northern Malawi outside the church performances. Presbyterian gospel has the best organized network of music recording studios and producers in the region. Producers are working within a pattern of electronic rhythms, that are highly appreciated by artists and their listeners as danceable, mixing it with western arrangements, and rhythms derived mostly from a South African and Congolese music. The process of the production is highly dominated by digital technologies and arrangements are purely electronic which excludes a studio recording of live instruments. To be the producer means to skillfully use electronic programs and hardware. The only non-automatized sounds are voices of soloists and choirs. To be Christian producer, which also implies a good deal of relatively lucrative19 profession, means to be restricted only to Christian music20. The bond of a Christian congregation, the technology and the commerce is visible also in the process of a production and a distribution of records. The paramount of expectation toward the local music carrier is to release a DVD with collection of videos to 10 or more original songs, but such an endeavor greatly exceeds and consist of the software, desktop computers and peripheral device. Hip-hop and dancehall remain independently distributed outside churches’ structures, but religious motifs carry throughout their work relatively often. 19 By stating that some economic activity was lucrative, we have to keep in mind that due to general economic situation of northern Malawi, the type of work was considered very dynamic. For example, one of best producers in Mzuzu (and a marvelous interlocutor), let’s call him Don, during my research decided to open a new studio, where he could be the only owner and manager and couple of months later, move to South Africa to earn an incomparable amount of money, not on music production though. 20 Generally music producers in Mzuzu are strictly limited to certain genres and parallel to cracked music software, arbitrary associated with the music style, i.e. in 2016 arrangements of gospel music were produced with Digital Audio Workstation Reason and hip-hop, dancehall style with Fruity Loops. �312 Piotr Cichocki financial capacities of soloist or even choir. The production and the release of DVD was hence the venture of the complete congregation, not the individual artist. Elders of congregations decided about the investment in production of choir DVD, then after the costly process of recording and video shooting, when the production is finished and DVD is ready, the released title is sold in churches and other religious or semi-religious events. For the musicians, producers and believers the technologisation of prayer, service and the evangelization (as this is the way, the music carrier of gospel musicians is defined), however limited due to crisis of Malawian economy and scarcity of technological resources, is anything but contradiction. Purely electronic rhythms, media and arrangements used during prayers indicate a relation between electricity, electronic instruments and Christianity, seen also as, literally and spiritually understood, enlightenment and development. The sound of the electronic brings the declaration of being modern, effective also in case of effectiveness of prayers. Thus, it stands as the declaration against paganism. This, however, is not only a progressive social declaration of being modern. To grasp the deeper layer of association between the development of electricity and Christianity I must address the second case – vimbuza possesion cult. Spirits from acoustic drums Night soundscapes of smaller towns and villages, that are known to be centers of vimbuza cult, reverberate with a distant drumming sound from the darkness, a clear indication of an ongoing ritual. Nights of vimbuza performances are usually firmly set to particular days of week, distinguished between nearby thempilis. At the night of a performance patients, drummers, listeners, dancers �AFRICAN ELECTRONIC MUSIC IN CHURCH AND BEYOND... 313 and most importantly the keeper of thempili21, known as singanga – which is translated as ‚African doctor’ by English speaking Tumbukas and Ngonis. The actual term vimbuza is the name of a disease and a medical and musical practice, that aims to communicate with spirits possessing diseased persons22. Most of categories of participation in the ritual are fluid and listeners can easily become drummers, even dancers. However, to become vimbuza dancer, one has to be diagnosed by the doctor as diseased. The diagnosed person starts to take part in rituals and due to individual character of disease can be cured after several dancing sessions, become a constant member of dancing team, or in most particular cases, become a singanga. Foregoing symptoms of sickness depend on a particular possessing spirit – they varied from a haunt in a dream by a stranger, through allergy to everyday staple food – nsima23, to fever, chronic tiredness and surliness in everyday contacts with neighbors. It can even drive to death, if no therapy is maintained which means that demands of spirits are ignored. The single vimbuza dance – an isolated unit taken from the all night ritual – is presently performed by three drummers and individual dancer24. During the night another drummers and following dancers are involved. Three drums are playing distinguished parts, with first as a base rhythm playing regular crotchets, the second playing fast tuplets and the third one – the main – playing Most vimbuza ceremonies I observed and being told of were performed at thempilis – a small temple usually located at the main dancer household, managed by him – or her together with family members. 22 B. Soko, Vimbuza: the healing dance of Northern Malawi, Zomba 2014. 23 Nsima is a puree from corn flour. As one of my informants said about attitude toward this staple food, “without nsima we haven’t eaten anything”. 24 It is worth noting that vimbuza contains also different styles of music performances, that share the general idea of provoking the presence of spirits by the rhythmical density layered with melodic invocations. Not all performances involve the drumming orchestra. 21 �314 Piotr Cichocki more complicated rhythmic variations synchronized with dancers steps. Commenting after performances, drummers and dancers emphasized that it is the drummer who follows steps of the dancer and dancer’s feet are actually steered by a spirit, who also directs particular songs and rhythms. For the anthropologist the most distinctive sound is the roaring reverb of the main drum. The drums are produced from a certain local type of a tree and a goat skin. They are usually made with a hole in a lynchpin. The hole is covered by a resonating membrane made usually from a piece of a plastic bag and a cut bottle top. The massive resonator covered by the thin membrane produces the enormous pulsating sound, which really fills in the space of thempili. The knowledge of the technic of drumming and the drum production is often passed within families, but it is also sometimes distributed within the dancing group and, as some interlocutors highlighted, by spirits. Many drummers noticed that the process of learning is the matter of an observation of rituals and a gradually increasing participation, rather than an initiation or an isolated education. Vimbuza, as commented by interlocutors, is founded on the aim of making spirits manifest in public, cooling them down by the dance and ceremonial gentility, enabling them to express their will. Only the fulfillment of spirits’ fads is a condition of a healing process. There are some other circumstances, within which spirits may be met, for example the sound of a broken twig in the bush, or a howl of the wind but these cases are always individual. Spirits are actually often compared to the wind. They cannot be seen, but one can see effect of their actions, as trees are moved by a blow. This metaphor is in fact reversible: I had observed during one of performances a female dancer, who had embroidered name on the back of her ritual dress – anyamphepho – which means “miss wind” (mphepho – wind). �AFRICAN ELECTRONIC MUSIC IN CHURCH AND BEYOND... 315 The public manifestation of spirits may happen in two ways. The first way is more direct (more visible, one can say), when after the intensive rhythm and dance, spirit begins to talk through the (mouth of) the possessed person. The second mode of manifestation is in every element of vimbuza. Lyrics of songs, rhythms, dance steps, attires of dancers are dictated by spirits during the performance. By this we can see that spirits actively take part in performance. Stephen Friedson commented on vimbuza as construction of clinic reality within which patient is diagnosed and eventually healed25. Nevertheless, the concept of clinic reality has been criticized by anthropologists of medicine as colonial, construction of reality seems to be good start to think about vimbuza as a technology. The anthropologist who had researched the phenomenon of vimbuza around 30 years ago, proposed to understand music in vimbuza as a kind of technology, that constructs efficient clinical treatment of patients. I must favor this second approach, that enables to understand vimbuza in context of development of technologies. Vimbuza like gospel music performed during church service or concert, gathers players, dancers, auditors, instruments, other spiritual and material functional paraphernalia, spirits, angels and demons. It consists of physical sound, lyrics of songs and dance movement but what is the constructive notion of music, goes far beyond the summary of elements and actors. Not defining it by the summary I rather describe it as temporary, semi-virtual collective of human and non-human actors within which a transformative work can be done by spiritual intervention enabled by technology. Despite the fact that many singangas incorporated Christian symbols into the medical practice, using opening prayers to S.M. Friedson, Dancing prophets: musical experience in Tumbuka healing, Chicago 1996. 25 �316 Piotr Cichocki Yehova, biblical quotations and sings of the cross, by puritan presbyterian Christians all sounds of drums are strongly associated with dangerous demonic spirits, a black magic and a sinful heathenism. Thereby, the sound and instruments inscribe particular rituals into wider ontologies and connect them with technical infrastructures. Consequently, the close association of those cultural practices with certain materialities and technologies were observed. The materialities, as interviews have proven, linked to spiritual categories, identified with certain kind of immaterial beings – Holy Spirit – in case of the electric (and electronic) sound of Christian music, and spirits of animals, ancestors or of a rover provenience, clinging to the acoustic sound of local membranophones (n’goma). The character of sound, the instrument is associated with imaginary of the development understood as an electrification on the one hand and exclusion of malevolent spirits on the other. My presbyterian interlocutors found the idea of the electronic Christian gospel music using the dynamic and highly danceable local vimbuza rhythm unreasonable. Others made an assumption that spirits ignore the electronic sound and can only be called out (and be heated according to the local ontology) by acoustic drums. As a consequence, educated puritan Christians, who listen to the gospel music, reject the local rhythms and dances, associating it with dangerous spirits and threatening cults, and highly esteem music genres from other countries – rhythms of reggae, soukouss or mbaqanga from South Africa, that are neutral within the context of local cult economies26. This attitude may be also an answer to the lack of studio recordings of vimbuza rhythms. I also heard that in certain circumstances the same members of Christian congregations take part in vimbuza ceremonies, however personal declarations of such a membership are hidden not only from European anthropologists but also from fellow Malawians. 26 �AFRICAN ELECTRONIC MUSIC IN CHURCH AND BEYOND... 317 I know only two professional recordings made by Malawian producers, and they are associated with understanding the vimbuza as part of cultural heritage. One was the electronic version of vimbuza made for local dance and music group named Kukaya, who defines its role as a preservation and promotion of Malawian north tradition, the other – produced by the local branch of the national television as a documentation of dances performed for president of the republic27. The development concerns not only a technical infrastructure or a purely material realm. It is also perceived in a spiritual way, as an alliance of Christianity and modern technologies, that dominates, but not erases non-modernized material and spiritual actors. These actors – like vimbuza spirits – are still present and powerful, but the development of modern technologies aims to give new powers to overcome them, isolate them and keep them hidden from the technologically increased presence of Jesus Christ, manifested by sensually experienced electronic sounds or electric light. Hence, the struggles of development of the country are seen in categories of not only an economic and political reconciliation but also the Manichean conflict of good and evil. It is worth noting though that the definition of evil – like witchcraft, spirits in this case – indicates an ambiguous relation with own pre-colonial past, for example native religions which are understood as dangerous relics. The second example reflects the modern history of Malawi, and relates to country’s first president, who was supposed to gather an “army” of African healers (also from Northern Region), aiming to strengthen his health and charisma with all kinds of nationally available magic, including musically transmitted powers. It presumably helped, at least in opinion of Malawians, as he held his office until he was in his nineties. Moreover, Kamuzu Banda often expressed his attachment to “traditional African values” and the involvement in the magic and dance within the state’s representations made this declaration consistent, according to words of my interlocutors. 27 �318 Piotr Cichocki Divine speed These assumptions based on research in Malawi have some parallels in religious practices in neighboring Tanzania. Despite the proximity and many similarities, including ethnic groups like Ngoni, Tumbuka and Nyakyusa, the countries’ histories are somehow dettached28. Not to dig deeper in the colonial and postcolonial times, for this paper it is well enough to noticethat the infrastructure and accessibility to modern goods is far more secured in Tanzania. Considering that, I was curious how the notions of the technical development are perceived in religious context by members of Christian congregations in Iringa (and some Iringa and Mbeya born Dar Es Salaam residents). During a few weeks (proceeded by studies on the literature) spent in Tanzania dedicated to comparative research, I observed spaces of religious practices, religious materiality and discussed the ritual phenomena in Iringa and Dar Es Salaam, obviously I also analyzed music and its technology used during prayers. Number of researches of non-western healing practices and religions of Tanzania concern interactions with spirits29 or categorization of non-material beings. The general category is called in Kiswahili mashaitani. Pat Caplan wrote about distinction into mizimu and majini made by Swahili people from Mafia Island. Majini are often reffered to as spirtis of water and also resemble 28 Only in this volume the historical context of Tanzania is addressed by Maximilan Chahula and Maciej Ząbek. Enough said that differences of political silhouettes of both countries’ first presidents – Hastings Kamuzu Banda and Julius Nyerere clearly show the multitude of contrasting, political projects emerging in newly established African states. 29 S.A. Langwick, Bodies, politics, and African healing: the matter of maladies in Tanzania, Bloomington 2011. �AFRICAN ELECTRONIC MUSIC IN CHURCH AND BEYOND... 319 men from different ethnic groups. Cults connected with majini, called mkobero and tari, have many common features with above mentioned vimbuza cult30. It is clearly visible that despite political and economic detachment dated in colonial times, the cultural aspect reminds akin or at least gradable changing. The distinctive part of Tanzanian religious practices is their mediatization. Comparing to Malawi one can have clear impression that Tanzanian congregation takes a full advantage of the accessibility to a technical hardware and software. The high quality gospel music videos, advertising banners, video broadcast, sms services, amplified speakers transmitting religious holy masses and prayers seem to be integrated parts of the local religious life. Not only the materiality but also the research on the discursive reveals the religious truth of the technological. One of numerous charismatic churches from Dar Es Salaam announces its services by showing the banner with slogan “Divine speed” and illustration of an exceeded speedometer. The same church involves – as many others – live band, playing long hours of rhythmical, electrified music with guitars and electronic keyboards. The tempo of the music gradually rose, finding the culmination in the final part of the service. Similar scheme of a long and widely resounding religious performance I found in Iringa’s Seventh Day Adventist congregation. My interlocutors from Iringa told me about services of puritan churches, comparing them to the spiritual, extreme body building in professional gym. The comparison, however, was not verbalized but expressed with gesticulation resembling a body building exercise when talking about zealous prayer sessions of congregation. P. Caplan, African voices, African lives personal narratives from a Swahili village, London – New York 2003. 30 �320 Piotr Cichocki I was also introduced to the project of a church owned bank, with name related to economic progress. The aim of the bank was to invest money of parishioners for a common capital accumulation. I have been instructed that this financial project is not about the business, but about faith. The other example refers to a transnational religious practice, welding Tanzania, South Africa, Malawi, Zambia, Zimbabwe and other countries from the region. It concerns prophet Shepherd Bushiri, grown in Mzuzu, but presently living in South Africa, where he built economic and organizational empire, including a prominent channel Prophet TV. One of the most influential personages in Eastern and Southern Africa, by my Tanzanian interlocutors, he is perceived mostly by recorded and broadcasted sermons, rumors about miracles (e.g. he was supposed to sponsor football national teams with a miracle money) and multiple music videos of bands promoted by Prophet TV. Martin Lindhardt, who observed the religious practices in Iringa Region, in a series of articles explains the categorization of modern material goods (i.e. banknotes, CDs) and ways they are attained, as deeply rooted in theological evaluations and concerns of the black magic31. Lindhardt explains these practices as part of the so-called cult economy, a complex set of views on the essence of the capitalist economy, market goods and money, which engages them in a good-evil Manichean polarity and informs about moral and sinful ways of a capital accumulation. The acceleration, the power, the capital, the effectiveness, the amplification – these are features of religious symbolism and maM. Lindhardt, More Than Just Money: The Faith Gospel and Occult Economies in Contemporary Tanzania, „Nova Religio”, 13(2009), no. 1, pp. 41–67; M. Lindhardt, “If you are saved you cannot forget your parents”: Agency, Power, and Social Repositioning in Tanzanian born-again Christianity, „Journal of Religion in Africa”, 40(2010), no. 3, pp. 240–272. 31 �AFRICAN ELECTRONIC MUSIC IN CHURCH AND BEYOND... 321 teriality, indicating a relation with the technical development. By these all, we can see that in practice, the religion and the technical development are perceived as nearly equal or at least compatible. Moreover, seeing the religious practice from the perspective of its effectiveness allows to understand the relations of Christianity and local religions32 not as contradictions but as dialectic and concomitance33. As a conclusion I would like to propose a question to an open discussion and a thesis. The question concerns the thread from the very beginning of the lecture, when I indicated Max Weber’s work “The protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism”34. In the seminal volume, Weber introduces the way of understanding modern capitalist, bureaucratic, rational, lay in its essence society as the effect of religious movement of the protestantism. The capitalism and its core value – the development might be, according to Weber, deeply bonded with the religion, however the layness and the material rationalism of modern seculars states show the ambiguous relation of these two. Hence, the question is: to what extent connections between 32 In the light of studies on vimbuza or zar religion, that have shown how these cults emerged in the context of historical change, it seems to be obvious oversimplification to address them as “traditional”. See R. Natvig, Oromos, Slaves, and the Zar Spirits: A Contribution to the History of the Zar Cult, „The International Journal of African Historical Studies”, 20(1987), no. 4, p. 669; B. Soko, Vimbuza: the healing dance of Northern Malawi, op. cit.; A. Young, ‘Why Amhara get kureynya: sickness and possession in an Ethiopian zar cult’, „American Ethnologist”, 2(1975), no. 3, pp. 567–584. 33 J. Mlenga, Dual religiosity in Northern Malawi: Ngonde Christians and African traditional religion, Mzuzu 2016; T. Ranger, Religious Pluralism in Zimbabwe. A Report on the Britain-Zimbabwe Society Research Day, St Antony’s College, Oxford, 23 April 1994, „Journal of Religion in Africa”, 25(1995), no. 3, p. 226. 34 M. Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, S.l.: Merchant Books 2013 [1905]. �322 Piotr Cichocki religion and technical development in Eastern Africa are an effect of religious colonization by Protestant countries i.e. Germany and Great Britain, or the manifestation of a longuee duree – long-lasting structure of culture, in which the divine is not an abstract, but an effective power. The thesis on the other way, concerns the very essence of what the technical development might be. What can be concluded from above examples is that the technical development is not (or not only) an objective of social and political change. It is a function in a network determined and defined by social relations in varieties of social contexts. REFERENCES Angrosino M.V., Doing Ethnographic and Observational Research, London 2007. Askew K.M., As Plato duly warned: music, politics, and social change in coastal East Africa, „Anthropological Quarterly”, 76(2003), no. 4, pp. 609–637. Born G., Music, Sound and Space Transformations of Public and Private Experience, Cambridge 2013. Caplan P., African voices, African lives personal narratives from a Swahili village, London – New York 2003. Comaroff J. and Comaroff J.L., Of revelation and revolution, Chicago 1991. Evans-Pritchard E., Nuer religion, Oxford 1970. Friedson S.M., Dancing prophets: musical experience in Tumbuka healing, Chicago 1996. Hammersley M. and Atkinson P., Ethnography: principles in practice, London – New York 1983. Ihde D., Listening and voice: phenomenologies of sound, Albany 2007. �AFRICAN ELECTRONIC MUSIC IN CHURCH AND BEYOND... 323 Kirsch T.G, Ways of Reading as Religious Power in Print Globalization, „American Ethnologist”, 34(2007), no. 3, pp. 509–520. Kirsch T.G., Restaging the Will to Believe: Religious Pluralism, Anti-Syncretism, and the Problem of Belief, „American Anthropologist”, 106(2004), no. 4, pp. 699–709. Langwick S.A., Bodies, politics, and African healing: the matter of maladies in Tanzania, Bloomington 2011. Lindhardt M., ‘More Than Just Money: The Faith Gospel and Occult Economies in Contemporary Tanzania’, „Nova Religio”, 13(2009), no. 1, pp. 41–67. Lindhardt M. “If you are saved you cannot forget your parents”: Agency, Power, and Social Repositioning in Tanzanian born-again Christianity, „Journal of Religion in Africa”, 40(2010), no. 3, pp. 240–272. Meyer B. Mediation and the Genesis of presence: towards a material approach to religion, Utrecht 2012. Mlenga J., Dual religiosity in Northern Malawi: Ngonde Christians and African traditional religion, Mzuzu 2016. Natvig R., Oromos, Slaves, and the Zar Spirits: A Contribution to the History of the Zar Cult, „The International Journal of African Historical Studies”, 20(1987), no. 4, p. 669. Ranger T., Religious Pluralism in Zimbabwe. A Report on the BritainZimbabwe Society Research Day, St Antony’s College, Oxford, 23 April 1994, „Journal of Religion in Africa”, 25(1995), no. 3, p. 226–251. Rose G., Visual methodologies: an introduction to the interpretation of visual materials, London – Thousand Oaks 2001. Seeger A., Why Suyá sing: a musical anthropology of an Amazonian people, Cambridge [Cambridgeshire] – New York 1987. Soko B., Vimbuza: the healing dance of Northern Malawi, Zomba 2014. Sundkler B. and Steed C., A history of the church in Africa, Cambridge – New York 2000. �324 Piotr Cichocki Vail L., The Creation of tribalism in Southern Africa, London – Berkeley 1989. Weber M., The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, S.l., Merchant Books 2013. Wilk R.R. and Cliggett L., Economies and cultures: foundations of economic anthropology, Boulder 2007. Young A., Why Amhara get kureynya: sickness and possession in an Ethiopian zar cult, „American Ethnologist”, 2(1975), no. 3, pp. 567–584. �Chapter 11. ANTONIO ALLEGRETTI THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT AMONG CHRISTIAN MAASAI IN CONTEMPORARY TANZANIA ABSTRACT Affiliation to Christianity among the Maasai of Tanzania is relatively a recent phenomenon when compared to the quite long history of Christianity in the rest of the country. It is, however, a phenomenon that is rapidly spreading with new churches mushrooming in Maasai villages and transforming the social, cultural and material landscape of Maasailand in Tanzania. This chapter intends to show how religion can add a further layer to the analysis of the transformations involving the meanings and practices associated to being Maasai in contemporary Tanzania. Unlike popular (and academic) discourses that tend to consider factors of change such as religion or economic diversification as external to Maasai tradition and associate them to the waning of meaning underlying it, this chapter argues that the sphere of spirituality (i.e. Christianity) constitutes an arena in which political relations, intended as power relations between different sectors of society and community, are played out. Rather than simply representing a generational change as to the preferences for cultural references and role models among younger generations as opposed to their fathers, the arena of religion is a site of negotiations for the access to human and material assets, and to overall ‘development’. The analysis in the chapter endorses the shift of perspective from religion as a cultural system or set of ethereal beliefs that pertain to the sphere of individual faith, to the material aspects (e.g. consumption, architecture, and the imporANTONIO ALLEGRETTI – St. Augustine University of Tanzania, Mwanza. �326 Antonio Allegretti tance of material goods), that work as interface between these and the sphere of the discernible. Key words: Maasai, materiality, religion, Christianity, development. Introduction Anyone trying to define concepts such as globalization, identity, nationalism, and the like cannot but acknowledge a partial view and all the limitations attached. With religion, the question of definition becomes even more hazardous as we enter the sphere of faith, touching on the sensibility of all people in the world who consider themselves followers of any institutionalized faith. Many influential theorists and scientists in the history of human thought, from Freud, to Darwin, to Marx, have touched on religion, developing theories within their respective areas of authority1. As the fathers of social sciences began to approach the question of religion, the ‘sacred’ and the ‘supernatural’ became the objects of inquiry2. With Geertz3, the attention shifted to symbols as “extrasomatic control mechanisms for organizing experience and governing behavior”4. Quite surprisingly, only towards the end of the 20th century social scientists, especially anthropologists, have started focusing on much more ‘mundane’ matters when looking at religion as an object of inquiry5. Beyond more ethereal and intangible aspects of J.D. Eller, Introducing Anthropology of Religion, New York – London 2007. R.L. Winzeler, Anthropology and Religion. What We Know, Think, and Question, Lanham – New York – Toronto – Plymouth 2012. 3 C. Geertz, The Interpretation of Culture: Selected Essays, New York 1973. 4 J.D. Eller, Introducing Anthropology of Religion, op. cit. 5 W. Keane, On the Materaility of Religion, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, pp. 230–231; D. Chidester, Engaging the Wildness of Things, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, pp. 232–233; B. Meyer, Media and the Senses in the Making of Religious Experience: an Introduction, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, 1 2 �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 327 religion such as those that pertain to the sphere of individual belief, it is common acknowledgment today among anthropologists that religion is an element that determines forms of social organization, hence an inherently social phenomenon6 determined by the particular historical dynamics in which it surfaces and evolves7. This article focuses on a specific case of (changing) social organization in relation to religion, that is, the ‘traditional’ forms of social organization, mostly those age(sets) and gender-based, among the Maasai of Tanzania. It focuses on how Christianity among Maasai communities adds a further layer of analysis in understanding the current position of Maasai people as a culturally identifiable community. The chapter therefore highlights how Maasai today in Tanzania break the boundaries of ‘community’ itself based on tradition, culture and ethnic identity as they partake in other networks in the wider society. It is therefore, an analysis of overlapping and co-existing sets of values with religion constituting one particular sphere of morality alongside others, above all, that of tradition. The analysis spotlights politics and materiality as arenas in which the religious registers are played out; these are two spheres that have recently attracted the attention of anthropologists of religion. No doubt, the most influential work on religion and politics in Africa by Ellis and ter Haar8, can be taken as a starting point when trying pp. 124–135; Idem, Materializing Religion, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, p. 227; D. Morgan, The Materiality of Cultural Construction, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, pp. 228–229. 6 B. Morris, Religion and Anthropology. A Critical Introduction, Cambridge 2006, p. 1. 7 T. Asad, The Construction of Religion as an Anthropological Category, in: Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam, ed. T. Asad, Baltimore 1993, pp. 27–54. 8 S. Ellis and G. ter Haar, Religion and Politics in Sub-Saharan Africa, „The Journal of Modern African Studies”, 36(1998), no. 2, pp. 175–201; Iidem, Worlds of Power: Religious Thought and Political Practice in Africa, London 2004. �328 Antonio Allegretti to deploy meaningful connections between the sphere of religion, that of politics and the question of power, as a regulator of dynamics and structures of authority and hierarchy9. While Ellis and ter Haar’s stress on the significance of religion as the “most important way in which Africans interact with the rest of the world”10 may be overemphasized, the bond between the sphere of religion and politics in Africa is undeniable. Ellis and ter Haar refer mostly to religion as the ultimate source of power mainly in a situation of weak states, which characterizes the African continent. Their broad definition of power as “the ability of a person to induce others to act in the way that he or she requires”11, however, makes the analysis of the connection between religion and power itself applicable not only to national politics but also to much smaller-scale local dynamics such as for instance, the case and dynamics of social change at issue here among Maasai communities, where authority and hierarchy emerge as much as in the national political arena. At local level, in Maasai communities, Christianity as an institution and one of the arenas in which power relations unfold, interacts with other overlapping and co-existing arenas of power, such as for instance the realm of ‘tradition’ grounded on Maasai ethnic identity. Tradition, culture, and identity, as political arenas where management and battle over resources are exercised, are a prevailing viewpoint of classic anthropology12, as much as more Iidem, Religion and Politics in Sub-Saharan Africa, op. cit, p. 195. Iidem, Worlds of Power: Religious Thought and Political Practice in Africa, op. cit., p. 2. 11 Iidem, Religion and Politics in Sub-Saharan Africa, op. cit., p. 196. 12 J. Ferguson, The „Bovine Mystique”: Power, Property and Livestock in Rural Lesotho, „Man”, 20(1985), no. 4, pp. 647–674; Idem, The Cultural Topography of Wealth: Commodity Paths and the Structure of Property in Rural Lesotho, „American Anthropologist”, 94(1992), no. 1, pp. 55–73; Being Maasai: Ethnicity & Identity in East Africa, eds. T. Spear and R. Waller, Oxford – Dar es Salaam – Nairobi – Athens 1993. 9 10 �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 329 recent scholarship that looks at the integration between pastoral and cash economy among the Maasai and other pastoral groups in Eastern Africa13. The history of Africa and colonialism displays the distinct bond between tradition, identity and battles of power on the ground. With, for instance, the establishment of Native Authorities based on ethnicity or formalization of customary law by colonial administrators for the sake of administering large territories otherwise impossible to rule, new struggles for entitlements over resources emerged14. Today, tradition continues to constitute among the Maasai an important institution that determines forms of social organization and (not without conflict) structures of power, hierarchy and authority for the management of resources, from livestock to land and cash, between different sectors of society (elders, youth and women)15. Christianity has added one more dimension to these dynamics, having brought a new set or register of values which is on many occasions, in overt conflict with the register of tradition. E. Fratkin, East African Pastoralism in Transition: Maasai, Borana, and Rendille Cases, „African Studies Review”, 44(2001), no. 3, pp. 1–25; K. Homewood, Ecology of African Pastoralist Societies, Oxford – Athens – Pretoria 2008, pp. 228–229; K. Smith, The Farming Alternative: Changing Age and Gender Ideology among Pastoral Rendille and Ariaal, „Nomadic Peoples”, 3(1999), no. 2, pp. 131–146; F. Zaal, Economic Integration in Pastoral Areas: Commercialisation and Social Change among Kenya’s Maasai, „Nomadic Peoples”, 3(1999), no. 2, pp. 97–114. 14 S. Berry, No Condition Is Permanent. The Social Dynamics of Agrarian Change in Sub-Saharan Africa. Madison 1993; M. Chanock, Neither Customary nor Legal: African Customary Law in an Era of Family Law Reform, „International Journal of Law and Family”, 3(1989), pp. 72–88; D.L. Hodgson, Once Intrepid Warriors: Gender, Ethnicity, and the Cultural Politics of Maasai Development, Bloomington 2001. 15 A. Allegretti, Maasai Ethnic Economy: Rethinking Maasai Ethnic Identity and the ‘Cash Economy’ across the Rural-Urban Interface, Tanzania. PhD Thesis [unpublished]. The University of Manchester, 2015; Being Maasai: Ethnicity & Identity in East Africa, op. cit. 13 �330 Antonio Allegretti As with ethnic identity not defining the entirety of the social world in which those who refer to themselves as Maasai are enmeshed, neither religion can be taken as a “totalizing” institution16; religion should not be considered an institution that is sweeping away Maasai traditional institutions based on ethnic identity. As Green argues17, religious communities in Africa, loosely defined as groups of people sharing a particular vision of the world (inherently religious), “are not necessarily longstanding but come into being around particular ritual agendas”18. Instead, as globalizing processes abridge distances and spaces, the Maasai, as many other so-called ‘traditional’ or place-based groups19 around the world, find themselves at the intersection of different communities which triggers a complex evolution of the meanings and practices associated to ethnic identity as well as the necessity to adapt the analytical categories that have so far been used to describe it. These developments come inevitably into being as inherently political contests in which the religious as a “category of analysis and practice” inevitably “has origins in the political struggles around delimiting the power of certain institutions”20, in this case Maasai ‘traditional’ institutions. The second piece of the puzzle in the analysis, i.e. materiality, comes up as the tangible arena in which these political relations are enacted. Religion materializes through the external, material world, many anthropologists have started to point recently as they M. Green, Confronting Categorical Assumptions about the Power of Religion in Africa, „Review of African Political Economy”, 2006, no. 110 pp. 635–650. 17 Ibidem. 18 Ibidem, p. 642. 19 Groups all around the world that for political historical reasons have maintained connections to a particularly distinct (‘traditional’) lifestyle, with strong geographical connotations and links to ‘ancestral’ land 20 M. Green, Confronting Categorical Assumptions about the Power of Religion in Africa, op. cit., p. 637. 16 �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 331 have partaken in the so called ‘media turn’ in religious studies21. Religion as experience that can be acquired through the senses22 comes at the opposite end of religion as individual belief without denying it; it simply acknowledges that, as Keane puts it, “even where belief is crucial, it must still take material form [...] Ideas are not transmitted telepathically. They must be exteriorized in some way, for example, in words, gestures, objects, or practices in order to be transmitted from one mind to another”23. In this chapter, the material realms of the battle between traditional and religious institutions as carriers of value are food consumption which has a particularly heightened significance among the Maasai24, and the material form of the church as ‘house of God’ whose church members contribute to develop. Fieldsite and methods The fieldwork on which this chapter is based was conducted during different time intervals from 2010 to 2012 in the Maasai village of Losirwa25 which is for the most part pure grazing rangeland (Fig. 1). The closest peri-urban centre, Kigongoni, stretches over the main paved road that cuts across the Maasailand of Losirwa and increasingly encroaches open rangeland used by the Maasai of Losirwa for grazing (Fig. 2). A few kilometers further down M. Engelke, Religion and the Media Turn, „American Ethnologist”, 37(2010), no. 2, p. 371–379. 22 B. Meyer, Media and the Senses in the Making of Religious Experience: an Introduction, op. cit., pp. 124–135. 23 W. Keane, On the Materaility of Religion, op. cit, p. 230. 24 P. Spencer, The Maasai of Matapato: A Study of Ritual Rebellion, Manchester 1988; A. Talle, Ways of Milk and Meat among the Maasai: Gender Identity and Food Resources in a Pastoral Economy, in: From Water to World Making, ed. G. Palsson, Uppsala 1990, pp. 73–93. 25 Names of locations are real. 21 �332 Fig. 1 Losirwa Rangelands Antonio Allegretti Fig. 2 Paved road in Kigongoni the paved road, on the way to the worldwide known Ngorongoro Conservation Area, one comes across the small town of Mto wa Mbu which forms a single, though patchy, (peri) urban conglomerate with Kigongoni. I conducted ethnographic fieldwork through participant observation as well as a few formal interviews with a number of individuals, including those affiliated to the church, being hosted by the Tutunyo26 Maasai family. While lodging in the Tutunyo boma27 I commuted between the rural and urban-based locations including attending church Sunday masses and other church events in the local Lutheran church in Losirwa which is located somehow at the ‘border’ between the open rangeland of Losirwa and the peri-urban territory of Kigongoni. This chapter is grounded on Names of people are fictitious. An enclosure made of several huts, one or more livestock kraals, and surrounded by a fence made of tree branches, i.e. the traditional Maasai homestead. 26 27 �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 333 a wealth of information, opinions, impressions and practices that I recorded during such events in the local church but also by talking to other informants outside the church networks. The main protagonists of this account are young moran28 whose age ranged from 20 to 35 such as Luka, one among whom I built relationships of trust and friendship, as well as Isaya, a close friend of Lekishon (and mine), and a Maasai moran himself from another Maasai close-by village, who, at the time of fieldwork was the evangelist appointed by the Lutheran parish council in Mto wa Mbu to work in the local church in Losirwa. When I use the name ‘father’, I refer to Tutunyo’s boma head, a Maasai elder and Luka’s father, with whom I also established a close relationship of trust and respect. In a way, throughout this chapter I hint at these three protagonists as embodiment(s) of the different positions or stances when it comes to the relationship between ‘tradition’ and Christian spirituality, with Isaya representing Christian values, ‘father’ the ‘traditional’ values, and Lekishon mediating between the two. As a certain degree of typification is unavoidable, I wish to stress that this account does not claim to exhaustively report the complexities of (Maasai) ‘tradition’ in its interaction with modernization forces. It is, however, a sincere attempt to ethnographically document the challenges and dilemmas that young men, like many other ‘indigenous’ or place-based peoples around the world, are confronted with when undertaking their individual life paths towards full personhood within the collectivities to which they belong. Mediating between ‘communities’ No forms of social organization is or has been in human history determined by an entirely homogenous set or register 28 Young Maasai in the warriorhood life stage (before entering ‘elderhood’). �334 Antonio Allegretti of values; all communities and societies to some extent, especially in transitional times, and increasingly in our contemporary global world, have drawn from different ‘value baskets’ in routine life and ideology. Nowhere more than in contemporary Africa this holds true29, considering the combination of factors such as urbanization, market liberalization, and demographic change that continue to clash with and impact on, at times violently, more ‘traditional’ forms of social organization mostly originated in rural life30. The case of the Maasai in Tanzania and the spread of Christianity is only one among many in the African continent. That eastern Africa pastoralism is in transitional times is by now an acknowledged fact31; market liberalization, livelihood diversification and urbanization starting in the 1980’s have had major effects on these groups. The general understanding among researchers is that these factors of change have impacted on the Maasai by triggering cultural homogenization and loss of tradition. Elsewhere, I have challenged this kind of narrative and argued that tradition and culture underlying Maasai ethnic identity are being transformed and reinvented rather than swept away32. Even in the case of market integration, which is commonly acknowledged as a factor leading to ‘disappearing’ tradition and ethnic identity, I have argued, tradition and ethnic identity can be ‘capitalized’ on and become market institutions for market gains by Maasai 29 J. Guyer, Marginal Gains: Monetary Transactions in Atlantic Africa, Chicago – London 2004. 30 D.F. Bryceson, Rural Livelihoods and Agrarian Change in Sub-Saharan Africa: Processes and Policies, in: Rural Livelihoods and Poverty Reduction Policies, eds. F. Ellis and H.A. Freeman London – New York 2005, pp. 43–74. 31 E. Fratkin, East African Pastoralism in Transition: Maasai, Borana, and Rendille Cases, op. cit., pp. 1–25. 32 A. Allegretti, Maasai Ethnic Economy..., op. cit. �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 335 themselves33. This has led to a plurality of value registers rather than replacement of an old (i.e. tradition/culture) with a new one. Maasai church goers in Losirwa village (and throughout Maasailand presumably), embody this plurality of value registers in that they partake in different social networks and social worlds parallel to those networks based on ethnicity that have been described so well in classic ethnographical accounts34. Their identity is an assemblage that hinges on their membership in a multiplicity of communities that come from religion35 and formal education36, and their social lives are shifting and diverse. Younger generations of moran are those most involved in parallel spheres of relationships. Both these spheres of relationships are somehow recognized in Losirwa and overall in the country as carriers of ‘modern’ values and for their empowering role within Maasai society. Several of these young warriors assiduously attend the local church, supporting and sometimes leading the activities of spreading the religious message, often through organizing events such as collective prayers, religious film showings, and helping followers and non-followers with counseling and other kinds of moral support. Among these young churchgoers, many were at the same time enrolled in primary or secondary school, and those who were attending boarding schools away from Losirwa would not miss church events or simply the Sunday Mass on their return home for holidays. Idem, „Being Maasai” in Markets and Trade: the Role of Ethnicity-Based Institutions in the Livestock Market of Northern Tanzania, „Nomadic Peoples”, 21(2017), no. 1, pp. 63–86. 34 P. Rigby, Persistent Pastoralists. Nomadic Societies in Transition, London 1985; P. Spencer, The Maasai of Matapato: A Study of Ritual Rebellion, op. cit.; H. Schneider, Livestock and Equality in East Africa, Bloomington 1979. 35 D.L. Hodgson, The Church of Women. Gendered Encounters Between Maasai and Missionaries, Bloomington 2005. 36 E. Bishop, Schooling and the Encouragement of Farming amongst Pastoralists in Tanzania, „Nomadic Peoples”, 11(2007), no. 2, pp. 9–29. 33 �336 Antonio Allegretti What struck me was how these young Maasai shifted in their practices as well as the way they verbalized this plurality of forms and sets of values. One thing that struck me in particular was how they never complied with, or better said, intentionally broke, the traditional Maasai rules of food consumption (see next section) during church events. They would share meals with women (a taboo in most cases within the Maasai village) in heterogeneous groups and paying very little attention to the sharing rules within age sets (see next section). At times, they would express contempt for traditional rules in force in the village; at other times, with little awareness of proposing contradicting ideas, they would underline the positive values of Maasai ‘tradition’ and their pride in showing group affiliation through food sharing. Overall, religious affiliation affected these young men’s views about some specific and important aspects of their daily life as well as their visions of future. These aspects had to do with ideas connected to individuality, practically expressed by the rejection of complying outside of ‘traditional’ networks with the sharing rules, and triggering a stronger sense of the self as opposed to group and ethnic collective awareness. The way they verbally envisioned their future also was an expression of contradictions such as their views about what constitutes wealth. They criticized elders’ attachment to livestock at the expenses of other forms of wealth such as a ‘modern’ house, while wishing to retain and reproduce their families’ wealth in livestock as a form of reproducing family values and ethnic identity. Polygamy as opposed to monogamy was another domain that blatantly expressed these contradictions considering that many individuals who voluntarily and convincingly had made themselves carriers of religious church values (including monogamy), were in fact polygamous, having married more than one woman, and continuing to marry other women as they continued with their moral engagement with the �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 337 church. Notwithstanding their participation in co-existing communities and networks, they continued to claim their identity as Maasai and as pastoralists, including those enrolled in school where usually values connected to agriculture-based livelihoods are highlighted as opposed to pastoralism which is considered a backward lifestyle37. Evidently, the ideas that put the Maasai as an ethnic group, their customary and traditional institutions and practices, in opposition and mutually exclusive with instances of monetization, commoditization, ‘modern’ technologies (i.e. mobile phones), and in general many other aspects of everyday life of youths in Tanzania (e.g. religion affiliation and formal education) are mistaken, perhaps having survived as historical legacies of economic policies or development interventions38. Political religion The plurality of communities in which younger generations of Maasai males are embedded is a very complex set of overlapping registers of values, as seen above, and this heterogeneous mix impacts on how resources, economic assets and wealth are managed, and the entitlements over and distribution of them. The wedding of Luka, a 25-year-old Maasai warrior in the Tutunyo family and one of my closest friends in the field, was the occasion during fieldwork in which I realized the ‘politics’ involved in the relationships between spiritual affiliation to the local Lutheran church (or absence of it) and the politics of distribution and entitlements to resources and assets. It was striking to witness Luka’s struggle in positioning himself between his father’s efforts 37 38 Ibidem. D.L. Hodgson, Once Intrepid Warriors..., op. cit. �338 Antonio Allegretti in encouraging him to celebrate a ‘traditional’ Maasai wedding with related redistribution of entitlements and ownership of cattle (see below), and Isaya’s (the evangelist in the Losirwa church and Luka’s close friend) equally strong resolution to have a Christian celebration for him. The first sign that the wedding celebration for Lekishon was to become a battleground for different views was father advising Lekishon to avoid having, during the celebration, people dressed in ‘Swahili’ clothes39. Isaya interpreted father’s suggestion (or admonition) as an effort to persuade Lekishon to have a fully traditional wedding without ‘external’ invitees that could disrupt the ceremonial traditional ritual. In one of his manifestations of disapproval, Isaya argued: “What kind of feast is it going to be?! Just drinking milk?!”. Milk (and its consumption) as determinant of traditional social organization and medium of life turns in individuals’ life cycles40 sees its importance amplified during Maasai traditional celebrations through the ritual practice. On wedding celebrations, for instance, drinking milk according to a specific ‘protocol’ that requires groom and bride to drink milk in front of a delegation of wazee (elders), serves to establish the everlasting wedlock. On the occasion of the rite of passage from childhood to adulthood for males (through circumcision) too, milk is used by the one performing the operation to wash his hands as a stronger cleanser than water. Isaya’s ridiculing of the importance of milk on the wedding ceremony meant to express his disapproval and standpoint against tradition that, in the specific regard of marriage, rejected any alternative medium for the establishment of the wedlock such as those accounted for by the religious register. 39 40 Ordinary clothes such as trousers, shirts and the like. A. Talle, Ways of Milk and Meat among the Maasai..., op. cit., pp. 73–93. �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 339 As time went by, a decision had to be taken as to the type of wedding to arrange. Not without inner struggle, Lekishon decided eventually to organize a ‘traditional’ wedding only after overcoming and resisting the impetus or impulse, as he confided to me, to call the marriage off. The wedding was eventually celebrated and the traditional conventions including the customary consumption of milk were adhered to. Participants, strictly dressed in Maasai clothes, attended the whole ceremony from early afternoon to evening consuming cow meat and different types of spirit along with other drinks from bottled beers to sodas. Other dynamics of entitlements and redistribution of property rights over livestock were particularly important to observe, especially the choice for the animals to be sold to fund the ceremony. Father ‘borrowed’ five cows from his other sons and sold them to finance Luka’s ceremony as per ‘customary’ habit which had previously enabled Luka’s older brothers to fund their own respective wedding ceremonies. Weddings are only one occasion in which one can realize the complex web of exchange and redistribution of property rights within an extended Maasai family41. I also described elsewhere42 how younger warriors, elders, and women form a triangle of power relations expressed through property rights and entitlements over livestock in interaction with other forms of wealth, from cash to land, and houses. Such complex web is certainly one specific instance in which affiliation to Christianity on the one hand, and partaking in ‘traditional’ networks on the other creates conflicting relationships between the two communities. Isaya made extremely clear to me what he thought of the web of exchange within the ‘traditional’ Maasai family when P. Spencer, The Maasai of Matapato: A Study of Ritual Rebellion, op. cit.; Idem, The Pastoral Continuum. The Marginalization of Tradition in East Africa, Oxford 1998. 42 A. Allegretti, Maasai Ethnic Economy..., op. cit. 41 �340 Antonio Allegretti he referred to Luka’s boma as a “dictatorship”, with Luka’s father being the dictator “eating his sons’ wealth”, referring to father’s entitlements to dispose of his respective sons’ cows without them having a say on it. Religious affiliation has come with values that refer to individual success as opposed to shared property rights within the extended family. Similar criticism with respect to ‘sharing’ was however expressed by some elders, including the Tutunyo boma head (i.e. Luka’s father), about the networks of distribution among church followers. On one of our many interesting conversation, father referred critically to the offers donated by church followers on a weekly basis that go to fund projects such as the renovation/ construction of (religious) buildings and the purchases of supplies for the sake of religious activities. He argued: “Everyday they ask you to contribute money for their things; how can you contribute everyday?! And you don’t see any benefit from it”. Such kind of criticism about circulation of wealth within church networks does not only come from those who are evidently outside such networks, but also from some insiders, and even church leaders themselves. Another interesting field informant I often spent time with in Losirwa and Kigongoni was Matayo, a Maasai middle-aged man originally from the neighboring village of Munghere who, after going through inner struggle of the kind Lekishon went through on occasion of his wedding, had taken the difficult decision to hang up his cassocks and marry a second younger wife. He lived at the ‘border’ between the Losirwa Maasailand and the peri-urban tissue of Kigongoni, having built a new house after leaving the church. His story is particularly significant when analyzing how the sphere of religiosity and spirituality in the local community of Losirwa/ Kigongoni is heavily entrenched in networks and dynamics of resource sharing and management, local ‘politics’, and individual life paths in achieving (economic) independency and success. �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 341 The way he talked about his previous involvement with the Lutheran church showed the political dynamics that occur between church leaders and church followers. He said that the offering of money to the church had become an obligation fulfilled with great difficulty by many. People who could not prove their ‘attachment’ to the church by offering money would be looked upon and be embarrassed whereas the more ‘generous’, charitable, and benevolent would acquire positions of respect alongside church leaders and even gain decision-making power in the church affairs. Such stratification, he argued, is morally questionable when in a church and religious context where the values of equality ought to underlie social relationships among members. These dynamics affected his own involvement with the church. As a priest, his position of leadership entailed not only his physical presence in the church but also to lavish and donate even larger sums of money for church projects and to the church members themselves as ‘offers’ to support their livelihoods. Such situation became unbearable to him and his family: You see, those people and elders in the church always tell you, you have to go to the church every single day otherwise they would ‘accuse’ you of not being a good Christian. Plus, you have to be the first to contribute to set the example to other people... but that way you will end up poor! So many priests who retired from their services ended up becoming alcoholics ‘cos they could not save anything in their whole lives! Leaving the priesthood was not an easy choice for him, but it turned out to be the right one as he explained: putting all his efforts in his farm earned him important assets and wealth to the point that he is now envied, he said, within the village. He argued that he followed “God’s way” in leaving the church and succeeded in his other life endeavors. It emerges that the sphere of spirituality is far from being simply confined to an individual’s faith in a spiritual being. Quite the op- �342 Antonio Allegretti posite, it is an arena that much resembles that of ‘tradition’, where social and political relationships are established, nurtured, and at times severed. These dynamics become even more complex when one partakes at the same time in both the church community and other networks based on Maasai ‘tradition’ as observed in the case of Luka. Luka’s words in reference to this problematic link, and referring to his own situation as opposed to that of Isaya, showed how strong the dilemma was for him: Isaya wants me to abandon all the Maasai tradition at once; but he is wrong ‘cos when you are born in a certain tribe it is difficult to abandon everything. Then, he continued: He has already achieved his individual position within the church, so people in the church help him out when he needs to be helped; no one is going to help me but my family in the village. That individuals can and do mediate between the two spheres of Christianity and (Maasai) tradition as a way of gaining recognition of personhood (also by achieving economic success) was confirmed on many occasion by Isaya who would not miss a chance to tell me how becoming a priest had enabled him to feel satisfied and fulfilled. In his own case, and unlike many others like Luka, the mediation between the two spheres materialized through the outright abandonment of Maasai tradition but without renouncing his own Maasai identity. On many occasions he referred to not only property rights arrangements but also Maasai traditional consumption arrangements which I will discuss in the next section as ‘slavery’ while at the same time reaffirming his own ethnic identity as a Maasai and his role as one who is supposed to strive to ‘educate’ his own Maasai people (those partaking in the church). As once he told me while discussing the question of Maasai tradition: �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 343 You wazungu [whites] want the Maasai to stay the way they are because you want to come here and see the traditional life, but they really need to change and get developed, and they can only do that if they abandon their traditions! The question of development, as will be seen in the next section, is in fact particularly meaningful when considering the material embodiment of the community (political) dynamics just described. Material religion Meyer’s well-known historical account43 of colonial Christian mission churches and conversions in Ghana is perhaps one of the most accurate, compelling, and still current accounts of ‘material religion’, that is, the material aspects that embody spirituality making it discernible in the outside world. Meyer shows quite emphatically how “worldly matters”44 played a fundamental role in, or better still, constituted the tangible socio-political arena for the conversions of Ghanaians to Christianity during colonialism. Against the mission rhetoric which promoted the use and consumption of consumer goods (e.g. imported clothes) as simply an outward sign of an inner (Christian) spirituality, Ghanaians absorbed and transformed consumption practices by assigning them meanings that pertained to individual (economic) success in a competitive rivalry between each other, hence, as a result, dismissing the vision of the Christian mission of the sober and humble Christian45. It is undeniable that there is an overt link in contemporary Africa between the sphere of spirituality and that of ‘worldly matters’. The connection becomes even stronger as religion as B. Meyer, Christian Mind and Worldly Matter, „Journal of Material Culture”, 2(1997), no. 3, pp. 311–337. 44 Ibidem, p. 313. 45 Ibidem, pp. 311–337. 43 �344 Antonio Allegretti a network overlaps with other associational networks and spheres of practice from local economic activities providing networks of trust for vendors-customers relationships46 to other networks of social capital that are widespread in Africa and can depend on the so-called ‘big man’ logic47. Among the Maasai, the sphere of consumption, especially of food, is normally loaded with an exceptionally complex set of meanings that rarely find equals in other communities around the world. Food consumption, in terms of different practices as well as types of foods, determines complex gender and age-based social dynamics and relations, including those of a ‘political’ nature between sectors of community, as well as the life cycle of single individuals (both men and women)48. Unsurprisingly, food consumption has acquired new meanings as a result of factors of change from urbanization to migration and economic development49, and religion constitutes one of these factors determining changing practices. Isaya’s emancipation from traditional networks based on Maasai ethnic identity, as an example of the divergence between the religious and ‘traditional’ spheres and networks, for instance, was embodied in the way consumption of food would occur in his private family life. While on fieldwork, I visited his original home in a neighboring village to Losirwa, Losimingori village. The arrangements of furniture and other items in the boma, including those used for dining, clearly marked a deliberate shift from the way things are done, and food is eaten, according to the ‘traditional’ Maasai way. By the time we approached lunch time, a table would 46 K. Meagher, Identity Economics: Social Networks and the Informal Economy in Africa, Oxford 2010. 47 J.F. McCauley, Africa’s New Big Man Rule? Pentecostalism and Patronage in Ghana, „African Affairs”, 112(2012), pp. 1–21. 48 A. Talle, Ways of Milk and Meat among the Maasai..., op. cit., pp. 73–93. 49 A. Allegretti, Maasai Ethnic Economy..., op. cit. �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 345 be placed in the center of the hut, and people would sit in a circle and eat each in his or her own plate with forks and spoons. The party would be a heterogeneous mix in terms of gender and age. Such arrangements markedly differed from food consumption arrangements I had previously been acquainted with in other boma including Tutunyo family. Groups sharing food according to the ‘traditional’ arrangements are gender and age-based exclusive; men and women prior to marriage (and for some time after the marriage) would never share food together, neither would elders with younger people (although the restrictions are looser in such case). In Isaya’s boma, a moran would also have food on his own, thus breaking one of the strongest taboos in Maasai culture, which forbids moran to have food individually without sharing with their comrades. On the occasion of church events in Losirwa, I could easily recognize the same intentional breaking of traditional rules of food consumption that I witnessed in Isaya’s boma. Men and women would eat either indoor in the church or outside, but not forming the small age and gender-based homogeneous clusters that are formed for instance during ‘traditional’ parties (e.g. circumcision feasts, wedding parties etc..). On such occasions, for instance, especially moran isolate themselves from the rest of the invitees as part of the social dynamics and conventions that designate the moran as the group that covers key functions within Maasai society (i.e. providers of security for both people and cattle). Isaya always referred to the aforementioned taboos in food consumption practices as ‘slavery’, that is, for moran who are not allowed to eat when hungry unless sharing with another moran within the same age set, but also for married couples who are not allowed to share a meal, a normal activity any other non-Maasai couple is able to enjoy without restrictions, until they reach the adulthood stage of life (i.e. when men/husbands leave behind �346 Antonio Allegretti the moranhood stage of life as the next batch of younger men are circumcised). On one occasion, Isaya revealed to me that many moran had confided him to concur with the church message but that breaking the food taboos, such as for instance the restriction on eating meat with women, would result in social stigma too strong to endure for them. Isaya himself was aware of the power of such taboos and added another untold truth which had to do with moran’s anxiety to lose their appeal (hence sexual affairs) in the eyes of women in the village who were not affiliated to the church. Once again, Lekishonwas the most eloquent about the controversial relationship that moran establish with the two spheres (‘tradition’ and religion) while partaking in both: I follow the tradition on food consumption when I am in traditional feasts, and I do not follow it when I am in a church feast. If I ate meat with women during the circumcision of olayoni [children], wazee [elders] and other moran would think I have gone crazy! [laughter]. Partaking in different communities, therefore, has created overlapping systems and sets of values which are not necessarily mutual exclusive, but that do entail discreet and subtle maneuvers within the realm and boundaries set by the values underlying each single community. Religion and the materiality of development As consumption brings out the complex link between Christian spirituality and tradition within individual life paths for one to gain his or her personhood, other arenas of materiality, that is, the material expression of the church, embody people’s efforts in striving to achieve development. The material and architectural expression of the church in Losirwa is imbued with meanings that pertain specifically to (the achievement of) development as an �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 347 essential and universal life project to better one’s own life. This has to be looked at both within local social dynamics and in the broader national context where ‘modern’ houses (made of bricks and cement and corrugated iron roof) are indisputable signs of development and individual’s economic success50. In the case of Maasai communities, as I have described elsewhere51, a ‘modern’ house is imbued with additional meanings when put in opposition (actual and symbolic) with the ‘traditional’ Maasai hut with the customary division of space according to age and gender52. The relation between the materiality of ‘the house’ and instances of social organization has a long history in anthropology53. Not only the house itself, also furniture and other material arrangements that are part and parcel of the ‘house’ as a tangible expression of sociocultural system(s) have been under the lens of anthropologists54. Elsewhere55 i have touched more extensively on how the tangible expression of the house and domestic space in contemporary Maasai communities have taken new meanings that have clashed with customary domestic arrangements56, becoming an arena of the social transformations triggered by the shortening of distances between rural and urban areas. These changing dynamics bear M. Green, Participatory Development and the Appropriation of Agency in Southern Tanzania, „Critique of Anthropology”, 20(2000), no. 1, pp. 67–89 51 A. Allegretti, Maasai Ethnic Economy..., op. cit. 52 Ibidem. 53 G. Bachelard, The Poetics of Space. The Classic Look at How We Experience Intimate Places, Boston 1994 [1958]; About the House. Levi-Strauss and Beyond, eds. J. Carsten and S. Hugh-Jones, Cambridge 1995. 54 D.L. Lawrence and S.M. Low, The Built Environment and Spatial Form, „Annual Review of Anthropology”, 19(1990), pp. 453–505. 55 A. Allegretti, Maasai Ethnic Economy..., op. cit. 56 D.L. Hodgson, Once Intrepid Warriors..., op. cit.; A. Talle, Women as Heads of Houses: the Organization of Production and the Role of Women among the Pastoral Maasai in Kenya, „Ethnos”, 52(1987), no. 1–2, pp. 50–80. 50 �348 Antonio Allegretti manifest resemblance with, for instance, the case of the pastoral group of the pastoral Endo in Kenya illustrated by Moore57 where the process and (externally imposed) project of ‘modernization’ materialized as an opposition of values and meanings attached to ‘traditional’ houses (located on the escarpment) vis-a-vis ‘modern’ houses made of bricks geographically located on the valley floor. In Losirwa, repeated references during Sunday sermons are made to the church as the ‘house of God’ and how offers are needed to nurture ‘the house’ by purchasing new items, improving walls, constructing ‘modern’ toilets etc. The church as ‘house of God’ is metaphorically referred to as ‘moral’ shelter against the predicaments of modern society such as HIV, poverty, and general moral decay; hence, the church as architecture embodies the metaphor of the ‘house of God’. Not only in Losirwa; on other occasions such as for instance the inauguration of a church in the neighboring village of Esilalei I attended, the speech given by the Maasai village chairman concentrated on the new church as a timely resort for the Esilalei villagers against an unidentified looming plight hitting the community. The palpable euphoria I beheld on the inauguration day was also due to the participatory nature of the project which the nearly totality of the invitees had contributed to, and that had created a sense of collectivity and community sheltered metaphorically and materially under the roof of the newly constructed ‘house of God’. Not until the early 2000’s, the connection between religion and development, especially in developing nations, has been obfuscated by the secular approach that prevailed in developed nations58. Eventually, towards the early 2000’s, academics have H. Moore, Space, Text and Gender: an Anthropological Study of the Marakwet of Kenya, New York 1986. 58 S. Deneulin and C. Rakodi, Revisiting Religion: Development Studies Thirty Years On, „World Development”, 39(2011), no. 1, pp. 45–54. 57 �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 349 led the way towards the recognition of religion as an actor of and in development, drawing connections for instance with efforts made within the Millenium Development Goals framework in Africa59 and preparing the terrain for Faith Based Organizations to be recognized by such important donors as the DFID as ‘agents of transformation’ (and be granted money for their operations)60. As the ‘traditional’ secular vision of development proved impractical, the academic world was confronted with new horizons of research and action. As Deneulin argues: “the unavoidable presence and importance of religion in the lives of people in developing countries – and in most developed countries too – invite development studies and its constituent disciplines to reconsider one of the assumptions upon which they are often based: that secularization is a universal, desirable, and irreversible trend”61. The history of development and religion as an institutional and economic course cannot be detached from the political relations, and connections that contribute to determine it – connections and relations not only between countries or whole blocks (e.g. the socalled ‘Political Islam’), but also the kind of political relations that occur at small-scale levels. If development studies, as Deneulin has argued62, have had a rude awakening from the secular approach to development, other social sciences like anthropology, especially Africanists such as Meyer and others as highlighted above, have recognized the political implications at local level within the religion-development connection. 59 A.J. Njoh and F.A. Akiwumi, The Impact of Religion on Women Empowerment, „Social Indicators Research”, 107(2012), pp. 1–18. 60 G. Clarke, Agents of Transformations? Donors, Faith Based Organizations, and International Development, „Third World Quarterly”, 28(2007), no. 1, pp. 77–96. 61 S. Deneulin and C. Rakodi, Revisiting Religion..., op. cit., pp. 45–54. 62 Ibidem. �350 Antonio Allegretti For instance, in Losirwa, the investment in the church as a material construction and a collective project of development occurs also as a reaction that stems from the criticism by church people towards ‘tradition’, hence, an undertaking that feeds back into the ‘political’ relations between religion and ‘tradition’ I have referred to above. Benevolence towards church projects such as investing in furniture, renovations of the house and the like, are ‘generous’ acts that respond to the dialectal relationship between partaking in a community which requires altruistic gestures and individual motives aimed at the achievement of personal development63. Christian values of generosity are put in opposition to discourses of selfishness attached to ‘tradition’ and the stubborn attachment to cows as a form of individual wealth. But generosity, to the affiliated to the church, gets in not only for collective projects of church renovation; it is also an attribute that features other acts such as investing in the building of a private house, which are inherently to be considered private investments. As such, the material expression of the church represents an alternative and parallel (to that of ‘tradition’) arena for accessing development that is strongly rooted into the local and national vision as to what constitutes progress, and development (i.e. a ‘modern’ house). The material expression of the church embodies values of modernity, and people’s efforts in expanding it with new furniture and renovation stand for people’s attempts to achieve such values. Where many individuals are not in the economic position that would allow them to build their own ‘modern’ house, investing in a collective venture enables them to embrace at the same time the values of generosity underlying the vision promoted by the church, and the values of individual development and modern national citizenship. S. Gudeman, The Anthropology of Economy: Community, market, and Culture, Hoboken 2001. 63 �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 351 Conclusion This chapter has tried to propose an alternative analytical framework for the understanding of the socio-economic context of the Maasai in contemporary Tanzania. ‘The Maasai’ today cannot be regarded as a discrete social unit with a specific ‘tradition’ or culture as distinctive traits of ethnic identity spatially bounded as it was during the pre-independence years when specific boundaries confined people to the Maasai Reserve first, then Maasai District64. On the contrary, even though the rural economy persists in specific spaces that could be even identified on a map, ‘the Maasai’ in contemporary Tanzania may rather be regarded as an assemblage of individuals each with their own life experiences within rural life and, importantly, outside of it. An ongoing process of negotiation between the ‘traditional’ rural economy and lifestyle, and a multiplicity of outside social and economic arenas, such as for instance religion, I believe, provides an appropriate analytical tool to make sense of the changes that commoditization and the market produce. It helps explain how and why average young Maasai men are not the only ones to live across multiple economies and communities. Even highly educated Maasai, of whom I have met a number, who live in cities and work for important NGOs, continue to have their own boma in their respective villages, and pursue parallel economic careers in their villages as livestock owners and occasional upscale traders. As religion and church affiliation continue to spread among Maasai communities along with commoditization, urbanization, and the ‘market’, practices and meanings associated to Maasai ‘tradition’, culture, and ethnic identity will acquire further and more complex significance rather than disappear. My own pre64 D.L. Hodgson, Once Intrepid Warriors..., op. cit. �352 Antonio Allegretti diction on the ‘future of the Maasai’, a widespread concern among anthropologists that often has produced looming ominous prophecies, is that the Maasai will increasingly partake in a multiplicity of social, political, cultural and economic arenas also as a response to increasing pressure over the rural economy that comes from increasingly scare natural resources. Rural lifestyle, social organization and culture will undertake some steady readjustments rather than major transformations to adapt to changing conditions. REFERENCES About the House. Levi-Strauss and Beyond, eds. J. Carsten and S. HughJones, Cambridge 1995. Allegretti A., Maasai Ethnic Economy: Rethinking Maasai Ethnic Identity and the ‘Cash Economy’ across the Rural-Urban Interface, Tanzania. PhD Thesis [unpublished]. The University of Manchester, 2015. Allegretti A., Being Maasai” in Markets and Trade: the Role of EthnicityBased Institutions in the Livestock Market of Northern Tanzania, „Nomadic Peoples”, 21(2017), no. 1, pp. 63–86. Asad T., The Construction of Religion as an Anthropological Category, in: Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam, ed. T. Asad, Baltimore, 1993, pp. 27–54. Bachelard G., The Poetics of Space. The Classic Look at How We Experience Intimate Places, Boston 1994[1958]. Being Maasai: Ethnicity & Identity in East Africa, eds. T. Spear and R. Waller, Oxford – Dar es Salaam – Nairobi – Athens 1993. Berry S., No Condition Is Permanent. The Social Dynamics of Agrarian Change in Sub-Saharan Africa, Madison 1993. Bishop E., Schooling and the Encouragement of Farming amongst Pastoralists in Tanzania, „Nomadic Peoples”, 11(2007), no. 2, pp. 9–29. �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 353 Bryceson D.F., Rural Livelihoods and Agrarian Change in Sub-Saharan Africa: Processes and Policies, in: Rural Livelihoods and Poverty Reduction Policies, eds. F. Ellis and H.A. Freeman, London – New York, 2005, pp. 43–74. Chanock M., Neither Customary nor Legal: African Customary Law in an Era of Family Law Reform, „International Journal of Law and Family”, 3(1989), pp. 72–88. Chidester D., Engaging the Wildness of Things, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, pp. 232–233. Clarke G., Agents of Transformations? Donors, Faith Based Organizations, and International Development, „Third World Quarterly”, 28(2007), no. 1, pp. 77–96. 2007. Deneulin S. and Rakodi C., Revisiting Religion: Development Studies Thirty Years On, „World Development”, 39(2011), no. 1, pp. 45–54. Eller J.D., Introducing Anthropology of Religion, New York – London 2007. Ellis S. and ter Haar G., Religion and Politics in Sub-Saharan Africa, „The Journal of Modern African Studies”, 36(1998), no. 2, pp. 175–201. Ellis S. and ter Haar, G. Worlds of Power: Religious Thought and Political Practice in Africa, London 2004. Engelke M., Religion and the Media Turn, „American Ethnologist”, 37(2010), no. 2, pp. 371–379. Ferguson J., The „Bovine Mystique”: Power, Property and Livestock in Rural Lesotho, „Man”, 20(1985), no. 4, pp. 647–674. Ferguson J. The Cultural Topography of Wealth: Commodity Paths and the Structure of Property in Rural Lesotho, „American Anthropologist”, 94(1992), no. 1, pp. 55–73. Fratkin E., East African Pastoralism in Transition: Maasai, Borana, and Rendille Cases, „African Studies Review”, 44(2001), no. 3, pp. 1–25. Geertz C., The Interpretation of Culture: Selected Essays, New York 1973. �354 Antonio Allegretti Green M., Confronting Categorical Assumptions about the Power of Religion in Africa, „Review of African Political Economy”, 2006, no. 110, pp. 635–650. Green M., Participatory Development and the Appropriation of Agency in Southern Tanzania, „Critique of Anthropology”, 20(2000), no. 1, pp. 67–89. Gudeman, S. The Anthropology of Economy: Community, market, and Culture, Hoboken 2001. Guyer J., Marginal Gains: Monetary Transactions in Atlantic Africa, Chicago – London 2004. Hodgson D.L., Once Intrepid Warriors: Gender, Ethnicity, and the Cultural Politics of Maasai Development, Bloomington 2001. Hodgson D.L., The Church of Women. Gendered Encounters Between Maasai and Missionaries, Bloomington 2005. Homewood K., Ecology of African Pastoralist Societies, Oxford – Athens – Pretoria 2008. Keane W., On the Materaility of Religion, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, pp. 230–231. Lawrence D.L. and Low S.M., The Built Environment and Spatial Form, „Annual Review of Anthropology”, 19(1990), pp. 453–505. Meyer B., Christian Mind and Worldly Matter, „Journal of Material Culture”, 2(1997), no. 3, pp. 311–337. Meyer B., Materializing Religion, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, p. 227. Meyer B., Media and the Senses in the Making of Religious Experience: an Introduction, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, pp. 124–135. Morgan D., The Materiality of Cultural Construction, „Material Religion”, 4(2008), no. 2, pp. 228–229. Morris B., Religion and Anthropology. A Critical Introduction, Cambridge 2006. �THE RELIGIOUS (AND POLITICAL) MATERIALITY OF DEVELOPMENT... 355 Meagher K., Identity Economics: Social Networks and the Informal Economy in Africa, Oxford 2010. McCauley J.F., Africa’s New Big Man Rule? Pentecostalism and Patronage in Ghana, „African Affairs”, 112(2012), pp. 1–21. Moore H., Space, Text and Gender: an Anthropological Study of the Marakwet of Kenya, New York 1986. Njoh A.J. and Akiwumi F.A. The Impact of Religion on Women Empowerment, „Social Indicators Research”, 107(2012), pp. 1–18. Rigby P., Persistent Pastoralists. Nomadic Societies in Transition, London 1985. Schneider H., Livestock and Equality in East Africa, Bloomington 1979. Spencer P., The Pastoral Continuum. The Marginalization of Tradition in East Africa, Oxford 1998. Smith K. The Farming Alternative: Changing Age and Gender Ideology among Pastoral Rendille and Ariaal, „Nomadic Peoples”, 3(1999), no. 2, pp. 131–146. Spencer P., The Maasai of Matapato: A Study of Ritual Rebellion, Manchester 1988. Talle A., Ways of Milk and Meat among the Maasai: Gender Identity and Food Resources in a Pastoral Economy, in: From Water to World Making, ed. G. Palsson, Uppsala, 1990, pp. 73–93. Talle A., Women as Heads of Houses: the Organization of Production and the Role of Women among the Pastoral Maasai in Kenya, „Ethnos”, 52(1987), no. 1–2, pp. 50–80. Winzeler R.L., Anthropology and Religion. What We Know, Think, and Question, Lanham – New York – Toronto – Plymouth 2012. Zaal F., Economic Integration in Pastoral Areas: Commercialisation and Social Change among Kenya’s Maasai, „Nomadic Peoples”, 3(1999), no. 2, pp. 97–114. ��PART IV VARIA ��Chapter 12. KLAUDIA WILK MHAGAMA EFFICIENCY AND UTILITY OF POLISH AID PROJECTS IN TANZANIA: Socio-cultural aspects of cooperation between local partners and external donors and its impact on development ABSTRACT Although the Public Private Partnerships (PPP) have been brought forward as one solution to more sustainable development in Tanzania, Church organisations and Faith Based Organisations (FBOs) still depend on resources ultimately originating from an organization’s environment and/or international partners. Many organisations in Tanzania consider the partnership with the external donors as important for the long-term security in running the particular institutions. However, still there is a lack of regulations which could help such organisations to extend the long-term goals and sustain their success in cooperation with external donors. This is caused by several aspects. First of all, the permanent cooperation occurs in physical and material contribution involving financial sources and external staff. This causes some sort of dependency between these organizations and external donors. Donors and local partners have different power and resources, though often shared relief and development goals. Local partners may need funding to operate, donors need others to implement1. At the same time, such actors (e.g. Missionary societies, international donors) aim to decrease KLAUDIA WILK MHAGAMA – Jagiellonian University. Local partnership: A guide for partnering with civil society, business and government groups, Portland 2011, p. 20. 1 �360 Klaudia Wilk Mhagama dependence2. Another aspect concerns the limited funding and short time of implementation of a particulal project. This leads the relationship between local partners and external donors to a noncommitted relations rather than a long-term partnership. The last but not least important aspect mostly occurs in cultural and social context. Lack of special attention to this aspect may bring results nonefective to the local community. Donors often do not have access to communities due to security restrictions or limited personnel3. This aspect indicates the need of working with a local partner who accurately diagnates needs and then oversees the effective implementation of the project. Following these factors as a background for the heading of this paper, it is necessary to answer the following questions: 1) what is the partnership and what kind of role play local partners in cooperation with the Polish Aid; 2) what is the impact of a socio-cultural factor on formation of long-term effects? The above questions aim at identifying the most important factors influencing the long-term effects of project implementation in Tanzania leading to sustainable development. What is partnership? According to the Guide of The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)4 „...a partnership is an agreement to do something together that will benefit all involved, bringing results that could not be achieved by a single partner operating alone, and reducing duplication of efforts. [...] To achieve sustained success it is essential that basic local parameters be created and agreed upon; equally essential are political will, resourcing, and the appropria2 J. Pfeffer & G.R. Salancik, The External Control of Organizations: A Resource Dependence Perspective, Redwood City 2003. 3 Local partnership..., op. cit., p. 20. 4 This document has been prepared collectively by members of the OECD LEED Forum for Partnerships and Local Governance and staff members of the Forum Office in Vienna, under the coordination of the Chair, Michael Förschner. The opinions expressed and arguments employed therein do not necessarily reflect the views of the OECD or of the governments of its member countries. �EFFICIENCY AND UTILITY OF POLISH AID PROJECTS IN TANZANIA... 361 tion of funds”5. What is more, The Guide enumerates number of characteristics of efficient partnership6. There is no clear suggestion pointing to social and cultural aspects of partenrship. However, ther are several points indicating such characteristics like: social acceptance, representation by experienced persons who have influence within their organisation, good communication between actors and “learning culture”. The Guide emphasizes also the characteristics needed to implement long-term strategy. One of the first and most important is „an assessment of local needs and a consultation process with local actors„as well as „the various measures and projects are planned and correspond to the strategy and to local and regional needs”7. According to Derick W. Brinkerhoff and Jennifer M. Brinkerhoff „...In the international development arena, the partnership is both a core element in programs to improve the delivery of key goods and services in poor and transitioning countries, and often applied descriptor of the relationship between the external funders of the programs and the organizations or groups in the Countries involved in carrying them out”8. In practice, partnership means maximizing the potential of a partner from a supportive country to implement project activities9. The Guide identifies partners higlithing the partnership’s objectives as important to bring in the different relevant parts of the public sector as well as the business, commuOECD, Sucessful partnership. A Guide, OECD LEED Forum for Partnerships and Local Governance, 2006, p. 7. 6 Ibidem, pp. 7–8. 7 Ibidem, p. 8. 8 D.W. Brinkerhoff and J.M. Brinkerhoff, Partnerships between international donors and non-governmental development organizations: opportunities and constraints, „International Review of Administrative Sciences”, 70(2004), no. 2, p. 254. 9 Ewaluacja polskiej współpracy rozwojowej udzielanej za pośrednictwem MSZ RP w latach 2012–2015 w wybranych krajach Afryki Wscodniej i Bliskiego Wschodu, Raport końcowy z badania ewaluacyjnego KOMPONENT I – Afryka Wschodnia, Warszawa 2016, p. 63. 5 �362 Klaudia Wilk Mhagama nity and voluntary sectors10. Across this diversity, there are three broad groupings, though relationships may fit into more than one category at the same or different times and can evolve: 1. Project partnerships for a specific project with mutually agreed aims and objectives. 2. Strategic partnerships, working together over time with sufficient alignment of goals and objectives towards achieving a lasting impact on poverty. 3. Alliances with single organizations/ groups or networks/coalitions of groups working together towards a specific goal, even though organizational/institutional mandates and long-term purpose may be quite differen11. Polish Aid as an external donor in Tanzania Polish Aid Programme (PAP) can be clasified as a programme, coordinated by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs12. It is the main tool used for cooperation in the European Union and the OECD Development Assistance Committee. Poland, as one of the members, is involved in development cooperation for the benefit of developing countries. Polish development cooperation constitutes a part of Polish foreign policy and fits into the European and global development policies, including support for achieving Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)13. In accordance with the law, the Polish OECD, Sucessful partnership. A Guide, op. cit., p. 10. Local partnership..., op. cit., p. 7. 12 The Minister of Foreign Affairs coordinates development cooperation acting through the National Coordinator of Development Cooperation who holds the rank of secretary or undersecretary of state. The Coordinator is assisted by the Development Cooperation Policy Council, a consultative and advisory body to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. 13 Poland took an active part in the international community’s efforts to elaborate a new set of development goals: the Sustainable Development Goals, which replaced the Millennium Development Goals; a new model of development cooperation funding, which culminated in the 3rd International Conference 10 11 �EFFICIENCY AND UTILITY OF POLISH AID PROJECTS IN TANZANIA... 363 development cooperation is based on the Multiannual Development Cooperation Programme, developed for a minimum period of four years. The document sets the objectives and geographical and thematic priorities of development aid. The first multiannual programme covered the period from 2012 to 2015. Poland’s Second Multiannual Development Cooperation Programme, covering the period from 2016 to 2020 and containing a strategy of action for developing countries, was adopted by the Council of Ministers on 6 October 201514. Polish development cooperation is implemented through programmes and projects, addressed to specific groups of beneficiaries (bilateral assistance), as well as member fees and voluntary contributions to international institutions, funds and organisations (multilateral assistance). A substantial part of the funds is directed at priority countries of the Polish development aid programme in cooperation with Polish nongovernmental organisations, public financial sector units, Polish Academy of Sciences and universities. Polish aid projects are also carried out in cooperation with Polish representations and diplomatic missions15. Adopted by the Council of Ministers on 6 October 2015, the Multiannual Development Cooperation Programme for 2016–2020 sets strategic objectives and directions of Polish development cooperation in the middle term. In line with the principle of enhancing the efficiency and effectiveness of development cooperation, the Programme outlines the areas targeted by Poland’s development cooperation, providing for a more concentrated approach in terms of geography. on Financing for Development (13–16 July 2015, Addis Ababa); and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which was formally adopted at the United Nations Summit on 25–27 September 2015. 14 See: https://www.polskapomoc.gov.pl/About,Polish,aid,202.html [access: th 28 July2017]. 15 See:https://www.polskapomoc.gov.pl/Mission,statement,204.html [access: th 28 July2017]. �364 Klaudia Wilk Mhagama Tanzania as one of the priority countries has bacome a beneficiery of Polish Aid Programme16. Within frames of “Polish Development Assistance” Programme, between 2011 and 2017, Tanzania has bacome beneficiary of Polish Aid 22 times, including Foundation „Kiabakari”17 that has become beneficiary 6 times (in 201318, 201619 and 201720). 16 Priority partner countries now include current beneficiaries from Sub-Saharan Africa: Senegal, Ethiopia, Kenya and Tanzania. However, Polish Aid programme has also implemented several projects in other cuntries, e.g. Zambia, Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda, Central African Republic, South Sudan, Somalia or Namibia. See: https:// www.polskapomoc.gov.pl/Sub-Saharan,Africa,449.html, [access: 28th July2017]. 17 Kiabakari is a village in northwestern Tanzania, between Lake Victoria and the Serengeti National Park. There is a Catholic parish run by a missionary. On the mission area there is a health center where about 15,000 people are being treated annually (mainly women and children). The mission also includes a kindergarten and primary school where 240 children are educated. In addition, there are over 40 people working on the mission. For more than 25 years Kiabakari has been run by a Polish priest who is also the founder of the Kiabakari Foundation, which works to improve the quality of life, health and education, and promotes the development of the local population. 18 „Mbingu na Dunia – Mavuno ya Mvua” (Heaven and Earth – Water Harvest) – complex system for harvesting, treatment and retention of rain and ground water for educational and medical institutions in Kiabakari (PPR 122/2013); 2) “Mbegu Njema” (Good Seed) – A modern preschool in Kiabakari: a chance for the proper development and education of the children in the rural areas of Mara Region. Transformation and furbishment of the existing infrastructure for the needs of the preschool. (PPR 124/2013); 3) „Upendo Unaojali” (Tender Love) – broadening of the modern pre- and post-natal mother and child healthcare with the expansion of the hospitalization base in health center in Kiabakari. (PPR 125/2013). 19 “Tazama na Tabasamu” (Look and Smile) – Eye and dental clinic in Kiabakari – an effective rescue measure in the desert of the medical services of this nature for the society of north-western Tanzania. (PPR 46/2016); 2) “Shule Bora” (Perfect School) – the completion of the construction and furbishment of the primary school in Kiabakari – a chance of the access to the high quality education for the rural communities of Mara Region. (PPR 47/2016). 20 Salama Zaidi Lamadi (Safer in Lamadi) – The betterment of housing conditions and safety of children and the youth with albinism through the construction of the dormitory and fencing the caring center in Lamadi. (PPR 18/2017). �EFFICIENCY AND UTILITY OF POLISH AID PROJECTS IN TANZANIA... 365 Since 2009 until 2016 within the “Polish Aid Volunteering Programme 2009”21 Tanzania has become beneficiary 25 times, including three times for Foundation „Kiabakari” (in 201122, 201223 and 201524)25. Within the frames of „Small Grants” Tanzania has become beneficiary country two times including Kiabakari mission in 201226 and St. Walburg’s hospital in Nyangao27 in 201528. 21 Since 2008, the MFA has been implementing the Polish Aid Volunteering Programme, aimed at supporting the direct involvement of Polish citizens to help citizens of developing countries, as well as disseminating information among Polish society on the problems facing these countries. The Polish Aid Volunteering Programme involves the following: Volunteers, Polish organizations managing volunteer work in the framework of projects, Partner organizations in countries covered by projects, The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which finances the programme; See: https://www.polskapomoc.gov.pl/Volunteering,Programme,810. html, [access: 28th July2017]. 22 „Afya Bora” (Perfect Health). Voluntary support of Kiabakari Mission, aimed at malaria and other diseases profilaxis, including introduction of health promotion and health education programs. (WPP1283/2011). 23 „Huduma ya Kwanza”. Volunteer First Aid and Health Education for the citizens of Kiabakari and Kukirango community. (WPP 931/2012). 24 „Ili Wawe Na Afya” (That they may have health). The growth of the level of the medicare of the inhabitants of Kiabakari and of the Butiama district in Tanzania (WPP 783/2015). 25 See: https://www.polskapomoc.gov.pl/Polish,Aid,Volunteering,Program me,2015,–,Results,2292.html, [access: 28th July2017]. 26 „Providing modern delivery unit to the Health Centre in Kiabakari (Tanzania)”. 27 St. John’s Hospital Walburg’s is one of the largest hospitals in the region of Lindi and Mtwara. It is owned by a Catholic diocese. It is missionary hospital founded 56 years ago by the Benedictine nuns from Tutzing, southern Germany. The hospital has 220 beds and 4 basic departments: surgery, internship, obstetric gynecology and pediatrics. Previously there was also a tuberculosis treatment unit. The total staff number is 240 employees, of which 140 are medical staff. In the year 2015 the hospital received 34,440,000 outpatients who come to the hospital even from neighboring countries (eg Mozambique). 28 Quality improvement of surgical treatment in St. Walburg’s Hospital in Nyangao and other hospitals in Lindi and Mtwara region (Tanzania). �366 Klaudia Wilk Mhagama The local partners and the key individuals in Tanzania Project implementation requires knowledge about the problems of local community as well as their development needs. Regardless of the sector, partnership should be governed by at least two main principles. The first one is participation of a member of a local community that gives a chance, directly or through representation by local partners, to participate in the design, implementation and monitoring of programs. Local partners play an essential role in encouraging participation and ensuring different experiences, needs and capabilities of various groups in a local community29. Hence, a close cooperation with the local partners at the stage of designing and project implementation is a prerequisite for accurate diagnosis. Very often, local organizations and their cooperative working with a PAP are based on key individual which may be a major person to complete the project successfully. The St.Walburg’s hospital project, for example, was carried out in cooperation with a Polish doctor who has worked in the hospital for many years and is the only specialist surgeon working there. He is a key person in the field of cooperation for many years with a Polish diplomatic mission. As a partner and key individual, he provided many relevant information that led not only to the correct course of project activities but also to the continuation of the project. As a physician, he pointed first to the real problem of the local community, such as motorbike accidents, so that the problem was correctly diagnosed and invested in the hospital’s surgical equipment. In the case of the parish in Kiabakari, there was a presence of a Polish missionary who had over 25 years of experience in missionary work in Tanzania. So far, he has coordinated many development and volunteer projects 29 Local partnership..., op. cit., p. 5. �EFFICIENCY AND UTILITY OF POLISH AID PROJECTS IN TANZANIA... 367 in Tanzania. As a partner and key individual, he oversaw the implementation of the project, both in terms of quality and budget implementation. He also provided financial contributions for some tasks. In both cases, the local partners had the task of ensuring the timeliness of the project and the reliability of the work performed. They were directly supervising the implementation of the tasks and while carrying out the tasks of the project, they were responsible for realizing the new goals in accordance with the adopted concept. Such individuals supporting the organizations are concerned about the problems they face trying to maintain stable relationship. Due to Pfeffer & Salancik30, stable relationship is achieved through friendship, informational exchanges and understanding. This leads to the second principle of partnership which is accountability. According to the MerciCorps Local Partnerships Guide, accountability is defined as a two-way responsibility: among partners, between the program and donors, and the program and communty. Partners are accountable to each other when they honor their commitment to communicate plans and are responsible for what they actually do. Accountability requires transparency31. That is why, the need to have a reliable partner who will be able to meet the project requirements is one of priorities leading to the sustainable development of local organisations32. The partnership emerges itself not only in relations between the external donors and the local partners represented very often by key individuals, but also involves the local experts, leaders and representatives of the public. This is a form of empowerment that allows local actors to participate in project decision-making and take responsibility for their actions. At the same time, the partner J. Pfeffer & G. R. Salancik, The External Control of Organizations..., op. cit. Local partnership..., op. cit., p. 5. 32 Ewaluacja..., op. cit., p. 37. 30 31 �368 Klaudia Wilk Mhagama organization assumes that it supports the local community in the process of assuming responsibility for the implementation or continuation of the project, as long as the community needs it. It functions here as a facilitator, who gradually withdraws from the project activities. At a time when the local community is ready to take full responsibility for the effects of the project, all decisionmaking power goes into its hands33. In the case of St. Walburg’s hospital, knowledge that was acquired during training is not only used by trained doctors, but also gives the physician the opportunity to transfer knowledge to other staff working in the same hospital or in nearby hospitals. This phenomenon is also referred to as the so-called self-sustaining model, which means that the support received for the project generates revenue that can be reused to sustain and/or develop positive effects of the program. In this case, the partner organizations themselves take care to ensure the continuity of the funding. Such model is particularly desirable in job creation projects34. One of the difficulties is certainly that the continuation of the project activities (training) is paid from the hospital’s financial resources, which slightly damages the hospital budget. Nevertheless, according to the beneficiaries, the effects of the activities are so much added that the hospital’s training has not stopped. This is of course a model example of the empowerment principle. In practice, a local partner has a constant control of project activities even after the project has been officially discontinued. Socio-cultural context Another key aspect of successful implementation of projects in Tanzania is the skillful adaptation to the localized socio-cultural 33 34 Ibidem, p. 65. Ibidem, p. 51. �EFFICIENCY AND UTILITY OF POLISH AID PROJECTS IN TANZANIA... 369 context. There are of course some obvious points concerning adaptation to the needs of the local community such as knowing the local language or overthrowing local superstitions (for example, putting a phone to the heart helps an unconscious person; the albino problem). However, it is worth noting the inapparent ones like the issue of expenditure that should bring long-term effects. This is extremely difficult with still modest resources of Polish Aid Project. It is therefore essential to focus resources and invest in projects that can bring significant improvements in a relatively short limit of time. In this area, the role of a local partner is very important. He can identify projects that address the needs of the local community. However, there is also a need to create the project based on expected effects as well as the cost of implementation. The projects evaluation indicates soft projects as those that have a high degree of efficiency. Special projects are devoted to the development of competences or professional skills, assuming the introduction of beneficiaries into the labor market or creation of new jobs35. In the case of actions targeted at the local community, the best sustainability of soft projects is noted, particularly where they are well suited to the current needs of the local community and the participants are deliberately selected from the local community (eg. local leaders). In this case, local community representatives not only use the knowledge they have acquired for their needs, but also become multipliers – they transfer knowledge further. The project – Kiabakari first aid, for instance, resulted in the emergence of knowledge multipliers using the knowledge acquired during the project but also continuing the activities of project on their own. Participants of this project (teachers, students, medical staff and the local community) continue their activities on their own, using the knowledge gained during the day-to-day training by 35 Ibidem, p. 32. �370 Klaudia Wilk Mhagama introducing first aid topics into seminar and into the classroom. Primary school teachers were teaching school pupils and others by showing in practice how to help, in the course of everyday situations (fainting, breaks, car accidents). However, the inclusion of a local community into the process of implementation, is also an important factor in the sustainability of projects36. This was the case with the first aid training in Kiabakari, where volunteers had to adapt the training to local problems (eg. snake bites, insect bites or motorcycle accidents) and to face local prejudices (eg. drinking Urine for poisoning). In the case of a maternity ward project, it was important to assure mothers-to-be of the possibility of having a baby without any obstacles. Previously, women often needed to be transported to a hospital 15 kilometers away, which was not always possible due to an ambulance or a private car, for which the owner required a high fee (which the family was unable to pay). Today, the equipped delivery room allows future mothers to have a peaceful and safe delivery on the spot. According to the report, the biggest risk of failure to achieve and maintain the expected effects, is in the projects implemented in the field of health. There are the legal, procedural and institutional constraints that make the development of health institutions with the help of external donors very difficult. An excellent example is the St. Walburg’s hospital in Nyangao, which operates in partnership with the government (Private Public Patnership – PPP). In case of this type of contract, the government requires free care for the vulnerable group (mothers, children and the elderly). In return, the government offers subsidies to the hospital in the form of basket funds or staff compensation, as well as the provision of adequate medical staff. The question of staff is, however, one of the biggest problems. The government is not able to provide enough doctors. 36 Ibidem, p. 54. �EFFICIENCY AND UTILITY OF POLISH AID PROJECTS IN TANZANIA... 371 Single workers are delegated, but their work is temporary. Also, medical staff, when given the opportunity to work in a government hospital, resign from private / mission hospitals (in this case, the so-called church based hospitals) in connection with the possibility of receiving more government revenue. A similar situation occurs on the mission in Kiabakari. The health center is not supported financially and personally by the government. In addition, the resort can not perform many treatments because it does not have the official status of the health center. Another problem of the Kiabakari resort is the fact of having 25 medical staff. Meanwhile, the center employs 15 people and pays them from its own sources. For this reason, many operations can not be performed. In the case of volunteering projects that are being developed in both cases, there is a risk that the functioning of the health service is conditioned by the continuous flow of additional support in the form of material resources and volunteers, and there is no chance of self-realization37. Projects addressed to institutionalized beneficiaries, i.e. teachers or physicians, typically result in the departure of trained staff to better paid jobs, which causes them to cease working on project sustainability. The problem here can be to use the acquired knowledge for their own private needs, e.g. for self-development, change of work, etc., rather than for the purposes of the project. However, it should be noted that soft projects aimed at enhancing knowledge, the acquisition of competencies or skills, are sustainable in the narrow sense of the term, as the sustainability of once achieved effects of design activities. Once acquired knowledge and competences are provided to the beneficiaries, even if they are no longer linked to the achievement of the project objectives. In a social and cultural context one should not exclude implementation of hard projects. However, combining hard and soft projects 37 Ibidem, p. 33. �372 Klaudia Wilk Mhagama (either in a single project or in the case of successive projects) is also frequently used and improves the effectiveness of the project, assuming the project is well suited to local needs. At St. Walburg’s hospital that combination is implemented. Hard projects are visible through the support of the infrastructure: renovating not only the three hospital departments and the purchase of a variety of surgical equipment but also the renovation of the sanitary facilities. In the case of soft projects, trainings for physicians were conducted. The doctors involved in the project not only gained the knowledge they needed for their work, but also had the opportunity to make more surgical procedures, using already purchased tools. This indicates the ideal implementation of soft and hard projects in a single one. Conclusions Trying to answer one of thequestions concerning the role of local partners in the partnership with the Polish Aid, attention should be paid to definition of partnership that emphasizes such aspects as: a presentation by experienced persons as well as friendship, informational exchanges and understanding; good communication; and consultation process with local actors. For most projects implemented by PAP, the diagnosis of needs is based on analyses carried out by partner organizations. PAP assumes a great commitment of partners to the project and includes local experts, leaders and representatives of the public. Cooperation with the local partners gives PAP a good understanding of local issues, engagement, and partnership relations with local contractors. The implementation of PAP projects aims to build the capacity of partner organizations to manage their projects, finally leading to their professionalisation. In the case of Polish entities difficulties in carrying out the diagnosis is the construction of competitions, which do not assume the financing of preparatory work on the project, including onsite visits and diagnosis of needs �EFFICIENCY AND UTILITY OF POLISH AID PROJECTS IN TANZANIA... 373 in cooperation with the partner organization38. Thus, presence of key individuals within the local partner organisation, that know the needs of local communities, is very often a critical success factor for project implementation. Key individual may be first pointing to the real problem of the local community and corresponds to the strategy and to local and regional needs. Key actors that represent local organisations may provide many relevant information that led not only to the social acceptance but also effective completion of a project and its continuation. Such activity supports the organization and maintains a stable relationship by friendship, informational exchanges and understanding. The functioning in the socio-cultural context indicates the need not only of the already mentioned close cooperation with the local partner, but also the trust of the key idividuals. However, to emphasize the type of implemented projects and the appropriation of funds are equally important. It seems that soft projects as those that have a high degree of efficiency. The most effective projects are the ones, that are devoted to the development of competences or professional skills. In that case, community representatives that are selected from the local community appear to be multipliers that transfer knowledge further. However, there is a need of inclusion of a local community that becomes direct beneficiary of the project. Although the soft projects are the ones assuring long-term effects, there is also a big need of combining hard and soft projects that reinforce synergistic effects39. However, the main barrier to the long-term effects is the low level of funding and the time limit (one year) of the projects. Thus, increasing expenditure on PAP is a prerequisite for more effective implementation of projects40. Ibidem, p. 67. Ibidem, p. 41. 40 Ibidem, p. 36. 38 39 �374 Klaudia Wilk Mhagama REFERENCES Books: Brinkerhoff D.W., and Brinkerhoff J.M., Partnerships between international donors and non-governmental development organizations: opportunities and constraints, International Review of Administrative Sciences, 70(2004), no. 2, pp. 253–270. Pfeffer J. & Salancik G.R., The External Control of Organizations: A Resource Dependence Perspective, Redwood City 2003. Websites: Polish Aid, https://www.polskapomoc.gov.pl/Polish,Aid,160.html [accesed 2017]. Projects: „Huduma ya Kwanza”. Volunteer First Aid and Health Education for the citizens of Kiabakari and Kukirango community. (WPP 931/2012). „Upendo Unaojali” (Tender Love) – broadening of the modern pre- and post-natal mother and child healthcare with the expansion of the hospitalization base in health center in Kiabakari. (PPR 125/2013). Quality improvement of surgical treatment in St. Walburg’s Hospital in Nyangao and other hospitals in Lindi and Mtwara region (Tanzania). (558/2015/MG2015). Reports: Ewaluacja polskiej współpracy rozwojowej udzielanej za pośrednictwem MSZ RP w latach 2012–2015 w wybranych krajach Afryki Wscodniej i Bliskiego Wschodu, Raport końcowy z badania ewaluacyjnego KOMPONENT I – Afryka Wschodnia, Warszawa 2016. Local partnership: A guide for partnering with civil society, business and government groups, Portland 2011. Sucessful partnership. A Guide, OECD LEED Forum for Partnerships and Local Governance, 2006. ���� https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/e8a2a91b22241b3df1d08ad422215648.pdf b7768f6eee21bacf2068ea223ef6dda0 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:4999 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource Zadrożyńska, Anna metodologia badań internetowych informacja cyfrowa wyszukiwanie informacji w Internecie elektroniczne archiwa cyfrowy warszatat badawczy wyszukiwarki internetowe Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4636 Title A name given to the resource The Electronic Anthropologist : on sources of information, strategies, techniques and timing of online research/ Antropolog wobec współczesności Description An account of the resource Antropolog wobec współczesności pod red. Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.148-162 tom w darze Profesor Annie Zadrożyńskiej Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ciołek, T.Matthew Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text T. Matthew Ciołek Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies (RSPAS) Australian National University, Canberra The Electronic Anthropologist: on sources of information, strategies, techniques and timing of online research 1. Introduction Information of relevance and value to social scientists is scattered - as individual items as well as clusters and collections - across three vast and vastly different habi­ tats of knowledge. The first of them is formed by the overlapping networks of inter­ connected, data-swapping computers. There the information is stored as electronic bits. The second habitat is a great planetary labyrinth of interacting and competing museums, archives, and libraries. This is the physical world where information is stored as tangible objects - books, manuscripts, microfilms, artifacts - and kept on shelves, or in vaults. Finally: there is the boundless archipelago of groups and clus­ ters of people themselves. Researchers, experts, archivists, journalists, court-clerks, shamans, interested laymen, students, librarians, managers, and so forth form the third habitat of knowledge. There the information is stored in biological form, either etched in the memories of people, or created by them afresh. This article is concerned w i t h research uses of the first of those three informa¬ tional environments, that is, w i t h quests for digital pointers and digital contents that are available via the Internet. It represents an abridged extract from an extensive 2009 work entitled "The logistics of effective online information seeking", a re¬ search paper w i t h a number of technical appendices, now available online at www.ciolek.com/PAPERS/logistics-of-online-information-seeking.html address. Earlier studies of information-seeking practices Literature on the uses of the Internet for research purposes tends to fall into five groups: (1) W o r k dealing w i t h types and characteristics of sources of online information (Beck 2008, Blackhurst 2008, C. Harris 2006, R. Harris 2008, N I A S L I N C n.d., Ravia 2000b, Zillman 2008). 148 �The Electronic Anthropologist (2) Quality and evaluation of information gleaned online (Alexander & Tate 1999, Blackhurst 2008, Harris 2007, Jacobson 2008, K i r k 1996, Ravia 2004a, Sebek 2007, Smith 2008). (3) Discussions of the most useful information-seeking tools (Bergman 2001, C o hen 2008e, 2008d, Google 2008, Ravia 2008d). (4) Analyses of the finer points of information-finding techniques (Cohen 2008a, 2008b, 2008c, 2008d, Harris 2000, Monash University Library 2004, Overture Services 2007, Ravia 2000a, 2002a, 2002b, 2004b, 2008a, 2008b, 2008c), and finally, (5) Admonitions regarding the pitfalls faced by novices or careless online researchers (Cohen 2008d, Harris 1997, Mississauga Librarians 2008, N I A S L I N C n.d., Ravia 2008a). A l l these works are feely accessible on the Internet where they are frequently updated to keep up w i t h technological progress. This type of material does not need to be restated here. Instead, our attention will be focused on the evalutation of me¬ thods of electronic investigation that people can undertake w i t h i n the domain of the Internet. Therefore, the questions posed by this paper are not "what are the best ways to obtain information online?", or "what are the best sources of electronic information?", but rather - "under what methodological circumstances is our online research most likely to succeed?" So it is not an enumeration of tools and opportu¬ nities, but rather a meta-assessment of these. 2. T h e Internet, the electronic environment of information T w o things about the Internet, the electronic environment of information, are im¬ mediately apparent to any observer: its dire lack of organization and its enormous physical size. The Internet is a highly unpredictable and confused place, and the materials it carries are of very uneven quality: Gorman (1995: 34) wrote: T h e net is like a h u g e v a n d a l i z e d l i b r a r y S o m e o n e has d e s t r o y e d t h e c a t a l o g and r e m o v e d t h e f r o n t matter, indexes, etc., f r o m h u n d r e d s of t h o u s a n d s of b o o k s and t o r n a n d s c a t t e r e d w h a t remains... ' s u r f i n g ' is t h e process of s i f t i n g t h r o u g h t h i s dis¬ o r g a n i s e d mess i n t h e h o p e of c o m i n g across s o m e useful f r a g m e n t s of t e x t and images t h a t can b e r e l a t e d t o o t h e r fragments. Tellingly more than a decade later the situation remained unchanged. Thus Beck (2008), w r i t i n g some thirteen years after the initial damning assessment by Gor¬ man, concurs w i t h the earlier criticisms by noting that the Internet continues to be "disorganised, volatile and dynamic. Web sites appear, disappear, move or mutate daily [...] The useful and useless co-exist in cyberspace much as they would and do at a flea market". The other outstanding feature of the N e t is its immense size, and the fact that it continues to grow very quickly In late 1995 the world wide web (which is only one of many component parts of the Internet ) consisted of approximately 300,000 149 �I Matthew Ciołek servers and of 2 million W W W documents (Ciolek 1996:106). This explosive g r o w t h continued unabated for over a decade. Consequently, in mid-2008 there were approximately 175.5 m servers (Netcraft 2008) and over 8 billion web pages (Google 2008). Importantly, all these figures refer only to the information that is visible to stan¬ dard search engines and their data-harvesting "spiders". This is an important ca¬ veat. In addition to the popular surface Web, there is also a massive - approximately 500 times larger than the commonly defined World W i d e Web - and largely unac¬ knowledged constellation of other, i.e. n o n - W W W containers, of electronic infor¬ mation. These other resources remain largely invisible and unknown to Internet users at large, and to the search engines people rely on (Bergman 2001). 3. T h e logistics of online informationn seeking Finding the right information in vast masses of all potentially relevant electronic materials is a complex undertaking. Therefore, it requires a work plan which cor¬ rectly matches the available: (a) research strategies; (b) favoured sources of online information; (c) time available for completion and finally, (d) online research tech­ niques. Each of these four key variables has its idiosyncratic aspects. Let's look at them, one by one: T h e First Logistical Element: Research Strategy Every research operation is based on the researcher's passionate involvement w i t h their questions and answers, as well as w i t h the relevant sources of data and know¬ ledge. These questions, sources, and answers can be unambiguously and directly stated, or not. These are important distinctions, as explicit scholarly questions (as well as explicit definitions of sources of data, and explicit factual answers) are pre¬ cisely those statements which one can argue w i t h and subject to testing and refuta¬ tion (see Popper 1969: 51-53, 1972: 242-244). A t the same time, ill-defined ques¬ tions, sources, and answers form a background intellectual fog which has the poten¬ tial to generate endless future revisions and revolutions to the established frame¬ works of knowledge. Firstly there are Questions, which usually involve the traditional cluster of phrases revolving around such words as "Who?", "What?", "When?", "Why?", "Where?", " H o w ? " , "What If?" and "To W h a t End?" If the researcher states his or her ques¬ tions clearly and explicitly, then we will call them by their generic upper case label "Q". Should they remain at a given stage of investigations implicit, unstated, unarticulated, then they will be labeled here w i t h the upper case character "X". Secondly, there are the Sources that a researcher seeks and uses. Examples of sources are many: a book, database, web site, library, archive, newspaper, field notes, an expert, an interview, and so forth. Naturally, such containers of information 150 �The Electronic Anthropologist whether large or small and whether electronic, analogue, or biological - in order to be of use to anybody need to be: (a) precisely defined, (b) located (i.e. learned about, identified, and found); (c) accessed (i.e. visited, handled, and unlocked), and (d) investigated (i.e. read, critiqued, consulted, verified, etc., etc.). Sources, de¬ pending on whether the researcher defines them explicitly or not, will be labeled here as "S" or "X", accordingly. Thirdly, there always have to be some Answers. These are thoughts and ideas that the researcher pursues and which need to be stated, deduced, discovered, or just postulated on a purely temporary basis. Again, depending on the ontological status of these answers (i.e. depending whether the researcher states them explicitly or only hints at them), they will be accordingly labeled here either " A " or "X". A l l this means that at any moment of any imaginable line of inquiry all investiga¬ tors face a choice between one of the eight theoretically possible research strate¬ gies. Obviously not all of them are used equally often. W h i c h particular research strategy a researcher adopts fully depends on the explicitness and clarity (or other¬ wise) w i t h which he or she has defined their Questions, information Sources, and Answers. A n y of these strategies can be initial, or interim, or final. Moreover, they can be mixed and combined. Above all, they can be interchanged at a moment's notice. - The eight theoretically feasible research strategies are: Confirm - Confirm details of the findings and/or details of the sources; verify and proofread the collected data; find another example of an answer that you already have. The logical structure of this research strategy is denoted by its acronym: Q S A ( = definite Questions, definite Sources, definite Answers). - L i n k - L i n k your research to the correct sources; document the findings estab¬ lished thus far; test earlier findings against new, presently unidentified sources; collect additional answers from new, presently unidentified sources. Logical structure: Q X A . - Deliver - Deliver answers to the explicit research questions; identify the sources, access them and look for answers relevant to the questions; collect new data. Logical structure: QSX. - Chase - Chase the promising sources to get answers to your explicit research questions; look afresh at the range of possible sources and think of new ways of investigating them. T h i n k of new answers that they can yield. Logical structure: - - QXX. Form - Formulate your explicit research question in the light of the temporary findings supplied by the identified sources; look for the existing new questions to be asked of the known sources which have given us the current answers; contest the existing framework of thought and methodology. Logical structure: XSA. M a t c h - M a t c h your tentative inklings, your tentative and conjectural answers w i t h the best questions and the most promising sources; use the answer you 151 �I Matthew Ciołek already have to think of new data sources and new questions you could pose. Logical structure: X X A . - Explore - Explore the located sources to formulate your explicit research ques­ tions; investigate the available materials; t r y inventing a new conceptual frame¬ work. Logical structure: XSX. - M u l l - Examples: M u l l and brainstorm over the best questions, apt conjectures and the likely sources of data; look afresh at everything related to your research; be creative and iconoclastic. Logical structure: X X X . So, for every potential research scenario we have a gloss, a mnemonic label, and a logical skeleton. In the above taxonomy the Confirm strategy is the simplest and quickest. A t the opposite end of the scale rests the hazy, open-minded, time-hun¬ gry M u l l strategy. T h e Second Logistical Element: Online Resources The Internet is a planet-wide archipelago of sources of online information con¬ nected by a lattice of general and directional pointers. These archipelagos of con¬ tainers, contents and connections are furthermore surrounded by a comet's tail of contextual hints, oblique references, tags and metadata (Dublin Core Metadata Ini¬ tiative 2003, National Academy of Sciences 2000). Some of these electronic resources and metadata reside on intranets and other protected sub-sets of the In¬ ternet. However, a great mass of informational resources is freely accessible to any¬ body w i t h access to the N e t . There are no less than nine basic types of online information sources. For specific examples of those nine types of sources, and their online pointers (i.e. URLs) please see "The Electronic Anthropologist" paper at the online address mentioned above. A l l these resources can be summarised as follows: - Databases - Containers of digital information in which data are organised in records, w i t h each record comprising a number of precisely defined numeric, alphanumeric, or image-storing fields. Examples: Bookstore Catalogues and Bibliographies, Dictionaries, Directories of People, Library/Museum/Archive Catalogues, and Telephone Directories. - Search engines - Automatically constructed indices of contents of such resources (see below) as Directories, Repositories, "Flowing" and "Frozen" web­ sites, Collaborations and Gatherings. Search engines make every w o r d and every image in the harvested online documents separately indexed and linked to its exact electronic address w i t h i n the document, and w i t h i n the resource itself, and w i t h i n the Internet as a whole. - Online directories - Manually constructed online bibliographies and catalogues of online resources. Examples: Bibliographies of links and Lists of web directo¬ ries. Users of such directories can access stored information, and suggest adden¬ da, deletions and modifications. 152 �The Electronic Anthropologist - Repositories - Online collections, warehouses, libraries, and archives of substantial and well-formed bodies of digital information. Examples: Bibliographies of Paper Publications, Digitised Books, Digitised Documents, Digitised Images and Documentary Photographs, Digitised Maps and Digitised Periodicals. - "Flowing" websites - Containers of online information whose content, size and scope are heavily influenced by input solicited from or volunteered by their users/readers. The web sites act as small-scale repositories. - "Frozen" websites - Containers of online information whose content, size and scope do not significantly change in response to input from their users. These web sites frequently resemble "flowing" web sites in terms of content and architecture. However, they do not have a policy of either inviting or acting on readers' input. - Collaborations or collaborative environments - Containers of online information whose contents and, to some extent, architecture are either under the control of all, or only some of its readers (such as site administrators, registered co-editors, registered readers/commentators). Examples: Blogs and Wikis. Users of collab¬ orative work environments can access the stored information, as well as add to it, delete from it, edit it, rearrange it, or annotate w i t h a tag or comment. - Gatherings - Two-way online communication systems used for the speedy exchange (i.e. sending and receiving) of digital i n f o r m a t i o n . Examples: Discussion Groups, Chat Rooms, M a i l i n g Lists and information Bazaars. Feeds - One-way manual distribution channels for the sending of news and alerts from a source directly to the readers. Examples: Info/Alert/Update services. Feeds specialise in a great range of content: news, newsletters, updates on events in some organizations, details of new material published on some remote infor¬ mation system. - T h e Third Logistical Element: Work Schedules Researchers always need to consider the amount of time they want to allocate to the business of information seeking, as opposed to other research tasks and writing. Obviously, the amount of time earmarked for completion of the data-gathering stage of research varies from case to case, and from scholar to scholar. For our pur¬ poses, however, it will be useful to distinguish three types of research schedules: - Urgent research - One to be completed swiftly in a relatively short span of time. This span can range from a mere few minutes to a handful of frantic days. - Standard research - A schedule of work that needs to be completed calmly and systematically by some well-defined deadline while there is ample time to carry it out fully and satisfactorily: Normally, such projects last a few weeks, or longer. Sometimes they can stretch for several months. - Long-term - A leisurely open-ended research project; one which has no clearly defined completion date. 153 �I Matthew Ciołek It is only natural that a good researcher spends short periods of time on informa­ tion-seeking tasks that can be performed swiftly and longer periods on tasks that re­ quire ample time for their development and refinement. A very good researcher, how­ ever, has one more logistical skill under his belt. H e can tell in advance which of his re¬ search tasks will be which. Therefore, he or she can plan their commitments accurately. The Fourth Logistical Element: Data-Gathering Techniques Once decisions regarding preferred research strategies, viable resources, and ade¬ quate timetables are taken, but before any of the resources are actually located and accessed, one needs to pause and think about the best approach to the task of data collection itself. Thus Ravia (2008b) advises: T h i n k A b o u t Y o u r Q u e r y ! Seekers d o n o t ' p l u n g e ' i n t o a search o u t of t h e blue. L i k e artists, t h e y visualize the c o r r e c t result before t h e y b e g i n . T h e 'perfect' answer is d r i v i n g t h e i r queries. T h e p e r f e c t answer creates t h e c o r r e c t q u e s t i o n ( s ) . W h a t k i n d of re¬ sults d o y o u w a n t ? [...] T w o skills a seeker needs: h o w t o f o r m u l a t e a q u e s t i o n c o r r e c t ¬ ly and k n o w i n g w h e r e t o l o o k . A n d t h i s means k n o w i n g w h i c h resources y o u s h o u l d use for y o u r searches. A n d t h i s means y o u must first of all k n o w h o w t o search t h o s e v e r y resources y o u s h o u l d use for y o u r searches. I n fact each ' p a r t ' of t h e w e b requires a d i f f e r e n t approach. [...] Before e v e n b e g i n n i n g , t h i n k a b o u t y o u r q u e r y : prepare y o u r q u e s t i o n ( s ) f o r t h e p e r f e c t result a n d d e c i d e w h i c h resources y o u w i l l use. In addition, throughout all information-seeking operations, there is the constant need to focus exclusively on the task of finding your target. Fjalar Ravia (2004b), himself an information-seeker extraordinaire, observes: " 'Focus always on your spe­ cific needs. Otherwise, you can spend a lifetime d r i f t i n g through archipelagos of fas­ cinating, but ultimately fruitless links'. I don't need to underline how true this is for Internet searching There are at least ten distinct ways of conducting online research. Each data¬ gathering technique can be applied once only, or in a sequence, as a part of a longer and more complex information quest. Also, one technique can be used at a time, or in bulk, in parallel w i t h each other. The ten online data-gathering techniques are: - Ask - This involves using one's social skills to obtain in the shortest possible time the exact information we seek from experts (either directly, or via mail or email), and to do so w i t h o u t wearing out or antagonising our informants. Typi¬ cally, such exchanges are about addresses/pointers, or commentaries and other metadata regarding online and offline resources relevant to our detailed research question. - Q u e r y - This means quizzing electronic databases for pointers, contents, or metadata for online and offline target resources. Q u e r y works best if the resear¬ cher is thoroughly acquainted w i t h the technical characteristics and informa¬ tional architecture of the interrogated database. 154 �Ihe Electronic Anthropologist - Search - The technique quizzes global or local search engines for details of content and the electronic address of the target information. Search is a very powerful technique, especially when conducted w i t h the aid of judiciously selected search terms (Harris 2000, Ravia 2002b, 2008b). Its correct use also assumes that the researcher is thoroughly focused (yet flexible and adaptive) while work¬ ing w i t h the wide range of variously designed search engines. Throughout all these online investigations, valid or promising results need to be recorded, put into a meaningfully named file, and safely stored. Details of the search engines used also need to be clearly recorded. Furthermore, the dates of the searches as well as details of the search techniques need to be written down. The reason is that searches conducted at various points in time seldom generate identical results: information located on one day will not necessarily be indexed by the search engine at a later date. - Browse - Browsing means keeping in mind well defined questions while surfing the N e t from one online resource to another resource and purposefully exploring its nooks and crannies. Browsing is an activity only superficially similar to web surfing. Browsing is a focused investigation. It aims to achieve concrete intellectual results. Surfing is a mere pastime. - Track - This technique resembles the actions of a detective conducting a criminal investigation. Here a researcher uses all their investigative and navigational skills to identify, in the wide range of online resources, any traces of the existence, nature, contents, and whereabouts of potential target information. Track is a slow-paced, forensic technique, and as such is very similar to Comb. Track makes heavy use of all other information-finding methods, especially Query Search, Browse, and M o nitor. Also, it relies on meticulous record-keeping and on the tricks-of-the-trade. - Comb - The creator of the term 'combing', Ravia, explains: " [ i t is] searching those that have searched [well before you have embarked on your investigations] and are willing to share [...] you lurk around usenet, maillists and messageboards trying to find some authorities in the matters you are seeking. T h e n you use the cumulated knowledge of these savy-people [sic] to jumpstart on your search. [...] the 'combing' approach is useful in order to find treasures hoarded by people that are willing to share what they know and have found" (Ravia 2000a). - M o n i t o r - This technique aims to find in accidentally encountered resources pointers and metadata bearing on the target information. It works best when the researchers keep in mind a series of well-defined questions about the research problem. O n l y then will they be ready to perceive the significance of the snip¬ pets spotted while perusing their mailbox or visiting the N e t on some other er¬ rand. Data gathering through monitoring is accelerated by joining a large num¬ ber of complementary (topic-wise) Gatherings and information Feeds. H o w ¬ ever, such an approach has its downside: it usually results in a heavy overload of irrelevant or low-quality information. 155 �I Matthew Ciołek - Collect input - This is another technique which taps knowledge carried by people. It involves the creation of online questionnaires (published as a web input form, or distributed as email circulars) and making them available to potential online informants (Coomber 1997, Mannion 2008, Sheehan & Grubbs H o y 1999, Ste­ wart 2003, and Zhang 2000). This technique collects data pro-actively It com¬ bines questionnaire design skills w i t h elements of computer programming. - Trigger input - This online research technique requires very good social skills. Trigger is similar to the Ask, Collect input and Invite input (see below) tech¬ niques. A l l of them pursue knowledge that is predominantly stored in biological format, i.e. as human memory However, unlike the other three techniques, it is a ploy; it acquires the target information indirectly. It does so by publishing on¬ line material which intentionally stirs readers and provokes them to express online their passionate comments, arguments, objections, and alternative viewpoints. - Invite input - This method simply encourages readers to supply you w i t h infor­ mation you need. Invite input comprises five consecutive stages. Firstly, the researcher publishes online some preliminary but nevertheless serious and inter¬ esting body of information: data sets, raw materials, or draft conceptual frame¬ works. Secondly, next to the online offering he/she publishes a polite, and not too overbearing invitation for comments, addenda, and corrections. Thirdly, the researcher patiently waits for the possible arrival of useful input. This waiting pe­ riod can stretch for weeks, months, or even years. Fourthly, all readers' input - when received - is p r o m p t l y acted upon. This means that suggested corrections, emendations and additions are immediately implemented. It also means that the party w h o provided the submission is equally p r o m p t l y thanked for their kind advice and assistance. Finally, and critically, in the documentation to the online materials themselves all readers' contributions are fully and publicly acknow¬ ledged online and - again - thanked for. The last stage is the crux of the success­ ful deployment of the Invite technique. W i t h o u t it, the chances that other readers would be inclined to contribute to the researcher's online work, and to translate this inclination into practical activity, are very slim. 4. Six constraints of information seeking None of the above four logistical aspects of online research - the strategies, online resources, w o r k schedules, and data-gathering techniques - ever occurs alone. O n the contrary they always w o r k in concert, as a dynamic system. Together they form six unique combinations, in some of which these variables seem to "work together especially well", that is, when they appear to be supportive of each other, and appear (in the experience of this author) to be productive. The findings are of such com¬ parisons are as follows: Constraint 1: the compatibility of the eight types of research strategies w i t h the use of nine types of online resources. Our analysis finds that in this context the four 156 �The Electronic Anthropologist most useful online resources are: Search Engines, "Frozen" web sites, and Repositories and Gatherings. Constraint 2: the compatibility of the three types of work schedules w i t h the use of nine types of online resources. In this context the three most useful online resources are: Databases, Search Engines, and Gatherings. Constraint 3: the compatibility of the three types of work schedules w i t h the use of ten types of data-gathering techniques. In this context the three most useful data-gathering techniques are: Ask, Query, and Search. Constraint 4: the compatibility of the eight types of research strategies w i t h the use of ten types of data-gathering techniques. In this context the four most useful data-gathering techniques are: Search, Browse, Track, and Invite Input. Constraint 5: the compatibility of the eight types of research strategies w i t h three types of work schedules. In this context the three most useful research strate¬ gies are: Confirm, Link, and Answer. Constraint 6: the compatibility of the ten types of data-gathering techniques w i t h the use of nine types of online resources. O u r analysis finds that in this context the four most useful data-gathering techniques are: Search, Browse, Track and Combs. In the same context the three most useful online information resources are: Collaborations, Gatherings, and "Frozen" web sites. Conclusions This study leads to three conclusions: 1. N o t surprisingly, long-term research projects are especially advantageous to a serious student of the world. They enable researchers to make better use of the passive and pro-active data, and knowledge-gathering techniques. A l l the above mentioned people-centric techniques need ample time to start blossoming, and they are definitely w o r t h careful cultivation, and fine-tuning. Ultimately, it is more efficient to be either sporadically or regularly supplied w i t h the factual or theoretical information we need, than to t r y to locate it all by ourselves in a cyber-mangrove forest. However, any advantages we may gain in our work are necessarily always rela¬ tive, and always contextual. Whenever we choose any particular way of doing our research, we are b o u n d to compromise in our selection of suitable research strate¬ gies, or time frames, or sources of information, or data-gathering techniques. To gain an advantage in one area necessarily means losing some advantage in another. 2. Serious online research is a technically and intellectually demanding activity. It involves patient and systematic thinking, long attention spans, heightened atten¬ tion to detail, and the ability to make quick inspired guesses w i t h regard to logical connections between seemingly unrelated bundles of electronic, paper and human pointers and contents. Such a research requires (a) staying perfectly focused on pri¬ mary objectives; (b) keeping systematic and detailed records of operations, so that one does not go in circles or miss a vital step; (c) consulting and mining as many 157 �I Matthew Ciołek information resources as possible. This is because they all store slightly different - in terms of the details and volume of their contents - groups of target informa­ tion, and they do so by using different data architectures and formats. This all means that the actual task of information gathering goes far beyond the rushed, non-reflec­ tive use of any of the well-marketed search engines, or copying off the screen mate­ rials published by the Wikipedias and their cohorts. 3. Voluminous amounts of hitherto untapped and insufficiently tapped high-grade research information is known to exist in the form of memories and notes kept by other people. Gatherings and Collaborative work environments are especially seminal types of online resources. However, to mine them effectively we still need to determine - by observational as well as experimental means - under what exact social circumstances such forms of scholarly interactions are most productive and most informative. It would be good if more attention of anthropologists and social psychologists were to be paid to the social and cultural organisation of the Internet and its academic users. In other words, while at the surface level the Internet appears to be defined mostly by our interactions w i t h the disembodied, cold-headed technology, ulti¬ mately the full research value of the N e t is best realised through multifaceted intel¬ lectual relationships that we can form w i t h other human beings that are contactable online. Seen from this point of view, the modern Internet becomes a virtual bridge which links the three habitats of information. Firstly, the Internet almost instantane¬ ously connects the researcher w i t h the online containers of digital information he or she seeks. Secondly it spans the gap between a res..archer and the pointers to the masses of analogue data preserved in libraries, archives, historical monuments, and museums. Thirdly, the N e t is a superb tool for the closure of the gap between a re¬ searcher and the wealth of skills and wisdom of his or her colleagues, no matter w h o they are, and where they work. Acknowledgments I am grateful to Greg Young for his vigorous skepticism regarding my initial theoretical ideas, and to Olaf and Monika Ciolek for their thoughtful and thus ruthless advice on the subsequent iterations of this paper. References Alexander J.E., Tate M . A . 1999 Web Wisdom: How to Evaluate and Create Information Quality on the Web, London: Lawrence: Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Beck S.E. 2008 Using the Internet for Academic Research, Las Cruces, N M : N e w M e x i c o State University Library. http://lib.nmsu.edu/ital/research.html 158 �Ihe Electronic Anthropologist Bergman M . K . 2001 White Paper: The Deep Web: Surfacing Hidden Value, "Journal of Electronic Pub­ lishing", 7(1), p. 0-0. http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/3336451.0007.104 Blackhurst H . 2008 Internet Anthropologist, Manchester: Intute Virtual Training Suite. http://www.vts.intute.ac.uk/he/tutorial/anthropologist Ciołek T . M . 1996 Todays WWW - tomorrows MMM? The specter of multi-media mediocrity, "IEEE Computer", 29(1), p. 106-108. http://www.ciolek.com/PAPERS/MMM.html Cohen L . 2008a Boolean Searching on the Internet, Albany N Y Internet Tutorials. http://www.internettutorials.net/boolean.html 2008b Checklist of Internet Research Tips, Albany N Y Internet Tutorials. http://www.internettutorials.net/checklist.html 2008c Conducting Research on the Internet, Albany N Y Internet Tutorials. http://www.internettutorials.net/research.html 2008d Getting Started: Selecting a Tool for Your Search, Albany, N Y Internet Tutorials. http://www.internettutorials.net/started.html 2008e How to Choose a Search Engine or Directory, Albany, N Y Internet Tutorials. http://www.internettutorials.net/choose.html Coomber R. 1997 Using the Internet for Survey Research, "Sociological Research Online", 2(2), p. 0-0. http://www.socresonline.org.uk/socresonline/2/2/2.html http://yunus.hacettepe.edu.tr/~tonta/courses/fall99/kut241/coomber-article.htm Dublin Core Metadata Initiative ( D C M I ) 2003 History of the Dublin Core Metadata Initiative, Dublin, O H : D C M I . http://dublincore.org/about/history/ Google Inc. 2008 Google Web Search Help, Mountain View, C A : Google Inc. http://www.google.com/support/?ctx=web Gorman M . 1995 The Corruption of Cataloging, "Library Journal", 120(15), p. 32-34 Harris C. 2006 Welcome to the Internet Search FAQ How to Find Information, People, Data, Text, Pictures, Sounds and Almost Anything Else on the Net, London: Charles Harris. http://www.search-faq.com 159 �I Matthew Ciołek Harris R. 1997 Biases Affecting Information Processing, Tustin, C A : VirtualSalt. http://www.virtualsalt.com/infobias.htm 2000 Internet Search Tips and Strategies, Tustin, C A : VirtualSalt. http://www.virtualsalt.com/howlook.htm 2007 Evaluating Internet Research Sources, Tustin, C A : VirtualSalt. http://www.virtualsalt.com/evalu8it.htm 2008 World Wide Web Research Tools, Tustin, C A : VirtualSalt. http://www.virtualsalt.com/search.htm Jacobson T E . 2008 Evaluating Web Content, Albany N Y University Libraries, University at Albany, http://libraryalbanyedu/usered/eval/evalweb/ K i r k E.E. 1996 Evaluating Information Found on the Internet, Baltimore, M D : John Hopkins University, http://www.libraryyjhu.edu/researchhelp/general/evaluating/ Mannion S. 2008 Seeing Tibetan Art Through Social Tags, in Museums and the Web 2008-. Proceedings, Toronto: Archives & Museum Informatics, p. 0-0. http://www.archimuse.com/mw2008/papers/mannion/mannion.html Mississauga Librarians 2008 Research Using the Internet, Toronto: University of Toronto Mississauga Library http://www.utm.utoronto.ca/library/instruction/researchinternet.html Monash University Library 2004 Library Online Tutorials: Internet research with Qoogle Advanced Search, Melbourne: Monash University. http://www.lib.monash.edu.au/vl/google/googlcont.htm The National Academy of Sciences 2000 Organizing Intellectual Access to Digital Information: From Cataloging To Metadata, Washington, D C : The National Academies Press. http://www.nap.edu/html/lc21/ch5.html Netcraft L t d . 2008 Web Server Survey Archives - Netcraft, Bath: Netcraft L t d . http://news.netcraft.com/archives/web_server_surveyhtml NIASLINC n.d. Internet searching-. Find reliable information on the web, including full electronic texts using the Library Catalogue, Search Engines, Directories and Gateways etc., Copenhagen: N I A S Library & Information Centre. 160 �The Electronic Anthropologist http://www.niaslinc.dk/niaslinc/searchguide/searching_internet.asp Overture Services, Inc. 2007 Altavista Advanced Web Search, Sunnyvale, C A : Overture Services, Inc. http://www.altavista.com/web/adv Popper K.R. 1969 1972 Conjectures and refutations: the growth of scientific knowledge, London Objective knowledge: an evolutionary approach, O x f o r d Ravia F. 2000a Searching, combing, klebing, luring, hacking, Brussels: Web Searchlores. http://www.fravia.com/milano/milan3.htm 2000b Where else to look: usenet / local / regional, Brussels: Web Searchlores. http://www.fravia.com/milano/milan5.htm 2002a The yo-yo technique and a discussion about search engines depth, Brussels: Web Searchlores. http://www.fravia.com/yoyo1.htm 2002b The synecdochical searching method, Brussels: Web Searchlores. http://www.fravia.com/synecdoc.htm Evaluating results, Brussels: Web Searchlores. http://www.fravia.com/evaluate.htm 2004b Basic must know, Brussels: Web Searchlores. 2004a http://www.fravia.com/basimk.htm 2008a How to access and exploit the shallow deep web, Brussels: Web Searchlores. http://www.fravia.com/deepweb_searching.htm 2008b Short term searching-, tips, Brussels: Web Searchlores. 2008c 2008d http://www.fravia.com/tips.htm Long term searching-, rules and advice, Brussels: Web Searchlores. http://www.fravia.com/longtermsearching.htm Main search engines at searchlores, Brussels: Web Searchlores. http://www.fravia.com/main.htm Sebek R. 2007 Bibliography on evaluating web information, Blacksburg, VA: Virginia Tech U n i versity Libraries. http://www.lib.vt.edu/help/instruct/evaluate/evalbiblio.html Sheehan K.B., Grubbs H o y M . 1999 Using E-mail To Survey Internet Users In The United States-, Methodology And Assessment, "Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication", 4(3), p. 0-0. http://jcmc.indiana.edu/vol4/issue3/sheehan.html Smith A . 2008 Evaluation of information sources, Wellington: Victoria University of Wellington. 161 �I Matthew Ciołek http://www.vuw.ac.nz/staff/alastair_smith/evaln/evaln.htm Stewart S. 2003 Casting the net: using the internet for survey research, "British Journal of Midwifery", 11(9), p. 543-546 Zhang Y 2000 Using the Internet for survey research: A case study, "Journal of the American Society for Information Science", 51(1), p. 57-68 Zillman M . P 2008 Searching the Internet: A Primer, Coral Gables, FL: Virtual Private Library http://WhitePapers.VirtualPrivateLibraryynet/Searching the Internet.pdf 162 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/d44f0e575ed8c82c4c3d22258694286b.pdf dcf153f7be26eaa15b9f78575867d270 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:6649 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Subject The topic of the resource Sudan Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:6217 Title A name given to the resource Collectanea Sudanica vol.1 Description An account of the resource 264 s. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cisło, Waldemar (ed.) Różański, Jarosław (ed.) Ząbek, Maciej (ed.) Language A language of the resource pol, ang, franc Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Institute of the Dialogue of Culture and Religion UKSW Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Centre Baba-Simon a Figuil (Camerun) Type The nature or genre of the resource książka Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Collectanea Sudanica vol. 1 Edited by Waldemar Cisło Jarosław Różański Maciej Ząbek �Collectanea Sudanica ��Collectanea Sudanica vol. 1 Edited by Waldemar Cisło, Jarosław Różański and Maciej Ząbek Centre Baba-Simon à Figuil (Cameroun) Institute of the Dialogue of Culture and Religion Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University in Warsaw Figuil – Warsaw 2017 �Reviewers: Prof. Hayder Ibrahim Ali Prof. Sayyid Hamid Hurreiz © Copyright by Jarosław Różański Wydawnictwo „Bernardinum” Sp. z o.o. ul. Biskupa Dominika 11, 83-130 Pelplin tel. +48 58 536 17 57, fax +48 58 536 17 26 bernardinum@bernardinum.com.pl www.bernardinum.com.pl ISBN 978-83-8127-003-8 Skład, druk i oprawa Drukarnia Wydawnictwa „Bernardinum” Sp. z o.o., Pelplin �Table of Contents Introduction....................................................................... 7 KAROL PIASECKI Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan Zone population............................................. 9 RYSZARD VORBRICH Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws Environmental and political pressures on the Daba of northern Cameroon....................................31 KATARZYNA MEISSNER Les objectifs non cachées – les objectifs cachées. L’incompatibilité des scénarios sur le champ local de la collaboration de développement................................51 KONRAD CZERNICHOWSKI Reasons of the conflict in the Central African Republic (2012-2014)..................................................................... 69 ALI ELMIRGHANI AHMED Ethnic and linguistic diversity in the Sudan....................... 89 MACIEJ ZĄBEK Historical importance of Arab Muslim communities in the Central Sudan Zone................................................101 �PIOTR MALIŃSKI Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector............................................................. 123 KATARZYNA GRABSKA, PETER MILLER The South Sudan House in Amarat: South Sudanese enclaves in Khartoum.............................151 KATARZYNA GRABSKA Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises; masculinités militarisées et hommes devenus femmes: les guerres au Sud Soudan...................187 TIZAZU AYALEW TEKA, DAWIT GETU KEBEDE Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration Outflow from Bale, Southeastern Ethiopia......................................................217 �INTRODUCTION Among the most often used criteria for merging two or more groups of people into one culture are anthropometrical characteristics, geographical territory, common history, language, religion and social organization including an economic system and authority structure. On the basis of these criteria can be distinguished the macroregion of the Sudan, separating, to put it simply, the sands and rocks of the Sahara from the forested region of Africa. Collectanea Sudanica, vol. 1. is the beginning of a new interdisciplinary publication series which takes as its theme the Sudan region (bilād as-Sūdān – ‫ – بالد السودان‬the Lands of the Blacks1), including the territories of the two Sudan republics (Republic of the Sudan and Republic of South Sudan). Certainly this research area allows for discussion. It is howe­ver necessary to emphasize that in Black Africa all efforts at situating, uniting, and classifying individual cultures and their greater circles come up against numerous difficulties, among which the most basic seems to be a poor knowledge of many tribes or ethnic groups. All classifications and distinctions appear here as debatable and only agreed upon as a last resort. The name bilād as-Sūdān originates from medieval Arab geographers who gave this name to terrain inhabited by dark-skinned peoples south of the Sahara. Here follows a list of Arab geographers in chronological order: al-Jaqubi (891), al-Masudi (956), Ibn Hawqal (977), al-Bakri (1094), Idrisi (1166), Ibn Said (1274), Ibn Battuta (1377), Ibn Chaldun (1406), Maqrizi (1442) i Leo Africanus (1526). 1 �8 Introduction The inhabitants of the Sudan merge with, and at the same time are distinguished from, the neighboring tribes and cultures. Their living environment continues to be chiefly the savannah region, along with its vegetation acclimated to the climate and soil, as well as the widespread raising of livestock. History also binds these peoples, but their main ties come from trade and mutual combat. As noted above, this publication series has an interdisciplinary character. Its intent is to unite geographers, archeologists, ethno­ logists, linguists, cultural studies experts, political scientists, eco­ nomists, sociologists, and all others who are involved in research for this region of Africa. The texts featured will not as a rule have a unified theme. Neither do they come from one research center, but are open to other research communities. Individual volumes are meant to present a broad spectrum of the region. The texts are published in English or in French. Thanks to this broad formula authors will be able to continually bring “something new” to the process of getting to know the region and its culture. �KAROL PIASECKI CHANGES IN THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF THE SUDAN ZONE POPULATION1 Sudan in Arabic means “Land of the Black”. From the anthropological point of view, however, Sudan – as a geographic and cultural zone – is a transitional area between Black and White Africa. To consider Sudan as a geographical zone one ought to include in our considerations the Sahel adjoining it in the north, the entire Sahara, and the southern edge or the equatorial forest border zone. Only in this way our considerations will make sense. The western edge of the area of our interest is the Atlantic Ocean and the Canary Islands that have always been connected with Africa. The eastern border of the area of our interest is the Red Sea, which in anthropological perspective means the Arabian Peninsula lying beyond it, as this narrow inner sea has always been a border easy to cross. We will primarily be interested in the anthropological structure changes that have taken place over the last few millennia. ObviKarol Piasecki – University of Szczecin (Poland), Humanities Faculty, Chair of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology This paper is a slightly revised version of the text published in Bilad as-Sudan, vol. 3, Legacy of past (Dziedzictwo przeszłości). 1 �10 Karol Piasecki ously, we will have to refer to even more remote periods of time, as far as possible. The higher time limitation will be the beginning of the colonial era, that is essentially the onset of the modern era. We will of course utilize many later (sometimes just contemporary) materials that help to throw some light on the past. To investigate the changes in the Sudanese population we must begin with getting acquainted with its contemporary anthropological structure. Its complete discussion became possible with the development of anthropogeography, an extremely important field for anthropology, without which any un understanding of humanity’s history would be impossible. The rapid development of this branch of anthropology was interrupted in the middle of the 20th century by the Second World War, following which anthropogeography came to be regarded as an attempt at a racist description of humanity. The fundamental assumption of anthropogeography is the extension of zoological zoogeography onto the sub-species level with reference to genus Homo. There are many attempts at presenting the anthropological structure of Africa, and Sudan in particular, of which we will discuss the works by von Eicksted and Renato Biasutti2. The differences between them amount to the number of units distinguished, but their general areas are essentially similar (Plates 1 and 2). We shall concentrate on Biasutti’s approach3 as seen in Plate 1, supplementing it with references to Eichstedt4. For broader treatment see the papers in vol. 3 of Bilad as-Sudan and the same author. The theses presented there are in broad agreement with this author’s views. Unfortunately the above-mentioned sources do not have anthropological structure maps and use a different methodology, which makes then of little use to us. 3 R. Biasutti, Le razze i popoli della Terra, t. 3, Africa, Torino, 1959. 4 W. Hirschberg, Völkerkunde Africas, Mannheim, 1965. 2 �Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan… 11 Plate 1. Distribution of contemporary African races (by R. Biasutti, Le razze e i popoli della Terra, t. 3, Africa, Torino, 1959, p. 95, changed): p – Pygmies, l –Libyans, (m+b) – rasa Mediterraneans with Berberoids, nr – Nordics, b – Brachycephals (Armenoids), su – Sudanese, nl – Nilots, sl – Silvids, e – Ethiopids, sh – Saharids. The geographic races division of the contemporary world according to Biasutti is given in terms suggested by Andrzej Wierciński in the second edition of the Polish Little Anthropological Dictionary5. Biasutti’s analysis involves several levels. The highest one is the circles of forms corresponding to subspecies in terms of zoological taxonomy, then we have racial stems corresponding to great races of other approaches, subdivided into races and sub-races. One should remember that the criteria which distinguish these units are essentially the physical build characteristics with no cultural or historical references. A. Wierciński, entry „rasa geograficzna” (geographical race) [in:] Mały Słownik Antropologiczny (ed. 2), Warszawa, 1976, pp. 370-377. 5 �12 Karol Piasecki Plate 2. Distribution of African races before European conquest by Eickstedta (from W. Hirschberg, Völkerkunde Afrikas, Mannheim,1965, s. 16, changed). In Sudan and its adjacent areas in the north and south we are dealing with three circles of geographic forms. The first one is the Equatorial Forms Circle including the Negroid Racial Stem (a branch of the Pygmy with the Babinga and Bambuti races, and a branch of the Negroid with the Sudanese, Nilotic and Forest races). The second one is the Boreal Forms Circle with the Europoid Race Stem (here we have the Europid branch with the following races: Mediterranean (including the Berber sub-race), Oriental (Libian sub-race, and Nordic). The last two races belonging to the Subequatorial Derivative Forms Circle (Ethiopid branch) and the Ethiopian and the Saharan races. According to Biasutti’s map the north of Sudan is populated by the Libyan, Saharan, and Ethiopian races, with the Sudanese race in the south. The Libyan race appears in its western part, the Saharan race in the centre, and the Ethiopian race in the east. From north Sahara we can see the influences of the Mediterranean, Berber, and Nordic races, and the brachocephalic, under which �Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan… 13 term we should understand the Armenoids that are not distinguished by Biasutti as a separate race. To make these units clear let us present their brief characteristics (according to Biasutti6). And so7: – The Pygmies are characterized by dwarfish body height (pigmoidal), slightly lower with the Bambuti (up to 143 cm) than with the Babinga (1488 cm), reddish-brown skin, stocky body build, very clear prognatism9, narrow and noneverted lips, very broad nose (broader with the Bambuti) with bulbous ending, and mesocephalic skull with brachiocephalic tendency. The eyes are black. The hair is curled in separate curls (this type of hair is sometimes called “fil-fil”, the Arabic name for pepper, as in African markets pepper is sold “by heaps”). – The Libyans are characterized by swarthy skin, dark brown eyes, dark brown or black hair, medium height (165 cm), long skull, and narrow, protruding nose. – The Mediterraneans are of lower height (up to 162 cm), lighter skin of matte white or swarthy, large dark brown eyes, dark brown hair, mesocephalic10 skull, and very narrow, protruding nose. Not all of these agree with the units employed by the Polish Anthropological School. 7 The inconsistency in names between the text and the maps comes from the fact that the map shows an older version of Biasutti’s division, not fully formalized. 8 Here and onwards „height” refers to men. Women’s height is usually ca. 10 cms lower. 9 Prognatism means the protrusion of alveolar (dental) part of the face towards the front. The face straight in the profile and not protruding is called orthognatic. Mesognatism is the intermediate form. 10 The relationship of the width of neurocranium to its length is one of the most important anthropological indices. In this context we distinguish long skulls (width clearly smaller than length) named dolichocephalic, shorter ones 6 �14 Karol Piasecki – The Berberoids have darker skin, clearly broader nose, long head and mesognathic face with thick, slightly everted lips. Their hair is brown or black, frequently curly. – The Sudanese11 are characterized by prolonged head, blackbrown skin, evident prognatism, strongly everted, broad lips, flat broad nose, tall body height (175 cms), and athletic or leptosomic body build. – The Nilotes are taller than all the others (182 cms), have extremely dark-black skin and also extremely leptosomic body build with clearly elongated limbs and long, small head. Their noses are a bit narrower than previous races. – The Silvids are of medium height (165 cms), dark brown skin, medium head and extremely broad nose. – The Ethiopids have clearly dark skin, woolly or curly hair, medium height (168 cms), long skull, large almond-shape eyes, protruding straight and narrow nose with a high base, and orthognatic or mesognathic face. – The Saharids have broader faces than the previous group and broader nose with deep base. – The Nordics appearing in the Maghreb north represent the Boreal Forms Circle (Europoid). They have light skin, eyes and hair, are rather tall (173 cms), have long heads, and narrow, strongly protruding noses of high base. – Biasutti’s brachiocephals are of course the white Armenoids characterized by varying height (medium to tall), very short head, light milky skin, dark eyes and chestnut hair. Their noses are long, narrow, strongly protruding, straight or crooked. (width and length practically same) named brachycephalic, and the mesocephalic being in-between the two main types. 11 Of course this designation has no state or national character here. �Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan… 15 The map given by von Eickstedt is clearly more detailed (Plate 2). The author does not distinguish separate Saharans among the Ethiopoids, thus giving the impression that the entire Sudan zone is dominated by the arrivals from Ethiopia. He is much more precise when dealing with the various units within the Europoids (the white Variety), clearly distinguishing the Berberoids from the Mediterraneans and Orientaloids. Unfortunately, he includes both the brachycephalic (that according to the Polish Anthropological School12 and armenoid element derivatives) as well as the derivatives of the dolichocephalic oriental element under the Orientaloid group, which is an obvious misunderstanding. We can see here the dilemma of the geographic approach. As one descends lower and lower in the classifications, the unity thus distinguished begin to lose its broader sense, lacking the discri­ minative values13 for generalization. This problem is solved only by individual typology that makes use of domination structures that allow determining the geographic ranges of anthropological formation14. 12 The characteristic of the anthropological elements counted as white vary according to the Polish Anthropological School following the I. Michalski and T. Henzel’s systems – in the part that concerns Nubia, and in practice, the entire Eastern Sudan, is presented in two papers in Polish by the author (Struktura antropologiczna Nubii i Pustyni Nubijskiej, [in:] Wokół IV Katarakty. Społeczności wiejskie nad środkowym Nilem przed wielką zmianą, Maciej Ząbek, ed., Warszawa, 2005, pp. 33-44, and Struktura antropologiczna dawnej Nubii, [in:] Sudan. Bogactwo kultur i wewnętrzne napięcia, Waldemar Cisły, Jarosław Różański and Maciej Ząbek, eds., Warszawa, 2012, pp. 83-94). The readers are referred to those papers for further details. 13 Of course we mean the discrimination in mathematical (taxonomic) meaning, not cultural-political. 14 Compare: I. Michalski, Struktura antropologiczna Polski w świetle Wojskowego Zdjęcia Antropologicznego, Łódź, 1949, and this same author: Remarks about the anthropological structure of Egypt, [in:] Publications of the Joint �16 Karol Piasecki The Berber substratum in North Africa is considerably old. Andrzej Wierciński connects it with the age of predynastic migrations15 when the Berberoid reached Africa and India from West Asia. Discussing it in the terms of so-called Hamitic Hypothesis16 it would be the first, the oldest hamitising wave. In their westward migration the Berbers have finally reached the Canary Islands17 and the Iberian Peninsula18. All throughout North Africa, including the western Sahara, the anthropological Berber element and the Berber language strata are clearly connected. However, one should be careful when approaching the unity of anthropological, language, and culture structures. This also concerns the Berbers in the Canary Islands, where they have imposed their languages upon the earlier, cromanionoids-mediterranean anthropological substratum19. The subsequent migrations of the black populations to the islands did not change its language structure. Arabic-Polish Anthropological Expedition 1958/1959, Warszawa-Poznań-Cairo, 1964, pp. 201-237. 15 A. Wierciński, Introductory remarks concerning the anthropology of Ancient Egypt, “Bulletin de la Societé d’Égypte”, t. 32, 1958, pp. 73-84, and this same author: Analiza struktury rasowej Egiptu w epoce przeddynastycznej, “Materiały i Prace Antropologiczne”, 56, 1963, pp. 5-80. 16 Compare: K. Jaworska, Charakterystyka antropologiczna niektórych szczepów dorzecza Ubangi, “Acta Anthropologica Lodziendzia”, 8, 1962, and K. Piasecki, Structura… 2005. 17 Compare: I. Schwidetzky, Die vorspanische Bevölkerung der Kanarischen Insel, “Homo”, Beihaft 1, 1963, and this same author: Die vorspanische und die heutige Bevölkerung der Kanarischen Inseln. Kontinuität und Diskontinuität von Bevölkerungsstrukturen, “Homo”, 22, pp. 226-252. 18 The connection between Iberia and Berberia is obvious and has frequently been pointed out in antiquity sources, particularly in the context of there having been another Iberia – the Caucasian one – besides the Transpyrenean Iberia. 19 See: H. Vallois, Les hommes de Cro-Magnon et les “Guanches”, “Anuario de Estudios Atlanticos, 1969, pp. 24-31 and I. Schwidetzky, Investigaciones antropologicas en las Islas Canarias. Estudio comparative entre las población actual y prehistorica, Sta Cruz de Tenerife, 1975. �Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan… 17 The cromanionoid (also the paleoeuropean element) is one of two light-pigmented elements of the white race. These are its characteristics: tall, strong body build, large long head, short broad face, and relatively broad, straight, strongly protruding nose. The eyes are small, deep-seated, light blue, light blond hair (often red), very light pinkish skin. It appeared ca. 40 thousand years ago (some authors claim it was as long as 60 thousand years ago) in Europe where it has survived until today, chiefly in the northern part of the continent. The cromanionoids component was presented in the anthropological structure of North Africa among the epipaleolithic population of the Caspian culture20. This culture survived in the Maghreb until the Neolithic. We do not know when exactly did the cromanionoids appeared in the Canary Islands. There is some ground to connect them with the megalithic cultures not only in the Canary Island but also all over the Sahara up to the Egyptian Western Desert. It is there, at the Nabta Plaja site, stone megalithic constructions were found, and where Gottfried Kurth claims the paleoeuropoids, that is cromanionoids and negroids21, were present already in the paleolithic and mesolithic. Zygmunt Krzak claims that it was Sahara that was the homeland of megalithic cultures. This can by supported not only by the dating of local megalithic objects (the oldest calibration date is almost six thousand years BC) and the common appearance of the megaliths in See: R.-P. Charles, Recherches sur l’unite de la structure de l’Africe Méditerranéenne, “Bulletin de la Sociéte de Géographie d’Égypte”, vol. 36, 1964, pp. 41-86. 21 See: G. Kurth, Zur Rassengeschichte von Mittel- und Ostafrica, [in:] Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Africa I: Nord- und Mittelafrica, Műnchen-Wien, 1975, pp. 171-183. 20 �18 Karol Piasecki the Sahara, but also by the survival of the tradition of building stone circles in southern Sudan22. The Nordic element, marked in Biasutti’s map in the Maghreb mountains and Tunis all but left out by von Eichsted, is an important component of the West Berber racial structure. In the earlier times it surely reached much farther east, if the Libyan mercenaries in Ptolomeid services were described as tall, blue-eyed blonds. Detailed anthropological survey of the Rif Mountains showed the extremely high percentage of blue-eyed blonds among some tribes of the local Berbers23. It is true that Carleton Coon does not describe them as Nordic, but he finds no difference between them and the dwellers of Northern Europe24. Both the light-pigmented racial components, and doubtlessly the cromanionoid, are most probably connected with the Garamantes who controlled the huge areas of Sahara from the earliest times until the age of Islamic expansion. We can also find the stories about tall, blue-eyed blonds25 See: Krzak Z., Megality świata, Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków, 2001. See: C. S. Coon, Tribes of the Rif, Cambridge, 1931. 24 Nothing suggests connecting the Nordics of the Rif Mountains with the German migrations to North Africa in the 5th century OE, or with the Slavic slaves of whom there were plenty in the area in the early Muslim epoch. The local tradition, which is extremely long-lasting as far as family coligations are concerned, is silent on the subject. Coon does not suggest this hypothesis, either. 25 The chariots that appear rather frequently in the early Saharan rock art indicate an invasion of peoples from the east, from the steppes of Asia. It must have been much earlier than the possible raids in the West carried out by the Hyxos after conquering Egypt. The participation of the Nordic in them cannot be excluded. The Hyxos political and cultural influences in the sub-Saharan area are of no doubt(D. Lange, Abwanderung der assyrichen tamkaru nach Nubien, Darfur und ins Tschadseegebiet, [in:] Europejczycy, Afrykanie, Inni; Bronisław Nowak, Mirosław Nagielski and Jerzy Pysiak, eds., Warszawa, 2011, pp. 199-226) but all the iconographic sources present the Hyxos as dark-haired (in terms of the Polish School of Anthropology, an oriental or even armenoidal element). The Garamanta-Hyxos connection requires further study. 22 23 �Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan… 19 among the Garamantes. The Tuareg of today, though, owe the blue carnation of their skins to the clothing dyed with indigo, and they are not Nordic. The orientalids in Eickstedt’s map partially cover the are marked by Biasutti as mediterraneans and berberids. Identifying the north Saharan orientalid belt as a relative accumulation of the Arab tribes who marched West under the banner of the Prophet26 is relatively easy. However, numerous mediterranean enclaves are most probably of much earlier origin. Another point that needs explanation is the origin of Kordofan in connection with the Arab tribes of the area27. It seems that the berberoid presence in Transaharan and Saharan structure was underestimated. On the other hand, Eickstedt has clearly overestimated its role in the population substratum of the whole of North Africa. We must also remember the depopulation of the locals due to slave trade which has significantly lowered the role of anthropological substratum in favour of the invaders. The rich tribes of Arab nomads have significantly grew in numbers in the meantime, chiefly at the expense of local populations, and changed their anthropological structure to a degree. Of course, if it were possible to substitute the geographic races system and mapping of the anthropological formations in terms of PSA (Polish Anthropological School), the map of the anthropological structure of Sudan and the areas adjoining it would be much cleared. Unfortunately, as far as the typological data is concerned, we have too little of measurement data that covers Egypt, a part of East Africa, the northern and eastern edges of the Con26 Of course the Arabs appear in North Africa and the Sudan zone much earlier, but this was speeded up by islamization. 27 Compare: A. N.-D. Lebeuf, Les populations du Tchad (Nord du 10e), Paris, 1959. �20 Karol Piasecki go Forest, and some prehistoric series28 scattered in space and time. All this, however – if we make a critical use of the works by Biasutti, Eckstedt, and other authors – allows us to construct preliminary hypotheses concerning the changes of anthropological structures. The oldest early Holocene stage that we can connect with the Mesolithic age gives us a few bone findings, and some additional information in engravings and rock art. Paradoxically, what is most valuable here is the south European findings. The doubtlessly negroidal (bushmenoidal)29 skeletons from epipaleolithic sites of Monte Circeo and Grimaldi Cave (in Italy) clearly demonstrate that the given racial element in mesolith must have covered the western shores of the Mediterranean Sea30, the entire Sahara and Sudan. The available skeleton evidence and rock art prove that the population of Sudan in mesolith consisted not only of cromanionoids and mediterranoids31, but of bushmenoids32, as The remaining material was either investigated using a different technique than the classical Martin method (R. Martin, K. Saller, Lerhbuch der Anthropologie in systematischer Darstellung, Stuttgard, 1957), or has been described in terms of medium values, or is still awaiting interpretation. 29 An abridged description of the bushmenoid (negroidal) element according to Michalski and Henzel (T. Henzel, I. Michalski, Podstawy klasyfikacji człowieka w ujęciu Tadeusza Henzla i Ireneusza Michalskiego, “Przegląd Antropologiczny”, t. 21, 2, 1955, pp. 537-662) goes as follows: very low height (up to 159 cms), light yellow-brownish skin, black hair (of the fil-fil type), dark eyes. The head small and very long, flattened face showing the influence of yellow variety, similarly with the eyelid form. Nose flat and very broad. Frequent steatopygia (deposits of fat in the buttocks of both sexes and in women’s breasts). 30 Also the European. 31 See: D. Ferembach, Historie raciale du Sahara (au Nord du Tropique du Cancer), [in:] Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Afrika I: Nord- und Mittelafrika, Műnchen-Wien, 1975, pp. 185-232. 32 See: E. Strouhal, Rassengeschichte Ägyptens, [in:] Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Afrika I: Nord- und Mittelafrika, Műnchen-Wien, 1975, pp. 9-89. 28 �Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan… 21 well. This is further demonstrated by numerous images of people in both Saharan and Iberian rock art33. The gradual changes of climate and desertification of today’s Sahara created better conditions for the black type of population, gradually eliminating the white population or pushing it further north. This was paralleled by the extinction of the cromanionoidal element whose size even in northern Europe has declined to just a few percent. The effect of these changes was that right from the beginning of neolith there existed in Sub-Saharan Africa a compact block of the black type of population, which was internally differentiated due to the presence inside it of two evolutionally distinct groups: the older one (pygmoids, negroids and australoids) and the modern formation created by the equatorial and nigrid (sudanese)34 element. The anthropological structure of the Sudan zone, originally of mixed character, has moved towards an increased role of the black element. It was at that time, most probably, that the equatorial element in western Sudan and the Sudanese in Eastern Sudan came to dominate over the elements of the older strata. The gradual expansion of the population of that strata towards the south eventually pushed the bushmenoids and pygmoids southward. The increasing role of cattle breeding led to the exSee: R. Biasutti, A. Micheli, La prehistoria Africana, [in:] Le raze e I popoli della Terra, t. 3, Afrika, Torino, 1959, pp. 3-71. 34 Since these racial elements have not yet been described we present their brief characteristics. Sudan element (or Nigric) according to the typological system by Michalski (T. Henzel, I. Michalski, Podstawy… 1955) ) is the most-pigmented one of all humankind. The skin is black, black eyes, grey woolly hair. Very tall (182 cms), very slim body build and characteristic very flat broad nose with deep base. This element is best adjusted to high temperatures and equatorial climate. The equatorial element according to K. Jaworska is tall, skin not so dark, mesocephalic skull, very broad nose in profile (from concaved to convected). The australoid, then, is mixed white-black element medium tall to tall, tendency to leptosome, dark brown skin, thick hair, very long skull, long face with very broad nose. The entire head build is very archaic. 33 �22 Karol Piasecki tinction of the bushmenoids. The pygmoids, as a group connected with the forest environment, have never been particularly numerous in the savannah zone. A subsequent stage of the change of Sudan’s anthropological structure was the increasing expansion of the white element reaching Sudan from east and north, the so-called hamitization35, even though we still see the dominance of the black variety36. Hamitization is the process of superimposing the white population37 onto the black variety substratum. The usual effects of it are the individuals of “europeidal” features typical for the white variety, but dark-pigmented (as in the black variety) and with strongly curled hair. With women, we see more distinct tendency to the black variety features. As both black and white varieties are internally varied the result of crossing them may give even more morphological differentiation, hence the extreme variety of the forms observed. Even the most general observations show that the degree of mestization (mixing) increased clearly towards the south of Nubia (that is up the Nile). Of course, the recent years have obscured the ancient relations due to the arrival of large 35 In older literature and in some other languages and authors we find the spelling with h/kh, which seems not correct thanks to the possibility of confusion with the silent “h”. 36 See: M. – C. Chamla, Les populations anciennes du sahara et regions limothropes, Étude des restos osseux humanes néolithiques et protohistoriques, “Mém. De Centre Rech. Anthrop. Préhist. Ethnograph”, 9, 1968, Paris. 37 Here one should stress the difference between linguistic phenomena and the anthropological changes of biological character. The Kushites – culturally and historically Hamitic – use the kushitic languages that are related to the Semitic ones and do not have to be connected with the Hamites in biological terms, that is with the population that resulted from depositing layers of white variety immigrants upon the black-variety substratum. The best proof that the two can intermingle is the fact that most of today’s, hamitized population of Sudan speaks Arabic, a Semitic language! �Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan… 23 numbers of refugees from the south, particularly in the cities and larger villages. Thus far, researchers in hamitization38 show that there were a few (at least 3) migration waves clearly separated in time. The oldest one, dated for III millennium BC39 at the earliest, was connected with the berberoid element, and in its east-west movement it followed the shores of North Africa to the shores of the Atlantic Ocean. It is doubtlessly connected with the earliest spread of the Berber languages, and it is possible that it was preceded by the people who gave the beginning to Chad languages40. It may be connected with the introduction of cattle breeding, but it seems or likely to be connected to the megalithic peoples’ migrations and the early stages of goat and sheep breeding. The second wave of hamitization was dominated by the Mediterranean element that is generally regarded to the main component of the earliest agricultural peoples (also in Europe). The oriental element appeared with third wave. This type, representFor Polish works on the subject see: I. Michalski, Remarks…, K. Jaworska, Charakterystyka…, A. Wierciński, Analiza…. 39 It is not impossible that we could talk here about the turn of IV/III millennia BC. 40 These languages appear primarily in central Sudan. According to Biasutti this area was peopled by the Sudanese population, and according to Eickstedt, the Saharan one. The connection of those languages with the Lappish (Saami) languages that has been proved beyond doubt by Maloletko (A. M. Maloletko, Drevnie narody Sibiri. Etničeskij sostav po dannym toponimii, t.1, Predystorija čeloveka i jazyka. Uralcy, Tomsk, 1999) makes one wonder about the early holocene relations between the white and black varieties, all the more so since the genetic Lappish-Berber connections have also been demonstrated (A. Achilli et all., Saami and Berbers – an unexpected mitochondrial DNA link, “American Journal of Human Genetics”, 76, 2005, pp. 883-886). In any case the Chadic languages must have appeared in Africa much earlier than the Hamitic ones (the Berber languages belong to the semito-hamitic family which together Chadic constitutes the Afrasiatic languages). 38 �24 Karol Piasecki ed by the Arab tribes specializing in camel and horse breeding, reached Africa either directly across the Red Sea or by going round from the north41. The last phase42 of hamitization is connected with the beginnings of the bronze age and civilization influences, and it brings into view the armenoidal element, the one that is most scarce in Sudan, concentrating in the cities. One should not forget that the entire process was a very complex one, differing in time, and no wave of migrations was homogenous or short-lived. There were also secondary movements, reverse movement, etc. The chronology of various phases is only approximate, so it is easier to ascribe it to historical periods than to try finding individual dates for them. The hamitization gradient that is easy to observe and clearly pointing southwards, manifested in the increasingly large presence of the black variety (Plate 3), finds its confirmation in the Lower Nile valley43. The Arabic tribes penetrated into Africa already in the first millenium BC, but their most intensive expansion is connected with the spread of Islam (Y. Fadl Hasan, The Arabs of the Sudan, Khartoum, 1973). Islamization of Nubia and the entire eastern Sudan was relatively the latest one thanks to the resistance of the local Christian states, so the “Arabization” of the Nile Valley in terms of the anthropological structure change is clearly weak. It really ends in the 19th century, when we see the last cases of the entire Arabian tribes resettling across the Red Sea. 42 Of course one could also talk about the „post-hamitic” Europeanization of the anthropological structure, particularly in Eastern Sudan, where in the 19th century we see the Turkish (and even Hungarian!) influences connected with the presence of Ottoman troops (E. Strouhal, Rassengeschichte…). The West European influences in their former African colonies are just as numerous. 43 See: A. Wierciński, Analiza… , I. Michalski, Remarks… , K. Piasecki, Christianization and changes in Nubia’s anthropological structure, [in:] Between the Cataracts, „Polish Archeology in the Mediterranean, Supplement Series, vol. 2, fasc. 2, 2010, pp. 625-632. 41 �Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan… 25 Plate 3. Hamitization of modern Africa (by K. Piasecki, Christianization and changes in Nubia’s anthropological structure, [in:] Between the Cataracts, „Polish Archeology in the Mediterranean”, Supplement Series, volume 2, fasc.2, 2010, p. 626). Lines 25% i 50% show participation of white variety elements in anthropological structure. The points signified the localization of investigated series. b –berberoid, e – mediterranoid, h – armenoid, k – orientalid, y – cromanionoid. Conclusions: The Holocene history of the changes of the anthropological structure of the Sudan population has not been fully explained so far, particularly in its earliest stages. The data accumulated so far allows the following conclusions to drawn: 1. The epipaleolithic and Mesolithic population of Sudan was constituted by the archaic elements of the white variety: cro- �26 Karol Piasecki manionoid and mediterranoid elements, and the archaic elements of the black variety, i.e. negroid (bushmenoid) and pygmoid. Also, the presence of australoid as admixture (particularly in the east)44 cannot be excluded, as it has appeared there in latter times, 2. The expansion of the younger elements of the black variety (equatorial and Sudanese) that came with the climate changes pushed the archaic elements into refugial areas and largely limited their number, 3. Neolithisation of Sudan is connected with succeeding Hamitization waves which are responsible for the varietal black-white mix that is typical for the anthropological characteristics of the area (in the sense of variety), 4. For particularising and verifying the above model more studies of the contemporary population and archaeological evidence are needed. 44 This element probably came to be in upper paleolith in near Asia with the superimposition of the residual, morphologically white Neanderthals onto the black variety (the Sudanese and equatorial elements). This element has subsequently migrated from there to south Asia and Austronesia. �Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan… 27 Bibliography Achilli A. et all., Saami and Berbers – an unexpected mitochondrial DNA link, „American Journal of Human Genetics” 76 (2005), pp. 883-886. Biasutti R., Le razze e i popoli della Terra, t. 3, Africa, Torino 1959. Biasutti R., Micheli A., La preistoria africana, in: Le razze e i popoli della Terra, t. 3, Africa, Torino 1959, pp. 3-71. Chamla M.-C., Les populations anciennes du Sahara et des régiones limithrophes, Étude des restos osseux humaines néolithiques et protohistoriques, „Mém. de Centre Rech. anthrop. préhist. ethnograph” 9 (1968). Charles R.-P., Recherches sur l’unite de structure de l’Afrique Méditerranéenne, „Bulletin de la Sociéte de Géographie d’Égypte” (1964), v. 36, pp. 41-86. Coon C. S., Tribes of the Rif, Cambridge, 1931. Fadl Hasan Y., The Arabs of the Sudan, Khartoum 1973. Ferembach D., Histoire raciale de l’Afrique du Nord, in: Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Afrika I: Nord- und Mittelafrika, Műnchen-Wien 1975, pp. 90-141 Ferembach D., Histoire raciale du Sahara septentrional (au Nord du Tropique du Cancer), in: Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Afrika I: Nord- und Mittelafrika, Műnchen-Wien 1975, pp. 142-170 Henzel T., Michalski I., Podstawy klasyfikacji człowieka w ujęciu Tadeusza Henzla i Ireneusza Michalskiego, „Przegląd Antropologiczny” (1955), t. 21, 2, pp. 537-662. Hiernaux J., Afrique moyenne, in: Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Afrika I: Nord- und Mittelafrika, Műnchen-Wien, 1975, pp. 185-232. Hirschberg W., Völkerkunde Afrikas, Mannheim 1965. Jaworska K., Charakterystyka antropologiczna niektórych szczepów dorzecza Ubangi, „Acta Anthropologica Lodziendzia” 8 (1962). Krzak Z., Megality świata, Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków 2001. �28 Karol Piasecki Kurth G., Zur Rassengeschichte von Mittel- und Ostafrica, in: Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Afrika I: Nord- und Mittelafrika, Műnchen-Wien 1975, pp. 171-183. Lange D., Abwanderung der assyrichen tamkāru nach Nubien, Darfur und ins Tschadseegebiet, in: Europejczycy, Afrykanie, Inni, Bronisław Nowak, Mirosław Nagielski and Jerzy Pysiak (eds.), Warszawa 2011, pp. 199-226. Lebeuf A. N.-D., Les populations du Tchad (Nord du 10e parallèle), Paris 1959. Maloletko A. M., Dawne narody Syberii. Etničeskij sostav po dannym toponimii, t. 1, Predystorija čeloveka i jazyka. Uralcy, Tomsk 1999. Martin R., Saller K., Lerhbuch der Anthropologie in systematischer Darstellung, Stuttgard 1957. Michalski I., Struktura antropologiczna Polski w świetle Wojskowego Zdjęcia Antropologicznego, Łódź 1949. Michalski I., Remarks about the anthropological structure of Egypt, in: Publications of the Joint Arabic-Polish Anthropological Expedition 1958/1959, Warszawa-Poznań-Cairo 1964, pp. 201-237. Piasecki K., Struktura antropologiczna Nubii i Pustyni Nubijskiej, in: M. Ząbek, ed., Wokół IV Katarakty. Społeczności wiejskie nad środkowym Nilem przed wielką zmianą, Warszawa 2005, pp. 33-44. Piasecki K., Christianization and changes in Nubia’s anthropological structure, in: Between the Cataracts, „Polish Archeology in the Medite­ rranean”, Supplement Series (2010), volume 2, fasc. 2, pp. 625632 Piasecki K., Struktura antropologiczna dawnej Nubii, in: Waldemar Cisło, Jarosław Różański i Maciej Ząbek (eds.), Sudan. Bogactwo kultur i wewnętrzne napięcia, Warszawa, 2012, pp. 83-94. Posnansky M., East Africa and the Nile Valley in Early Times, in: Yūsuf Fadl Hasan (ed.), Sudan in Africa, Khartoum 1971, pp. 51-71. Schwidetzky I., Investigaciones antropologicas en las Islas Canarias. Estudio comparativo entre las población actual y prehistorica, Sta Cruz de Tenerife 1975. Schwidetzky I., Die vorspanische Bevölkerung der Kanarischen Insel, “Homo” (1963) Beihaft 1. �Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan… 29 Schwidetzky I., Die vorspanische und die heutige Bevölkerung der Kanarischen Inseln. Kontinuität und Diskontinuität von Bevölkerungsstrukturen, “Homo” 22 (1971), pp. 226-252. Strouhal E., Rassengeschichte Ägyptens, in: Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Afrika I: Nord- und Mittelafrika, MűnchenWien 1975, pp. 9-89. Vallois H., Les hommes de Cro-Magnon et les „Guanches”, „Anuario de Estudios Atlanticos” (1969), pp. 24-31. Wierciński A., Introductory remarks concerning the anthropology of Ancient Egypt, „Bulletin de la Societé d’Égypte” t. 31(1958), pp. 73-84. Wierciński A., Analiza struktury rasowej ludności Egiptu w epoce przeddynastycznej, „Materiały i Prace Antropologiczne”, 56 (1963), pp. 5-80 Wierciński A., entry: rasa geograficzna, [in:] Mały Słownik Antropologiczny (ed. 2), Warszawa, 1976, pp. 370-377. A. Wierciński, Kontrowersje wokół Polskiej Szkoły Antropologicznej, in: Teoria i empiria w Polskiej Szkole Antropologicznej, „Seria Antropologia” 11 (1985). (translated by Piotr Klafkowski) Résumé Les transformations de la structure anthropologique de la population de la zone du Soudan L’article résume les données sur les transformations de la structure anthropologique de la population de la zone soudanaise. Il aborde les approches de Biasutti et Eickstedt en les comparant avec les résultats de l’école polonaise d’anthropologie. Il met en évidence le rôle des composantes archaïques de la population (homme de Cro-Magnon et négroïde) et l’impact de la hamitisation sur la population contemporaine de cette région. ��RYSZARD VORBRICH LAND AND THE ENVIRONMENT VERSUS CUSTOMARY AND STATUTE LAWS. Environmental and political pressures on the Daba of northern Cameroon The Mandara Mountains in northern Cameroon exemplify the dynamic of cultural processes connected with various forms of space management. I have used the ethnic group of Daba living in the south-eastern edge of the Mandara massif in northern Cameroon to discuss the phenomena that are typical of the region. Advantageous soil conditions and the abundance of flora and fauna in the mountain area favoured settlement. The area was settled by the remainder of various migrational waves which in the past marched across the area of present-day Cameroon. The settlers were primarily drawn to the areas by the defensive values of the mountains, found in the centre of plains, which were an area of numerous tribal wars and slave hunts. The Mandara mountains offered shelter to everybody who wanted to flee the expansion of the Muslim states of Central Sudan. In the 19th c., the mountains became a refuge zone surrounded from all sides (by the Kingdom of Mandara in north and the state of Fulbe in the �32 Ryszard Vorbrich south), a unique island of the old, archaic culture, classified by ethnologists as paleonigritic type1. In the melting pot thus formed groups of migrants mixed in different proportions and assimilated to a different degrees the racial, linguistic and customary features of their neighbours. As a result – a unique complicated and specific complex of cultural features formed in many microregions of the massifs2. This led to the formation of several separate ethnic groups. Due to their animistic beliefs, they were called “Kirdi” (“pagans”) by the Muslim neighbours3. The settlement of numerous human groups in the mountains complicated the existing ethnic relations. An increase of the density of population by several times triggered a process which led to the deterioration of the natural environment. The hunger for land motivated the highlanders to clear many forest zones. It did not permit the application of a long-term fallowness which favours the reconstruction of the natural arborescent flora. As a result, the country turned into steppes and many animal species left it. Tropical rains more easily washed the soil from slopes which did not have the protection of a permanent root system of the arbo1 I write about this more broadly in: Ethnic and settlement processes in a refuge territory and forms of social and political organization, “Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies”, vol. 5 (1988), pp. 165-192. 2 This concentration of ethnic and cultural boundaries led some researchers to indentify hundreds of micro ethnicities in the region, covering individual villages or settlements, with a population of between a few hundred and a few thousand. For example, in describing the ethnic situation of a single department of Guider, Jacques Lestringant speaks of “a hundred ethnic micro groups.” Lestringant, Les pays Guider Au Cameroun. Essai d’histoire regionale, Versailles, 1964: p. 79. 3 Kirdi originates from the barma language [although some sources trace it to the language of Shoa Arabs (ABÉ C., Espace public et recompositions de la pratique au Cameroun, Polis/RCSS/CSSR (2006), v. 13, Nos. 1–2, p. 41)] and means literally “the infidel,” “the mangy dog” (Garine I., Kirdi, in: G. Balandier, J. Maquet (éds.), Dictionnaire des civilisations africaines, Paris 1968, p. 232. �Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws 33 rescent flora. The yield of the soil decreased. Famines were very frequent4. The demographic pressure could be discharged only after external political factors, which disinclined people from a resettlement of piedmont valleys, had ceased. Among the political factors, which interfered with an agricultural management of the piedmont valleys, one should primarily mention the pressure of warlike shepherds and especially that of Fulbe landlord. The mini-states they created (so-called lamidats, governed by local feudal lords – lamido) fought a “holy war” with the “pagans” from the mountains for almost the entire 19th century. The highlanders responded with a guerrilla war, which, at times, did not differ from banditry. The conflicts continued in the 20th c. even after the “colonial peace” was introduced by Germans and later French. The Fulbe landlords found support of representatives of local colonial authorities whom they convinced without any effort that a “pagan” is synonymous with a “bandit”. The attitude of the colonial administration intensified both the aversion and isolation of the highlander population. The situation did not change much in the first decades of Cameroon’s independence – the Fulbe landlords gained dominance in the new country, especially in the north. In this context, it is Daba highlanders who found themselves in the most disadvantageous position, as Lamido Babale, who claimed the right to rule the Daba-inhabited district of Mayo Oulo, was president Ahmadou Ahidjo’s most trusted man. Babale’s special clout enabled him in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s to perpetrate numerous acts of abuse, including physical abuse, against Daba highlanders. Nonetheless it can be said that the Daba were the ethnic group which opposed external influence of both the Fulbe landlord and/ Famine would often force Daba highlanders to sell their children for a handful of millet. Cf. J. Lestringant, op. cit., pp. 120, 394). 4 �34 Ryszard Vorbrich or colonial administration for the longest time. At the beginning of the 20th c., i.e., at the birth of the colonial epoch, they were the last ethnic group of this part of Cameroon which, as a whole, retained independence with respect to the state of Fulbe-Adamaua that propagated Islam. The persistent resistance of the Daba to the French administration and to the Fulbe landlords, who represented the former, was the reason for numerous armed incidents during the interwar period. This independent stance of the highlanders led eventually (in 1940) to the formation of a special status administrative unit in the part of the ethnic Daba area. The status is depicted in the official name, i.e. Groupement Daba Independants. Eighteen local communities were included in to the administrative unit: they are formally and directly administered by a sub-prefect from distant Guider. This, however, is only nominal authority. No representative of the administration showed up for many years in any of the parts of the area. Hence, the political disintegration of the mountainous communities of the Daba. Each of the 18 villages was a socially and economy, and, to some extent, also politically independent unit of territorial organization. This situation led to the miniaturization of the local economic systems5. The formation of traditional forms of socio-political organization of Daba was not uniform in the entire ethnic area of Daba. The complex ethnogenesis of the tribes of the Mandara massif finds its reflection in the ethnic structure of the ethno-linguistic group under study. Five sub-groups can be distinguished: Daba-Hina, Moutouroua, Kola, Mousgoy and Daba-apparents in total 5 I write about this more broadly in Daba – górale północnego Kamerunu. Afrykańska gospodarka tradycyjna pod presją historii i warunków ekologicznych [Daba – Impact of History and Ecology on the African Tropical Economy], PTL. Prace Etnologiczne t. 13, Wrocław: PTL 1989, pp. 277. �Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws 35 from 20 to 30 thousand people, depending on the source6. The last two sub-groups are most numerous. The members of the sub-group know as Daba-Mousgoy, inhabiting mainly the Mousgoy canton, are estimated to number 6-7 thousand people whereas the inhabitants of Groupement Daba Independants, who can be associated with the Daba-apparents sub-group, are estimated to number over 8 thousand peoples. Both main sub-groups differ with respect to the types of traditional form of the socio-political organization, developed throughout centuries. In the middle of the 19th century Daba-Mousgoy created a strong expansive chiefdom. A simpler from of political and territorial organization, comprising single local communities, is more typical of the other sub-group, defined sometimes as Daba-Independents. Different forms of the socio-political organization affected the formation of two separate types of spatial organization as well as exerted influence on the scale of an economic system among the main sub-groups of Daba. Thanks to a strong centralized authority and military potential, Daba-Mousgoy could effectively oppose the pressure of culturally alien Fulbe on the piedmont areas, more easily accessible to agriculture. Their chiefdom was the only one of the few independent political units of the pagans (so called “Kirdi”) which remained until the colonial times. In its heyday the chiefdom of Mousgoy comprised several villages. The villages did not form independent political and economic units. Their former chiefs, while retaining the functions of religious leaders, were under the authority of the chiefdom leader. A military organization of the chiefdom provided for the defence against any external threat as 6 Estimates vary, cf., A. Podlewski, La dynamique des proncipales populations du Nord Cameroun, entre Bénoue et Lac Tchad, Yaoundé, 1964 , p. 110; J. Lestringant, … tab. Population; H. Pierrete, Esquise phonographique d,un parler Daba. La Mazagway, Yaoundé 1978, p. 3, https://www.ethnologue.com/language/dbq. �36 Ryszard Vorbrich well as for free and safe migration of individuals within the chiefdom. Daba-Mousgoy regarded the space between villages as a positive value, as something homely. The feeling of security combined with awareness of common interests, strengthened the feeling of solidarity and the economic links between local communities. A system of goods redistribution, typical of each chiefdom, linked all units and groups with respect to economy and outlined relatively extensive borders of the local economic system, convergent with the territory of the chiefdom. The inhabitants of the mountainous settlements located in the area of the Groupement Daba Independants7 retained the genuine acephalous character of the social organisation. While making use of the natural environment, they created a specific form of the political organization referred to by the present author as a “mountainous residential aggregate”. The areas of individual mountainous residential aggregates overlap more or less those of physiographic massifs. At the time of slave-hunts and attacks of Fulbe, a no-man’s-land extended in deserted valleys between settlements located on the hills. Since the second half of the twentieth century, when threat has disappeared and the mountainous valleys have been partly brought under cultivation, borders between the mountainous residential aggregates, although not formally identified, usually proceed alongside valleys, rivers and streams. This gave the mountainous residential aggregates an easily noticeable character of spatially isolated human settlements. During tribal struggles, the social and economic isolation of individual settlement complexes was even greater. The cavalry of Fulbe ventured frequently (especially during the seed and harvest time) into the mountaFor about 20 years they have officially used the name Groupement Daba, without the adjective “Independants”. 7 �Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws 37 inous valleys, apprehending farmers who travelled between the massifs or who tried to farm lots located a bit lower. Thus, the extensive and fertile areas of the mountainous valleys had a negative spatial value for the Daba highlanders. Space was evaluated here not from the viewpoint of its economic value but from that of its defensive value. Peaks of hills had a positive value. They did not provide sufficient amounts of soil and water for the dwellers but were safe. This contributed to a greater isolation of the settlers as a consequence, and was not conducive to the emergence of conflicts of frontier lands. The reluctance to settle valleys remained in the psyche of the highlanders long after the political factors which created it had ceased to act. The territory of a typical mountainous residential aggregate remained to the end of the 20th century the fundamental unit of territorial organization of Daba highlanders. Enlarged by the adjoining areas of valleys, it reaches 30-40 km². The organization is formed by a socially, politically, economically and religiously integrated usually community of settlers of about 500 people, often of heterogeneous origin. The structure of kinship and territorial organization cross on the political plane. Particular residential aggregates are inhabited by mixed ancestral groups of which families whose pedigree goes back to first settler, the founder of the aggregate, are dominant. Within kinship groups, authority8 is exercised by leader of lineage (or gens) as well as fathers of families. In the old days they controlled the life of family (or gens), resolved controversies, helped relatives who needed assistance. The chief of the residential aggregate, the member of the dominant 8 From the anthropological perspective we should rather talk about leadership or decisive influence (R. Vorbrich, Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka. Koncepcje i postaci wspólnoty w dawnej i współczesnej Afryce, Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM 2012, pp. 114-115). �38 Ryszard Vorbrich gens, provides for the stability of the local social (religious and economic) system. Thus he was the judge and mediator in controversies between different kinship groups as the “chief of the earth” (bay), he distributed arable lots, and to this day performs important functions in agricultural cults, mediates in contacts with the outside world9. In traditional local communities there were also leadership functions excluded from the authority of the political leader and taken over by the “war chief” (bay hyl) and the “rain chief” (by van)10. They served to provide for the security and integrity of the local group and for the efficient functioning of the economy. The title of land co-ownership is held by all persons who are permanent inhabitants of the area of a residential aggregate and who belong to a kinship group that is politically recognized in this area. Since rights to the land are not gained through affiliation to a gens or a tribe but through the acquisition of the rights of a number of territorial community, in the case of Daba highlanders (as before said: Daba-Independents) we cannot speak of one common system of land management. In the case of traditional mountainous residential aggregates we are dealing here with many Since the 1980s, “chieftains of the earth” were installed in secondary administration system, as accepted (appointed) by state authorities, “village chiefs”. It helped to change their social status of traditional chiefs. On the one hand, they lost their independence from external factors, on the other hand, they have gained a new legitimacy of their power over members of the community. (R. Vorbrich, Wódz jako funkcjonariusz. Despotyzm zdecentralizowany w społeczeństwie postplemiennym Kamerunu, „Lud” t. 88 (2004), pp. 219-236. 10 However, the war chief function has disappeared in the 70s of the last century. The last armed conflict between local communities took place in 19751976. The Teleki residents accused then the inhabitants Mandama of provoking drought. The function of rain chief is reborn in particular local communities (or regional communities) in each generation. 9 �Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws 39 self-contained and independent land systems which determine the small scale of the local economic system. In this way, the social and economic organisation of the Daba fitted the tribe society model. It is marked by low relevance of kinship in social relations and structures (while territorial bonds still prevail). It was limited (both in physical space and time) to public, legal and political connections. Economy of structures can be observed, seen in the cohesion and self-sufficiency of local communities as well as in the large degree of concentration of public roles in the same individuals and institutions11. On average, a mountainous residential aggregate is divided into districts situated on the opposite slopes of the massif. The number of the districts has grown recently: this was followed by an effective settlement and cultivation of border no-man lands. The latter have names, but their boundaries were initially not identified. Over time, such peripheral districts gained independence and definitively separated from the native mountainous residential aggregate. This lay at the root of many local conflicts. Their character is discussed below in the example of the village of Zagalam (Zakalam). The means for organising space described above began to change in the latter half of the twentieth century. As the political situation stabilised, the advent of a “postcolonial peace” changed people’s perception of valleys as dangerous areas. The local population consequently began to increase as the process of settlement intensified in the “no-man’s land” of the foothills. This starCompare definitions of tribal society: I. M. Lewis, Tribal society, in: D. Sills (ed.), International encyclopaedia of the social sciences, Cambridge 1964, v. 18, pp. 245-261 or A. W. Southall, The illusion of Tribe, in: R.R. Grinker, S. Lubkemann, Steiner C. (eds.) Perspectives on Africa. A Reader in Culture, History, and Representation, Chichester 2010, pp. 83–95. 11 �40 Ryszard Vorbrich ted a competition for land based on a new and different set of principles. Norms derived from common law, rooted in (non-transferable) community ownership of land, clashed here with norms that promoted the desacralisation and marketization of land. Those making claims to land could no longer merely appeal to tradition (the heritage of their ancestors – “seniority” in a hierarchical system of shared ownership). Moreover, in this competition for land, a new element was introduced – the Government’s economic policy, which set out two conflicting goals. First, it sought to extend the state’s jurisdiction to the whole of the territory (including the tribal areas) within the country’s borders. Second, it sought to incorporate Cameroon’s tribal communities into the wider national economy based on market principles. Earlier attempts by the colonial administration to settle the issue of land ownership were generally not very favourable for traditional communities. Decrees issued in 1920 and 1921 introduced the concept of “vacant and ownerless lands” (terres vacantes et sans maître)12. This allowed vast expanses of the country (especially valuable forest areas) to be incorporated into state forest reserves. As a consequence, local Daba communities were left with only those lands that (according to the letter of the law) “belonged to natives or native communities on the basis of custom and tradition”13. This threatened to deprive the expanding population of highlanders of the ability to make use of fallow lands in the valleys. 12 Article 2 of the Decree (p. 52), cited after: G. Masson, La misse en valeur des territoires du Cameroun places sous le mandate Français, Paris 1928, p. 37. 13 Ibid. �Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws 41 These lowlands were initially occupied by the Daba (and other inhabitants of the mountainous regions of northern Cameroon) in a spontaneous and rather haphazard manner. This mass movement “toward the valleys” prompted the authorities to legally regulate the phenomenon. The decree of 19 April 1959 already guaranteed the collective right to land in areas “necessary for current and future members of a community”14. However, the legislature was careful not to use even once in this case the term “property”, and instead used the term “possession” or “occupation”. As a result, the new land law did not give traditional local communities ownership rights to the land they used, but maintained (and normalised) only the right to collective use of larger areas of land than was currently effectively utilised. In its adaptation of legal terminology to the social realities of tribal communities, the legislature defined, first and foremost, the term traditionally associated with land tenure – “community”. The decree stated that a community (communauté) is “a collection of people linked by bonds of kinship, living together by adoption or association in a given area”15. In the commentary to the definition, it is suggested that the concept of community refers primarily to ancestral structures (lineage). Significantly, it is stipulated as well that a community thus understood has no legal personality and therefore cannot own land, and possesses only the right to its use. This had profound consequences for the commoditisation (marketization) of the agricultural economy16. The Laws adopted in independent Cameroon (in 1963 and 1966) specified more precisely the relation between a custom-based and state legal system (S. Melone, La parente et la terre dans strategie du developpment, Paris 1972, p. 158) 15 Ibid, p. 159. 16 It should be added that as early as 1927, plans were made for a special procedure to legalise individual rights to land, which was supposed to give it 14 �42 Ryszard Vorbrich still unclear status of land hampered its commoditization (and consequently blocked access to loans). This situation changed with the land reforms of 1974 and 197617, which established terms for obtaining the title to land, and introduced new regulations concerning access to land (and forests) in Cameroon. They also introduced a “system of dominions”, which created three categories of land: areas owned by (domains of) the state or other public authorities, private lands, and so-called. “national domains”18. From the point of view of local communities and their competition for land, of crucial importance were the lands included in the national and private domains. The national domain created a kind of land reserve, areas of which local communities living within traditional tribal structures could seek to have apportioned as community property. Such communities (collectivités coutumières) the quality of a good. This procedure required that an individual seeking to identify and register their property rights mark the site with stakes. On a specified day, an administration official, after informing the leaders of traditional local social structures, conducted a site visit, during which all those present were called on to make known any competing claims. A protocol was drawn up, and parties making competing claims had three months to document and formally present their case. (see Melone, op. cit., p. 160). 17 Ordinance No. 74/1 of 6 July 1974 and Decree No. 76/165 of 27 April 1976. 18 In addition to its unifying function, the reform aimed at establishing “unoccupied lands” that could be managed by the government as an instrument for intensifying agricultural production, especially in the context of its national development strategy. This reform strengthened the sphere of state ownership at the expense of local communities. It resulted in cases of populations of “indigenous peoples” being displaced from the land and property assets they had inherited. Cf. A. Teyssier, O Hamadou, C. Seighnobos, Expériences de médiation foncière dans le Nord-Cameroun, FAO Corporate Document Repository [http:// www.fao.org/docrep/005/y8999t/y8999t0l.htm#TopOfPage] �Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws 43 could be given areas of this category of land for collective use, but only under certain conditions19. Local communities which failed to acquire the status of administrative chiefdoms within a specified timeframe (in the 1970s and 1980s) were threatened with marginalization. They found themselves at a disadvantage in terms of access to land resources deemed part of the “national domain”. At a particular disadvantage were the residents of settlements established in the late twentieth century in the valleys between mountains that were “sandwiched” between larger neighbours. It should therefore come as no surprise that over time (beginning in the early twenty-first century) there intensified a tendency among them to “fight” to become a chiefdom. This was supposed to open up a legal path to obtaining parts of the national domain. An example of such activity is provided by the village of Zakalam (also written as Djakalam) in the Groupement Daba20. This small village (with a population of about 300) is sandwiched between large villages – groups of highland settlements with a long-standing status as chiefdoms: Mandama (to the east), Teleki (also written as Teriki – to the west), Matalao (to the north) and Taski (to the south). 19 As specified in the land decree, “a national domain free of any effective occupation (may be conferred) under a temporary concession provided that it will continue to be developed (utilised). This is a condition for a transition to (a form of) permanent concession and full ownership through the land registry”. (Article I, Decree No.76/165 of 27 April 1976). [http://yaounde.eregulations.org/media/decret%2076-165%20du%20 27%20avril%201976%20fixant%20les% 20conditions%20d%27obtention%20du%20titre%20au%20foncier%20 Cameroun.pdf]] 20 A “groupement” in this case is the equivalent of a district (commune). �44 Ryszard Vorbrich The relationship between Zakalam and Mandama illustrates well a new type of social relations and competition for land in the region of the Mandara massif. Due to a historical coincidence, over the last 30 years Mandama has grown into a political and economic centre in Daba country. In the mid-twentieth century, M.T. (one of the sons of the then-village chief – Mazoum Bay) became the personal chauffeur of the wife of president M. Ahidjo, and the leader’s half-brother – D.T. – was sent to school (on orders of the colonial authorities). Their children, who were educated in the city, currently hold high and influential positions in political, economic, and cultural institutions in the capital and on the regional level. This has given the current village chief (the uncle of these educated Daba elites) access to national decision-making and opinion-forming bodies. This has also allowed the other residents of Mandama to benefit from ties to the wider world. Mandama today has a health centre, two secondary schools, and a Catholic parish, and a new post office and other facilities have been built21. For Mandama, Comité de Developpement du Groupement Daba became the major instrument through which external development funding could be obtained. Its force is in the functional connection between traditional ancestral structures with the structures of the state and the society. The board of the Committee is almost entirely filled with close relations of the present chief Mandama, who are at the same time M.T’s and R.D’s cousins or descendants. The most important of them are placed in the central bodies of the state; R., for example, who is R.D’s son, has a position of power at the office of the president of the republic. 21 Cf. R. Vorbrich, The clay pot and the iron pot. The tribal society confronted with the nation and the global society, “Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies” (2009), vol. 24, pp. 143-154. �Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws 45 The inhabitants of Zagalam lack such connections. The place was founded by settlers, who in the mid-20th century left the neighbouring mountains for the valley below. My studies conducted in 2004 and 2011 indicate that Zakalam elites think their village is underprivileged when it comes to access to land and to development funding (infrastructural projects). These are controlled by the administration of the region (arrondissement) of Guider and are intercepted by the inhabitants of the much bigger Mandama (with a population of between 1,300 and 1,500). Zakalam people complain of being treated like a periphery of Mandama. It is true that – many years ago (in the 1970s) – an inhabitant of Zakalam was nominated chief by the local administration, but the nomination was defective in substance. It came from Babale – the head of the Mayo Ouolo district – a very powerful, Fulbe feudal lord and a crony of the then president of Cameroon Ahmadou Ahidjo22. Now, thirty years after president Ahidjo stepped down (or in fact was deposed), a nomination like this is no sufficient legitimacy of the chief’s powers and neither does it result in the establishment of a chiefdom. Under the 1977 decree, village chief (lowest rank) nomination is within the powers of the prefect. Therefore, the Chief of Zakalam may not be considered an equal of the chiefs of the neighbouring villages. This affects the status of the whole settlement and its development opportunities. In these circumstances, Zakalam elites sought to obtain the status of a third-class chiefdom. Their efforts were through referring to tradition, namely by exploring the memories of the oldest Babale was president A. Ahidjo’s (a Fulbe by birth) most trusted collaborator. He enjoyed the official status of “spiritual father,” but was also rumoured to be the president’s “personal wizard.” A token of close relations between the two men is the fact that A. Ahidjo built his private residence in the provincial town of Mayo Oulo. 22 �46 Ryszard Vorbrich villagers in order to provide arguments in favour of making Zakalam an administrative entity. Minutes of the meeting (written in poor French) and the appended map are precious documents; they illustrate how important oral tradition is for post-tribal communities in their efforts to document the founding myth of the local community in the process of building their identity vis-à-vis the national identity. They also demonstrate how the founding myth of a local community can be used to boost its legal status and the legitimacy of the local structures of power. The founding myth of a local community is used as a tool in building the status of the group by making it an entity capable of effective competition for land and external resources. The minutes are quoted below – in their original form, which better reflects the spirit of the document. In addition to legal measures, there are initiatives designed to re-design the social organisation of the inhabitants of Zakalam. Like in some of the neighbouring villages, a civil society structure has been established – based not on blood bonds, but on discretionary ties. It is GIC: Des Agro-eleveurs «KASSAF» de Djagalam (Zagalam, Zakalam)23. The association’s statutory objective is to raise the “farming and pastoral awareness” of the local community. The organisation is also a tool in making development resources of the outside world available to the community. In this way, i.e., by referring to tradition (the founding myths of the community expressed by the elders) as well as to elements of “modernity” (GIC-type associations which are organisations of discretionary nature), the inhabitants of Zakalam have formed GIC associations in Cameroon are duly registered and operate under Loi No. 92/006 of 14 August 1992 on groups of joint initiatives (groupe d’initiative commune – GIC). This is key legislation for the formation of civil society institutions. Its Article 4 requires such associations to be open and not to discriminate against anybody on grounds of their tribal identity, religion, gender or ideology. 23 �Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws 47 �48 Ryszard Vorbrich a new social dimension, which can be denoted as post-tribal society. By this term should be understood such a type of society in which the cultural characteristics, world vision, and structural elements typical of a tribal society, including the small scale of social systems, collectivism, and the resultant concept of a human being as subordinate to the community, the predominance of blood ties over voluntary ties and the related principles of loyalty, which in turn are connected with the domination of the ethnocentric attitude, etc., are, in a selective and modified manner, intertwined with institutions and principles imported from western cultural spheres: the relatively large scale of social systems, the idea of the nation as an integrated community, social organization based on the domination of random ties, parliamentarianism, etc24. Bibliography Abé C., Espace public et recompositions de la pratique au Cameroun, Polis/ RCSS/CSSR, v. 13 (2006), Nos. 1–2, p. 29-56. Garine I., Kirdi, in: G. Balandier, J. Maquet (éds.), Dictionnaire des civilisations africaines, Paris 1968, p. 232-235. 24 Cf. R. Vorbrich, Post-tribal society in Africa: The concept of community and the modernization of tradition (seen from a Polish perspective), in: K. Trzciński (ed.), The state and development in Africa and other regions: past and present. Studies and essays in honour of Professor Jan J. Milewski, Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR 2007, pp. 197-206. The concept of post-tribal society more broadly I discuss in: Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka. Koncepcje i postaci wspólnoty w dawnej i współczesnej Afryce [The Tribal and Post-tribal Africa. Conceptions and figure of the community in old and contemporary Africa], Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM 2012, p. 434. �Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws 49 Lestringant J., Les pays Guider Au Cameroun. Essai d’histoire regionale, Versailles 1964. Lewis I. M., Tribal society, in: D. Sills (ed.), International encyclopaedia of the social sciences, v. 18, Cambridge 1964, p. 245-261. Masson G., La misse en valeur des territoires du Cameroun places sous le mandate Français, Paris 1928. Melone S., La parente et la terre dans strategie du developpment, Paris, 1972. Pierrete H, Esquise phonographique d,un parler Daba. La Mazagway, Yaoundé 1978. Podlewski A., La dynamique des proncipales populations du Nord Cameroun, entre Bénoue et Lac Tchad, Yaoundé, 1964. Southall A. W., The illusion of Tribe, in: R.R. Grinker, S. Lubkemann, Steiner C. (eds.), Perspectives on Africa. A Reader in Culture, History, and Representation, Chichester 2010, p. 83–95. Teyssier A., Hamadou O., Seighnobos C. (eds.), Expériences de médiation foncière dans le Nord-Cameroun, FAO Corporate Document Repository [http://www.fao.org/docrep/005/y8999t/y8999t0l. htm#TopOfPage] Vorbrich R., Ethnic and settlement processes in a refuge territory and forms of social and political organization, “Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies” (1988), vol. 5, p. 165-192. Vorbrich R., Daba – górale północnego Kamerunu. Afrykańska gospodarka tradycyjna pod presją historii i warunków ekologicznych [Daba – Impact of History and Ecology on the African Tropical Economy], PTL. Prace Etnologiczne t. 13, Wrocław: PTL 1989. Vorbrich R., Wódz jako funkcjonariusz. Despotyzm zdecentralizowany w społeczeństwie postplemiennym Kamerunu [The chief as functionary. Decentralized despotism in the post-tribal society in Cameroon], „Lud” (2004), v. 88, p. 219-236. Vorbrich R., Post-tribal society in Africa: The concept of community and the modernization of tradition (seen from a Polish perspective), in: The state and development in Africa and other regions: past and present. Studies and essays in honour of Professor Jan J. Milewski, �50 Ryszard Vorbrich K. Trzciński (ed.), Warszawa: Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR 2007, pp. 197-206. Vorbrich R., The clay pot and the iron pot. The tribal society confronted with the nation and the global society, “Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies” (2009), vol. 24, p. 143-154. Vorbrich R., Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka. Koncepcje i postaci wspólnoty w dawnej i współczesnej Afryce [The Tribal and Post-tribal Africa. Conceptions and figure of the community in old and contemporary Africa], Poznań: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM 2012. Résumé Terre et de l’environnement versus les lois coutumières et de loi de l’État. Les pressions environnementales et politiques sur le Daba du nord du Cameroun Mandara massif au Nord-Cameroun est un exemple de la dynamique des processus culturels associés aux différentes méthodes de planification de l’utilisation des terres. Les phénomènes typiques de la région sont examinées dans cette étude comme un exemple Daba groupe ethnique vivant dans le bord sud-est du Massif Mandara dans le sud du Cameroun. Je souligne l’importance des conditions naturelles (l’environnement) et la pression de facteurs politiques pour les formes d’organisation sociale et les façons d’organiser l’espace. Je décris comment la vieille – tribale – formes d’organisation sociale sont confrontés avec les exigences d’une loi de l’État moderne. Pour des exemples précis, je montre comment les paysans forment les structures de la société civile d’être en mesure de fonctionner efficacement dans la société moderne, contribuant à la formation du type de société «post-tribale». �KATARZYNA MEISSNER LES OBJECTIFS NON CACHÉES – LES OBJECTIFS CACHÉES. L’INCOMPATIBILITÉ DES SCÉNARIOS SUR LE CHAMP LOCAL DE LA COLLABORATION DE DÉVELOPPEMENT1 L’introduction Au cours des dernières décennies les deux paradigmes étroitement liés – altruiste et de modernisation ont déterminé l’orientation de la politique de développement. Le premier d’entre eux se donnait pour but (moral !) d’agir pour le bien des autres, le deuxième visait au progrès technique et à la croissance économique. On retrouve leurs manifestations encore chez les décideurs Katarzyna Meissner – Université Adam Mickiewicz à Poznan, L’Institut d’ethnologie et d’anthropologie culturelle Cet article traite des résultats préliminaires du projet «Le milieu rural de l’Afrique en quête des projets de développement. L’étude anthropologique des courtiers locaux du développement au Mali et au Burkina Faso». Le projet a été financé par le Centre National de la Science (la décision numéro DEC-2012/07/N/ HS3/00866). Dans le cadre du projet nous avons mené la première des trois étapes des recherches de terrain parmi le peuple Kurumba qui occupe le nordouest du Burkina Faso. 1 �52 Katarzyna Meissner et les opérateurs de développement qui se focalisent à obtenir des effets souhaités de leurs actions de développement. Actuellement les projets de développement ciblent, à part le transfert de nouvelles technologies et de connaissances spéciales, la mise en œuvre de nouvelles structures et modèles d’organisation sociale à l’exemple de l’Ouest. On évite de formuler les sociétés en développement en termes de «primitives» et «retardées» et on les a remplacés par la devise «de l’égalité» et «du partenariat». Néanmoins on observe chez les opérateurs la tendance à se référer aux « représentations», comme le dirait Edward Saïd (2008), aux images difformes des collectivités locales qui remontent à l’époque coloniale. Dans la littérature on peut retrouver les descriptions de ces représentations, des modèles élaborés de communautés locales qui ont influencé le caractère de la politique locale (à comparer Olivier de Sardan 1993; 1995). Les décideurs et les opérateurs de développement perçoivent les bénéficiaires comme des communautés compatibles qui fonctionnent selon le principe de consensus et de bien public. En conséquence, cela conduit à ne pas prendre en considération ni les différences classiques ni les antagonismes entre les femmes et les hommes, entre les anciens et les jeunes et même, ce qui est pire, à ne pas remarquer les tensions parmi les membres des structures formelles ou informelles telles que : groupes de parenté, de voisins, relations patron-client (sous formes de dyades, de triades et de réseau des courtiers). À l’inverse, on prend les membres de la collectivité rurale pour des individus qui prennent des décisions indépendamment de l’opinion des autres. En réalité, les niveaux de décision, surtout dans le domaine d’introduire de nouvelles solutions économiques (par exemple : la création des caisses de crédit ou des sociétés agricoles et d’élevage), sont très liées – les décisions dépendent aussi bien des opinions individuelles (par exemple : du chef de famille) que des opinions �Les objectifs non cachées – les objectifs cachées 53 collectives (des membres du clan). Les décideurs se référent dans leur argumentation aussi à la spécifique culturelle des collectivités locales (coutumes, croyances, préjugés) en tant que facteur qui traduit le retard et l’aversion par rapport aux innovations de développement. Cependant, contrairement à l’opinion universelle, la logique symbolique et religieuse des collectivités rurales coexiste avec la logique technologique et économique. Néanmoins elle ne s’inscrit pas dans la définition de «la rationalité» du monde occidental. Les bénéficiaires interceptent d’habitude dans cette situation des solutions selon «le principe de sélectivité» et ils les adaptent aux contextes culturels locaux2. Il manque de place dans cet article pour critiquer les paradigmes invoqués et pour traiter des conséquences auxquelles ils mènent. Nous visons à signaler que ces méta-narrations ont masqué partiellement le fait que l’activité de développement est le débouché où les liens et les services sont à vendre (sous forme de projets, de slogans, de devises). Cette activité est simultanément une arène où les différents acteurs locaux de société rivalisent des influences et du prestige qui résulte de leur participation à l’entreprise de développement. L’état néo-patrimonial constitue l’exemple d’une telle adaptation parce qu’il unit les formes traditionnelles du pouvoir avec les formes modernes. Comme l’élément traditionnel on a la structure de maîtrise où le pouvoir considère l’état pour sa propriété et il fonde son administration sur le maintien des clients. Le maîtrise du pouvoir par le courtier de la bureaucratie «moderne», mise en œuvre sur le territoire africain pendant la période coloniale, constitue l’élément adapté. 2 �54 Katarzyna Meissner Le marché des biens et du service c’est-à-dire le projet de développement d’après les bénéficiaires Dans les années 90 du XXe siècle, la réorientation de la politique de développement et la transition des macro-projets3 aux projets réalisés à plus petite échelle démontre la subjectivité croissante de locales structures socio-progressives (par exemple: comités, associations et groupes ruraux) et leur influence réelle sur les objectifs et les directions des entreprises de développement. Les bénéficiaires, vus jusqu’à présent comme des sujets passifs de l’activité de développement, ont gagné le statut des partenaires actifs et de plus en plus conscients de la coopération. Le projet a abouti donc au changement de la forme des relations entre le donateur et les bénéficiaires et il est devenu aussi une occasion pour la confrontation continue des attentes et pour la hiérarchie des besoins des bénéficiaires. Jean Pierre Oliver de Sardan (1993), anthropologue du développement, en analysant les micro-projets réalisés sur les territoires ruraux en Afrique, a conclu que les objectifs de développement des donateurs formulées «sur le papier» diffèrent des objectifs auxquelles visent les bénéficiaires «sur le terrain». Cette divergence est justifiable et inévitable parce qu’elle résulte de la confrontation des intérêts matériels et symboliques de deux parties impliquées dans le projet. Une telle idée a été soutenue par Norman Long (2001), créateur de la perspective centrée sur l’acteur (actor oriented Cette transition résulte des conséquences négatives de la mise en œuvre dans les années 80 des programmes d’adaptations structurales qui ont provoqué la croissance du chômage, la diminution du niveau réel des salaires, l’accès pire à l’éducation et au service médical et aussi la détérioration de l’état de environnement. Par conséquent l’intérêt pour aide de développement (aide fatigue) a diminue de la part des pays du Nord riche ((Médard 2007, 11). 3 �Les objectifs non cachées – les objectifs cachées 55 perspective). Il a traité le projet comme un type spécifique des interactions sociales où les deux catégories des sujets se confrontent face à face. Selon lui, d’un côté il y a les opérateurs du développement dits «développeurs» qui représentent l’aisance et qui possèdent une vision relativement cohérente de la politique de développement. De l’autre côté il y a les bénéficiaires dits «développés» qui viennent d’habitude du monde de l’indigence. Les premiers d’entre eux se donnent pour but de transmettre le savoir, le plus souvent sous forme de cours ou de formation. Les deuxièmes – préfèrent les biens résultant des entreprises de développement (Vorbrich 2013, 17). Richard Vorbrich (2010, 154), anthropologue culturel, remarque que le terme «projet» est pour les bénéficiaires comme une clef qui ouvre la porte au monde des biens et qui facilite à puiser dans les possibilités jusqu’à présent inconnues. Une telle conceptualisation du projet s’appuie sur la confrontation pertinente des objectifs des scénarios des projets de développement où le rôle essentielle jouent les courtiers du développement4. D’une part les courtiers sont entre les donateurs et les institutions de développement devant lesquelles ils représentent la communauté et ils expriment les besoins de cette communau4 Le phénomène de courtier dans le contexte des entreprises de développement a été entamé dans les années 60 et 70 du XXe siècle (Boissevain 1974; Thoden van Velzen 1973). Pourtant la notion de «courtier du développement» et celle «d’agent du développement» sont introduits dans le langage anthropologie à partir des années 90 et on les traite comme synonymes (Bierschenk, Olivier de Sardan 1993; Neubert 1996). La conceptualisation de courtier au niveau des sociétés locales est liée avec la multiplication des transferts d’aide dans le dernier quart de siècle. Cela a provoqué, entre la fin du XXe et le début du XXIe siècle donc au moment où le projet du développement constitue une forme typique de la réalisation de politique de développement, l’apparition et la cristallisation du sujet local opérant sur l’arène locale qui est le courtier à se procurer des ressources extérieures pour l’espace sociale avec laquelle il s’identifie. Il représente (en théorie en tout cas) la société locale et exprime ses besoins auprès des structures de soutien et de financement (Bierschenk, Olivier de Sardan 1993). �56 Katarzyna Meissner té. D’autre part, ils sont entre le reste des membres de communauté et les bénéficiaires auxquels ils donnent la possibilité de distribuer les biens découlant de la coopération de développement. En fonctionnant à la jointure du monde global et local, les courtiers sont responsables de créer une image des bénéficiaires que les institutions de développement attendent. Dans ce contexte la tâche des courtiers consiste à formuler la hiérarchie de besoins des bénéficiaires d’une telle manière qu’ils s’harmonisent avec les solutions proposées par les bienfaiteurs et qu’ ils opèrent le transfert des biens5. Selon Thomas Bierschenk (1991: 4), sociologue du développement, la distribution d’aide ne s’appuie pas sur l’existence de l’infrastructure qui facilite aux animateurs du projet l’arrivée sur place mais justement sur le fonctionnement des courtiers-acteurs actifs qui créent une sorte «d’entrées» et «de sorties» pour les entreprises locales de développement réalisées sous forme des projets6. 5 Grâce à l’engagement à le courtier ils ont l’accès à «la rente du développement». C’est de cette façon que l’on détermine les différentes types de paiement, les pots-de vin où les champs de détournement qui découlaient de l’activité d’aide et qui étaient interceptés par les courtiers (Bierschenk, Olivier de Sardan 1993). 6 Jeremy Boissevain (1974, 147) a déchiffré l’une des stratégies les plus anciennes de s’entremettre dans l’interception des biens. Il a déterminé le courtier du développement en tant qu’ «un entrepreneur» professionnel qui manipulait les personnes et les informations afin d’atteindre ses propres profits. Selon Boissevain, la base d’ opération des courtiers est la création et le maintient des contacts étendus avec les personnes qui contrôlent la redistribution des biens découlant d’opérations de développement. Dans ce contexte Boissevain distingue «les patrons» (patrons) qui contrôlent «le premier degré» des ressources tels que la terre, le travail ou l’argent et «les courtiers» (brokers) ayants «les ressources de deuxième degré», à savoir les contacts avec ceux qui contrôlent les ressources de premier degré. �Les objectifs non cachées – les objectifs cachées 57 Notre informateur principal que l’on appelera ici Aziz7 était l’un de ces courtiers et il fonctionnait dans la région de Sahel au nord-ouest de Burkina Faso. Il a commencé sa vie adulte comme courtier entre la filiale burkinabé de la Croix Rouge et les compatriotes. Pendant presque 30 ans de coopération il a noué des contacts, des connaissances et des amitiés à la portée supra-locale, supra-régionale et internationale. Aziz pouvait se venter d’une très bonne connaissance du français, du baccalauréat et d’avoir terminé les cours : ethnographique, de musée et archéologique. Il était l’exemple de cette classe de courtiers qui a accentué les besoins de communauté dans des contextes convenables en fonctionnant entre le monde local et global. En l’occurrence ce contexte constituait notre arrivée à Nenglélé afin de reconnaître le potentiel de développement et d’analyser les projets de développement8 menés jusqu’au présent. En connaissant notre intérêt anthropologique de recherche, Aziz s’est présenté en tant qu’une personne avec l’expérience dans la réalisation d’entreprises internationales de développement9 et aussi en tant 7 En raison de protéger les informateurs nous avons chiffré leurs prénoms. Les informations relevées pourraient leur nuire. De plus nous avons inventé la dénomination fictive Nenglélé pour la communauté où nous avons mené les recherches. En outre nous évitons exprès de donner les noms propres des groupes locales, des comités, des institutions de développement mais aussi des organisations étrangères non gouvernementales (surtout celles de Pologne) dont l’activité on examine. Il est à craindre que les informations présentées peuvent parvenir à eux ce qui pourrait provoquer la rupture de coopération et de contacts sur le terrain. 8 C’était la version officielle et très générale du projet que nous avons présentée aux pouvoirs administratifs (préfet) après notre arrivée à Nenglélé. Le préfet nous a garanti la possibilité de mener les recherches et il nous a promis d’aider à chercher le guide et l’informateur convenable en même temps. C’est ainsi que nous avons rencontré Aziz. 9 À titre d’exemple, en 2010 il a coopéré avec les membres d’une société africaine pendant la création de la bibliothèque et du centre culturelle pour les �58 Katarzyna Meissner qu’un activiste local agissant pour le développement de la communauté locale10. Il nous a rassuré de mettre à notre disposition ses contacts, son temps et sa voiture pour qu’on puisse obtenir des informations. Quand on l’a informé de ne pas pouvoir louer ni chauffeur ni voiture, il a constaté d’avoir compris notre situation et de ne pas s’attendre au payement11. Il a remarqué que «l’argent se finit un jour et ce sont de bonnes relations qui restent et qui apporteront des profits dans l’avenir». Aziz savait que le plus il faisait pour nous plus nous serions dépendant de lui, nous lui récompenserions et même on deviendrait «son anthropologue» (Rabinow 2010, 79) – en l’occurrence on deviendrait son partenaire dans le projet de développement12. Il a ajouté qu’il possédait une longue expérience dans la collaboration avec les anthropologiques (avec ceux de Pologne aussi) et qu’il avait avec eux non seulement des relations professionnelles mais aussi amicales. Selon lui «on ne demande pas d’argent des amis étrangers (…) il enfants et pour les jeunes. De 2007 il est engagé à le courtier dans les projets d’aide et de développement réalisés par les organisations non gouvernementales et missionnaires de Pologne. Le bâtiment de l’école et le puits sont le fruit de cette collaboration. Dans les années les plus proche on planifie un autre investissement, à savoir la réparation du barrage interrompu sur la rivière et la restauration du réservoir d’eau. 10 En 2002 il a initié la formation d’association dans le dessin de soutenir l’alphabétisation des adultes (l’enseignement de compter, de lire et d’écrire dans la langue choisie). Pendant douze ans de son fonctionnement l’association a crée 32 endroits éducatifs et a rassemble 956 apprenants. 11 Il a demandé le remboursement des coûts de fonctionnement de sa voiture et d’essence consommé pendant nos voyages. 12 Après deux semaines de coopération sur le sujet de projets du développement Aziz nous a suggéré de trouver une organisation non gouvernementale en Pologne pour réaliser le projet à Nenglélé parce que les habitants possédaient l’expérience et ils étaient volontiers à coopérer. Ils leur manquait uniquement le soutien financier. Il a ajouté encore que ses amis polonais avaient déjà entrepris telles démarches. �Les objectifs non cachées – les objectifs cachées 59 faut les bien recevoir parce qu’ils pourront faire quelque chose pour lui dans l’avenir»13. L’engagement d’Aziz dans la réalisation des entreprises de développement était pour lui non seulement une activité qui lui faisait honneur (il avait d’ailleurs l’habitude de le souligner en disant «Ça me fait honneur») mais aussi une occasion pour réaliser ses buts, pour obtenir des profits provenant de la redistribution des ressources interceptées et pour créer le système néo-patrimonial local14. La sentence «si tu a quelque chose dans la main, partage-toi avec les autres» illustre très bien ce système. Elle reflète aussi le principe fondamental de fonctionnement dans le projet qui repose sur une chaîne spécifique de rendre mutuellement les services et d’échanger les dons et sur la gentillesse entre le courtier (le patron) et ses proches collaborateurs (les clients). En agissant selon leur propres «modèles de rationalité» (Long 2001), les courtiers les utilisent ainsi pour réaliser leur buts cachés dans le cadre des projets de développement. C’est pourquoi le système patron-client n’est pas perçu comme un phénomène «impudique» mais – comme l’indique Nicolas van de Wall (2005, 51)– il résulte de la spécificité culturelle de la forme principale d’organisation sociale en Afrique, à savoir le tribu et le clan. Pour cette raison la portée des systèmes entre Aziz et ses clients dépassait les personnes engagées dans la réalisation des projets de développement en embrassant les membres du clan de courtier largement compris. 13 L’utilisation de catégorie de «bonnes relations» ou «d’amitié» joue en rôle important dans les entreprises de développement. John Durston, anthropologue social, il constate que l’amitié au niveau des projets de développement est uniquement instrumentale. On peut la comparer à la relation patron-client donc elle ne sert qu’ à la réalisation de profits financiers et/ou symboliques (Durston 2001). 14 Jean Françis Bayard (1989) et Jean François Médard (1991) ont utilisé la notion de «clientélisme de développement» pour déterminer cette pratique. �60 Katarzyna Meissner Les avantages de la parenté ou de l’apparentement avec Aziz avait une étendue extrêmement large : des prêts accordés une seule fois pour monter un petit commerce15, par le financement de l’éducation de proches parents16 à la réception des enfants «au service» ou pour la formation17. Parfois la possibilité de faire connaissance avec le partenaire étranger d’Aziz était déjà une sorte de profit parce qu’elle constituait aussi une occasion pour le transfert des biens18. Edmund Leach (1982), anthropologue social, a suggéré de voir la stabilité du système patron-client d’une perspective différente, à savoir la capacité à contracter une dette. Quand ce système s’anime, les deux parties se transmettent les dons – au sens matériel ou à un autre. Pendant le reste de périodes il y a uniquement le sentiment de l’engagement non-payé – chez le client il a la forme Aziz a prêté de l’argent deux fois à son neveu pour ouvrir un petit magasin alimentaire. Le neveu a géré mal son petit commerce et par conséquent il a fait faillite. Il était incapable de rendre de l’argent emprunté donc il a travaillé pour s’acquitter de ses dettes. Il était un bras second au camping local géré par Aziz et aussi son serviteur (il faisait le ménage et lavait sa voiture). Il jouait le rôle de «garçon de course» et il colportait une rumeur. Son comportement était souvent l’objet de plaisanteries et de moqueries de la part de son oncle. Parmi quatre femmes d’Aziz deux d’entre elles ont reçu le soutient financier pour ouvrir un petit commerce (la production et la vente des beignets) 16 La troisième femme d’Aziz a reçu le soutien financier pour terminer l’école des infirmières et puis grâce aux contacts de son mari elle a trouvé le travail dans le chef-lieu de district. La quatrième femme a commencé l’éducation dans la même ville grâce au soutien financier. 17 Aziz entretenait la fille de son ami. Elle a aidé sa femme dans les taches domestiques. En revanche Aziz payait pour l’éducation et l’alimentation de cette fille. 18 Dans cette situation Aziz proposait souvent de petits tours dans la région pendant lesquels nous avons rendu la visite à ses amis. Pendant le trajet Aziz racontait des histoires sur leur situation matérielle difficile et sur leur problèmes de santé. Il soulignait en même temps son petit soutien financier à l’occasion de chaque rencontre avec eux et il nous suggérait d’une manière assez explicite de faire la même chose. Le refus de notre part serait une grande maladresse. 15 �Les objectifs non cachées – les objectifs cachées 61 d’endettement moral tandis que chez le patron (le courtier) c’est la conscience d’avoir «une créance». La capacité à créditer les engagements matériels et surtout morales détermine la position du curtier – elle accroît son prestige et fait de lui un contractant désiré dans les entreprises prochaines de développement. Dans ce contexte, l’utilisation de la stratégie du patronage augmente non seulement les profits financiers mais avant tout elle renforce la position sur l’arène locale. Par la suite Aziz, grâce aux plusieurs systèmes patron-client avec les locaux et grâce aux contacts et à l’amitié avec les européens – il était perçu par les cohabitants comme une personne importante et puissante19. Son surnom «blanc-noir» le prouve le mieux. Ce jeu des mots «blanc-noir» déterminait la façon d’être d’Aziz. «Blanc-noir» celest une personne qui veut se communiquer avec ses compatriotes en langue européenne, qui fait la connaissance avec de nouveaux venus de l’Ouest, qui s’habille selon le modèle occidental et qui possède «les choses modernes» – le synonyme de la richesse20 (par exemple : voiture, ordinateur, téléphone, maison en pierre taillée). «Blanc-noir» est perçu en tant qu’une personne développée – a joungana-téme – ce que en langue koromfé signifie «quelqu’un qui était enfermé et qui est sorti de cet enfermement». Cela se laisse voir dans l’acceptation des changements progressifs comme par exemple les coutumes et dans le cas d’Aziz elle concerne la déclaration à soutenir 19 Pendant nos conversations avec les habitants ils parlaient d’Aziz comme suit : «Il est important», «Il est membre de plusieurs associations», «C’est une personne qui sait mobiliser et qui fait comprendre» , «Il est écouté par les autres». 20 Parmi les personnes interrogées, apparaissent deux catégories de richesse. La première, c’est la richesse traditionnelle, qui se manifeste par la présence d’un grand nombre de «choses anciennes» (akan kone), tels que : du mil, du bétail et de l’or. Deuxièmement, la richesse modernes liés à l’acquisition de «nouvelles choses» (akan felen), provenant du monde extérieur qu’ils peuvent acheter pour de l’argent. �62 Katarzyna Meissner l’interdiction de l’excision qui est officiellement interdite au Burkina Faso21. Un projet – plusieurs objectifs Le désaccord entre les objectifs du projet exprimées «sur le papier» avec celles auxquelles visent les bénéficiaires «sur le terrain», nous l’avons observé à Nenglélé pendant la surveillance des préparatifs à la revitalisation du musée régional. Cette entreprise constituait l’introduction au projet du développement du tourisme local (le projet était prévu pour 3 ans) – l’exposition promouvant les valeurs culturelles et archéologiques de la région22 allait être fondé dans le siège rénové du musée. Aziz était l’auteur de cette entreprise et avec un ami volontaire de France, ils ont reçu la promesse de la financer du côté de Ministère de la Culture au Burkina Faso. Le critère indispensable à remplir par les bénéficiaires était de former le conseil d’administration «compétent, dynamique et responsable» comme le ministère le souhaitait. La direction actuelle et le reste du personnel fonctionnait invariablement depuis 10 ans (!) et ils n’ont rien fait pour le développement du musée ce qui a provoqué finalement sa destruction. Toutefois il y avait encore un problème dans cette situation parce que le président de l’administration ne voulait pas démissionner. 21 Le fait que Aziz était pour l’interdiction de l’excision a forcé la deuxième d’Aziz à exciser leur fille en cachette. Elles ont quitté la maison d’Aziz pour quelques semaines. Après cette période la femme d’Aziz est revenue mais leur fille était morte et ils l’ont enterré la même nuit. Malgré son attitude d’adversaire de l’excision, Aziz n’a pas divulgué cette nouvelle. Finalement ils ont annoncé qu’elle était morte à cause d’une maladie gastrique non identifiée. 22 Les stations archéologiques présentant l’art rupestre et le traditionalisme culturel relativement maintenu chez le peuple Kurumba. �Les objectifs non cachées – les objectifs cachées 63 Aziz était mécontent d’un tel déroulement des événements et il cherchait une solution efficace. En profitant de sa haute position à Nenglélé, il a commencé à s’allier avec les participants stratégiques du projet : le mer et le chef. Jusqu’au présent ils n’étaient pas engagés directement dans le travail du musée mais avec l’apparition de nouvelles possibilités ils jouaient le rôle des parties prenantes. Le mer, en raison de son poste, tenait à la gestion efficace du projet parce que le Ministère de la Culture de Burkina Faso allait verser l’argent promis sur le compte du bureau de la commune. De plus, conformément aux nouvelles exigences du ministère, le représentant du pouvoir local devrait siéger dans le conseil d’administration du musée. Ce représentant aurait l’impact sur le travail du musée mais également l’accès réel aux sources de financement. D’après les nouvelles directives il y avait aussi la place pour le chef qui jouerait le rôle d’honneur du gardien de la tradition. Grâce à cette fonction, il légitimerait sa position et il aurait la possibilité de contrôler le travail de la direction d’autant plus que dans ses structures il y aurait des représentants de l’administration nationale à laquelle il n’avait pas de confiance. Pendant les négociations auxquelles nous avons participé, Aziz racontait des histoires sur les incorrections commises par le président, entre outres ses visites régulières dans le débit de boissons. Néanmoins il était beaucoup plus difficile d’obtenir les informations sur Aziz et ses motifs de l’engagement au changement de la direction surtout qu’il rejetait ouvertement le poste du président23. Pourquoi tenait-il tellement à la réalisation du projet? Il s’est avéré, après quelques semaines de notre observation que derrière le scénario de la revitalisation du musée se cachait la possibilité 23 Comme il a constaté tout seul, cela lui a donné une plus grande aisance d’exprimer l’opinion et a éloigné de lui les soupçons d’avoir opéré pour son intérêt personnel. �64 Katarzyna Meissner d’accumuler les mesures financières. Dans la version officielle du projet proclamée aux habitants, la question du prime pour le coordinateur local surveillant la revitalisation du musée n’a pas été mentionné. Cette fonction a été confié bien évidemment à Aziz. Pendant les rencontres avec le mer et le chef, Aziz soulignait la mauvaise réputation du président précédent auprès des certains milieux diplomatiques24 et ses lacunes en compétences linguistiques (manque du français courant lu et écrit) ce qui rendait plus difficile la collaboration avec les partenaires étrangers25. Il soulignait également la disparition tantôt des cotisations26 de caisse du musée et tantôt des meubles du siège muséal (5 chaises, 3 bancs et une table). Tout ceci était fort désavantageux pour le mer parce que la caisse s’est située dans le mairie et l’équipement avait été offert par le ministre de la culture il y a quelques années27. Après 24 Il ne s’agit pas ici d’une simple connaissance de la langue des opérateurs, mais plutôt de la capacité à se servir de la rhétorique et de l’axiologie du discours de développement, par exemple par accentuer la situation des groupes marginalisés 25 Dans les années 1998-1999 le président a travaillé comme aide-cuisinier à l’ambassade d’Allemagne à Ouagadougou. En profitant de cette situation, il a demandé de financer le projet de la construction de deux maisons pour les enseignants travaillant à Nenglélé. Il a reçu une donation de 700000 francs CFA (environ 10670 euros). Pour cette somme on pouvait construire à l’époque deux maisons en pierre taillée. Quand la délégation de l’ambassade est venue afin de le vérifier, au lieu de maisons de pierre taillé il y avait des maisons en brique de boue et avec le toit de tôle dont le coût de construction a été estimé à 70000 francs CFA (1067 euros). Le cuisinier et l’argent ont disparu. Après un an et demie le président est revenu à Nenglélé et il habite jusqu’au présent dans une des maisons pour les enseignants. Depuis lors toutes les demandes de soutien financier adressées à l’ambassade d’Allemagne ont été rejetées parce que sur le document il y avait la signature du président. 26 Il a contacté le trésorier du musée et l’a prévenu des conséquences découlant de la fraude des cotisations. Malgré sa signature sur les chèques, le trésorier a constaté que le président les avait retirés. 27 Quand on lui a posé la question sur la disparition des meubles, le président a répondu : «les termites les ont mangés». �Les objectifs non cachées – les objectifs cachées 65 deux mois de négociations le président a finalement renoncé et le nouveau conseil d’administration a été convoquée. Le préfet est entré en fonction du président, le mer est devenu son adjoint, le rôle du membre d’honneur a été confié au chef et Aziz a gardé le poste de conservateur et de guide28. Conclusion La situation présentée ci-dessus constitue l’un des plusieurs exemples de divergence entre les objectifs non-cachées («sur le papier») et les objectifs cachées («sur le terrain»). Ce sont les échos des paradigmes : altruiste et de modernisation qui résonnent encore et sont à l’origine de cet état de choses. Pour cette raison les décideurs et les coordinateurs des projets de développement prennent toujours des positions extrêmes. D’un coté ils romantisent les revendications «éloignées» transmises par le courtier, de l’autre – ils maintiennent la tendance à essencialiser le développement et de le considérer comme une entreprise monolithique dirigée d’en haut. Par conséquent, l’utilisation de ces deux modèles de la politique se tourne contre les objectifs visées et contre les effets des projets de développement. Norman Long qu’on a cité déjà, a suggéré de voir le projet sous une autre optique – celle des bénéficiaires et non pas de donateurs. Ainsi on remarquera la contextualité locale de la pensée et de l’interprétation les processus de développement. D’habitude les objectifs des décideurs et des opérateurs du développement sont abstraites et nos recherches le confirment. Comme l’exemple du président précédent le montre, il ne visait ni à la promotion de la région ni au développement du À part eux, les quatorze membres encore ont siégé dans le conseil d’administration. 28 �66 Katarzyna Meissner tourisme mais uniquement au transfert des fonds promis par le ministère. En l’occurrence l’accès aux biens découlant de l’activité de développement était l’objectif cachée des bénéficiaires29. Pour arriver à ce fin ils profitaient des scénarios proposées par donateurs tels que la formation de nouveaux cadres dirigeants. Néanmoins ce n’était qu’une solution temporaire puisqu’on la suspendait au moment de terminer le projet. Pendant les élections de nouveau conseil d’administration, les bénéficiaires ont constaté plusieurs fois qu’ «on peut le changer toujours» et que l’essentiel était d’obtenir de l’argent. Malheureusement cette divergence dans les objectifs des scénarios du projet entraîne la précarité ou l’échec. En général, avec la fin du projet et la disparition des animateurs, les scénarios sont oubliés et il reste aux bénéficiaires d’ attendre aux rôles prochains à jouer. Bibliographie Bayard, J.-F. 1989. L’État en Afrique. La politique du ventre. Paris: Librairie Fayard. Bierschenk, T. 1991. Les projects et les politiques de développement sont-ils des préoccupations légitimes de l’anthropologie?. Bulletin de l’APAD. 1. 12-14. Bierschenk, T. & Olivier de Sardan, J.P. 1993. Les courties locaux de développement. Un programme de recherche’. Bulletin de l’APAD. 5. 71-76. Boissevain, J. 1974. Friend of friends. Networks, manipulators and coalition. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Durston, J. 2001. Social capital –part of the problem, part of the solution. Its role in the persistence and overcoming of poverty in Latin America and the Caribbean. Ms. Santiago: University of Michigan. Ryszard Vorbrich traite de cette conceptualisation des projets de développement plus largement (2013). 29 �Les objectifs non cachées – les objectifs cachées 67 Leach, E. 1982. Social anthropology. Glasgow: Fontana. Long, N. 2001. Development sociology. Actor perspectives. London-New York: Rutledge. Médard, J.-F. 1991. Etats d’Afrique noire. Formation, mécanismes et crise. Paris: Karthala. Médard, J.-F. 1996. Partimonialism, neo-patrimonialism and the study of the post-colonial state in Subsaharian Africa. In: H. Secher Marcusen (dir.) Improved natural resource management – the role of formal organizations and informal networks and institution. Occasional Paper no 17. Danemark: Roskilde University. 76-96. Médard, J.-F. 2007. Nouveau acteurs sociaux, permanence et renouvellement du clientélisme politique en Afrique Subsaharienne, Cadernos de Estudos Africanos 13/14. 11-26. Neubert, D. 1996. The role of local brokers in the development system. Experience in self-help project in East Africa. Bulletin de l’APAD, 11. 2-11. Olivier de Sardan, J.-P. 1993. Les courtiers locaux du développement. Bulletin de l’APAD. 5. 71-76. Olivier de Sardan, J.-P. 1995. Anthropologie et développement. Essai en socio-anthropologie du changement social. Paris-Marseille: Karthala. Rabinow, P. 2010. Refleksje na temat badań terenowych w Maroku. Kęty: Wydawnictwo Marek Derewiecki. Said, H. 2005. Orientalizm. Poznań: Zysk i S-ka. Thoden van Velzen, H.U.E. 1973. Robinson Crusoe and Friday: strength and weakness of the big man paradigm. Man 8. 592-614. Vorbrich, R. 2010. Garnek żelazny i garnek gliniany, czyli społeczeństwo plemienne w zderzeniu ze społeczeństwem narodowym i globalnym. Przypadek Kamerunu. Lud 94. 143-158. Vorbrich, R. 2013. Zróbmy coś – dajcie coś. Dwie konceptualizacje projektów rozwojowych. Etnografia Polska 57(1-2). 9-22. Wall van de, N. 2005. African Economies and the Politics of Permanent crisis 1979-1999. New-York: Cambridge University Press. �68 Katarzyna Meissner Summary Public targets – hidden targets The discrepancy between transcripts in the local field of development cooperation The article presents the preliminary results of ethnographic field research that I conducted among the Kurumba living in the north-western Burkina Faso. It will answer the question of how agents of development – a special group of beneficiaries of development projects – carry hidden transcripts for maximizing the benefits sources (both material, financial and symbolic) following from development cooperation. During a two-month stay in the municipality that for the publication purposes I called Nenglélé I watched the practice of a particular development agent, whom for the purposes of this article I called Aziz. �KONRAD CZERNICHOWSKI REASONS OF THE CONFLICT IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC (2012-2014) The Central African Republic is the country, in which the only advocates are fruit, captains are fish and gendarmes are birds (Central African saying)1 1. Introduction The Central African Republic has been considered a fragile state for many years. The Fund for Peace prepares every year a ranking of failed states on the basis of 12 criteria: demographic pressures; massive movements of refugees or internal displaced persons; vengeance-seeking group grievance; chronic and sustained human flight; uneven economic development; poverty, sharp or severe economic decline; legitimacy of the state; progressive deterioration of public services; violation of human rights and rule of law; security apparatus; rise of factionalized elites and intervention of external actors. In the case of the Central African Cited after: R. Wieczorek OFM Cap., Listy z Serca Afryki, Kraków 2002, p. 52. Avocado is in French avocat, the same as advocate. Capitaine is a popular name of fish, which occur in the Central African Republic and Cameroon, and weigh dozens of kilograms. Tisserin gendarme is a name of an African bird, known in English under the name of village weaver. 1 �70 Konrad Czernichowski Republic the situation of movements of refugees (9.8 points with 10.0 meaning the state totally failed), security apparatus (9.7), the shortage of public services (9.5), intervention of external actors (9.4), uneven social and economic development (9.2) and emerging factions (9.1) look the worst. According to Fr. Jerzy Kiebała OFM Cap., who was a missionary there, students of the university in Bangui are mostly sons and daughters of ministers and those who have money. The number of students coming from the bush is marginal2. In 2013 the country was classified on the nineth position out of 178 states3, which puts it on a high state of alert. It went down from the eighth place in 20084. However, the ranking did not take into consideration the chaos emerged after Michel Djotodia’s coup d’état in March 2013 and his resignation in January 2014. The state will probably go up in this ranking. It is even worse in the ranking of simplicity of doing business. According to the World Bank’s report “Doing Business 2014. Understanding Regulations for Small and Medium-Size Enterprises”, the Central African Republic holds the last but one position5. In 2009 it was classified on the 180th place, that is eight places higher6. The aim of this article is to determine the actual reasons of the armed conflict. 2 The interview of the Movement “Maitri” with Fr. Jerzy Kiebała OFM Cap. made on 1.05.2007 in Wrocław. 3 The Failed State Index 2013, in: http://ffp.statesindex.org/rankings-2013sortable (accessed: 18.02.2014). 4 K. Czernichowski, Bezpośrednie inwestycje zagraniczne w Afryce, „Afryka” (2009), No. 29-30, pp. 143-147. 5 Doing Business 2014. Understanding Regulations for Small and Medium-Size Enterprises, World Bank, Washington 2013, p. 3. 6 K. Czernichowski, Bezpośrednie…, op. cit., pp. 143-147. �Reasons of the conflict in the Central African Republic (2012-2014) 71 2. Coups d’état in the Central African Republic The state has been experiencing numerous coups d’état, terror, killings, riots, violations of human rights since its independence in 1960. The most bloody dictator was Colonel Jean-Bédel Bokassa (1921-1966). In 1966 he overturned David Dacko (19302003), whose uncle he was (therefore some people saw in this coup nothing else but a familiar dispute). The political reason was the establishment of political relations with China by Dacko (which Bokassa did not like), as well as corruption within the government7. His coronation as emperor cost a lot of the state’s income8. He ruled the country authoritatively till 1979, when Dacko was restored to power with the help of the Frenchmen. In 1981 another coup d’état took place with General André Kolingba as the new leader. His rule could be characterized by nepotism. He introduced friends and members of his ethnie Yakoma to the head of strategic institutions. At the end of his presidency people with such roots were chairmen of 80 per cent of public companies9. In 1993 the first and the only to this day democratic elections were held. Ange-Félix Patassé was chosen the President10. His rule was however less democratic11. R. Kapuściński, Gdyby cała Afryka…, Agora, Warszawa 2011, p. 253. R. Oliver, A. Atmore, Dzieje Afryki po 1800 roku, Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza 2007, p. 354. 9 The Central African Crisis: From Predation to Stabilisation. Africa Report No°219, 17.06.2014, International Crisis Group, p. 1. 10 M. Tul, Przewrót w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej, „Raport Afryka. Polish Centre for African Studies” (2013), April – June, p. 26. 11 The Central…, op. cit., p. 1. 7 8 �72 Konrad Czernichowski In 2003 another coup d’état was lead by François Bozizé, the former army chief and Patassé’s collaborator12. Nevertheless, he did not contribute to the establishment of peace and security. He sought help in maintaining his power overseas. As a result the Mirage aircraft from France made raids on the North of the Central African Republic. Bozizé’s advisor was a businessman Didier Pereira, who lived in South Africa for 20 years. He mediated in the talks of the President of the Central African Republic with the President of South Africa (Jacob Zuma) about the supply of weapons. It was not realized because of legal obstacles on the side of South Africa13. The President of Chad, Idriss Déby, also gave his support to Bozizé by sending a contingent of soldiers14. In December 2012 rebel groups, mainly from Chad and the Sudan, under the common name “Seleka” (the word means in the language of Sango “covenant”15, it can also come from the French “séléction” – “choice” or “selected”16, because Sango has many loanwords from French17), initiated the uprising against 12 R. Wieczorek OFM Cap., Pęknięte Serce Afryki, Kraków: Wydawnictwo Serafin 2006, p. 23. 13 M. Koziński, Obecność wojsk RPA w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej, „Raport Afryka. Polish Centre for African Studies” (2013), April – June, pp. 20-21. 14 L. Lombard, Is the Central African Republic on the Verge of Genocide?, in: http://africasacountry.com/is-the-central-african-republic-on-the-verge-ofgenocide/ (5.12.2013 r.; accessed: 21.08.2014). 15 P. Bouckaert, ‘We Live and Die Here Like Animals’, in: http://www. foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/13/we_live_and_die_here_like_animals_ central_african_republic_muslim_christian_violence (13.11.2013 r.; accessed: 30.08.2014). 16 R. Wieczorek OFM Cap., W RCA nie chodzi o religię, in: http://www.stacja7. pl/article/2468/W+RCA+nie+chodzi+o+religi%C4%99 (7.02.2014 r.; accessed: 24.02.2014). 17 R. Modelski OFM Cap., Koktajl misyjny, Kraków – Poznań: Sorus 2010, p. 13. �Reasons of the conflict in the Central African Republic (2012-2014) 73 Bozizé18. South Africa reinforced its troops to 200 soldiers19. In March 2013 Seleka mastered the capital Bangui and the rebels’ head Michel Djotodia took power. French media published that his security adviser was a former French army officer. Djotodia’s rule, which lasted less than one year, was characterized by looting and chaos. The new President usurper increased extraordinary expenses. During the unrest, the ministers of his government spent public money on expensive trips to Europe, India, Qatar, South Africa and Senegal20. François Bozizé fled abroad. Unlike previous coups d’état, this one was strongly condemned by the international community21. The African Union sent MISCA troops (the African-led International Support Mission to the Central African Republic, French: Mission internationale de soutien à la Centrafrique sous conduite africaine), which replaced MICOPAX22 (the Mission for the Consolidation of Peace in Central African Republic, French: Mission de consolidation de la paix en Centrafrique). MICOPAX had been coordinated by ECCAS (Economic Community of Central African States) and had consisted of Chadian, Gabonese, Equatorial Guinean, Cameroonian and Congolese (from Congo-Brazzaville) soldiers. France supported MISCA with two M. Tul, op. cit., p. 25. M. Koziński, op. cit., p. 21. 20 The Central…, op. cit., pp. 3-6. 21 Compare: M. Tul, op. cit., p. 25. 22 R. Marchal, Central African Republic: Back to War Again?, in: http:// theglobalobservatory.org/component/myblog/central-african-republicback-to-war-again-/blogger/Roland%20Marchal/ (12.09.2013 r.; accessed: 30.08.2014). 18 19 �74 Konrad Czernichowski thousand soldiers23 within the operation “Sangaris”24. Only in December 2013 one thousand people were killed. As for 1 August 2014, 927 thousand people had to flee25. During peace talks in N’Djamena in January 2014 Michel Djotodia resigned. He is now in Benin, where he was granted asylum. As reported by the International Crisis Group in 2014, he lives in a comfortable environment – he has a farm, is building a house on the outskirts of Cotonou and is protected by Beninese soldiers26. Catherine Samba-Panza, a lawyer, a former mayor of Bangui27 and an activist for women28, was meanwhile elected the interim head of state. It is the third woman in the presidency (though temporary – elected for one year) in the African history, after Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf from Liberia and Joyce Banda from Malawi. Her task is to stabilize the situation in the country, so that free presidential elections can be held. A. Jaulmes, La France envoie 400 soldats supplémentaires en Centrafrique, in: http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2014/02/14/01003-20140214ARTFI­ G00377-la-france-envoie-des-renforts-en-centrafrique.php (14.02.2014 r.; accessed: 30.08.2014). 24 Opération Sangaris, in: http://www.defense.gouv.fr/operations/ centrafrique/operation-sangaris/operation-sangaris (10.12.2013 r.; accessed: 30.08.2014). 25 CAR: When refugees become more than statistics, in: http://www.unocha. org/top-stories/all-stories/car-when-refugees-become-more-statistics (7.08.2014 r.; accessed: 22.08.2014). 26 The Central…, op. cit., s. 4. 27 I. Cywa, Komentarz: Konflikt w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej: Krwawe „Serce Afryki”, in: http://www.pcsa.org.pl/products/komentarz%3a-konfliktw- re p u b l i c e - % C 5 % 9 B ro d kowo a f r y k a % C 5 % 8 4 sk i ej % 3 a - k r w awe %E2%80%9Eserce-afryki%E2%80%9D-/ (accessed: 22.02.2014). 28 G. Warner, War in Africa: Faith or Economics?, Radio “Interfaith Voices”, 6.03.2014. 23 �Reasons of the conflict in the Central African Republic (2012-2014) 75 3. Arguments in favour of the religious nature of the current conflict The conflict in the Central African Republic is sometimes called a religious war between Christians and Muslims. One can encounter, among others, the following sentences in the world media: The killings of at least 30 people Wednesday by Muslim rebels who stormed a Catholic church in the Central African Republic marked the latest escalation of religious violence gripping the conflict-torn nation29. A cycle of violence in the Central African Republic is quickly degenerating into a religious conflict between Christians and Muslims, amid a deteriorating humanitarian crisis, church leaders and U.N. officials warn30. Thursday’s violence is thought to have begun when Christian militias, loyal to the CAR’s ousted President Francois Bozize, launched multiple attacks from the north – sparking retaliatory attacks from mainly Muslim armed fighters loyal to the new leadership31. Seleka consists mainly of people confessing Islam who performed brutal killing of civilians. On 8 February 2014 Father Benedykt Pączka (former director of the Capuchin Mission Secretariat in Poland, and now a missionary in the Central African Republic) 29 G. Taylor, M. Somers, Fears of religious war rise in Central African Republic after attack on Catholic church, in: “The Washington Times”, http://www. washingtontimes.com/news/2014/may/28/fears-of-religious-war-rise-in-centralafrican-rep/?page=all (28.05.2014; accessed: 20.08.2014). 30 F. Nzwili, Religious conflict rips through Central African Republic, in: http:// www.religionnews.com/2013/11/21/religious-conflict-rips-central-africanrepublic/ (21.11.2013; accessed: 20.08.2014). 31 ‘Hundreds dead’ in Central African Republic violence, in: http://www.bbc. com/news/world-africa-25273681 (6.12.2013; accessed: 21.08.2014). �76 Konrad Czernichowski visited the village Nzakoun. His attention was drawn to the fact that, when people heard the sound of an engine, fled into the bush. In the same village, he found houses with traces of blood, scattered clothing, bullet shells. Four days earlier there had been a massacre here. 22 people, including 9 children, had been murdered. Trying to pay attention of the world’s media to this tragedy, he reports: Bodies of dead people remained until Wednesday, when Seleka left the village. People came and… they could not believe what they saw. Then we go further – people who show us round present us the burned houses. There are 25 of them, with all their belongings. They buried their goods in these houses: motorbikes, bicycles, money and all that, which was of any value. A couple of motorbikes, bicycles, pots, beds, which had not burnt, remained. 14 motorbikes and 5 bikes had been destroyed by fire32. Seleka encountered resistance of Anti-Balaka, which had been established during François Bozizé’s rule to protect against robberies33. It was, however, less well armed and less well organized than Seleka34. According to some sources, “Balaka” means in Sango language “machete”35, and other sources give the meaning “anti-balles AK”, from “blendé anti-balles d’automat Kalachnikow 47” – “resistant to Kalashnikov bullets”36. Anti-Balaka consists mainly of Christians (therefore some media call it Christian militia) who are willing to admit their faith and declare their actions 32 A. Ścibik, B. Pączka OFM Cap., Serce Afryki krwawi, in: http://www.opoka. org.pl/biblioteka/P/PS/as_rca.html (accessed: 18.02.2014). 33 Human Rights Watch, World Report 2014, New York 2014, p. 90. 34 The Central…, op. cit., p. 9. 35 I. Käihkö, M. Utas, op. cit., p. 70; ‘Hundreds…, op. cit.; D. Smith, Christian threats force Muslim convoy to turn back in CAR exodus, in: http://www.theguardian. com/world/2014/feb/14/muslim-convoy-central-african-republic-exodus (14.02.2014; accessed: 22.02.2014); or G. Warner, op. cit. 36 R. Wieczorek OFM Cap., op. cit. �Reasons of the conflict in the Central African Republic (2012-2014) 77 in the name of Christianity37. Anti-Balaka had committed crimes against Muslim civilians, particularly in the region of Bosangoa in central-western part of the country38. According to “The Guardian”, Anti-Balaka had killed all the Muslims except an eleven-year old girl in one village (though it may be surprising that the journalist did not mention the name of the village)39. Many civilian Muslims were forced to flee the war-torn country. Journalists reached some of them. They feel religiously discriminated. Gana El Hadji Chetima, a trader from Bossemtélé, said: We are hated by the Christians from Central African Republic. They do not want Muslims at home and consider that Muslims are not Central Africans40. Another Muslim woman lamented: It is no longer a country for Muslims41. The appointment of Mahamat Kamoun as the Prime Minister, the first ever Muslim to the office, may also reflect the religious nature of the conflict42. This is to ease the tensions between followers of the two religions. 4. Counterarguments Monsignor Dieudonné Nzapalainga, Archbishop of Bangui, is strongly protesting against talking about Anti-Balaka as a Christian I. Käihkö, M. Utas, op. cit., p. 70. World…, op. cit., p. 90. 39 D. Smith, op. cit. 40 Le Journal Afrique, TV5, 11.03.2014. 41 G. Warner, op. cit. 42 T. Scheen, Ringen um Einfluss, in: http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/ ausland/afrika/zentralafrikanische-republik-ringen-um-einfluss-13092440. html (12.08.2014; accessed: 23.08.2014). 37 38 �78 Konrad Czernichowski militia since attacking people opposes to Christian morality. Anti-Balaka causes suffering of not only Muslims. Archbishop Nzapalainga appeals to call this formation a self-defense or a military militia, but not a Christian militia43. Anti-Balaka’s connotations with Christianity result only from the fact that it was created against Seleka and that it is mostly formed by Christians, who make up 50 per cent of population (35 per cent are followers of traditional religions and 15 percent – Muslims)44. Some Anti-Balaka’s members are soldiers of the former President François Bozizé45, which further explains their brutality. Seleka’s connotations with Islam concern the fact that it is formed by the gangs coming from Sudan and Chad, where Islam dominates46. These groups are very diverse. In August 2014 there were even bloody clashes between the two factions of Seleka, aiming at taking control over barriers at the Bambari exit in the centre of the country47. Alicja Toton, who was a volunteer as a doctor in Bagandou in the south west of the Central African Republic in the years 20092010, did not encounter any signs of hostility between Christians and Muslims. If there were some tensions, they resulted from jealousy. The Muslims were generally better off financially since Prelate denounces use of term ‘Christian militia’ in Central African conflict, in: http://www.catholicculture.org/news/headlines/index.cfm?storyid=20449 (11.02.2014; accessed: 22.02.2014). 44 Africa. Central African Republic, in: https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ct.html (18.02.2014; accessed: 22.02.2014). 45 I. Cywa, op. cit. 46 M. Cariou, C. Africa’s Nzapalainga, much more than an archbishop, in: http:// za.news.yahoo.com/c-africas-nzapalainga-much-more-archbishop-212426266. html (14.10.2013; accessed: 1.09.2014). 47 Centrafrique: violents combats entre factions de la Seleka à Bambari, in: http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20140826-rca-centrafrique-violents-combats-selekabambari-zoundeko-darass-pareto/ (26.08.2014; accessed: 30.08.2014). 43 �Reasons of the conflict in the Central African Republic (2012-2014) 79 they most often engaged in trade. Alicja Toton mentions a Muslim employed in the Catholic hospital where she worked. Every day before work he accompanied with the respectful attitude the staff who prayed. Both Christians and Muslims were treated in this hospital. The change of religion was socially acceptable48. Archbishop Dieudonné Nzapalainga and Imam Omar Layama Kobin, president of the Muslim community in the Central African Republic, travel currently across the country and call for peace. They have also written a common article for “Le Monde”, in which they argue that the conflict in their country is not a war between Christians and Muslims, but the consequence of an acute humanitarian crisis caused by long periods of political and military instability49. This unstable situation, which lasted for decades, contributed to the progressive wallowing of the country in the socio-economic crisis50. 5. Economic background of the conflict Central African Republic depends largely on foreign aid. NGOs financed mainly by foreign donors have taken over the majority of social services51. The average life expectancy of women is E-mail from A. Toton, 23.02.2014. D. Nzapalainga, O.K. Layama, En Centrafrique, « le pire pourrait être encore à venir », in: http://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2013/12/26/en-centrafriquele-pire-pourrait-etre-encore-a-venir_4340283_3232.html (26.12.2013; accessed: 22.02.2014). 50 Compare: Rozmowa z ojcem Jerzym Steligą OFM Cap., „My a Trzeci Świat” (2009), No. 5, p. 3. 51 The Central…, op. cit., p. 1. 48 49 �80 Konrad Czernichowski 51 years52, and of men – 48 years53. Continuous wars, rebellions and unrest destabilized the economy, eg. among many large and medium-sized enterprises in the district of Bimbo, adjacent to Bangui, now only one remains. The country that produced such products as milk and yogurt now imports them from abroad54. The weakness of the government, corruption, taking by multinational corporations profit from the unstable political situation enable the occurrence of the so-called “natural resources curse” in the Central African Republic, meaning an adverse effect on the development of resource-based economies and, in extreme cases, the petrification of one-party rule and enforcement of corrupt regimes in order to maintain favorable conditions for the exploitation of minerals55. It concerns the countries, in which at least 8 per cent of GDP is generated by the extractive industry and 40 per cent of export revenues are commodities56. These indicators are almost exactly the same in the case of the Central African Republic: 7 per cent and 39.8 per cent, respectively. It should be noted that these are the official figures that do not take into account estimates that 30 per cent of diamonds are smuggled abro52 Life expectancy at birth, female (years), in: http://data.worldbank.org/ indicator/SP.DYN.LE00.FE.IN (accessed: 21.08.2014). 53 Life expectancy at birth, male (years), in: http://data.worldbank.org/ indicator/SP.DYN.LE00.MA.IN (accessed: 21.08.2014). 54 The Central…, op. cit., p. 8. 55 Compare: A. Polus, Polityczne aspekty klątwy surowcowej. Hipoteza? Teoria? Nowy paradygmat w studiach afrykanistycznych, in: B. Ndiaye, P. Letko (eds.), Afryka w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Historia, stan obecny, perspektywy, Olsztyn: Institute of History and International Relations, University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn 2010, p. 191. Hypothesis of natural resource curse was tested by: K. Czernichowski, D. Kopiński, A. Polus, Klątwa surowcowa w Afryce? Przypadek Zambii i Botswany, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo CeDeWu 2012. 56 A. Polus, Relacje pomiędzy rządami a NGOs w afrykańskich państwach surowcowych, Wrocław: Oficyna Wydawnicza ATUT – Wrocławskie Wydawnictwo Oświatowe 2013, p. 43. �Reasons of the conflict in the Central African Republic (2012-2014) 81 ad. These unregistered diamonds are proportionally more valuable because it is more profitable to smuggle larger and therefore more expensive diamonds57. However, even assuming the same proportions, we would obtain a share of diamonds in total exports equal: 39,8% · 100% ~ 56,9% 100% – 30% One of the premises of the economic nature of the conflict is that just before the attack, President François Bozizé had granted a Cameroonian company a license to prospect for diamonds and gold in the Dzanga-Sangha protected area, which caused protests by the Worldwide Fund for Nature. In addition, he signed contracts with other little-known companies. After Michel Djotodia’s takeover of power about twenty companies asked the ministry of mining a concession for the exploration of mineral deposits or oil. The new government has been promising to revise, and possibly re-negotiate, the existing contracts, but he did not. The transparency of relationship between the state and business has not increased, either. On the one hand, the miners in the rich in diamonds west joined Anti-Balaka in response to the unrest caused by Seleka in order to take control of the mines. On the other hand, diamond dealers in the east of the country joined the ranks of Seleka in retaliation for looting organized by François Bozizé58. Alarmed by the fact of diamond smuggling and financing Seleka by the diamond industry, the Kimberley Process disabled the Central African Republic from the system of official trade in dia57 K. Matthysen, I. Clarkson, Gold and diamonds in the Central African Republic. The country’s mining sector, and related social, economic and environmental issues, Antwerp: International Peace Information Service 2013, pp. 6-7. 58 The Central…, op. cit., pp. 4-10. �82 Konrad Czernichowski monds in 201359. The history of this institution dates back to 2000, when just in Kimberley (the world centre of diamond mining) in South Africa the authorities and manufacturers from Botswana, Namibia and South Africa met. Two years later, the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme (KPCS) was adopted. It stated that each load of diamonds had to have a certificate of origin. In case of its absence, it would be presumed that they are from a country, which had not acceded to the international regulations, and therefore they would not be allowed on the world market due to the risk of having been mined in the state covered by an armed conflict. In just eight years (from 1999 to 2007) the share of “blood diamonds” in international trade fell from 4 per cent to less than 1 per cent60. At present, 80 countries participate in the Kimberley Process61, not counting the suspended from 23 May 2013 Central African Republic62, from which – thanks to this decision – smuggling was reduced, though not completely63. The effects of the coup d’état in the Central African Republic in 2013 did not affect only the macroscale, but directly all citizens. As never before, the country experienced a wave of looting. Public buildings were being looted, the infrastructure of mobile telephony was being destroyed. Private or belonging to non-govIbidem, p. 11. K. Czernichowski, Potencjał surowcowy Afryki a polityka koncernów międzynarodowych, in: K. Jędrzejczyk-Kuliniak, L. Kwieciński, B. Michalski, E. Stadtmüller (eds.), Regionalizacja w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Aspekty polityczno-gospodarcze, Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek 2008, pp. 244-245. 61 KP Participants and Observers, in: http://www.kimberleyprocess.com/ en/kp-participants-and-observers (accessed: 27.08.2014). 62 Administrative Decision on ensuring that diamonds from the Central African Republic are not introduced into the legitimate trade, in: http://www. kimberleyprocess.com/en/2014-administrative-decision-car (accessed: 27.08.2014). 63 The Central…, op. cit., p. 11. 59 60 �Reasons of the conflict in the Central African Republic (2012-2014) 83 ernmental organizations (or even the UN) cars were being stolen on a massive scale. Then they were being sold in neighbouring countries or recoated in PK5 – a commercial district of Bangui. Seleka’s leaders were also organizing kidnapping of businessmen for ransom64. The economic consequences of Seleka’s rule were dramatic. In 2013 the Gross National Income per capita was 320 USD65. In this period smuggling of arms, diamonds and timber was reported. Cultivation of cotton, coffee and tobacco, which was developed in the colonial times, fell. Only in 2013 tax revenues decreased by half. Three-quarters of budget expenditures was at the same time spent on safety. As a result, at the end of that year the treasury became insolvent against civil servants. A deepening of the economic crisis may be expected as Muslims, who controlled a large part of the trade, flee the country66. Bibliografia Administrative Decision on ensuring that diamonds from the Central African Republic are not introduced into the legitimate trade, http:// www.kimberleyprocess.com/en/2014-administrative-decision-car (27.08.2014). Africa. Central African Republic, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ct.html (18.02.2014; 22.02.2014). Bouckaert P., ‘We Live and Die Here Like Animals’, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/13/we_live_and_die_here_like_ Ibidem, pp. 8-9. GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$), in: http://data.worldbank. org/indicator/NY.GNP.PCAP.CD (accessed: 21.08.2014). 66 The Central…, op. cit., pp. 1-6. 64 65 �84 Konrad Czernichowski animals_central_african_republic_muslim_christian_violence (13.11.2013; 30.08.2014). CAR: When refugees become more than statistics, w: http://www.unocha. org/top-stories/all-stories/car-when-refugees-become-more-statistics (7.08.2014; 22.08.2014). Cariou M., C. Africa’s Nzapalainga, much more than an archbishop, w: http://za.news.yahoo.com/c-africas-nzapalainga-much-­ more-archbishop-212426266.html (14.10.2013; 1.09.2014). Centrafrique: violents combats entre factions de la Seleka à Bambari, w: http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20140826-rca-centrafrique-violents-combats-seleka-bambari-zoundeko-darass-pareto/ (26.08.2014; 30.08.2014). Cywa I., Komentarz: Konflikt w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej: Krwawe „Serce Afryki”, w: http://www.pcsa.org.pl/products/koment ar z%3a-konflikt-w-republice-%C5%9Brodkowoafr yka%C5%84skiej%3a-kr wawe-%E2%80%9Eserce-afr yki%E2%80%9D-/ ( 22.02.2014). Czernichowski K., Bezpośrednie inwestycje zagraniczne w Afryce, „Afryka” (2009), nr 29-30. Czernichowski K., Kopiński D., Polus A., Klątwa surowcowa w Afryce? Przypadek Zambii i Botswany, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo CeDeWu 2012. Czernichowski K., Potencjał surowcowy Afryki a polityka koncernów międzynarodowych, in: K. Jędrzejczyk-Kuliniak, L. Kwieciński, B. Michalski, E. Stadtmüller (eds.), Regionalizacja w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Aspekt y polit yczno-gospodarcze, Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek 2008. Doing Business 2014. Understanding Regulations for Small and Medium-Size Enterprises, World Bank, Washington 2013. GNI per capita, Atlas method (current US$), w: http://data.worldbank. org/indicator/NY.GNP.PCAP.CD ( 21.08.2014). Human Rights Watch, World Report 2014, New York 2014. ‘Hundreds dead’ in Central African Republic violence, w: http://www.bbc. com/news/world-africa-25273681 (6.12.2013; 21.08.2014). �Reasons of the conflict in the Central African Republic (2012-2014) 85 Jaulmes A., La France envoie 400 soldats supplémentaires en Centrafrique, w: http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2014/02/14/0100320140214ARTFIG00377-la-france-envoie-des-renforts-en-centrafrique.php (14.02.2014; 30.08.2014). Käihkö I., Utas M., The Crisis in CAR: Navigating Myths and Interests, „Africa Spectrum” (2014), nr 1. Kapuściński R., Gdyby cała Afryka…, Warszawa: Agora 2011. Koziński M., Obecność wojsk RPA w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej, „Raport Afryka. Polskie Centrum Studiów Afrykanistycznych” (2013), kwiecień – czerwiec 2013. KP Participants and Observers, http://www.kimberleyprocess.com/en/ kp-participants-and-observers (27.08.2014). Life expectancy at birth, female (years), http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.LE00.FE.IN (21.08.2014). Life expectancy at birth, male (years), http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.DYN.LE00.MA.IN ( 21.08.2014). Lombard L., Is the Central African Republic on the Verge of Genocide?, http://africasacountry.com/is-the-central-african-republic-onthe-verge-of-genocide/ (5.12.2013; 21.08.2014). Marchal R., Central African Republic: Back to War Again?, http://theglobalobservatory.org/component/myblog/central-african-republic-back-to-war-again-/blogger/Roland%20Marchal/ (12.09.2013; 30.08.2014). Matthysen K., Clarkson I., Gold and diamonds in the Central African Republic. The country’s mining sector, and related social, economic and environmental issues, Antwerp: International Peace Information Service 2013. Modelski R., OFM Cap., Koktajl misyjny, Kraków – Poznań: Sorus 2010. Nzapalainga D., Layama O.K., En Centrafrique, « le pire pourrait être encore à venir », http://www.lemonde.fr/idees/ar ticle/2013/12/26/en-centrafrique-le-pire-pourrait-etre-encore-avenir_4340283_3232.html (26.12.2013; 22.02.2014). Nzwili F., Religious conflict rips through Central African Republic, w: http://www.religionnews.com/2013/11/21/religious-conflict-rips-central-african-republic/ (21.11.2013; 20.08.2014). �86 Konrad Czernichowski Oliver R., Atmore A., Dzieje Afryki po 1800 roku, Warszawa: Wydaw­ nictwo Książka i Wiedza 2007. Opération Sangaris, http://www.defense.gouv.fr/operations/centrafrique/operation-sangaris/operation-sangaris (10.12.2013; 30.08.2014). Polus A., Polityczne aspekty klątwy surowcowej. Hipoteza? Teoria? Nowy paradygmat w studiach afrykanistycznych, in: B. Ndiaye, P. Letko (eds.), Afryka w stosunkach międzynarodowych. Historia, stan obecny, perspektywy, Olsztyn: Instytut Historii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych Uniwersytetu Warmińsko-Mazurskiego w Olsztynie 2010. Polus A., Relacje pomiędzy rządami a NGOs w afrykańskich państwach surowcowych, Wrocław: Oficyna Wydawnicza ATUT – Wrocławskie Wydawnictwo Oświatowe 2013. Prelate denounces use of term ‘Christian militia’ in Central African conflict, http://www.catholicculture.org/news/headlines/index.cfm?storyid=20449 (11.02.2014; 22.02.2014). Rozmowa z ojcem Jerzym Steligą OFM Cap., w: „My a Trzeci Świat” 2009, nr 5. Scheen T., Ringen um Einfluss, http://www.faz.net/aktuell/politik/ausland/afrika/zentralafrikanische-republik-ringen-um-einfluss-13092440.html (12.08.2014; 23.08.2014). Ścibik A., Pączka B., OFM Cap., Serce Afryki krwawi, http://www.opoka.org.pl/biblioteka/P/PS/as_rca.html (18.02.2014). Smith D., Christian threats force Muslim convoy to turn back in CAR exodus, http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/feb/14/muslim-convoy-central-african-republic-exodus (14.02.2014; 22.02.2014). Taylor G., Somers M., Fears of religious war rise in Central African Republic after attack on Catholic church, “The Washington Times”, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2014/may/28/fearsof-religious-war-rise-in-central-african-rep/?page=all (28.05.2014; 20.08.2014). The Central African Crisis: From Predation to Stabilisation. Africa Report No°219, 17.06.2014, International Crisis Group. �Reasons of the conflict in the Central African Republic (2012-2014) 87 The Failed State Index 2013, http://ffp.statesindex.org/rankings-2013-sortable (18.02.2014). Tul M., Przewrót w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej, w: „Raport Afryka. Polskie Centrum Studiów Afrykanistycznych” (2013), kwiecień – czerwiec 2013. TV5, Le Journal Afrique, 11.03.2014 Warner G., War in Africa: Faith or Economics?, Radio “Interfaith Voices”, 6.03.2014 Wieczorek R., OFM Cap., Listy z Serca Afryki,, Kraków: Głos Ojca Pio 2002. Wieczorek R., OFM Cap., Pęknięte Serce Afryki, Kraków: Wydawnictwo Serafin 2006. Wieczorek R., OFM Cap., W RCA nie chodzi o religię, http://www.stacja7. pl/article/2468/W+RCA+nie+chodzi+o+religi%C4%99 (7.02.2014; 24.02.2014). Résumé Arrière-plan du conflit en République Centrafricaine (2012-2014) La République Centrafricaine vit dans une situation difficile depuis son indépendance en 1960. Beaucoup de médias pensent que le conflit actuel a un fond religieux. L’article indique que c’est une simplification. Bien sûr que la religion joue un rôle dans la situation politique, sociale et économique du pays mais elle n’est pas la cause du conflit actuel. Les musulmans et les chrétiens vivent ensemble en paix pendant de nombreuses années, parfois même dans les mariages. Les principales raisons des combats, spécialement celui qui a été inauguré par les Séléka à la fin de 2012, sont la faiblesse et la corruption des gouvernements successifs. Ils n’ont pas réussi à éliminer des coups d’état, à arrêter la violence qui conduit à prendre le contrôle des ressources naturelles, comme les diamants ou l’or. Ils n’ont pas su combattre la contrebande grandissante non plus. Au lieu de tout cela, ils ont au �88 Konrad Czernichowski contraire essayé de faire des profits illicites des exploitation du pays. Face à cela, le Président par intérim Catherine Samba-Panza a une tâche difficile pour préparer les élections démocratiques car les combats se poursuivent même si certains partisans de Séléka ont été désarmés. �DR ALI ELMIRGHANI AHMED ETHNIC AND LINGUISTIC DIVERSITY IN THE SUDAN Introduction The term ‘ethnic’ and ‘Ethnicity’ is a relatively new word. The anthropologists started to use it in the early 1950s. It doesn’t directly translate into Arabic, but is derived from the Greek word ethnos, meaning “people”.( Hassan, I. S. 2001, p. 167) It was first used in science to describe ethnic groups dating back one hundred years ago (Mukhtar, A. 2007, p. 9). The concept of ethnicity was meant to explain social phenomena and processes that occurred on the surface and borders of many human societies, often becoming global issues. An example of that can be the situation of Armenians or Kurdish people that has had influence all over the world, developing or not, or the issue of racism in US, the country with one of the greatest diversity of ethnic groups in the world” (Hassan, I. S. 2001, p. 186). Ethnic aspects of social, political, economic, cultural, multi-cultural and historical processes overlap and intertwine, becoming Dr Ali Elmirghani Ahmed – Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan (Poland) �90 Ali Elmirghani Ahmed the key issues affecting the coexistence between groups and nations or the process of building and conforming their identity. Some view an ethnic group as a group of people sharing the same characteristics and culture or occupying a certain geographical area, which brings them a sense of solidarity. They are aware of the distinction and recognize other groups also acting accordingly Mukhtar, A. 2007, p. 10) The other indicators of an ethnic group can be the control over money and goods that a tribe or a culture possesses. They restrict other group’s access to them though they may share the same area. It can lead to acts of violence or migration in response to the behavior of other groups (Mahdi M. A. 2002, p. 74). The above mentioned ways of defining ethnicity are now considered historical. Today we attribute them to tribal or village activity more than an ethnic one which is more the general idea. A good example of this relation is the tribes and ethnic groups of Sudan. The ethnic groups tend to struggle with each other in order to find their own place in a social, economic, political or cultural space while trying to achieve their own individual goals (Al Bashir, T. I. 2008.46) The ethnic associations are stronger than social associations since the latter depends on human relations and the first on biological and genetic bonds Mahdi M. A. 2002, p. 68). The genetically connected groups are more likely to survive than those who are just socially bound since the biological bond is much stronger, but in result the merge in groups is held very tightly by one strong person determined by the birth. And this is precisely what happened in Africa (Mekawy, B. El Din 2007, p. 60). Ethnic groups often justify their historical and administrative demands with their level of education, efficiency and experience, just as they claim to possess the land acquired before the political transformations that created the new reality (Deng, F., 1999, p. 9). �Ethnic and linguistic diversity in the Sudan 91 Language is the basic tool of expression for humans along with other means, a repository of ideas and opinions. The language of the people has clearly defined the way of thinking about things. Due to the historical development of Sudan, it is multilingual, with each tribe having their individual language. Even Arabic tribes branched into different dialects, with different words to describe the same things. For example the tribes from Kordofan and Darfur are Arab and they use the same language, but in completely different dialects. The Dinka tribes from the south of Sudan who speak the Dinka language also branched into several dialects (Mukhtar, A. 2007, p. 11). Sudan is a country of people coexisting on the land of many languages used for communication and socialization, with classical Arabic functioning as the official language of the state in coexistence with other Sudanese dialects present and historical. The total population of Sudan measured in 2004 was about thirty-four million people, 68% rural, 29% living in cities, and 3% being Arab nomads. The proportion of the Muslims is nearly 80%, concentrated mostly in the North of Sudan, in the South 18% of the people are Muslim, 17% are Christians and the remaining 65% are pagans or atheists (Mekawy, B. El Din 2007, p. 56). Sudan’s population is greatly diverted ethnically, including hundreds of different groups, languages, religions and cultures. Among many other classifications there is a general division of the local population into three main groups consisting Sudanese society: the Arabs, Nubians, and the Negroes, though we based our work on another classification, mentioned later in the text. In Sudan there are nearly six hundred tribes speaking more than a hundred different local languages40% of them are Arabs, 60% are native Africans, with 30% of the population being Negroes, 12% of the tribes are from West Africa, 12% Nubians and Beja and 3% being Nubians from the North. Muslims constitute �92 Ali Elmirghani Ahmed two thirds of the population, the rest are Christians and followers of other religions. About 51% of the population speaks Arabic; the other 49% are other languages and dialects (Hassan, I. S. 2001, p. 218). Before coming of the Arabs, the Sudanese societies were dispersed into many single states, split between different ethnicities, tribes and local religions. In Northern Sudan lived the Nubians with Christian faith (. It was multilingual and a multicultural kingdom. In Central Sudan lived the Beja tribes with their own language and culture. In the South there were Negro tribes with many different physical features and individual languages and the same can be said about the West of Sudan. In fact, such ethnic and linguistic diversity is no exception; it is often a natural state of many countries (Denq F. 1995, p. 8). The combined factors of geographical position and history were shaping the personality and identity of Sudan cultures with their ethnic and racial diversity and affiliation to Arab or native African communities (Mekawy, B. El Din 2007, p. 60). Many scholars and researchers have tried to interpret the Sudanese communities, which are characterized by diversity and pluralism on ethnic and linguistic levels. Their research at some point had to deal with the Sudanese cultural heritage which we know through archaeology, regarding the formation of communities and their languages (Mekawy, B. El Din 2007, p. 123). This is a historical introduction to studies of the population that lived within the borders of Sudan, and the factors that led to such diversity. In this framework, the study of ancient societies is based on the material culture of traditional communities to determine the conditions of the emergence of such linguistic and ethnic diversity. Sudan is one of the most culturally differentiated countries, founded on varied environment that is reflected in the multiplicity of beliefs, languages and customs (Al Amin, Y. M. 2002, p. 14). �Ethnic and linguistic diversity in the Sudan 93 The focus in such research extended not only on ethno biology and geography, but also on archaeology, with it’s over a hundred years of tradition. The cooperation gave good results and reached its top during the campaign to save the monuments of Nubia at the beginning of the first half of the twentieth century (Al Mobarak, H. 1998, p. 183) Over forty foreign missions conducted exploration and survey on many archeological sites in the northern parts of Sudan. The cooperation of national and foreign missions led to the enrichment of academic studies, especially those related to identity and communication between the people from the beginning of Sudanese civilization (Alhardlo, A. 2004, p. 71). There were several theories attempting to explain the past of Sudanese cultures, most of them dependent on the ancient history. Many Sudanese archaeologists have helped to enrich those ideas [Ali Osman Muhammad Salih, prof. Ahmed Muhammad Ali Hakim (Hakim, A. M. 1990, p. 40).. and improve their quality in explaining and understanding the overall look of the Sudanese civilization with its ethnic and linguistic multiplicity and diversity all these factors were making the task of understanding Sudan more difficult especially when we consider the fact that cultural residue of the times past is now analyzed outside of its time frame and thus is a subject of interpretation. The language and ethnicity were developing in a form of interconnected circles affected also by the geographical position and number of civilizations and the bigger and stronger the civilization was, the greater the reach of their culture (Arkell, A. J. 196, p. 29). Halima Alhazji said that Sudanese ancestors still have great influence on the present and future (Alhazji, H. 1985, p. 14) and Professor Awan Sharif Qasim points out that the language and dialects are like a tape with all the events that have passed down during Sudan’s history being printed on it (Qasim A. S. 2002, p. 49) �94 Ali Elmirghani Ahmed This view is shared by Yusuf Hassan Madani. In his studies of boats in Sudan, he analyzed them as a pattern in the history of material culture that lasted throughout many periods of history. He concluded that the names for parts of the boats have been affected by a number of external factors, yet at the same time they remained indigenously rooted. Prof. Ali Osman Mohammed Saleh (Salih, A. O. M. 1990, p. 65) in his interpretation of Sudanese culture as being the result of Nubian migration says that this is the effect of clash between Nubian culture and local cultures where the elements of dynastic monarchy encountered local languages and religions. The result was the Sudanese culture, still containing customs and traditions of Nubia, various native Sudanese communities and also the Arabic language, names for places and some characteristic features of economic and social developments (Hassan, Y. F. 1989, p. 72). The study of the history at the beginning of Sudanese civilization through linguistic and historical analysis of the ancient communities with their multiple stages of cultural development and comparing the results with modern linguistic and ethnic features of Sudan will help to understand the country (Mahdi M. A. 2002, p. 94). Ethnic and geographical map of Sudan Many breeds of humanity have lived in Sudan since ancient times, varying and intertwining with each other resulting in the complicated ethnic map of modern Sudan. This is perhaps the source of the difficulty of telling one population group from another just by focusing on their language or ethnicity or apart from their cultural and social foundations (Dufa Allah, S. B. 1999, p. 36) The geographical and other factors independent from human �Ethnic and linguistic diversity in the Sudan 95 influence are also an element of this differentiation, separating people and providing constantly changing environment through the ages (Barbour, K. M. 1961, p. 81). Mohammed Awad says that due to the multiplicity of regions and different nations in Sudan and its position in Africa, the cruel designation of national borders is somewhat irrelevant. If we take into account the changes Sudan went through since the ancient times and changes in people, as well as the easy pathway for migrations known as the old Sudanese belt, it becomes obvious that the boundaries of the research don’t lay along the lines of political borders (Awad, M. 1951, p. 10) The African continent is a region of many migrations since the ancient times and until now. Many studies show that in the Upper Neolithic, the people living there are called Bushmen, inhabited the dry and exposed parts of the continent from the desert through Ethiopia, East Africa and even until the southern parts of the continent (Al Bashir, T. I. 2008, p. 97). At the end of Upper Paleolithic, a new ethnic group emerged in the northern parts of the Africa. They showed resemblance to Caucasians, and the researchers have named this new ethnic group Hamitic. During the Mesolithic age (Arkell, A. J. 1975, p. 39) a new Negro group appeared showing different features, they inhabited the middle Nile Valley and other places in Africa. The researchers called them the Khartoum civilization (Adams, Y. W. 1977, p. 47). The discoverer of this culture Arkell said that the features of this Negro ethnic group are similar to the properties of people living in the south of the Sudan at this moment. Arkell made a comparison between cemeteries and discovered that some of the traditions are still similar, for example people in Khartoum civilization removed the two upper teeth from the jaw while people in south of Sudan now remove the two teeth from the lower jaw. �96 Ali Elmirghani Ahmed There are also many physical anthropologists that study the graves of Khartoum civilizations while comparing the burial methods of old with the contemporary find that there are many similarities. But still we know no reason for those people to migrate from central to the south of Sudan (Harvey, C. P. D. 1982, p. 97). Roland Oliver and say that the mastering of agriculture and animal husbandry was the reason for the four main ethnic groups in Africa, they are Pigmies, Hamitic, Caucasoid and Negroes, but still we don’t possess enough knowledge to say which group exactly originated the contemporary societies in Africa, or from where they migrated from or if they did at all (Oliver, R .J. 1965, p. 67). Mohammed Awad says that the Negro strain inhabited the south of Sudan while the Caucasian lived in the north, and also that the Negroes came earlier. They had access to the Nile valley while the other ethnic groups were detached. After settling up, the ethnic groups started developing cultural characteristics distinguishing one from another, and the development wasn’t equal in every group, as some were developing faster. While some of the more advanced groups begun to domesticate animals and started using agriculture, other ones were still at the point of gathering food and using primitive stone tools to survive (Awad, M. 1951, p. 51). Despite the diversity of the cultures and ethnic groups in the history of Sudan, many researchers think that they all are descendants of only two groups – The Bushmen and Pigmies. After that, the Negro groups came to the continent and dominated many parts of the Africa, especially the southwestern (Mukhtar, A. 2007, p. 39). The last to appear were the Caucasian group, consisting of two branches – The Hamitic and Semitic, and they both successively mixed with Negro group. During the history of Sudan we find many examples of exchanging ethnic and cultural features and �Ethnic and linguistic diversity in the Sudan 97 mutual impact between indigenous groups and foreign ones adding to the richness of the ethnological map of Sudan. Atta el-Batthani analyzed the transformations that occurred in the North and Central Nile Valley, parts of Kordofan and Darfur. In the Eastern part, the ethnic groups speak Arabic and come from native Arab tribes mixed with other tribes, including non-Arabic ethnic groups coming from the North. For example, The Nuba from the Hamitic group, Beja from the same group and other local Negro groups. Most of the groups in west Darfur are Negro and parts of them are Hamitic, while the rest of the ethnic groups are Negro. Ethnic groups in central Sudan come from three types of the Negro group: Sudanese, Nile-Hamitic and Nilotic. Such division has its limitations, but it gives a general picture of ethnicity in a large part of Sudan. Any research dealing with this framework must necessarily consider other cultural, linguistic, economic and social factors. Until now only the UNESCO statement on race, cited after Achilles Montag (Fagan, M.B.1978, p. 81) says that the national and religious groups in their geographical, linguistic and cultural layers do not necessarily correspond to any genetically divergent groups, or at least there is no evidence of that. The author used the term Ethnic dynasty to refer to the human group characterized by ties of ethnicity and connection to any specific group. The term ‘ethnic’ is now used to describe interactions between specific groups, not to address the specificity of any group by itself. The ethnic composition of Sudan is very diverse nowadays, but it varied all the time during its long history and the names for stages in cultural history of Sudan are derived from the names of the ethnic group’s dominant at a time (Myers, O. H. 1948, p. 47). At the time of the pharaohs in Egypt, the name used for Sudan was “Saito”, meaning ‘the arc’ or ‘the bow’ because Sudanese people were renowned for their skill in using the bow. Greeks, Romans and part of Arab tribes have used the name ‘Ramat Al-Hadag’ �98 Ali Elmirghani Ahmed meaning “archer” for similar reasons. During many Egyptian Dynasties the name “Tuthmosis” was in use, meaning “people with black skin” or “Asmar” meaning “brown skin”. This name was used describe many different tribes south of Aswan. During the peak of the ancient Sudanese culture, the people there were described with the name “Kush”. It was once the name of a single ethnic group who grew in importance and dominated large parts of Sudan and other tribes. Kush was a strong civilization and remains of it are still found throughout all of Sudan, especially in the North, examples being 182 pyramids being left by and also more than 25 temples (Roman, W. L. 1979, p. 51). The reference to black skin of the people was for a long time the name of Sudan, until it became the name for the country Ethiopia “the black country”. It was even mentioned by Arabs in the XVII century. The cultures present in Sudan during different eras since the Paleolithic concentrated along the Nile Valley and other parts, sometimes remote from the river. The cultural characteristics focused around manufacturing stone tools. Some of the cultural marks reflect contact with people from neighboring regions, evolved during the Stone Age, when some kind of stability occurred for the first time (settlements) and some tools other from stone and bone arms. A good example here is the famous Khartoum pottery (Arkell, 1975, p23) adorned with lines and other shapes, which became the formula borrowed and repeated in many areas of Central and Northern Sudan. Bibliography Adams, Y. W. 1977. Nubia Corridor to Africa. London: Allen Lane. Alhardlo, A. 2004. “Sudanese state” Sudanese Studies Center 27. �Ethnic and linguistic diversity in the Sudan 99 Alhazji, H. 1985. “Sudan and literary movement” University of Beirut Publication. Al Amin, Y. M. 2002. “Sudanese Identity transformation”. New Age 7. Arkell, A. J. 1961. The History of the Sudan. From earliest times to 1821. London. Arkell, A. J. 1975. The Prehistory of the Nile Valley. London. Awad, M. 1951. Northern Sudan (population and tribes). Press Committee of authoring, translation and publishing. Cairo. Barbour, K. M. 1961. The Republic of Sudan. A Regional Geography. London. Al Bashir, T. I. 2008. Ethnic and religious minorities and their role in the national co-existence in Ethiopia from 1930 to 2007 AD – Ph.D. International University of Africa – African Research Center – Department of Political Science. Khartoum. Deng, F., 1999, Conflict Visions: Conflict of identities in Sudan, translated by Hassan Awad, Center for Strategic Studies, Cairo, 1st edition, s. 8. Denq F. 1995. Problematic identities in Sudan: the foundations of national integration, translated by Muhammad Ali Jadyn, Sudanese Studies Center. Dufu Allah, S. B. 1999. Sudanese history of civilizations since ancient times and even the Kingdom of Napata. Khartoum. Fagan, M.B.1978. In the Beginning. Boston. Gisma, K.H. 2000. Cultural Resources Management. PHD. Khartoum. Hakim, A. M. 1990. Identity of Sudanese Culture. Historical perspective. Khartoum University Press. Khartoum. Harvey, C. P. D. 1982. “The Archaeology at Southern Sudan Environmental Context”. In: Mack. J. Sheco. P. Cultural History in the Southern Sudan. Archaeology Linguistics and Ethnohistory: London. Hassan, I. S. 2001 Sudanese insights: articles in the knowledge, culture and society. Center for Strategic Studies – Currency Printing Co. Ltd., Khartoum. Hassan, Y. F. 1989. Studies in the history of Sudan and Africa and the Arab countries vol. II. Khartoum University Press. Khartoum. �100 Ali Elmirghani Ahmed Mahdi M. A. 2002. Ethnic pluralism : conflict management and settlement strategies. International Center for Political Studies. Jordan. Mekawy, B. El Din 2007. Ethnic conflicts in Africa : Causes and consequences of solution strategies. Higher Centre for African Studies vol. 2. Sudan Printing Press, Ltd. Khartoum. Al Mobarak, H. 1998. Studies on the history of Sudan, Africa and Arab countries. Khartoum. Mukhtar, A. 2007. Conflict identities and determinants of unity in Sudan – Center for Strategic Studies. Khartoum. Myers, O. H. 1948. The Consolidation and protection of Ancient of the Sudan. S.N.R. Vol. XXIX. Part 11. Oliver, R., J. 1965. “A brief history of Africa”. African Studies Series 3. Roman, W. L. 1979. „Modern Material Culture Studies”. In: Schiffer, M. B. (ed) Advances of Archaeological Method and Theory. Vol. 2. Academic Press New York: London Salih, A. O. M. 1990. Sudanese culture, studies and articles. Khartoum University Press. Khartoum. Qasim A. S. 2002. Dictionary of Sudanese dialects. Sudanese Home for Books. �MACIEJ ZĄBEK HISTORICAL IMPORTANCE OF ARAB MUSLIM COMMUNITIES IN THE CENTRAL SUDAN ZONE Introduction. Geography and environment of the Sudan ecozone Vast, predominantly plain territories located between the Sahara desert and equatorial forests spreading from the Atlantic Ocean up to the Red Sea are defined as the region or the zone of Sudan. This name stems from the medieval Arab geographers who called those territories stretching to the south of Sahara and inhabited by the black people bilad as-Sudan. In their indigenous language this meant „land of the black people”1. The first, non-Arabic piece of work on this topic was the research paper written by William Cooley, The Negroland of the Arabs, published for the first time in 1841. The author made an attempt to reconstruct the historical map of the region by listing its ethnic groups, cities and Maciej Ząbek – University of Warsaw (Poland), Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology 1 The following Arab geographers may be chronologically listed at this point: al-Jaqubi (891), al-Masudi (956), Ibn Hawqal (977), al-Bakri (1094), Idrisi (1166), Ibn Said (1274), Ibn Battuta (1377), Ibn Khaldun (1406), Maqrizi (1442) and Leo Africanus (1526). �102 Maciej Ząbek countries, trying to define the borders of the area2. In 1924, the next researcher of this region, Melville Herskovits managed to work out a more detailed outline assuming that Sudan was divided into East and West with a borderline crossing Lake Chad. Having been heavily criticized by Michael Horowitz, he finally took into consideration Sudan’s detailed diversification in terms of language, law, religion, politics and economy and divided it into Eastern, Western and Central Sudan3. According to this division, Central Sudan, from Herskovits point of view, was to embrace the areas spreading from Central Niger to the Wadai plateau. In the end, however, Triminghan thesis was taken as granted which stated that Central Sudan stretched to the Darfur Plateau4. In other words, it embraced the region of the so called Chad Basin, from the Niger River in the West to the Marrah Mountains (Jebel Marra) in the East, locked in the North by the mountain massifs of Air, Tibesti and Ennedi, and in the South locked by the Benue River, highlands of the Northern Cameroon and the rivers of the Southern Chad. Due to cultural and political factors it is usually divided into the Western part embracing the areas spreading from Chad Lake to the Niger River (i.e. the regions of the present Southern Niger and Northern Nigeria) and the Eastern part (i.e. the present Northern Cameroon, Chad and Central African Republic excluding the forested areas). 2 From: Yusuf Fadl Hasan and Paul Doornbos (ed.), The Central Bilad alSudan. Tradition and Adaptation, Khartoum: El Tamaddon P. Press 1977, p. 2. 3 Michael M. Horowitz, A Reconsideration of the „Eastern Sudan“,„Cathiers d’Etudes Africaines” (1967), pp: 381-398; Melville Herskovits, A Preliminary Consideration of the Culture Areas of Africa, „American Anthropologist” 26 (1924), p. 50-63; idem: The Human Factor in Changing Africa, New York 1962. 4 J. S. Trimingham, A History of Islam in West Africa, London/Glasgow 1962, pp. 34 I 105. �Historical importance of Arab muslim communities… 103 The whole ecozone of Sudan also referred to by Horowitz as the „cattle area” is characterized by dry tropical climate with only one rainy season during summer, diversified in terms of rainfall depending on the latitude and the elevation above the sea level of a given region. The ecozone vegetation consists of open grassland or trees and bushes generally defined as savannah, sporadically crossed by mountain massifs. Travelling from the north to the south, dependent on the average annual rainfall one may encounter various types of the savannah ranging from half-desert dry Sahel savannah also called the thorny one, through the grass-shrub-like, park-like and forest-like savannah. The present landscape of the Sudan zone was heavily affected by transformations resulting from the pastoral and farming activity of people connected, among others, with deforestation, overgrazing of the grass areas and land cultivation. Climate crises including irregular, multiannual droughts or locusts along with strategies of adapting people to the environment are typical of this region. They embrace methods of using various food sources including migratory animals farming, extensive cultivation methods based on rainfall, being more intensive in places with artificial irrigation, and declining activities of hunting and gathering. Generally speaking, Sudan zone has always enjoyed relatively favourable conditions for the development of farming and lack of natural barriers has for many centuries fostered long-lasting migrations there. It also encouraged the dissemination of practices connected with iron smelting and blacksmithing, craftsmanship and crops along with the inflow of other pastoral people both from the East (the Arabs) and the West (the Fulbe) searching for safety and new lands offering better water resources and fodder for animals. The above-mentioned peoples considerably affected the history and culture of this region. The wide-ranging trade developing there along with cultural ties between various regions �104 Maciej Ząbek and ethnic groups led to the formation of new cities and creation of statehood. In this region of the world since the Middle Ages it has usually meant the expansion of Islam and the Arab culture which widened horizons of the locals and enabled them to establish relations with other regions of the world. Although the importance of Central Sudan is often undermined, it plays a leading role as a connector between Western and Eastern Sudan. Therefore, its significance deserves our special attention and has become the leading topic of this article. Forms of statehood in central Bilad as-Sudan. Slave hunters and refugial people Kanem was the oldest state in Central Sudan – it was formed around the ninth century AD5, around Chad Lake. The second oldest state was Kanem’s successor – Bornu. Small states with strong urban centres like Kano, Zaria, Katsina and Gobir emerged in the fourteenth and fifteenth century to the West, on the territories of the Hausa people spreading to the country of Songhai upon the Niger River. In the nineteenth century they were finally conquered by Osman dan Fodio, who led the Fulbe tribes having arrived from the West. They established there a powerful Sokoto Sultanate and its dependent emirates (lamibe) in Adamawa Plateau. Around the sixteenth century other state organisations were also formed there: in the Benue River Valley – Juku and Nupe, between the territories of Hausa and Songhai – Kebbi and to the East of Chad Lake – Baguirmi, and farther to the East – the Wadai and Darfur Sultanates. Origins of the centralised political structure 5 From this period comes the oldest record from the Arabic sources. �Historical importance of Arab muslim communities… 105 in Darfur date back to the state of Dajo from the thirteenth century and its successor from the fifteenth century in the form of Tunjur state (probably formed out of “Arabized” Nubians), dethroned by the Kayra clan emanating from the local Fur folk who named this land and ruled it until 1874. Wadai, initially dependent on Darfur, was established in the sixteenth century probably by the Tunjur people led by Abd al-Karim. This state in the reign of Sabun in the second half of the eighteenth century became the key power of Central Sudan. Arab tribes flowing to Central Sudan from the east, known as Baggara or Shuwa, have never been regarded as the creators of the local statehood. Nevertheless, they exerted a significant impact on it, for example, by taking part in the process of Islamisation. Similarly, The Fulbe nomadic shepherds played an important role in the nineteenth century in the western part of Central Sudan, on the territories of the Hausa people. All these Sudanese states, non-coherent in terms of ethnicity had a lot in common as far as culture and structure are concerned. Their rulers’ primary concern was not only to increase the number of territories subject to them but also to deepen the process of Islamisation, bring the Arab judges, Muslim lawyers and other scholars as well as tradesmen and craftsmen. Those states existed mainly thanks to profits derived from the control over trans-Saharan trade and trade exchange with the main hubs at the Mediterranean Sea. Its major export industry included ivory, pelt and other Sudanese goods such as honey, ostrich feathers and slaves, workers and soldiers in exchange for weapon, horses, camels, textiles and other consumables. Admittedly, intensity of trade there was lower than in West Africa or Sudan close to Nile (mainly due to the lack of gold), yet the significance of the route via Bilma, Kawar and Zawila or the so called Forty Days Road (Darb al-Arba’in) from Kutum in Darfur to Egypt �106 Maciej Ząbek was of vital importance6. At the same time, those states benefited hugely from trade in salt extracted from the Saharan mines and transported farther into the savannah zone devoid in this mineral. They also organised regular expeditions to the south aimed at capturing slaves. Far-reaching trade also developed between East and West and it was predominantly based on copper extracted in Darfur and delivered to Kano and Bornu in exchange for Hausa textiles and Kola nuts cultivated in woodland areas of West Africa7. Thanks to trade relations with the Arab-Berber North along with traders, spiritual leaders and migratory pastoralist tribes coming from there Islam gained on popularity and started to play a significant role in the process of integrating the state apparatus through strengthening dynasties and the power elites. However, it was not powerful enough to eliminate local tribes whose existence was only consolidated by this religion treating them as extension of the family structures, which as a result weakened local state systems. It should be, however, stressed that not all the people in Sudan were zealous Muslims and Islam often had there its specific, syncretic and local aspect as local people who belonged to it did not always give up their beliefs and traditional practices. All the time political and power games were waged between particular tribes and nomads against the city dwellers and farmers settled there. Horses and camels owned by nomads often ensured them military advantage over farmers and enabled fast seizure of control over trade routes. They might have been the founders of the states like Kanem formed probably by the pastoral Barber 6 R. Karpiński, Sudan Centralny do końca XVI w., in: M. Tymowski (ed.), Historia Afryki od początku XIX w., Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich 1996, p. 498 ff. 7 Ibid., p. 856. �Historical importance of Arab muslim communities… 107 or Nilo-Saharan Zaghawa8 tribes that conquered the agricultural Kanuri tribes (Kanembu). It was similar to the case of the Baguirmi led by the dynasty of the nomadic Tubu people. Yet, shepherds had never completely dominated farmers or city dwellers either politically or economically. On the contrary, numerical advantage of the settled people and steady sedentarisation processes of a nomadic population always had the opposite effect. Interaction and collaboration of pastoral and farming economy were the prevailing trends. In case of antagonisms farmers had to quit their principles and either accept the dominance of nomads or look for shelter because the military advantage of the latter group was obvious. In the states of Hausa they found shelters behind powerful safety barricades of local cities constituting real refugia, the so called birane which embraced not only buildings but also agricultural land9. In case of people like Sara, Banda, Manza and other living outside the boundaries of the existing states there was no other way than exile to the lands relatively hardly accessible to nomads. Farmers and non-Muslim people from this zone were almost regularly terrorised by the Arab slave hunters deriving from the so called jallaba10 merchants and by migratory Baggara shepherds. Wars with the use of underhand tactics were there waged for centuries. Territories in the southern part of Sudan zone were directly called „the state of slaves” (Dar Fertit) where real hunts 8 The name Zaghawa is not clear enough. In a wider context it is used to define all nomads between Nile and Lake Chad. In a narrower context, the name is used only to the nomad ethnos classified to the language group Teda, living on the contemporary borderline between the Republic of Sudan and Chad; Ibid., p. 493 ff. 9 Ibid., p. 531. 10 The name stems from their favourite outfit, djellaba, being also the male national outfit of Sudanese Arabs. �108 Maciej Ząbek were organised for the Nigritic tribes. Initially, they concentrated on the territories of the Eastern Sudan beyond the River Bahr al-Ghazal but following the flights of the locals (including the Banda people) they moved farther to the West, to the territories of the present southern Chad and the Central African Republic. At the end of the nineteenth century two famous Djellaba traders: al- Rahma Mansur az-Zubeir and Rabih Fadlallah az-Zubeir11 distinguished themselves in this peculiar entrepreneurship. Moreover, Rabih Fadlallah az-Zubeir founded a specific quasi – state on the border of the present Central African Republic and Chad based on fortified camps known as zeriba which served as base camps for the slave hunters. Annually they sent from those territories circa six thousand slaves12 through the state of Baguirmi and Wadai (in Egyptian Sudan slave trade was prohibited under the European influence) to Ottoman Libya. Representatives of the Nigritic tribes who wanted to avoid death or slavery had the possibility, having negotiated it with the invaders, to pay tribute to the Sultans of Wadai or Darfur but if they opposed they had to leave their existing whereabouts. It was a common strategy used in pre-colonial Africa. Low population density, lack of formal land property and unregulated issues of settlement and boundaries facilitated the decisions on migration. Refugees flew away to the mountainous or swamp regions, relatively hardly accessible to nomads, like e.g. Mont Mela (Jebel Mela) in the eastern part of the present Central African Republic. Steep slopes of the mountains, caves and mazes of tunnels constituted a natural area for refugees. Similar shelters were also found in the Jos Plateau in the Mandara Massif in the present Cameroon 11 See: J. Vansina, Kupcy z nad Nilu, in: P. Curtin, S. Faierman, L. Thompson, J. Vansina, Historia Afryki. Narody i cywilizacje, Gdańsk: Marabut 2003, p. 528 ff. 12 D. D. Cordel, Des “Réfugiés” dans l’Afrique précoloniale, „Politique Africaine” (2002), No. 85, pp. 16-29. �Historical importance of Arab muslim communities… 109 and Abou Telfan in Chad. People like Kirdi or Hajerai seeking shelter in those places have been referred to as refugial until today. They created a specific culture characterised by fortified villages and habitations situated at the slopes of the mountains and the so called „emergency agriculture” caused by a repeated series of famine. Famine resulted both from a dense population on the refugial territories, recurring locust plagues and the tactic of the „burnt soil” used by the invaders who detected the presence of men by noticing the fields of millet, which encouraged to theft or destruction. Thus, a new strategy became popular13. Millet was replaced by cassava which was not only more productive but also hardly discernible among other plants as it was not grown on separate fields. Migrations of Sudanese Arabs and their importance in the contemporary Chad Arabs in Central Sudan nowadays referred to as Chad Arabs belong to the groups of Sudanese Arabs formed between the fourteenth and eighteenth centuries as a distinctive ethnos in the Eastern Nilotic Sudan. Their ancestors flew from Arabia to Egypt and later on migrated along Nile to Nubia and Kordofan, from where they spread farther to the West, i.e. to the territories of Darfur and the present Chad up to the state of Bornu in the contemporary Nigeria. Immigration also headed for Central Sudan through Trans-Saharan routes, directly from Northern Africa but irrelevant in terms of numbers. Nevertheless, it is to be remembered that this way arrived merchants and various holy men (fakih or marabouts), legal experts and religious leaders whose si13 Ibid. �110 Maciej Ząbek gnificance in the process of spreading Islam, Arabic writing and general knowledge about the world proved to be invaluable. In Eastern Sudan indigenous Arabs from Arabia by mixing with the locals through marriages and adopting many local communities to their tribes not only led to their Islamisation and Arabisation but they themselves underwent the process of Africaniation, namely Sudanisation. As a result of those adaptation processes Arabs nowadays do not greatly differ from the indigenous Sudanese either by the colour of their skin or by culture which underwent extensive convergence. Among them, however, there are two groups to be recognised: Arabs, the so called Ja’alin-Danagla stemming, to a greater extent, from the Arabised Nubian agricultural communities and Juhayna-Fezara who in majority were the descendants of the pastoral tribes from Arabia. Both groups are divided into many more tribes forming unstructured confederations14. The first group was formed by the above-mentioned Tunjur people who for some time took control over Darfur and who are considered to have been the founders of the Wadai state. The second group embraced all the remaining tribes of Arab nomads dealing mainly with camel farming, a typical activity of the Arab Bedouins. Many of those groups, when travelling to the centre of Sudan, were forced to change camel for cattle farming which was better accustomed to a bit more humid climate in the southern part of the Sudan zone. This way was formed a more Africanised than the previous ones subgroup of Juhaynaah Arabs called Baggara (Arabic baggar: a cow) specialising in cattle farming which became the fundamental basis of their economy. Apart from cattle farming they also dabbled in goat and sheep breeding, slave For further information see: M. Ząbek, Arabowie z Dar Hamid. Społeczność w sytuacji zagrożenia ekologicznego, Warszawa: Dialog 1998. 14 �Historical importance of Arab muslim communities… 111 trading or elephant and giraffe hunting, in which they were regarded as specialists15. Baggara Arabs, beside the Fulbe people, with time became the largest group of nomads and shepherds in the Sudan zone. Their tribes settled on the territories along the River White Nile in Eastern Sudan through the territories of the South Kordofan and Darfur, Central Chad, Northern Cameroon up to the state of Bornu (present north-east Nigeria) constituting the so called belt of Baggarah Arabs or Szuwa as they are called in the western part. Nowadays, many Baggara groups, mainly because of losing their herds as a result of wars or overgrazing, deal with farming or trading and craft in the cities. Majority of them still pursue, however, the semi-nomadic type of economy based on migratory life stock grazing only during the rainy season whereas in the dry season (i.e. main part of the year) they carry on sedentary lifestyle in the villages. Their kinship system is based on the patrilineal lineage (khaszimbet) and flexible tribal communities system (qabila). Many of them possess two houses – permanent one in a village close to the water sources and another in a nomadic camp. Men often have more than one wife. One of them usually lives in a pastoral camp whereas others live in the village. They are responsible for almost all tasks connected with house-keeping and family including constructing movable shelters called „mate houses” (bet berish), milking cows and sale of milk, butter and cheese. Men take care of cattle herds and deal with millet, melons and cassava growing. Baggara people are famous for their zealous religiousness and conscientious observance of Islam practices: praying, alms giving or going on regular pilgrimages to Mecca. They also formed the For further information see: I. Cunnison, Giraffe hunting among Humr Tribe, „Sudan Notes and Records” vol. 39 (1996), p. 49-60. 15 �112 Maciej Ząbek most numerous group of Arabs in the Egyptian Sudan who supported the uprising of Mohammed Ahmed who declared himself Mahmid. Until present times Baggara people have boasted that Mahmid’s successor – Khaliph (Khalifa) Abdullahi ibn Mohammed, who organised and led the uprising along with the Cultural Revolution in the spirit of Orthodox Islam, stemmed from their tribes. In colonial times attempts were made to ascribe particular Baggara tribes to certain units of territorial administration, which however proved futile both in French Equatorial Africa and Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. Nowadays, in the independent Chad they constitute the worthwhile minority enjoying prestigious reputation but without great political influence. Their language, though not popular among non-Arab ethnic groups belongs, beside French, to the official languages in Chad. The reason for this state of affairs is more connected with the religious function of their language and Baggara people’s importance in the economy and dissemination of Islam than their role in politics. In Chad, they belong to one of the most entrepreneurial groups. They handle almost entire wholesale trade and lion’s part of the retail one. All the services like taxis and hotels are managed by them. They usually run Koranic schools and mosques by exerting significant influence on the Islamisation progress in this country. Their political strategy in Chad seems to be based on keeping distance and maintaining equilibrium towards all other ethnic groups. �Historical importance of Arab muslim communities… 113 The role of Sudanese route16 in the pilgrimage traffic to Mecca Open, mainly plain areas of the Sudan zone without natural obstacles played, as above mentioned, the key role in the cultural exchange between West and East Africa through migration of pastoral tribes and far-reaching trade. Pilgrimage traffic of Islam believers to Mecca, who travelled via the so called Sudanese route, exerted a great effect on that trade. The pilgrimages left a powerful impression on the inhabitants of the countries they went through and served as a way to get together with the “others”, to develop economic and political relations and cultural encounter between the folks of that region. They also boosted the migration of tribes (especially Fulbe-Mboror, Hausa, Bornu and Wadai) eastwards from the West, which in East Sudan was reflected in a considerable diaspora of those immigrants’ ancestors called Fellata. That general name meant “strangers” or “foreigners” coming from the west of Africa and perceived by the Sudanese Arabs also as the ancestors of the early pilgrims to Mecca who decided not to come back to their countries of origin. Walking pilgrimages or caravans of camels and donkeys started probably in the first centuries of Islam popularisation in this region (unfortunately there is no historical evidence on this topic) and lasted continuously until the 1960-s of the twentieth century when they became slowly superseded by air transport. PilgrimaRoute, or the „Sudanese Road” (Arab. ‘tariq Sudan) to the holy places of Islam, had its starting point in the Nigerian city of Maiduguri and through Abeche, El-Geneina, El Obeid, Sennar led to Sawakin upon the Red Sea, from which people by means of ships reached Jidda and Mecca in Arabia; ‘Umar al-Naqar, The Historical Background to “the Sudan Road”, in: Yusuf Fadl Hasan (ed.), Sudan in Africa, University of Khartoum 2006, p. 106. 16 �114 Maciej Ząbek ges were organised both by individuals and rulers of certain states. Their intensity depended on the possibilities to ensure the safety along the route against natural disasters and human threats by the Sudanese states. It should be remembered that an attractive alternative, especially in case of majority of states located westwards from Wadai was offered by trans-Saharan routes and trails along the Mediterranean Sea to Egypt, and farther to Arabia. Eastwards from this state the “Sudanese route” to Sawakin upon the Red Sea was better known and more frequently used although since the collapse of the Nubian Christian states located upon Nile its significance has declined. Only after the formation of the so called “Black Sultanate” of the Funj people in Sennar, the Muslims started to use it. Obviously, Darfur inhabitants started to do it at the earliest, followed by their western neighbours from Wadai and all the others who could not endure to pass through the desert17. Popularity of trans-Saharan routes in the West of Africa was highly dependent upon the safety situation in Sahara and the states of the North Africa. Yet, from the territories spread farthest to the West, especially the early Empires of Ghana, Mala and Songhai, until the sixteenth century, the road through Sahara was much more often chosen than its shorter, but not so popular or even unknown counterpart in the form of „Sudanese route”. It resulted from no willingness on the part of pilgrimages to become the pioneers and discoverers to risk the adventures in Sudan. In fact Sahara was a challenge but it was better known and once crossed it offered the route leading through the populated areas under Muslim Law and comfortable places to rest in the Osman caravanserais. Besides, though states between Lake Chad and Nile were, at least since the tenth century, under the influence of Islam, 17 Ibid., p. 101. �Historical importance of Arab muslim communities… 115 there were no religious centres founded until the sixteenth century. In the very Nile Sudan, as already pointed out, a serious problem was posed to the Muslim pilgrimages by the Nubian Christianity which hindered Muslims the access to the Red Sea or to Egypt and the same reaching Mecca. Thus, pilgrims from West Sudan as a rule set off in caravans from the City of Walata do the Moroccan Fez or from Timbuktu through Taghaza (famous for its salt mines and the crucial parking space for caravans) to Libyan oasis of Ghadames and farther along the coast to Egypt and Mecca18. The most well-known pilgrim of those times, the ruler Mali-Mansa Musa, travelled to Mecca via this very route in 1324. Pilgrimages from West Africa flourished at the most in times of the Songhai Empire. From the city of Gao people embarked on a journey via route through the Air and Fezzan Mountains to Egypt following the example of the ruler of Songhai Askii Mohammed Great, who paved this way in 1515. He looked after the pilgrims and showed them great kindness. At his order pilgrims returning home were solemnly welcomed at the gates to the city of Gao and were given presents in exchange for their blessing19. Songhai people and other western Sudanese discovered “Sudanese Road” only after the Moroccan conquest in 1590 and the collapse of the Songhai Empire. Chaos which prevailed along with the increasing hostility from Tuareg tribes made them accept new conditions. For fear of capturing and slave trade they chose the city of Djenne as a new starting point for their pilgrimages. It was situated farther to the South and replaced Timbuktu and Gao. From that time pilgrimages headed for the South along Niger in the direction of the territories of the Hausa people where in the city of Maiduguri the “Sudanese Road” (‘tariq Sudan’) started 18 19 ‘Umar al-Naqar, ibid., p. 99. Ibid., p. 99. �116 Maciej Ząbek passing through the cities of Abeche and El-Obejd to the Red Sea and afterwards to Mecca. Knowledge about it was spread thanks to the earlier migration of Fulbe-Mbororo shepherds and Baggarah Arabs. In this way, Central and Eastern Sudan, not affected by the Moroccan assault and free from the Tuaregs’ aggression became the beneficiary of the Muslim pilgrimages’ practices and trade resulting therefrom. It should be noted, however, that this route did not straight away gain on popularity among all the western Sudanese people. The power of tradition often made people from the Hausa city of Katsina return to the North heading for the Air Plateau to Fezzan and Egypt. In the seventeenth and eighteenth century it was still an unsafe road and few people from those regions of Sudan decided to embark on a pilgrimage. Pilgrims left their homes unsure about coming back. Fewer caravans were organised due to the general crisis in the trans-Saharan trade resulting from declining price of gold in the basin of the Mediterranean Sea. There were no clear timetables of pilgrimages as it used to be in the past. Local Muslim lawyers and scholars (ulama) even announced that Muslims no longer had to make the pilgrimages and made statements (fatawa) offering other practices replacing them20. Only the creation of the Fulbe Sokoto Caliphate after 1804, preceded by the formation of other powerful Muslim states like: Bornu, Baguirmi, Wadai and Funj and the prohibition on attacking “people travelling to the House of God” by Osman Dan Fodio, laid the grounds for the formation of the homogenous Islamic structure spreading from Niger to Nile at the end of the seventeenth century. It protected the whole region by improving the conditions of pilgrims and popularizing this path among Muslims in the entire belt of Sudan. Organised governments ruling in the zone of 20 Ibid., p. 100. �Historical importance of Arab muslim communities… 117 Sudan along with parallels in religion, law and customs among them let the pilgrims travel around without being bothered by anyone. More frequent pilgrimages on this route were accompanied by the development of trade in copper from Darfur, blacksmith goods, Hausa textiles, and Cola nuts from the forest zone and also on a smaller scale in dates, cereals, cattle and local cotton textiles. Other goods including Indian textile products, Cowrie shells, spices and sandalwood reached the Sudanese route through Suakin upon the Red Sea. It was possible, however, thanks to the formation of, in a certain sense, informal economic community of all those Sudanese states and ensuring all the Muslims including both pilgrimages and long distance traders the minimum of safety under the Islamic Sharia Law. This way, they were given the opportunity to use the unified fare systems (states along the route collected the sort of a duty, most often paid in kind), to issue guarantees or borrow money without usury, by means of which that kind of trade had developed. Nevertheless, certain parts of that route still remained dangerous, like, for example, the route from Darfur through Kurdufan which became safe only after being conquered by the Sultan Mohammad Tairab from Darfur in 1785. Similarly dangerous was the route from Nile to the Red Sea crossing the territories of hostile tribes of Beja. Pilgrims, after reaching Nile, often chose the longer but safer passage through Egypt or even via Christian Ethiopia to Gonder and Massawa instead of going directly to Sawakin and Jedda21. Legends about Mahdi who was to appear in the East inspired the Islam believers from the West Sudan to embark on pilgrimages. The Mahdist uprising which was expected to cause the great 21 J. L. Burckhardt, Travels in Nubia, London 1819, pp. 405-407. �118 Maciej Ząbek Hijra did not lead to it and even considerably weakened the pilgrimage traffic as numerous would-be pilgrims were concerned about their lives and possessions22. Only the annihilation of the uprising by the British revived this movement. In the colonial times both extreme parts of the „Sudanese Road” (in Nigeria and Sudan) were under the British control and only its middle part (crossing Cameroon and Chad) was in the hands of France. The British, after the Mahdist uprising, started to control caravans on this route and issue special passports to pilgrims which had to be presented in control points. Still, this movement in the territories controlled by them was carried out undisturbed, contrary to the French colonies. The French, in an attempt to prevent the development of pro-Islamic ideas, formed numerous bureaucratic obstacles (ranging from non-issuing travel documents through the requirement to possess a defined amount of money, to accusations of illegal trade) to the free movement of persons and goods on this route. Still, they were unable to inhibit the process of illegal migration to the English-Egyptian Sudan which also due to economic reasons (the requirement of compulsory work binding on the French territories) was higher than ever before23. Further changes on the Sudanese Road began slowly to take place in the twentieth century. Since 1911 one could safely and relatively comfortably travel by railway from the city of El Obeid to Port Sudan – a new port situated upon the Red Sea. What was interesting, more often people who travelled via “Sudanese Road” were ruled by reasons other than the religious ones. In 1920 transport by cars was introduced on the entire “Sudanese Road” to further develop in the 1940-s and later on. Unfor22 23 ‘Umar al-Naqar, op. cit., p. 104. Ibid., p. 105. �Historical importance of Arab muslim communities… 119 tunately, the long-lasting war in Chad, which broke out shortly after gaining independence by that country, along with the present rebellion in Darfur halted that sort of pilgrimages. Besides, lack of asphalt roads hindered the development of bus transport which though more frequent from the 1960-s was gradually superseded by aircraft. Finally, I can only express the hope that after annihilation of local conflicts in the region a modern asphalt highway will be created from the Atlantic Ocean to the Red Sea and consequently the bus transport together with traditional pilgrimage and trade traffic on the route to Mecca will be restored. This process may be accelerated as many sections of this road have already been generated. All the countries of the Sudan zone could greatly benefit therefrom. Conclusions The importance of Central Sudan in the past as a vast border region meant the role of a bridge in the trade and cultural exchange not only between the North and Sub-Saharan Africa but also between Eastern and Western Sudan. It also came down to bringing together distant cultures, traditions, languages and religions. First of all, lack of natural barriers enabled mass migrations of pastoral tribes of Arab origin from the eastern part and of Fulbe origin from the western part of Bilad as-Sudan which to a certain extent were interlocked but not mixed together. Migrations of the Fulbe people predominantly concentrated in southern, lower latitudes of this zone focusing on exploitation of both park-like and forest-like savannah regions, whereas Arabs reached mainly higher and drier latitudes of this zone. Besides, the Fulbe dominated to a high extent the western part of Central Sudan �120 Maciej Ząbek (territories of present Nigeria and North Cameroon) while Arabs took over its eastern part (mainly the territories of the Middle Chad and Southern Darfur). Both groups of those exceptionally entrepreneurial people played a significant role in creating the statehood in this region, diversification of economy and Islamisation of the whole area. Sudan zone served as an arena of rivalry between particular groups but also as a room for dialogue and cooperation. Migratory character of this zone fostered general development mainly in terms of the material civilization development through enrichment of particular groups including Arab traders. It also allowed for the flow of ideas and dissemination of the Islamic legal system (Sharia), Arabic alphabet and consolidation along with further dispersal of Arab-Muslim culture in the heart of the African continent. It was possible thanks to the formation of the great coalition of the Muslim states where pilgrims and traders were protected and subject to a similar law. It allowed for the creation of the longest route in the entire continent of both pilgrimage traffic and trade character in the form of the so called „Sudanese Road” which was in use from at least seventeenth century almost incessantly until the present times. It should be stressed that the importance of this “Sudanese Road” in Africa may only be compared to the role of “Silk Road” in Asia. All these factors together enabled the zone of the early bilad as-Sudan to gain a considerable cultural, social and spiritual homogeneity thanks to the domination of Islam and Arab culture. Nowadays, this region serves as an influential centre aiming to propagate and preserve this culture in the entire Sub-Saharan Africa. Simultaneously, it should be noted that though many local African people (i.e. Nigritic ones) underwent to a large extent the process of assimilation and acculturation in a more civilised and �Historical importance of Arab muslim communities… 121 Map 1. Range of occurrence of Baggara Arabs (Szuwa) advanced, from universalistic perspective, Arab-Muslim civilisation, until now some of those people have managed to preserve their own identity and autonomy. Refugial populations serve as a perfect example. It illustrates vitality of African culture which has prevailed in this region despite the domination and agency of Arabs and the Fulbe people. Bibliography Burckhardt J. L., Travels in Nubia, London 1819. Cordel D. D., Des “Réfugiés” dans l’Afrique précoloniale, “Politique Africaine”, No. 85. Cunnison I., Giraffe hunting among Humr Tribe, “Sudan Notes and Records”, vol. 39, p. 49-60; Baggara Arabs, Oxford 1966. �122 Maciej Ząbek Horowitz M. M., A Reconsideration of the „Eastern Sudan“, “Cathiers d’Etudes Africaines” 1967. Herskovits M., A Preliminary Consideration of the Culture Areas of Africa, “American Anthropologist”, 26, 1924. Karpiński R., Sudan Centralny do końca XVI w., in: M. Tymowski (ed.), Historia Afryki od początku XIX w., Zakłada Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków 1996. Trimingham J. S., A History of Islam in West Africa, London/Glasgow, 1962. Vansina J., Kupcy z nad Nilu, w: P. Curtin, S. Faierman, L. Thompson, J. Vansina, Historia Afryki. Narody i cywilizacje, Marabut, Gdańsk 2003. ‘Umar al-Naqar, The Historical Background to “the Sudan Road”, in: Yusuf Fadl Hasan (ed.), Sudan in Africa, University of Khartoum 2006. Yusuf Fadl H. and Doornbos Paul (ed.), The Central Bilad al-Sudan. Tradition and Adaptation, El Tamaddon P. Press, Khartoum 1977. Ząbek M., Arabowie z Dar Hamid. Społeczność w sytuacji zagrożenia ekologicznego, Dialog, Warszawa 1998. Résumé L’importance historique des communautés arabes musulmanes dans la zone du Soudan central Le but de l’article est de montrer l’importance du Soudan central, en tant qu’espace de grande frontière et de passerelle facilitant l’échange commercial et culturel non seulement entre l’Afrique du Nord et l’Afrique subsaharienne, mais aussi entre l’Est et l’Ouest de Bilad as-Soudan. L’article souligne le rôle des États musulmans précoloniaux dans cette région, des migrations de peuples pastoraux, de la domination de l’Islam et de la culture arabe, ainsi que de la création simultanée dans la région de multiples refuges territoriaux pour les peuples non-musulmans voulant préserver leur identité et leur spécificité. �PIOTR MALIŃSKI SEARCHING FOR NUBIAN DESERT GOLD WITH A METAL DETECTOR. Functioning and Organization of dahaba Occupational Group in Sudan Introduction Gold deposits laying in regions located between Middle Nile and the Red Sea were, since past times, attracting the attention of people trying to exploit them by different means. Information regarding this topic in written sources, as well as material remains related to gold exploitation have sparked interest of travellers, researchers and scholars. Thanks to that, gold mining in Nubian Desert1 (since ancient to modern times) became a subject of numerous studies between many domains of science. The Egyptologists have been analysing related ancient Egyptian text resources (Vercoutter 1959; Gundlach 1977), while archaeologists conducted surface research (Bloss 1937; Newbold 1948), as well as site excavations (Castiglioni, Castiglioni and Vercoutter 1998; Piotr Maliński – Institute of Political Science and European Studies, University of Szczecin (Poland). The word nub in Ancient Egyptian language meant gold, while Nubia was perceived as a legendary “land of gold” (Klemm, Klemm and Murr 2002, 215). 1 �124 Piotr Maliński Sadr 1997). A precious sources for the historians were works of medieval Arabic literature – authors of those manuscripts devoted much effort to describe Nubian gold (Lewicki 1967). A significant value as a source has also one of the relations of XIX-century European travellers (Linant de Bellefonds 1868). There are also numerous materials about search for this precious metal and its exploitation in later times – geological reports (Llewellyn 1903; Dunn 1911; Grabham 1929), mining companies reports, as well as broad fragments in scientific monographies (Whiteman 1971, 215-229). Though the history of gold exploitation in Nubian Desert has been thus quite well described, its status today remains poorly investigated. An occurrence of recent years, however, dubbed by media as “Sudanese gold rush”2 indisputably deserves scientific research – because of its scale, character and caused consequences. Especially interesting, for an ethnologist, is a phenomenon of searching for gold nuggets with the use of metal detectors. It represents a spectacular example of sudden civilization change, to which northern Sudanese tribe communities are exposed. An adaptation of the newest, technologically advanced inventions of Western world and their utilization in traditional economic activity (which for Sudanese is gold mining) has caused a number of cultural implications. Its social repercussion was founding a new, specialized occupational group. This article describes basic aspects of its organisation and functioning. The article is based mainly on outcomes of ethnological field research, performed in February 2011 in north-western regions of Nubian Desert. The remaining data presented was gathered during earlier research expeditions of the author in northern Sudan. In the years 2005-2008, he approached a traditional methods 2 http://www.rp.pl/artykul/556710.html accessed 29.08.2012. �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 125 Plate 1. Ruins of the workers’ settlement in abandoned Umm Nabari gold mine in the Nubian Desert (photo P. Maliński). of gold mining in Middle Nile Valley and Bayuda Desert. In 2009, he performed a reconnaissance research in Wadi Gabgaba region of the Nubian Desert (visiting abandoned mines and mining villages, as well as other relicts of architecture related to exploitation of gold), while two years later he visited one of gold mining centers in Northern Kordofan (Soderi area). Observations and interviews undertaken in aforementioned localizations delivered diverse field research materials, allowing for obtaining review profile of the gold exploitation phenomenon. �126 Piotr Maliński Traditional methods of gold exploitation in Middle Nile Valley Before metal detectors became widely available in Sudan, gold was exploited using traditional methods. It is worth to mention two of them, used on eastern outskirts of Nubian Desert, as they were not extensively presented in research studies. Literature sources mentioning those methods are scarce, short and too general – while methods regarding gold mining in other regions of Sudan are the topic of several publications (Dunn 1921; Bell 1937). A method functioning at least since VII century on Middle Nile was rinsing the particles of gold from river sediments (Yusuf Fadl Hassan 1967, 53). This manner, though simple, was very arduous and time-consuming. The starting material originated most frequently from Nile, it was acquired particularly after annual overflow, accumulating fluvial sediment (sand and loam) in certain places of the riverbed. Mineral sediments from periodic watercourses (wadi) crossing the desert, were also exploited. In both cases the rinsing took place by Nile. A basic tool used to this work was a flat pan (recently being made of tinware) with a diameter of several dozen centimetres. A few or more handfuls of material were placed inside and then the pan was submersed in water. While the edges of the vessel were at the level of the surface of water, the vessel was set in characteristic circular motion. Because of this, lighter fractions of sediment were mixing with water, forming a suspension gradually overflowing over the edges back to the river. In result, the pan was filled with clear water, and at its bottom remained a concentrate of heaviest minerals. From them, gold flakes and particles were being picked with the use of bird feather or metal needle. An experienced and industrious prospector was able to gather from 1 to 1,5 grams of gold in a week. �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 127 Plate 2. Women and children of the Manasir tribe during gold panning on the riverbank of Nile, near Hagar el-Beida village in 2005 (photo P. Maliński). In the end of recent century, in some farming communities (e.g. Manasir), gold panning was considered the most important economic activity, second only to agriculture (Abdelrahim Mohammed Salih 1999, 49). During periods when working on the fields was not required, whole families of farmers were panning the gold. A popular phenomenon was groups of women and children in squatting position by the river and leaning over the pans. Men were performing heavier tasks, bringing materials from desert wadi on pack animals. A gold exploitation method described above has lost popularity in recent years – mainly because of its low efficiency. A much more effective method of obtaining gold is mining, which is popular in northern Sudan among numerous groups of �128 Piotr Maliński amateurs (not professionally educated, but using traditional knowledge and experience). In this way outcrops of semi-transparent, white quartzite (marwa3) are exploited. They appear often in riverside and desert terrain, however gold is found only in few of them4. If the gold was found, the rock was extracted by an open-pit method, and then mined along the vein down the base. This way, the irregular shafts and adits are created, with depth between few to several dozen meters. To separate the quartzite, the simplest tools are used, such as hammers, mallets and wedges. Chipped blocks of quartzite weighing even several kilograms are loaded to plastic containers (jerikan), which the miners pull up to the surface using ropes. Material is then mechanically broken up in two stages: manual and automatic. First, the blocks are placed on a large harder rock base and crushed with a hammer. To limit the chipping, the rock base is surrounded by circular cover – a coiled, looped rope, additionally tied with rags. Its purpose is to protect the wor­ ker from being hurt by splinters, as well as to limit the loss of resources during breaking down the rock. The effect of this stage is a coarse quartzite aggregate. The dimensions of the chunks are usually several centimetres wide. The second stage of treatment is taking place in a simple construction impact crusher. Most commonly used model consists of a rotor placed at horizontal axis, to which several rows of swinging hammers (made of bulky steel rail) are fixed. The rotor is placed in a cylindrical cover (sometimes a fragment of empty tin barrel of diesel oil) to which the quartzite is poured. The axis of a rotor is powered (through a transmission belt) by stationary diesel engine with over a dozen kW of power5. The device crumbles quartzite to a fine powder. This loose mateArabic word marwa means also “marble” (Ca’fer Efendi 1987, 72). Reddish quartzite is considered the most “rich”. 5 Due to the fact that the engine is cooled by a liquid, it is often accompanied by a 250 litre barrel of water. The coolant is used in a closed circuit (after aspi3 4 �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 129 rial is then packed to sacks (shawwaal), used commonly in local agriculture and transport. The sacks are transported by cars from the mines to the riverbank of Nile, where powdered quartzite is being rinsed in traditional way (panned). In the case of remote mines distant from the river, instead of transporting sacks with quartzite, a more ergonomic solution is transporting water for rinsing. The water is brought by a water-cart, where basins dug in ground of several square meters surface are being filled with it. The basins’ bottom is sloped stepwise to the depth of ca. 1.5 meters. In the most shallow edge of the basin there is a worker with a pan. The process of rinsing quartzite powder proceeds almost the same as panning the fluvial sediment. In its final step, however, the particles of gold are not hand-picked (which would be very difficult due to their microscopic size), but instead mercury is used. Several cubic centimetres of mercury poured on the bottom of the pan and mixed with concentrate of heaviest minerals, binds even the smallest particles of gold. Droplets of mercury are then quickly poured on a textile (often a fragment of worker’s shirt) and squeezed. Inside the textile gold particles remain, partially polluted with mercury, which binds with gold and forms an amalgam. When a prospector gathers a larger quantity, he heats it with a gas burner – the remains of mercury evaporate leaving pure gold, which melts together forming an irregular ingot. The quartzite powder sedimenting slowly in the deepest side of basin is exploited from time to time and – after drying – it is being panned again. This effects in certain amount of gold, though much lesser than during first panning. A gold mining method described above is based on organized team work, in which only men participate. To work, certain quration and passing through the cooling system the water returns to the barrel). �130 Piotr Maliński Plate 3. An impact crusher grinding the quartzite in Soderi, Northern Kordofan (photo P. Maliński). alifications are needed, and each workplace benefits the occupational specialization. The endeavour requires also initial financial assets, which will allow to buy the necessary equipment (the crusher being the most expensive) and ensure its maintenance and transport. The owners of the mines are rich Sudanese, who can afford the beginning of exploitation. If the exploitation begins to bring income, the owner usually takes one third, while two thirds are split between miners and other workers. The amount of earnings is dependent on many factors: the content of gold in quartzite rock, conditions of mining and transport, number of miners and efficiency of their work. It is therefore difficult to calculate typical earnings of a gold mine worker, though it surely exceeds �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 131 Plate 4. Men of the Rubatab tribe near the mining pits in Wadi al-Lakhla in Bayuda Desert (photo P. Maliński). (several times) analogical earnings of a gold prospector panning the gold from fluvial sediments. Functioning and organization of dahaba Besides the aforementioned two methods of obtaining gold, a few years ago one more emerged in Sudan. It completely differs from the previous ones, because its purpose is to search for and exploit gold nuggets – as opposed to gold particles or dust. Localizing the nuggets requires special electronic equipment – the metal detectors. Mass import of metal detectors to Sudan, which �132 Piotr Maliński began between first and second decade of current century, caused quick adaptation and spread of the method. Currently, it is used on majority of gold-bearing regions of Sudan – especially on Nubian Desert6. The first stage of searching is to localize the outcrops of quartzite, called kola. Preferred outcrops are those on elevations and their slopes. Along with the surrounding rock they are subject to denudation, including processes of weathering and erosion7. As the result, both landform and structure of the ground change. Pieces of rock, falling down and flushing by atmospheric precipitation, accumulate along with sand brought by the wind at the base of a slope, creating mounds and alluvia. Thus, the forces of nature work much the same way that gold miners do – separating chunks of quartzite from the deposit, breaking them up and rinsing. This phenomenon is utilized by the gold nugget prospectors (dahaba). They search through slopes below outcrops with metal detectors, paying special attention to the ways the water flows (darb al-mooya). Prospection of these areas is not conducted by some specified method or plan, instead it has more chaotic character, partly intuitive, partly random. Dahaba themselves asked about this replied with amusement that they search the area by taminjeri method. The word is an Arabic title of the popular cartoon “Tom and Jerry”8. The plot of majority of its episodes consists of attempts to catch the mouse by the cat, which mostly take 6 The area called Nubian Desert by western geographers, is perceived by some Sudanese as two distinct deserts. While the land between Middle Nile and Wadi Gabgaba is called by them Sahra Nubiyya (“Nubian Desert”), the region between Wadi Gabgaba and the coast of Red Sea is referred to as Sahra Shargiyya (“Eastern Desert”). 7 Caused by atmospheric precipitation, wind, the Sun and the force of gravity. 8 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tom_and_Jerry accessed 01.09.2012. �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 133 the form of chaotic pursuit. In a similar, not planned method the dahaba pursue the gold nuggets. The method changes in a moment of discovery of the first nugget. After its extraction – with a shovel (kooreek) or pickaxe (abu raaseen) – the surrounding area is thoroughly checked, especially area above (the quartzite outcrop) and below (where the water flows). Among dahaba there is widespread conviction that gold nuggets do not occur alone, so attempts are undertaken to find more of them. If the findings are successful, an area between places of all successful findings is even more thoroughly searched. Next, when the prospectors conclude that the area has been completely scanned by the use of metal detectors, they bring in the machinery. It is often an agricultural tractor (traktur) with a rear plough9 (mounted on three-point linkage and operated hydraulically). Construction machines can also be used: bulldozers and tracked excavators, as well as loaders. Excavations consist of removing a several dozen centimetres10 layer of ground on the whole area where gold nuggets were previously found. In most cases, the area does not exceed several hectares. The ground is then again searched using metal detectors. Due to removing the superficial layer of the ground, the range of the equipment is increased (exactly by the thickness of the removed layer), thus enabling the detection of gold nuggets deposited deeper. The search in the mentioned area are more systematized because of the marks left by vehicles. The marks are parallel strips, approximately as wide as the length of the ploughshare. The worker using a detector checks consecutive strips. After It resembles a bit the rear plough with a horizontal cutting edge, used in Europe for clearing the snow. 10 The thickness of the overburden being stripped depends on the machine used. A tractor with a rear plough gathers a layer of ground ca. 15-30 centimetres thick (depending also on type of ground). 9 �134 Piotr Maliński Plate 5. A dahaba working in Wadi Adeela in Nubian Desert. In the background, an encampment (kheema) of three teams of gold prospectors (photo P. Maliński). inspecting all of them and extraction of the gold nuggets (if any were found), the area is considered exploited. A basic organization unit in an occupational group described above is an encampment called kheema11. A structure of typical kheema is presented in Diagram 1. An encampment is formed by a few (2-4) teams. The teams work independently, though they are not self-sufficient because they use a common machinery for excavations. Every team has their own metal detector, a car, a tent, and a gas cooker. The tents pitched near each other form a camp, 11 Literally “tent” (Tamis and Persson 2011, 123). �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 135 near which cars are parked. Every day12, the teams set off to work (to different places, often distant from each other by a few kilometres away), and get back to the encampment for a meal and night. After complete exploitation of gold nuggets from the area the teams break camp and pack the equipment in the cars, which then move to another area. If gold is found in the new localization, the camp is set up again. If, however, no gold is found, people and cars move on to the next areas – until success. A typical team consists of four people: three prospectors (dahaba) and a driver. In a team there are three main activities: working with the detector, mining with hand tools and cooking. The prospectors change their activities daily, so in three days one prospector is alternately: a metal detector worker, a digger and a cooker. The driver’s duties are related to transport and delivering the supplies – encompassing driving, service and repair of the car. A manner of searching for gold described above needs to be supplemented with some data regarding used metal detectors (jihaaz) and their service. Generally, they are portable devices, using a phenomenon of electromagnetic induction to localize metallic objects. First serial model of metal detector has been produced in Great Britain in 1942 for military purposes (demining). It is worth mentioning that its prototype has been designed and constructed by two Polish researchers: Józef Kosacki and Andrzej Garboś (Modelski 1986, 221). In the second half of the recent century, metal detectors were used for many other applications, e.g. in industry, construction, archaeology, and also for There is an exception – the hottest season of a year, when the prospecting is performed at night. It is necessary not only for the comfort of the people, but also for the conditions of working with metal detectors. Some types of the detectors do not tolerate high temperature. Especially the coils of the detectors are vulnerable – being heated by sun causes interferences in electronic circuitry and loss of its sensitivity. 12 �136 Piotr Maliński Diagram 1. Structure of the organization of staff and work assets in an encampment (kheema) consisting of three teams (drawn by P. Maliński). treasure hunting. Over the course of time, many varieties of these devices were developed, with different constructions relying on different principles of operation. Among them appeared a type of detector specially designed and constructed for gold prospecting. In the beginning of 2011 in Northern Sudan its most popular model was Minelab GPX-4500, popularly called jeepee‘eks or jee- �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 137 pee‘es13. It is a detector operating by bi-level pulse induction with application of SETA (Smart Electronic Timing Alignment)14 technology. It consists of a harness worn on chest along with battery container (shanṭ a), on which an aluminium arm with a handle and an armrest is hanged. On the higher end of the arm an electronic module is fixed (along with switches, knobs, and liquid crystal display), whereas on the lower end – a coil15 (tabak). The equipment includes also headphones (sammaa‘a). The detector’s operator, after wearing the harness, hangs the arm on it, puts headphones on, connects the elements of the detector with cables and activates it. During prospecting, the operator walks slowly, manipulating the arm of the detector, so that the coil moves from side to side just over the ground. When the coil gets in the proximity of a metallic object, a signal is heard in the headphones. Though it seems easy, the proper exploitation of the device is rather complicated – the user’s manual of this detector has over 100 pages. Regulation of the device and its correct preparation to work require knowledge of the English language, ability to set electronic menu, as well as some knowledge of physics (encompassing principles of working of electric circuits and the phenomenon of propagation of electromagnetic waves in solids). Abilities The second name is sometimes a cause of misunderstandings because of its similarity to the name of satellite navigation devices GPS (Global Positioning System). The GPS receivers, frequently used in Sudan by Western archaeologists, are often perceived by the locals as a new, pocket size of metal detector, which can show on the screen “a path to the treasure”. The misunderstandings of this type are even easier, because a metal detector in Sudan is called colloquially jihaaz, which means literally “an instrument” (Tamis and Persson 2011, 108) and can be referred to a GPS receiver as well. 14 http://www.minelab.com/__files/f/3965/4901-0063-1.1%20Instruction%20Manual%20GPX-4500_screen.pdf accessed 28.08.2012. 15 While the producer offers seven models of coils, adapted to different conditions of using the detector, the Sudanese prefer those with the highest range. 13 �138 Piotr Maliński of the most dahaba, however, are limited only to assemble the detector and switch it on. During research, no person able to set the parameters by using English menu has been found. None of the persons using this particular model knew the function of a button on the handle – used to periodic balancing the influence of the mineralization of the ground (during which the coil has to be manipulated in a certain way). The Sudanese simply used the button to check the battery life. After the button is pushed, there is a short sound in the headphones signalling the beginning of three second long tuning of the coil to the ground. By dahaba, it was interpreted as a signal of proper energy level of the battery (because when the battery was dead, there was obviously no sound). Interestingly, it was the lack of knowledge about basic operation of metal detectors among the dahaba that made conducting ethnological research possible – which in turn provided data for this article. Dahaba decided to allow an ethnologist into their group on one condition – he will improve the sensitivity (hassaas) of their metal detectors. It was not a difficult task16, it only required reading the manual and changing the level of sensitivity of the device in menu options. Effects of this change, empirically tested by dahaba, improved the mutual relationships and allowed to conduct field research among the group of gold nugget prospectors. During the research, use of types of detectors other than described above was noted. Very popular are American White’s Electronics detectors (models GMT GoldMaster and Spectra V3i) and Teknetics T2 (colloquially called tiknis). Single specimens of Garret ACE 250 detector (gareto) are also found, as well as Jeo16 The author has a many years long experience with use of different types of metal detectors, gained in Poland both during archaeological research and other excavations, unrelated to archaeology. �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 139 hunter Basic 3D (juhantyr). The last mentioned model deserves special attention because of a rare construction – the detector signals processed by computer software can be observed live in a form of three-dimensional, coloured image displayed on screen. The device also shows depth of the object and specifies its shape and size. Among dahaba, the model arouses strong emotions, though not because its feature to observe nuggets before digging them up, but due to large number of “false positives” (perhaps as an effect of inept handling). According to producer, the range of the detector is 8 meters deep, so verifying the authenticity of these signals requires much exhaustive (and often fruitless) physical work. The dahaba estimated the number of metal detectors, being used at Nubian Desert in the beginning of 2011, at around 30 000. Plate 6. Metal detectors used by dahaba in 2011: Minelab GPX-4500, Garret ACE 250 and Teknetics T2 (photo P. Maliński). �140 Piotr Maliński According to them, only one third of the devices were acquired legally (which is certified by a document attached to the detector, confirming payment of duty for an imported product). The remaining detectors are supposed to be contraband and were smuggled to the Sudan from Eritrea, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. The popularity of smuggled devices is attributed to lower prices than legal ones (which includes duty fee). Of course, government of Sudan tries to stop distribution and using illegal detectors, so certain preventive steps are taken. For example, the Nubian Desert is being regularly scouted by patrols of uniformed services working against contraband17 (mukaffaha). The patrols check the documents confirming legality (duty fee) of the detectors and confiscate illegal ones. The encampments of prospectors not having such documents invented a tactic for avoiding loss of precious equipment. First of all, in the encampment there is a small and fast car referred to as boksi18 (most commonly Toyota Hilux with rear wheel drive), ready for driving and equipped with water and food supplies for a driver lasting for a few days. Also, people in encampment as well as people working nearby attentively observe their surroundings. When a suspicious car, such as characteristic19 Toyota Landcruiser (colloquially kruzer) used by patrols appears on the horizon, the boksi driver instantly drives away taking all the metal detectors from the encampment. If the devices are used outside the camp, boksi travels through all working areas, gathers the detectors and leaves as fast as possible. This way an inspection performed by the patrol in the encampment is futile. Dahaba may present to the inspectors a false story – for example that they are Through the Nubian Desert passes a smuggling trail, connecting countries of the Horn of Africa with the Middle East. 18 A name derived from English “box”, referring to pick-up version of the car. 19 They are usually painted in the colour of sand. 17 �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 141 waiting for a worker who went to the city and took all detectors (legal, of course) for maintenance. They can also claim that they just camp on the desert (which is not forbidden in any way). The inspection of teams working in mining areas is futile as well20, as they do not have the detectors anymore. However, sometimes the patrol pursues the fleeing boksi. In this case, the fugitive driver tries to reach an earlier chosen place, called sharak – “a trap” (Tamis and Persson 2011, 187). It is usually a ravine (khoor) with a bottom covered by thick layer of loose sand. Boksi passes through this obstacle thanks to its high speed and low weight (the car has a lightweight construction and it is loaded only with a driver, detectors and some supplies). In contrast, a bigger and heavier kruzer is transporting the patrolmen, barrels with fuel and water, weapons, ammunition and other equipment. As a result, it sinks in the sand or passes through it very slowly, using reduction drive and a differential lock. Anyway, at this time boksi is far away, hidden beneath dunes or rocks21. After some time has passed, the car goes back to the camp (the driver ensures that the patrol does not wait at the encampment) and the dahaba can resume their search with illegal detectors. Despite this kind of difficulties with organization of the work and the aforementioned problems with proper use of the equipment, many of the dahaba are successful in the search for gold. The nuggets found with the use of the detectors are most often classified by weight or shape. Every class has its name, common- If the boksi does not make it to the team before the patrol, sometimes the prospectors bury the detectors in the sand – to hide them and prevent confiscation. 21 The driver of boksi tries not to leave traces of tires on the sand, by which a patrol could find him. Therefore, he tries to avoid escaping through the sand, driving on stony surface if possible. 20 �142 Piotr Maliński ly used by the dahaba. This classification along with nomenclature is presented in Table 1. Nugget mass [g] Name Translation <1 namusa “black fly” 1-4 tas‘ali “melon pip” 4-30 janzabiil “ginger root” 30-100 tabla “padlock” 100-1000 baṭ aaṭ is “potato” >1000 khaliyya “honeycomb” Table 1. Classification of the gold nuggets according to their weight The contents are of approximate nature, and the names are not used consequently. There is a clear tendency to overstate the class of found nugget. It seems that this phenomenon is meant to improve the prestige of the finder (and his team) among the dahaba. As an example, one of the examined teams has excavated a gold nugget weighing almost 800 grams. It should be therefore classified as baṭ aaṭ is, but all members of the team unanimously called it (exaggerating) khaliyya22. It is worth mentioning that the largest known khaliyya, excavated by dahaba in 2010, weighed ca. 6 kg. This most valuable single find is popularly known and widely commented in desert encampments. However, during the interviews the prospectors stressed that there was a lot of cases where more smaller nuggets were densely located in a small area – probably originating from a single outcrop of quartzite. Accor22 A form of the found nugget could play a part in giving it this name. Its perforated, openwork structure was more similar to the honeycomb, than to a tuber of potato. �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 143 ding to gathered information, one team was reported to extract more than 120 kg of gold over a few days. The gold nuggets found by the team members are seen as a collective property – they are, in fact, an effect of hard work of the whole team. During the research, all of the prospectors unanimously stated that the cases of usurping the gold nuggets practically do not happen. Everybody in the team is expected to be honest and sincere. Some questioned prospectors stated, that if somebody hid the found gold, intending not to share it with other team members, God would punish him by hiding gold nuggets from him, also intending not to share the gold with a dishonest man. A strong belief was noted that such curse could affect the whole team or even a whole encampment – so the failure in searching would be affecting all the people working with a fraud. To limit the possibility of dishonest behaviours, dahaba most often work in pairs, where the metal detector operator and the digger watch each other’s actions. The prospectors preferring to work alone are quickly dismissed from a team. Such solutions exist to guarantee that all of the mined gold will be at disposal of the whole group. However, in the end, acquired resources have to be divided between all the members of the team. The system of this division, presented on Diagram 2, requires some explanation. From time to time, all the nuggets gathered by the team are being transported to one of the cities located by Nile and sold. From the money made, an amount is separated, called masarif or mez, reserved to buy supplies for the whole team. Among the supplies are foodstuff, gas for the gas cooker and several sets of batteries for the metal detector. The remaining sum of money is then divided in two stages. First, the money are split in three equal parts, respectively, for the prospectors, the metal detector and the car. These parts are then divided even further. The money for prospectors are split evenly among them. Considering that the typical team consists �Diagram 2. Distribution of profits in a dahaba team (drawn by P. Maliński). 144 Piotr Maliński �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 145 of three prospectors, every one of them gets a third part, being a ninth part of the initial sum. The whole money reserved for the metal detector is given to its owner23, in other words, the owner gets one third of the initial sum. The money for a car are being divided unevenly. Only a fourth is given to the driver (being a twelfth of total sum), the remaining three-fourth is given to the owner of a car. With this money, he has to provide automotive supplies – fuel, engine oil, gear oil, a set of filters of fuel, oil and air, as well as parts needed for maintenance of a car. These expenses are marked on the diagram as letter “X”. In the end, the owner of a car gets one fourth of the total sum, reduced by “X”. As the scheme presents, the largest part of the money goes to the owners of the metal detector and the car. The amount of earnings is related to amount of investment. The physical work, in contrast, provides less money. A comparison of workers’ salaries shows the dependence of their value on physical fatigue. A driver (whose work is considered as the lightest) gets less money than a gold prospector. The rules of division described above seem to be clear, yet in reality this system undergoes some modifications, which can significantly complicate it. Above all else, some prospectors can be at the same time the owners of instruments of work – for example, one of the prospectors can own the car or metal detector. In such cases, salaries being an effect of work and profits being an effect of ownership of instruments of work are added – with their sum going to one person. Much more complicated situations occur when an instrument of work is attributed not to a single team, but to whole encampIf a detector is a common property of several persons – who contributed their money to buy it – the sum of salary money is divided among them. If the contributions were equal, the division is equal as well. In other cases, the division of the salary takes into account the percentage of the contributions of the owners. 23 �146 Piotr Maliński ment (a tractor or bulldozer). Such machine brings profits both to its owner and its driver (who can also work as a prospector). These money are being drained from the assets of individual teams in a given encampment, taking into account the surface of auriferous terrain mined by a given team. In this matter, different, individual and sometimes casual (and not always clear) rules of profit partition are applied. Also, sometimes a team can find nuggets in place where a machine cannot reach (in higher parts of rock rubbles) and then the team does not have to share its profits with machine’s owner or driver. Summary At the source of popularity of the gold searching method mentioned here, there are few factors worth describing in detail. First, the idea of search with a “treasure detector” seems to strongly influence the imagination of its users – especially those of Arabic-Muslim culture. A motif of buried treasures – and their clever and brave discoverers – is present in Arabic oral and written tradition since many centuries. The metal detector has become a tool which made possible a practical and effective realization of treasure hunting ethos. In this context, the ergonomics of the work with this tool is especially significant. It does not require – like mining – the long, arduous physical effort, to gather only a few particles of gold in the end. Using a metal detector is no more exhausting than usual, slow walk – by which one can (theoretically) find and possess a “golden treasure” of a value exceeding a many month salary of a gold mine worker. Also, a method of searching for gold nuggets with a metal detector is technologically easier than the mining method. First of all, it does not require hundreds of litres of water (which is scarce in the desert) needed to rinse the quartzite dust. �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 147 Costs of exploitation are also lower, because a metal detector – in contrast to impact crusher – does not need tens of litres of fuel, motor oil, spare parts and periodic repairs. Cost of batteries is relatively low, and the construction of a detector does not wear out (assuming proper use). The most important factor, making the method so popular, is its effectiveness. Though it is hardly a rule, it is not limited to single cases. In fact, the effectiveness of searching for gold with metal detector is full of risk and uncertainty. However, bravely taking a risk is one of typical behaviour pattern in the Arabic world, as well as certain fatalism – in form of surrendering to divine judgements (including failures). Such attitudes seem to predestine people of this culture to conduct the search for gold. A social image of dahaba which has been popularized in Sudan also plays an important role. For obvious reasons, cases of fortunate finders of gold nuggets are becoming popular thanks to their promotion in mass media and presence in contemporary oral literature. They bring the attention of audience, and for many may be an occupational motivation. In contrast, numerous examples of futile, fruitless search are not so interesting, because they do not affect the imagination of the Sudanese so strongly. It is worth mentioning about consequences, which were caused by the emergence of described occupational group in Sudan. Apart from widely commented effects, by which the inflow of gold influenced state economy and finances, minor effects can be observed in the social and economical spheres. One of them is the appearance of large number of young Sudanese, who quickly got rich due to gold prospecting. Those people, thanks to quickly accumulated assets are able to successfully meet the social expectations, i.e. to marry and invest in enterprises meant to provide support for their families. They become a new model of prestige, clearly visible to their peers, who try to match it. On the other hand, suddenly becoming rich is a situation overgrowing some �148 Piotr Maliński young men. The wealth acquired in one day makes them instantly jump several levels up the social ladder, a position for which they are not prepared. It may have fatal consequences – among the dahaba there are young people that lost their fortune as fast as they have gained it, additionally developing addictions. Especially alcoholism is spreading on a scale never seen before (in northern Sudan). It seems that these phenomena inherently accompany every “gold rush”. However, among the gold prospectors there are no assaults, pillage and robbery murders. Amid another cultural consequences, which dahaba activity causes, emerged a problem of endangering the cultural heritage of Nubian Desert region. A vision of destruction, which a several thousand crowd of detectorists can achieve, gives especially archaeologists sleepless nights, as the prospectors are operating in regions, that are difficult to protect and conserve. It has to be noted, however, that these people are searching for precious gold, not “priceless” relics of the past. While the natural landscape is thoroughly changed (marks after searching for gold are now a characteristic phenomenon in many desert areas), destruction of cultural heritage are unlikely to be as common. The prospectors themselves state that “dahaba digs only when he hears signal in the headphones”. Such attitude seems to point that every archaeological sites not containing metallic artefacts are safe from plundering. This does not, however, exclude a possibility of unintentional interference in various archaeological remains, during the excavation with the use of heavy machinery. Indeed, the level of danger or damaging the resources of archaeological heritage needs to be verified by the reconnaissance research, which would make the investigation of the state of known sites possible – and perhaps an occasion to discover new, unknown ones. The last idea can involve the dahaba themselves – using their field knowledge of poorly explored areas of Nubian Desert. �Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector… 149 Bibliography Abdelrahim Mohammed Salih 1999. The Manasir of Northern Sudan: land and people. A riverain society and resource scarcity. Köln. Bell, G. W. 1937. ‘Shaibun Gold’, Sudan Notes and Records 20, 125-137. Bloss, J. F. E. 1937. ‘Relics of Ancient Gold Miners’, Sudan Notes and Records 20, 313-315. Ca‘fer Efendi 1987. Risāle-i Mi‘māriyye. Leiden-New York-København-Köln. Castiglioni, A., Castiglioni, A. and Vercoutter, J. 1998. Das Goldland der Pharaonen. Die Entdeckung von Berenice Pancrisia. Mainz. Dunn, S. C. 1911. Notes on the mineral deposits of Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. Khartoum. Dunn, S. C. 1921. ‘Native Gold Washings in the Nuba Mountains Province’, Sudan Notes and Records 4, 138-145. Gundlach, R. 1977. ‘Goldminen’, in W. Helck, W. Westendorf (eds), Lexikon der Ägyptologie. Vol. 2, Wiesbaden, 740-751. Grabham, G. W. 1929. ‘Gold in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan and Abyssinia’, Comptes rendus. International Geological Congress 2, 279-280. Klemm, D. D., Klemm, R. and Murr, A. 2002. ‘Ancient Gold Mining in the Eastern Desert of Egypt and the Nubian Desert of Sudan’, in R. Friedman (ed.) Sudan and Nubia. Gifts of the Desert, London, 215-221. Lewicki, T. 1967. Średniowieczni pisarze arabscy o bogactwach mineralnych Afryki i ich eksploatacji (Mediaeval Arabic Writers on the Mineral Resources of Africa and their Exploitation). WrocławWarszawa-Kraków. Linant de Bellefonds, L. M. A. 1868. L’Etbaye. Pays habité par les Arabes Bicharieh. Géographie, ethnologie, mines d’or. Paris. Llewellyn, A. 1903. Report on mining concession in the Egyptian Sudan. Place of issue not stated. Modelski, T. 1986. The Polish Contribution to The Ultimate Allied Victory in The Second World War. Worthing. Newbold, D. 1948. ‘Deraheib Gold Mines’, Antiquity 22, 33-34. �150 Piotr Maliński Sadr, K. 1997. ‘The Wadi Elei finds: Nubian desert gold mining in the 5th and 4th millenia B.C.?’, Cahiers de Recherches de l’Institut de Papyrologie et d’Égyptologie de Lille 17, No. 2, 67-76. Tamis, R. and Persson, J. (eds) 2011. Concise Dictionary. Sudanese Arabic – English, English – Sudanese Arabic. Khartoum. Vercoutter, J. 1959. ‘The Gold of Kush’, Kush 7, 128-153. Whiteman, A. J. 1971. The Geology of Sudan Republic. Oxford. Yusuf Fadl Hassan 1967. The Arabs and the Sudan: from the seventh to the early sixteenth century. Edinburgh. Résumé À la recherche d’or avec le détecteur de métaux sur le désert de Nubie. Le fonctionnement et l’organisation du groupe professionnel dahaba au Soudan Le texte traite des résultats de recherches ethnologiques sur le terrain, ménées par l’auteur dans les années 2005-2011 au Soudan. Ces recherches ont été consacrées aux méthodes traditionnelles et modernes d’extraction d’or dans la région de la vallée du Nil moyen, désert de Bayouda, désert de Nubie et du Kordofan septentrional. L’auteur présente avant tout le phénomène, appélé par les médias la «ruée vers l’or» qui consiste à la recherche massive des pépites d’or avec les détecteurs de métaux. La formation d’un nouveau groupe professionnel au Soudan, à savoir dahaba était l’une des conséquences de ce phénomène. Dans ce texte on décrit aussi bien le fonctionnement, les méthodes et l’organisation du travail que le système de répartitions des profits au sein du groupe. L’auteur aborde également la question du danger potenciel du patrimoine archéologique du désert de Nubie par des fouilles visant l’exploration et l’extraction de pépites d’or. Keywords: gold, metal detector, occupational group, Nubian Desert, Sudan. �KATARZYNA GRABSKA PETER MILLER THE SOUTH SUDAN HOUSE IN AMARAT: SOUTH SUDANESE ENCLAVES IN KHARTOUM In July 2011, South Sudan became an independent nation, and broke off from the North. This break up came as a violent experience for the people of the two nations. The dynamic changes that followed the separation of the two Sudans affected the lives of the people from the North and the South, as well as those con- Katarzyna Grabska – PhD, is a social anthropologist. She is a senior research fellow at the Global Migrations Centre, at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies (IHEID) in Geneva and an affiliate of CEDEJ Khartoum. She has been researching issues of transformations of social and gender relations in particular in the context of war, displacement and return among South Sudanese in Egypt, Kenya, South Sudan and Sudan. She has published widely on these topics, including her monograph entitled Gender, Identity and Home: Nuer repatriation to South Sudan (2014). Her most recent research focuses on adolescent girls’ migration from Ethiopia and Eritrea to Sudan. Peter Miller – is a Masters anthropology student at the University Paris VIII Vincennes – Saint-Denis. His current research project focuses on marriage strategies and identity practices in Khartoum, part of a wider project directed by the CEDEJ Khartoum. �152 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller sidered ‘Jenubeen’ (Southern or South Sudanese1) in the North and those considered ‘Shageen’ (Northern) in the South. With the political developments in the two nations and the introduction of new citizenship laws, Southerners became foreigners in the North, while Northerners lost their citizenship privileges in the South2. The political changes had profound impact on the social, political and economic reconfigurations, as well as identity claims in the two nations. Despite the large population movements that followed, with those considered Southern Sudanese moving to South Sudan, and those considered Northerners going to Sudan, and in the wake of the current civil conflict in South Sudan (on-going since 2013), there are increasing numbers of South Sudanese who either remained or became displaced in the North. These changes in the population composition as well as new political and economic arrangements between Sudan and South Sudan had a direct impact on the multidimensional transformations that took place in the Sudans, and in Khartoum in particular3. In what follows, we present the first reflections and impressions of our two different on-going ethnographic fieldworks that were carried out between 2015 and 2016, giving some insights into a particular enclave of South Sudan in one of the neighbourhoods in Khartoum, Amarat. The research is mainly ethnographic, during which we have followed lives of different groups in several neighbourhoods in Khartoum to understand their everyday life, iden1 We use the term Southern Sudanese to denote those groups hailing from the South of Sudan before the emergence of the independent South Sudan in 2011. South Sudanese is a term used to denote those coming from or identified as affiliated with South Sudan. It should be noted that the Arabic translation is the same, Jenubeen, for the two politically different terms. This is also significant as it makes an interesting insight into the identity politics and practice in the two Sudans. 2 Babiker 2015. 3 See Casciarri et al 2015. �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 153 tity politics and their everyday practices. The notes presented below are based on in-depth interviews and life story interviews carried out with residents of Amarat, as well as other South Sudanese residing currently in Khartoum. They are substantiated by observation and participation in the everyday life in Amarat as both researchers resided there between 3 months and 2,5 years within the period of 2014-2016. We are both anthropologists who have been working with South and Southern Sudanese. Katarzyna Grabska has researched among the Nuer of South Sudan in Egypt, Kenya and South Sudan (see Grabska 2014), while Peter Miller is currently finishing his Master 1 with a specific focus on the Amarat neighbourhood, marriage practices and identity politics within in it. We first introduce Amarat, a first-class wealthy neighbourhood in Khartoum, underscoring its heterogeneous character and juxtaposing it as a metaphor of ‘Sudan’. The heterogeneous character of the neighbourhood is used as an analytical base to address the questions of the categorisation and use of urban spaces. Next, we situate the South Sudanese population in Amarat, stressing certain particular impacts of the 2011 separation on their lives. We then move on to describe their living arrangements, with a specific example of a ‘South Sudanese house’ in Amarat, which we believe symbolises the heterogeneity of the neighbourhood, but also a specific South Sudanese enclave within this residential quarter. The house also serves as a metaphor for the predicament of the current situation of South Sudanese in Sudan, as well as the on-going civil conflict in the South. The discourses of the residents of the house form the base of our second analytical axe, addressing the issue of identity transformations amongst urban migrants. �154 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller Amarat: the “first class” neighbourhood of empty houses Al-Amarat is a planned neighbourhood constructed in the 1960’s, on what was the southern border of the colonial city of Khartoum4. Due to the rapid sprawling expansion of the city, Al-Amarat is now a central neighbourhood situated to the west of Khartoum International Airport, bordered by two of the city’s highways, Africa Street and Mohammed Nageeb Street. Categorised as a “first class5” neighbourhood, Amarat was designed to accommodate a developing Sudanese upper class mainly composed of civil servants, and to symbolise a modern way of living in the newly independent Sudanese capital with villas, gardens, paved roads, and commercial streets6. Although this population is still very present in the neighbourhood today, it’s significance is less and less important due to the gradual commercialisation of Amarat, with more and more residential buildings being turned into offices, company headquarters and commercial businesses. Having been categorised as a “first class” neighbourhood, Amarat tends to be left out of analysis concerning marginalised popAlawad Sikainga, 1996. Residential land classification in Khartoum started in 1906 with three classes: first, second, and third. This classification envisaged regrouping populations by their income. In 1924 ‘Native Lodging Areas’ were added to, designed to accommodate temporary urban workers. In 1947 the ‘Towns and Land Scheme Act’ was introduced re-enforcing the division of housing in these three classes, adding the criterion of plot-size, building materials and lease duration. The 1st class encompasses the most wealthy population group, able to afford the largest plots and modern construction materials. The plot size diminishes and the building materials become more basic as the classification descends. The current classification system comprises 5 classes(Elhoweris 2006; Sauloup 2011). 6 Denis, 2006. 4 5 �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 155 Location of Amarat ulations in Khartoum, such as the South Sudanese population. In fact, the “first class” definition tends to render an economically and socially homogenous image of the neighbourhood of inhabitants with privileged status therefore camouflaging the diversity that exists within. This official categorisation of the different neighbourhoods of the city erases the diversity of the local situation. Others have noted that this type of official classification and categorisation represents the imagined and socially constructed identity of an urban space, which in reality is far from homogenous7. Through our ethnographic observations in Amarat we have discovered a socially heterogeneous quarter that when an- 7 cf Gillette 2014; Sauloup 2011. �156 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller alysed in its complexity can serve as a metaphor for post separation Khartoum and Sudan. Amarat has been known as a neighbourhood where the expatriate community is concentrated, due to the number of embassies, international organisations and think-tanks present, combined with the Sudanese State’s desire to ensure that foreign nationals live in first-class areas. However, presence of the expat community in Amarat has reduced over the past years, partly due to the expulsion of several aid organisations, religious groups and individuals. The first wave of expulsions happened in 20098 as a manifestation of the Sudanese government’s response to Omar alBashir’s indictment by the International Criminal Court for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Darfur. Thirteen aid agencies working in Darfur were the principal targets of this expulsion, many of who had offices and/or personnel living in Amarat. The second wave came in 2012, after South Sudan’s independence, and focused more on Catholic religious groups (considered sympathetic and collaborative with the South Sudanese population), foreign individuals, and a smaller number of aid agencies9. It is also worth noting that during the period of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), up until the period following the 2011 referendum on South Sudan’s independence, there was a mass influx to Khartoum of personnel working for international organisations, many living and/or working in Amarat. After the independence of the South and with the more restrictive policies of Sudan regulating the presence and work of international organisations, a number of UN agencies and international NGOS left the country, some moving to the South. 8 http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/03/04/sudan-arrest-warrant-prof_n_171768.html (consulted 21/03/16). 9 http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-18296430 (consulted 21/03/16 ). �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 157 In addition to these two major exoduses, the country is suffering from an economic crisis, crippling the nation due to a loss in petrol revenues since South-Sudan’s independence and the economic sanctions imposed on the country since Omar al-Bashir’s indictment by the International Criminal Court. These are some of the reasons constantly used to explain the number of empty houses and stalled construction sites in Amarat. The wealthy Sudanese residents of Amarat, those whom are generally associated with the neighbourhood, are typically the owners of their villas, constructed by their own families since the 1960’s. They consider themselves, and are considered by some others, as belonging to one of10 the top strata’s of Sudanese society, and are therefore bearers of high levels of economic, cultural and symbolic capital. Today’s residents tend to come from families with a significant social standing around the time of Sudan’s independence, often working in previous governments as ministers or clerks; or for the State as doctors, engineers, professors, among others. They are generally highly educated with master or PhD degrees; the majority having frequented universities overseas, and therefore find themselves today in functions that ensure a relatively high income. Amongst this seemingly homogenous population one can already notice ethnic diversity, symbolic of the multi-ethnic composition of Sudan as a whole and the ‘melting-pot’ of Khartoum. However, this ‘ethnic diversity’ amongst this ‘elite’ class reflects a wider and highly contested issue in Sudan: the centralisation and monopolisation of power. Almost all of Amarat’s wealthy resIt is important to underline that Amarat is home to one of the Sudanese elites, who cohabite in their neighbourhood with an international elite. There are many other elites, for example the religious elite (who tend to live in Omdurman), the less wealthy but intellectual elite, the elite connected to the government and civil service etc. See Babiker Mahmoud, 1984. 10 �158 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller idents either come from groups originating in the Northern and Central Nile-Valley parts of the country, or migrant communities who established themselves economically through trade during colonial times. The first category tends to include populations that identifies themselves as Arab and/or Nubian11, and more specifically those who claim to be Jaaliyin, Shaigiya and Danagla, groups synonymous with the monopolisation of political, military and trading power12. The second category can be characterised by dwindling Christian populations. They consist of Copts originating either from Egypt or Sudan who make up the largest group, and Roman-Catholic or Orthodox Christians originating from Greece and other Eastern Mediterranean countries, whose migration is linked to the nineteenth century expansion of the Ottoman Empire13. These Amarat residents express and maintain their domination through their symbolic capital14. Their enormous villas with well-tended gardens are guarded behind 3 metres walls – the style of the villa is seen as a far cry from the typical Sudanese home, the hosh, a single-story mud and dung construction. They tend to employ several domestic workers, cooks, cleaners, drivers, guards, and gardeners. Their capacity to do so is again a way to affirm their symbolic status as privileged classes. Yet, once an The use of ‘ethnic’ identities is of course problematic from an anthropological point of view as it is linked to concrete racial origins instituted during the colonial time in Sudan. 12 Ryle, 2011, p. 35. 13 James, 2011, p. 47. 14 ‘Symbolic capital’ references the concept coined by Pierre Bourdieu in his famous work, La distinction.. Symbolic capital refers to the resources available to an individual that grant them honour and prestige through the recognition by others. In our specific case, the villas, walls, luxurious cars etc., are all means by which certain Amarat residents can affirm their superior symbolic status vis-à-vis to others (Bourdieu, 1979). 11 �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 159 exclusive neighbourhood, the residents of Amarat are becoming more and more economically diverse. Luxurious cars are accompanied by more common vehicles, a testament to the present heterogeneity of Amarat residents. However, as the price of cars is high in Sudan (particularly new models which are often observed in Amarat), the mere fact of owning one alludes to a certain economic status. The cars are kept immaculately clean, suggesting that the cleanliness of the car might be a way of distinguishing oneself from the general dusty environment of the street. The cleanliness relates also to keeping the moral standing, being proper, adab and respected15. The way of life of wealthier Amarat residents, enclosed in their private space behind their walls topped with barbed wire, and their habit to travel everywhere by car leads us to another vital point in understanding Amarat: the dichotomy of the use of space. This dichotomy exposes that symbolic status of people: those ‘of the street’ who live more in the ‘public space’ and those who can afford their ‘room of their own’, to paraphrase the words of Virginia Wolf, in their private villas and behind the walls. Yet, their lives are much more in the public sphere, as they often represent the government, international and business elites who actively participate in the ‘public’ life. These residents are not often observed socialising in the street. Those who occupy the street – who work, socialise and live in this public space – represent another fringe of the population: the marginalised. They also represent the peripheral regions of Sudan that have suffered from underdevelopment for years, the direct effect of the centralisation of power and development16. They all share a history of a more or less recent migration to Khartoum, often citing war, famine 15 16 Fabos, 2008. City Limits, 2011. �160 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller and a lack of opportunities as their reasons to come to the capital. They come from South Sudan (some having returned during the period of peace, coming back when war broke out again), Darfur, South Kordofan, Nuba mountains and other border areas. There are also Ethiopian and Eritrean migrants and refugees who come to look for luck, money, protection and a better life in Sudan. They either work providing services to the wealthy resident families, or as labourers, or selling goods and providing services on the street to their peers and local residents for small gains. The two groups interact on a daily basis, and complement each other in their search for livelihoods and status. For example, those working on the street also offer services for the privileged classes of Amarat, such as car washing, transport, shoe shining. They also provide simple but necessary supplies such as cigarettes, street food, and phone cards17. The South Sudanese in Khartoum Khartoum has been for a long time one of the major destinations for the displaced and migrant populations from South Sudan18. According to the recent UNHCR Rapid Assessment report (2014), following the secession of South Sudan in 2011, approximately 250,000 individuals of South Sudanese origin are estimated to have remained in Khartoum State. Of this population, 40,000 are estimated to be living in camp like situations in sites called ‘open areas’. The open areas were initially established as departure points in October 2010, following an announcement by the South Sudan 17 See Sauloup 2011 and other literature on the street vendors in Khartoum. 18 Assal 2004, 2006, 2008; Abusharaff, 2009; Bureau, 2011; De Geoffroy, 2009; Lavergne, 1999; Shultz, 2010; Aziz, 2013. �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 161 Relief and Rehabilitation Commission (SSRRC) and Commissioner for Voluntary and Humanitarian Work (CVHW) in Khartoum that individuals wishing to return to South Sudan should congregate in specific sites for organized voluntary return movements. Displaced South Sudanese have been returning to the South with large numbers keeping multiple residences both in Khartoum and in the South in order to minimize risks. Officially organised returns were initially implemented by UNHCR, IOM and the Government of Sudan between October 2010 until the beginning of 2011, when returns ceased as resources were diverted to referendum preparations. Subsequently, a number of people remained stranded in these areas, devoid of infrastructure and functioning services. Since 2011, very few organized repatriations have taken place. Further to the independence of South Sudan and consequent changes in the legal status of individuals of South Sudanese origin in Sudan, more and more people joined these sites. Since the outbreak of the most recent civil conflict in South Sudan in December 2013, more than 522,000 refugees have fled their homes and scattered across four East African countries, including an estimated 150,000 in Sudan19. Only since February 2015, there has been a dramatic increase of over 10,000 South Sudanese refugees in Sudan due to renewed fighting in Upper Nile state20. Newly arrived displaced have joined existing communities in both open and residential areas. Following the crisis in South Sudan, the President of Sudan declared that the South Sudanese in Sudan (including those fleeing the current conflict) enjoy the same status as Sudanese citizens in the country in line with the existing signed yet not applied Cooperation Agreement of 27 September 2012. As part of this agreement, Sudan and South Sudan 19 20 OCHA, 2015. OCHA, 2015. �162 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller ratified a Framework Agreement on the status of nationals of the other State and related matters, which establishes favourable principles for the treatment by each state of the nationals of the other state. In particular, it provides for a Four Freedoms Agreement, which should grant to nationals of each state the freedoms of residence, movement, economic activity, and the right to acquire and dispose of property on the territory of the other state. The majority of South Sudanese’s lives have been marked by displacement and uncertainty21, and for those who live in Sudan this uncertainty has increased since South Sudan’s independence. No longer Sudanese citizens, and despite the Four Freedoms Agreement, they face many difficulties in being able to access education and work. These issues will be discussed in greater detail within the discourses of the residents of the ‘South Sudanese house’. The ‘South Sudanese’ house in Amarat South Sudanese in Amarat Amarat would, in the first place, not be an obvious place of residence for South Sudanese in Khartoum. Yet, against the odds, and against the popular view of Amarat being a homogenous and privileged area, there are different South Sudanese residents in the neighbourhood. Their place of residence tends to be ‘hidden’ in one way or another from the public eye, long-term presence and knowledge of the area brings to the light “what the eye refuses to see”22. Some live in abandoned villas, crumbling and derelict, often cut off from the ethnographer’s eye and the street by walls and fences. No longer used by those who used to be 21 22 Horst and Grabska, 2015; Grabska, 2014. Kibreab, 1996. �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 163 privileged but suffered a sudden economic or political decline in their status, they become a place of protracted temporal residence for those who have been displaced. The use of waste materials to board up holes in fences and walls alerts the inquisitive observer to the presence of inhabitants in houses that are otherwise perceived as ‘empty’. Such ‘ghost’ houses, often empty for years and lacking facilities, have been taken over by South Sudanese and other marginalised communities who try to keep their presence discreet, for fear of being evicted. Others live in construction sites, allowed by the owner in return for guarding the construction materials from theft. These sites often do not have walls, instead clothes and blankets are hung up on washing lines to give some discretion. Children play amongst the concrete rubble and the conditions are dire, lacking in running water or toilets. The sites are furnished by what little the residents have, some stools, a bed or two and for some a television, the satellite dish placed on the outer wall of the construction site alluding to a presence within. Others live in make shift tents hidden down small back-alleys behind high-rise constructions (between Street 13 & 15 for example), using waste material to build their shelter. One close informer who worked as a guardian for a wealthy Amarat family was given accommodation by his employers, a wooden shack roughly 2x3 metres situated on the street in front of the house. Yet, there are also better to do and well-established South Sudanese, who have well-established connections to Khartoum. Some have studied here, or worked in the formal sector before separation, and have strong political connections. While, in Amarat the living arrangements of South Sudanese are diverse, they all share their status as foreigners, agnabi, vis-à-vis the Sudanese state. Having established an overview of the social composition of post separation Amarat as well as the living conditions of South Sudanese in this quarter, we will now analyse one house in par- �164 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller ticular. We perceive the house as a metaphor for the different South Sudanese enclaves that exist in Khartoum, but also the changing history of the house over the years as a metaphor for the changed status and thus experience of South Sudanese in the North. The house Located on street 37, in a prime location, opposite the Comboni School that caters to many South Sudanese students, the house is two stories high. Nowadays, the house resembles an abandoned villa, but has a particular status due to its historical past. The house used to be the Council of Southern States before 2011. Briefly, it became a South Sudanese Embassy after the separation. However, when the embassy of South Sudan was opened in Riyad, one of the new upscale and prestigious neighbourhoods of Khartoum, the house lost its prestige. The building remains the property of the South Sudanese government, yet it is no longer used for official functions. Occasionally, South Sudanese chiefs who live in the camps on the outskirts of the city meet there, as they do not have other places for their gatherings. With time, it became a run-down guesthouse hosting those who cannot afford accommodation and are referred by the South Sudan embassy. The referral seems to be a pivotal element in determining who can and cannot live there and reflects a number of contemporary South Sudanese dilemmas. In the courtyard, there is a small garden where the residents of the house relax, eat and meet visitors. On the left of the compound, there is a row of toilets and bathrooms, separated from the house. Some are locked. There seem to be separate toilets for women and men. In the house, there are several rooms. We are told that some are shared and others are individual. Residents also sleep outside on the balconies when it is too hot in the summer. In the dilapidated courtyard, and against the walls of the �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 165 South Sudanese house house, there are old banners indicating the name of the South Sudanese Consulate. Parts of the missing fence are replaced by Chinese cartons. Electricity meters are located on the outside wall of the house. We notice that they are all at zero. Neighbours refer to the house as “the Dinka house”. The status of the house as the “Dinka house” is significant, as it reflects the underlying ethnic divisions in the current conflict in the South. While there is a Nuer man working as a guard of the house, no Nuer people live in the house. The fact that most of the residents are referred by the embassy, and most of the Nuer people who come to Khartoum do not approach the South Sudanese embassy23, 23 See field notes Grabska 2016; on general long-standing animosities between Dinka and Nuer people see Hutchinson 1996; Grabska 2014; Johnson 2004. �166 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller suggests that political divisions affect who has access to the house. While the house has a specific status within the neighbourhood, it is rather invisible for outsiders, within the area. It is well integrated in terms of architectural style, and similarly dilapidated condition to the neighbouring houses. It remains, as South Sudanese within the neighbourhood, invisible in a visible space. During one of our joint visits to the house, we talked to a group of South Sudanese students who live there. Upon our arrival in the morning, we first met an elderly gentleman who most likely is from the Dinka Twic group. He was sceptical and refused to talk to us24. We finally met ‘Mr. R’25, who is ‘in charge’ of the house. He has been living there since 2011, and is therefore the longest resident of the house. A man in his fifties, he speaks fluent Arabic, and some English, but prefers to speak with us in English. This is also part of his identity performance and how he positions himself vis-à-vis others and us in the neighbourhood and the house. The co-author of this article, Peter, knows him as he had befriended him in the neighbourhood. The residents and their predicaments The house is inhabited by diverse groups and individuals, all coming from South Sudan. Older men, single mothers, and young university students, both men and women, and three families with children. At the time of fieldwork, there were between 20 24 His disliking of our presence was later confirmed by another incident. On his last day in Amarat, Peter wanted to say goodbye to the students. When he arrived, the man was standing outside the house. He informed him that no students were around and that he could not come in. When Peter sat around the corner to have a coffee, he heard the students talking in the garden and even saw them through the holes in the wall. 25 All names have been changed. All interviews cited in the article were conducted by the authors between November 2015 and January 2016. �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 167 and 30 people living in the house. Below, we introduce some of the residents, those whom we spoke to and who shared their predicaments with us. In what follows, we present the views of those residents and their particular dilemmas that they are faced with in the house and in Khartoum more generally. ‘Mr. R’: ‘the manager’ of the house. Peter met him first through his other local contacts in Amarat. The man was introduced to him as ‘Mr. R’. He wears a shirt, watch, and shined shoes. Older men and men of social status in South Sudanese communities would have their shoes shined often, in spite the fact that they have little money to survive on. The shining of shoes might be interpreted as a sign of ‘status’, similarly to the cleanness of cars, on the dusty roads of Khartoum. ‘Mr. R’ came to Khartoum in 2001 and used to work in some sort of agricultural job. He has a wife and several children, and they all moved up to Khartoum together. He proclaims that he is currently without work, yet, there must be some type of income that him and his family survive on. Performing the customary Dinka marriage obligations, Mr. R announces that he paid 100 cows for his wife in the South. Bride wealth remains a strong social obligation and functions as a social insurance system in the South where families honour cattle exchanges that constitute an important social bonding and livelihood strategy. His brother used to work for the government in the South, before being “released” in unexplained circumstances. His wife and their children are with Mr. R in Khartoum, under his responsibility. Mr. R declared that the children do not go to school, but later we learn from the wife of his deceased brother that the children do go to school. Mr. R is generally known in the area, and sometimes referred to as ‘Sultan’, which might be a sign of his symbolic status, despite his economically impoverished status. Most likely, he must have had some type of connection to the previous Embassy to first move to the house. �168 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller The students: The four female students came from Equatoria to study in Khartoum. The younger male students (aged between 25 and 30) all come from Warrap, Jongolei, Northern Bahr Ghazal and Aweil. They speak good English, and have been in Khartoum for one to two years. Some are on scholarships from the government, whilst others get by with money received from their parents. We are told that they do not have to pay rent, but they have to buy their own food and cover other expenses (electricity, water). George: 34 years old from Warrap; first came to Khartoum in 1997, his brother was here for education. He did not even stay a year when his father came to bring him back to the village: “Because parents do not want their children to stay away. They think that they will come up with bad behaviour”, he told us. This reflects also the control of parents over their children, and keeping them close to cieng (in Nuer/Dinka signifies home, village, community).He came back in 2010, but he failed to access university; he then returned again in 2014 and has been in Khartoum since. As he did not have any money, he finally gained access to the house through someone he knows at the embassy and came to stay there. He is studying first year chemistry at the Nileein University where some classes are held in Arabic, and others in English. He tells us that the students are struggling. When we came in the morning, he was the one who translated from Arabic and Dinka into English for us. He also connected us with Mr. R, who was around doing some business. George is not married yet. His eldest brother and his sister are married. The brother just before him is not, meaning that that he does not yet feel a pressure to marry. He also explained why he is ‘late’ in his education: “Because of the problems in our country, we had to wait with education. So I am a bit behind”, he said. Deng: 27 years old – came in 2014 from Aweil. He used to live in a village and is married with one child. He came to Khartoum alone to study. He told us that because of problems in the South �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 169 he had to stop education. “There are too many un-educated people in the South and not enough universities”, he explained. “We (students) had to stay for 2 years doing nothing. We farmed a bit and helped our parents in the village”. He came by plane to Khartoum and was very surprised when he arrived here: “There were a lot of buildings, and it looked very different from the village”. But settling in was also difficult. For some months with a group of friends he was looking for a place to stay, but they could not find anything. Finally he ended up in the house in Amarat. He is currently attending his first year of University studying geology and mining. James: from Bahr Al Ghazal, 26 years old, not married, a student in an Arabic speaking university, also studying geology and mining. “My main problem is that education is in Arabic. When I came to Khartoum in 2015, I did not speak this language. We are learning fast now. This is a problem not knowing the language. You just sit there, in the class and you understand nothing.” Dut and Paul are two other students living in the house. They are all first year students, residing in Khartoum since a year. The students whom we met in the house did not know each other before they came to the house. In this way, they forged a small community through their shared residence and experience as foreign students in Khartoum. Upon arriving in Khartoum they had nowhere to stay, and all ended up staying here. When asked about what they think about living in Khartoum, or more specifically in Amarat, all respond in a similar way: “We didn’t choose here, we’re here to study, we had nowhere to live so we came here”, therefore lacking opinions on the particularity of the neighbourhood. This gives an impression of coincidental strangers forming a community, with little experience of Khartoum outside of the house. �170 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller Ayen: a mother of three children. She has been in Khartoum for 12 years, therefore before independence. She wanted to return to the South and her luggage was packed, but then there was no transport. She finally came to the house 2 years ago, in 2014. She moved here because her aunt told her about it. Her husband is working occasionally, doing daily work, however he does not stay with the family in the house. Discussions in the house and among South Sudanese in Khartoum: being a foreigner and being Jenubeen The discussions and predicaments of the residents of the South Sudanese house accentuate the particular transformations that took place in the identities of South Sudanese residents in Khartoum after the separation. Their identities as foreign migrants on the one hand, and as Jenubeen on the other are constantly reconfigured and renegotiated in the context of changing legal status of South Sudanese in Sudan, the political context in South Sudan and the social and political relations between and among South Sudanese in Khartoum. On the one hand, since separation, South Sudanese became foreign migrants in Sudan. Below we show how this new legal status affects their living conditions, access to education, to work and to health services in the city. On the other hand, the South Sudanese house also reveals the dilemmas and conflicts hidden within the homogenous Jenubeen identity and the impact of the changing social norms and practices as a result of migration. �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 171 From being a Sudanese to being a foreigner in Khartoum: living conditions, education and work Living conditions and choices: “No power to go anywhere else” The group of displaced South Sudanese residents in the house reflects dilemmas related to the current predicaments of the South Sudanese in Khartoum. Access to housing for the displaced and South Sudanese residents is a major problem. Due to high rents, lack of access to previous housing, (as those who owned property before the separation mostly sold it before moving back to the South), and lack of income, many South Sudanese are destitute. Some reside in makeshift shelters in the ‘open areas’ in camp-like conditions on the outskirts of Khartoum. The house seems to offer an option of accommodation for those who cannot afford to rent their own place, but also have vital connections to the South Sudanese embassy. When asked how he enjoys living in the house, Mr. R says that he has no power to go anywhere else, so he stays here, suggesting that if he could he would leave. He also reports that the residents have no problems with the police or the Sudan government, as the official status of the building belonging to the South Sudanese government protects them. Despite being in a privileged position in comparison with some other South Sudanese and benefitting from free of charge accommodation provided by the South Sudanese embassy, some of the residents of the house complain that the South Sudanese government is doing nothing to help with the upkeep of the house, which is covered in cracks. Any repair works or items that are needed depend on the inhabitants collecting money and carrying out the repairs themselves, as they did in 2014, renovating a small part of the house, but lacking the money to finish the job. They have to pay money to the council themselves for services like the rubbish collection. �172 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller Access to higher education All students in the house report that as foreign nationals in Sudan the government demands that they pay higher tuition fees, making education at all levels inaccessible for many. Furthermore, to be able to sit for the Sudan Certificate (the national diploma that allows one to enter into University) the government requires foreign nationals to pay a higher fee in hard currency in order to obtain an Index Number. One student (of Nuer origins, and not a resident in the house) hoping to sit the Sudan certificate this year explained to us how in 2015 the price requested to obtain the index number was 65US$, raised to 150US$ for 2016. The obligation to pay in hard foreign currency is seen as an extra barrier by the Southerners, particularly with the current economic crisis and the falling value of the Sudanese pound. Quite simply this demand makes it unaffordable for the majority of students and therefore prevents them from having the opportunity to access university education. The positionality of the house residents is also in relation to other South Sudanese in Khartoum. Although they do not seem to be ‘well-off’ here, the students must be of a certain social-class/standing to be able to come to Khartoum (by plane especially) and study. Some have scholarships from the government for their fees; others rely on their parents (who also must be in privileged positions in the South to be able to afford paying the fees of their sons). This also illuminates the differentiated economic status of nazeheen – displaced – as the South Sudanese are referred to by the Sudanese population. Access to work: “There are no jobs for us in Khartoum” “There are no jobs for us here in Khartoum”, said James. “You do just day jobs, some small jobs, whatever you have.” Ayen looked concerned. She said that she could do any job, cleaning, selling tea, whatever,butin reality there are few jobs, especially for wom- �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 173 en. She has no income and in the house she can stay for free. The other woman who was living in the house whose husband passed away does not work. She was shy and covered her face with hertob (a Sudanese cover) and refused to talk to us. All inhabitants of the house commented that gaining money in Khartoum is a problem. As there is no work for men, they have to ask parents to sell their cows in the South, and send them money. This is particularly difficult given the current civil conflict and economic deprivation in the South. They all share resources in the house, cooking together, and sharing the little they have to survive. These narratives exemplify the marginalised position of the South Sudanese in Khartoum. Before the separation, Southerners as citizens of Sudan were, at least in theory, able to access jobs in the formal sector, as well as had access, to health and educational services. While the opportunities for work in formal sector were quite restricted for Southerners, the presence of international organisations and the possibilities of being employed by them existed. After the separation, international organisations resolved formal employment contracts with Southerners and they were replaced to a larger extent by Sudanese citizens. Informally, however, some Southerners benefit from their previous employment arrangements and continue to work as guards, drivers or office staff. After the separation, the situation of the South Sudanese residents in Sudan has changed. As they are no longer citizens they do not have the right to work, confining them to the informal sector and increasing their perceived insecurity in terms of accessing employment26.One young man reported that he was a driver in the South but his driving licence is not recognised in the North, nor can he obtain a work permit leaving him no other 26 Babiker, 2015; Vezzadini, 2014. �174 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller choice than to find day-to-day informal work. In Amarat, one can see South Sudanese, many of them young boys, working as car-washers, daily labourers, tea-sellers, clothes-washers, street-sellers (cigarettes, sugar-cane, peanuts), and guardians. Many, however, are unemployed and looking for casual work, and the majority have no stable revenues and live from hand to mouth, day to day. Students in the house, for example, navigate their precariousness by sharing the resources among themselves. Solidarity and sharing are vital in their strategies to navigate their marginal status in Amarat. People thus survive on informality and the social capital that they are able to generate, either as previous residents in Khartoum or through links to powerful networks of the South Sudanese government or North Sudanese citizens. This informality allows them to navigate the institutionalised constraints imposed on citizens of both nations after the separation. Being Jenubeen: a social and political identity The South Sudanese house also plays a role in cultivating a South Sudanese identity, and sharing daily lives with those who come from the same nation state, in the middle of a foreign city. Similarly as in refugee camps, the house serves as a metaphor of forming fictive kinship connections in exile27. The students all expressed meeting each other here in Khartoum, forming their community through this house. They are mostly all around the same age (27), and are in Khartoum for the first time in their lives, suggesting that their lives have been less marked by migration. George is the exception, as the eldest (in his 30’s) and having come and gone from Khartoum several times. 27 Grabska, 2014. �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 175 “We are Jenubeen”and social tensions among the South Sudanese in Khartoum We ask: “How do you like Amarat? How do you like Khartoum? Is it different to live in Khartoum now as opposed to before the separation?” but no one really replies to the question directly. They all say: “… it is fine. Like other places in Khartoum.” This response suggests that the residents of the house feel that they do not have a control over their lives in terms of where they can live. Yet, at the same time, the fact that they are not in war zones in South Sudan underlies their privileged status vis-à-vis those who stayed behind. Ayen elaborates her response: “It is no different. It is the same. Maybe now it is a bit more respect. Because before people would abuse you on the street. Now they just do not pay attention to you. All places in Khartoum are the same, there is no difference with Amarat.” Other men commented that now it is different in the sense that they feel that they are South Sudanese. “Jenubeen”, Ayen says proudly, “I am Jenubeen”. And then she laughs. The sharing of a space with other South Sudanese in the house allows her and the others to reinforce their sense of being Jenubeen in the struggle with difficulties vis à vis the Sudanese state. Questions around identity raise suspicions from some of the respondents. One of the young students asks why we are interested in ‘tribes’ and ‘ethnic origin’. It seems that he feels that we are trying to point out that there are only certain groups living in the house, those groups who are supported by or are supporting the Government in Juba. We explain that we are interested to know how people identify themselves and how they talk about themselves. The issue of ‘tribes’ and identification raises the interest of others. Deng, one of the other students, explains: “Before tribes were identified by the language they spoke. Now, all people �176 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller in South Sudan talk about tribes. But the educated people know that this creates problems. ”This comment is pertinent as the previous second civil war in the South (1983-2005), and the current conflict in the South (since December 2013) have been both described as generated by the ‘educated’ elites (koor gaat duel gora)28. The comment from the student might signal that those in the house, the educated students, know about the dangers of using ‘tribalism’ and ethnic divisions in generating conflicts. Thus, they want to distance themselves from the ‘others’, the ‘uneducated ones’ (or those who use that language) and redirect the blame for the current conflict in the South between the (Dinka dominated) government and the (Nuer dominated) rebels. George commented: “Before, when the war was there, we were all one. Before the independence of South Sudan, we did not pay attention to tribes. But now, since the independence, people focus on tribes. They talk about tribes, because there are problems between tribes in the South. The conflict is because of this. But here in Khartoum at the university, people do not talk about this. They came here with a mission to complete their studies.” Despite the ‘we are one discourse’, the access to the house exemplifies the current situation of, and social tensions between, South Sudanese more generally in Khartoum. Mr. R seems to be the guardian to the house; “If you want to come and live in the house, you need to ask Mr. R for permission. And then after a while you need to also agree with these other people (embassy)”. While the status of Mr. R is difficult to decipher, he is obviously the gatekeeper of the access to the house, giving him a somewhat privileged position, despite his apparent desire to leave if possible. 28 Jok and Hutchinson 1999; Grabska, 2014. �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 177 There is one more resident of the house that stands out, seemingly having a different status. We were told by other local residents that the old man in front of the ‘Dinka House’ is a Nuer, and that the rest of the members of the house do not really like him. He used to be a soldier, but works as a guard at the house, employed by the South Sudanese embassy, and sleeping outside. One informant warned us against hanging around too much with the man if we wanted to keep good relations with the others. We were also informed that our access to the residents in the house has to be approved by Mr. R. This vignette gives an inside to the conflicts within the house as well as the politics of accessing the residents. The only Nuer connected to the house does not benefit from the same status inside the house as the others, sleeping outside and living on the margins of the house. The practices and discourses in the house reveal the differentiated power position of the that reflects the current political conflict within South Sudan. The discourse of ‘we were one’ permeates both the discussions of South Sudanese displaced in Khartoum with reference to their previous status in Sudan, when ‘Sudan was one’, as well as the description of Southern Sudan as being ‘one’ before the separation. This type of discourse tends to hide the underlying tensions, inequalities and conflicts that have been lurking under the surface of ‘we were one’ both in Sudan and in the South before separation. The history of the conflicts between the North and the South, and the marginalisation of the Southern citizens goes far back in time, and is exemplified in the first (1956-1972) and the second (19832005) civil wars between the North and the South. The marginalisation experienced from the North tended to unite the Southern groups. Yet, there were also bubbling conflicts between the different groups that came to a head in 1991 with a split in the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM). It was the second civil war (1983-2005); the discovery of oil in the Western Upper �178 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller Nile region and the desire of the Khartoum government to control it; and the subsequent nine years of inter- and intra-ethnic fighting (1991-2000) that took place among the Nuer (and Dinka); that devastated the southern communities and resulted in a collapse of local social and livelihood systems. The impact of interand intra-ethnic violence which resulted from the John Garang-Riek Machar split in 1991 marked a turning point for Nuer-Dinka relations and concepts of ethnicity and (gender) identity. The ethnicised violence followed across borders, and in 1996, fighting took place between Dinka and Nuer in Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya as well as in Khartoum29. The deployment of the discourse “we are all one as ‘Jenubeen’” and “we have no problem with these (Nuer or Dinka) people ”reveals the marginalised and insecure position of South Sudanese in Khartoum as foreigners. As one of the Nuer informants commented: “Here in Khartoum, we are no longer citizens. We are under the government of another state, of Sudan. We cannot fight amongst ourselves because this will endanger our stay here. We are guests in this country (in Sudan). This is why when we see Dinka gathering on the street, we, the Nuer, we do not fight them. We just avoid them, by crossing the street to the other side.” Thus ‘we are one’ is deployed strategically to avoid further marginalisation of the South Sudanese in Khartoum but also recognising the changed position of Southerners within Sudan. But how would they position themselves in discussions and relations among themselves within the House? Or in South Sudan? What type of identities would be then evoked and mobilised in determining of ‘who we are’ and how ‘we are one’ would be then understood? 29 Grabska, 2014; Jok and Hutchinson, 1999. �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 179 Change in social relations as a result of migration: “Marriage has been postponed” Amongst the students in the house Deng is the only one who is married. Bringing up the topic of marriage incites a lot of chat, jokes and laughter among the residents. The bride price is a central theme. With the current situation in the South, and their marginalised and impoverished situation in the North, young men are unable to marry in official ways. The bride price for the Dinka people is usually very high, with some 100 to 150 cows that the family of the groom must pay to the family of the bride. While the cow-based bride price has been changing over the years, with the increasing urbanisation of the South, changing economies and livelihood strategies, and the move of young people to urban areas in the North, the cows still constitute the main guarantee of the marriage. Although part of the bride-wealth can be paid in money, the meaning of cows for the Dinka (and for the Nuer) people remains central in securing social bonds. In Khartoum, away from their families and networks, as well as with lack of access to cattle, and often to money, young men had to put their marriage plans on hold. Cows have also become very expensive, the most expensive ones costing around 150 USD (3000 Sudanese Pounds). In Khartoum people pay with money, but they still need to pay cows and goats in the village. Even in Juba, marriages are changing. The discourse, of “no cattle, no money, no marriage” seems to reflect a certain delay in accessing full adulthood for the men. As in Dinka custom, boys become fully men when they marry. This is when they acquire a status of respectable men, and later fathers30. The limited access to marriage because of the economic situation 30 Deng, 1972. �180 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller and the conflict in the South puts marriages on hold, or ‘on credit’. As one of the Nuer chiefs in Khartoum explained, “people are still getting married, but only on an agreement. They cows will be paid later at home. When we go back.” Emerging reflections and conclusions The ethnography presented here provides two different sets of reflections. One relates to the use of space and in particular the status of Amarat, as a neighborhood in wider Khartoum. While it is a wealthy neighborhood, its residents exemplify the diversity of nationalities, social status, and classes inhabiting Khartoum. The deeper investigation of the seemingly homogenous ‘wealthy’ composition of Amarat uncovers its heterogeneous composition, where some people are struggling to survive, yet not as much as those in other neighborhoods. The residents of the house, for that matter, show also the inequalities existing in the experiences of South Sudanese in Khartoum. They live rent free, with access to running water and toilets, in a ‘villa lifestyle’, whereas other compatriots live in camps or rakobas in the industrial sites of Khartoum. The second set of reflections concern the effects of the separation of South Sudan and the on-going civil conflict in the South on the displaced South Sudanese in Khartoum. The civil conflict in the South generates new and old displacements towards the North. Yet, the experiences in Khartoum are now fundamentally different due to the changed status of South Sudanese communities vis-à-vis the Sudan state. The change in the identities of Jenubeen in Khartoum is two fold. One is related to the institutional changes at the national level, where Southerners have been deprived the status of locals and became foreigners in Khartoum. �The South Sudan House in Amarat… 181 This has a direct effect on their migratory trajectories and experiences. First, southern Sudanese used to come for education to Khartoum, yet, after the separation as foreigners, the cost of education has become very high, blocking access for many, as they are now foreign nationals and asked to pay in hard currency. Yet, as this fieldwork reveals, there continue to be some South Sudanese students who are able to carry out their studies, demonstrating the diversity of predicaments and migratory goals of South Sudanese population in Khartoum. Second, the lives of the people in the house also show the impossibility of accessing formal work and very little possibilities for informal employment also and hence, increasing their livelihood insecurity. Two, the discourse of ‘we are one’ we are Jenubeen – exposes the hidden social tensions and transformations in the identity politics among the South Sudanese. The issues around access to the house reveal social conflicts infusing the South Sudanese in the South as well as in Khartoum. While the process of gaining access to the house is hard to clarify, there is seemingly an overrepresentation of Dinka residents with possible links to the South Sudanese government. While adults are arguably out of work, they find ways of surviving, with their privileged access to free of charge accommodation. Students also come from privileged background to be able to afford university fees in Khartoum (as expensive as 3,000 USD per semester), and have connections to be accommodated in the house. This emphasises the social inequalities that exist among the South Sudanese in Khartoum, with many not being able to access even basic education. The composition of the house and the relations in the house exemplify also inter-group conflicts that underlie the civil crisis in the South. Lastly, the lives of the young residents in the house also reflect the effects of the on-going civil war in the South. Faced with pro- �182 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller tracted uncertainty31, the displaced South Sudanese in Khartoum are forced to postpone their lives and transitions. With limited and late access to education, as well as limited possibilities to marry and thus access full adulthood, the conflict brings a disruption to their life projects. At the same time, displacement offers a chance for some to continue education and to escape social pressure to marry, and thus contribute to transforming some social relations32. References: ABUSHARRAF, R. 2009. Transforming Displaced Women in Sudan: Politics and the Body in a Squatter Settlement. The University of Chicago Press. 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Available at: http:// www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/03/04/sudan-arrest-warrant-prof_n_171768.html �186 Katarzyna Grabska, Peter Miller La maison sudiste à Amarat: les enclaves sud-soudanaises à Khartoum Cet article présente nos premières réflexions et impressions inspirées par nos deux terrains ethnographiques menés entre 2015 et 2016. Il offre une perspective sur une enclave sudiste particulaire à Amarat, un quartier à Khartoum. Il traite des questions plus vastes qui ont émergé à la suite de la séparation des deux Soudans. En juillet 2011, le Sud-Soudan est devenu une nation indépendante, et s’est éloigné du Nord du Soudan. La rupture était une expérience violente pour les personnes des deux nations, et les changements dynamiques qui ont suivi la séparation des deux Soudans ont on eu des consequances pour la vie des gens du nord et du sud, ainsi que ceux qui sont considérés comme «Jenubeen» (sud-soudanais) dans le nord et eux qui sont considérés comme «Shageen» (nord-soudanais) dans le Sud. Avec les développements politiques dans les deux pays et l’introduction des nouvelles lois sur la citoyenneté, les ressortissants du sud deviennent des étrangers au Soudan de Nord, alors que les habitants du Nord perdent leurs privilèges de citoyenneté au Sud Soudan. Ces changements politiques ont eu un impact profond sur les aspects sociaux, politiques et économiques, sur les reconfigurations ainsi que les revendications d’identité dans les deux pays. �KATARZYNA GRABSKA JEUNES FILLES ARMÉES, FEMMES VIOLÉES, PORTEUSES DE VALISES; MASCULINITÉS MILITARISÉES ET HOMMES DEVENUS FEMMES: LES GUERRES AU SUD SOUDAN Les identités de genre et les rapports de genre en transition? Par un bel après-midi de mars 2007, j’étais assise dans un luak (une étable), regardant la mère de Nyariek en train de broyer le sorgho et de cuisiner le walwal (une bouillie de sorgho). Nyariek, une jeune fille Nuer de 16 ans que j’avais rencontrée au camp de réfugiés de Kakuma au Kénia, était retournée récemment au Sud-Soudan. Quand je suis tombée sur elle à Ler, au Sud-Soudan, elle m’avait demandé d’aller voir sa mère qu’elle n’avait pas vue depuis son départ pour le Kénia en 2001. Après un voyage dans un vieux mini-bus et une marche de trois heures à travers la savane poussiéreuse, nous atteignîmes Maper, le berceau de Nyariek. Dans le luak, j’ai écouté cette femme qui avait séjourné à Maper pendant les conflits raconter des histoires de guerre et de déplacement: Katarzyna Grabska - Gradueate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva, Switzerland �188 Katarzyna Grabska «De quelle guerre voulez-vous que je parle?» me demanda-t-elle. «Elles étaient toutes là; elles venaient comme le jiom (le vent). Nous avons beaucoup souffert là-bas à cause du pétrole. D’abord les Arabes sont venus et c’était le koor kume, la guerre du gouvernement. Puis les Kinka commencèrent à se battre avec les Nuers et les gens ont dû s’enfuir d’un endroit à l’autre. Ensuite les Nuer commencèrent à se battre entre eux. Ces conflits étaient différents à cause des armes utilisées. Les mères restaient avec les enfants dans la brousse. Beaucoup d’hommes furent tués et les autres s’enfuirent. Des femmes ont été tuées et si vous aviez de la chance, vous étiez prise comme femme par l’ennemi. Les maisons ont été brulées, les vaches et les chèvres emmenées. Il y avait beaucoup de souffrance et de fuites. [A cause de la guerre] nous sommes devenus différents, les femmes et les hommes Nuer ne sont plus les mêmes qu’avant. Au Sud-Soudan, les identités de genre et les «rôles» de genre prennent une place importante dans l'histoire des femmes et des hommes qui ont été, ces dernières décennies, confrontés aux guerres, à la violence communautaire, aux déplacements et à la vie en exil. Cette présentation traite des identités et des actions des femmes, des hommes, des jeunes gens et des personnes âgées impliqués dans les conflits armés au Sud-Soudan (entre 1983 et 2005), et traite en particulier des Nuer, un groupe ethnique vivant dans la région de l’ouest du haut Nil. Quelles sont les implications des conflits armés pour les identités de genre et les rapports de pouvoir? Historiquement, les guerres sont considérées comme des «symboles de la masculinité», à travers l’agression masculine, la brutalité et la violence. Cette image a été perpétuée par le cinéma, la littérature, les chansons et les récits (White 2007). White montre que le rôle protecteur des hommes à l’égard des femmes y est accentué et le combat considéré comme le test ultime de la masculinité. Les femmes et �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 189 les filles sont injustement décrites comme des victimes, des pacificatrices et/ou comme les mères des nations chargées d'apporter leur soutien aux combattants héroïques. La capacité d'action (agency) des hommes domine les discours de guerre, tandis que les femmes et les filles sont rendues silencieuses et invisibles (Denov et Gervais 2007). Ma recherche montre que ces interprétations simplistes ne rendent pas compte des rôles complexes des femmes et des hommes pendant les guerres ni des changements subséquents dans les rapports de genre, lesquels restent alors inexplicables et non théorisés. Cet article souligne trois points : tout d’abord, les femmes et les hommes sont touché(e)s par les conflits et pendant les guerres, de manières différentes et contradictoires. Mes données établissent que les guerres et les conflits offrent des opportunités d’empowerment (émancipation) non seulement pour les hommes, mais aussi pour certaines femmes, tandis que d'autres risquent de perdre leur statut social. Autrement dit, les inégalités de genre peuvent en partie être inversées. Le second point fait apparaître la multiplicité des identités de genre que les conflits engendrent: les hommes ne sont pas seulement agressifs et violeurs, et les femmes seulement des victimes passives. L’exemple des Nuer montre que les femmes jouent un rôle important dans la militarisation des identités masculines, bien que leur propre position s'en trouve affaiblie. Le troisième point de cette communication traite de la question des violences sexuelles commises contre les femmes pendant les conflits. Comment et dans quelles circonstances les violences ordinaires deviennent des violences ethnicisées qui se jouent sur le corps des femmes. Ces questions sont importantes pour faciliter les actions et politiques transformatives mises en place après les conflits. Dans un premier temps, j'expliquerai le contexte et la méthodologie de mon étude, en privilégiant les sources des conflits civils �190 Katarzyna Grabska au Sud-Soudan. Je présenterai ensuite les conséquences générales des conflits et de la guerre sur la société soudanaise, avant d’analyser les impacts de la militarisation et de la guerre sur les identités de genre. Enfin, je démontrerai comment les identités de genre ont été transformées, revêtant des formes multiples et souvent contradictoires. Méthodologie et contexte: la seconde guerre civile au Sud-Soudan: pétrole, armes, État et guerre des «gens instruits» La guerre civile (1983-2005) au Sud-Soudan s’est caractérisée par un conflit entre le gouvernement national de Khartoum et les rebelles de l'APLS (Armée populaire de libération du Soudan) ainsi que par 9 années de violences ethniques entre ces mêmes groupes du Sud qui se sont battus pour prendre le contrôle du Sud-Soudan. Cette présentation traite du patriarcat étatique et militariste des rebelles sud-soudanais et, plus précisément, des conflits communautaires entre les Nuer et les Dinka (les deux principaux groupes ethniques au Sud-Soudan) et parmi les Nuer. Si cette guerre civile a été le prolongement et le résultat du conflit précédent1, les deux conflits se sont distingués par leur échelle et leur caractère. La lutte pour le contrôle des ressources naturelles (notamment le pétrole), l'usage de technologies modernes (les armes à feu au lieu des lances), le mépris par l'État des droits humains et la violence entre les groupes ethniques du Sud-Soudan à l’instigation des forces servant les intérêts de Khar1 Depuis l’indépendance du Soudan de la colonisation anglo-égyptienne (1956), le pays a souffert de plusieurs conflits internes. Entre 1956 et 1972, la première guerre civile s’est déroulée entre le gouvernement à Khartoum et les rebelles sud-soudanais. �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 191 toum, marquèrent une rupture par rapport aux précédents conflits nord-sud. La violence intercommunautaire utilisa un nouveau langage ethnicisé, absent de la lutte locale entre les Nuer et les Dinka jusqu'à la scission de l'APLS en 1991. Cette présentation s’appuie sur une recherche doctorale ethnographique menée entre mai 2006 et septembre 2007 dans les camps de réfugiés au Kenya et auprès de rapatriés au Sud-Soudan (dans la région des Nuer à Ler) (Grabska 2010). Pendant six mois, j’ai vécu dans les camps de réfugiés à Kakuma où j’ai suivi la vie des familles soudanaises et des individus qui avaient décidé de rentrer au Sud-Soudan. Pendant presqu’un an, j’ai étudié sur place le processus de leur intégration et de leur établissement. Il s’agissait d’observer les changements dans les rapports et les identités de genre pendant la guerre, pendant les déplacements et après le retour au Sud-Soudan. Cette recherche s’est fondée sur les histoires de vie des familles et des individus déplacés. L'impact du conflit L'agitation politique et civile qui ravagea le Sud-Soudan en 1983 fit plus de deux millions de victimes et provoqua l'un des plus grands déplacements au monde, avec plus de cinq millions de personnes déplacées au sein du pays et entre 500000 et 700000 personnes qui cherchèrent refuge dans les pays voisins (International Crisis Group 2002; UNMIS 2006)2. Les régions de l'ouest du Nil Supérieur enregistrèrent les déplacements de population les plus importants pendant les conflits des années 90 autour du Au Kenia, plus que 70’000 réfugiés habitaient dans les camps de réfugiés à Kakuma et vivaient à Nairobi; au Ouganda, il y avait plus que 212’000 réfugiés sud-soudanais qui vivaient parmi la population locale; en Ethiopie, 96,000 vivaient dans les camps de réfugiés.; En Egypte, 30,000 habitaient dans les villes; 45,000 étaient déplacés en République Démocratique de Congo (RDC), 36,000 en République Central d’Afrique et plus que 200,000 au Tchad (ICG 2002). 2 �192 Katarzyna Grabska pétrole. Environ 70500 civils Nuer durent quitter la région rien qu’entre juin 1998 et décembre 1999 (Hutchinson 2000: 7). Depuis la signature de l'accord de paix entre le gouvernement de Khartoum et les rebelles soudanais (APLS) en janvier 2005, le retour et le rapatriement des populations sont en cours. Selon les statistiques, environ 350000 personnes sont déjà rentrées au Soudan. Un référendum prévu pour 2011 devrait déterminer l'avenir de l'État soudanais : on saura alors si le Sud se séparera et créera son propre État indépendant ou restera partie intégrante de l’État soudanais. Les femmes et les hommes: La guerre et la violence Ethnicisation du conflit entre les Dinka et les Nuer: la violence sur le corps des femmes La majorité des Nuer, femmes et hommes, parlent des graves souffrances et des profonds traumatismes liés à la guerre. Les souffrances ont été si grandes qu’aux enterrements, les femmes ne versaient pas de larmes. « Nos larmes ont séché. Nous avons trop pleuré pendant les guerres, nous avons perdu tant d’enfants, nous avons vu tant de morts. Nous n’avons plus de larmes » expliqua une femme d’âge moyen à l’enterrement d’un dignitaire de Ler. La violence, la mort, les pertes et le déplacement ont été racontés par les réfugiés de Kakuma ou par ceux qui étaient restés au Soudan dans des récits souvent suspendus : il y avait des mots interrompus, des larmes et des silences prolongés. Beaucoup de femmes ont évoqué les viols, la violence, la torture, la faim, la fuite et la peur endurés pendant ces guerres. NyaDak, dans les 20 dernières années est restée à Ler pendant que sa mère était partie se faire soigner à Kakuma. Elle relate son expérience: �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 193 Vous n’étiez jamais sûre de ne pas être enlevée la nuit, ou vos enfants ou votre nourriture. Ce pouvait être les Arabes ou les Brigades, ou les soldats du SPLA. Si vous faisiez l’erreur de donner toute la nourriture à un groupe, les autres vous accusaient d’être à l’ennemi et ils pouvaient soit faire de vous leur femme [viol], soit vous tuer sur le champ. Au milieu des conflits politisés et renforcés par l’avidité des hommes, les femmes, les enfants et les aînés étaient tous exposés à une violence inter et intra ethnique, venant de partout, souvent de ceux-là mêmes qui étaient supposés être leurs protecteurs. Quand elles racontent leurs histoires remplies de lutte, de mort et de souffrance, ces femmes rient souvent, puisque le rire, comme elles me l’ont dit, est la seule façon d’affronter la perte et la douleur immense. D’autres fois, interrogées sur la guerre et les voyages lors des déplacements, elles deviennent silencieuses, ou jettent quelques mots dédaigneux: «Qu’y a-t-il à dire? C’était la guerre, et maintenant c’est fini». C’est pendant ces moments de silence, de récits interrompus, de silencieux hochements de tête que je devais trouver un sens et comprendre leurs expériences insupportables, indescriptibles et douloureuses. Etudier la violence, sa nature sexuée et ses conséquences douloureuses, devint pour moi l’étude des non-dits, des soupirs et des silences (Jackson 2006). Avant la deuxième guerre civile, les femmes Nuer et Dinka sont perçues comme des biens communautaires; elles ont le pouvoir de protéger les autres et le droit d’être protégées. Pendant les conflits intracommunautaires précédents, les femmes ne participaient pas à la lutte, mais avaient le droit de protéger les combattants blessés. Elles sont perçues comme des protectrices et des sauveuses qui accompagnent des frères, des pères et des maris dans les combats locaux. Si leurs hommes étaient blessés, les femmes couvraient leurs corps et les protégeaient de l'assaut de l'ennemi. Si un combattant, même du côté ennemi, courait dans �194 Katarzyna Grabska une maison, il était considéré comme ayant atteint un lieu sanctuarisé et ne pouvait pas être visé par le côté ennemi. Lorsque la règle consistant à ne pas viser les femmes dans les inimitiés intercommunautaires fut abandonnée et que les femmes devinrent les cibles de la violence ethnicisée, leurs capacités protectrices furent supprimées. Pendant le conflit entre le gouvernement de Khartoum et les rebelles sud-soudanais, les femmes sud-soudanaises ont été souvent les cibles de la violence. Alors que l'État soudanais du nord et ses milices arabes prenaient pour cibles femmes et enfants pendant la guerre, les combattants Nuer et Dinka, eux, ne visèrent et ne tuèrent intentionnellement ni femmes, ni enfants, ni personnes âgées jusqu'en 1991, date de la scission dans le mouvement sud-soudanais (selon les intérêts politiques et la vision de l’avenir du Sud-Soudan). Tandis que John Garang, le Dinka et le dirigeant de l’ALPS, voulait que le Sud reste intégré dans l’État soudanais mais qu’il bénéficie d’une autonomie, Riek Machar, le commandant Nuer, et ses camarades préféraient créer un État sud-soudanais indépendant. La guerre sud-sud qui suivit fut souvent caractérisée par l'abandon des codes de combat précédemment honorés par les Nuer et les Dinka. Les femmes et les enfants devinrent les premières victimes de la guerre «des gens instruits»3 (Jok et Hutchinson 1999:131; Entretiens avec des personnes âgées). Les incendies de maisons et de récoltes, précédemment interdits dans les conflits communautaires entre les Nuer et les Dinka, devinrent partie intégrante de la tactique de guerre dans les conflits sud-sud. Le conflit sud-sud La métaphore «la guerre des gens instruits» qui était utilisée par les personnes âgées pour décrire les sources du conflit fait référence aux deux commandants de l’ALPS, Dr. Garang et Dr. Machar qui ont terminé tous deux leurs études doctorantes en étranger. Cette métaphore montre l’intérêt de certains groupes politiques privilégiés au Sud-Soudan à continuer le conflit. 3 �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 195 (après 1991) et les violences intracommunautaires affaiblirent la position sociale des femmes. Les changements dans les discours ethniques et de genre ainsi que la nature des violences firent des femmes les cibles prioritaires des violences ethniques. Le corps des femmes devint l’espace de la politique nationale, ethnique et clanique portée par les hommes. L'anthropologue américaine Sharon Hutchinson, qui effectua des recherches de terrain parmi les communautés Nuer pendant les années 90, montre que la violence sud-sud des années 90 entraîna «une divergence et une militarisation rapide des identités ethniques des Nuer et des Dinka» et «une reformulation de la relation entre le genre et l'ethnicité dans les yeux de Nuer» (2000: 7). Historiquement, l'ethnicité des Nuer est fondée sur le concept performatif selon lequel les femmes peuvent acquérir l'identité ethnique/communautaire de leur mari par le mariage et le transfert de la dot (la dot est payée par la famille du mari). Comme le disent les femmes et les hommes Nuer, «les filles et les femmes appartiennent à tous, sauf au lit». Par conséquent, n'importe quelle fille ou femme Dinka peut devenir Nuer par le mariage (de même que les enfants nés d’un père Nuer). La violence sud-sud mena cependant au rejet de cette notion fluide d'ethnicité, selon les termes d’ Hutchinson, «laquelle laissa la place à un concept d’ethnicité plus «primordialiste» enraciné dans les métaphores procréatrices du sang partagé» (2000: 8). Ceci a été confirmé par les personnes qui ont participé à ma recherche: «maintenant, on peut être seulement Nuer par le sang» (c’est-à-dire si on est né Nuer). Les femmes et les enfants ne peuvent donc plus obtenir une identité ethnique différente par le mariage et le bétail. Les identités ethniques des Nuer sont alors devenues plus rigides, le sang prenant le pas sur la dot. Dès lors que leur ethnicité fut perçue comme fixe, les femmes et les enfants Dinka et Nuer devinrent des cibles militaires et perdirent leur position privilégiée. �196 Katarzyna Grabska Hutchinson suggère que ce virage «primodialiste» survenu dans l'ethnicité des Nuer fut généré par les stratégies militaires du nord qui cherchaient à ‹diviser et régner› (2000:13). Ce tournant s'inscrit aussi dans la tendance globale vers une utilisation toujours plus répandue de la violence militarisée sur les femmes et les enfants. Ce durcissement des identités est commun aux conflits ethniques à travers le globe (Zarkov 2008; Giles and Hyndman 2004; El-Bushra 2000a, 2000b; Enloe 1983; Yuval Davis 1997; Korac 1996). Les femmes ne sont plus privilégiées dans les conflits intercommunautaires, elles deviennent au contraire des marqueuses de frontières dans les luttes d'identité ethno-nationalistes. L'ethnicité semble être en partie créée, maintenue et socialisée par le contrôle masculin des identités de genre, tandis que les droits humains et la dignité des femmes sont pris en otage dans les luttes de pouvoir masculines. Le meurtre sans discernement de femmes et d'enfants, la destruction volontaire de propriétés par les Dinka et les groupes armés Nuer marquèrent un tournant dans le conflit sud-nord et dans la lutte inter- et intracommunautaire. La milice des Nuer et les forces de l'APLS brutalisèrent la population des Nuer Dok sur laquelle porte ma recherche. Elles enlevèrent, violèrent et tuèrent des femmes et des enfants souvent devant les yeux de leurs maris, de leurs frères et de leurs pères. Majok, un jeune homme qui échappa à l’enrôlement forcé du SPLA et resta pendant la guerre à Ler raconte: Quand le Bridage [groupe dissident de Paulino Matip] arriva en 1998, je courus me cacher dans la brousse. Alors je vis un groupe de sept, peut-être dix askari [soldats en arabe] amener une jeune femme, ma voisine. Ils la violèrent, l’un après l’autre, tout en la battant. J’étais dans la brousse et je vis tout cela en face de moi. J’étais trop effrayé pour les arrêter. Quand ils eurent fini, ils la laissèrent là, dans une mare de sang. Elle a survécu, mais elle �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 197 a commencé à maigrir. Elle s’est plainte aux chefs, mais rien ne s’est passé. Beaucoup de femmes et de filles ont été violées pendant la guerre. La plupart d’entre elles ont été forcées par leur mari de divorcer ou ont épousé des vieux que cela ne dérangeait pas qu’elles soient keaagh, déjà utilisées. Par de tels actes, les hommes de la milice détruisirent non seulement l'identité ethnique ancrée dans le corps des femmes, mais ils humilièrent aussi les hommes Nuer, devenus incapables de protéger leurs femmes et leurs enfants. Le viol, comme dans les autres conflits contemporains en ex-Yougoslavie, dans la région des Grands Lacs, au Liberia et au Sierra Leone, n'a pas utilisé seulement comme une arme pour exterminer d'autres groupes (Jacobs, Jackobson et Marchbank 2000; Giles et Hyndman 2004; Zarkov 2008). Il s'est agi aussi de soumettre et d’émasculer les hommes rivaux, afin de miner leur moral et leur esprit de lutte. Reconfiguration des féminités et du champ d'action des femmes: femmes violées, porteuses de valises et jeunes filles armées Pendant mon séjour au camp de réfugiés de Kakuma et à Ler au Sud-Soudan, les femmes et les hommes Nuer âgés ont commenté ces changements tactiques et la position sociale des femmes. Joy, une veuve d’une bonne quarantaine d’années, explique ceci : Dans le passé, nous, les femmes, comptions sur les hommes pour nous protéger. Les hommes allaient combattre les Arabes, et les femmes trouvaient un endroit sûr et restaient derrière à préparer la nourriture et l’eau pour les soldats. Puis les choses ont changé. Les Arabes ont commencé à enlever les femmes et les enfants, et puis les Nuers et les Dinka se sont mis à se battre. C’était très dur de voir ceux de notre propre peuple se combattre. En même temps, vous ne pouviez vous échapper parce que vous apparteniez à ce peuple. �198 Katarzyna Grabska Dans leurs récits, les femmes Nuer insistent sur l’expérience genrée et physique des violences qu’elles subirent directement. La nature genrée de la violence dans la guerre menée par le gouvernement contre l'APLS et, encore plus significativement, dans le conflit sud-sud contribua au déplacement et à la reformulation des identités de genre. La violence genrée que les femmes endurèrent était énorme : nombre d'entre elles subirent de nombreux viols aux mains des soldats arabes, des troupes de l'APLS et d'autres rebelles du sud. La position des femmes au sein la communauté s'en trouva affaiblie, dans la mesure où elles étaient devenues plus vulnérables que les hommes. De plus, étant moins mobiles et moins à même de trouver un refuge, elles furent nombreuses à rester piégées au Soudan. Les femmes purent moins migrer et échapper aux effets brutaux des violences des hommes. La majorité des femmes restèrent dans leur village, elles furent enlevées par les ennemis pour servir de « femmes » ou de domestiques aux rebelles. Néanmoins, la position et les rôles occupés par les femmes pendant la guerre civile ont été plus variés et complexes que ce qu’en a dit la littérature féministe dans sa représentation standard des victimes de violence, soutenant que leur socialisation pousse généralement les hommes à devenir agressifs et les femmes à se soumettre (Turshen et Twarigaramariya 1998; Turshen 2001). Toutefois, les femmes ne jouèrent pas seulement un rôle de victimes pendant les conflits. Elles participèrent directement à la guerre en tant que combattantes, ou éducatrices nationalistes. Loin d’être passives, elles prirent en charge la protection de leurs familles et de leurs biens pendant que leurs maris, fils et frères participaient au combat. Elles portèrent les blessés et les valises, fournirent de la nourriture et assumèrent d'autres services domestiques. Selon les femmes et les hommes Nuer qui allèrent en Éthiopie, l'APLS créa en 1986 un bataillon de femmes, le Ketiba �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 199 Benet. Trois cent jeunes filles reçurent un entraînement dans des camps éthiopiens aux côtés des recrues masculines (McCullum et Okech 2008: 47; HSBA 2008: 2). Le bataillon livra un seul combat. «Trop de femmes et de jeunes filles sont mortes et l'APLS s'est rendu compte qu'il valait mieux les garder dans la caserne pour nous aider, nous les hommes» commente un réfugié qui avait été une jeune recrue. Quelques femmes Nuer réfugiées au Kenia ont d'abord rejoint leur mari en Ethiopie où elles se sont entraînées par la suite comme soldates. La grande majorité vivait autour de la caserne militaire dans les camps d'entraînement et soutenait les soldats en leur fournissant des services domestiques et sexuels. Certains groupes de milice recrutèrent aussi des femmes. Sur la base de la préinscription des combattantes faites dans le cadre du projet de désarmement de la Mission de l'ONU au Soudan (UNMIS), il y eut environ 3600 femmes combattantes en 2005 (HSBA 2008: 5). La militarisation de la société au Sud-Soudan s’est diffusée dans les communautés et les ménages au-delà des rangs militaires et dans les espaces féminins4. Des femmes et des enfants ont dit posséder des fusils pour se défendre et se venger des ennemis. Il est arrivé aussi que ces fusils soient utilisés dans des disputes domestiques. De jeunes enfants ont porté des fusils plus grands qu’eux pour se protéger et protéger leurs troupeaux. Des femmes et des jeunes filles ont utilisé des armes comme moyens de protection, pour exercer leur pouvoir sur d'autres et pour affirmer leur autonomie. 4 The Small Arms Survey estime qu’au Sud Soudan il y a entre 1.9 et 3.2 millions les petits armes (small arms). Deux tiers est dans les mains de personnes civiles, 20 pourcents dans les mains du gouvernement à Khartoum, et le reste est partagé par l’ALPS et les autres groupes milices (Small Arms 2007: 2). �200 Katarzyna Grabska Certaines vantaient leur maîtrise du fusil et affirmaient préférer être armées plutôt que bien instruites: «c'est plus facile d’être riche quand tu as un fusil. Tu peux juste tirer et tu obtiens ce que tu veux». Cette déclaration d’une jeune femme de 18 ans révèle combien les femmes, loin d’être les victimes passives des conflits militaires, y participèrent activement en recourant à la violence. En tant que membres de la famille, elles devaient être protégées, mais elles se considéraient aussi comme chargées de la protection des autres. Ainsi, la guerre amena beaucoup de femmes à une plus grande confiance en soi. Malgré leurs expériences traumatisantes, les femmes devinrent des militantes et réclamèrent droit et respect. Ces témoignages font aussi ressortir la militarisation profonde des relations, que ce soit au sein de la communauté, à l'intérieur du ménage ou sur le plan personnel. Cette militarisation pénétra tous les segments de la société et se refléta même dans les pratiques de dénomination : par exemple, NyaKlang signifie «la fille à l'AK47 (le fusil le plus répandu parmi les rebelles et la population civile pendant les conflits)». Ce nom était très courant pendant la guerre. Les femmes contribuèrent aussi activement à l'effort de guerre par l’usage de la violence. Leur influence sur les hommes de la famille à travers l'humiliation (voir Hutchinson 1996, 2000) fut largement exercée pendant le conflit. Riek Machar reconnait que les femmes Nuer pouvaient humilier les hommes par des chansons, et ceci eut une nette influence sur le recrutement des soldats dans l'APLS (Hutchinson 1996: 157). Les mères exercèrent une pression considérable sur leurs fils pour qu'ils rejoignent l'armée. Pendant mon séjour dans les régions de l'ouest du Nil Supérieur, j'ai souvent entendu des femmes louer par des chansons et des histoires les efforts de guerre héroïques de leurs fils, de leurs frères et de leur mari. Mais lorsque les soldats commencèrent à mourir au combat et que les fils ne rentrèrent pas, les femmes et les filles modifièrent �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 201 leurs chansons et refusèrent la cour des soldats («je n'épouserai pas un fantôme», Hutchinson 1996:159). Certaines de ces chansons incitaient d'autres femmes à la violence, notamment pendant les conflits inter- et intracommunautaires entre les Dinka et les Nuer. Jok (1998, 1999) et Hutchinson (2000) évoquent à propos des violences intercommunautaires le rôle des femmes qui encourageaient les hommes à voler du bétail et à venger leurs morts. Pendant la guerre, elles assumèrent des fonctions de leadership, parfois même en tant que chefs de la communauté. Il s’agissait de transmettre des messages et leurs propres inquiétudes aux chefs suprêmes, à l'APLS et aux groupes de la contre-insurrection. Alors que la violence intercommunautaire montait en flèche, les femmes devinrent des pacificatrices. Elles ont aussi utilisé leur corps pour négocier des compromis avec leurs maris, leurs frères et les autres hommes. Par exemple, en exil elles participèrent activement à des campagnes pro-paix en utilisant leur corps et «rôles» reproductifs. Beaucoup de ces initiatives virent le jour dans les camps de réfugiés au Kenya. Certaines femmes avertirent leurs maris qu’elles ne cuisineraient pas, n’auraient pas de relations sexuelles avec eux ou «ne produiraient pas d'enfants pour le Sud» si les hommes n’arrêtaient pas la lutte (Itto 2006:2). D'autres utilisèrent la nudité pour déshonorer leurs maris et les hommes de leur famille. En 2002, des femmes du Sud-Soudan marchèrent nues et en groupe dans les rues de Nairobi pour protester contre la lutte intercommunautaire au Sud-Soudan (Itto 2006:2; HSBA 2008:2; McCallum et Okech 2008)5. Plusieurs femmes de la diaspora s'associèrent malgré les divisions ethniques pour exiger la paix. La Voix des Femmes Soudanaises 5 Cette marche eut des conséquences modestes. Quelques femmes ont été invitées de participer au processus de paix qui se déroula plus vite grâce à leur pression. �202 Katarzyna Grabska pour la Paix, la Nouvelle Fédération des Femmes Soudanaises et la Nouvelle Association des Femmes Soudanaises prirent une importance internationale, attirant l'attention sur le conflit oublié. Quelques femmes pacificatrices furent finalement invitées dans les négociations de paix de Machakos, mais leur rôle dans l'esquisse de l'accord de paix fut mineur. Anne Itto, une ancienne ministre aujourd'hui membre de l’Assemblée nationale du Sud-Soudan, déplore que la version finale de l'accord de paix n'ait pas mentionné la souffrance et le rôle des femmes dans la guerre (2006: 2-4). Beaucoup de femmes Nuer à Kakuma et au Soudan exprimèrent leur mécontentement à cet égard: «Ce n'est pas notre paix, c'est la paix des hommes, des soldats. Nous [les femmes] avons souffert de la guerre et les enfants morts n'ont pas été reconnus». La question des droits des femmes et de l’égalité de genre n'a été mentionnée que dans la constitution provisoire du Sud-Soudan. De façon générale, le corps et la puissance reproductive des femmes jouèrent un «rôle» pendant les conflits. L'accent fut pourtant mis sur un autre discours «des droits et des devoirs». Alors que les hommes étaient supposés «protéger le front militaire», le devoir premier des femmes était de «protéger le front reproductif». Tout au long du conflit, les dirigeants de l'armée et des communautés ne cessèrent d'exhorter les femmes à continuer d’accoucher, en guise de contribution à la lutte. A travers leur rôle «reproductif», elles fournissaient ainsi des enfants pour «les combats» de libération du Sud-Soudan. Par conséquent, les femmes eurent souvent de grandes familles, dont elles devaient s'occuper seules pendant que les maris étaient dans des camps de réfugiés ou au combat. L'interdiction d'avoir des relations sexuelles durant l'allaitement n'était pas respectée et les intervalles entre les grossesses se réduisirent (Jok 1998; Hutchinson 2000). Puisque les hommes étaient au combat, les femmes ont dû concevoir avec d’autres hommes, des membres de leur famille ou des étrangers. Quand �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 203 elles étaient enlevées par l'ennemi, elles étaient souvent prises comme femmes par des commandants puissants et procréaient en captivité. Au Sud-Soudan, beaucoup de femmes restées au village évoquèrent des «mariages de protection et de convenance» avec des commandants et des soldats locaux en l'absence de leurs propres maris. Nyajuc, une femme âgée qui resta à Ler pendant la guerre raconte: Nous devions donner naissance à des enfants, nos maris étaient dans la brousse, aussi qu’étions-nous supposées faire? Il valait mieux aller dans les casernes, au moins vous y aviez un enfant et parfois aussi de la nourriture, ou peut-être que l’homme vous protégerait des autres rebelles. Le mariage et les services sexuels ont souvent été utilisés par les femmes et les filles dans les zones de conflits comme des moyens de survie (Devon et Gervais 2007). Les femmes utilisaient leur position genrée pour accéder à la sécurité et au bien-être. Au Sierra Leone, comme le montrent Utas (2005b), Devon et Gervais (2007), les filles négociaient leur sécurité en se mariant avec des commandants puissants, afin non seulement d'avoir accès à de la nourriture, mais aussi de réduire le risque de violence sexuelle par d'autres. Ceci témoigne de la capacité d'action (agency) et de l'ingéniosité de ces femmes qui, en utilisant leur genre et leur corps, cherchèrent la protection, le pouvoir, le statut et la survie. La contribution reproductive des femmes à la lutte de libération ne fut cependant pas reconnue dans le discours public au Sud-Soudan après la guerre. Pendant la campagne du Mouvement populaire de libération du Soudan à Ler, le représentant régional loua le rôle joué par les femmes pendant la guerre, les remerciant pour les services rendus aux soldats héroïques, notamment la cuisine et le transport des blessés et des bagages. Leur contribution re- �204 Katarzyna Grabska productive a été minimisée, voire négligée, bien qu'elle ait eu des conséquences considérables sur leur santé et leur position dans la société. «A cause de la guerre, les femmes n'ont plus d'enfants. Il y avait trop d'enfants, trop de femmes prises par la force», commente Theresa Nyangule, la représentante d'Union de Femmes à Ler. «Tout d’abord, les hommes sont arrivés et ont fait de nous leurs femmes, et maintenant les maris réapparaissent et demandent le divorce», explique une autre veuve qui avait été enlevée par une milice Nuer. A travers la guerre et la violence, les hommes ont acquis davantage de droits sur les capacités reproductives et le corps des femmes. Ils ont obtenu par exemple le droit de réclamer des services sexuels et domestiques au nom de la responsabilité des femmes de «protéger le front reproductif». Hutchinson souligne que «le statut des femmes comme des agents indépendants aux yeux des hommes a décliné dans le contexte de glorification militarisée du pouvoir brut du fusil» (2000:12). Masculinités militarisées et hommes devenus femmes Je vivais avec AK-47 À mes côtés Je dormais avec un œil ouvert Je courais Je m’échappais Je faisais semblant d'être morte Je me cachais J'ai vu les miens mourir comme des mouches Emmanuel Jal, "Forced to Sin", Nuer ‘Lost Boy’ chanteur de rap Comme dans les autres lieux affectés par des conflits (Richards 2005; Vight 2006; Utas 2003; Samuelson 2007), la vie des hommes Nuer était largement militarisée, que ce soit par la distribution des fusils, le recrutement forcé, la violence ou la diffusion d'idéo- �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 205 logies nationalistes. La militarisation était très répandue parmi les communautés du Sud-Soudan. Presque tous les jeunes et les hommes d'un certain âge que j'ai rencontrés au Kenya et plus tard au Soudan ont été militairement entraînés à un moment ou un autre de leur vie et ont participé à la lutte de libération. A la fin des années 80, pour répondre au besoin en recrues, John Garang, le dirigeant d'APLS, décida de former des jeunes cadres: entre 17000 et 40000 jeunes recrues (HRW 1994) furent entraînées dans des camps militaires en Ethiopie, selon les estimations de Human Rights Watch. Garang les qualifiait d'«Armée Rouge», d'«armée sans crainte» ou encore de«Pépinière du Soudan» : une jeune génération à qui l’on a fait croire qu'elle était l'avenir d'un Sud-Soudan indépendant (Eggers 2006:300). Au Kénia, dans le camp de réfugiés de Kakuma, j’ai rencontré Kuok, un jeune homme timide de 27 ans, à la voix douce; j’ai suivi son installation après son retour à Ler, dans le Sud-Soudan. Il avait rejoint l’Armée de Libération du Peuple Soudanais (SPLA) quand il avait six ou sept ans. Ses parents étaient morts du kalazar (leishmaniose), laissant orphelins à un âge très jeune Kuok et ses frères et sœurs. Rejoindre le SPLA fut une façon de gérer sa marginalisation: Il y avait beaucoup d’enfants là où on recrutait. La plupart étaient recrutés par les chefs. Les commandants du SPLA allaient dire aux chefs qu’ils avaient besoin d’envoyer des garçons se former en Ethiopie. Certains enfants choisissaient d’y aller parce qu’ils étaient dans une situation difficile, soit qu’ils étaient orphelins, soit que la situation de leur famille était difficile. D’autres furent sélectionnés par leur famille ; des enfants souvent difficiles, perturbateurs, étaient envoyés se faire éduquer, l’éducation n’était pas alors valorisée. Puis il y en eut d’autres qui furent forcés [par les soldats du SPLA]. �206 Katarzyna Grabska Il y eut au moins 1500 garçons, certains petits ne savaient même pas marcher. Nous avons tous marché ensemble, à travers les fleuves et les déserts, et nous avons fini pas atteindre l’Ethiopie. Selon les récits des jeunes hommes, les enfants étaient soit enlevés de force par les soldats, soit envoyés par leurs parents pour soutenir «la lutte de la libération» et échapper à la mort ou à la famine. Pour quelques-uns, l'enrôlement militaire était devenu un devoir que les fils étaient supposés remplir. Leur importance dans l'économie du ménage, leur rôle de protecteurs, ne serait-ce que pour subvenir aux besoins de leurs parents âgés, renforçaient encore leur volonté d'intégrer l'armée. Les autres hommes et les autres garçons le faisaient volontiers: ils considéraient la guerre comme une occasion d'accéder à l'éducation, et aussi de gagner leur vie, d’améliorer leur position dans la communauté et de contrer leur marginalisation sociale. Malgré les conditions accablantes de la guerre, la violence, la famine et les impératifs politiques, communautaires et familiaux, quelques garçons et hommes du Sud-Soudan parvinrent à atteindre un certain degré de choix et à infléchir en partie les circonstances, notamment dans la recherche de l'éducation et d’un refuge pour être le plus autonome possible vis-à-vis du gouvernement et de la famille. J’ai rencontré Wanten pour la première fois en janvier 2007 lors de mon arrivée à Bentiu. Mince et relativement petit pour un Nuer, son visage était beau, sans les marques ou les points qui sont les signes de virilité traditionnels chez les Nuer. Il était toujours habillé élégamment : pantalon, chaussures pointues et cirées, chemises repassée, ceinture de perles kéniane et un petit drapeau du nouveau Soudan sur son col collier. Né en 1980 près de Rubkona, à l’ouest du Nuerland, il fut recruté de force en 1987 par le SPLA qui vint demander à ses parents un fils pour «l’éducation en Ethiopie». Avec d’autres enfants, il fut envoyé au camp de Fundi- �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 207 go en Ethiopie où ils subirent une formation de neuf mois, tout en vivant dans des casernes militaires. Nous allions à l’école le matin avec nos AK47 près de nous et l’après-midi nous étions entrainés. Cela dura neuf mois. Ensuite, les plus grands ont été envoyés se battre. Les autres attendaient leur tour dans le camp en s’entrainant tous les jours. Nous étions tous armés. Nous étions tous d’âge différent, Dinka ou Nuer. Il n’y avait pas d’autres enfants alentour. Les conditions dans le camp étaient mauvaises. Il n’y avait pas assez de nourriture, nous étions souvent affamés, il n’y avait rien là-bas. Nous pensions tous beaucoup à nos familles; elles nous manquaient terriblement. Elles ne savaient rien sur ce qui nous arrivait, elles ignoraient où nous étions. Certains garçons devenaient fous, ils commençaient à tirer autour d’eux; leur esprit devenait fou parce qu’ils étaient traumatisés, leurs parents leur manquaient, ils mourraient de faim. Beaucoup d’entre eux moururent au camp, d’autres se tuèrent. Nous étions tous des enfants avec des fusils. Tous, nous n’arrêtions pas de penser… En tant que garçon ou comme homme, on n’est pas censé partager ses pensées et ses sentiments avec les autres. Alors nous ne parlions pas de la peur ni de la solitude. Nous gardions cela pour nous-mêmes. Ces pensées ne faisaient que traverser notre esprit. Dans les camps, nos commandants et nos entraîneurs étaient tous Dinka ou Nuer, ils étaient tous Sud-Soudanais et ils nous disaient: «Nous vous entrainons à combattre l’ennemi, ainsi vous pourrez chasser l’ennemi de notre pays. Vous êtes les futurs leaders du Soudan. Vous prendrez notre place quand nous serons vieux et partirons». C’est ce que nous entendions et c’est ce en quoi nous avons cru. Comme nous étions des enfants, nous ne réfléchissions pas sur l’utilité �208 Katarzyna Grabska des combats et nous faisions ce qu’on nous disait de faire. Par moments j’avais peur, mais je devais surmonter mes peurs. Je me suis battu pour la première fois à Pochalla. C’était la première fois que je tirais sur l’ennemi. Au début, j’étais effrayé et je tremblais tellement que je ne pouvais même pas tirer. Après cinq minutes, j’ai surmonté ma peur et j’ai commencé à tirer. Puis c’est devenu plus facile. On donnait des drogues à certains garçons pour qu’ils puissent tuer sans peur. Je n’en ai jamais pris parce que je connaissais leurs effets secondaires. Après les combats, nous ne partagions pas nos peurs et nos frustrations. On ne pouvait pas en parler. On devait être fort comme un garçon Nuer et comme un homme. On ne pouvait pas montrer sa faiblesse. Ces récits de Wanten et des autres jeunes hommes montrent une autre transformation liée à la guerre dans les rapports de genre: la voie pour devenir un homme. L'initiation des garçons par la scarification (gaar) – commune parmi les Dinka et les Nuer – fut progressivement remise en question et rejetée par la jeunesse instruite et baptisée ainsi que par les architectes du projet de libération nationale du «Sud-Soudan». Les dirigeants de l'APLS promurent la différenciation non-ethnique dans les rangs de l'armée (Hutchinson 1996:270-298) et interdirent la scarification. Ce fut l'entraînement militaire qui devint la nouvelle initiation et la voie pour devenir un homme. Le bataillon avait remplacé l'âge-série (ric). En 1987, Riek Machar, qui était alors commandant de l'APLS dans la région ouest du Nil Supérieur, interdit par un décret la scarification des Nuer. La vie dans les camps d'entraînement est décrite comme une façon pour les enfants de devenir «des gens responsables» (wic), capables de s'occuper d’eux-mêmes, ce qui était pour les Nuer et les Dinka un signe de maturité (Evans-Pritchard 1951; Deng 1972; Hutchinson 1996). �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 209 Un autre jeune homme à Kakuma me raconte: Tant que vous étiez recruté comme soldat, vous deviez être un soldat. J’étais capable de me battre et de tuer des gens. Cela signifiait que j’étais une personne responsable. Et par la façon dont j’ai été formé, j’avais plus d’expérience qu’un enfant qui n’était pas formé. Personne d’autre ne pouvait prendre soin de moi. Je devins une personne responsable Son récit et celui de Wanten montrent comment le fusil contribua à reconfigurer les concepts de virilité chez les Nuer. Dans le passé, les combats à la lance entre les communautés étaient un test de virilité pour les Nuer et les Dinka. Comme les autres armées, l'APLS proclama l'idéal de l'hyper-virilité ou de l'hyper-masculinité dans son entraînement militaire afin d’encourager l'agressivité, l'intrépidité et la compétitivité parmi les recrues. Ces idées sont clairement exprimées dans l'une des chansons pour la remise des diplômes de l'APLS: Même votre père, tirez-lui dessus! Même votre mère, tirez-lui dessus! Votre fusil est votre nourriture, votre fusil est votre femme. Les nouvelles identités masculines de la jeunesse armée de fusils ont contribué aux conflits intergénérationnels. Les aînés eurent souvent le sentiment de n’être plus capables de contrôler la jeunesse qui avait acquis une position puissante en accédant aux fusils, à la violence et faisait preuve d'une indifférence extrême face aux devoirs communautaires. Les histoires des jeunes recrues montrent que les armes étaient aussi synonymes d'intrépidité et offraient un éventail de possibilités, non seulement pour se libérer des communautés, mais aussi pour exercer un pouvoir sur d'autres en pillant leurs biens, en violant leurs femmes et en prenant leurs filles sans payer de dot. Cela produisit une communauté de jeunes hommes socialement isolés, armés et sauvagement entraînés non seulement à tuer, �210 Katarzyna Grabska mais aussi à torturer et à piller. Ce nouveau type de virilité pourrait être nommé hyper-virilité (ou hyper- masculinité). Cette expression indique un comportement stéréotypé «masculin» pou­ssé à l'extrême et caractérisé en particulier par la force, l'agressivité et la domination sur les femmes ainsi que sur les aînés (Connell 2005). Les armes sont devenues des moyens de survie, ce qui continue à créer des problèmes majeurs pour le désarmement de la milice locale et des groupes de civils au Sud-Soudan. Les guerres eurent d'autres conséquences pour les hommes qui avaient perdu leurs biens et dont les femmes et les enfants avaient été enlevés, violés ou tués. Leur incapacité croissante à subvenir à leurs besoins et à protéger leur famille, leur propriété et leur bétail, comme l'explique Hutchinson, provoqua «une crise de la virilité/ masculinité» qui elle-même se traduisit par une augmentation de la violence domestique et des abus sexuels contre les femmes (2000:12). Les femmes et les hommes au Kenya et au Nuerland déplorent souvent la perte du buom des hommes (la force, le pouvoir) qui protégeait la famille. Quelques femmes regrettent le fait que les hommes ne sont «plus des hommes», ils sont devenus «femmes» – «ils ne peuvent pas nous protéger. Ils ont été les premiers à s'enfuir quand les rebelles sont arrivés. Quand mon mari a été battu par la milice de Bul, il a pleuré comme un enfant et leur a dit immédiatement où se trouvaient nos ressources alimentaires. Nous avons perdu toute notre nourriture. Il (mon mari) est vraiment inutile». Tandis que quelques femmes ont participé aux conflits ou bien ont accédé en exil au travail rémunéré, leurs maris sont souvent restés à la maison. Ils ont dû apprendre à maîtriser les tâches domestiques. «Maintenant, les hommes sont devenus femmes; regarde les! Ils font le ménage, cuisinent pour les enfants, ils vont à l’hôpital, pendant que leurs femmes gagnent l’argent!» me raconte un jeune homme réfugié à Kakuma. Ces commentaires sont répandus parmi les femmes et les hommes au Soudan. �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 211 La propagation de la violence genrée contre les femmes, qui apparut surtout après la scission de l'APLS en 1991, peut être en partie considérée comme la conséquence de l'émasculation des hommes. Je partage à cet égard la position de Henrietta Moore concernant la frustration ou l'émasculation des identités de genre particulières. Elle explique que «la frustration peut être comprise comme l'incapacité de soutenir ou de prendre une position genrée indépendante, ce qui engendre une crise, réelle ou imaginée, de la représentation de soi et/ou de son évaluation sociale» (1994: 66). Dans le cas des Nuer, pour les jeunes garçons et les hommes, cette frustration est liée à leur marginalisation, à leur appauvrissement en raison de la guerre et à l’absence de respect et de reconnaissance envers leur position de wutni nuäri (les vrai hommes Nuer). Cela a pour effet leur émasculation. Comme les hommes se sentent incapables d'assumer leur rôle de protecteurs et de subvenir aux besoins de leur famille, ils recourent à la violence. Ils la dirigent contre les autres femmes, mais aussi contre leur propre femme. Par conséquent, la violence domestique a augmenté parmi les familles Nuer au Kenya et au Soudan. Cette violence s’est répandue dans les camps de réfugiés et après le retour. Vers une complexité des identités de genre Ma recherche montre que les conflits civils et les violences genrées ont des impacts différents, complexes et multiples sur les femmes et les hommes. Les femmes et les hommes Nuer jouèrent des rôles décisifs dans le processus de militarisation de la société et des identités de genre. Soulignons que les femmes et les hommes ne sont pas des catégories homogènes et que les conflits et les violences ont des effets différents non seulement selon le genre mais aussi selon d’autres paramètres comme l’accès aux ressources, �212 Katarzyna Grabska le statut social, l’âge et la classe. La guerre peut avoir à la fois des effets d’empowerment (émancipation) et de disempowerment pour les femmes et les hommes qui mettent en œuvre leur capacité d’action (agency) pour résister, affronter, participer et survivre en temps de guerre. La question de l’origine des violences sexuelles contre les femmes (et les hommes) pendant les conflits reste pertinente. Comment les violences sexuelles contre les femmes (et les hommes) aperçoivent?, comment sont-elles construites par le système politique dominant et de domination? Quel rôle jouent l’État, la société civile, les institutions sociales, politiques et économiques dans les transformations des violences et des inégalités de genre dans la période post-conflit? L’image des hommes combattants agressifs qui affermissent leur pouvoir sur les femmes en temps de guerre et des femmes victimes de violences sexuelles est simpliste. Cette recherche souligne que les rôles sont multiples, contradictoires et nécessitent une exploration plus complexe des effets des conflits armés sur les rapports de genre. Les identités de genre sont multiples et hétérogènes. En raison de leur vulnérabilité physique et sexuelle, les femmes et les filles font face à la violence et à l’insécurité différemment des hommes (Cockburn 2001; Moser and Clark 2001; Giles and Hyndman 2004; Denov and Garvais 2007; Zarkov 2008). Les rôles des femmes dans la guerre sont cependant plus fluides et multidimensionnels, certaines d'entre elles étant activement engagées comme auteurs et partisanes de cette violence. Cette conclusion rejoint l'étude de Devon et Gervais sur des combattantes au Sierra Leone, qui souligne que les femmes et les jeunes filles dans les zones de conflit ne sont pas uniquement victimes de la violence, mais occupent plutôt une myriade de positions comme auteurs, actrices, porteuses, commandantes, esclaves domestiques et sexuelles, espionnes et boucliers humains (2007: 886). Cepen- �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 213 dant, il faut se garder de ne pas simplifier et homogénéiser les féminités et les masculinités qui émergent après les conflits. C’est important pour les processus de reconstruction dans la période post-conflit. Bibliographie: Cockburn, Cyntia (2001). The Gendered Dynamics of Armed Conflict and Political Violence. In: Moser, C. and Clark, F. (Eds), Victims, perpetrators or Actors? Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence. London: Zed Books. Connell, Robert W. (2005). Masculinities. Second Edition. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Deng, Francis Madeng (1972). The Dinka of the Sudan. Waveland Press, Inc.: Prospect Heights, IL. Denov, Myriam and Christine Gervais (2007). Negotiating (In)Security: Agency, resistance, and Resourcefulness among Girls Formerly Associated with Sierra Leone’s Revolutionary United Front. „Journal of Women in Culture and Society [Signs]”, vol. 32, no. 4, pp. 885-910. Eggers, Dave (2006). What is the What? San Francisco: McSweeney’s. El-Bushra, Judy (2000a). Transforming Conflict: Some Thoughts on a Gendered Understanding of Conflict Processes. In: Jacobs, S., Jacobson, R. and Marchbank, J. (eds.) , States of Conflict: Gender, Violence and Resistance ZED Books: London, pp. 66-87. El-Bushra, Judy (2000b). Gender and forced migration: editorial, „Forced Migration Review”, v. 9. Enloe, Cyntia (1983). Does Khaki Decome You? The Militarisation of Wo­men’s Lives. Boston: South End Press. Evans-Pritchard, Edward E. (1951). Kinship and Marriage among the Nuer. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Giles, Wenona and Hyndman, Jennifer. (2004). Sites of Violence: Gender and Conflict Zones. Berkeley: University of California Press. �214 Katarzyna Grabska Grabska, Katarzyna (2010). ‘In-flux’: (re)negotiating gender, identity and ‘home’ in post-war southern Sudan. Thèse doctorale, Brighton: University of Sussex. HSBA (2008). No standing, few prospects: How peace is failing South Sudanese female combatants and WAAFG. „The Sudan Human Security Baseline Assessment”, Brief no. 8, September. Human Rights Watch (1994). Civilian Devastation: Abuses by All Parties in the War in Southern Sudan. New York: Human Rights Watch. Hutchinson, Sharon (2000). Nuer Ethnicity Militarized, „Anthropology Today”, vol. 16, no. 3, pp. 6-13. Hutchinson, Sharon (1996). Nuer dilemmas: coping with money, war and the State. Berkeley: University of California Press. International Crisis Group, (2002). God, Oil and Country, Changing the Logic of War in Sudan, Brussels: International Crisis Group Press. Itto, Anne (2006). Guests at the table? The role of women in peace processes. London: Conciliation Resources. http://www.c-r.org/ourwork/accord/sudan/women.php. Jackson, Michael (2006). The Politics of Storytelling: Violence, Transgression and Intersubjectivity. Museum Tusculanum Press: University of Copenhagen. Jok, Madut Jok and Hutchinson, Sharon. E. (1999). Sudan's prolonged Second Civil War and the militarization of Nuer and Dinka ethnic identities. „African Studies Review”, v. 42, pp. 125-145. Jok, Madut Jok (1998). Militarization, gender and reproductive health in South Sudan. New York: Edwin Mellen Press. Jok, Madut Jok (1999). Militarism, gender and reproductive suffering: the case of abortion in Western Dinka. „Africa” 69 (2): 194-212. Korac, Maja (1996). Gender, nationalism, Ethnic-National Identity Crisis: The case of the former Yugoslavia. In: Wenona Giles, Moussa, H. and Van Esterik, P. (Eds.) Development and Diaspora: Gender and the Refugee Experience. Dundas: Artemis Enterprises, pp. 87-99. McCullum, Judith and Okech, Alfred (2008). Small Arms and Light Weapons Control and Community Security in Southern Sudan: The Links between Gender Identity and Disarmament. In Regional Security, Gender Identity, and CPA Implementation in Sudan. A joint publi- �Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises… 215 cation of Africa Peace Forum and Project Ploughshares: Kenya and Canada. Ontario: Pandora Press. Moore, Henrietta (1994). A Passion for Difference. Essays in Anthropology and Gender, London: Polity Press. Moser, Carol and Clark, F. (2001). Victims, perpetrators or Actors? Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence, London: Zed Books. Richards, Paul (ed.) (2005a). No Peace, No War: An Anthropology of Contemporary Armed Conflicts. Oxford: James Currey. Samuelson, M. (2007). The disfigured body of the female guerilla: (De) militarization, sexual violence, and redomestication in Zoë Wicomb’s David’s Story. „Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society” 32:4, pp. 833-856. Small Arms Survey (2007) The Militarisation of Sudan: A preliminary review of arms flows and holdings. Sudan Issue Brief: Human Security Baseline Assessment no. 5, April. http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/files/portal/spotlight/sudan/Sudan_pdf/SIB%20 6%20militarization.pdf Turshen, Meredeth (2001). The Political Economy of Rape: An Analysis of Systemic Rape and Sexual Abuse of Women during Armed Conflict in Africa. In Moser, C. and Clark, F. (Eds.). Victims, perpetrators or Actors? Gender, Armed Conflict and Political Violence London: Zed Books, pp. 55-69. Turshen, Meredeth and Clotilde Twarigaramariya (1998). What Women Do in Wartime: Gender and Conflict in Africa. London: ZED Books. UNMIS (UN Mission in Sudan) (2006). Comprehensive Peace Agreement. http://www.unmis.org/English/cpa/htm Utas, Mats (2005b). Agency of Victims: Young Women in the Liberation Civil War. In: Alcinda Hohwana and Filip De Boeck (eds.), Makers and Breakers: Children and Youth in Postcolonial Africa. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, pp. 53-80. Utas, Mats (2003). Sweet Battlefields: Youth and the Liberian Civil War. PhD dissertation, Uppsala University. White, A.M. (2007) All the men are fighting for freedom, all the women are mourning their men, but some of us carried guns: a raced-gendered �216 Katarzyna Grabska analysis of Fanon’s psychological perspectives on war. „Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society”, 32:4, pp: 958-884. Vigh, Hendrik E. (2007). Navigating Terrains of War: Youth and Soldiering in Guinea-Bissau. New York, Oxford: Berghan Books. Yuval-Davis, Nira (1997). Gender and Nation. London: Sage. Zarkov, Dubravka (ed.) (2008). Gender, Violent Conflict & Development. New Dehli: Zubaan. Summary Daughters of AK-47, violated women and luggage porters – militarised masculinities and men who became women: Gender relations and wars in South Sudan Gender identities and relations have played an important aspect in women and men’s experiences in South Sudan, who have been confronted with military struggle and civil wars. This article focuses on the changes in gender relations among the Nuer of Western Upper Nile during the second civil war in South Sudan (1983-2005). It is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out between 2002 and 2008 in Egypt, Kenya and South Sudan. What are the implications of armed conflicts for gender identities and power relations? Historically, wars have been perceived as a « male » domain, where symbols of masculinity were tested, This image has been perpetuated by films, literature, songs and poetry for centuries (White 2007). During the wars, the portrayal of men as protectors of women is often accentuated, through the combat as a testing field of masculinity. Women and girls are unjustly described as victims, pacifists and “mothers of the nation” in charge of supporting the heroes. Men’s agency dominates war discourses while women and girls are rendered silenced and invisible (Denov et Gervais 2007). This article shows that such interpretations are simplistic and do not account for the multiple and complex roles which women and men take on during the wars, thereby changing the power relations. �TIZAZU AYALEW TEKA DAWIT GETU KEBEDE CAUSES AND HUMAN SECURITY THREATS OF IRREGULAR MIGRATION OUTFLOW FROM BALE, SOUTHEASTERN ETHIOPIA1 1. Introduction Migration related problems are striking Ethiopia heavily nowadays. The heated discourse on migration crisis in the local mass media, mainstream international mass media and from the public day to day discussion is common. Neither is it strange to hear of the phenomenon of exploitation and human rights abuses of Tizazu Ayalew is currently a Lecturer at Madda Walabu University, College of Social Science and Humanity in the Department of Civics and Ethical Studies. He earned his Master’s Degree (MA) in International Relations (IR) from Addis Ababa University, in July 2014: Contact Address: tiztawa@gmail.com; Dawit Getu is a PhD candidate in Social Anthropology at Addis Ababa University. Email: davidgt_2002@yahoo.com This article is a result of research entitled “International Irregular Migration: Causes and its Impacts on Human Security of Migrants in Bale, Oromia, Ethiopia”, which was conducted from October 2015 to February 2016, funded by Madda Walabu University Research, Community Engagement and Technology Transfer Vice President Office. 1 �218 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede Ethiopian migrants abroad. Xenophobic attacks in South Africa; terrorists’ ruthless inhuman killings in Libya2; massive deportation of Ethiopian irregular migrants (around 170,000 individuals) from Saudi Arabia3; and hundreds of government sponsored returnees from Yemen uprooted by its recent violent conflict, and from Libya by the threat of Islamic State (ISIS), are only a few mentions of the chronic crisis Ethiopian migrants have dealt with. Moreover, the problems related with “potential migrants”, “returnees” or “current migrants” all over the country have been a crucial issue. There were an estimated 1.5 million irregular migrant Ethiopians who left the country illegally between the years 2008 and 20144. Driven by fundamental factors such as poverty and unemployment; an existing strong culture of migration or due to the positive perception towards migration; and because of deception from illegal brokers5, massive numbers of Ethiopians, particularly the youth are exposed to irregular migration. According to the recent study by the Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat (RMMS), Ethiopians use three main channels for migration especially towards the Middle East. These are: through “Public Migration” that occurs by the official facilitation of the Ethiopian Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs (MoLSA); through See Mehari T. (2015) ‘Migration governance in Ethiopia: The need for a comprehensive National Policy on Migration’. The Reporter-English Edition. Retrieved October, 16, 2015, from http://www.thereporterethiopia.com/index. php/opinion/commentary/item/3481-migration-governance-in-ethiopia accessed on October 15, 2015, 3:31:08 PM. 3 US Department of State, 2015. 4 Tesfaye Getnet (2015) ‘Illegal migration: For how long should it go on?’. Retrieved on November 7, 2015, 1:02:13 PM fromhttp://www.capitalethiopia. com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=5114:illeg al-migration-for-how-long-should-it-go-on&catid=35:capital&Itemid=27. 5 MoLSA & MoFA (2010) ‘Human Smuggling and Trafficking in Person in Ethiopia, its causes and solution’. A report Ministry of Labor and Social Affair and Ministry of Foreign Affairs, January 2010. 2 �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 219 “legally registered Private Employment Agencies (PEAs)”; and finally through channels of “irregular migration using the services of illegal agents, which include illegal brokers, individual operators, or legally-registered companies that illegally provide employment brokerage services to migrants”6. However, amongst these channels, irregular or illegal ways of migration are the main contributors for current Ethiopian migration-related problems. For example, a United States Department of State report confirms that, ‘the 200,000 regular labor migrants who travelled in 2012 represent just 30-40% of all Ethiopians migrating to the Gulf States and Middle East, implying that the remaining 60-70% (between 300,000-350,000) are either trafficked or smuggled with the facilitation of illegal brokers7. Further, more than the regular migrants, it is irregular migrants that are “thought to be increasing faster” and vulnerable to risks of human security crisis throughout all phases of the migration process8. Migration-related problems are common to all parts of Ethiopia. However, this study only takes into consideration selected areas of the Bale Zonal administration. This is because, even if this administrative area is one of the most vulnerable to migration problems in the country, nothing has been done in the area of the research world. Only in 2015, as of May, there were a total of 489 migrants leaving the Zone9. And out of 170,000 Ethiopian returnees from Saudi Arabia from November 2013 up to March 2014, around 3932 were from Bale and out of these surprisingly 118 returned back to different countries in the Middle East10. Worst of all, of RMMS, (2014a:35); see also Fernandez,(2010:252). United States Department of State, 2013, cited in RMMS, (2014a:35). 8 King, (2012:6). 9 Documents of Bale Zone Labor and Social affairs office. 10 Ibid. 6 7 �220 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede irregular migrants originating from Bale, an estimated between 30 up to 46 individuals11 are believed to have died in April 2015 in a Mediterranean Sea boat accident. What the driving factors are which are contributing to the widespread prevalence of migration from the area, and the resulting vulnerability of human security risks are among the issues needed to be investigated but have not yet been investigated. Hence, the study is designed with an overall objective of examining the specific contributing factors for cross border irregular migration and its threat against human security of migrants from Bale. Moreover, finding out the causes of international irregular migration outflow, identifying the vulnerable groups of society for irregular migration, and exploring human security risks of irregular migrants, beginning from their initial journey to their final arrival and thereafter in the hosting states, are the key specific guiding objectives that are addressed by this paper. 2. Methodology The study follows a qualitative approach. Hence, data is obtained through qualitative tools to show readers the existing state of affairs of irregular migration prevalence, causes and the impact against migrants’ security in Bale, thereby creating a precise understanding. People directly concerned, such as returnees, families of victims, community members who are familiar with the issue, local government and non-government agents, participated as interviewees, key informants and focus group discussants all of whom were accessed by a careful selection based on their close famili11 An interview with Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair officers. �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 221 arity with the issue. Hence, from the Four Districts and one city administration – Sinana, Gasara, Agarfa, Ginnir and Robe town, 7 key informants, 19 interviewees and 3 FGDs were carried out. In addition, secondary sources of data which directly substantiated this study are reports, survey studies and documents of demographic figures on irregular migrants obtained from each of the selected sample study areas. 3. Overview of Trends and the Current Situation 3.1. Current Extent of the Situation Bale is one of the major places of origin for irregular migration, amongst the known Zonal administrations both in the region or in the country as a whole. It is amongst the frequently listed Zonal administrations of the Oromia region which are known for the highest outflow of irregular migration such as Jimma, Eastern Hararghe and Arsi, (RMMS, 2014:20). As the data taken from the Zone Labor and Social Affairs Office revealed, there are an estimated more than 6456 migrants who left the Zone from 2011 to 2014/2015 (see table 1 below). This is not, however, the exact number. Since the nature of irregular migration is unpredictable, it is very difficult to trace everyone who leaves for this purpose. Because every process of irregular migration takes place covertly, it is not easy to track from the families and surrounding communities since mostly they are not willing to disclose information concerning migrants12. Key informants from government stakeholders affirmed the difficulty in recording the number of irreg- An interview with Ginir Town Labor and Social affair officer, on December 17, 2015, Ginir. 12 �222 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede ular migrants in each area of the Zone13. Hence, arguably the total number of irregular migrants from Bale will be much greater than the above estimated figure. Amongst the total 18 Woredas (Districts) and three town administrations of the Zone, irregular migration is prevalent in ten Woredas: Sinna, Ginir, Agarfa, Gasera, Goro, Goba, Dinsho, Dallo Mana, Berberie, Gololcha; and in the three town administrations (Robe, Goba and Ginir)14. These areas are most populous and they are areas of agrarian settled life. The remaining Districts have a relatively low record of irregular migration. Driven by various factors as this study revealed, the zone is at critical irregular migration prevalence. The Zonal Labor and Social Affairs officer and, officers in similar positions from all selected areas of the study confirmed15 that, though recently different intervention mechanisms such as societal awareness creation, creating job opportunities and establishing an anti-irregular task force (a committee established to prevent irregular migration) are continuously working to address the issue, still the problem is not halted. However, the shocking risks such as massive deportation from Saudi Arabia, the death of more than thirty youth at one time in the Mediterranean Sea (majority of whom are from Robe town and surrounding villages), the beheading of thirty Ethiopians by ISIS, and the current political instability in some Arab states (Yemen and Syria), such grave kinds of violation against Ethiopian migrants, created at least a general awareness among the wider public regarding the time to time increasing risks of Ibid; an interview with Agarfa District Labor and Social affair officer; an interview with a Bale Zone Labor and Social affair officer. 14 The 2008 Bale Zone Labor and Social Affairs office plan to combat irregular migration. 15 An interview with Bale Zone Labor and Social Affairs officer on November 11, 2015. 13 �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 223 irregular migration. Moreover, the dreadful risks related to the above events have created something of a perception to fear greatly the risks of irregular migration, if not migration itself. At least family and community pressure in making and facilitating the opportunity for migration is steadily diminishing16. Similarly, the efforts by the different levels of government agents focusing on promoting awareness have created a relatively significant influence in controlling the situation compared to the previous years17. Thus, societal awareness creation campaigns through community conversations by directly involving the communities at grassroots institutions such as Idir, religious institutions and schools are intensively continuing especially in migration hub Woredas of the zone. In addition, creating job opportunities for youth through micro enterprises is also another effort of the local government’s involvement in tackling irregular migration. Not only government stakeholders, recently a number of Local and International NGOs such as Bale Integrated Rural Development Association (BIRDA), Community Development Association (CDA), Swedish International Development Association (SIDA), and Cooperazione International (COOPI) are engaged both directly and indirectly in the endeavor of anti-irregular migration campaigns in the Zone. All of the above ongoing significant efforts maintain feasible roles in the effort of fighting irregular migration outflow in Bale. 16 17 An interview with Bale Zone head of Labor and Social Affair office. Ibid. �224 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede Table 1. Estimated number of irregular migrants outflow in each Woreda of Bale, form 2011-2014/2015 No. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Districts Agarfa Berberie Dallo Mana Dawe Qechan Dawe Serar Dinsho Gasera Ginir Ginir Town Goba Goba Town Gollolcha Goro Gura Damolle Harena Bulluq Laga Hida Mada Walabu Rayitu Robe town Sawena Sinana Total Grand total 2011 2012 M F Total M F total 141 41 182 37 19 56 104 46 150 0 0 0 52 64 116 12 4 16 55 0 60 2 0 2 26 0 26 5 1 6 152 154 306 40 23 63 190 15 205 90 46 136 156 74 230 0 0 0 * * * * * * 401 135 536 1 9 10 45 126 171 14 27 41 36 20 56 0 0 0 162 38 200 0 0 0 54 0 54 1 1 2 54 6 60 5 9 14 45 0 45 39 1 40 26 0 26 0 0 0 6 0 6 1 0 1 216 50 266 0 0 0 4 0 4 7 0 7 254 20 274 75 1 76 M 260 51 70 14 2 84 752 165 * 105 15 112 76 10 18 20 3 4 154 10 301 2013 F 31 12 24 1 0 29 80 26 * 53 23 14 18 1 3 1 0 1 63 1 43 2014/2015 total M F total 291 73 0 73 63 11 0 11 94 7 2 9 15 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 113 3 1 4 832 79 5 84 191 3 0 3 * 5 0 5 158 3 0 3 38 0 0 0 126 11 0 11 94 0 0 0 11 0 0 0 21 0 0 0 21 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 217 40 7 47 11 1 0 1 344 112 0 112 2179 794 2973 329 141 470 2226 424 2650 348 15 363 6456 *Not available Source, adopted from Bale Zone Labour and Social Affairs Office, 2015. �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 225 3.2. Trends in Irregular Migration outflow in Bale The common mode of migration is through the facilitation of illegal brokers and also through employment agents18. As a survey study conducted in Robe town revealed, the Dellala (illegal brokers) are the major facilitators for female migration (BIRDA, 2014). In addition, employment agents, members of families and those who had migrated previously are also facilitating actors for irregular migration. Particularly, the brokers and the close relatives of migrants who reside abroad are the key facilitators19. Bale being a Muslim-dominant community, it is suggested that the religious affiliation20 to the Middle East countries is considered as a contributing factor for the prevalence of irregular migration outflow. This factor is a similar case in other Muslim-majority areas both in Oromia region and at national level. For example, most frequently migration-prone areas like Jimma and East Hararghe Zones are Muslim majority. But in Christian-inhabited areas, also migration is prevalent. There is no sufficient justification to claim Muslims dominate irregular migration21. Related with Islamic tradition, the polygamy marriage practice among the Islamic community supported by the Sharia law has its own impact in creating “a biased treatment amongst family members”22. The problem is not the polygamy tradition itself which is well supported by the community as a principle of Islamic faith. An interview with head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office. An interview with Sinana District Head of Labor and Social Affair office. 20 BIRDA (Bale Integrated Rular Development Association) 9 2014). Base line Survey of the women and children trafficking situation in Robe Woreda of Bale Zone, BIRDA. 21 An in-depth interview with the head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair office, on January 1, 2016. 22 An interview with family member of current migrants, February 27, 2016, Robe. 18 19 �226 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede Rather, for example, a man may have more than two wives and many children too. But he may not fairly manage the family which is in fact against the Sharia law. There is an inclination for better treatment of the newly married wives23 at the expense of the rest. This biased practice creates a direct economic vulnerability as well as a feeling of exclusion in the rest of the family24. In the end, children become the most vulnerable in family groups for different socio-economic problems including irregular migration. Our interviewee25 has been a victim of this problem and he told us that he knew many peers who, driven by such factors, ended up in irregular migration. Migrants have experiences from a minimum two and three years to more than 8 years stay in host states. Some migrants re-migrate again and again at least more than two times. Especially those returnees who did not experience risks of exploitation have the intention to re-migrate. Conversely, those who were victims said that “I never wish migration even for my enemy”26. Migration is just like “being an animal or a slave that undermines our human dignity”27. This is what was repeatedly said by the returnees from Middle East countries, who experienced a shocking exploitation either directly themselves or as eyewitnesses to other Ethiopian victims of irregular migration. However, no matter how far they are victims and aware of the risks, still there are also returnee migrants and potential migrants who want to move abroad28. Ibid. Ibid. 25 Ibid. 26 An interview with a returnee, January 17, 2015, Robe. 27 Ibid. 28 Key informant interview with head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office February 13, 2015, Robe. 23 24 �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 227 Irregular migration following routes on land and sea is the common trend for migrant outflow from Bale. Hence from the three major migratory routes (see, map 1). Irregular migrants from Bale use the Northern or Mediterranean Sea route and Eastern route or Gulf of Aden route, just to exit illegally from Ethiopia. Robe and other major towns like Ginir are places where the initial process starts with the aid of local smugglers. Then, those potential migrants planning to make their destination Europe follow the Mediterranean Sea route which lies from the Ethio-Sudan border town of Metema and the transit states of Sudan and Libya. This route is one of the most dangerous routes along which thousands of mixed irregular migrants perish every year or are extremely exploited by traffickers (see, IOM, 2014a; Altai Consulting, 2015). The exploitation and other vulnerabilities to risks begin immediately after migrants cross the border town of Metema29. In different temporary arrival points in Sudan and Libya, most frequent extreme exploitations include kidnapping for ransom and inhospitable transportation devices such as journeying via overcrowded “patrol cars” and boats. The second major route preferred by irregular migrants, followed by those who have the intention to make their destination point in the Gulf States, is the so-called Eastern or Gulf of Aden route. From Robe to Adama then Dire Dawa to Jigjiga, finally using Somalia/ Bassaso and Yemen as transit countries, (Yemen is in fact both destination and transit for Ethiopians) tens of thousands of irregular migrants from Ethiopia including from Bale illegally enter the Gulf States for employment as laborers. In both routes, migrants use land transportation including a journey on foot, and boat voyages irrespective of the risks. Moreover, by us29 Robe. An interview with family members of victim migrants, February 27, 2016, �228 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede Map 1. Main Migratory Routes from Bale, Ethiopia �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 229 ing both legal and fraudulent travel documents, migrants also enter other countries by air transportation. Fraudulent documents such as pilgrimage and tourist visas30 are key means for irregular migration by air. There are also a very few migrants from Bale, who use the South African route. Informants indicated that migrants from Bale pay a minimum of 20,000-40,000 Ethiopian Birr (ETB) (1000–2000USD) up to a maximum payment from 60,000-100,000 ETB (3000–5000USD) in accordance with their different arrival points and means of transportation. Sometimes up to 190,000 ETB (9500USD) is required for the Mediterranean Sea route31. The migration pattern in Bale indicates that, those who have better financial capabilities are more prone to migration in general than economically disadvantaged groups32. This attests that the poor are not likely to migrate since they cannot afford the financial costs for the whole migration process (Koser, 2005). If not a hundred percent of the migrants and potential migrants from Bale, then definitely the majority, are members of the community who are in relatively better economic positions. “How can we call it because of poverty, while a person migrates leaving his car”33, responded a local government official. Destination countries for irregular migrants from Bale are not only the Middle East or Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Arab States such as Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and 30 An interview with the Head of the Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair office on January 13, 2016. 31 An interview with close relative of victims migrants, February 27, 2016, Robe. 32 Key informant interview with the Head of the Bale Labor and Social Affairs office, December 20, 2015. Robe. 33 An informant from Focus Group Discussion in Robe town; an interview with Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office. �230 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede the United Arab Emirates (UAE), rather, European states like Germany, Belgium, France, Italy, England, Norway, Holland and so on, are also good destinations. Migrants from families of relatively better economic background with good social networks abroad make their destinations Europe. Another common trend in irregular migration outflow is that young men are more prone to irregular migration than females. Indeed, male migrants comprise the majority in migration outflow as the estimated figures indicate (see, table 2 and 3). Similarly, irregular migration to Europe following the Mediterranean Sea route is mostly preferred by male migrants rather than females, while the Eastern or the Gulf of Aden route is more evenly observed by both sexes. 3.3. Profile of Irregular Migrants Taking into account data of available demographic figures obtained in some of our sample study areas, in terms of gender, the majority of irregular out-migrants from Bale are young males. For example, out of the total 6456 estimated number of current migrants from 2011 up to 2014/2015, around 5082 or 78.7% are male, while the rest 21% or 1374 are female (see table 2). In a similar vein, out of the total 3919 deported returnee migrants from Saudi, around 3320 or 84.7% were male while the rest 15% or 599 were female (see table 4). In terms of age, as our sample data containing lists of migrants by demographic composition shows, the majority of migrants were in their early 20s (20-25) with few above 25 up to 30 and below 20 up to 15 years old. Similarly, the data indicated that the majority of irregular migrants’ education status is grade 10 completed. And there are also a considerable number of out-migrants below grade 10 and primary �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 231 school level, and very few graduates from technical and vocational training institutions. Generally, male youths who accomplished their secondary school education are the most vulnerable social group in irregular migration outflow from Bale. Nonetheless, our key informants34 particularly from the Agarfa District government stakeholders, explained that “in some areas of the District, it is the whole social group which is prone to irregular migration, except the elderly. Some elders and religious leaders are expressing their concern saying ‘who is going to bury us, for whom are we going to preach’, [respectively]”. 3.4. Causes of Irregular Migration Outflow from Bale The root cause for irregular migration in general and particularly from Bale is very complex and has varied aspects. These direct and indirect triggering factors are mainly interwoven from economic, socio-cultural and administrative factors. Moreover, as the data obtained from interview and focus group discussions show, these fundamental causes have a very interrelated nature: these are socio-economic factors, existence of various facilitating actors, and finally factors related with administrative problems. 3.4.1. Socio-Economic Factors Poverty and unemployment At the national level, there is no other factor equivalent to poverty which effected joblessness thereby contributing to the influx of irregular migration outflow (See Jones et. al., 2014). The current mounting labor migration of the youth is considered as just an immediate strategy to move out of poverty and unemployKey informant interview with Agarfa Labor and Social Affair Officers, December 20, 2015, Agarfa. 34 �232 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede ment. Almost all of our interviewees, particularly returnees and potential migrants, expressed that it is because of the need for better labor opportunities and livelihood that they decided to leave their home country. Therefore, seeking better livelihood and employment opportunities are key driving factors. However, there is a different view by the informants on poverty and unemployment whether it is major or minor cause for irregular migration outflow from Bale. On one side almost all our informants particularly officials of each Woreda Labor and Social Affairs Office (with the exception of stakeholders from Agarfa Woreda), never want to accept poverty and unemployment as first rank causes of youth migration. This group of informants claim that Bale is a Zone rich in resources, with ample employment opportunities compared to other areas in the region or in the country. Nowadays, the beneficiaries from the resources and job opportunities from the Zone are people who come from other areas of the country such as “Debub”35 (Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples Region [SNNPR]) and farmers from “Arsi”36, while youths from Bale migrate. In addition, their basic reason in viewing poverty as a minor cause is, the expensive amount of money spent by migrants for migration; from 3000USD to more than 5000USD is the approximate payment for migrants until their arrival in the destination countries. They also mentioned migrants with good living standard; a person having an automobile, and who runs a good business37 leaves as a migrant. Mentioning such kinds of premises, they conclude that poverty and unemployment Key informant interview , Head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affairs office, February 13, 2016, Robe. 36 An interview with Agarfa District Labor and Social Affairs officers, on December 18, 2015. 37 An interview with Robe town labor and social Affair Office December 3, 2015; interview with relative of the migrant. 35 �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 233 are secondary level causes of migration outflow from Bale; instead they considered the society’s strong culture of migration or the strong positive perception towards migration and poor work ethic of youth as significant viable factors for irregular migration outflow from Bale38. On the other side, returnee and potential migrant’s interviewees did not have any other direct answer for the question why they migrated and the need to migrate; they replied only that it was the need for better job opportunities with attractive salaries that can bring significant change to their lives and the families. An interviewee who was a close friend to many of the migrants who died in April 19, 2015 in a boat accident, explained that “I and my 14 peers who died in the Sea were unemployed after we completed grade 10. They stayed jobless for four years after grade 10 before their migration”. Moreover, an interviewee explained39 that: In fact parents may be good economically, but they are not willing to give money if their children ask them to run their own business, they think it may be wasted by addiction or used for irrelevant purpose; but they are eager to give money if their children ask them for migration purpose. Sometimes the money utilized for migration is not necessarily extra money, rather it is money saved purposely for migration expenses while struggling with subsistence livelihood for years. An interviewee from Agarfa District explained that: I spent 18,000 ETB for migration, this is not because I have [enough] money that I decide to leave; you know, I struggled for years to acKey informant interview with Gasera District Labor and Social Affairs officers, November 17, 2015; key informant interview with head of Bale Zone labor and social Affair Office, February 13, 2015, Robe. 39 An interview with close relative of victim migrant, February 27, 2016, Robe. 38 �234 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede cumulate it, but unless I have additional support, I couldn’t do anything here with that amount of money. The unemployment problem is also creating hopelessness on the futurity of the primary and secondary school students as informants suggested40. Those school teenagers seeing their elders’ joblessness, including some unemployed university and college graduates, are not sure about their future. What is the relevance of learning if we do not have a job in the end? This is the question they ask anticipating their future employment opportunities41. Thus, they are forced to cease their education and instead prefer migration to secure their future. Unemployment related with shortage of land is also raised by our informants from Gasera District. They implied that land shortage because of population increase as another enabling factor for irregular migration of the youth42. The youth from rural areas, as the informants claim, know better how to farm than anything else43. However, nowadays, the existing rural farm lands are not proportionate to the increasing number of population in the district. Thus, the youth’s access to farm land is becoming less. Therefore they are forced to choose migration to meet at least their basic needs. However, land shortage as a cause for irregular migration cannot be generalized to all the rest areas of Bale. Government stakeholders in the other areas strongly ascertain that there is no land deficiency in their respective areas. 40 Depth interview with Bale Integrated Rural Development Association (BIRDA) manager; two key informants from Agarfa District Labor and Social Affairs stakeholders; one key informant from Bale Zone Labor and Social Affairs office. 41 An interview with Agarfa Labor and Social Affair Officers, Agarfa, December 20, 2015. 42 An interview with Gassera district Labor and Social Affair officials. 43 Ibid. �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 235 3.4.1.1. Existing positive perception towards migration (culture of migration) Some literature in the area of irregular migration studies (see RMMS, 2014a; RMMS 2014b) termed the society’s strong positive perception towards migration as a “culture of migration”. Given the prevalence, it is not unusual to find at least one or more current migrant or returnee from the local neighborhood. Out of a dozen migrants, there is no doubt that a few of them significantly changed their own and family’s lives. By whatever condition it has been obtained, money and materials sent back by migrants from abroad to parents in Ethiopia creates a sort of positive perception on other families and the community at large towards migration44. It is usual to encourage the youths to migrate; parents, peers, and even community members, openly tell the youth to go abroad and make money like other successful fellows. The success stories of a few individuals45, is just like an adventure that everybody aspires to accomplish at whatever cost. The existing positive perception towards migration makes migration a thing of everyone’s aspiration regardless of the risks. One of our key informants46 explains below how migration is a culture among the community. Migration as a culture is peculiar here in Dega (wet) areas of our Zone, like Sinana, Gasera, Agarfa, Dinsho than the Qola (hot) areas;… in these areas people say somebody went abroad and stayed for four years then bought a car; another went abroad and built villa for his family; someone went abroad and bought a town land; but we seat here while we can bring big money. Key informant interview, Head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office. Focus Group Discussion with Maksegno Gebeya Iddir committees. 46 Interview with Key informant, Head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair officials, January 13, 2016, Robe. 44 45 �236 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede Migration from Bale is something of an economic coping up strategy and if not exaggerated society uses it to get rid of poverty. There is a greater link between migration and generating income in order to invest in a family’s basic socio-economic needs. Thus, migration is a cultured instrument in society regardless of both the domestic labor opportunities and the risks of irregular migration. 3.4.2. Existence of Various Facilitating Actors for Irregular Migration Illegal brokers Along with other interrelated triggering factors of irregular migration, the Dellala, (brokers) crucially served as an intermediary for the outflow of irregular migrants. The illegal brokers, what literature conventionally calls smugglers and traffickers, are an illicit instrument whereby migrants are recruited, transported and then enter into borders of other countries illegally having experienced the inevitable risks of exploitation. Ranged from those brokers who directly facilitate the situation living inside the community, to those brokers who live in major towns having a well-established network both in and outside the country, are the primary actors thereby pursuing their illicit business of migrant smuggling and trafficking. The collaboration between migrants, the community and the illegal brokers complicates and aggravates the issue47. Different reasons are suggested: migrants and the community willingly collaborate with brokers because they are at least the means for them to reach the intended destination48 whatever the risks in47 An interview with Head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affairs Office, February 13, 2016. 48 Ibid. �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 237 volved. If they are not willing, migrants and the community will not disclose information particular to brokers, because they no guarantee against direct threats, even to their life49. The latter reason seems more sound, because the brokers are not such regular individuals that anyone can easily disclose their illicit business, they have a big link even with corrupt government officials50 in addition to their economic power built on both legal and illicit businesses. One of our key informants51 from local government stakeholders explained that: You can say the whole community here is a broker, they never want to disclose brokers even though they know who recruits migrants; brokers are there starting from the smallest Kebele, but who send some body’s children is kept secret; the brokers may threaten them, by saying if you disclose us, your children cannot go abroad, and if they go they will be threatened; at the same time, the community complain us by saying, the illegal brokers are inside you chaining up to the federal government, and despite we disclose them (brokers), they are set free for unknown reasons sooner. This complicated nature of illegal brokers still remains a curse in aggravating the problems related with irregular migration. As of the writing time of this study, there are not any sufficient prosecution cases initiated against illegal brokers in any areas of Bale except one case from Goba town52. As the head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affairs Office confirmed to us, only one individual suspected of migrant smuggling crime has been arrested and proseKey informant interview with Robe town Labor and Social Affairs office, December 3, 2015. 50 Ibid. 51 Key informant interview with Head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office, January 13, 2016. 52 Ibid. 49 �238 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede cuted. But, he was released from prison paying a 15,000 ETB (750USD) guarantee. The informant53 added that currently, two other cases of prosecution are initiated against suspected traffickers. Local illegal brokers also participate in trafficking exploitation as one interviewee explains:54 There are notorious brokers in Metema, who have the task of identifying potential migrants for ransom; during the death of my friends in the Sea, we were able to identify that there were Ethiopian brokers speaking local language. Another interviewee55 from Gasera Woreda, who was a victim of extreme exploitation in Yemen, explained that he and another six Ethiopians were transported by local brokers, on a land journey via the Gulf of Aden route, facing torture by smugglers demanding ransom. In general, the illegal brokers aggravate irregular migration outflow in smuggling migrants, and by extension, through trafficking exploitation both here in Bale and at different levels. Pressures from families, peers and social networks Family members and peers have direct facilitator roles in the migration process by persuading potential migrants by telling success stories of previous migrants. Parents even directly conduct deals with brokers and make payments for the purpose of their offspring’s migration. Using network patterns one member of the community or the family migrates, then another follows the path. 53 54 Ibid. An interview with close family of victim migrants, February 27, 2016, Robe. An interview with Returnee migrant from Suadi Arabia, March 3, 2016, Gasera. 55 �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 239 Family and friends from abroad also facilitate the process of migration. Propagating information56 regarding employment chances, financial provision for traveling costs and fulfilling all necessary conditions, are all ways the migrant’s relatives abroad facilitate for potential migrants. An interviewee57 from Robe town who is a returnee from Saudi Arabia responded that, seeing his peers who had migrated before, he decided to migrate; and the travel cost around 70,000 ETB (3500USD) had been covered by his brother from abroad. In a similar story one interviewee58 from Gasera, stated that he moved to Saudi Arabia leaving his job (government employed) for nothing but to be alike with his peers. There is also direct and indirect impact of social networks in creating pressure from the homeland potential migrants. Inevitably, the remittances sent from migrants abroad either in the form of cash or in kind such as electronic devices and fashion clothing to members of families59, are also influential factors to the nearby neighborhood and community youths in initiating them for migration. There is a considerable number of current migrants from the Bale Zone, including labor migrants and irregular migrants, both in Middle East and Western States. Thus, particularly, those groups of Ethiopian immigrants who are relatively stable have the capacity to take family members or at least to facilitate conditions. This has been confirmed by data obtained from returnee informants 56 Key informant interview with Head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office, February 13, 2016, Robe. 57 An interview with returnee migrant from Saudi Arabia, January 26, 2015, Robe. 58 An interview with returnee migrant from Saudi Arabia, March 2, 2016, Gasera. 59 Key informant interview with Head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office, February 13, 2016, Robe. �240 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede who had at least one or more close relatives abroad before their migration, which had direct influence on their decision to migrate. Social Media Nowadays, in addition to the mainstream communication media channels, new internet-based social media such as Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, Viber, WhatsUp and so on are vibrantly simplifying the way we exchange information (see Edosomwan et al., 2011). Hence, these social media are also good facilitating actors for the current irregular migration crisis. Social media, supported by the new technology, results from the easy accessibility of smart mobile phones for youth both of urban and rural areas. By using Facebook, which is the most popular social media, the youth, quickly and easily communicate with their peers abroad at a very cheap cost. Very impressive images posted on personal timelines of Facebook accounts are quickly observable by viewers everywhere. Even children sometimes convince their parents, making them view the attractive images sent via Facebook and Viber. Then the parents, who are not totally familiar with social media, are likely to be easily deceived to send their children to match them with those migrants who sent their impressive images. The community challenges government stakeholders during their awareness creation campaign by saying “why do you tell us not to send our children abroad when we see those who already left are in a comfortable situation; I became eager to send my child when he showed me his friend’s photo at ease on Facebook”. This was a response from one woman during the Agarfa District awareness creation campaign against irregular migration as the stakeholders themselves informed us. �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 241 3.4.3. Administrative Factors Stakeholders of government agencies directly responsible for issues of irregular migration both at local and national level are still criticized and accused of providing insufficient and weak legal and practical measures against human trafficking and smuggling crimes. Even though the government recently attempted to fill the legal framework gap by introducing a comprehensive anti-trafficking and smuggling proclamation, its enforcement and prosecution of smugglers and traffickers, and protection of victims, no sufficient measures have been undertaken to date (United States Department of State, 2015). Similarly, preventing and countering illegal border crossing remains weak. Government stakeholders were even very late in providing the intended measure in preventing the crime of irregular migration and their existing measures are inadequate compared with the grave crisis that irregular migration continues to bring. Particular to Bale, an organized anti-irregular migration intervention was introduced only since 201360, after the problem became severe. Despite its late intervention measures, nowadays as our observation and the data obtained from our informants show61, the Zone is in good progress in its endeavors in the anti-irregular migration struggle. Comparing Ethiopia’s emigrant management system with other states, returnee interviewees explained that, migrants from some Asian countries such as the Philippines, Sri Lanka and India have good protection from their governments via their embassies. Further, they stated that, unlike Ethiopia, it is rare to see irregular migrants from these states. Treatment even by employers, includ60 An interview with Sinana District Labor and Social Affair Officers, December 27, 2015. 61 Key informant interview, Head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office, February 13, 2016, Robe. �242 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede ing payment, are different between Ethiopians and them. There is no doubt that their legitimate existence is the primary factor, in addition to racial biases (See, Naami, 2014) for better treatment of Asian laborers than Black Africans including Ethiopians. Hence, the Ethiopian government’s and its embassies poor emigrant governance system is also accountable for the existing irregular migration crisis. Different from direct responsibility of government stakeholders in addressing the issues of irregular migration, returnees and potential migrates criticize the local bad governance as another determining factor. Interviewees both from members of the community62 and returnees63 strongly complain about the lack of good governance, such as the absence of quick responses to public questions, high tax overloads on small-scale businesses64, lengthy bureaucratic services and very poor infrastructural delivery. One interviewee in Robe town explained that: A friend of mine, who died in the Sea, was an amateur sport trainer with his own football team; but he was unable to get a soccer field; his application to use the town’s football stadium was rejected by the authorities; his final decision was to cease the sport and move abroad. The interviewees also complain about the local stakeholders’ weaknesses in creating jobs and youth entertainment corners. “Here in Robe, there are not any relevant entertainment places, we are wasting time at chat/khat rooms”, the interviewee65 explained. A focus group discussion with Maksegno gebeya Iddir committee who are directly working against women and children trafficking in collaboration with international NGOs. 63 An interview with returnees from Agarfa, and Robe town, from December 20, 2015 – January 1, 2016. 64 An interview with a returnee, December 20, 2015. 65 An interview with a potential migrant, February 27, 2016, Robe. 62 �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 243 Another key factor associated with administrative issues is the poor infrastructural accessibility of the Zone. Though it is not unique to Bale, social provision, especially electricity, water, and telecommunication, are hardly accessible. Particularly, work opportunities in urban areas including small towns of the Zone are unthinkable without such a list of infrastructural accesses. Electricity and water service are in dire condition in the Zone, which directly affects the existing labor opportunities. This results in youth prefering migration irrespective of the risk. As our key informants from Zonal and District Labor and Social Affairs told us, out of the total deported returnees from Saudi, around 118 migrated back, some of whom were leaving their small scale enterprises established by the help of the government. The key reason, for returnees to give up their small scale business was the terrible condition of electricity66. As a Gasera Woreda government stakeholder clarified, returnees who have been organized by the government in small scale enterprises totally gave up their works and were dispersed because of lack of electric power. There are similar cases also in different Woredas of the Zone67. 3.5. Impacts of Irregular Migration Against Migrants’ Human Security in Bale Recently, more than anything else, threats against human security of irregular migrants during transit points exposing them to illicit traffickers and smugglers, or a deliberate exploitation by employers, becomes a serious security issue occupying the concern of stockholders. Though migrants, whether in legal or in irregular 66 Key informant interview with Gasera Labor and Social Affair Officers, November 17, 2015. 67 Key informant interview with the Head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office, February 13, 2016, Robe. �244 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede status, are vulnerable to insecurity, those more affected by human security risks are the irregular ones by virtue of their status (Mawadza, 2008:1). Driven principally by the root factors found by the study as mentioned in the above section, Bale could be one of the areas in Ethiopia which are in a state of, so to say, an explosion of irregular migration outflow occurrences. Hence, vulnerability to the inevitable human security risks directly endangering the survival, livelihood and dignity of the migrants themselves, are the consequences of irregular cross border migration. The following section seeks to show the negative impact of irregular migration against human security of migrants, more specifically against their personal security of the migrants in particular reference to Bale. 3.5.1. Death through Murder and Accident Irregular migrants are highly vulnerable including risks of death during their dangerous journey through illegal and life-threatening desert routes, and transportation channels such as suffocating containers and boat voyages. And also migrants sometimes are deliberately murdered by employers and smugglers. Some migrants also attempt to go on foot, exposing themselves to extreme vulnerability to inhospitable lands or deserts where food and water are hardly accessible at least for survival, and at the same time vulnerable to gangs and aggressive wild animals. As one returnee interviewee68 told us, luckily he was able to arrive in Yemen after a 15 day journey on foot via Somalia en route to Gulf countries. It was a shocking accident, still in recent memory, in which approximately 30-46 youths from Bale died at the same time in An interview with a returnee from Saudi Arabia, November 20, 2015, Agrafa. 68 �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 245 the Mediterranean Sea on April 19, 201569 in a boat capsize accident; the majority were from Robe town70. While they were planning to reach Europe, anticipating better employment and living standard opportunities, unfortunately they ended up in stories to be told for others to learn from them. From those deceased youth, around 14 were schoolmates who attended Mada Walabu primary school71. Worst of all, two brothers were among the dead, while a previous occasion one of the two brothers survived luckily listening the advice of their father who told them not go in one boat72. Regarding the exact number of the death toll, there are contrasting figures. While interviewees from victim families and closest friends estimate up to 46 individuals in total from Bale (30 from Robe town, 8 from Dello Mana, 4 from Goba, 2 from Sinana and 2 from Agarfa), key informants also provided their own figures. According to government stakeholders from Robe town, 17 individuals are believed to have died from Robe town. And for the key informant from Zonal labor and social affairs bureau, the death toll is estimated from 28-30, only in Robe. In fact, the majority of the death toll in the April 19, 2015 shipwreck, is believed to be in Bale, out of the total Ethiopian irregular migrants’ death. During the accident Ethiopian irregular migrants up to 65 individuals (7 from Addis Ababa, 18 from Arsi, 12 individuals of unknown background, and including the above figures from Bale73), were estimated to have died in the Mediterranean Sea. http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/apr/19/700-migrantsfeared-dead-mediterranean-shipwreck-worst-yet. 70 An interview with close migrant friends, February 27, 2016, Robe. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid. 73 An interview with close friends of migrant victims, February 27, 2016, Robe. 69 �246 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede In total an estimated 73 deaths have been recorded, between 2013-2014/2015, because of irregular migration risks from Bale. These are, however, only a few known to the public and to local authorities. Besides this, deliberate killings by smugglers74 and employers are common cases. For example, during mass deportation of Ethiopian migrants from Saudi, a deported interviewee told us that “my friend was killed by an alleged Saudi security person who beat him brutally in front of me”. Another returnee75 also told us, “in only one day around 38 Ethiopians were killed” by the security polices and the shabab (youth in Arabic) in a town called Manfouha where the deportation was undertaken. Similarly, an interview with another two returnee women ascertains that they were eye witnesses where Ethiopian migrants employed as domestic workers were deliberately killed by their employers. One of them died when thrown from a building, in response to her frequent requests for her legitimate work payment which had been delayed for years. The case of the other girl is complicated76; forced sexual relations (abuse) by her male employer was exposed to the wife, the end result was a murder through poisoning by the housewife. Cases of either killing or harsh physical assaults against laborers by their employers are common when they ask payments, and in another case when migrants want to leave. One returnee77 explains a story she knows below: 74 For further information regarding deliberate torture including killings, of Ethiopian migrants in Yemen by organized Smugglers, see Human Rights Watch (2014) ‘Yemen’s Torture Camps: Abuse of Migrants by Human Traffickers in a Climate of Impunity’. 75 An interview with a returnee, December 20, 2015, Agarfa. 76 An interview with a female returnee at Ginir, December 18, 2015, Ginir town. 77 An interview with female returnee from Saudi, February 16, 2016, Robe. �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 247 In one occasion, relatives to my employers with their teenage came to home; at that occasion the teenage asked me a question are you an Ethiopia? Yes! I replied; then just as an ordinary thing he told me that by saying we had also an Ethiopian domestic worker, but one day when she was in the way to leave, my father has killed her crashing by automobile. Similarly, another returnee interviewee at Ginir District explained that he was able to escape from his employer who directly threatened to kill him by hitting him with his car just because of the worker’s decision to leave for other labor opportunity. Although he sustained minor physical injuries, he was able to escape from the murder threat. Table 2: some recorded figures of death on the following selected Woredas of Bale Zone resulting from irregular migration only from 2013–2015 No. Districts Number of Death 1 Agarfa 2 Dello Mena 15 8 3 Gasera 6 4 Goba 4 4 Ginir 1 5 Goro 5 6 Robe town 7 Sinana 2 Total 73 30 Source: researchers, based on figures obtained from the 2015/2016 plan of Bale Zone Anti-irregular migration committee (task force): Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office, and from interviews. �248 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede 3.5.2. Sexual Exploitation For Ethiopian women domestic workers, including those from Bale, unfortunately one of their common exploitations is sexual abuse and the resultant grave risks. Our interviews from with returnees told us that they know at least one or more cases of sexual exploitation against Ethiopian women domestic workers. The most shocking story was a case of exploitation which took place during the Saudi deportation measure. An informant, from Agarfa District, he was an eye witness where “six shabaab (youths) violently raped one Ethiopian migrant” during the violent deportation measures against Ethiopian irregular migrants. A similar story was the case of an Ethiopian domestic worker who was killed by her woman employer when her forced sexual relation with the husband revealed to the wife78. What we understand here is, the worst various forms of sexual abuses against the migrant domestic workers are not an end in themself; rather, they are followed by serious other risks such as death, health risks, pregnancy, and being handed over to security agents for deportation purposes. An interviewee told to us that one Ethiopian woman domestic worker has not only undergone an unwanted pregnancy, but also she was forced to leave her newlborn child there, while she retuned back to home79. If there is a very common exploitation story against Ethiopian house maids in Gulf States, it is cases of rape. What makes it complicated is it will not end up only in sexual abuse, rather worse risks will follow including murder as mentioned above. Multiple exploitations like rape, denial of salary, forced labor, deportation and so on all are what they faces. 78 An interview with a female returnee migrant from Qatar at Ginir on December 18, 2015. 79 An interview with a female returnee migrant from Kuwait at Robe on. �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 249 3.5.3. Labor Exploitation and Forced Servitude Labor exploitation is another severe human security threat against irregular migrants. Obviously, most migrants are unskilled labor workers in areas of cleaning, construction, shepherding, household maids, caretakers and so on. Forced labor and long work hours are among the common types of labor exploitation against Ethiopian irregular migrants80 in Middle East countries. Hence, for labor workers, especially Ethiopian women employed as household maids, one of their extreme vulnerability is being forced to work for long hours, more than 18-20 hours per day. Our interviewees from among the returnees repeatedly told us that, “our employers considered us just as an animal like a donkey”. This is how the victims of irregular migration express the ways of their labor exploitation. Making the Ethiopian women employees work for relatives of employers, with whom migrants did not have an agreement, is another way by which migrants are exploited. One woman returnee explained that “I used to work for the relatives of my employers without my willingness; I was employed, firstly as a domestic servant to one house hold; later on, the housewife ordered me to work for her sister, then I did not have any choice, just to work for both households”81. Unfortunately, Ethiopian labor workers, particularly in the Middle East Arab countries, are considered as nothing more than the property of their employers. Except for a few lucky migrant workers, such is the story of many innocent Ethiopian migrant workers who have been always forced to do whatever their employers wished. 80 81 An interview with returnee at Robe, December, 27 2015. Ibid. �250 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede 3.5.4. Financial Exploitation Sadly, for some migrant workers, the exploitation they face did not end up in one of or two of the forms of exploitation commonly known. Rather a multiple and interrelated form of exploitation by various actors such as smugglers, employers and security person are experienced by irregular migrant labor workers. For instance, the exploitation by forced labor may not be the single abuse migrants faced, rather it is always coupled with financial exploitation since migrant workers are not sometimes paid appropriately even to the agreed payment, let alone the extra time the migrants work either for their employers or for employers relatives without their willingness. Filled by hope, the money they expend for transportation and all other costs related to migration purposes, might be borrowed, or provided by families and closes relatives, to be paid back one day in the future after migrants accumulate money working abroad. Hence, nowadays a minimum 80,000 ETB (4000 USD) to a maximum of more than 100,000 Birr (5000 USD) is expected for expenses of all costs related to irregular migration. Surprisingly, sometimes this expense is covered by families selling their properties including land, houses, and domestic animals82. This sometimes causes family quarrels particularly between husband and wife over the financial expense to be covered for their son or daughter supposed to migrate. This story was experienced in Robe town when a family member disagreed to send their son. The father was against the idea of his son’s migration. Conversely, the mother decided to send her son at the cost of her marriage. Finally, the family broke up, properties were divided and the son moved Key informant interview, Head of Bale Labor and Social Affair Office, February 13, 2016, Robe. 82 �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 251 abroad, the expense covered by his mother selling her half of the property obtained from divorce83. The most common financial exploitation is concerning salary payment. Salaries may be totally denied or cut from the normal agreed payment. In addition salaries may not be regularly paid monthly. These all are what informants either personally faced or observed from other Ethiopian migrant workers. For example, an interview with one returnee revealed that she was paid below the agreed salary and sometimes totally unpaid. Financial exploitation mostly leads to other more extreme vulnerability, differently from other abuses, such as forced labor and minor physical assault. Because the very purpose migrants go abroad as laborers is to make money and to pursue better livelihood. It is not only the danger of financial exploitation that migrant workers never tolerate, rather it makes them completely hopeless and results in other extreme vulnerability such as psychological disorder, suicide, or revenge against their employers. Worse, the final payment from an employer is sometimes simply murder. An interviewee84 expressed her witness as one Ethiopian migrant worker was killed by their employers in response to her frequent request for the salary she worked for for years. 3.5.5. Physical Assault Assault ranging from minor injuries to extreme physical assault such as physical paralysis and disabilities85 are among the common risks that victims of irregular migration experience. Such risks to the physical security of migrants mostly occur either because of Key informant interview, Robe town Labor and Social Affair, December 3, 2015, Robe. 84 An interview with returnee, February 18, 2015, Ginir. 85 Key informant interview, Head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office, February 13, 2016, Robe. 83 �252 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede uncomfortable working environment or because of deliberate attack by employers, smugglers and security persons. For example, an interviewee from the Ginir Woreda told to us that he was injured seriously in the leg when his employer intentionally hit him with his automobile86. Luckily, he was able to save his life, escaping from hit by the ruthless measure of his employer. Another interviewee from Robe town87 was a witness of serious physical injuries inflicted on one Ethiopian woman domestic worker; when the migrant worker was at work wearing uncomfortable shoes, accidentally fell down on the floor and her back was totally broken and she found herself in a state of paralysis, unable to move by herself. Worse, their employers were unsympathetic to her suffering, instead cruelly shouting over her that the problem happened because of her own failure, and forcing her to do the usual domestic work. The interviewee further told to us that she saw another woman Ethiopian domestic worker who had been deliberately burned by hot water thrown over her by her em­ployer. Further, an interviewee from among the returnees described the worst story he observed in one smuggling camp in Yemen; “in that torturing house, individuals who lost their eyes, their leg or hand are common to see; torturing through hanging over, through beating, burning out over bodies until the ransom sends to them from migrant families” are the extreme threats to migrants’ personal security from smugglers, the interviewee explained. 3.5.6. Psychological Assault and Mental Disorder Returnees interviewed by us, who visited the temporary prison centers located in some Ethiopia Emphasis of Middle East State, 86 An interview with returnee migrant from Saudi, at Ginnir District on December, 18, 2015. 87 An interview with women returnee from Kuwait, at Robe town, February, 14, 2016. �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 253 confirmed that there was there a crowd of Ethiopian irregular migrants, some of whom were crying, appearing in dire physical condition, in degraded spirits and generally in a state of mental and psychological illness88. These migrants in these temporary prison centers are those arrested by security policies, found in the streets without visa or employment papers. Worse, they are victims of multiple exploitations such as salary denials, sexual abuses, extreme physical and psychological assault and so on. Racial assaults, making them to eat left over foods, denial of contacts with their families and even with other Ethiopian migrants and so on, are direct forms of psychological-threat exploitation against migrant domestic workers. Just “they considered us like a dog” one returnee responded89. Aside from the direct victims, it could not be difficult to guess how such a kind of inhuman cruelty will also create psychological illness indirectly on those who see or hear it. A returnee who was exposed to the sight of a murdered Ethiopian migrant worker by their employers told us as they suffer from it still now90. 3.5.7. Deportation, Xenophobic Attack and Vulnerability to Risks of Political Instability Very recently, massive, grave violations against irregular migrants of Ethiopia is becoming something of a recurrent phenomenon. Especially the Saudi massive deportation measures from November 2013 up to March 2014 followed by domestic political An interview with a female returnee from United Arab Emirates, at Robe Town on; An interview with a female returnee from Qatar at Ginir District on December 18, 2015; an interview with a female returnee from Kuwait at Robe Town on February 20, 2016. 89 An interview with one male returnee from Saudi Arabia, at Robe Town on February 7, 2016. 90 Anonymous interview with a returnee, December 18, 2015, Ginir. 88 �254 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede instabilities resulted in risks in countries like Yemen and Libya of complicated direct injuries on migrants themselves. For example, during the massive deportation from Saudi, a number of Ethiopians were killed or physically abused. In addition, properties accumulated for years were totally lost. Most of our interviews with returnees amongst the 3919 (see the table below) deported migrants from Saudi confirmed that, except for a few properties they held in hand, they lost their properties because of the violent deportation measures91. A similar case was also experienced due to domestic political instability in Yemen. Two recent returnees from Yemen told to us that, although they had returned by the help of the government, almost all their properties accumulated for years, estimated in money up to 5000USD was left there92. A similar story was also told to us by one returnee from Saudi Arabia93. Discrimination based on race and xenophobic-oriented threats are also sometimes experienced by Ethiopian irregular migrants. The Saudi Arabia deportation measure itself has also a tendency to xenophobia against non-nationals and citizens, as we understood from our interviewees. Participants during the violent deportation action were not only official security police, rather the “shabaab” were also good actors in the ruthless physical assault, rape, and robbery against the Ethiopian irregular migrants. For example, as our interviewee explained in his own words “the so called shabaab coming in group they shout against us by saying Anonymous interview with returnees from November 1, 2015 up to March 3, 2016. 92 Key informant interview, Head of Bale Zone Labor and Social affairs, February 13, 2015, Robe. 93 An interview with a returnee form Saudi, February 16, 2016, Robe. 91 �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 255 leave our country, they will kill you in minutes if they caught you”94. Arbitrary arrest and deportation is a frequent measure against Ethiopian irregular migrants. If a migrant is found to be of irregular status in the streets of Middle East States, their immediate fate is just detention, then after that deportation to their home countries95 (see RMMS, 2014a:58). Sometimes irregular migrants also deliberately reveal themselves to security personnel, taking deportation as an advantage to escape from severe exploitation they faced by employers. One returnee96 from United Arab Emirates told to us she retuned back by this mechanism. Table 3. Deported migrants from Saudi Arabia and those who re-migrated (November 2013 and March 2014) Source: adopted from Bale Zone Labour and Social Affairs Offices. No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Districts Agarfa Berbrie Dallo manna DaweQechan DaweSerar Dinsho Gassera Ginir Ginir Town Goba Goba Town Gollocha Goro M 425 86 139 14 2 104 726 360 * 160 26 187 122 F 42 14 20 1 0 43 88 35 * 87 34 19 28 Total 467 100 159 15 2 147 814 395 * 247 60 206 150 re-migrated M F Total 28 1 29 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 29 0 29 0 0 0 * * * 4 1 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 An interview with a returnee, December 11, 2015, Agarfa. An interview with a returnee, December 18, 2015, Ginir. 96 An interview with a female returnee from United Arab Emirates, December 20, 2015, Ginir. 94 95 �256 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Guradamolle Harena Bulluq Lega Hida Mada Walabu Rayitu Robe Town Sawena Sinana total 10 32 52 18 7 224 21 605 3320 1 5 2 8 1 109 2 60 599 11 37 54 26 8 333 23 665 3919 0 0 0 0 0 47 0 0 108 0 0 0 0 0 8 0 0 10 0 0 0 0 0 55 0 0 118 * Not available 3.5.8. Kidnapping for Ransom Such kinds of exploitation cases against irregular migrants commonly occur during transit. Yemen, as the main transit country from the Horn of Africa including Ethiopia, is the place where serious exploitation in the form of kidnapping for ransom is rampant. At Haradh, “the smuggling town” in Yemen, where the majority of Horn African migrants pass through, an extreme exploitation including kidnapping for ransom and torture against migrants is operated on a daily bases (Human Right Watch, 2014). A returnee from Saudi Arabia told us the story of his own kidnapping in Yemen97: A group of gangs detained us while we were on the way to Saudi Arabia; then violently they separated the twelve Ethiopians from the Somali migrants for their believe that we are better than the Somalis for the ransom they needed; for a while, we remained their hostage; fortunately, the forceful retaliation we undertook against the gangs saved us from their torture and related abuses. An interview with a returnee from Saudi Arabia at Agarfa, on December 18, 2015. 97 �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 257 Another returnee from Saudi Arabia also explained the serious repeated trafficking risks he personally faced at different transit points in Somalia and Yemen: we were seven when the journey began; after three day stay in a broker house in Dire Dawa, journey on foot began via Somalia; then the broker intentionally missed from us; we stayed for a week missing the direction where to go; finally we got another broker who transported us to Yemen and transferred us to other brokers, then to the next brokers for each payment rises in double; I personally paid 20,000ETB for three brokers in sum, until my final arrival in Saudi. Ethiopian irregular migrants also face kidnapping exploitation by smugglers in Sudan and Libya. These countries, being the major transit countries for Ethiopian irregular migrants making Europe their final destination, are also the place where ransoms are demanded as a form of financial exploitation and related personal security threats such as torture and grave physical assaults are undertaken against migrants. One interviewee from Robe town explained the kidnapping story of his two closest friends, (one of them in Sudan and the other in Libya) who experienced serious torture until the ransom was sent from their families98. The head of Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office, officers in similar positions from Robe town and Gasera Woreda, told us that they know cases of kidnapping in their respective areas. For example, “a father from Robe town paid 4000 USD, as a ransom for his son”, the head of the Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office, explained. A key informant further told us:99 parents heard the news of their son’s kidnapping; at the moment there was no money in their hand for ransom that immediately deAn interview with families of victim migrants on ,January 27, 2016, Robe. In-depth interview with the head of the Bale Zone Labor and Social Affair Office, January 13, 2015. 98 99 �258 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede manded by smugglers; then the only option was to sell their urban land where their home is built; however, this solution created dispute between the husband and wife, the former being against selling the land; finally the parents sold half of the land and sent the ransom; unfortunately, their son was not alive. 3.5.9. Forced Confinement For Ethiopian domestic workers in the Middle East countries, another aspect of their exploitation is forced confinement and related inhumane treatment basically in two ways100: one is using the sponsorship (kafala)101 system as an instrument of control, including of the personal life of migrant workers such as sanctions on their movement and restriction of contact even with parents at home. The second is prohibiting migrant workers from escape, from fleeing exploitation at the hands of employers. An interviewee102, a returnee from Qatar, explained that: it is only for three months beginning from the employment date that we have the right to change employers or to leave as we like; and employers also treat us properly in these months; but after three months stay, you cannot move from their home until you finish the two years contract, and then after the employment agency also do not take responsibility whatever the employers exploit you. A returnee103 explained her story of confinement: “I was not allowed to go out of the compound; they confiscated my mobile phone; they sometimes allowed me to have contact with my parents only through their telephone, but they closely listen to what An interview with returnee migrant, March 2, 2016, Gasera District; an interview with returnee migrant, February 18, Ginir. 101 The Kafala or the sponsorship system is the only means through which migrant workers will obtain entry visa and residence permit in Middle East Arab countries (See, Naami, 2014). 102 An interview with female returnee, December 18, 2015, Ginir. 103 An interview with returnee migrant, February 16, 2015, Robe. 100 �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 259 I am talking”. Another returnee told us that she knows one Ethiopian woman domestic worker who was not paid her wage properly. When she asked to leave, they replied, ‘you cannot go unless you finish our contract since we have sponsored you to come here’.” Finally she retuned back after giving two years unpaid service. In addition, confiscation of passport, visa and all other documents104 as well as other personal properties like mobile phones, immediately after their arrival, and thereafter inhumanely treating them, are the forms of exploitation related to forced confinement. Conclusion Bale is found to be one of the major areas in Ethiopia where migration in irregular ways is critically prevalent and migrants are encountering the inevitable and increasing risks of exploitation and insecurity. An estimated more than 6456 current migrants in irregular status have been recorded between 2013 and 2014/15. However, as it is known, it is difficult to know the exact number of irregular out-migrants, not simply because of stakeholders’ poor migrant management system, rather inter alia, by virtue of migrants’ irregular status and its volatility. Particular to the Bale Zone, pertinent to the very recent local authorities’ (it has only been since 2013 that local stakeholders began to address the issue) intervention in their attempt to record migrant outflow and yet the weak intervention measure in addressing the issue, implies the possibility of the existence of a much greater number of irregular migrants. Irregular migration is believed to be more prevalent in ten Woredas of the Zone such as Sinana, Agarfa, Gasera, Ginir, Goro, 104 Ibid. �260 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede Delo Mana, Goba, Gololcha, Dinsho, Berbrie and three town administrative areas namely Robe, Ginir and Goba towns. The rest of the areas of the Zone have relatively low records. This disparity is probably linked with the culture of migration. These irregular migrations outflow prone areas have a greater culture of migration influenced by existing potential social network links, in addition to population pressure. The existing profile of irregular migrants indicates that young males are more exposed than their female counterparts. In terms of educational profile, most out-migrants are dominantly grade 10 or secondary school complete, with significant numbers of dropouts at primary school level as well. In sum, irregular migration outflow from Bale is dominated by male youths aged in early 20s who are secondary school graduates. The dynamics of migration outflow cannot be determined because of the anecdotal nature of the available data. However, considering the growing concern among government stakeholders and non-government agents and their involvement in practically addressing the problem, more importantly taking in to account the general public opinion, the extent of irregular migration outflow is seemingly decreasing. Informed by the recent unprecedented human security crises like the massive deportation from Saudi and the worst Mediterranean Sea boat accident, stakeholders are significantly working on anti-irregular migration efforts focusing on awareness creation and job creation, which has its own possible impact in tackling the problem. The shocking incidents against the very personal security of migrants has created a rough understanding on the part of the general public regarding the existing and increasing severe risks of irregular migration. Therefore, without forgetting the prevalence of migration outflows in considerable numbers, irrespective of the risks, the communities’ strong perception towards migration is seemingly improving. �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 261 In Bale, the key modes of migration are through the facilitation of illegal brokers and by individual operators supported by the family, community and social networks. Hence, irregular migrants assisted by illegal brokers, employment agents, and family members mainly from abroad, enter the borders of other countries via the two major migratory routes: the Mediterranean Sea route to Europe and the Gulf of Aden route to the Middle East. From a minimum of 1000USD-3000USD to a maximum of 3500USD-9500USD expenses are required for migration in accordance with the different arrival points. The more financially capable, the more prone to irregular migration since the cost itself is a determinant factor in the migration decision, in addition to other factors. Bale as a Muslim dominant community, religious affiliation to the Middle East Arab countries is suggested as another trend in migration. But this doesn’t seem convincing basically for two reasons; first, the Middle East Arab countries are not the only destinations of irregular migrants from Bale, rather Western European countries are good destinations too. Second, in areas where non-Muslims live in a considerable number, there is an equal participation in irregular migration towards Arab states regardless of religious affiliation. The fundamental causes for the existing prevalence of migration by irregular channels is not more or less outside what are commonly noted as general triggering factors. The socio-economic push-pull factors such as poverty and unemployment or under-employment; labor opportunities with better wages abroad; strong positive perception towards migration or culture of migration; existence of various actors in facilitating irregular migration, like illegal brokers, peer and family pressures, social networks, social medias; and finally administrative failures related with lack of good governance and poor infrastructural deliveries and so on �262 Tizazu Ayalew Teka, Dawit Getu Kebede are all the dynamic root triggering and accelerating factors of the irregular migration outflow from Bale. Some of these factors provoke contesting claims. For instance, with respect to poverty and unemployment as causes of migration, though the strongest claim attests the mounting irregular migration as a key strategy to move out of poverty and joblessness, still claims are there viewing the culture of migration and poor work ethics as primary factors. Whatever the claims, all these core factors are very interrelated contributing causes and one cannot separate a certain factor exclusively from the rest; instead, all are so mutually interrelated that their cumulative impact is causing the current crisis. The more visible negative impacts that irregular migration has continued to bring are threats to the human security of migrants themselves. Extreme personal insecurity directly endangering their survival, livelihood and dignity are the common vulnerability risks irregular migrants face, aggravated by their irregular status. Risks including trafficking exploitation in transit points as well as in destination countries by traffickers, smugglers, employers, security agents in security check-points and so on are inevitable abuses victims always face. To be more specific, what irregular migrants from Ethiopia including from Bale experienced revolving around extreme personal insecurities are death through murder and accidents; sexual abuse including common rape, financial exploitation, forced labor and enslavement; physical and psychological assault; kidnapping for ransom; forced confinement; deportation; xenophobic attack; vulnerability to risks of political instability in hosting or transit states. In fact, these lists are only the key extreme risks, passing over the more tolerable ones. In the broader perspective, there is no doubt that irregular migration continues to bring a threat not only to the security of migrants, but to states’ sovereignty and the international community as well. In general, dealing with the issue from a human �Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration... 263 security perspective gives ample understanding of the intertwined nature of international irregular migration. 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Washington: United States Department of State, July 2015. �KAROL PIASECKI Changes in the anthropological structure of the Sudan Zone population RYSZARD VORBRICH Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws Environmental and political pressures on the Daba of northern Cameroon KATARZYNA MEISSNER Les objectifs non cachées – les objectifs cachées. L’incompatibilité des scénarios sur le champ local de la collaboration de développement KONRAD CZERNICHOWSKI Reasons of the conflict in the Central African Republic (2012-2014) ALI ELMIRGHANI AHMED Ethnic and linguistic diversity in the Sudan MACIEJ ZĄBEK Historical importance of Arab Muslim communities in the Central Sudan Zone PIOTR MALIŃSKI Searching for Nubian Desert Gold with a Metal Detector KATARZYNA GRABSKA, PETER MILLER The South Sudan House in Amarat: South Sudanese enclaves in Khartoum KATARZYNA GRABSKA Jeunes filles armées, femmes violées, porteuses de valises; masculinités militarisées et hommes devenus femmes: les guerres au Sud Soudan TIZAZU AYALEW TEKA, DAWIT GETU KEBEDE Causes and Human Security Threats of Irregular Migration Outflow from Bale, Southeastern Ethiopia ISBN 978-83-8127-003-8 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/72dece2b91138d971f1da2059685f8f7.pdf cb98eca548fc25815fe6b5c386f195d8 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. 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Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Bernardinum Type The nature or genre of the resource książka Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Bilad as-Sudan polityka i kultury �Bilad as-Sudan kultura i polityka �Bilad as-Sudan pod red. Waldemara Cisło, Jarosława Różańskiego i Macieja Ząbka 1. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – kultury i migracje, Warszawa 2013. 2. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – napięcia i konflikty, Pelplin 2014. 3. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – dziedzictwo przeszłości, Pelplin 2015. 4. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – kultura i polityka, Pelplin 2016. �Bilad as-Sudan kultura i polityka Praca pod redakcją Waldemara Cisło, Jarosława Różańskiego, Macieja Ząbka 2016 �Recenzenci: prof. UJ dr hab. Robert Kłosowicz prof. dr hab. Arkadiusz Żukowski Okładka: foto str. 1: J. Różański. foto str. 4: M. Ząbek, Ł. Prus. © Copyright by Jarosław Różański, 2016 Wydawnictwo „Bernardinum” Sp. z o.o. ul. Biskupa Dominika 11, 83-130 Pelplin tel. +48 58 536 17 57, fax +48 58 536 17 26 bernardinum@bernardinum.com.pl1 www.bernardinum.com.pl ISBN 978-83-7823-831-7 Skład, druk i oprawa Drukarnia Wydawnictwa „Bernardinum” Sp. z o.o., Pelplin 1 �SPIS TREŚCI KAROL PIASECKI Związki dawnej ludności subsaharyjskiej ze Śródziemnomorzem i Europą. Wybrane aspekty antropologiczne....................................................................... 7 NINA PAWLAK Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej w świadectwach językowych.................................................. 25 MICHAŁ ZĄBEK Polityka zagraniczna Gambii................................................. 53 KRYSTYNA KAMIŃSKA Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu ówczesnego Sudanu i Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej w ostatniej dekadzie XX wieku z pozycji quasiinsidera.......................................... 113 JOANNA BAR Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej (East African Community, EAC): geneza i przebieg procesu akcesyjnego............................................ 139 KONRAD CZERNICHOWSKI Akcesja Sudanu Południowego do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej (EAC) – potencjalne skutki.............. 169 �WOJCIECH TROJAN Pomiędzy pokojową operacją hybrydową ONZ a Adatem. Metody i dylematy utrzymania pokoju w Afryce na przykładzie Darfuru i Somalilandu.................................. 183 MARIUSZ DRZEWIECKI Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki. Konsekwencje archeologiczne projektów zarządzania wodami Nilu............ 197 �KAROL PIASECKI ZWIĄZKI DAWNEJ LUDNOŚCI SUBSAHARYJSKIEJ ZE ŚRÓDZIEMNOMORZEM I EUROPĄ. Wybrane aspekty antropologiczne Północna Afryka od zawsze stanowiła strefę przejściową pomiędzy tzw. „Czarną Afryką” a „Białą Europą” (rozumianymi oczywiście w sensie odmianowym). Tędy od wieków wędrowały na południe wpływy odmiany białej. To ogólnie znany fakt. Mniej znany jest natomiast problem obecności wpływów czarnej odmiany w Europie w czasach poprzedzających epokę nowożytną. Antropologia historyczna wypracowała już mniej lub bardziej kompletny obraz wpływów antropologicznych idących z południa na północ1, brak natomiast próby całościowego ujęcia afrykańskich Prof. dr hab. Karol Piasecki – Uniwersytet Szczeciński, Wydział Humanistyczny, Katedra Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej. 1 Porównaj I. Michalski, Remarks about the anthropological structure of Egipt, w: Publications of the Joint Arabic-Polish Anthropological Expedition 1958/1958, Warszawa-Poznań-Cairo 1964, s. 201–237; D. Ferembach, Historieraciale de l’Africa du Nord, w: Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Afrika I: Nord- und Mittelafrica, Műnchen-Wien 1975, s. 90–141; D. Ferembach, Historie raciale du Sahara septentrional (au Nord du Tropique du Cancer), w: Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Afrika I: Nord- und Mittelafrica, München-Wien 1975, s. 142–170; K. Piasecki, Christianization and changes in Nubia’s anthropological structure, w: Between the Cataracts, „Polish Archeology in the Mediterranean” �8 Karol Piasecki wpływów antropologicznych w dawnej Europie. Niniejszy artykuł ma za zadanie wypełnić tę lukę. Nie wdając się w historię formowania się współczesnej ludności Wielkiej Odmiany Czarnej, musimy na początek postulować rozszerzenie obszaru naszych rozważań na Przednią i Środkową Azję. Pamiętać bowiem należy, że ludność odmiany czarnej występuje (bądź występowała do czasów nowożytnych) w całym globalnym pasie klimatów gorących2. Dlatego też musimy dodatkowo uwzględnić możliwość migracji przedstawicieli odmiany czarnej do Europy z Azji Zachodniej. Zaciemnia to znacznie obraz, jako że najbliższa droga z północno-wschodniej Afryki do Europy prowadzi przez azjatycki Bliski Wschód i nigdy do końca nie wiadomo, skąd właściwie pochodzą przybysze, czy z Afryki, czy z Azji. Nie należy przy tym traktować Morza Śródziemnego jako nieprzekraczalnej granicy, oddzielającej ludność Afryki i Europy. Pradzieje i współczesność naszego gatunku wyraźnie pokazują, że morze to częściej łączy, niż dzieli ludzi żyjących na jego brzegach. Stąd też na relacje obu wielkich odmian należy patrzeć jak na strefę mieszanej ludności, rozciągającą się od Atlantyku po Indie. Upraszczając problem, możemy go opisywać jako strevol. 2 (2010) fasc. 2, Supplement Series, s. 625–632; K. Piasecki, Struktura antropologiczna dawnej Nubii, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Sudan. Bogactwo kultur i wewnętrzne napięcia, Warszawa 2012, s. 83–94; tenże: Przemiany struktury antropologicznej ludności Sudanu, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan. Dziedzictwo przeszłości, Warszawa 2015, s. 7–30. 2 Brak jej pierwotnie jedynie w Ameryce, choć i tam zdarzała się w czasach przedkolumbijskich infiltracja przedstawicieli czarnej odmiany. Bliższe rozważania dotyczące tego jakże interesującego i kontrowersyjnego problemu pominiemy, odsyłając czytelnika do literatury. Tu poprzestaniemy na stwierdzeniu, że obecność migrantów z Afryki w czasach przedhiszpańskich w wielu regionach Ameryki jest pewna i należycie dowiedziona, choć nigdzie nie zostawiła znacznego, i co ważne, trwałego wkładu w strukturę antropologiczną Amerindian. Na przykład dla Meksyku wykazał ją Andrzej Wierciński (Ananthropologicalstudy on the origin of „Olmecs”, „Światowit” 1972, nr 33, s. 143–174). �Związki dawnej ludności subsaharyjskiej... 9 fę ludności biało-czarnej o zmiennej szerokości, która „wędruje” w czasie z południa na północ i odwrotnie, przy czym niekoniecznie wędrówka ta musi być związana ze zmianami klimatycznymi. Dotychczas obecność ludności odmiany czarnej w pradziejach Europy nie była przedmiotem szerszych badań. Dzisiaj po odejściu współczesnej antropologii od klasycznych metod na rzecz badań genetycznych można wręcz odnieść wrażenie, iż od pewnego czasu archeolodzy nie znajdują już w Europie żadnych szczątków ludzkich wykazujących wpływy odmiany czarnej. Stąd też i literatura dotycząca naszego tematu pochodzi w większości sprzed kilkudziesięciu lat. Wydaje się, że odpowiedzialna za to jest obserwowana współcześnie tendencja do umniejszania znaczenia opisywanych tego typu znalezisk3 lub wręcz negowanie ich związków z odmianą czarną. Dla pełnego zrozumienia korzeni współczesnej struktury antropologicznej Europy analiza tych najstarszych wpływów wydaje się mieć istotne znaczenie, zwłaszcza dziś, gdy większość badań w dziedzinie biologii człowieka koncentruje się na szukaniu powiązań genetycznych. Wpływy ludności odmiany czarnej w dawnej Europie można podzielić na dwie chronologiczne warstwy, z których pierwsza obejmuje w zasadzie jedynie archaiczne elementy4 mające w ro- Za pomocą tzw. nowoczesnych metod ustalenie przynależności odmianowej starożytnych szczątków albo jest bardzo trudne, albo wręcz niemożliwe (zwłaszcza gdy neguje się istnienie odmian w obrębie gatunku Homo sapiens). 4 Przez antropologów rosyjskich (patrz. M. M. Gerasimov, Vosstanovlenie lica po čerepu, Moskva 1955) traktowane jako „niezdyferencjowane”, tj. znajdujące się w tej fazie antropogenezy, w której nie nastąpiło jeszcze całkowite wyróż­ nicowanie się współczesnych odmian rasowych. 3 �10 Karol Piasecki zumieniu PSA5 międzyodmianowy6 charakter. Są one efektem obecności składników negroidalnego (inaczej buszmenoidalnego)7 będącego elementem pośrednim pomiędzy odmianą czarną a żółtą i elementu australoidalnego (pośredni czarno-biały). Wpływy te datują się od górnego paleolitu (epipaleolitu) i trwają w zasadzie8 po neolit. Druga warstwa, choć zdecydowanie łatwiej rozpoznawalna, także uchodzi uwadze badaczy. Obejmuje ona ludność afrykańską, która dotarła do Europy w czasach antycznych jako niewolnicy oraz w wyniku późniejszych migracji. Związane z nimi przemiany europejskiej struktury antropologicznej dotyczyły zwłaszcza Półwyspu Pirenejskiego i północnych obrzeży Morza Śródziemnego. Były one wynikiem ekspansji islamu, zwłaszcza tej realizowanej przez plemiona berberyjskie i napływu kolejnych fal afrykańskich niewolników. W tej warstwie mamy do czynienia z młodszymi, typowymi dla czarnej odmiany składnikami: równikowym i sudańskim. Pomimo rekonkwisty i prześladowań muPSA – Polska Szkoła Antropologiczna (A. Wierciński, Kontrowersje wokół Polskiej Szkoły Antropologicznej, w: Teoria i empiria w Polskiej Szkole Antro­ pologicznej, „Seria Antropologia” 11, Poznań 1985, s. 19–33. Możemy ją w skrócie określić jako zespół metod, teorii i poglądów naukowych wypracowanych przez polskich antropologów, głównie w okresie międzywojennym (do lat 70. XX w.). Jednym z jej oryginalnych metod jest typologia indywidualna, która zakłada istnienie w obrębie trzech Wielkich Odmian współczesnego człowieka, tj. odmiany białej, żółtej i czarnej, odrębnych elementów rasowych. Ponadto pomiędzy odmianami istnieją także elementy międzyodmianowe. Porównaj także: Pia­ secki K., Problem ras w antropologii, w: Antropologia polityki i polityka antro­po­ logii, M. Drozd-Piasecka, A. Posern-Zieliński (red.), Warszawa 2011, s. 155–167. 6 Trzeci międzyodmianowy element w Europie – laponoid, jak można było przypuszczać także ma nawiązania afrykańskie, o czym dalej w tekście. 7 Bliższe opisy tego i innych elementów rasowych, patrz: A. Wierciński, Typologia rasowa, w: T. Bielicki (red.), Mały Słownik Antropologiczny, wyd. 2, Warszawa 1976, s. 471–481. 8 W Europie południowo-wschodniej trwały one znacznie dłużej, ale wtedy już bez wątpienia nie miały związku z Afryką. 5 �Związki dawnej ludności subsaharyjskiej... 11 zułmanów w Hiszpanii, ślady ludności czarnej odmianowo związane z tą drugą warstwą są do dziś zauważalne za Pirenejami. Późniejsza kolonialna i postkolonialna obecność Afrykańczyków w Europie nie jest przedmiotem naszych rozważań. Liczne znaleziska archeologiczne z górnego paleolitu południowej Europy wskazują na obecność ludności negroidalnej. Niejednokrotnie sąsiadują one ze szczątkami paleoeuropidów (kromanionoidów). Stanowiska, na których stwierdzono występowanie odmiany czarnej bądź australoidalnej związane są z dwoma regionami. Pierwszy z nich, związany z negroidem (czyli inaczej buszmenoidem), to południowa Francja, północne Włochy i Półwysep Iberyjski. Jeszcze ponad sto lat temu odkryto na włoskim wybrzeżu w pobliżu Mentony w jednej z jaskiń Grimaldi, zwanej „Grotą Dzieci”, podwójny pochówek pochodzący z górnego paleolitu w warstwie należącej do kultury oryniackiej. Sensacją było to, że jak stwierdził Verneau, obydwa szkielety bez wątpienia reprezentują cechy negroidalne (buszmenoidalne)9. Z tej samej groty pochodzi także znalezisko figurki kobiecej z zaznaczoną steatopygią, tj. silnie otłuszczonymi pośladkami10. Cechy negroidalne ma również czaszka oryniacka z Comb Chapelle w południowej Francji11 oraz inne mniej znane znaleziska z tego terenu. Verneau R., Les Grottes de Grimaldi, t. II. fasc. I, Anthropologie, Monaco 1906, s. 159–200. 10 Jest to adaptacja do sezonowego braku pożywienia występująca wyłącznie u buszmenoida. 11 Michaił Gierasimow uważa, w przeciwieństwie do Hermanna Klaatscha, który znajduje w czaszce z Comb Chapelle cechy australoidalne, że cechy te są pozostałością po neandertalczyku (M. M. Gerasimow, Vosstanovlenie lica po čerepu, Moskva 1955, s. 216–221). Koncepcja Andrzeja Wiercińskiego, iż australoid powstał z nałożenia się form odmiany czarnej na neandertalczyka wykazującego cechy odmiany białej, doskonale godzi te oba poglądy (A. Wierciński, The question of evolutionarytransitionbetween Neandertalsand the recentman, w: Colloque 9 �12 Karol Piasecki Drugi region związany z australoidem12 obejmuje południe Ukrainy i Rosji i północny Kaukaz. Z epipaleolitycznego cmentarzyska Wołoszskoje, położonego 18 km na południe od Dniepropietrowska na Ukrainie13, pochodzą dwie bez wątpienia australoidalne14 czaszki. Bliskie im są pochówki ze stanowiska Markina Gora (Kostenki) nad Donem (obwód woroneski), gdzie także znaleziono pochówek negroidalny pochodzący z późnego paleolitu oraz krymskie znaleziska z Fatma-Koba15 i Murzak-Koba16. Te ostatnie Michaił Gierasimow17 uważa za na tyle archaiczne, aby nie wiązać ich z odmianą czarną, natomiast Debec, Trofimowa i Czeboskarow konsekwentnie uważają je za negroidalne18. International „L’Aurignacien et le Gravettien (Périgordien) dansleurcadreécologique” (supplément), L. Bánesz, J. K. Kozłowski (red.), Kraków 1981, s. 73–84; K. Piasecki, W. Więckowski, Neandertalczycy, „Światowit” nowa seria (2000), t. II, fasc. B, s. 177–185, plansze 38–44. 12 Lub, jak chcą autorzy rosyjscy, z drawidoidem będącym efektem wykrzyżowania się australoida z elementem śródziemnomorskim. 13 Danilenko, który prowadził wykopaliska na tym stanowisku (Danilenko V. N., Vološskijepipaleolitičeskijmogil’nik, „SovetskajaEtnografija” (1955) nr 3, s. 56–61), odnotowuje, że jeden z negroidalnych szkieletów (nr 13) ułożony był na brzuchu, drugi zaś (nr 15) w pozycji skurczonej, bez dłoni i stóp, z ostro zakończoną kościaną tuleją w rejonie miednicy (najprawdopodobniej od strzały). Odbiega to na tyle od naturalnych pochówków, iż można przypuszczać, że najpraw­ dopodobniej obydwa osobniki zostały zabite (T. S. Konduktorova, Antro­ pologijanaselenija Ukrainy mezolita, neolita i epochibronzy, Moskva 1973, s. 11). 14 Debec G. F., Čerepa iż epipaleolitičeskogomogil’nika u s. Vološskogo, „Sovetskaja Etnografija” 1955, nr 3, s. 62–73. 15 Debec g. F., Tardenuaskijkostjak iż navesaFatm’ma-Koba v Krymu, „Antropologičeskij žurnal” 1936, nr 2, s. 43–52. 16 Žirov E. V., Kostjakiiz grota Murzak-Koba, „Sovetskaja Antropologija” 1938, nr 5, s. 179–186. 17 Gerasimow, op. cit., s. 252. 18 Raczej australoidalne. Porównaj G. F. Debec, T. A. Trofimova, N. N. Čebo­ ksarov, Problemy zaselenija Evropy po antropologičeskim danym, w: Proischožde­ niječeloveka i drebneerasseleniečelovečestva, Moskva 1951, s. 425. �Związki dawnej ludności subsaharyjskiej... 13 Australoidzi przetrwali w ukraińskim mezolicie i neolicie. Gochman, choć nie nazywa odnalezionych w seriach z Nadporoża Dnieprzańskiego i cmentarzyska Wasiliewka II (obwód Dniepropietrowski) nietypowych czaszek australoidalnymi, to wskazuje na ich bliskie podobieństwo z seriami pochodzącymi z północnej Afryki19. Jak łatwo zauważyć, wskazywałoby to na dwie drogi przenikania odmiany czarnej do Europy w tym czasie: z jednej strony przez Gibraltar i Cieśninę Sycylijską, z drugiej zaś z Azji Przedniej i Środkowej. Odpowiadałoby to hipotetycznym szlakom zasiedlania Europy przez pierwszych ludzi. W górnym paleolicie Europy, równocześnie z pojawieniem się ludności buszmenoidalnej (negroidalnej), występują dosyć powszechnie przedstawienia kobiet (figurki, rzadziej rysunki naskalne) z wyraźnie zaznaczonymi cechami negroidalnymi: steatopygią i typową dla buszmenoida fryzurą typu „fil-fil”20. Bardzo długo figurki te, określane jako „Wenus” (najbardziej znane z nich to „Wenus z Dolnych Vestonic” i „Wenus z Willendorfu”) traktowano wyłącznie jako symbol płodności, a ich niewątpliwe cechy buszmenoidalne uważane były za stylizację i typową dla symbolizacji hipermorfię. Dyskusja na ten temat toczona jest praktycznie po dziś, choć wystarczy porównać cechy buszmenoidalne szkieletów z jaskini Grimaldi ze znalezioną tam figurką „Wenus”, aby uznać tego typu spory za bezprzedmiotowe. Rzekoma stylizacja figurek podkreślająca steatopygię wynikała stąd, że twórcy I. I. Gochman, Naselenie Ukrainy v epochumezolita i neolita, Moskva 1966, s. 90, s. 182. 20 Typowy dla buszmenoida rodzaj owłosienia głowy. Włosy rosną oddzielnymi kępkami, skręcając się i przypominając kupki pieprzu usypywane na targach afrykańskich do sprzedaży (fil-fil po arabsku „pieprz”). Skóra pomiędzy nimi pozostaje naga. Gen warunkujący ten typ owłosienia reprezentowany u innych form odmiany czarnej jest efektem wchłonięcia buszmenoidalnego substratu. 19 �14 Karol Piasecki rzeźb obserwowali tę cechę na własne oczy. Szerokie występowanie „Wenusek” uzupełniają kamienne figurki typu Lalinde/ Gönnersdorf, silnie zeschematyzowane i wybitnie stylizowane, z zaznaczonymi wydatnymi pośladkami, znalezione także na terenie Polski21. Niewykluczone jest oczywiście, że część przedstawień, zwłaszcza te najbardziej schematycznie wykonane, nie ma nic wspólnego z buszmenoidami i w rzeczywistości związana była z kultem płodności bądź tylko z kultem kobiecego ciała22. Verneau, który zajmował się badaniami antropologicznymi szkieletów z grot Grimaldi, jako pierwszy powiązał je z ludnością negroidalną. Był też gorącym zwolennikiem łączenia figurek z zaznaczoną steatopygią (i longinymphią) z ludnością buszmenoidalną23. Obie wymienione cechy są właściwe dla współczesnych buszmenoidów, a wśród innych populacji afrykańskich pojawiają się wszędzie tam, gdzie istniał wcześniejszy substrat negroidalny. Bardzo rzadkie zaludnienie Europy w paleolicie umożliwiało egzystowanie obok siebie grup ludności białej odmianowo (paleoeuropejskiej, inaczej kromanionoidalnej) i ludności negroidalnej, która – o czym należy pamiętać – zgodnie z Polską Szkołą Antropologiczną zajmuje pozycję międzyodmianową – biało-żółtą i charakteryzuje się jednocześnie cechami obu odmian. Oczywiście nie można także odrzucić możliwości istnienia grup o mieszanej strukturze antropologicznej. Można sądzić też, iż strefa mieszanej ludności biało-czarnej (w sensie odmianowym), zgodnie z cykla21 Porównaj J. Fedorczuk, B. Bratlund, E. Kolstrup, R. Schild, Late Magda­ lenianfeminine flint plaquettes from Poland, „Antiquity” 2007, nr 81, s. 97–105 oraz artykuł Romualda Schilda Paleolityczne figurki kobiet z Wilczyc, nr w „Arche­ ologii Żywej” nr 4 (44) z 2009 roku, s. 8–11. 22 Porównaj Anna i Jan Budrukiewiczowie, Od Lucy do Wenus, „Archeologia Żywa” 2009, nr 44, s. 12–17. 23 Verneau R., La prétendue parenté des négroides européens et des Boschimans, „L’Anthropologie” 1925, nr 3–4, s. 235–291. �Związki dawnej ludności subsaharyjskiej... 15 mi klimatycznymi, przesuwała się to bardziej na północ, to na południe. Ale tu musimy podkreślić, że po ustąpieniu lodowców odmiana czarna nadal pojawiała się w europejskim mezolicie i neolicie. Bez wątpienia Cieśnina Gibraltarska stanowiła jedną z głównych dróg prowadzących z Afryki do Europy i wszelkie rozważania na temat rzekomego braku umiejętności nautycznych naszych przodków nie mają tu nic do rzeczy. Już prawie sto lat temu José Mendes Corrêa dowodził obecności negroidalnych form w mezolicie dolnego biegu Tagu24, co oczywiście wywoływało ostre sprzeciwy „autochtonistów” takich jak Vallois i Breuil. Mendes Corrêa porównywał znaleziska portugalskie z negroidami z Grimaldi i stwierdził ich wybitne podobieństwo. Także petroglify z Lewantu iberyjskiego, bardzo przypominające niektóre rysunki saharyjskie, przedstawiają bez wątpienia negroidów, którzy w epipaleolicie i mezolicie zaludniali północną Afrykę. Ciekawe, że nie zauważył tego negujący obecność negroidów w Iberii Gómez-Tabanera25, który na okładce swej książki o pradziejach Półwyspu Pirenejskiego umieścił przerys petroglifów z hiszpańskiego Lewantu przedstawiających sylwetki ewidentnych buszmenoidów. Jeszcze z neolitu szwajcarskiego Sauter wykazuje obecność szkieletów negroidalnych (buszmenoidalnych) na stanowiskach Barmaz sur Collombey (Monthey, Valais) i Chamblandes (Vaud). Prócz typowych cech negroidalnych czaszek szacowana przy użyciu formuły Manouviera-Pearsona dla jednego ze szkieletów żeń- 24 J. Mendes Corrêa, Nouvelles observations surl’Homo taganus, „Revue Anthropologique” 1919, nr 33, s. 570–579. 25 J. M. Gómez-Tabanera, Ethnogenseis of the spanish peoples, Madrid 1966, s. 6–8. �16 Karol Piasecki skich wysokość ciała wyniosła 140,2 cm, co w pełni odpowiada buszmenoidom26. Trofimowa na podstawie badań materiałów z południowej Turkmenii uważa, że pomiędzy V a III tysiącleciem p.n.e. drugim co do znaczenia składnikiem tamtejszej ludności był typ nazywany przez nią „ekwatorialnym” (inaczej „południowo-indyjski”, „drawidyjski” lub „protoaustraloidalny”). Świadczą o tym niezbicie znaleziska ze stanowisk: Kokcza III (okolice Jeziora Aralskiego)27, Wuadil (południowa Kotlina Fergańska)28, Monżukly-Depe (południowa Turkmenia)29. Według niej drawidoid dotarł tam wcześniej z doliny Indusu, choć nie wyklucza, iż może być on pozostałością starej paleolitycznej strefy ludności czarnej ciągnącej się od Afryki przez Azję Przednią, południe Środkowej Azji i Industan30. Indodrawidyjczycy wg Trofimowej31 przetrwali w dolinie Akcza-darii oraz oazach fragańskiej i bucharskiej do połowy II tys. p.n.e, czyli jeszcze dłużej niż buszmenoidzi na zachodzie Europy. Z Kaukazu i jego północnych podnóży także pochodzą znaleziska wiązane z odmianą czarną, choć część ich datowań jest stosunkowo późna. Michaił Gierasimow dokonał analizy czaszki z Gruzji zrekonstruowanej przez E. W. Żyrowa, a przez niego Sauter M.-R., Sur des caracteres negroides chez des neolithiques du Valais (Suisse), w: IIIe Congrès International des Sciences Anthropologiques & Ethnologiques, Bruxelles1948 (1961), s. 205–206. 27 V. V. Ginzburg, T. A. Trofimova, Paleoantropologija Srednej Azii, Moskva 1972. s. 86–88. 28 Ibidem, s. 79. 29 Ibidem, s. 43–44. 30 Trofimova T. A., Naseleniejužnoj Turkmenii i ego peredneaziatskie i južnoindijskiesvjazi v pervobytnyjuepochu po danym paleoantropologii, VII Mežna­ rodnyjkongressantropologičeskich i etnografičeskich nauk, Moskva 1964, [separatum], s. 6–7. 31 V. V. Ginzburg, T. A. Trofimova, op. cit., s. 88. 26 �Związki dawnej ludności subsaharyjskiej... 17 samego ocenianej jako co najmniej wczesnoneolityczna, a być może nawet wcześniejsza (azylska lub tardenuaska). Czaszka ta bez wątpienia należy do odmiany czarnej, przy czym jej gracylność i wskaźniki czaszkowe wyraźnie wskazują na element negroidalny, a nie australoida. Kaukaz byłby więc najdalej na wschód wysuniętym rejonem występowania buszmenoida32. Północne przedgórza Kaukazu i dolne Naddonie mogły być szlakiem wędrówek form odmiany czarnej na północ. Istnieje wiele poszlak przemawiających za tym, iż w tutejszym substracie antropologicznym do dziś przetrwały wpływy odmiany czarnej33. Z północnego Kaukazu Gorodcov34 wywodzi także kulturę bałanowską (wariant kultury fatjanowskiej), nazwaną tak od Cmentarzyska Bałanowskiego położonego w dolinie środkowej Wołgi (dzisiejsza Czuwaszia). Wśród innych znaleziono tam pięć pochówków, które Gierasimow35 oznaczył jako mieszańców drawidoidalno-europeidalnych (tzw. bałanowski typ B). Wynika z tego, iż w okresie brązu wpływy odmiany czarnej w Eurazji sięgają od Indii na południu po środkową Rosję na północy. Jeśli przyjąć tezę Gorodcowa, to Kaukaz byłby swego rodzaju regionem pogranicznym dla wpływów negroidalnych i drawidoidalnych. Zupełnie odrębnym zagadnieniem jest nowożytna obecność przedstawicieli odmiany czarnej w Gruzji, o której warto wspomnieć, choć wykracza ona poza nakreślone wcześniej ramy czasowe. W kilku miejscach w Adżarii, Abchazji i w rejonie Kutaisi 32 Oczywiście w strefie śródziemnomorskiej, bowiem w niższych szerokościach geograficznych buszmenoidzi sięgają poprzez Andamany do Australii. 33 Gierasimow w cytowanej przez nas rozprawie na mapie na str. 255 rysuje szlak migracyjny typu „drawidoidalnego” idący od stepów Naddonia po dorzecze Oki (drawidoidem nazywa on mieszane formy australoidalno-białe). 34 V. A. Gorodcov, Kultury bronzovojepochiSrednejRossii. OtčetIstoričeskogomuzeja za 1914 g., Moskva 1915. 35 Gierasimov, op. cit., s. 505–513. �18 Karol Piasecki do początków XX w. mieliby przetrwać potomkowie niewolników sprowadzonych tam przed wiekami przez muzułmańskich władców tej krainy. Donoszą o tym liczni podróżnicy, zaś sami adżarscy Murzyni nazywani są tam „Arabami”36. Podobnie potomkowie czarnoskórych niewolników mieli też przetrwać w Abchazji37. Co się stało z nimi po rewolucji, tego nie wiadomo. Prócz elementów antropologicznych należących do odmiany czarnej z Afryki dociera do europejskiego Śródziemnomorza składnik berberoidalny, który uformował się na południowej flance białej odmiany, stąd też swoją charakterystyką zbliża się nieco do form odmiany czarnej. W Afryce Północnej pojawia się on ze wschodu wraz z wczesnymi migracjami datowanymi na okres Przeddynastyczny38 a następnie rozszerza swoje wpływy na południe, docierając także na Wyspy Kanaryjskie. Wraz z kulturą amfor kulistych pojawia się w południowej i zachodniej Europie, gdzie jest względnie liczny. Spotykany jest też w neolicie w środkowej Europie39. Najciekawsze są jednakże jego powiązania z ludnością skrajnie północnej Europy, tj. z Saamami (Lapończykami). Już dawno sugerowano (badania Polskiej Szkoły Antropologicznej) możliwości związków berberyjsko-lapońskich, ale dopiero ostatnie dziesięciolecia wykazały, iż związki takie istnieją i obej- Bradii V. P., NegryBatumskojoblastii i Kutaisskojgubernii, Batumi, 1913. Kovalevskij I. I., Kavkaz. T. I. Narody Kavkaza, Sankt-Peterburg 1914. Chciałbym w tym miejscu podziękować dr Veronice Belyaevoj-Saczuk za udo­ stępnienie materiałów na ten temat. 38 A. Wierciński, Analiza struktury rasowej ludności Egiptu w epoce przeddynastycznej, „Materiały i Prace Antropologiczne” 56 (1963), s. 5–80. 39 Porównaj. Z. Kapica, Różnicowanie się składów antropologicznych ludności Kujaw w czasie od neolitu do współczesności na podstawie materiałów z terenu po­ wiatu włocławskiego, „Przegląd Antropologiczny” 1968, nr 2 (34), s. 325–339. 36 37 �Związki dawnej ludności subsaharyjskiej... 19 mują nie tylko aspekty biologiczne40, ale także językowe41, co w świetle obecności berberoida w mezolicie i neolicie europejskim wydaje się oczywiste. Konkludując, należy stwierdzić, iż dla zrozumienia wszystkich aspektów relacji europejsko-afrykańskich niezbędne jest przyjęcie, iż granicą pomiędzy ludnością obu kontynentów nigdy nie była wyraźna linia ani też wody Morza Śródziemnego, a szeroka strefa mająca mieszaną strukturę antropologiczną. Budując model stosunków antropologicznych na pograniczu odmiany białej i czarnej najlepiej odwołać się do ujęcia gradientowego obrazującego ilościowe relacje pomiędzy tymi dwoma Wielkimi Odmianami w przestrzeni. Z wielu względów jest to utrudnione, bowiem wymaga dysponowania odpowiednim materiałem, tj. seriami antropologicznymi, które można wykorzystać do oceny udziału w nich obu odmian. Stąd też do celów porównań ilościowych użyć możemy jedynie serii pomierzonych zgodnie ze standardem Martina-Sallera z uwzględnieniem cech opisowych istotnych do diagnozy rasowej. Takie serie nie pokrywają ani całego interesującego nas obszaru, ani tym bardziej współczesnej, holoceńskiej historii naszego gatunku. Z konieczności trzeba więc posługiwać się interpolacją, a jest to zabieg niekiedy ryzykowny. Mamy nadzieję, że tego typu analiza zostanie kiedyś przeprowadzona. Tymczasem A. Achilli, C. Regno, V. Battaglia, M. Pala, A. Olivieri, S. Fornarino, C. Magri, R. Scozzari, N. Baburdi, A.S. Santachiara-Benerecetti, H.-J. Bandelt, O. Semino, A. Torroni, Saami and Berbers – An Unexpected Mitochondrial DNA Link, „American Journal of Human Genetic” 76 (2005), s. 883–886. Tytuł artykułu mimowolnie podkreśla brak znajomości klasycznego dorobku antropologii wśród współczesnych badaczy naszego gatunku. 41 A. M. Maloletko, Drevnie narody Sibiri. Etničeskijsostav po danym toponimiki, t. I. Predystoriačeloveka i jazyka. Uralcy, Tomsk 1999, 153–168, s. 213–215. W świetle danych na temat drawidoidów w południowo-wschodniej Europie szczególnie interesujące są uwagi Małoletki na temat wpływów języków dra­ widyjskich w językach saamskich. 40 �20 Karol Piasecki wydaje się, iż nawet tak wyrywkowy materiał paleoantropologiczny, jakim dysponujemy wystarcza, aby mówić o niewątpliwych powiązaniach dawnej ludności Europy z ludnością subsaharyjskiej Afryki. Bibliografia Achilli A., Regno C., Battaglia V., Pala M., Olivieri A., Fornarino S., Magri C., Scozzari R., Baburdi N., Santachiara-Benerecetti A. S., Bandelt H.-J., Semino O., Torroni A., Saami and Berbers – AnUnexpectedMitochondrial DNA Link, „American Journal of Human Genetic” 76 (2005), s. 883–886. Bradii V. P., NegryBatumskojoblastii i Kutaisskojgubernii, Batumi, 1913. Budrukiewicz A., Budrukiewicz J., Od Lucy do Wenus, „Archeologia Żywa” 2009, nr 44, s. 12–17. Danilenko V. N., Vološskijepipaleolitičeskijmogil’nik, „SovetskajaEtnografija” 1955, nr 3, s. 56–61. Debec G. F., Tardenuaskijkostjak iż navesaFatm’ma-Koba v Krymu, „Antropologičeskij žurnal” 1936, nr 2, s. 53–61. Debec G. F., Čerepa iż epipaleolitičeskogomogil’nika u s. Vološskogo, „SovetskajaEtnografija” 1955, nr 3, s. 62–73. Debec G. F., Trofimova T. A., Čeboksarov N. N., Problemy zaselenija Evropy po antropologičeskim danym, w: Proischoždeniečeloveka i drevneepasseleniečelovečestva, Moskva 1951, s. 421–453. Fedorczuk J., Bratlund B., Kolstrup E., Schild R., Late Magdalenian feminine flint plaquettes from Poland, „Antiquity” 2007, nr 81, s. 97–105. FerembachD., Historie raciale de l’Africa du Nord, w: Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Afrika I: Nord- und Mittelafrica, Műnchen-Wien 1975, s. 90–141. Ferembach D., Historie raciale du Sahara septentrional (au Nord du Tropique du Cancer), w: Rassengeschichte der Menschheit. 3 Lieferung. Afrika I: Nord- und Mittelafrica, Műnchen-Wien 1975, s. 142–170. �Związki dawnej ludności subsaharyjskiej... 21 Gerasimow M. M., Vosstanovlenie lica po čerepu, Moskva 1955. Gochman I. I., Naselenie Ukrainy v epochumezolita i neolita, Moskva 1966. Gómez-Tabanera J. M., Ethnogenseis of the spanish peoples, Madrid 1966. Gorodcov V. A., Kultury bronzovojepochiSrednejRossii. OtčetIstoričeskogomuzeja za 1914 g., Moskva 1915. Kapica Z., Różnicowanie się składów antropologicznych ludności Kujaw w okresie od neolitu do współczesności na podstawie materiałów z terenu powiaty włocławskiego, „Przegląd Antropologiczny” 1968, nr 34, z. 2. Konduktorova T. S., Antropologijanaselenija Ukrainy mezolita, neolita i epochibronzy, Moskva 1973. Maloletko A. M., Drevnie narody Sibiri. Etničeskijsostav po danym toponimiki, t. I. Predystoriačeloveka i jazyka. Uralcy, Tomsk 1999. Mendes Corrêa J., Nouvelles observations surl’Homo taganus, „Revue Anthropologique” 1919, nr 33, s. 570–579. Michalski I., Remarks about the anthropological structure of Egipt, w: Publications of the Joint Arabic-Polish Anthropological Expedition 1958/1958, Warszawa-Poznań-Cairo 1964, s. 201–237. Piasecki K., Christianization and changes in Nubia’s anthropological structure, w: Between the Cataracts, „Polish Archeology in the Mediterranean” vol. 2 (2010) fasc. 2, Supplement Series, s. 625–632. Piasecki K., Problem ras w antropologii, w: Antropologia polityki i polityka antropologii, M. Drozd-Piasecka, A. Posern-Zieliński (red.), Warszawa 2011, s. 155–167. Piasecki K., Struktura antropologiczna dawnej Nubii, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Sudan. Bogactwo kultur i wewnętrzne napięcia, Warszawa 2012, s. 83–94. Piasecki K., Przemiany struktury antropologicznej ludności Sudanu, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan. Dziedzictwo przeszłości, Warszawa 2015, s. 7–30. Piasecki K., Więckowski W., Neandertalczycy, „Światowit” nowa seria 2 (2000) fasc. B, s. 177–185, plansze 38–44. Sauter M.-R., Sur des caracteres negroides chez des neolithiques du Valais (Suisse), w: IIIe Congrès International des Sciences Anthropologiques & Ethnologiques, Bruxelles 1948 (1961), s. 205–206. �22 Karol Piasecki Schild R., Paleolityczne figurki kobiet z Wilczyc, „Archeologia Żywa” (2009) nr 44, s. 8–11. Trofimova T. A., Naseleniejužnoj Turkmenii i ego peredneaziatskie i južno-indijskiesvjazi v pervobytnyjuepochu po danym paleoantropologii, VII Mežnarodnyjkongressantropologičeskich i etnografičeskich nauk, Moskva 1964, [separatum]. Trofimova T. A., Paleoantropologia SrednejAzii, Moskva 1972. Verneau R., Les Grottes de Grimaldi, t. II. fasc. I, Anthropologie, Monaco 1906. Verneau R., La prétendue parenté des négroides européens et des Boschimans, „L’Anthropologie” (1925) nr 3–4, s. 235–264. Wierciński A., Analiza struktury rasowej ludności Egiptu w epoce przeddynastycznej, „Materiały i Prace Antropologiczne” 56 (1963), s. 5–80. Wierciński A., An anthropological study on the origin of „Olmecs”, „Światowit” 1972, nr 33, s. 143–174. Wierciński A., Typologia rasowa, w: T. Bielicki (red.), Mały Słownik Antropologiczny, wyd. 2, Warszawa 1976, s. 471–481. Wierciński A., Kontrowersje wokół Polskiej Szkoły Antropologicznej, w: Teoria i empiria w Polskiej Szkole Antropologicznej, „Seria Antropologia” 11, Poznań 1985, s. 19–33. Žirov E. V., Kostjakiiz grota Murzak-Koba, „SovetskajaAntropologija” 1938, nr 5, s. 179–186. �Związki dawnej ludności subsaharyjskiej... 23 Związki dawnej ludności subsaharyjskiej ze Śródziemnomorzem i Europą. Wybrane aspekty antropologiczne Streszczenie Artykuł dotyczy wpływów odmiany czarnej wśród ludności dawnej Europy. Od górnego paleolitu, aż po epokę brązu spotykamy w południowej Europie pochówki osobników odmiany czarnej. Na zachodzie są to buszmenoidzi, a na wschodzie australoidzi (drawidoidzi). Wykazano także powiązania genetyczne Saamów i Berberów oraz powiązania języków saamskich z językami czadyjskimi. Wstępna analiza pokazuje powszechność i długotrwałość antropologicznych powiązań subsaharyjskiej Afryki i Europy. Słowa kluczowe: Europa, Afryka, struktura antropologiczna, pradzieje, negroid (buszmenoid), australoid. The connections of ancient subsaharan peoples with Mediterranean and Europe. Selected anthropological aspects Summary Above paperconcerns presence of Black Variety among the population of the former Europe. From upper paleolithic till bronze age and on south Europe territory we still can find individual graves of Black Variety. The negroids (buszmenoids) on the West and australoid (drawidoid) on the East. Genetic connections between Saami and Berbers and linguistic connections between saamis and tchads languageswere also pointed. The preliminary analysis shows the generality and long-lasting relations between sub-Saharan Africa and Europe. Key words: Europe, Africa, anthropological structure, prehistory, negroid (bushmenoid), australoid ��NINA PAWLAK WSPÓLNY OBSZAR KULTUROWY AFRYKI ZACHODNIEJ W ŚWIADECTWACH JĘZYKOWYCH Wstęp Termin Afryka Zachodnia funkcjonuje zarówno w przekazie popularnym, jak i w literaturze specjalistycznej w dość podobnym znaczeniu, choć jest to nazwa umowna określająca tereny położone w Afryce na północ od Zatoki Gwinejskiej i na południe od Sahary. Odnosi się ona do uproszczonego podziału kontynentu według kryteriów geograficzno-politycznych i jej granice są wyznaczone granicami państw, które są do tej strefy wliczane (nie zawsze jednolicie)1. Zachodnia Afryka, identyfikowana na podstawie kryteriów tylko geograficznych, obejmuje obszary zachodniego Sahelu2, a także częściowo tereny lasów równikowych. HiProf. dr hab. Nina Pawlak – Uniwersytet Warszawski, Katedra Języków i Kultur Afryki; główny obszar zainteresowań: języki Afryki, w tym przede wszystkim język hausa. W Afryce Zachodniej położone są następujące kraje: Benin, Burkina Faso, Gambia, Ghana, Gwinea, Gwinea Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauretania, Niger, Nigeria, Republika Zielonego Przylądka, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo i Wybrzeże Kości Słoniowej. Niektóre mapy ujmują ponadto Wyspy Świętego Tomasza i Książęcą. 2 Sahel jest regionem geograficznym wyróżnianym na podstawie wspólnych cech klimatu (z podziałem roku na długą porę suchą i krótką deszczową, 1 �26 Nina Pawlak storycy odwołują się często do obszaru wyróżnianego jako Sudan Zachodni, w którym znajduje odzwierciedlenie wspólnota doświadczeń politycznych i cywilizacyjnych społeczeństw zamieszkujących te tereny3. Przeniesienie konceptu Sudanu Zachodniego na współczesną mapę polityczną, z czym także mamy do czynienia (zwłaszcza w literaturze popularnej), nie uwzględnia faktu, że granice Sudanu Zachodniego w zasadzie nie sięgały krańców kontynentu i miało to ogromne znaczenie dla charakteru zachodzących w nim procesów oraz przekształceń społeczno-politycznych. Wyodrębnianie w Afryce rejonów kulturowych nie ma bezpośredniego przeniesienia na Afrykę Zachodnią; podobnie jak w podziałach językowo-kulturowych należy ona do większego obszaru nazywanego Afryką Subsaharyjską. Wchodzące w jej skład rejony kulturowe wyróżniane w obrębie Afryki Zachodniej uwzględniają przede wszystkim uwarunkowania geograficzno-przyrodnicze, które miały wpływ na wykształcanie się odrębności kulturowych i cywilizacyjnych. Odrębnym obszarem jest więc Sahara, ponadto w strefie identyfikowanej jako Afryka Zachodnia wyróżnia się sawannę zachodnioafrykańską, Wybrzeże Zatoki Gwinejskiej i Sudan Środkowy4. W tych podziałach czynnikiem decydującym o granicach obszaru kulturowego są warunki naturalne, przesądzające o kulturze materialnej, sposobie ubierania się mieszkańców, spożywanych potrawach czy nawet popularnej rozrywce. Współcześnie czynnik ten odgrywa coraz mniejszą rolę, jako że truskawki, sałata czy ziemniaki także w Afryce pokonały już bariery stref klimatycznych, ograniczających ich występowaroślinnością półpustynną i stepową, przechodzącą w sawannę) i rodzajem gospodarki (głównie pasterstwem). 3 M. Tymowski, Sudan Zachodni w XVII–XVIII w., w: M. Tymowski (red.), Historia Afryki. Do początku XIX w., Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków 1996, s. 841–844. 4 Z. Komorowski, Kultury Czarnej Afryki, Wrocław 1994, s. 15. �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 27 nie, a kultura popularna opiera się na tych samych podstawach techniki audio-wizualnej, co gdzie indziej na świecie, tym niemniej można mówić o różnicy stylu życia ludzi zamieszkujących strefy sawanny suchej i lasów tropikalnych i mogą one dotyczyć nawet mieszkańców jednego kraju5. Ten niejednolity pod względem kryteriów i zmieniający się w czasie schemat podziałów wewnątrz Afryki Zachodniej jest jeszcze dodatkowo naznaczony mozaiką etniczną, w której wyróż­niają się społeczności ważne dla przebiegu procesów historycznych całego obszaru. Największy wpływ na kulturowo-cywilizacyjny obraz strefy Sudanu miały społeczności arabsko-muzułmańskie, które w stuleciach poprzedzających kolonizację przyczyniły się do stworzenia systemów politycznych opartych na prawie muzułmańskim6 i powstania regionu o wspólnej kulturze. Kulturowy obraz Afryki Zachodniej ukształtował się jednak głównie poprzez wzajemne relacje społeczności afrykańskich, które odegrały istotną rolę w procesie ekspansji religii muzułmańskiej i misji cywilizacyjnej islamu w tym rejonie Afryki. Wśród takich społeczności wyróżniają się Fulanie7, Wolof, Hausa, Kanuri. Można w pewnym uproszczeniu stwierdzić, że był to przekaz arabskich treści religijnych i kulturowych za pośrednictwem kultur afrykańskich. Ta strategia ekspansji i utrwalania islamu uczyniła z Afryki Zachodniej ogromny teren konwergencji językowo-kulturowej, w której przenikały się wpływy arabskie i regionalizmy kultur dominujących na obszarze. 5 Zob. J. Pawlik, Konflikt Północy z Południem Togo – pozory czy rzeczywistość, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan, napięcia i konflikty, Pelplin 2014, s. 71–90. 6 Zob. M. Ząbek, Historyczna rola społeczności arabsko-muzułmańskich w strefie Centralnego Sudanu, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan - kultury i migracje, Warszawa 2013, s. 7–27. 7 Por. J. Różański, Fulbe w strefie Sudanu, Migracje, władza i pieniądze, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – kultury i migracje, Warszawa 2013, s. 47–64. �28 Nina Pawlak Na wytyczanie granic Afryki Zachodniej istotny wpływ miała ekspansja kolonialna, która z jednej strony przyczyniła się do utrwalenia podziałów według stref wpływów, z drugiej zaś była czynnikiem unifikującym. Europejskie mocarstwa kolonialne (Francja, Wielka Brytania) zorganizowały na podległych obszarach instytucje polityczne, administrację i sądownictwo, które miały swoje korzenie w systemach europejskich. Te procesy dotyczyły całej Afryki. W Afryce Zachodniej od okresu kolonialnego i ustanowienia granic niepodległych państw afrykańskich wyróżniają się przede wszystkim tereny byłych kolonii francuskich, które jeszcze w okresie kolonialnym (1904–1958) były wspólnym obszarem Francuskiej Afryki Zachodniej. System formalnych związków Francji z kontynentem afrykańskim funkcjonuje nadal w ramach Wspólnoty Francuskiej, co sprzyja procesom unifikacyjnym o charakterze politycznym i społecznym. Mimo wielu podziałów, Afryka zachodnia posiada wiele wspólnych cech, które pozwalają na uznanie go za wspólny obszar kulturowy. Artykuł jest próbą pokazania wspólnoty kulturowej w Afryce Zachodniej, której odzwierciedleniem jest słownictwo rozpoznawane jako wspólne dziedzictwo doświadczeń historycznych tego obszaru. Przejawy tej wspólnoty są możliwe do śledzenia w językach, których zasięg obejmuje znaczne obszary i w dużej części pokrywa się. Takim językiem jest między innymi hausa, stanowiący ważne ogniwo w procesie transmisji treści religijnych i kontaktów międzyetnicznych, a także języki europejskie, w tym głównie język francuski, absorbujący terminologię kulturową i zwyczaje komunikacyjne właściwe kulturom afrykańskim. Podstaw do śledzenia wspólnoty kulturowo-językowej Afryki Zachodniej dostarcza jednak przede wszystkim język arabski, będący źródłem wielu zapożyczeń przejętych do języków afrykańskich, a za ich pośrednictwem także do języków europejskich. �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 29 Społeczno-polityczne uwarunkowania zjawisk językowych w Afryce Zachodniej Świadectwa językowe poświadczające integrację obszaru Afryki Zachodniej w wymiarze kulturowym wykształciły się w różnych epokach historycznych i mają zróżnicowany profil socjolingwistyczny. Dotyczą one języków rodzimych Afryki Zachodniej, których funkcja komunikacyjna wykracza poza wspólnotę etniczną, ale także tych, które przeniknęły na ten obszar z zewnątrz. Szczególne miejsce zajmuje w tym regionie arabski, który w Afryce na południe od Sahary rozprzestrzeniał się od czasu inwazji islamu8, ale którego ekspansja odbywała się niejako w jego cieniu. O ile w północnej części Afryki podboje religijne szły w parze z podbojami językowymi, o tyle w tzw. Afryce Czarnej sytuacja przedstawiała się inaczej. Główną rolę w procesie islamizacji odegrał tam nie arabski, lecz inne języki, takie jak mandingo, fulfulde, songhai, hausa, kanuri. Arabski na obszarze używania tych języków nie pełnił funkcji języka kontaktowego (lingua franca), był przede wszystkim używany przez uczonych muzułmańskich i tylko w niektórych miejscach osiągnął status języka komunikacji międzyetnicznej, wykształcając dialektalną formę arabskiego znaną pod nazwą hassani, której używa się między jeziorem Czad i Nilem9. Jako język macierzysty używany jest w Sudanie i Czadzie. Jest także rodzimym dla społeczności Szuwa w Nigerii północno-wschodniej. Ponieważ religia muzułmańska przenikała do społeczności afrykańskich głównie poprzez lokalne instytucje władzy i lokalne 8 Po opanowaniu przez Arabów północnego wybrzeża Afryki, w wieku VIII rozpoczęła się ekspansja w kierunku południowym. Islamizacja większości terenów Sudanu Zachodniego postępowała od wieku XIV. 9 B. Heine, Status and Use of African Lingua Francas, München 1970, s. 101. �30 Nina Pawlak języki, najwięcej zapożyczeń arabskich pochodzi z języka religii. Badania słownictwa arabskiego w językach Afryki Zachodniej10 pokazują, że stosunkowo niewiele jest zapożyczeń pochodzących bezpośrednio z klasycznego arabskiego. Może to potwierdzać fakt, że proces przejmowania słownictwa kulturowego (w tym terminologii religijnej) odbywał się za pośrednictwem wielkich języków Afryki Zachodniej (wolof, hausa, songhai, kanuri). Odnotowuje się w nich znacznie więcej form będących adaptacją arabskich pierwowzorów11. Historia Afryki Zachodniej wyróżnia się na tle całego kontynentu dynamiką procesów społecznych i tworzeniem się organizmów politycznych, w których dominującą rolę odgrywały niektóre grupy etniczne. W konsekwencji także ich język poszerzał zakres funkcji komunikacyjnej. Czynnik polityczny miał wpływ na rģozwój takich języków jak malinké, bambara, dyula, wolof, songhai, które były używane w średniowiecznych państwach Sudanu Zachodniego (Mali12, Songhai13); kanuri będącego językiem państwa Kanem-Bornu14; hausa używanego w sułtanacie Sokoto15. W tym kontekście wyjątkowa jest pozycja języka hausa, który był głównym czynnikiem budowania tożsamości etnicznej społeczności Hausa na obszarach nazywanych dzisiaj Hausalandem. Tak S. Baldi, Dictionnaire des emprunts arabes dans les langues de l’Afrique de l’Ouest et en swahili, Paris 2008. 11 S. Baldi, Arabic Loans in Bidiya, „Studi Magrebini” (Nuova Serie) 2004, t. 2, s. 85. 12 Imperium Mali funkcjonujące w okresie od XIII do XVII wieku w środkowym biegu rzeki Niger jest uznawane za strukturę polityczną stworzoną przez lud Mande. 13 Średniowieczne państwo Afryki Zachodniej istniejące od VII do XVI w. 14 Od VIII w. nad jez. Czad istniało państwo Kanem (od XV w. jako Bornu) o silnej władzy centralnej. Jego rozkwit przypadł na XIII w., natomiast największą potęgę osiągnęło w XVI w. za panowania Idrisa III Alauma (1571–1603). 15 Islamski kalifat założony przez Usmana Dan Fodio jako wynik świętej wojny prowadzonej przez Fulanów na początku XIX w. 10 �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 31 określa się tereny dawnych miast-państw Hausa (Kano, Katsina, Daura, Biram, Gobir, Zaria i Rano) w północno-zachodniej części dzisiejszej Nigerii, które powstały w VIII–X w. Jako odrębne organizmy polityczne funkcjonowały one do XIX w. Podbite przez Usmana Dan Fodio weszły w skład sułtanatu Sokoto, istniejącego do dziś. Wart odnotowania jest fakt, że w imperium stworzonym przez Fulanów językiem powszechnej komunikacji był hausa, a nie fulfulde. Obok powodów politycznych na wzrost znaczenia tego języka w kontaktach międzyetnicznych miały wpływ także inne czynniki. Hausańczycy w Afryce Zachodniej mieli opinię dobrych handlarzy i gorliwych muzułmanów, stąd ich język był chętnie przyswajany jako lingua franca, a przejmowane za pośrednictwem hausa zapożyczenia z języka arabskiego przenosiły się łatwo do innych języków. Śledzenie w języku hausa zapożyczeń arabskich, których liczba sięga 40% zasobu leksykalnego, mówią o skali penetracji kulturowej, jaka dokonała się po umocnieniu się islamu w Afryce Zachodniej i roli, jaką odegrał język hausa w procesie integracji obszaru poddanego islamizacji. Jeśli chodzi o języki europejskie, w Afryce Zachodniej największe znaczenie mają dwa: francuski i angielski. Od języków obcych i narzuconych stały się one językami afrykańskimi, zostały zaakceptowane przez Afrykanów i włączone do systemu komunikacji wielojęzycznej. Jednocześnie języki te stały się czynnikiem integrującym obszary byłych kolonii i Afryki Zachodniej jako szerzej zarysowanego obszaru kulturowego. Wyjątkową pozycję zajmuje język francuski, któremu w polityce kolonialnej przypisano misję cywilizacyjną. „La France d’outre Mer”, jak nazywano tereny w Afryce, była objęta polityką językową prowadzącą do skonsolidowania posiadłości zamorskich z terytorium europejskim i asymilacji ludności. Dla języków afrykańskich nie było w tym systemie miejsca. Dziś wiadomo, że w tej polityce musiał się dokonać wyłom, którego skutkiem było doce- �32 Nina Pawlak nienie roli języków afrykańskich w programach ukierunkowanych na rozwój tych krajów16 i w szkolnictwie17. Wysoka ranga języka francuskiego i wzrost znaczenia języków afrykańskich w życiu publicznym krajów frankofońskich znalazły odzwierciedlenie w przekształceniach strukturalnych francuskiego używanego w Afryce Zachodniej18. Na obszarach angielskojęzycznych języki afrykańskie miały bardziej sprzyjające warunki do rozwoju. Wsparcie administracji kolonialnej uzyskały zwłaszcza języki szerszej komunikacji. Także angielski po okresie kolonialnym umocnił się jako język oficjalny w takich państwach jak Liberia, Ghana, Gambia, Sierra Leone, Nigeria, Kamerun19. Warto jednak zauważyć, że język angielski Afryki Zachodniej ma swoją specyfikę, która sprawia, że jest rozpoznawany na mapie „Englishes of the World” zarówno na poziomie fonetycznym, jak i strukturalnym. W każdym z krajów, w których ma on status języka oficjalnego, wykształciły się narodowe odmiany, które włączają do normy językowej zapożyczenia z języków lokalnych, nadają nowe znaczenie terminom języka angielskiego lub tworzą nowe, nieznane w języku angielskim z Wysp Brytyjskich pojęcia. Dobrze ugruntowane i poparte licznymi dowodami teorie językowe mówiące o tym, że języki są źródłem informacji o kulturze20 służą także ilustracji postawionej tu tezy, że w Afryce Za16 H. B. C. Capo, Langues africaines pour le developpement durable et la culture de la paix en Afrique, w: K.K. Lébikaza (red.), Actes du 3e Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Africaine, Lomé 2000, Köln 2003, s. 377–385. 17 M. M. Garba, Les langues nationales au chevet de l’école nigérienne: craintes et espérance, w: Kézié K. Lébikaza (red.), Actes du 3e Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Africaine, Lomé 2000, Köln 200,3 s. 397–408. 18 B. S. Chumbow, A.S. Bobda, French in West Africa: a sociolinguistic perspective, „International Journal of the Sociology of Language” 2000, nr 141, s. 39–60. 19 Obok angielskiego status języka oficjalnego ma w Kamerunie także francuski. 20 Por. J. Bartmiński, Językowe podstawy obrazu świata, Lublin 2006. �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 33 chodniej mamy do czynienia z nowym etapem w procesie integracji obszaru jako wspólnoty kulturowej. Na jej charakter ma wpływ fakt, że to w Afryce Zachodniej spotyka się świat cywilizacji arabskiej i świat Zachodu, a rodzime tradycje kulturowe nadają im wymiar lokalny, który staje się elementem wspólnej tożsamości. Słownictwo kulturowe Afryki Zachodniej Świadectwa językowe potwierdzające wspólnotę kulturową Afryki Zachodniej dotyczą głównie leksyki pochodzenia arabskiego. Ze względu na stan badań nad językami Afryki Zachodniej i funkcjonującymi w nich zapożyczeniami arabskimi dobrym źródłem do analizy kontekstu kulturowego tych zapożyczeń jest język hausa. Jeśli chodzi o języki europejskie, przemiany strukturalne dokonujące się pod wpływem substratu afrykańskiego odnoszą się zarówno do francuskiego, jak i angielskiego. W niniejszym opracowaniu przedstawione będą jedynie ich wybrane przykłady potwierdzające procesy unifikacji kulturowej całego obszaru Afryki Zachodniej. Arabska leksyka i frazeologia religijna w językach Afryki Zachodniej Zapożyczenia arabskie są obecne w wielu językach Afryki Zachodniej. Wyrazy lub całe frazy arabskie poddane są najczęściej procesowi adaptacji fonetycznej do języka docelowego, niekiedy zmieniają się cechy gramatyczne wyrazów, a znaczenie różni się od znaczenia oryginału arabskiego, ale są one rozpoznawane poprzez wspólny kod religijno-kulturowy. Jako wyrazy i frazeologizmy pochodzenia religijnego używane są w języku świeckim i występują w podobnych sytuacjach życia codziennego. �34 Nina Pawlak Przykładem jest popularna fraza inshallah [in šā᾿a allāh] ‫ إن شاء هللا‬dosł. ‘jeśli Allah pozwoli’, która w arabskim jest używana z odniesieniem do przyszłych działań. Wskazuje na możliwość spełnienia planów tylko za zgodą Allaha. Jest przykładem adaptacji arabskiego oryginału do języków Afryki Zachodniej w zasadzie z tym samym znaczeniem, chociaż w warstwie fonetycznej (i w konsekwencji w zapisie) występują nieznaczne modyfikacje21: hausa: in shā àllāhù kanuri: ínshállâw songhai: ìnsállà inšaalla, inšaalla wolof: insàllaa, sàllaaw, sàllaaw Inna fraza wa-llāh ‘na Allaha’, ‘dla Allaha’, która w arabskim jest strukturą morfologicznie podzielną, w językach afrykańskich stała się wyrazem niezmiennym, mającym status partykuły modalnej służącej podkreśleniu, wzmocnieniu wypowiedzi albo zapewnieniu jej prawdziwości (‘tak jest’, ‘to jest prawda’): hausa: wallāhi! songhai: wallaahi! allaahi! wolof: wallaay dangaleat: wállày Formuła powitalna (w arabskim oryginale as-salāmu ʿalaikum – ‘pokój niech będzie z wami’) jest powszechnie używana w świecie muzułmańskim Afryki Zachodniej, choć można odnotować Jeśli nie zaznaczono inaczej, przykłady zapożyczeń arabskich w językach afrykańskich są cytowane za: S. Baldi, Dictionnaire des emprunts arabes dans les langues de l’Afrique de l’Ouest et en swahili, Paris 2008. Przykłady podane są zgodnie z zapisem źródłowym, który przewiduje notowanie długich samogłosek za pomocą kreski poziomej nad samogłoską i tonu (stosuje się odpowiednio znak ̀ dla tonu niskiego i znak ́ dla tonu wysokiego). 21 �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 35 pewne modyfikacje, które włączają zakodowane w niej elementy gramatyczne (-wa-, -kum) do formacji niezmiennej: hausa: sàlāmā̀ àlaikùn! kanuri: salámalékum! songhai: salaamuwaleykum! wassalaamaleykum! wolof: salam alekum!; wasalaam! Fraza ta funkcjonuje łącznie z odpowiedzią o tym samym znaczeniu, która w poszczególnych językach jest następująca: hausa: àlaikà sàlāmù (jeśli odpowiada się jednej osobie) àlaikùn sàlāmù (jeśli jest więcej osób) maninka: àlekunsalam songhai: aleykummsalam! aleykumwassalam! waleykummasalam! Współcześnie w świecie muzułmańskim coraz większy zasięg zyskuje krótkie pozdrowienie wywodzące się z arabskiego słowa salām ‘pokój’, w kanuri ma ono postać salâm, w ngizim sàalâm, w songhai salam. Słowo to jest używane zwłaszcza przez młodych, zastępując inne formy pozdrowień. Powstała z tym wyrazem arabska fraza wa-salām (dosł. dla pokoju) jest używana w listach jako zakończenie (hausa wasàlam) i jest grzeczną formułą o znaczeniu ‘to wszystko, to tyle’ poprzedzającą podpis autora listu. Niektóre formuły zapożyczone z arabskiego są w znacznym stopniu fonetycznie przekształcone, a kontekst ich użycia może też się różnić w poszczególnych językach, np. arabski zwrot marḥaban ‘witajcie!’ (etymologicznie z konotacją religijną mającą odniesienie do ‘miłość Pana’) w wielu językach funkcjonuje jako odpowiedź na powitanie, ale według niektórych źródeł22 tyl22 S. Baldi, Dictionnaire…, op. cit., s. 208. �36 Nina Pawlak ko mężczyźni mogą go używać. Przykłady pochodzą z mandinka, bambara, bobo (języka mande z Burkina Faso): mandinka: màrhabaa bambara: màràhàba bɔbɔ: mbāà, màràhàbà W czadyjskim języku mofu-gudur márə́ba jest wyrażeniem życzenia pomyślności, a w songhai ahabaa, będące prawdopodobną kontynuacją frazy arabskiej, jest używane w charakterze pytania ‘co słychać?’. Niektóre popularne frazy języka arabskiego nie mają dobrego zakorzenienia w językach Afryki Zachodniej lub funkcjonują w kontekstach odmiennych od źródłowego. Dotyczy to na przykład arabskiego šukr ‘dziękować’, które jest zastępowane rodzimymi odpowiednikami tego znaczenia. Zapożyczenia arabskie upowszechniły się na terenach zislamizowanych Afryki Zachodniej, ale są one obecne także poza nimi, sięgają południowych krańców geograficznie zarysowanego obszaru, gdzie islam nie jest religią dominującą. Są na przykład obecne w dagbani, języku grupy gur rodziny nigero-kongijskiej z Ghany, także w joruba, używanym na południu Nigerii, a ich głównym źródłem był język hausa23. Śledzenie tych zapożyczeń jest utrudnione ze względu na przekształcenia, jakie się dokonały w ogniwie pośrednim tej transmisji. Na przykład w dagbani alzini ‘duch’ (arabski jinn) przeniknął z hausa àljan ‘dżin’, co także oznacza, że hausa jako pas transmisyjny zapożyczeń arabskich sięgał wpływami dalej niż islam. Do rozprzestrzenienia się języka hausa w Afryce Zachodniej przyczyniły się trasy karawanowe, 23 S. Baldi, On Arabic Loans in Yoruba, w: D. Ibriszimow, R. Leger, U. Seibert (red.), Von Ägypten zum Tschadsee. Eine linguistische Reise durch Afrika, Würzburg 2001, s. 46; S. Baldi, Dagbani basic and cultural vocabulary, Napoli 2005. �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 37 które funkcjonowały na południu Nigerii i miały swoje odgałęzienia dalej w Ghanie, Togo, Burkina Faso. Zapożyczenia arabskie w Afryce Zachodniej są świadectwem historycznych wydarzeń i kontaktów międzyetnicznych. Różnorodność form wynika z różnych dróg przenikania leksyki arabskiej do języków afrykańskich, a rozprzestrzenienie niektórych terminów przekracza granice wpływów religijnych i kontaktów bezpośrednich z Arabami. Arabski wyraz ‘āfiya / al‘āfiya) o podstawowym znaczeniu ‘zdrowie’, utrwalił się w wielu językach Afryki Zachodniej w licznych wariantach fonetycznych i funkcjonuje nie tylko jako rzeczownik ‘zdrowie’, ale ma także wiele znaczeń derywowanych, jest też m.in. używany w pozdrowieniach. W hausa ma formę lafiya [lāfiyā̀], w językach Ghany alafiya lub alafiye24, w wolof aafiya ‘pokój’25, w bidiya ᾿aapiyè.26 Inne modyfikacje dotyczą form występujących w językach Togo, Beninu, Burkina Faso. Powitania oparte na formule lafiya odpowiadają frazie ‘Jak się miewasz? Co słychać?’, a odpowiedź (pozytywna) brzmi też zwykle Lafiya. Wspólne słownictwo języków Afryki Zachodniej pochodzi nie tylko z arabskiego i nie tylko hausa był czynnikiem jego rozprzestrzenienia. Ogniwem pośrednim w przenikaniu zapożyczeń były także inne wielkie języki, takie jak mandingo, kanuri, wolof oraz tuareski, który wzbogacił wiele języków afrykańskich słownictwem dotyczącym m.in. sztuki wojennej czy społecznych relacji. Przy24 M. Adam, Hausa influence in Ghanaian languages, w: G. C. Batic, S. Baldi (red.), Selected Proceedings of the Symposium on West African Languages, University of Naples „L’Orientale”, 27–28 March 2014, „Studi Africanistici”, Serie CiadoSudanese 7, Napoli 2015, s. 299. 25 S. Baldi, On Arabic Loans in Wolof: Addenda, „Studi Magrebini” (Nuova Serie) 2003, t. 1, s. 18. 26 S. Baldi, Arabic Loans in Bidiya, „Studi Magrebini” (Nuova Serie) 2004, t. 2, s. 72. �38 Nina Pawlak kładem jest wyraz talaka, którym określa się biedaka w joruba, gdzie wyraz ten jest zapożyczeniem z hausa. Z kolei w hausa jest to zapożyczenie tuareskie, mające odniesienie do źródłowego taleqque, które oznacza ‘biedną kobietę’27. Zapożyczenia wywodzące się z arabskiego i ważniejszych języków wehikularnych Afryki Zachodniej tworzą szeroki obszar konwergencji, która jest wspólnotą splecioną łańcuchem przekształceń fonetycznych, podobieństwami znaczenia i funkcji komunikacyjnej. Współczesny kanon frazeologiczny języka hausa o pochodzeniu religijnym Hausa ugruntował swą pozycję języka kontaktów międzyetnicznych w Afryce Zachodniej głównie poprzez handel i aktywność religijną. Działalność edukacyjną w szkołach koranicznych prowadzą do dziś hausańscy nauczyciele nie tylko na terenach ojczystych, ale także w całej Afryce Zachodniej. Ten kulturowy profil znajduje odzwierciedlenie w języku. Wyraz malam (z arabskiego mu’alim ‘nauczyciel’) stał się w hausa grzeczną formą adresu (‘Pan’), w innych językach (m.in. w joruba) jest on synonimem Hausańczyka28. Wiele wyrazów i fraz, które pojawiły się w języku po zakorzenieniu się na terenach Hausa islamu29 ma konotację religijną. Nadążając za zmianami kulturowymi język wzbogacał się o terminologię dotyczącą prawa muzułmańskiego, instytucji i rytuałów religijnych. Frazeologizmy religijne przeniknęły także do komunikacji codziennej. Oznaką religijności stało się stosowanie oryginalnych fraz arabskich, które z czasem stały się elemenS. Baldi, On Arabic Loans…, op. cit. W joruba imale jest określeniem muzułmanina (S. Baldi, On Arabic Loans…, op. cit.). 29 Początki islamu na ziemiach Hausa sięgają XIV w., a sprowadzenie wiary przypisuje się misjonarzom z imperium Mali. 27 28 �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 39 tami struktury języka. Zarówno komunikacja o charakterze rytualnym (pozdrowienia, życzenia, kondolencje), jak i zwykła konwersacja są w hausa nasycone frazami zawierającymi odwołanie do Allaha. Cechą frazeologii religijnej pochodzenia arabskiego w języku hausa jest stosowanie niektórych fraz w dwóch wersjach językowych. Oryginalny arabski zwrot al-ḥamdu lillāh ‘chwalmy Allaha’, ‘dzięki Allahowi’, który służy do wyrażania zadowolenia, satysfakcji, pozytywnej oceny sytuacji, może być także wyrażony w języku rodzimym. Na przykład po zakończeniu posiłku można powiedzieć Alhamdu lillahi lub Mun gode wa Allah ‘dzięki Allahowi; dziękujmy Allahowi’. W odpowiedzi na pytanie dotyczące konkretnej sprawy mogą być użyte obie wersje, na przykład pytając rolnika o tegoroczne plony, można otrzymać następującą odpowiedź: Daminar bana kam alhamdu lillahi. Mun gode wa Allah. ‘tegoroczna pora deszczowa alhamdu lillahi. Dziękujmy Allahowi’ Frazeologizmy arabskie tłumaczone na język lokalny występują nie tylko w hausa. Także inne języki mają swoje rodzime odpowiedniki, na przykład wa-llāh ‘na Allaha’ w oryginalnej wersji jest partykułą modalną (por. wyżej), w wersji tłumaczonej (don Allah w hausa, Ala kama w bambara30) ma swoje odrębne znaczenie i kontekst użycia charakterystyczny dla każdego z tych języków. Wykształcanie się afrykańskich odpowiedników oryginalnych fraz arabskich jest wspólną cechą języków reprezentujących kultury muzułmańskie. Frazy te są nie tylko tłumaczeniami oryginałów arabskich, ale także strukturami reprezentującymi modele konceptualizacji pojęć wspólne wielu kulturom Afryki Zachodniej. Odpowiednikiem wyrażenia ‘Szczęśliwej podróży’ jest więc Allah ya sa ka sauka lafiya w hausa i Ala ka se ni i ɲuman ye w bambara. 30 D. Konaré, Je parle bien bamanan, Bamako 1998, s. 120. �40 Nina Pawlak Skonwencjonalizowane formuły o proweniencji religijnej używane są w różnych sytuacjach i na różne okoliczności. Na wiadomość o narodzinach dziecka właściwą reakcją jest Allah ya raya ‘niech Allah da jej/mu długie życie’. Z kolei informacji o czyjejś śmierci towarzyszy zwykle zwrot Allah ya ji ƙanta, ya yi mata rahama ‘niech łaska Allaha spłynie na jej duszę’. Dobre informacje są przekazywane z dodatkową frazą mun gode wa Allah ‘dziękujemy Allahowi’. ‘Do widzenia’ ma wiele odpowiedników zawierających dobre życzenia, wsparte prośbą do Allaha o ich spełnienie, m.in. Allah ya kai mu ‘niech Allah nas prowadzi’, Allah ya bar mu tare ‘niech Allah nas nie rozdziela’, Alla ya ba mu lafiya ‘niech Allah da nam zdrowie’. Podziękowanie – oprócz samego wyrażenia ‘dziękuję’ na gode – ma zwykle dodatkową formułę Allah ya saka da alheri ‘niech Allah (to) wynagrodzi’. W niektórych wyrażeniach zaszły daleko idące przeobrażenia semantyczne i funkcjonalne w stosunku do arabskich pierwowzorów pochodzenia religijnego. Wyraz hausa bismilla jest pochodzenia arabskiego i można go bezpośrednio powiązać z frazą Bismillahi-rrahmani-rrahim ‘w imię Allaha miłościwego i łaskawego’, która rozpoczyna ważne wydarzenia lub modlitwę, ale sam wyraz bismilla odpowiada znaczeniowo ‘proszę’ i oznacza zaproszenie do rozpoczęcia posiłku, do rozpoczęcia pracy, jest zachętą do wejścia do pomieszczenia. Wypowiedziany ze wskazaniem miejsca jest zaproszeniem do siadania, a z jednoczesnym podaniem napoju zachętą do jego wypicia. Jest więc słowem podtrzymującym grzeczne rytuały komunikacyjne, a jego formuła uległa daleko idącej sekularyzacji. Podobny proces można odnieść do użycia Madalla, który etymologią sięga oryginału arabskiego o znaczeniu ‘dzięki niech będą Allahowi’31. We współczesnym języku hausa jest to fraza wyraża31 R. C. Abraham, Dictionary of the Hausa language, London 1962, s. 629. �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 41 jąca znaczenie ‘Wspaniale!’, ‘Dzięki!’, która jest często używana jako forma aprobaty dla rozmówcy. W połączeniu z partykułą to ‘(więc) dobrze’ czyli To, madalla funkcjonuje jako strategia konwersacyjna pozwalająca na zmianę tematu rozmowy lub na jej zakończenie. Desakralizacja formuł religijnych jest w języku hausa procesem zaawansowanym, który sprawia, że niektóre wyrażenia pochodzenia religijnego stały się zwrotami języka świeckiego i utraciły cechy zwrotów religijnych. Przykładem jest fraza don Allah ‘na Allaha’, która wyraża znaczenie prośby wypowiedzianej z ponagleniem lub niecierpliwością. Taki sens wyrażenia don Allah wykształcił się stosunkowo niedawno i nie można go w żaden sposób wiązać z dyskursem religijnym. W tekście współczesnej powieści Idan So Cuta Ne… (Gdy miłość jest chorobą…)32 wyrażenie to występuje zarówno w dialogach, jak i w relacjach odnoszących się do minionych zdarzeń, np.: Don Allah Salisu kada ka gaya wa kowa abin da ya faru tsakanina da Farida (s. 65). ‘Proszę cię, (dosł. na Allaha) Salisu, nie mów nikomu, co się wydarzyło między mną i Faridą’. Ta nuna masa gidansu ta ce don Allah ya zo (s. 73). ‘Pokazała mu swój dom i nalegała, żeby ją odwiedził (dosł. powiedziała na Allaha, żeby przyszedł’. Formuły o pochodzeniu religijnym, w tym zwłaszcza frazy zawierające odwołanie do Allaha, używane są często w charakterze wykrzykników lub zwrotów wyrażających emocje. Na przykład Allah Sarki! (dosł. ‘Allah jest Władcą/Panem!’) służy do wyrażenia zachwytu ‘Jak pięknie!’ Wayyo Allah! Ka yi mana agaji! ‘O rety! 32 Y. M. Adamu, Idan So Cuta Ne, Kano 1989. �42 Nina Pawlak (Na Boga!) Pomóżcie!’ jest wzmocnieniem prośby o pomoc. We wspomnianej wyżej powieści fraza Allah Sarki służy manifestowaniu uczuć: Allah Sarki Farida, yanzu duk oyayyar da muka yi ta zama mafarki ke nan? (Allah Pan) Farido! Czy ta nasza wielka miłość jest snem? Frazy pochodzenia religijnego są używane powszechnie w tekstach mówionych i pisanych bez konotacji religijnej. We współczesnych powieściach o miłości występują one bardzo często w dialogach z dużym ładunkiem emocjonalności. Pochodzący ze wspomnianej powieści list miłosny jest podpisany Matarka Insha Allahu ‘Twoja przyszła żona’, co dosłownie jest frazą ‘Twoja żona, jak Allah pozwoli’. Podobnie jak w przypadku don Allah i bismilla, formuła religijna jest tu użyta w charakterze środka systemowego do wyrażania znaczenia, a nie jako fraza o funkcji religijnej. Poszerzanie uwarunkowanego kulturowo kontekstu użycia niektórych frazeologizmów religijnych można obserwować na przestrzeni kilku dekad. Formuła powitalna assalamu alaikum w podręcznikach do nauki języka hausa z lat osiemdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku jest wymieniana jako zastrzeżona dla mężczyzn33, a doświadczenia komunikacji językowej z tego okresu potwierdzają te ograniczenia. Formuły tej nie używali też obcokrajowcy. Dziś norma językowa jest bardziej liberalna i salamu alaikum można usłyszeć już nie tylko od muzułmanów, co w dużym stopniu przyczynia się do upowszechnienia tej formy powitania. Procesowi zeświecczenia formuł religijnych w hausa towarzyszy inne, w swej istocie przeciwne zjawisko. Polega ono na używaniu formuł religijnych nie tylko w tekstach religijnych czy au33 J. R. Cowan, R. G. Schuh, Spoken Hausa, 1976, s. 27. �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 43 torskich blogach internetowych, ale także w publikacjach oficjalnych, w tym w tekstach naukowych. W szczególności dotyczy to formuły, którą tradycja muzułmańska nakazuje umieścić po wymienieniu imienia Allaha. W wersji arabskiej jest to formuła subhanahu wa ta᾿ala ‘najbardziej czczony, najwyższy’, występująca często pod postacią skrótu (S.W.T.) W podobny sposób sformalizowane jest użycie w tekście imienia proroka Muhammada (także wymienienie jakiegokolwiek jego epitetu, takiego jak na przykład ‘wysłannik Allaha’). Oryginalna arabska formuła sallahu alayhi wa sallam ‘niech Allah go błogosławi i zapewni mu pokój’, która może mieć postać skrótu (saws, w hausa S.A.W.) jest często zastępowana odpowiednikiem w rodzimej wersji językowej tsira da amincin Allah su tabbata gare shi. Ponieważ teksty specjalistyczne w hausa zawierają często wstęp przywołujący stwierdzenia z Koranu, takie formuły są także w nich obecne. Formuł tych, podobnie jak innych arabskich fraz skonwencjonalizowanych, używa się w funkcji symbolicznej, zaznaczającej religijność nadawcy tekstu, jego więź z islamem i szerzej z kulturą muzułmańską. Kulturowy profil języka hausa jest rozpoznawany poprzez symbolikę religijną. W ten sposób podtrzymuje on tradycje muzułmańskie w Afryce Zachodniej i służy umocnieniu związków świata muzułmańskiego na tym obszarze. Kulturowo uwarunkowane przekształcenia języków europejskich w Afryce Zachodniej Języki europejskie w Afryce Zachodniej mają własne odmiany miejscowe, np. Nigerian English, francais populaire d’Abidjan. Zmiany językowe wynikające z potrzeby przystosowania tych języków do afrykańskich kontekstów kulturowych i ich wymogów komunikacyjnych polegają jednak nie tylko na wykształcaniu się regionalizmów, niektóre z tych przekształceń odzwierciedlają kulturowe cechy wspólne całemu obszarowi. Można wyróżnić �44 Nina Pawlak dwie tendencje w rozwoju języków europejskich w Afryce (w Afryce Zachodniej z odniesieniem do angielskiego i francuskiego): pierwsza dotyczy wzbogacania normy standardowej słownictwem kulturowym obszaru, druga wiąże się z wykształcaniem odmian uproszczonych (tzw. języków pidżynowych), których podstawą jest język europejski. Wszystkie nowo powstałe odmiany włączają zapożyczenia z języków lokalnych, wśród których ogromną część stanowi słownictwo kulturowe i skonwencjonalizowane frazy funkcjonujące w komunikacji o charakterze rytualnym (pozdrowienia, powitania, frazy okolicznościowe, zwroty religijne itp.). W ten sposób języki europejskie stają się jeszcze jednym ogniwem procesu integracji wspólnoty kulturowej Afryki Za­ chodniej. Mimo starań o czystość i strukturalną poprawność francuskiego w Afryce, słowniki narodowych odmian tego języka opracowane w ramach serii Le Français en Afrique34 wskazują na jego przekształcenia pod wpływem języków lokalnych. Analiza porównawcza czterech słowników języka francuskiego: Czadu, Gabonu, Burkina Faso i Wybrzeża Kości Słoniowej35 pozwoliła wyróżnić kilka grup tematycznych, w których ta wspólnota zaznacza się najwyraźniej. Do takich sfer należy administracja i szkolnictwo, religia, lokalne potrawy, relacje rodzinne, rozrywka oraz stroje i inne elementy wyglądu. Słownictwo kulturowe Afryki Zachod34 Le Français en Afrique – La Revue du Réseau des Observatoires du Français Contemporain en Afrique – seria czasopism zainicjowana w 1979 roku, poświęcona sytuacji języka francuskiego w krajach afrykańskich. Poszczególne numery zawierają analizę wariantów języka francuskiego w Afryce w kontekście kontaktów tego języka z językami lokalnymi oraz słowniki wyrazów zapożyczonych lub zaadaptowanych do języka francuskiego używanego w Afryce (http://www. unice.fr/bcl/ofcaf/). 35 E. Zaręba, Słownictwo języka francuskiego w Afryce Zachodniej jako przejaw wspólnego obszaru kulturowego, praca magisterska, Wydział Orientalistyczny UW, Warszawa 2009. �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 45 niej, inkorporowane do leksykonu francuskiego, jest w części wspólne dla całego obszaru Afryki Zachodniej, w części zaś pochodzi z języków o zasięgu lokalnym. Terminy Al Hadj (w różnych wariantach fonetycznych także jako Al Hadji, Alhadji, a w wersji odnoszącej się do kobiet jako El-hadja, Hadja)36, qadi (lub gadi)37 oraz griot38 są identyfikowane także poza Afryką, ale ich kulturowy kontekst dotyczy Afryki Zachodniej, natomiast określenie kilich (lub kilichi), które jest nazwą suszonego na słońcu mięsa, przeniknęło tylko do francuskiego używanego w Czadzie (jako zapożyczenie z hausa). Mniej rozpoznawalne są przekształcenia polegające na zmianie znaczenia wyrazów francuskich. Niektóre terminy oddające znaczenie konkretnego pojęcia w języku francuskim stanowią tylko „uogólnienie i przybliżenie tych zagadnień do wyobrażeń europejskich”39. Żeby poprawnie odczytać ich treść, należy odnieść je do afrykańskiego kontekstu kulturowego. Missionaire we wszystkich słownikach interpretowany jest jako „ksiądz katolicki europejskiego pochodzenia”. École des Blancs czy école français oznacza szkołę typu europejskiego, tworzoną jako przeciwieństwo szkół koranicznych. Podobnie termin pain ‘chleb’ jest identyfikowany poprzez składniki, z którego jest przygotowany (pain de banane, pain de manioc, pain d’odika), a nie jako chleb typu europejskiego. Także foufou ma wiele znaczeń odpowiednio do rodzaju potrawy, popularnej w danym regionie – na Wybrzeżu Kości Słoniowej jest to kasza lub kulki z manioku, w Ghanie – purée z bananów. Nazwy lokalne, które stają się wyrazami języka francuskiego dotyczą także afrykańskich struktur społeczno-politycznych. Przykładem Tytuł noszony przez muzułmanów, którzy odbyli pielgrzymkę do Mekki. Stosuje się go przed nazwiskiem. 37 Sędzia sądu muzułmańskiego. 38 Wędrowny muzyk, wykonawca utworów pochodzących z tradycji ustnej. 39 E. Zaręba, op. cit., s. 43. 36 �46 Nina Pawlak jest tradycyjny władca fulański lamido i podległe mu terytorium lamidat, których nazwy w wersji oryginalnej są notowane w słownikach francuskiego z Afryki Zachodniej. Komunikacja ustna w języku francuskim w Afryce Zachodniej odbywa się zwykle z użyciem skonwencjonalizowanych formuł wywodzących się z języków lokalnych. Wyróżniają się różnego rodzaju formuły powitalne i pozdrowienia, które są pochodzenia arabskiego alhamdoulillahi, Bisimillaï, inch’Allah, assalam alekoum! (warto odnotować, że w ich zapisie stosowana jest ortografia francuska). Także wyraz lafiya używany jest w charakterze kulturowego słowa-klucza (jako alafia w Czadzie, lapia w Wybrzeżu Kości Słoniowej). Charakterystyczne jest, że terminologią języka francuskiego, mającą swoje korzenie w religijnych frazach arabskich, posługują się nie tylko muzułmanie, ale także chrześcijanie. Jeśli chodzi o język angielski Afryki Zachodniej, wykazuje on większe zróżnicowanie niż francuski. Najbardziej rozpoznawalna jest nigeryjska odmiana języka angielskiego, którą uznaje się za odrębny dialekt angielskiego (tzw. Nigerian Standard English). Jej osobliwości notowane są na wszystkich poziomach systemowych. Przykładem takich odrębności o charakterze leksykalnym jest wyraz mineral, który odnosi się do napojów typu soft drinks. Na nigeryjski angielski wskazuje academician lub intellectual, który oznacza wykładowcę na uniwersytecie oraz trouble w znaczeniu problemu do rozwiązania. Specyficznym określeniem jest been-to odnoszące się do osoby powracającej z Europy po dłuższym pobycie40. Terminem o konotacjach kulturowych jest senior-wife, czyli pierwsza żona. Wspólnotę językową całego obszaru angielskojęzycznego umacniają przede wszystkim pidżynowe odmiany języka angielskiego, w tym zwłaszcza West African Pidgin i jego regionalna odmiana 40 A. E. Odumuh, Nigerian English, Zaria 1987, s. 69f. �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 47 Nigerian Pidgin English. Wykazują one wiele podobieństw strukturalnych, znaczna część słownictwa wywodząca się z angielskiego jest wspólna (np. broda ‘brat, przyjaciel’), podobnie jak terminy nowo powstałe (chop ‘jeść’, ‘jedzenie’). Oprócz pojedynczych wyrazów charakterystyczne dla tego języka są formacje złożone takie jak door-mouth ‘wejście’ (ang. ‘threshold’) czy to be with ‘mieć’ czyli dosłownie ‘być z’, które odwołują się do sposobów konceptualizacji pojęć w językach afrykańskich. Pidgin English przekracza granice dzielące Afrykę na francusko- i angielskojęzyczną, ponieważ jest on zrozumiały na obu tych obszarach, co potwierdza jego regionalna odmiana weskos używana w Kamerunie. Pidgin English integruje też słownictwo z różnych rejonów Afryki Zachodniej, zwłaszcza słownictwo bardziej popularne w językach kontaktowych obszaru. Wyraz wahala etymologicznie sięga arabskiego oryginału wahla, który oznacza ‘zastraszanie’, ‘terror’, ale za pośrednictwem hausa przeszedł do wielu języków Nigerii m.in. joruba, gdzie funkcjonuje w znaczeniu ‘kłopot, trudność’ i z takim znaczeniem został przejęty do Pidgin English41. Podsumowanie Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej definiowany poprzez świadectwa językowe nie pokrywa się z żadnym z wcześniej wyróżnianych regionów geograficzno-przyrodniczych czy politycznych, a jednocześnie łączy je i tworzy continuum cech kulturowych. Obszar ten nie obejmuje Afryki Północnej, dla której Sahara jest naturalną barierą niesprzyjającą jej integracji z południem. 41 S. Baldi On Arabic Loans in Yoruba, op. cit. �48 Nina Pawlak Wspólnota kulturowa w Afryce Zachodniej jest wynikiem doświadczeń historycznych tego obszaru. Jej przejawy najbardziej odzwierciedla słownictwo i frazeologizmy arabskie, które przedostały się do Afryki Zachodniej wraz z umacnianiem się na tych terenach islamu. Praktyka komunikacyjna znacznie poszerzyła ten obszar i frazy arabskie używane są bez konotacji religijnej także poza terenami zislamizowanymi. W ich rozprzestrzenieniu istotną rolę odegrały społeczności afrykańskie, w tym zwłaszcza kupcy Hausa. Współcześnie także języki europejskie uczestniczą w procesie integracji kulturowej Afryki Zachodniej, absorbując terminologię kulturową i zwyczaje komunikacyjne właściwe kulturom afrykańskim. Pojęcie wspólnoty kulturowej Afryki Zachodniej nie oznacza kulturowej unifikacji tego obszaru. Wspólnota identyfikowana na płaszczyźnie językowej przejawia się zespołem reguł komunikacji, które są zrozumiałe dla wszystkich i akceptowane w zachowaniach międzyludzkich. Oznacza to, że wybór między How yu bodi dey?42 a Assalamu alaikum w charakterze formuły powitalnej wynika z różnic strategii konwersacyjnych, a nie barier komunikacyjnych. Bibliografia Abraham R. C., Dictionary of the Hausa language, London 1962. Adam M., Hausa influence in Ghanaian languages, w: Batic G.C & S. Baldi (red.) Selected Proceedings of the Symposium on West African Languages, University of Naples „L’Orientale”, 27–28 March 2014, „Studi Africanistici”, Serie Ciado-Sudanese 7, Napoli 2015, 297–307. ‘Dzień dobry, jak się masz? W Pidgin English por. O. Frąckiewicz, We sabi am. Kurs Nigerian Pidgin English, KJiKA, Warszawa 2015. 42 �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 49 Adamu Y. M., Idan So Cuta Ne…, Kano 1989. Baldi S., Dagbani basic and cultural vocabulary, Napoli 2005. Bartmiński J., Językowe podstawy obrazu świata, Lublin 2006. Chumbow B. S., Bobda A. S., French in West Africa: a sociolinguistic perspective, „International Journal of the Sociology of Language” 2000, ne 141, s. 39–60. Baldi S., On Arabic Loans in Yoruba, w: D. Ibriszimow, R. Leger, U. Seibert (red.), Von Ägypten zum Tschadsee. Eine linguistische Reise durch Afrika, Würzburg 2001, s. 45–65. Baldi S., On Arabic Loans in Wolof: Addenda, „Studi Magrebini” (Nuova Serie) 2003, nr 1, s. 1–22. Baldi S., Arabic Loans in Bidiya, „Studi Magrebini” (Nuova Serie) 2004, nr 2, s. 71–87. Baldi S., Dictionnaire des emprunts arabes dans les langues de l’Afrique de l’Ouest et en swahili, Paris 2008. Capo H.B.C., Langues africaines pour le developpement durable et la culture de la paix en Afrique, w: K.K. Lébikaza (red.), Actes du 3e Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Africaine, Lomé 2000, Köln 2003, s. 377–385. Cowan J. R., Schuh R.G., Spoken Hausa, Ithaca, New York 1976. Frąckiewicz O., We sabi am. Kurs Nigerian Pidgin English, Warszawa 2015. Garba M. M., Les langues nationales au chevet de l’école nigérienne: craintes et espérance, w: K. K. Lébikaza (red.), Actes du 3e Congrès Mondial de Linguistique Africaine, Lomé 2000, Köln 2003, s. 397–408. Heine B., Status and Use of African Lingua Francas, München 1970. Komorowski Z., Kultury Czarnej Afryki, Wrocław 1994. Konaré D., Je parle bien bamanan, Bamako 1998. Odumuh A. E., Nigerian English, Zaria 1987. Pawlik J., Konflikt Północy z Południem Togo – pozory czy rzeczywistość, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan, napięcia i konflikty, Pelplin 2014, s. 71–90. Różański J., Fulbe w strefie Sudanu, Migracje, władza i pieniądze, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – kultury i migracje, Warszawa 2013, s. 47–64. �50 Nina Pawlak Tymowski M., Sudan Zachodni w XVII–XVIII w., w: M. Tymowski (red.), Historia Afryki. Do początku XIX w., Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków 1996, s. 841–844. Ząbek M., Historyczna rola społeczności arabsko-muzułmańskich w strefie Centralnego Sudanu, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – kultury i migracje, Warszawa 2013, s. 7–27. Zaręba E., Słownictwo języka francuskiego w Afryce Zachodniej jako przejaw wspólnego obszaru kulturowego, praca magisterska, Wydział Orientalistyczny UW, Warszawa 2009. Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej w świadectwach językowych Streszczenie Artykuł dotyczy danych językowych, które są wyrazem wspólnoty kulturowej w Afryce Zachodniej. Świadectwa językowe zaświadczające wspólnotę dziedzictwa kulturowego odnoszą się głównie do słów i frazeologizmów pochodzenia arabskiego o konotacji religijnej. W językach Afryki Zachodniej są one stosowane w komunikacji codziennej nie tylko przez muzułmanów. Zróżnicowanie strukturalne zapożyczeń arabskich i proces ich adaptacji do języków Afryki Zachodniej jest zilustrowany przykładami z języka hausa. Proces integracji kulturowej na obszarze Afryki Zachodniej został także zanalizowany na podstawie języków europejskich w Afryce: francuskiego i angielskiego. Afrykańskie terminy kulturowe, które zostały włączone do leksyki tych języków przyczyniły się do wykształcenia ich regionalnych wariantów w Afryce Zachodniej. Tworzenie się nowych struktur językowych, które szybko zdobywają użytkowników w całej Afryce Zachodniej ilustruje West African Pidgin English. Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej, jaki wyłania się na podstawie danych językowych, przekracza granice regionów historycznych i tworzy continuum kulturowe w obrębie całego obszaru. �Wspólny obszar kulturowy Afryki Zachodniej... 51 Słowa kluczowe: Afryka Zachodnia, obszar kulturowy, słownictwo kulturowe, zapożyczenia arabskie, hausa. The common cultural area of West Africa through linguistic evidence Summary The paper presents language data that are manifestations of the common cultural area in West Africa. Linguistic evidence for a common cultural heritage consists mostly of Arabic words and phrases that have religious connotation. In West African languages, they function in everyday communication and their use is not limited to Muslim societies. Structural variation of the Arabic loan words and the process of their adaptation into West African languages is exemplified by the data from the Hausa language. The process of cultural integration within West Africa is also analyzed on the basis of European languages in Africa: French and English. It is shown that cultural terms or African origin have become incorporated into the lexicon and, as a consequence, have contributed to the development of regional varieties of these languages in West Africa. A manifestation of a newly created language structure that is spreading throughout the area is West African Pidgin English. What is postulated as the common cultural area of West Africa crosses the borders of historical regions and forms a cultural continuum within the whole area. Key words: West Africa, cultural area, cultural vocabulary, Arabic loans, Hausa. ��MICHAŁ ZĄBEK POLITYKA ZAGRANICZNA GAMBII Temat polityki zagranicznej małych państw jest na świecie poruszany wyjątkowo rzadko i to zarówno w sferze medialnej, jak i naukowej. Sytuacja geopolityczna i geoekonomiczna jest determinowana przede wszystkim poprzez działania mocarstw i państw dużych, szczególnie o strategicznym położeniu, takich jak Turcja czy Niemcy, często osiągających pozycję regionalnych liderów i zworników polityki światowej, od których głosu i poparcia zależą działania wielu mniejszych państw, a światowe mocarstwa nie mogą ignorować kroków tych krajów na arenie międzynarodowej. Rzeczywistość ta skazuje średnie, ale przede wszystkim małe państwa na rolę przedmiotów, a nie podmiotów polityki światowej. W przypadku państw o niskim poziomie rozwoju znajdujących się poza gruntownie opisanym światem Zachodu, badania nad ich zachowaniem w sferze międzynarodowej są wyjątkowo skromne. Temat jest zaniedbany przez badaczy stosunków międzynarodowych, co daje szerokie pole do studiów nad tą problematyką. Taki stan rzeczy każe zadać pytanie, jak wygląda sytuacja międzynarodowa wielu takich krajów jak Gambia. Problematyka ta szczególnie zainteresowała mnie podczas podróży do zachodnioafrykańskiej Gambii latem 2013 roku. Jest Michał Ząbek – SGH Warszawa. �54 Michał Ząbek to najmniejsze państwo Afryki na stałym lądzie, otoczone z trzech stron przez dziesięciokrotnie większy Senegal, który oprócz Atlantyku jest jej jedynym sąsiadem. Gambia należy do najsłabiej rozwiniętych krajów na planecie i z praktycznego punktu widzenia nie ma podstaw do istnienia w światowej polityce. Było to podnoszone już w okresie kolonizacji brytyjskiej, która w Gambii trwała ponad trzysta lat i po uzyskaniu przez państwo niepodległości w 1965 roku. Z drugiej jednak strony kraj ten należy do najstabilniejszych w całej Afryce. Uniknął wyniszczających konfliktów wewnętrznych, a co ciekawe, na drodze politycznych negocjacji uchronił swoją niezależność wobec znacznie większego Senegalu, zachowując z tym państwem bardzo dobre stosunki. Zainspirowało mnie to do podjęcia tematu polityki zagranicznej Gambii w okresie prezydentury Yahye Jammeha. Punktem wyjścia stały się następujące założenia: 1. Gambia w okresie rządów Yahye Jammeha poszukiwała i poszukuje metod oderwania się od polityki swej dawnej metropolii, tj. Wielkiej Brytanii; 2. Stabilność i integralność terytorialna Gambii zależy od sytuacji geopolitycznej w regionie Afryki Zachodniej, a szczególnie od relacji z sąsiednim Senegalem, co jest powodem prowadzenia polityki „przyjaźni” wobec państw subregionu Afryki Zachodniej; 3. Prezydent Yahya Jammeh popiera i promuje politykę dużej niezależności państw afrykańskich od światowych mocarstw na forum organizacji regionalnych; 4. Yahya Jammeh prowadzi politykę zacieśniania więzi z tzw. „nowymi potęgami” oraz państwami kontestującymi obecny porządek międzynarodowy; 5. Osobowość dyktatora i jego osobiste przekonania w silny sposób determinują podejmowane kroki w polityce zagranicznej. �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 55 Podczas analizy wymienionych tez podjąłem badania nad tekstami źródłowymi, do których zaliczają się liczne artykuły prasowe dostępne przede wszystkim w Intrenecie. Korzystałem zarówno z prasy gambijskiej, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem oficjalnej gazety rządowej „Daily Observer”, jak i mediów o zasięgu międzynarodowym takich jak BBC czy „The New African”. Ważnym źródłem informacji były nieliczne zamieszczone dokumenty i umowy międzynarodowe dostępne na stronach kancelarii prezydenta, gambijskiego MSZ oraz na stronach organizacji międzynarodowych takich jak Unia Afrykańska, ECOWAS i Unia Europejska. Z przykrością muszę stwierdzić, że niska jakość stron prowadzonych przez rząd Gambii nie pozwalała na dostęp do wielu dokumentów oraz innych źródeł informacji przedstawiających sytuację wewnętrzną i międzynarodową Gambii, które znacznie łatwiej było znaleźć w źródłach zagranicznych. Dodatkową trudnością przy badaniu polityki zagranicznej Gambii jest jej niekonsekwencja oraz dość gwałtowne zmiany. Prezydent Yahya Jammeh znany jest z podejmowania dosłownie z dnia na dzień działań, które w przypadku wielu innych państw byłyby poprzedzone wielotygodniowymi, a nawet wielomiesięcznymi przygotowaniami lub wymagałyby wcześniejszego zbadania sytuacji. Mam tu na myśli choćby ogłoszenie wyjścia z Commonwealthu czy, niepoprzedzone żadnymi oznakami kryzysu, zerwanie stosunków dyplomatycznych z Republiką Chińską (Tajwanem). Za nietypowe należy również uznać ogłoszenie partnerstwa strategicznego z Katarem i decyzję, że Katar ma podjąć się budowy nowego lotniska w Bandżulu. Miało to miejsce już podczas pierwszego spotkania 21 listopada 2014 r. prezydenta Gambii z emirem Kataru szejchem Hamidem bin Khalifą al-Thani. Podobnie ogłoszenie Gambii państwem islamskim w grudniu 2015 roku było dla wielu obserwatorów pewnym zaskoczeniem, a nawet wywołało zaniepokojenie wśród sąsiadów i partnerów europejskich �56 Michał Ząbek obawiających się radykalizacji postaw prezentowanych przez Bandżul, co jednak – jak się wydaje – nie nastąpiło. Takie wydarzenia każą częstokroć zmienić całościowe postrzeganie pozycji tego małego państwa na arenie międzynarodowej i niejako „wywracają do góry nogami” wcześniej przyjęte założenia. Niemniej mam nadzieję, że ujęte przeze mnie zagadnienia pozwolą na przedstawienie ogólnego obrazu gambijskiej polityki zagranicznej prowadzonej w ostatnim dwudziestoleciu. Chciałbym, aby to skromne studium mogło stać się punktem wyjścia do szerszych rozważań nad charakterem oraz czynnikami warunkującymi politykę zagraniczną zarówno Gambii, jak i innych małych państw będących na podobnym poziomie rozwoju, a w szczególności państw afrykańskich, których elity polityczne i charakter prowadzonej polityki częstokroć wykazują duże podobieństwo do Gambii. Relacje Gambii z państwami Zachodu Relacje Gambii z Wielką Brytanią Relacje pomiędzy Wielką Brytanią a Gambią, po uzyskaniu przez Gambię niepodległości w 1965 roku, są de facto przedłużeniem tendencji w rozwoju relacji jeszcze z okresu kolonialnego. W latach 1965–1969 Gambia była monarchią parlamentarną, a formalną głową państwa była królowa brytyjska. Należy podkreślić, że prócz oficjalnych silnych więzów z dawną metropolią, takich jak przynależność do Brytyjskiej Wspólnoty Narodów (Commonwealth), Dawda Jawarę łączyły z dawnymi kolonizatorami stosunkowo bliskie relacje osobiste. Potwierdzeniem tych ostatnich może być przyznanie Dawdzie tytułu szlacheckiego przez królową brytyjską. Można zaryzykować stwierdzenie, że te bliskie relacje z dawną metropolią miały wpływ na „przymykanie oczu” �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 57 przez Wielką Brytanię na kolejno wygrywane wybory przez Dawdę i jego Ludową Partię Postępu (Peoples Progresive Party – PPP) oraz zaostrzającą się walkę z opozycją. Ze strony gambijskiej ta przyjaźń motywowana była przede wszystkim faktem, iż ok. 80% budżetu tego niewielkiego państwa pochodziło z pomocy zagranicznej, a Wielka Brytania była jednym z głównych donatorów. Brytyjczycy natomiast kładli nacisk na utrzymanie swojej strefy wpływów w Afryce, ale również na powstrzymywanie ruchów socjalistycznych i komunistycznych rozwijających się prężnie w wielu nowo powstałych państwach afrykańskich. Obustronna współpraca była w tamtym okresie przydatna dla obu stron: PPP utrzymywało władzę oraz otrzymywało potrzebne fundusze do rządzenia państwem, natomiast Brytyjczycy posiadali wiernego sojusznika w regionie oraz ewentualną bazę dla swoich działań w Afryce, czy nawet szerzej na Atlantyku. Dowodem jest rok 1982, kiedy to brytyjskie lotnictwo korzystało z lotniska w Bandżulu w czasie wojny o Falklandy-Malwiny. Zmiana władzy w 1994 roku była niemiłą niespodzianką dla Wielkiej Brytanii, która udzieliła nawet azylu zbiegłemu z kraju Jawarze. Brytyjskie władze wraz z Unią Europejską szybko potępiły zamach stanu w Gambii, z drugiej strony nie doszło jednak do zerwania stosunków dyplomatycznych z nowymi, nielegalnymi w świetle prawa międzynarodowego, władzami spod znaku Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council (AFPRC), którym przewodził porucznik Yahya Jammeh. Co więcej, władze brytyjskie, mimo iż początkowo ograniczyły pomoc gospodarczą i wojskową, stosunkowo szybko wycofały się ze swoich decyzji. Znamiennym zdaje się być fakt, że to właśnie firma brytyjska była odpowiedzialna za szkolenie i przygotowywanie wyborów z 26 września 1996 roku, które były pierwszymi po zamachu z lipca 1994 roku. Przez cały czas rządów Jammeha, od roku 1994 do chwili obecnej, następuje jednak powolne, ale trwałe oziębienie stosunków �58 Michał Ząbek dyplomatycznych, wojskowych oraz gospodarczych pomiędzy krajami. Wartość obrotów handlowych w 1995 roku między oboma państwami wyniosła łącznie nieco ponad 32,5 mln dolarów amerykańskich. Jeszcze w roku 2012 wskaźnik ten kształtował się na poziomie ok. 65 mln dolarów1. Należy pamiętać, że wymiana gospodarcza pomiędzy Gambią i Wielką Brytanią, od momentu uzyskania przez Gambię niepodległości w 1965 roku, była wyjątkowo niesymetryczna. Królestwo eksportowało do Gambii praktycznie wszystkie produkty konieczne do utrzymania gospodarki, w tym paliwa, leki, technologie, a nawet częściowo żywność. Ze strony byłej kolonii na Wyspy Brytyjskie trafiały przede wszystkim orzeszki ziemne stanowiące przez cały okres istnienia Gambii średnio ponad 40% eksportu. Ich udział rośnie i w 2012 roku wyniósł ok. 49% wartości eksportu do Wielkiej Brytanii, a jego wartość utrzymywała się na poziomie 5,25 mln USD, co znaczy, że była niższa od tej z 1995 roku (6,8 mln). Na drugim miejscu były owoce tropikalne i niektóre warzywa oraz w mniejszym stopniu nisko przetworzone produkty rybne. Daje się również zauważyć wyjątkowy brak stałości w obrotach pomiędzy oboma krajami. W roku 2010 eksport z Gambii wyniósł nieco ponad 9 mln USD, a dwa lata później spadł o ok. 40%. Od roku 2012 widać również inną ciekawą zależność, a mianowicie fakt, iż 49% sprowadzanej ropy oraz produktów z niej wytwarzanych jest pochodzenia brytyjskiego2. Takie uzależnienie wydaje się być wynikiem rozwoju wpływów brytyjskich koncernów na afrykańskich polach naftowych, z których pochodzi praktycznie sto procent ropy i produktów z niej bezpośrednio wywarzanych w Gambii (takich jak benzyna). 1 Por. The Observatory of Economic Complexity, źródło: http://atlas.media. mit.edu/explore/tree_map/hs/export/gmb/show/all/2012/ (dostęp: wrzesień 2014). 2 Tamże. �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 59 Mimo prób dystansowania się od Wielkiej Brytanii podejmowanych przez Yahyę Jammeha, takich jak pogłębiająca się krytyka Commonwealthu, zakończona wystąpieniem z niego 13 października 2013 roku, Gambia nadal wydaje się być uzależniona w znacznej mierze od pomocy brytyjskiej, która w 2013 roku przekroczyła 3 mln funtów. Związane jest to nie tylko z czynnikami gospodarczymi, ale również chęcią utrzymania władzy i spokoju wewnątrz państwa (przez Gambię między innymi prowadzą szlaki przemytu narkotyków z Ameryki Łacińskiej do Afryki Zachodniej i Europy). Jammeh kontynuuje współpracę z Brytyjczykami w walce z przemytnikami, a także współpracę wywiadowczą w zakresie rozpoznawania ruchów ekstremistycznych, jakie mogłyby pojawiać się wśród muzułmanów w jego kraju. Brytyjczycy mają również znaczący wkład w przygotowanie armii gambijskiej do misji pokojowych, w których państwo Jammeha często i chętnie bierze udział. Daje się to zauważyć dzięki licznym wizytom brytyjskich szkoleniowców w Gambii, odpowiedzialnych między innymi za przygotowanie gambijskiego korpusu do misji pokojowych w Czadzie czy Darfurze3. Kolejnym czynnikiem powodującym, że osłabianie więzi z dawną metropolią jest niekorzystne dla Gambii są turyści. Jak podawały choćby gazety brytyjskie w 2013 roku liczba brytyjskich turystów w Gambii wynosiła ok. 50 tys. i to Brytyjczycy stanowili największą grupę spośród odwiedzających Gambię4. Co więcej, to właśnie mieszkańcy Zjednoczonego Królestwa stanowią już od wielu lat podstawową grupę turystów w Gambii, a Londyn jest Por. Gibraltar Regiment trains Gambians for Darfur deployment, źródło: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/gibraltar-regiment-trains-gambiansfor-darfur-deployment (dostęp: 10.2014). 4 Por. Hirsch Afua, The Gambia: seven facts about the country leaving the Commonwealth, źródło: http://www.theguardian.com/world/shortcuts/2013/ oct/03/gambia-facts-country-leaving-commonwealth (dostęp: 10.2014). 3 �60 Michał Ząbek jednym z zaledwie kilku miast europejskich, z którego można przez cały rok odlecieć do tego afrykańskiego kraju. Dla państwa, dla którego wpływy z turystyki stanowią wg różnych danych od 16 do 18% PKB, ewentualny spadek liczby turystów mógłby mieć dramatyczne konsekwencje. Z wyżej wymienionych względów wydaje się więc, że wyjście z Commonwealthu było raczej swego rodzaju gestem mającym pokazać gotowość Gambii do poszukiwania nowych strategii międzynarodowych, a nie realnym krokiem mającym na celu głębokie osłabienie relacji z Londynem. Brytyjczycy zdają się być tego świadomi, ale poza wyrażeniem żalu z powodu opuszczenia przez Bandżul Brytyjskiej Wspólnoty Narodów nie podjęli żadnych znaczniejszych kroków, które miałyby Gambię w jakiś sposób ukarać za jej postępowanie. Oba kraje, mimo olbrzymiej różnicy potencjałów, zdają się być sobie potrzebne. O ile dla strony gambijskiej relacje z dawną potęgą kolonialną mają wymiar wręcz egzystencjalny to dla Brytyjczyków, spokojny kraj w tym regionie świata jest fragmentem architektury bezpieczeństwa poprzez kontrolę szlaków przemytu narkotyków oraz posiadanie swego rodzaju sojuszniczej bazy w coraz bardziej niespokojnej Afryce Zachodniej. Relacje Gambii z USA Początków wspólnych relacji Stanów Zjednoczonych i terenów należących do dzisiejszej Gambii można szukać w okresie niewolnictwa, kiedy to znacząca część ludności tych terenów została porwana i sprowadzona do brytyjskich kolonii w Ameryce, a później już do niepodległych Stanów Zjednoczonych. Pewną ciekawostką łączącą historię obu państw jest fakt, iż to właśnie traktat wersalski z 1783 r. kończący wojnę o niepodległość Stanów Zjednoczonych, kończył również wojnę siedmioletnią i ustanawiał zwierzchność brytyjską nad obszarem Gambii, wyznaczając ramowe granice jej terytorium. �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 61 Do drugiej połowy XX wieku nie istniały jednak szersze kontakty pomiędzy brytyjską kolonią a USA. Epizodycznym wydarzeniem był fakt lądowania na lotnisku w Bathurst prezydenta Franklina D. Roosvelta w drodze na konferencję Wielkiej Trójki w Teheranie w 1943 roku. Po uzyskaniu przez Gambię niepodległości rozpoczął się zauważalny proces przejmowania przez USA od Wielkiej Brytanii wpływów w nowo powstałym państwie. W okresie rządów Jawary USA stopniowo stały się największym donatorem pomocy humanitarnej i rozwojowej dla Gambii. Stany Zjednoczone widziały w Gambii korzystnie położony punkt na mapie świata m.in. jako dobra baza na środkowym Atlantyku oraz miejsce, gdzie powstało awaryjne lądowisko dla amerykańskich promów kosmicznych. W tym celu port lotniczy w Bandżulu został gruntownie przebudowany przez Amerykanów, tak by mógł przyjmować promy kosmiczne. Związana historycznie ze światem anglosaskim Gambia wydawała się też być w okresie Zimnej Wojny dobrą przeciwwagą dla socjalistycznych rządów w sąsiednim Senegalu, czy szerzej dla socjalistycznych i komunistycznych tendencji w całym regionie. Mimo wierności Dawdy Jawary wobec USA, przejawiającej się m.in. w tłumieniu jakichkolwiek ruchów socjalistycznych w swoim kraju, Stany Zjednoczone nie podjęły się jego obrony w roku 1994, umożliwiając jedynie schronienie się na swoim okręcie cumującym w tym czasie w porcie w Bandżulu, a dalej zapewniając mu bezpieczną podróż do Senegalu. Po objęciu rządów przez Yahye Jammeha nie doszło do gruntownej zmiany polityki amerykańskiej wobec tego małego państwa. Wprawdzie w latach 2001–2002 Gambia była objęta amerykańskim embargiem na sprzedaż broni oraz sankcjami ekonomicznymi, jednak – jak się wydaje – zmieniająca się na świecie sytuacja geopolityczna, w tym szczególnie pojawienie się islamskiego terro- �62 Michał Ząbek ryzmu w Afryce Zachodniej, doprowadziło do znacznego ocieplenia relacji w późniejszych latach. Relacje handlowe pomiędzy Gambią i USA kształtują się podobnie jak miało to miejsce w przypadku Wielkiej Brytanii i opierają się na sprzedaży nisko przetworzonych dóbr rolnych oraz ryb. W drugą stronę płynie natomiast znacząca ilość wysoko przetworzonych produktów, częstokroć o znaczeniu strategicznym dla istnienia państwa, w tym paliwo oraz wszelkiego rodzaju wyroby przemysłu maszynowego i chemicznego. Należy jednak zauważyć, że w przypadku Stanów Zjednoczonych większą rolę niż w przypadku Wielkiej Brytanii w napływie dóbr ma pomoc świadczona przez agencje rządowe, USAID oraz wszelkiego rodzaju instytucje typu NGO, które sprowadzają do Gambii nawet tak podstawowe produkty, jak tłuszcze roślinne czy zboża. W tym kontekście można wspomnieć choćby akcję z 2012 roku (odpowiedź na nieurodzaje w latach 2011–2012), kiedy to USAID i ambasada USA w Gambii przekazały żywność oraz środki na jej zakup na łączną kwotę opiewającą na pół miliona dolarów co pozwoliło wesprzeć pomocą ok. 428 tys. mieszkańców5. Powracając do problematyki związanej z bezpieczeństwem i współpracą pomiędzy oboma państwami w tej dziedzinie, należy zauważyć znaczny jej wzrost od połowy lat 90. do roku 2013. Rok 2013 jest tu cezurą, ponieważ od 21 sierpnia tego roku nie są prowadzone żadne treningi oraz nie jest udzielana pomoc wojskowa Gambii, a to z powodu rozporządzenia Yahye Jammeha z tegoż dnia, na podstawie którego wydalono z kraju wszystkich amerykańskich wojskowych i policyjnych instruktorów6. Postaram Por. USA Aid agency, źródło: http://www.usaid.gov/crisis/the-gambia (dostęp: 21.08.2014). 6 Por. Gambia Says No More U.S. Military Training, źródło: http://security­ assistancemonitor.wordpress.com/2013/08/21/gambia-says-no-more-u-smilitary-training/ (dostęp: 21.08.2014). 5 �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 63 się jednak skupić na okresie poprzedzającym to wydarzenie. Gambia, jak już wcześniej wspominałem, od lat 70. stała się areną przerzutu narkotyków z Ameryki Łacińskiej. Amerykańskie władze, podobnie jak Brytyjczycy, prowadząc globalną wojnę z narkobiznesem, wspierały wprawdzie nieznacznie, ale stale wojsko gambijskie i służby bezpieczeństwa. Nie zmieniło się to praktycznie w ogóle po objęciu władzy przez Yahye Jammeha. Od początku XXI wieku do walki z przemytem narkotyków doszło zagrożenie islamskim ekstremizmem i terroryzmem, z którym w Gambii, będącej krajem muzułmańskim, należy się szczególnie liczyć. Wzrost aktywności islamskich terrorystów w regionie Afryki Zachodniej nastąpił od początku drugiej dekady XXI wieku. Taka sytuacja geopolityczna okazała się niezwykle korzystna z punktu widzenia Yahye Jammeha, który zwalczając wszelkie przejawy islamskiego radykalizmu (również środkami pokojowymi, jak promocja tzw. Czarnego Islamu), zaczął otrzymywać w tym celu znaczne wsparcie ze strony USA. Pokazują to wyraźnie statystyki: w roku 2000 liczba amerykańskich wojskowych i policjantów będących instruktorami sił gambijskich wynosiła zaledwie cztery osoby, natomiast w roku 2010 było to już 305 osób. W 2009 roku wg dokumentów Departamentu Stanów USA odbyło się aż 50 sesji szkoleniowych i treningowych dla sił gambijskich7. W tym samym okresie podobny wzrost kształtował liczbę słuchaczy amerykańskich kursów oficerskich, a nawet oficerów wysłanych na szkolenie za ocean, których liczba wyniosła 67 osób, co wydaje się być dość znaczącą liczbą, zważając na to, iż siły zbrojne Republiki Gambii liczą obecnie niespełna 2,5 tys. żołnierzy i oficerów. Ważnym faktem jest również dotowanie znacznymi sumami gambijskich sił zbrojnych przez USA, które rok rocznie od 2007 roku Por. US Secretary of State Sub-Saharian Africa Department, źródło: http:// www.state.gov/documents/organization/155990.pdf (dostęp: 08.2014). 7 �64 Michał Ząbek przeznaczają na ten cel ok. 500 000 USD, co stanowi blisko połowę budżetu armii Jammeha. To wsparcie owocowało dotychczas względną lojalnością przywódcy gambijskiego, który nie wahał się wysłać swoich sił na praktycznie wszystkie misje wojskowe, jakie miały miejsce na kontynencie afrykańskim, a nawet do Kosowa i Afganistanu. Dodatkowo finansowe wsparcie USA dało możliwość dozbrojenia armii gambijskiej w nowy sprzęt i stworzenie, po raz pierwszy w historii Gambii, lotnictwa wyposażonego przede wszystkim w sprzęt zakupiony w krajach byłego ZSRR, głównie na Ukrainie. Faktem jest też chęć zbudowania pierwszej wojskowej uczelni w kraju, co pokazuje, że wieloletni sojusz ze Stanami owocuje znacząco wzmocnieniem sił gambijskich. W tym kontekście bardziej powinno dziwić zerwanie relacji wojskowych z tym, wydawałoby się, kluczowym partnerem. Wydarzenie to należy jednak łączyć z ogólnym trendem w polityce Jammeha wyraźnie zauważalnym po roku 2008, kiedy przywrócił karę śmierci. Mam tu na myśli politykę odsuwania się od Zachodu i poszukiwania partnerów, w tym wojskowych, wśród nowych światowych graczy takich jak: Chiny czy Turcja, które w rozwoju armii gambijskiej odgrywają coraz większą rolę. Relacje Gambia – USA, jak widzimy, mają w znacznym stopniu wymiar jednostronny i opierają się na udzielaniu znaczącego wsparcia Gambii przez Stany Zjednoczone, co nie powinno dziwić zważając na potencjały obu krajów. Ciekawym przypadkiem jest jednak sfera relacji w zakresie obronności, której w powyższym akapicie poświęciłem nieco więcej uwagi. Relacje w tym obszarze wskazują na to, że Stany Zjednoczone poszukują sojuszników nawet wśród takich małych państw, jak Gambia w celu zabezpieczenia swoich interesów w różnych regionach świata. Wydaje się, że fakt praktycznego braku istnienia demokracji w opisywanym przeze mnie państwie, nie ma dla USA większego znaczenia, a prowadzone przez wiele amerykańskich NGO warsztatów na temat �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 65 demokracji i społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, które nie napotykają większego oporu ze strony Jammeha, tylko dodatkowo legitymizują jego władzę. Podejrzewam, że będzie się tak działo dopóty, dopóki jego rządy nie staną się jawnie antyamerykańskie, a posunięcia polityczne, nie uderzą w jakiś sposób w politykę USA w regionie. Nadchodzące lata pokażą, czy Stany Zjednoczone staną się wrogiem Gambii, czy obecne ochłodzenie jest tylko chwilowe i związane z zawirowaniami w Afryce polegającymi na walce o wpływy pomiędzy wieloma graczami, którzy byli już na tym kontynencie wcześniej, jak i nowymi poszukującymi dopiero swojego miejsca i ewentualnych zysków z inwestycji (również wojskowych) na tym najszybciej rozwijającym się z kontynentów. Relacje Gambii z innymi państwami Zachodu Należy zauważyć, że Gambia stara się rozwijać relacje również z innymi państwami świata zachodniego. Do znaczących partnerów Gambii z tej strefy możemy zaliczyć dodatkowo Niemcy i Hiszpanię. Mimo iż z oboma krajami Gambia utrzymuje stosunki dyplomatyczne od początków swego istnienia, to dopiero nowe rządy od 1994 r. i wprowadzone przez nie zmiany w koncepcji polityki zagranicznej doprowadziły do znacznego ożywienia kontaktów. Rozwój stosunków z tymi krajami i zwiększenie aktywności w świecie cechuje szczególnie drugą dekadę rządów Yahye Jammeha. Mimo pojawiających się coraz częściej haseł mówiących o „oderwaniu się” od Zachodu, Europa i Stany Zjednoczone nadal są podstawowymi źródłami potrzebnej pomocy w szczególności tej, za którą idzie transfer technologii i podniesie poziomu życia mieszkańców. Z tego względu Yahye Jammeh nie mógł się w pełni odciąć od, póki co, podstawowego źródła dóbr i technologii, jakim jest ogólnie pojęty świat zachodni. Również w kwestii bezpieczeństwa państwa utrzymanie dobrych relacji z wciąż wpły- �66 Michał Ząbek wowymi państwami UE czy USA ma kluczowe znaczenie i pozwala na swobodne utrzymywanie korzystnego dla Gambii status quo w regionie. Widoczna jest jednak próba przeniesienia ciężaru relacji z potęg anglosaskich na innych graczy ze świata zachodniego, wśród których szczególne znaczenie odgrywają, ważna ze względu na wymianę handlową i turystyczną, Hiszpania i najpotężniejsze państwo Starego Kontynentu, jakim są Niemcy. Relacje handlowe z Hiszpanią w 2012 roku wyniosły ok. 13 mln USD i mają tendencję rosnącą. Ważnym elementem łączącym oba państwa jest koncepcja polityki opierająca się na wzmacnianiu relacji „północ-południe”. W tym kontekście za kluczowe wydarzenie można uznać rozmowy z marca 2014 roku, kiedy specjalny wysłannik króla Hiszpanii omawiał z Yahye Jammehem i jego doradcami warunki poparcia Gambii dla hiszpańskiej kandydatury na pozycję niestałego członka Rady Bezpieczeństwa w kadencji 2015–20168. Takie kroki podejmowane przez państwo jasno wskazują na odsuwanie się od Wielkiej Brytanii i Stanów Zjednoczonych, tym bardziej że Hiszpania znana jest z wielu inicjatyw mających na celu zbliżenie krajów tzw. Południa w innej, niż proponowana przez kraje anglosaskie, formule. Niemcy natomiast są krajem, który od kilku lat zaczyna prowadzić coraz śmielszą politykę na światowej arenie, znacząco wychodząc poza Europę. Widzimy to w aktywnych działaniach niemieckich na rzecz pojednania świata zachodniego z Iranem, zaangażowaniu się w ochronę chrześcijan w Iraku czy rozwijającym się energicznie partnerstwie z Chinami. W wyniku tych zmian w polityce niemieckiej doszło też do zmiany postrzegania Afryki i pogłębienia relacji politycznych oraz gospodarczych z tym kon8 Por. Spain seeks Gambia’s support for UN SC non-permanent Membership, źródło: http://observer.gm/africa/gambia/article/spain-seeks-gambias-supportfor-un-sc-non-permanent-membership (dostęp: 08.2014). �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 67 tynentem. Niemcy pozbawione naturalnej strefy wpływów na Czarnym Lądzie postanowiły prowadzić politykę znacznie szerzej zakrojoną, nieukierunkowaną na konkretne kraje czy region, lecz raczej na branże, w których mogą liczyć na uzyskanie przewagi nad swoimi konkurentami z Europy, USA czy Chinami. Nie oznacza to jednak, że nie doszło do pewnego zainteresowania niektórymi krajami. Należą do nich dawne kolonie niemieckie takie jak: Kamerun czy Namibia, ale też państwa niebudzące większego zainteresowania inwestorów z innych regionów. Do tej drugiej grupy zalicza się właśnie Gambia. Niemieckie relacje z tym państwem są w znacznej mierze oparte na dostarczaniu różnorodnej pomocy rozwojowej, w tym technologii. Do największych niemieckich inwestycji należy bezpośrednie zaangażowanie się w projekt Grupy Banku Światowego „Light Africa” poprzez wysyłanie własnych inżynierów i technologii w celu rozbudowy sieci elektrycznej w Gambii. Szczególnym momentem dla relacji gambijsko-niemieckich był 19 czerwca 2012 roku, kiedy podpisano Memorandum of Understanding pomiędzy niemiecką i gambijską izbą handlową (ang. chamber of commerce), mające na celu ułatwienie relacji handlowych obu krajów9. Na bazie porozumienia dwustronnego doszło do zdecydowanie największego wydarzenia handlowego w historii relacji pomiędzy oboma krajami, a mianowicie powołania do życia przez niemieckie linie lotnicze Germania linii Gambia Bird, która stała się natychmiast flagową linią lotniczą tego małego państwa. Linie lotnicze Gambia Bird posiadają na swoim stanie dwa wydzierżawione od Germanii samoloty typu Airbus A-319 i wyjątkowo rozbudowaną siatkę połączeń, jak na swe możliwości, obejmującą aż osiem tras przede wszystkim do miast położonych w ramach wspólnoty ECOWAS, ale również Por. Janneh Bintou Kb., Gambia: Invest Gambia Inks MoU With GGCC, źródło: http://allafrica.com/stories/201206211093.html (dostęp: 9.08.2014). 9 �68 Michał Ząbek do Barcelony i Londynu, z których to miejsc pochodzi największy procent turystów przybywających na atlantyckie wybrzeże Gambii. To posunięcie handlowe nie mogło się obejść bez bezpośredniej zgody Yahye Jammeha, ale również bez wsparcia rządowego strony niemieckiej i jest interpretowane jako poszukiwanie przez Niemcy swego rodzaju bazy wypadowej do prowadzenia polityki w Afryce Zachodniej, a ze strony Gambii jako zdecydowane pokazanie krajom anglosaskim, że Gambia potrafi prowadzić niezależną politykę i umie samodzielnie znajdować partnerów nie tylko pośród krajów Bliskiego i Dalekiego Wschodu, ale również na Starym Kontynencie. Do innych ważnych dla polityki zagranicznej Gambii państw w Europie należy przede wszystkim Królestwo Niderlandów wraz z pozostałymi krajami Beneluksu. Sama Holandia zajmuje drugie pod względem wolumenu obrotów handlowych miejsce wśród europejskich partnerów Gambii, zaraz po Zjednoczonym Królestwie. Tak wysoka pozycja nie przekłada się jednak na podejmowanie działań, które miałyby choćby znamię politycznych posunięć. Podobnie jak wiele innych państw, przyjmuje studentów afrykańskich na swoje uczelnie (w tym i z Gambii). Nie da się jednak zarysować bardziej zdecydowanej linii politycznej w polityce holenderskiej na kierunku Afryki Zachodniej, w której jakąkolwiek rolę odgrywałoby opisywane przeze mnie państwo. Znaczącym partnerem w dziedzinie obronności okazała się, jak już wspominałem wcześniej, Ukraina. Państwo to sprzedało Gambii pojedynczy samolot Su-25 w 2009 r. i zajęło się szkoleniem pilotów oraz obsługi naziemnej. Z podawanych informacji do kolejnego znacznego ocieplenia relacji pomiędzy krajami doszło w roku 2012, kiedy Ukraina podjęła się szkolenia kadry oficerskiej i żołnierzy gambijskich oraz próbowała sprzedać afrykańskiemu partnerowi większe ilości sprzętu produkowanego przez ukraiński przemysł wojskowy. Jednak przedłużające się negocjacje nie zakończyły �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 69 się przed wybuchem kryzysu na Ukrainie i obecnie nie są kontynuowane, w przeciwieństwie do wymian studenckich, w których biorą udział młodzi Gambijczycy. Podobnie nieregularny charakter mają relacje z Polską, choć są od lat 80. utrzymywane najpierw przez polską placówkę w Dakarze, a obecnie w Rabacie, trudno je nazwać stałymi. Polska nie angażuje się w większym stopniu w projekty pomocowe w Gambii, ani nie posiada z tym państwem stałej wymiany dóbr. Ciekawostką może być fakt otwarcia w 2013 r. oferty Rainbow Tours właśnie do Gambii, co przy braku innych obrotów znacząco ożywiło relacje polsko-gambijskie. Do większego zacieśnienia tych związków przyczyniło się zniesienie wiz dla obywateli Polski do Gambii w ramach unifikacji polityki wizowej Gambii z krajami UE. Podsumowanie Łatwo zauważyć, że mimo prób zmiany sojuszy geopolitycznych, jakie Gambia podejmuje szczególnie w drugiej dekadzie rządów Yahye Jammeha, są one tylko połowicznie przeprowadzane z sukcesem, jeśli chodzi o relacje z szeroko rozumianym Zachodem, a przede wszystkim z krajami europejskimi. Wydaje się, że wynika to przede wszystkim z faktu, iż gros polityki większości państw europejskich, jak również UE jako całości opiera się na relacjach handlowych. Gambia z racji bycia, obiektywnie rzecz biorąc, nieznaczącym rynkiem na mapie Afryki, nie wzbudza tak szerokiego zainteresowania jak pozostałe kraje regionu. Dodatkowo sytuację handlową komplikuje relatywnie niewielka odległość pomiędzy Bandżulem i znacznie większym, a przy tym dającym większe możliwości Dakarem (odległość, którą można pokonać samochodem w mniej niż pięć godzin). To w stolicy Senegalu skupiają się podstawowe instytucje międzynarodowe i handlowe w tym regionie Afryki. Jedyną szansą dla Bandżulu, �70 Michał Ząbek a tym samym Gambii, wydaje się być fakt, iż tradycyjnie więź pomiędzy Francją i Senegalem prowadzi do zamknięcia się tego rynku na wiele podmiotów gospodarczych, również europejskich, ze względu na bardzo silną ochronę przez Francję swoich firm, przedsiębiorstw na terenie Senegalu oraz pozostałych państw Afryki Zachodniej będących dawniej koloniami francuskimi. Wywołana tym niemożność rozwinięcia bardziej złożonych relacji z tymi państwami powoduje, że stabilna politycznie i bezpieczna Gambia może stać się dla niektórych inwestorów swego rodzaju bramą do Afryki Zachodniej. W niniejszym rozdziale chciałem ukazać, że Gambia, mimo buńczucznych zapowiedzi i pełnych oskarżeń wystąpień prezydenta Yahye Jammeha o niekorzystnym wpływie państw Zachodu na rozwój tego państwa, jest nadal od nich uzależniona. Widać jednak, iż starzy kolonizatorzy, czy nawet szerzej, świat anglosaski, zachowywali się zbyt arogancko wobec tego niewielkiego afrykańskiego partnera, będąc pewnym, iż jest on tak dalece związany z Wielką Brytanią, a później również ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi, że nie spróbuje nawet podjąć próby oporu wobec tych państw, nawet jeśli rozwiązania polityczne i gospodarcze przez nie narzucane będą niekorzystne. Yahye Jammeh od początku drugiej dekady swoich rządów coraz bardziej, zarówno w retoryce, jak i praktyce, stara się oderwać od dawnych potęg mających de facto pośrednie panowanie nad jego państwem od czasów uzyskania niepodległości w 1965 roku. Taka postawa daje szansę innym państwom wysoko rozwiniętym takim jak Niemcy lub Hiszpania na wejście na ten niewielki rynek i tym samym uzyskanie w regionie wpływów gospodarczych i politycznych. Wydaje się, że jeszcze długo Gambia pozostanie uzależniona od Zjednoczonego Królestwa i USA, jednak jeśli polityka Bandżulu będzie konsekwentna, uzależnienie to będzie systematycznie słabło na rzecz wpływów innych państw europejskich. Konkludując, moż- �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 71 na powiedzieć, że zbytnia pewność siebie w poczynaniach w stosunku do Gambii przyczyniła się do utraty kontroli politycznej nad tym państwem przez Wielką Brytanię, ponieważ wywołała realny lęk w elitach rządzących tego małego państwa, co do ich suwerenności szczególnie w ramach polityki wewnętrznej, która była coraz ostrzej krytykowana przez Brytyjczyków i Amerykanów. Tym samym kwestia suwerenności wewnętrznej przyczyniła się do zmiany założeń polityki zagranicznej. Gambia w Afryce Relacje Gambii z Senegalem Relacje gambijsko-senegalskie mają głębokie podstawy historyczne. Związane jest to z oczywistym faktem, iż terytorium Gambii zostało niejako wycięte ze zwartego terytorium Senegalu na bazie wielokrotnie zmienianych umów dwustronnych pomiędzy Wielką Brytanią i Francją, jak również innych aktów o charakterze wielostronnym. Istnienie Gambii zawsze stanowiło swego rodzaju wyzwanie dla jedności terytorialnej Senegalu, a co za tym idzie, znaczące napięcia polityczne, szczególnie w prawie oderwanym od reszty kraju (z powodu Gambii) regionie Casamanca. Co więcej, ludność zamieszkująca oba państwa należy do tych samych grup etnicznych i plemiennych oraz, co ważne, w większości wyznaje islam. Jak widać, wydzielenie szerokiego na 50 i długiego na ok. 200 km pasa wzdłuż rzeki Gambii wraz z zamieszkującą ten teren ludnością wydaje się posunięciem nader sztucznym i każącym zadać oczywiste pytanie o sensowność istnienia dwóch odrębnych organizmów państwowych ukształtowanych w ten sposób. Co więcej, w momencie podjęcia kwestii niepodległości Senegalu naturalnym wydawało się, iż po opuszcze­ niu przez Brytyjczyków swej kolonii dojdzie do połączenia obu �72 Michał Ząbek tych terytoriów choćby ze względów ekonomicznych, ponieważ byłoby rzeczą nieprawdopodobną, aby terytorium Gambii mogło samodzielnie utrzymać się na arenie międzynarodowej, będąc pozbawionym znaczących zasobów ekonomicznych i społecznych. Od 1961 roku powołano komitet pod przewodnictwem prezydenta Senegalu Leopolda Sangohra i szefa rady ministrów Gambii P. S. N’Jie. Ciało to miało podjąć prace przygotowawcze do połączenia obu terytoriów w ramach jednego państwa po opuszczeniu Gambii przez Brytyjczyków. W roku 1964 powstał nawet raport autorstwa H. J. van Mooka pod egidą Narodów Zjednoczonych na temat realnych możliwości i konsekwencji połączenia obu krajów. W pracy tej znalazła się teza o możliwości ustanowienia konfederacji Senegambii jako korzystnej formy koegzystencji. Znaczenie miał jednak, jak to bywało już podczas wcześniejszych prób połączenia obu terytoriów, głos ludności Aku, tj. miejscowych kreoli, którzy wyrazili sprzeciw i ostatecznie Gambia powstała jako samodzielny niepodległy byt na mapie Afryki w roku 1965. Od początku niepodległości Gambia była w znacznej mierze uzależniona od swego jedynego, znacznie większego sąsiada i musiała podjąć z nim współpracę. Pierwszym dokumentem, podpisanym jeszcze w roku 1965, było porozumienie o wzajemnej obronie z Senegalem oraz współpracy wojskowej. W kwietniu 1967 roku podpisano traktat o współpracy, na mocy którego w następnych latach został powołany komitet międzyrządowy i sekretariat ds. relacji senegalsko-gambijskich. Ogółem do roku 1982 podpisano ponad trzydzieści kolejnych umów, które, mimo pojawiających się czasem tarć, dały bazę do szerokiej współpracy i dobrych relacji międzypaństwowych. Po nieudanym zamachu stanu w Gambii z 1981 roku, w którego udaremnieniu znaczącej pomocy udzieliły siły senegalskie, rządy obu państw podjęły decyzję o budowie wspólnego państwa na bazie konfederacji. Trwa- �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 73 ła ona zaledwie siedem lat (do roku 1989) i upadła w wyniku znacznych różnic w prawodawstwie, rozwoju gospodarczym i konfliktów o realną władzę nad krajem. Rozpad ten był jednak pokojowy i nie doprowadził na szczęście do konfliktu. W styczniu 1991 roku podpisano nowy traktat o wzajemnej przyjaźni i współpracy, który, co ciekawe, uwzględniał część dorobku prawno-zjednoczeniowego Senegambii. Dobre relacje pomiędzy państwami oparte na wymianie gospodarczej i współpracy politycznej trwały do zamachu stanu z 22 lipca 1994 roku. Po objęciu władzy przez Yahye Jammeha i związanych z nim wojskowych, doszło do wzrostu napięcia w relacjach pomiędzy krajami. Senegalskie władze obawiały się, że pochodzący z ludu Dżola Jammeh może chcieć wesprzeć teraz swych pobratymców z Casamanki i przyczynić się do zaognienia tamtejszego konfliktu, zwłaszcza że zaraz po przejęciu rządów przez Jammeha doszło do wzmocnienia armii i gremiów wojskowych. Niemniej do większych napięć nie doszło, nawet po tym, jak schronienia Dwadowi Jawara udzielił właśnie Senegal. Jammeh wiedział i wie do dziś, że nie może pozwolić sobie na jakikolwiek większy spór ze swoim sąsiadem, ponieważ stanowi to bezpośrednie zagrożenie dla Gambii, a tym samym i jego władzy. Ważnym elementem uspokajania sytuacji była wizyta Jammeha 22 września 1994 roku w Dakarze, w czasie której doszło do nieformalnego jeszcze wtedy uznania przez Senegal nowych władz swojego sąsiada oraz zapowiedź chęci utrzymania dobrych wzajemnych relacji. W celu zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa militarnego, poza wzmacnianiem własnych sił, Yahya Jammeh nadał nowe znaczenia relacjom pomiędzy armiami Gambii i Senegalu. Za jego rządów podjęto wielowymiarową współpracę w dziedzinie obronności i zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa na granicach oraz zastosowano szerokie środki budowy zaufania bazujące na wspólnych szkoleniach i podpisanych dokumentach dwustronnych. Budowa �74 Michał Ząbek atmosfery zaufania jest szczególnie ważna dla mniejszej Gambii, ponieważ daje jej kluczowe gwarancje nienaruszalności granic. Kwestia prawidłowej delimitacji granic jest jednak, jak pokazują liczne przykłady na przestrzeni ostatnich lat, pewnym problemem dla obu krajów. W ostatnich kilku latach coraz częstsze są przypadki, w których specjalna komisja do spraw delimitacji granicy jest areną sporu pomiędzy państwami o teoretycznie błahe skrawki ziemi. W 2005 roku doszło nawet do sytuacji, w której Unia Europejska wydała oficjalne oświadczenie wzywające obie strony do unormowania sytuacji granicznej między państwami, w tym do niestanowienia na terenach sporu żadnych form osiedli, które mogłyby tylko utrudnić dialog. Należy pamiętać, że napięcia graniczne o bagna lub fragmenty sawanny używane przez miejscowych pasterzy Fulbe do wypasu bydła nie są korzystne dla obu stron, gdyż – jak zauważono choćby w wyżej wymienionym oświadczeniu UE – odstraszają potencjalnych inwestorów oraz niekorzystnie wpływają na poczucie bezpieczeństwa w regionie, a także mogą zagrozić współpracy obu państw w niestabilnej obecnie sytuacji w Afryce Zachodniej. Z drugiej strony pojawiają się również inicjatywy budujące wzajemne zaufanie i niosące nadzieję na w pełni przyjazne relacje między krajami. Za jedno z ciekawszych wydarzeń można uznać wspólne świętowanie przez mieszkańców miejscowości nadgranicznych tzw. Dnia Pokoju 25 września 2013 roku10. Innym oddolnym projektem mającym na celu uniknięcie przyszłych sporów na granicy państw było wspólne wyznaczenie specjalnego szlaku dla przepędzania bydła, dzięki czemu w przyszłości ma nie dochodzić do incydentów, w których obywatele jednego bądź drugiego państwa znajdą się 10 Por. Celebrating the International Day of Peace at the Senegal-Gambia border, http://www.tostan.org/news/celebrating-international-day-peace-senegalgambia-border (dostęp: 09.2014). �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 75 nielegalnie na terytorium drugiej strony ze względu na prowadzony przez siebie półpasterski tryb życia11. Obroty handlowe pomiędzy państwami w całym okresie rządów Yahye Jammeha znacząco rosły, by wynieść łącznie ponad 92 mln USD w roku 2012, przy obrotach wynoszących 10 mln USD w 1995 roku. Jest to niebagatelny wzrost, mówiący o szybkości i sile rozwoju całego kontynentu i regionu Zachodniej Afryki oraz wzrostu, jaki zanotowały oba państwa. Należy zauważyć, że jest to, można powiedzieć, czysta wymiana handlowa, ponieważ w przeciwieństwie do opisywanych wcześniej relacji gospodarczych z krajami Zachodu nie ma tu miejsca na pomoc rozwojową, której Senegal nie jest w stanie świadczyć swojemu sąsiadowi, gdyż rozwój społeczny i technologiczny obu państw nie różni się znacząco, a przewaga gospodarcza Senegalu wynika przede wszystkim z jego wielkości i posiadanych podstawowych zasobów gospodarczych. W wymianie gospodarczej na pewno podstawowym problemem jest jej struktura, tzn. Gambia eksportuje od początku swego istnienia de facto tylko produkty nisko przetworzone, a do tego łatwo zastępowalne zamiennikami z innych rynków, takie jak żywność i tekstylia. Ze strony Senegalu do państwa Jammeha trafiają samochody, produkty przemysłu wydobywczego oraz mniej zaawansowane technologicznie urządzenia mechaniczne i elektroniczne, co stawia to państwo w relacjach gospodarczych na znacznie lepszej pozycji. Należy także ująć niedoszacowaną, a znaczącą szarą strefę, w ramy której wchodzą imigranci senegalscy, przeważnie z Casamanki, masowo pracujący w miastach Gambii jako kierowcy i drobni handlarze oraz świadczący innego rodzaju usługi. Ponadto nieujmowanym czynnikiem wymiany gospodarczej 11 Por. Establishing long-term peaceful solutions on the Senegalese-Gambian border, źródło: http://www.tostan.org/stories/establishing-long-term-peacefulsolutions-senegalese-gambian-border (dostęp: 09.2014). �76 Michał Ząbek jest przemyt znacznie tańszych dóbr, takich jak żywność z Gambii do Senegalu, co z pewnością, choć nieznacznie, przyczynia się do wzrostu poziomu życia mieszkańców Gambii oraz Senegalu trudniących się tym procederem. Trzeba zauważyć, że wspólne relacje obu państw ze względu na szczególny rodzaj koegzystencji są niezwykle ważne przede wszystkim z punktu widzenia Bandżulu. W tym wymiarze widzimy wiele racjonalnych posunięć strony gambijskiej mających na celu zachowanie dobrosąsiedzkich kontaktów. Funkcjonowanie wielorakich komisji międzypaństwowych, o których wyżej wspomniałem, oraz szeroka wymiana handlowa, a także współpraca w zakresie wojskowości i polityki bezpieczeństwa, wskazują na strategiczne znaczenie relacji senegalsko-gambijskich. Stały wzajemny rozwój handlu oraz współpracy pomiędzy społecznościami żyjącymi szczególnie na granicach obu państw pozwala na optymistyczne spojrzenie na przyszłość wzajemnych stosunków. Oba kraje są politycznie zdecydowane na zachowanie obecnego status quo w tym regionie Afryki i będą wzajemnie się dalej popierać na arenie organizacji międzynarodowych, a szczególnie w ramach ECOWAS-u. W zachowaniu stosunkowo dobrych relacji na pewno pomaga trzeźwa i wyważona postawa przywódców obu krajów i mimo sporadycznych przejawów swoiście pojętej megalomanii, nie widać obecnie żadnych większych napięć między krajami ani nic nie wskazuje na ich powstanie w najbliższym czasie12 . Yahye Jammeh w wywiadzie dla „New African” z października 2013 roku stwierdził między innymi, że teren Casamanki również jest przynależny jego państwu ze względu na łączące ludność Gambii i Casamanki więzy krwi, por. “If you always follow others, you can never lead” – President Yahya Jammeh, „New African” 24.10.2013, źródło: http://newafricanmagazine.com/if-you-alwaysfollow-others-you-can-never-lead-president-yahya-jammeh/ (dostęp: 09.2014). 12 �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 77 Relacje Gambia – ECOWAS Małe państwa nieposiadające dostatecznych środków na prowadzenie w pełni niezależnej polityki zagranicznej, pozwalającej im na forsowanie swoich celów w bezpośrednich kontaktach z innymi graczami na arenie międzynarodowej, często znajdują na forum organizacji międzynarodowych rzadką możliwość wyrażenia swoich intencji. Podobnie jest w przypadku polityki opisywanego przeze mnie państwa. Gambia od samego początku istnienia widziała szansę dla rozwoju swoich wizji politycznych na forum organizacji międzynarodowych. Powstała 28 maja 1975 r. Wspólnota Gospodarcza Państw Afryki Zachodniej (Economic Community of West African States – ECOWAS) od początku istnienia jawiła się władzom w Bandżulu jako forum, na którym Gambia jako równoprawny partner będzie mogła wyrażać swoje zdanie. Szczególną wartością dla rządu Dwada Jawrry była wizja choćby częściowego uniezależnienia się od swojego wielokrotnie większego sąsiada. Uniezależnienie to rozumiane było przez elity gambijskie jako zmniejszenie zależności ekonomicznej i politycznej od Dakaru. Ponadto widziano na tym forum miejsce, gdzie anglojęzyczne państwa Afryki Zachodniej będą mogły tworzyć koalicje nastawione przeciw grupie państw frankofońskich, wśród których szczególnie ważną rolę zawsze odgrywał sąsiad Gambii. Takie koalicje były niezwykle ważne dla małej Gambii, ponieważ mogły ochronić ją przed niekorzystnymi, z jej punktu widzenia, działaniami politycznymi i ekonomicznymi ze strony Senegalu, od którego była, jak już wcześniej przedstawiłem, zawsze w znacznej mierze uzależniona. Wymienione wyżej przyczyny stały się powodem, dla którego Dawda Jawara zdecydował się na przystąpienie do traktatu z Lagos powołującego do życia ECOWAS. Gambia od początku była aktywnym członkiem organizacji, przyłączając się do wielu inicjatyw, takich jak grupa monitorująca (Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group �78 Michał Ząbek – ECOMOG), powstała w 1981 roku i będąca wyrazem instytucjonalizacji współpracy w zakresie polityki bezpieczeństwa i wojskowości. Grupa ta stała się de facto zbrojnym ramieniem organizacji, pozwalającym na wysyłanie na tereny konfliktów, które dotknęły państwa regionu, wspólnych sił zbrojnych w celu uspokojenia sytuacji. Na tym forum, mimo skromnych możliwości wojskowych, Gambia od początku była bardzo aktywna, wysyłając choćby niewielkie grupy żołnierzy we wszystkie rejony zapalne. Inną inicjatywą, do której przyłączył się Bandżul, było stworzenie wspólnego paszportu, który przyjęło dziesięć z czternastu państw Wspólnoty. Wspólny paszport poza ujednoliconym formatem dokumentów, pozwala na swobodne przekraczanie granicy bez wizy pomiędzy członkami sygnatariuszami oraz na przebywanie ich obywatelom bez dodatkowych zezwoleń na terenie państwa stron do dziewięćdziesięciu dni. Poza tym Yahye Jammeh po objęciu władzy, podobnie jak jego poprzednik, uznał ECOWAS za jedno z podstawowych forów, na którym jego państwo może osiągnąć swoje polityczne i ekonomiczne cele. Dał temu wyraz już w pierwszych dniach urzędowania, usilnie i skutecznie zabiegając o to, by Gambia nie została wykluczona ze wspólnoty, pomimo tego, że sam przejął władzę w wyniku zamachu stanu, co daje możliwość do wykluczenia jego państwa z prac organizacji. Szczególnym wyrazem polityki mającej na celu możliwie najsilniejsze związanie swoich celów międzynarodowych z polityką organizacji jest Vision 2020, dokument wydany w maju 1996 roku, będący swoistą długoterminową wizją rozwoju politycznego i gospodarczego kraju. Jest to dokument jasno przedstawiający kierunki polityki obrane przez ekipę Jammeha, wśród których jednym z podstawowych jest zwrócenie się ku organizacjom międzynarodowym ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem aktorów regionalnych, tj. ECOWAS i Unii Afrykańskiej. Równie ważnymi celami progra- �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 79 mu są: stworzenie zorientowanego proeksportowo rolnictwa oraz stworzenie w Gambii regionalnych centrów finansowych, a wszystko to w oparciu o prywatny biznes i wolność handlu zapewnioną właśnie przez korzystne rozwiązania w ramach współpracy międzynarodowej na szczeblu organizacji. Trzeba pamiętać, że 14% wymiany handlowej Gambii było związane w 2008 roku z państwami ECOWAS, wśród których najważniejszymi partnerami była Nigeria i Senegal. Dla porównania wymiana z krajami Unii Europejskiej obejmuje 43% wymiany handlowej tego państwa. Warto jednak zauważyć, że tendencja w handlu z Europą jest spadkowa, natomiast obroty z krajami regionu rosną dość szybko. Ważnym czynnikiem wpływającym na rozwój Gambii przy jednoczesnym pogłębieniu więzi z ECOWAS jest powołany w 1999 roku Bank Inwestycji i Rozwoju (ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development – EBID), którego celem jest inwestycyjne wspieranie różnorakich projektów gospodarczych w państwach członkowskich w celu wzmacniania pozycji Wspólnoty na arenie międzynarodowej. Do ważniejszych projektów przeprowadzonych przy wsparciu tej instytucji należy zaliczyć rozpoczęty od 2010 roku program reformy rolnej w Gambii mający na celu scalanie w prywatnych rękach (również na bazie spółdzielni) rozdrobnionego sektora rolnego. Program ten jest związany z polityką ECOWAS, w ramach której regionalne rolnictwo powinno zacząć odgrywać w niedalekiej przyszłości rolę eksportera żywności, jeśli nie na światowe rynki, to z pewnością na całą Afrykę13. Handlowy wymiar współpracy w ramach Wspólnoty widoczny jest także w oficjalnej doktrynie polityki handlowej Gambii, którą ogłoszono w 2011 roku. Stwierdza się tam między innymi, że w ramach 13 Por. ECOWAS Commends Gambia Agricultural Initiatives, źródło: http:// www.nepad.org/foodsecurit y/news/1825/ecowas-commends-gam­ bia%E2%80%99s-agricultural-initiatives (dostęp: 09.2014). �80 Michał Ząbek dywersyfikacji zarówno eksporterów, jak i importerów wszelkiego rodzaju dóbr, Gambia powinna osiągnąć podział, w którym relacje handlowe z żadnym z trzech wymienionych regionów nie powinny przekraczać 30%. Wśród wymienionych regionów były: Unia Europejska, ECOWAS i państwa Dalekiego Wschodu przede wszystkim Chiny, Indie i Singapur14. Osiągnięcie takich wskaźników wymiany handlowej wymaga pogłębienia relacji handlowych i politycznych pomiędzy krajami Afryki Zachodniej, co z pewnością znajdzie swoje odbicie w pracach dyplomatów z Bandżulu na forum tej organizacji. Należy zaznaczyć, że Gambia jest niezwykle aktywnym członkiem organizacji, szczególnie jeśli porówna się jej działania z realnymi możliwościami państwa. Wyraźnie prointegracyjna postawa Gambii została dostrzeżona już w latach 80., kiedy to sekretarzem organizacji w latach 1989–1990 i 1991–1992 został Dawda Jawara. Siły gambijskie uczestniczyły w praktycznie wszystkich misjach ECOMOG, również w tych najtrudniejszych w Sierra Leone, Liberii czy ostatnio w Mali i Czadzie. Gambia zarówno za poprzednich, jak i obecnych rządów zawsze w sposób zdecydowany wspiera integracyjny wymiar organizacji, widząc w głębokiej współpracy gwarancję szeroko pojętego bezpieczeństwa oraz szansę na rozwój jako część większego organizmu międzynarodowego. Taka postawa, jak się wydaje, jest spowodowana ogólną słabością tego państwa jako samodzielnego podmiotu na arenie międzynarodowej. Uzależnienie swoich dalekosiężnych planów od działań w ramach organizacji i w oparciu o sojusze w niej powstałe niesie jednak pewne zagrożenie. Może nim być brak elastyczności w prowadzonej polityce szczególnie handlowej, 14 Por. Ministry of Trade, Regional Integration and Employment: The Gambia Trade Policy 2011, źródło: http://www.gafspfund.org/sites/gafspfund.org/files/ Documents/Attachment%2011%20The%20Gambia%20Trade%20Policy%20 2011.pdf (dostęp: 09.2014). �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 81 jeśliby poziom integracji wzrósł na tyle, by zostały stworzone instrumenty i instytucje podobne do tych w Unii Europejskiej. W takim przypadku podmiotowy gambijski głos stałby się niesłyszalny, gdyż zostałby zagłuszony przez silnych graczy takich jak Nigeria czy choćby Mali. Gambia na forum Unii Afrykańskiej i jej relacje z pozostałymi państwami afrykańskimi Jak zaznaczono w poprzednim podrozdziale, kluczową rolę dla polityki międzynarodowej Gambii odgrywają organizacje międzynarodowe, na których forach państwo to odnajduje pole do przedstawienia swych opinii oraz znajduje partnerów, z którymi buduje koalicje w celu forsowania korzystnych dla siebie zapisów w prawodawstwie międzynarodowym. Gambia stała się członkiem Organizacji Jedności Afrykańskiej, poprzedniczki Unii Afrykańskiej, zaraz po uzyskaniu niepodległości w 1965 roku. Był to czas napięć wewnątrz tej organizacji, których swoistą instytucjonalizacją było powstanie dwóch odrębnych bloków politycznych: „Grupy z Casablanki” i „Grupy z Monrovii”. Pierwsza z nich nastawiona była na promocję panafrykanizmu, a także odwrócenie się od dawnych kolonizatorów, co w efekcie skutkowało w większości przypadków mniej lub bardziej pogłębionym sojuszem z blokiem państw socjalistycznych. W przypadku drugiej grupy nacisk kładziono na podkreślenie znaczenia państw narodowych jako suwerennych podmiotów polityki międzynarodowej w pozostawionych przez kolonizatorów granicach i przy zachowaniu z nimi dobrych relacji. Gambia ze względu na swoje szczególne uzależnienie od Wielkiej Brytanii oraz sympatie elit politycznych tego państwa do dawnej potęgi kolonialnej, znalazła się w Grupie z Monrovii, będąc od początku orędownikiem bliskich relacji z państwami Zachodu. Dawda Jawara i jego gabinet popierał wprawdzie dekolonizację, jednak ostro oponował w roku 1965 �82 Michał Ząbek przeciw jednostronnemu ogłoszeniu niepodległości przez Południową Rodezję. Poza tym rząd w Bandżulu przez większy okres swojej działalności na forum OJA utrzymywał ogólnie przyjętą przez tę organizację linię. W roku 1981 doszło do podpisania w Bandżulu Afrykańskiej Karty Praw Człowieka i Ludów. Dokument ten jest w języku angielskim nazywany również Banjul Charter. W Bandżulu znajduje się także komisja odpowiadająca za przestrzeganie zapisów wyżej wymienionej Karty. Po zmianie władzy w roku 1994 nowe wojskowe, a potem cywilne władze pod kierownictwem Yahye Jammeha kontynuowały politykę nastawioną pozytywnie do projektów zjednoczeniowych, mimo faktu, iż zamach stanu został potępiony przez organizację. Antyzachodnie nastawienie nowych władz w Bandżulu pozwoliło na uzyskanie poparcia ze strony podobnie nastawionych krajów, a w szczególności Libii Muamara Kadafiego. Poparcie to wyrażało się w niezwykle konkretny sposób: po pierwsze Libia bardzo szybko uznała rząd AFPRC pod przewodnictwem Jammeha, a po drugie już w listopadzie 1994 roku przekazała w ramach pomocy finansowej sumę piętnastu milionów dolarów. Yahye Jammeh znajdując poparcie u władcy Libii, naraził się na nieprzychylne opinie w ramach Commonwealthu. Nie spowodowało to jednak zmiany polityki, a wręcz przeciwnie, umocniło Jammeha na stanowisku odejścia od polityki zagranicznej opartej na wasalnej postawie wobec dawnego kolonizatora. W związku z tym w latach 1995–1996 odbył serię podróży do państw arabskich, w tym w ramach tradycyjnej pielgrzymki muzułmanów do Mekki odwiedził Arabię Saudyjską, gdzie spotkał się z miejscowymi władzami i otrzymał pomoc finansową oraz wsparcie polityczne, tym ważniejsze, że Jammeh od początku chciał kreować się na prawego przywódcę muzułmańskiego oraz dążył i dąży do uzyskania statusu lidera świata muzułmańskiego w Afryce Zachodniej. Jednak kluczowe znaczenie na arenie wewnątrzafrykańskiej i światowej �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 83 miało uzyskanie poparcia ze strony Egiptu. W 1996 roku, podczas obchodów rocznicy zamachu stanu z 22 lipca, Jammeh po raz pierwszy podjął się podsumowania efektów nowej polityki zagranicznej. W swojej mowie wymienił „prawdziwych przyjaciół” Gambii, do których spośród państw afrykańskich zaliczył Libię, Egipt i Nigerię. Gambia, jak już wspomniałem, nie zmieniła jednak zasadniczego kursu w swej polityce nastawionego na podjęcie takich kroków w ramach OJA, aby możliwie zacieśnić współpracę. W listopadzie 1996 roku doszło do wizyty przywódcy gambijskiego w Libii, która była niezwykle długa, jak na standardy dyplomatyczne, ponieważ trwała aż cztery dni. Wizyta była związana z rozpoczęciem działań Muamara Kadafiego na rzecz utworzenia Unii Afrykańskiej, jako nowego bardziej skonsolidowanego wcielenia OJA. Po odwiedzeniu Libii przyszedł czas na wizytę w Algierii, gdzie Jammeh również nakłaniał do reformy OJA oraz budował według swoich planów sojusz muzułmańskich państw w Afryce. To między innymi te wizyty ukształtowały projekt „Vision 2020” w kwestiach polityki międzynarodowej. Od 1996, aż do końca procesu tworzenia Unii Afrykańskiej, Gambia była silnym sojusznikiem Libii we wszelkich negocjacjach dotyczących nowo powstającej organizacji. W ramach relacji wewnątrzafrykańskich Gambia szukała przede wszystkim stronników wśród krajów tradycyjnie muzułmańskich oraz państw anglofońskich. Nie wychodziła jednak w sposób zdecydowany poza swój region, tj. Afrykę Zachodnią, dlatego trudno dostrzec jakiekolwiek bliższe relacje nawet z potencjalnymi sojusznikami takimi jak np. Sudan. Związane jest to z brakiem środków na prowadzenie rozbudowanej polityki zagranicznej i potrzebę utrzymywania relacji z kluczowymi partnerami co powoduje, że polityka państwa jednocześnie może zostać zogniskowana na niewielkiej liczbie przedsięwzięć w polityce zagranicznej. �84 Michał Ząbek Trzeba zauważyć, że Gambia pomimo utrzymywania niezwykle dobrych relacji z przywódcami oskarżanymi o wspieranie terroryzmu, takimi jak Kadafi, czy wprowadzenia antyzachodniej polityki, jest jednym z państw najsilniej wspierających prawa kobiet oraz dzieci i młodzieży na kontynencie afrykańskim. Dodatkowo rozbudowa wojska i służb bezpieczeństwa przyczynia się do efektywnej walki ze wszelkimi przejawami działalności przestępczej i terrorystycznej. Ważnym elementem ukazywania w pozytywnym świetle Gambii jest jej udział w misjach pokojowych oraz starania na rzecz pokojowego zakończenia wielu konfliktów w bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie i na całym kontynencie. Prezydent Jammeh podkreślał wielokrotnie potrzebę istnienia sądownictwa międzynarodowego oraz jego rolę w zachowaniu pokoju i przestrzeganiu prawa międzynarodowego, a właśnie sądownictwo międzynarodowe jest przez wielu przywódców afrykańskich kwestionowane i wskazywane jako element polityki neokolonialnej Zachodu. Jak więc widać postawa Jammeha i jego ekipy na arenie międzynarodowej nie jest jednoznaczna, szczególnie jeśli spojrzy się na postawę innych krajów afrykańskich. Podsumowanie Afryka jest naturalnym i kluczowym punktem odniesienia wszelkich działań w sferze polityki międzynarodowej Gambii. Jak – mam nadzieję – udało mi się pokazać w powyższym rozdziale, uwaga tego małego państwa nawet w swoim regionie nie jest jednolita i można łatwo podzielić ją na trzy oddzielne sfery. Pierwszą jest jedyny sąsiad Gambii – Senegal. Relacje pomiędzy Bandżulem i Dakarem mają zasadnicze egzystencjalne znaczenie dla istnienia Gambii. To przez Senegal płynie większość dóbr, jakie dostarczane są do Gambii i właśnie dobre relacje z tym państwem zapewniają poczucie szeroko pojętego bezpieczeństwa Gambijczyków. Relacje te nie są jednak wolne od incydentalnych napięć �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 85 i pewnego rodzaju nieufności. Negatywne czynniki związane są bezpośrednio z faktem, iż Gambia jest swoistą enklawą w ramach terytorium Senegalu, a jej granice są pochodną kolonialnej przeszłości i nie mają oparcia w naturalnych granicach etnicznych czy religijnych. Problem ten uwidacznia szczególnie toczący się konflikt w senegalskiej prowincji Casamanca, o którego podsycanie był oskarżany Yahya Jammeh, przede wszystkim z powodu podejrzeń, iż jego rodzina pochodzi właśnie z tego zapalnego regionu. Wydaje się jednak, że Jammeh, podobnie jak jego poprzednik, zachowuje neutralność wobec konfliktu, choć według różnych danych na terenie Gambii przebywa nawet do 10 tysięcy uchodźców z Senegalu. Drugą sferą są działania podejmowane w ramach ECOWAS-u. Organizacja ta ma kluczowe znaczenie dla polityki handlowej i bezpieczeństwa Gambii. Uczestnictwo w zacieśniającej więzy ekonomiczne i polityczne wspólnocie ma przynieść według „Vision 2020” niezwykle wysokie korzyści w postaci budowy zintegrowanego systemu celnego, a nawet walutowego, który sprawiłby, że niewielka gospodarka gambijska stałaby się elementem znacznie większego organizmu gospodarczego, atrakcyjniejszego dla potencjalnych inwestorów. Ponadto w erze rozwoju terroryzmu islamskiego w regionie Afryki Zachodniej, który ma charakter zagrożenia transnarodowego, istnieje coraz głębsza potrzeba współpracy pomiędzy wszystkimi krajami w celu zwalczania go. Misje pokojowe i stabilizacyjne, w których państwo Jammeha uczestniczy niezwykle aktywnie, są wymiernym wkładem w regionalną politykę bezpieczeństwa oraz budują wzajemne zaufanie pomiędzy krajami regionu. Trzecią sferą są relacje z pozostałymi krajami kontynentu. Odbywają się one przede wszystkim poprzez forum, jakim jest Unia Afrykańska, a wcześniej Organizacja Jedności Afrykańskiej. Tu, podobnie jak w Afryce Zachodniej, Gambia realizację swoich in- �86 Michał Ząbek teresów widzi w umacnianiu panafrykańskiej jedności. Dodatkowo forum pozwala na poszukiwanie partnerów mających podobnie negatywny stosunek do świata Zachodu jak prezydent Gambii. Jest to również miejsce formowania jednego z postulatów Jammeha, jakim jest jedność państw muzułmańskich kontynentu. Z tego względu od połowy lat 90., aż do czasu wojny domowej w Libii i obalenia reżimu Muamara Kadafiego, Libia i Gambia pozostawały bliskimi sojusznikami na forum Unii Afrykańskiej. Rozwój tej instytucji jest również konieczny w wymiarze ekonomicznym, tym bardziej, jeśli Gambia miałaby stać się regionalnym centrum finansowym, jak zostało to zarysowane w projekcie rozwoju kraju „Vision 2020”. Kluczowa rola Afryki jako regionu polityczno-gospodarczego jest dla Gambii nie do przecenienia. W oparciu o instrumenty wypracowane we współpracy z pozostałymi krajami kontynentu znaczenie tego kraju może wzrosnąć na arenie międzynarodowej, a rozwój, właśnie w oparciu o Afrykę, jest szansą na wyzwolenie się z ram neokolonializmu, w jaki Gambia, jak wiele innych państw Afryki, jest wpędzana zarówno przez państwa Zachodu, jak i przez Chiny czy Indie, których rola na kontynencie cały czas rośnie. Relacje Gambii z innymi państwami We wcześniejszych rozdziałach starałem się przedstawić zarys relacji Gambii z tradycyjnymi jej partnerami, to znaczy z państwami Zachodu i z afrykańskimi sąsiadami, z którymi państwo to od początku było niejako skazane na kontakty. Rozdział niniejszy poświęcam natomiast analizie zupełnie nowej i bardzo różnorodnej grupy państw, z którymi Gambia utrzymuje intensywne relacje znacznie krócej, za to stosunki te są o wiele bardziej intensyw- �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 87 ne i wydają się być prawdziwą przyszłością polityki zagranicznej tego małego państwa. Polityka zagraniczna prowadzona po 1994 roku przez ekipę Yahye Jammeha wydaje się być nietypowa w Afryce. Jak pokazałem w poprzednich rozdziałach, nie jest to polityka nastawiona na całkowite odrzucenie relacji z Zachodem, mimo że czytając niektóre wypowiedzi polityków gambijskich i obserwując głośne na arenie międzynarodowej posunięcia, można odnieść właśnie takie wrażenie. Nie dochodzi w ramach tej polityki również do krytyki instytucji międzynarodowych, co jest w ostatnich latach coraz bardziej zauważalne w przypadku takich państw jak np. Sudan ale także Kenia, które w różnoraki sposób próbują budować swoją niezależność wychodząc z ram ustanowionych przez system organizacji międzynarodowych i poza ich instytucjami i jurysdykcją budować swą pozycję na świecie. Gambia natomiast wręcz przeciwnie, wiąże bardzo silnie swój sukces międzynarodowy z sukcesem różnorakich projektów mających na celu konsolidację i koordynację polityk wielu państw na poziomie międzynarodowym. Wśród wspomnianych „nowych krajów” w polityce zagranicznej Gambii szczególną uwagę zwracają: Turcja, Iran Republika Chińska (Tajwan) i Chińska Republika Ludowa. Relacje Gambii z Turcją Relacje Gambii z Turcją należy zaliczyć do najlepszych, jakie Gambia utrzymuje z którymkolwiek państwem na świecie. Turcja uznała niepodległą Gambię już w roku 1965 zaraz po jej powstaniu. Dodatkowo o bardzo silnych relacjach świadczy fakt wzajemnego posiadania ambasad w stolicach obu państw, a w przypadku Gambii nawet dwóch konsulatów honorowych: w Stambule i Izmirze. Jednak aż do okresu budowy nowej koncepcji polityki zagranicznej przez ekipę Jammeha, relacje między państwami �88 Michał Ząbek nie wychodziły poza sferę wzajemnego uznawania się i utrzymywania stosunków dyplomatycznych i konsularnych. Wprawdzie jeszcze za rządów poprzednika obecnego prezydenta rozpoczęto bardziej rozbudowaną współpracę w postaci szkoleń w Turcji dla gambijskich wojskowych, jednak do początków drugiej dekady XXI w. nie doszło do wyjścia obu państw poza współpracę w tym aspekcie. Relacje handlowe i polityczne Turcji nastawionej przez wiele lat na kurs pro-europejski były determinowane przez współpracę z państwami UE, później znaczenia zaczęły nabierać również relacje gospodarcze z pozostałymi krajami europejskimi oraz Bliskim Wschodem. Kierunek afrykański pojawił się w polityce zagranicznej Ankary dopiero pod koniec pierwszej dekady XXI wieku, jednak bardzo szybko nabrał niezwykłego rozmachu, a Afryka okazała się swoistą „ziemią obiecaną” polityki tureckiej. Szczególnego strategicznego wymiaru nabrał po ogłoszeniu oficjalnej doktryny polityki zagranicznej „Strategicznej głębi” w 2009 roku przez Ahmeta Davutoğlu15. Znaczące i błyskawiczne zmiany zachodzące w rozwoju gospodarczym Czarnego Lądu przyciągnęły w ostatnim dziesięcioleciu wielu inwestorów z państw dotąd prowadzących ograniczoną politykę wobec Afryki. Szeroko zakrojona akcja promocyjna i polityczna, jaką rząd z Ankary podjął praktycznie w całej Afryce, przyniosła wymierne skutki, ponieważ w ciągu zaledwie kilku lat firmy tureckie podjęły współpracę z afrykańskimi partnerami, tworząc rozbudowane sieci powiązań handlowo-politycznych od Mogadiszu po Dakar i od Tunisu po Kapsztad. Stworzenie przez Turkish Airlines siatki połączeń z większością znaczących stolic Afryki, założenie wielu tureckich centrów handlowych oraz budowa elitarnego szkolnic15 Por. Grigoriadis Ioannis N., The Davutoğlu Doctrine and Turkish Foreign Policy, Hellenic Foundation For European and Foreign Policy, Working Paper No 8/2010, 04.2010, źródło: file:///C:/Users/Michal/Downloads/8_2010_ IoGrigoriadis.pdf (dostęp: 10.2014). �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 89 twa tureckiego przeznaczonego przede wszystkim dla dzieci szybko rosnącej klasy średniej w wielu krajach przy jednoczesnych ułatwieniach wizowych wprowadzonych przez Turcję, dają niezwykle korzystne pole do prowadzenia handlu charakteryzującego się masowym eksportem dóbr tureckich na cały kontynent oraz coraz większymi i częstszymi inwestycjami bezpośrednimi, a nawet wzrastającym udziałem inwestycji portfelowych, od których stronią gracze zachodni (do najważniejszych partnerów Turcji w Afryce Subsaharyjskiej należą Sudan, Etiopia, Kenia i RPA). Gambia, mimo że znacząco mniejsza od wymienionych powyżej państw, również okazała się być interesująca dla rządu Recepa Tayyipa Erdoğana i Ahmeta Davutoğlu. Turcja postanowiła wykorzystać dobre relacje pomiędzy państwami (zbudowane na wspólnych szkoleniach wojskowych) do rozpoczęcia ekspansywnej polityki wobec Gambii. Możliwość takiej ekspansji daje stosunkowo słaba sieć powiązań handlowych Gambii z krajami spoza subregionu Afryki Zachodniej i łaknienie zagranicznego kapitału, który jest niezbędny do rozwoju państwa i realizacji ambitnych planów takich, jak „Vision 2020”. Dodatkowo stworzenie stabilnej i silnej władzy w Afryce Zachodniej jest na rękę Turcji zwalczającej światowy handel narkotykami. Poza tym tak niewielkie państwo jak Gambia daje możliwość stworzenia na tyle silnych więzów łączących je z Turcją, że w niedalekiej przyszłości może się stać fragmentem budowanej w Afryce tureckiej strefy wpływów. Dla Yahye Jammeha Turcja wydaje się być również niezwykle dobrym partnerem. Poza napływem inwestycji i środków finansowych, które pozwolą na realizowanie wizji i planów związanych z rozwojem państwa, Turcja jawi się wręcz jako idealny partner dla małego państwa afrykańskiego. Poziom rozwoju gospodarczego i polityczne znaczenie na mapie świata pozwala jej na pozyskiwanie od Turcji koniecznych środków i umożliwia dogodną �90 Michał Ząbek wymianę handlową z krajem niebudzącym, tak jak Iran, kontrowersji na arenie międzynarodowej, a jednocześnie państwem coraz częściej odcinającym się od polityki prowadzonej przez kraje Zachodu. Kolejnym argumentem przemawiającym za współpracą z Turcją jest tradycja dobrej współpracy wojskowej, co ma niebagatelne znaczenie dla Yahye Jammeha jako człowieka wywodzącego się z armii. Na pewno wpływ na ciepłe relacje między krajami ma oczywiście fakt, iż w Turcji dominuje nieradykalny islam sunnicki, popierany również przez Yahye Jammeha, próbującego powstrzymać wszelkie ruchy ekstremistyczne poprzez promocję tradycyjnego tzw. czarnego islamu. W roku 2012 obroty handlowe pomiędzy krajami wyniosły 36 mln USD, przy czym import dóbr z Turcji oraz jej inwestycje to aż 95% tej kwoty. Poza tym ambasador Gambii w Turcji w swoim wywiadzie dla gazety „Zaman” powiedział, że jego rząd liczy na wzrost obrotów w ciągu kolejnego roku do ponad 100 mln USD oraz dywersyfikację dóbr, jakie są przedmiotem handlu pomiędzy obu stronami16. Trzeba zwrócić uwagę na fakt znaczących inwestycji tureckich w Gambii obejmujących wszystkie główne sektory gospodarki państwa, tj. system bankowy, rolnictwo, rybołówstwo, przemysł spożywczy, środki energetyczne oraz rozbudowę służby zdrowia i systemu edukacji. Powstanie w maju 2014 roku wspólnej komisji gospodarczej jest jednym z najważniejszych wspólnych przedsięwzięć obu państw. Jak zauważyli przedstawiciele obu stron biorących udział w uroczystości powołującej do życia tę instytucję w kurorcie Kairaba, komisja ma za zadanie przede wszystkim przyczynić się do promocji handlu i wsparcia inwestorów, szczególnie w zakresie pomocy prawnej. Innym waż16 Por. Turkey and Gambia Cooperate in Peacekeeping Operations, źródło: http://www.todayszaman.com/interviews_turkey-and-gambia-cooperate-inpeacekeeping-operations_322815.html (dostęp: 10.2014). �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 91 nym dokumentem podpisanym latem 2014 r. jest dwustronne porozumienie na temat współpracy w zakresie zdrowia i opieki medycznej. W ramach tego dokumentu (podpisanego 26 sierpnia br.) znajdują się zapisy o szkoleniach lekarzy, wymianie informacji na temat sytuacji epidemiologicznych, transferze technologii medycznych i prowadzeniu wspólnych prac badawczych17. Kolejnym wymiarem kooperacji państw jest podjęta na szeroką skalę wymiana studentów i uczniów szkół średnich, którzy w myśl podpisanych postanowień mają mieć dostęp do uczelni w obu krajach, a w przypadku Gambijczyków również wsparcie finansowe na podjęcie nauki. Za jeden z najciekawszych i znaczących gestów we wzajemnych relacjach należy uznać stworzenie mechanizmu konsultacji pomiędzy ministerstwami spraw zagranicznych Gambii i Turcji18. Ponadto należy również zwrócić uwagę na inwestycje w sferze budownictwa mieszkaniowego i rozwój infrastruktury turystycznej, jakie Turcja podejmuje coraz intensywniej w tym afrykańskim państwie. Jak łatwo zauważyć, szczególnie ostatnie dwa, trzy lata są niezwykle intensywne w obustronnych relacjach między państwami. Podjęte w ramach umów bilateralnych zobowiązania są szczególnie korzystne dla cierpiącej na brak środków kapitałowych i inwestycji Gambii, dodatkowo rozbudowa mechanizmów współpracy politycznej pozwala pokazać Yahye Jammehowi zarówno wewnątrz kraju, jak i za granicą, iż jego państwo liczy się w relacjach z państwami znacznie potężniejszymi. Natomiast współpraca w dziedzinie oświaty i ochrony zdrowia pozwoli na wyciągnięPor. Sanyang Lamin, Gambia/Turkey sign Health Agreements, źródło: http:// www.foroyaa.gm/archives/1209 (dostęp: 10.2014). 18 Por. Relations between Turkey and the Gambia, strona MSZ Republiki Turcji, źródło: http://www.mfa.gov.tr/relations-between-turkey-and-the-gambia.en.mfa (dostęp: 11.2014). 17 �92 Michał Ząbek cie Gambii z zapaści cywilizacyjnej 19. Jeżeli nie dojdzie do gwałtownego załamania relacji, co jest typowe dla rządów Jamme­ ha w polityce międzynarodowej, możemy się spodziewać, że zarówno Turcja tworząc swoją strefę wpływów w Afryce, jak i pchnięta do rozwoju Gambia, mogą w sposób znaczący skorzystać na tak ścisłej współpracy. Relacje Gambii z Iranem Do momentu objęcia rządów przez AFPRC w lipcu 1994 roku de facto nie istniały stosunki gambijsko-irańskie. Gambia znajdująca się początkowo w fazie budowy swej państwowości interesowała się jedynie relacjami ze swoimi sąsiadami i dawną potęgą kolonialną. Po 1979 r. doszło natomiast do znalezienia się Gambii w obozie państw stojących w opozycji do wydarzeń rewolucji irańskiej. Jednak zmiana rządów i wielokrotnie już wspominana nowa koncepcja polityki zagranicznej w sposób zasadniczy wpłynęła na wzajemne relacje pomiędzy krajami. Należy jednak zauważyć, że intensywne stosunki pomiędzy Iranem i Gambią nie zostały nawiązane od razu po przejęciu władzy przez Jammeha, a są wynikiem dłuższego procesu zmiany polityki międzynarodowej obu państw. Ze strony Gambii do pogłębienia związków z państwem ajatollahów przyczyniła się polityka odchodzenia od bliskich relacji z państwami Zachodu, którą opisywałem już we wcześniejszych rozdziałach. Natomiast Iran obłożony sankcjami i izolowany na arenie międzynarodowej nie miał innego wyboru niż poszukiwanie nowych rynków zbytu dla swoich towarów i surowców, głównie ropy naftowej. Od połowy pierwszej dekady XXI w. zaczął prowadzić coraz intensyw19 Gambia posiada tylko jeden dostatecznie wyposażony szpital odziedziczony po epoce kolonialnej, który z pewnością nie może sprostać zadaniom z jakimi musi się mierzyć w rozwijającym się państwie. Znajduje się tu też tylko jedna szkoła wyższa University of the Gambia, działająca dopiero od 1999 roku. �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 93 niejszą kampanię polityczno-gospodarczą w Afryce. Pomiędzy 2005 a 2010 rokiem doszło do wizyt byłego prezydenta Iranu Muhamada Ahamadineżada w trzynastu państwach Afryki, w tym w Gambii (i to dwukrotnie – w latach 2006 i 2009). Ta swoista afrykańska ofensywa Iranu jest zarówno próbą otwarcia dość mocno zamkniętej gospodarki i budowy politycznych sojuszów, jak i reakcją na zmieniającą się sytuację międzynarodową, w której Afryka staje się sceną coraz ważniejszych wydarzeń o wymiarze światowym, szczególnie tych o charakterze gospodarczym. Iran podjął wyzwanie tym intensywniej, że wrogi mu Izrael w tym samym okresie również rozpoczął nasilone działania na Czarnym Lądzie, budując swoją pozycję ekonomiczną i polityczną w tym regionie. Gambia, ze względu na narastające napięcia z państwami Zachodu oraz swoją politykę promocji sojuszu państw muzułmańskich, była naturalnym sojusznikiem działań Iranu, tym bardziej że również sąsiedni Senegal wyraził chęć współpracy z tym państwem. Od 2006 roku związki pomiędzy Gambią i Iranem znacząco się zacieśniły. Współpraca pomiędzy państwami przyjęła charakter wielowymiarowy i przejawia się do dziś we współpracy w takich dziedzinach jak kwestie obronności i współpraca wywiadów, rolnictwo, sprzedaż produktów przemysłu maszynowego i nośników energii (przede wszystkim ropy) oraz rozwoju systemu bankowego. Za największy irańsko-gambijski projekt można uznać projekt modernizacji czy raczej stworzenia regularnego systemu transportu publicznego rozpoczęty w 2007 roku, który miał się oprzeć na maszynach wyprodukowanych właśnie przez irańskie firmy na terenie Gambii, co z pewnością byłoby przykładem niezwykle opłacalnej inwestycji bezpośredniej dla tego małego afrykańskiego państwa. Cały projekt jest przewidywany na wiele lat, a jego wartość oszacowano na 2 mld USD. Należy również pamiętać, że Iran współpracował między innymi z Gambią na forum �94 Michał Ząbek organizacji międzynarodowych, w tym przede wszystkim ONZ. Poparcie Gambii przejawiało się w głosowaniu na forum ONZ przeciwko sankcjom nakładanym na Iran oraz ewentualnym rezolucjom potępiającym Teheran za łamanie praw człowieka lub wzywającym do zakończenia programu nuklearnego, do którego, jak oficjalnie głosiła polityka Gambii, Iran ma pełne prawo. Do gwałtownego pogorszenia się relacji gambijsko-irańskich doszło w roku 2010, kiedy to z Bandżulu zostali wydaleni dy­ plomaci irańscy. Oficjalnej przyczyny tego niezwykle ostrego po­sunięcia rząd Jammeha nie podał. Zarówno miejscowi, jak i za­grani­czni dziennikarze dopatrują się powodów tej decyzji w przechwyceniu przez celników nigeryjskich pod koniec listopada 2010 r. znacznego transportu irańskiej broni na statku francuskim (broń ta miała być skierowana właśnie do Bandżulu). Strona gambijska poinformowała, że broń ta nie miała trafić w ręce władz, a tylko do niewymienionej z nazwy grupy rebelianckiej, która jakoby miała działać przeciw obecnym władzom Gambii. Nieznane są jednak jakiekolwiek ugrupowania, które podejmowałyby walkę zbrojną z obecnymi władzami w Bandżulu, choć w roku 2009 pojawiły się doniesienia o grupach wewnątrz miejscowego establishmentu, które miały być zainteresowane odsunięciem Yahye Jammeha od władzy. Wielu dziennikarzy uważa, że reakcja Gambii na doniesienia, iż to do tego kraju ma płynąć uzbrojenie, była próbą zatuszowania faktu, że państwo Jammeha starało się obejść zakaz importu broni irańskiej, jaki jest częścią sankcji nałożonych na Iran przez ONZ w 2007 roku. Inni natomiast zwracają uwagę na to, że za zerwaniem relacji dyplomatycznych miały stać Stany Zjednoczone, które wywarły nacisk na Gambię, która coraz silniej współpracowała z Republiką Islamską. Bez względu na powód tak gwałtownego oziębienia dotąd bardzo dobrych relacji, stanowiło ono powód do niepokoju dla obu państw. Wraz z wydaleniem dyplomatów zawieszono prowadzone przez �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 95 Iran programy pomocy rozwojowej oraz wszelką współpracę pomiędzy oboma rządami, a także przedsiębiorstwami z obu krajów. Takie postawienie sprawy musiało być niezwykle bolesne dla Iranu tracącego w tym momencie małego, lecz cennego sojusznika w Afryce20. Tym boleśniejsze, że osłabiało możliwości promocji Iranu jako wiarygodnego kontrahenta w biznesie oraz partnera dyplomatycznego w oczach wielu przywódców afrykańskich. Hussein Abdullahi (ambasador Iranu w Nigerii) w lutym 2011 roku starał się wyjaśnić całą sytuację, jak się wydaje właśnie na użytek polityki prowadzonej przez to państwo na Czarnym Lądzie. Według jego słów transport broni był rzeczywiście przeznaczony do Bandżulu, ponieważ był częścią szerszego tajnego porozumienia podpisanego jeszcze w 2007 roku o dostarczeniu broni do Gambii. Sugerował również, że bardzo ostra reakcja Gambii na wykrycie tego transportu była związana z faktem, iż władze gambijskie uznały, że wykrycie transportu nie jest przypadkowe i ma na celu postawienie tego państwa w złym świetle. Poinformował również, że sytuacja została już wyjaśniona, a obecnie trwają negocjacje nad powrotem do prowadzonej wcześniej bardzo przyjaznej polityki pomiędzy obu krajami. Niestety dla Iranu taka szczerość, zamiast uspokoić przywódców afrykańskich, wpędziła ich w jeszcze większe obawy, a pierwszym z państw, które swój niepokój wyraziło, zrywając relacje dyplomatyczne i wydalając irańskich dyplomatów ze swej stolicy, był Senegal. Sąsiad Gambii wyraźnie zaniepokojony nieoficjalnym wzmacnianiem sił gambijskich przez Teheran poczynił wyżej wymienione kroki już 23 lutego 201121. Co ciekawe, krach polityki irańskiej w Afryce Zachodniej nie skończył się na załamaniu stosunków z państwami 20 Por. Tait Robert, Iran Dealt Losing Hand In Gambia Gambit, źródło: http:// www.rferl.org/content/iran_gambia/2229571.html (dostęp: 11.2014). 21 Por. Mahjar-Barducci Anna, Iran’s Charm Offensive in Africa, źródło: http:// www.gatestoneinstitute.org/1974/iran-charm-offensive-africa (dostęp: 10.2014). �96 Michał Ząbek Senegambii. W kilka tygodni później odkryto w Lagos w Nigerii ponownie transport 130 kg heroiny na statku płynącym z Iranu do jednego z portów europejskich. Taki stan rzeczy doprowadził w krótkim czasie do krachu polityki irańskiej w Afryce Zachodniej, a obecne w dyplomacji Teheranu głosy, iż Iran pozostaje jednym ze strategicznych partnerów dla państw Unii Afrykańskiej oraz o wspólnym przeciwstawianiu się zachodniej dominacji i postkolonializmowi, wydają się być na tym etapie już tylko pustą retoryką. Relacje Gambii z Republiką Chińską i Chińską Republika Ludową Relacje Gambii z oboma państwami chińskimi można uznać za interesujący przypadek jednoczesnej współpracy z dwoma wzajemnie nieuznającymi się państwami. Przy czym uznanie na arenie międzynarodowej jednego z nich oznaczało dotychczas zerwanie z drugim. Gambia utrzymywała relacje dyplomatyczne z Chińską Republika Ludową (ChRL) od grudnia 1974 do lipca 1995 roku, natomiast z Republika Chińską (Tajwanem) od 1968 do 1974 roku i od 1995 do listopada 2013 roku, kiedy to bez wcześniejszych sygnałów zerwała jednostronnie stosunki z Tajpej i ogłosiła jednostronne ponowne nawiązanie relacji dyplomatycznych z Pekinem. Pierwszy okres współpracy z Tajwanem w latach 1968–1974 nie był wynikiem suwerennych decyzji rządu Dawda Jawary, lecz wynikiem systemu relacji międzynarodowych narzuconego przez dawną potęgę kolonialną. Kontakty z Tajwanem były podporządkowane szerszej polityce zwalczania wpływów komunistycznych, na czym szczególnie zależało Wielkiej Brytanii zaniepokojonej rozwojem ruchów socjalistycznych i komunistycznych w wychodzących spod jej władzy kolonii. Dostępne źródła zawracają uwagę, że ani Gambia, ani Tajwan nie odnosiły szczególnych korzyści �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 97 z oficjalnej współpracy22. Wydaje się, że poza ideologicznym wymiarem relacje w tym okresie nie wpływały na sytuacje obu państw, które koncertowały swe wysiłki na innych regionach i państwach świata. Dodatkowo istnieją przesłanki, że doszło do przestępstw z udziałem inżynierów tajwańskich wysłanych do Gambii w ramach współpracy w dziedzinie rozwoju technologicznego i restrukturyzacji rolnictwa tego afrykańskiego państwa23. Taki stan rzeczy, jak łatwo przypuszczać, nie sprzyjał zacieśnianiu wzajemnych relacji i tworzył podstawy do łatwego ich zerwania. Do takiej sytuacji doszło w grudniu 1974 roku, kiedy Gambia jednostronnie zerwała stosunki dyplomatyczne z Tajpej i 14 grudnia 1974 roku nawiązała je z Chińską Republiką Ludową. Miało to głębsze podstawy niż wspomniana już niska intensywność kontaktów gambijsko-tajwańskich. W latach 70. doszło do zmiany wizerunku obozu komunistycznego wśród państw zrzeszonych w Ruchu Państw Niezaangażowanych. Słabnący nacisk na kwestie ideologiczne, a skupienie się bardziej na „technicznych” warunkach udzielania pomocy powodowało, że dla wielu państw afrykańskich ChRL czy ZSRR stawały się interesującymi partnerami, tym bardziej że wiele z tych państw poszukiwało różnorakich dróg zmniejszenia zależności od byłych potęg kolonialnych. W przypadku nawiązania przez Jawarę kontaktów z Chinami kontynentalnymi ważnym czynnikiem była również presja najbliższego otoczenia międzynarodowego. W roku 1974 praktycznie wszystkie państwa Afryki Zachodniej posiadały już rozwinięte stosunki dyplomatyczne i gospodarcze z ChRL i jednocześnie pod wpływem Pekinu wywierały na Bandżul rosnącą presję zakończenia konPor. Bukhari M. S. Sillah, Mohammed E. Jammeh, AERC Scoping Studies on China-Africa Economic Relations the Gambia, s. 11, źródło: http://dspace. africaportal.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/32074/1/Gambia-china.pdf?1 (dostęp: 10.2014). 23 Tamże, s. 15. 22 �98 Michał Ząbek taktów z Tajwanem. Dodatkowo zmianie frontów sprzyjało stopniowe ustępowanie nacisku Wielkiej Brytanii i USA (będących w tamtym okresie największymi partnerami Gambii na arenie międzynarodowej) na prowadzenie polityki zwróconej przeciw Pekinowi24. Okazało się, że nawiązanie kontaktów z Chinami kontynentalnymi było rzeczywiście opłacalne. Chińczycy przyczynili się do budowy podstaw prawie nieistniejącej wcześniej infrastruktury drogowej, rozwoju służby zdrowia oraz inwestycji związanych ze sportem i rekreacją, z których największą była budowa stadionu piłkarskiego w Bandżulu, tzw. Stadionu Niepodległości (ang. Independence Stadium). Mimo iż kontakty obu krajów nie należały w przeciągu dwudziestu jeden lat (1974–1995) do bardzo intensywnych, należy uznać je za korzystne, szczególnie dla strony gambijskiej, która uzyskała podstawy infrastruktury, a Gambijczycy na podstawie umowy o kontaktach kulturalnych mogli wyjeżdżać na studia do Chin, natomiast system ochrony zdrowia zyskał dostęp do szkoleń i tanich artykułów medycznych produkcji chińskiej. W ramach całościowych zmian w polityce zagranicznej po zamachu z 22 lipca 1994 roku i objęciu władzy przez AFPRC i Yahye Jammeha, w lipcu 1995 roku doszło do nawiązania ponownych stosunków dyplomatycznych z Republiką Chińską. Należy zauważyć, że jest to już okres gwałtownego rozwoju kontaktów z Chińską Republiką Ludową i pogłębienia się spadku znaczenia Tajwanu na arenie międzynarodowej. Stąd takie zachowanie nowych władz w Bandżulu może zaskakiwać. Ponadto trudno doszukać się innych praktycznych powodów zerwania relacji między państwami w tamtym momencie, tym bardziej że w roku 1995 wy24 Było to związane z ociepleniem relacji na linii Waszyngton – Pekin, które postępowało od początku lat 70. i było osadzone przede wszystkim na rozłamie radziecko-chińskim pogłębiającym się od roku 1958. �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 99 miana handlowa sięgnęła blisko 55 mln USD, a Chiny były jednym z największych partnerów handlowych Gambii25. Przyjmowana za powód zmiany chęć prostej negacji polityki prowadzonej przez poprzednika wydaje się być jedynym wytłumaczeniem takiego posunięcia. Pekin nigdy nie wydał żadnego oświadczenia na ten temat. Dla Tajpej ruch Gambii w momencie, gdy kolejne państwa odsuwały się od niej, stanowił szansę na podjęcie na nowo wyzwań związanych z budową wpływów w Afryce. Gambia mogła stać się jedną z baz dla rozwoju wpływów politycznych i gospodarczych w Afryce Zachodniej. Władze Tajwanu w ramach nowego początku podjęły się wykonania zobowiązań w zakresie dokończenia lub wykonania inwestycji tożsamych z tymi, które rozpoczęli Chińczycy z kontynentu. Dodatkowo powrócili do zerwanej w 1974 roku współpracy w zakresie transferu technologii i rozwoju rolnictwa. Ze strony Tajwanu pojawiło się znacznie silniejsze zainteresowanie Gambią, niż miało to miejsce we wcześniejszym okresie, kiedy oba państwa utrzymywały wzajemne stosunki. Doszło do wielu wzajemnych wizyt na szczeblu przedstawicieli poszczególnych ministerstw obu krajów, a w latach 2000 i 2009 Yahya Jammeh odwiedził Tajpej, natomiast Ma Ying-jeou prezydent Republiki Chińskiej odbył wizytę w Bandżulu w 2012 roku. Podczas wszystkich wizyt przywódcy nie szczędzili sobie ciepłych słów oraz podkreślali bardzo dobry stan wzajemnych relacji. Ze strony Gambii kluczowym wkładem we wzajemne stosunki było poparcie dla dążeń Tajwanu do uznania na arenie międzynarodowej, w tym przede wszystkim na forum organizacji międzynarodowych, ale także wyasygnowanie niezwykle wysokiej, jak na to małe państwo, kwoty 700 000 USD na pomoc ofiarom tajfunu The Observatory of Economic Complexity, źródło: http://atlas.media.mit. edu/explore/tree_map/hs/export/chn/gmb/show/2003/ (dostęp: 10.2014). 25 �100 Michał Ząbek Marakot. Z drugiej strony Gambia otrzymywała przez cały okres znaczące środki w ramach pomocy rozwojowej, inwestycje w infrastrukturę i przemysł lekki, a także znaczące środki na system opieki zdrowia (300 000 USD tylko w 2010 roku) i rozwój policji oraz niesławnej służby bezpieczeństwa26. By przedstawić kilka z wielu inwestycji, jakie Tajwan przeprowadził w państwie Jammeha, wymienię budowę i wyposażenie sieci przychodni w miejscowościach wzdłuż rzeki, ufundowanie studiów ponad 150 studentom z Gambii, stworzenie podstaw do powstania gospodarstw rolnych zajmujących się intensywną produkcją zboża i zwierząt, które mają działać na podstawie spółdzielni zrzeszających miejscowych rolników. Do ważnych inwestycji należy budowa chłodni w Bandżulu oraz elektrowni zaspokajającej potrzeby stolicy i okolic. Należy wspomnieć o pomocy o czysto humanitarnym wymiarze. W latach 2000–2009 Tajwan przekazywał nieodpłatnie co roku ok. 10 tys. ton ryżu. W zakresie współpracy wojskowej Gambia korzystała z niej przede wszystkim w okresie poprzedzającym silny rozwój stosunków z Turcją. Z racji, że Tajwanu nie stać na wspieranie gambijskich sił zbrojnych kwotą przewyższającą 10 000 USD (jest to suma jaką zaoferowała Turcja w roku 2009 i nie jest ona wliczona w koszty szkoleń czy dostaw broni dla armii gambijskiej) relacje te osłabiły się w ostatnich latach. Gambijscy oficerowie (szczególnie chodzi tu o osoby związane ze służbami bezpieczeństwa oraz marynarki) kontynuowali jednak, aż do zerwania stosunków dyplomatycznych, rozpoczęte studia w wojskowych instytutach i uczelniach Tajwanu27. Mimo głoszoPor. Czerewyk Konstantin A., Sowremennye otnoszenija Gambii i Taiwania ot Sojuza do Razrywa, s. 196, źródło: http://www.gramota.net/mate­ rials/3/2015/4-1/52.html (dostęp: 10.2014). 27 Por. Soeters J., Manigart Ph., Military Cooperation in Multinational Peace Operations. Managing cultural diversity and crisis response, Routledge, New York 2008, s. 124. 26 �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 101 nej głębokiej współpracy pomiędzy krajami, obroty handlowe łącznie w 2009 roku wyniosły zaledwie 400 tys. USD i w następnych latach nie ulegały praktycznie wzrostowi, co przy kwocie ok. 330 mln USD w obrocie handlowym z ChRL w roku 2012 wydaje się kwotą wyjątkowo małą28. Jak już wspomniałem wyżej, relacje handlowe z ChRL były utrzymywane bez względu na brak kontaktów na szczeblu dyplomatycznym. Mimo że dostęp chińskich inwestorów do rynku gambijskiego po zerwaniu relacji dyplomatycznych był znacząco ograniczony poprzez nałożenie na nich obowiązku ubiegania się o specjalne pozwolenie na prowadzenie działalności na terenie Gambii29, do kontaktów handlowych dochodziło cały czas. Źródłem ich był i jest nadal przede wszystkim obrót pomiędzy przedsiębiorcami gambijskim a Chińczykami działającymi na rynkach sąsiednich państw afrykańskich przede wszystkim Senegalu, Mali i Gwinei Bissau. To właśnie skala tego nie w pełni legalnego obrotu stała się zapewne podstawową przyczyną reorientacji polityki gambijskiej na Chińską Republikę Ludową. Należy dodatkowo zauważyć, że jedyne chińskie przedsiębiorstwo działające w Gambii od roku 2003, czyli COSMOS Industrial Company Limited w ciągu swej działalności dokonało inwestycji wartych 12 mln 700 tys. USD co, jak łatwo zauważyć, jest sumą znacznie większą od tego, co mogła zaoferować strona tajwańska, działająca przede wszystkim za pośrednictwem organów państwa, a nie prywatnych inwestorów30. Widać tu głęboką dysproporcję pomięThe Observatory of Economic Complexity, źródło: http://atlas.media.mit. edu/explore/tree_map/hs/import/chn/gmb/show/2012/ (dostęp: 10.2014). 29 Bukhari M. S. Sillah, Mohammed E. Jammeh, AERC Scoping Studies on China-Africa Economic Relations: The Gambia, s. 15, źródło: http://dspace. africaportal.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/32074/1/Gambia-china.pdf?1 (dostęp: 10.2014). 30 Ibidem, s. 20. 28 �102 Michał Ząbek dzy możliwościami inwestorów prywatnych i państwowych z ChRL a tymi z Tajwanu. Przedstawione powyżej fakty wskazują, że współpraca z Pekinem z ekonomicznego punktu widzenia opłaca się Gambii bardziej niż podejmowana z Tajpej. Ruch, jaki wykonał 14 listopada 2013 roku Yahye Jammeh, polegający na jednostronnym zerwaniu relacji z Tajwanem i jednoczesnym jednostronnym nawiązaniu relacji z ChRL, wygląda jednakże na niezwykle gwałtowny i mało dyplomatyczny. Co jednak ważniejsze, jak pokazały następne dni, ruch ten był rzeczywiście niepoparty żadnymi ustaleniami z którymkolwiek z państw chińskich. Pekin w kilka dni później poinformował, że nie utrzymuje stosunków dyplomatycznych z Gambią, a o działaniach tego państwa dowiedział się z mediów oraz, że w żaden sposób nie popiera ruchów Gambii na scenie międzynarodowej. Natomiast misja tajwańskiego MSZ z 18 listopada nie przyniosła żadnych efektów i nie doprowadziła do wyjaśnienia sytuacji czy odnowienia relacji. Wydaje się także, że Chiny bardziej skupiły się na budowie wzajemnych relacji z Tajwanem i to relacje ponad Cieśniną Tajwańską będą determinowały kontakty obu państw z Gambią, a nie odwrotnie31. Po roku od tych wydarzeń Gambia nie utrzymuje obecnie relacji dyplomatycznych z państwami chińskimi. Wyjątkowo nieprofesjonalne zachowanie Yahye Jammeha może doprowadzić do utraty przez Gambię i jego rząd wizerunku na arenie międzynarodowej, co już od jakiegoś czasu następuje. Dodatkowo obecnie wydaje się praktycznie niemożliwe odnowienie relacji z Tajwanem, a Chiny kontynentalne również nie wydają się być zainteresowane oczekiwaniem Gambii na podjęcie z nią ewentualnych rozmów na temat wspólnych kontaktów 31 Por. Drun Jessica, China-Taiwan Diplomatic Truce Holds Despite Gambia, źródło: http://thediplomat.com/2014/03/china-taiwan-diplomatic-truce-holdsdespite-gambia/ (dostęp: 10.2014). �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 103 na szczeblu ambasad. Należy również pamiętać o stratach ekonomicznych, które będą niezwykle odczuwalne dla tego niewielkiego afrykańskiego państwa, utrata jednego ze źródeł pomocy rozwojowej i humanitarnej z pewnością spowolni rozwój i postawi pod znakiem zapytania ambitne plany władz w Bandżulu. Podsumowanie Relacje podjęte z „nowymi krajami”, jak starałem się to pokazać w niniejszym rozdziale, stanowią wielką szansę, ale jednocześnie są pełne niepewności. Gambia poszukując nowych inwestorów i politycznych protektorów na arenie międzynarodowej, kieruje swój wzrok nie tylko na wymienione powyżej państwa. Do krajów, z którymi kontakty stają się coraz bardziej intensywne zaliczyć trzeba Kubę, która od roku 2012 zaangażowana jest w budowę pierwszej uczelni medycznej w Gambii czy też Wietnam, który podobnie jak wcześniej Tajwan i Chiny, coraz energiczniej angażuje się w inwestycje drogowe oraz jest jednym z kluczowych dostawców podstawowych dóbr na rynek gambijski. Widać także zacieśnienie kontaktów z Rosją, które opierają się na wspólnej krytyce postkolonializmu, jaki stosują państwa Zachodu oraz na coraz większych inwestycjach Rosjan w sektor turystyczny. W tym kontekście swego rodzaju ciekawostką jest ogłoszenie przez rosyjskiego milionera Antona Bakova chęci utworzenia z Gambii rosyjskiej „kolonii”, a przynajmniej ośrodka, gdzie Rosjanie mogliby bez przeszkód przyjeżdżać w celach turystyczno-rekreacyjnych. Póki co jednak jego plany koncentrują się na budowie hotelu o wysokim standardzie nad Atlantykiem. W działaniach rządu Yahye Jammeha widać jednak niekonsekwencję i brak profesjonalizmu w podejmowaniu relacji z no­wymi partnerami. Wydaje się nie zauważać, że dywersyfikacja źródeł kapitału i inwestycji nie jest jednoznaczna z silnym zaangażowaniem politycznym, czy wręcz emocjonalnym, jakie przywiązuje �104 Michał Ząbek on do relacji dwustronnych, co prowadzi częstokroć do ruchów chaotycznych, jak to miało miejsce zarówno w przypadku chińskim, jak i niefortunnych relacji z Iranem. Wydaje się też, że Jammeh przedstawia postawę nazbyt roszczeniową w stosunku do państw, które są gotowe wejść lub pogłębić relacje bilateralne z jego krajem, co nie sprzyja rozbudowie sieci kontaktów politycznych, gospodarczych i militarnych jego kraju i jednocześnie prowadzi do zamknięcia w ramach kontaktów z państwami Zachodu i Afryki, z których przecież próbuje się uwolnić. Podwyższenie poziomu profesjonalizmu prowadzonych przez Gambię działań w sferze międzynarodowej może jednak dać szansę na przyspieszenie rozwoju najmniejszego państwa Afryki przy równoczesnym uwolnieniu się z kolonialnych i postkolonialnych zależności. Zakończenie Z łatwością można zauważyć, że pozycja i charakter relacji międzynarodowych tego małego państwa afrykańskiego ma swoje wewnętrzne podstawy oparte o trzy filary, tj. położenie geograficzne i kształt granic, spuściznę historyczną oraz osobowość przywódcy. Dwa pierwsze z wymienionych czynników są wyraźnie zaznaczone w polityce praktycznie każdego państwa na świecie i są stałą determinantą polityki wewnętrznej i zagranicznej tak światowych mocarstw, jak i państw niewielkich. W przypadku Gambii zauważalny jest natomiast niezwykle silny czynnik osobowości głowy państwa. Jest to stan niejako typowy dla krajów, w których mamy do czynienia z władzą autorytarną oraz dla takich, w których aparat administracji państwowej jest słaby i silnie uzależniony od bezpośrednich działań szefa. Obie wymienione cechy są charakterystyczne dla opisywanej przeze mnie Gambii. �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 105 Mimo że również w krajach o wielowiekowej tradycji budowy kadry zawodowej dyplomatów, takich jak np. Rosja czy Turcja, silny przywódca w znacznej mierze kształtuje politykę zagraniczną państwa, to w przypadku Gambii można mówić wręcz o wyeliminowaniu czynnika, jakim jest resort spraw zagranicznych. Stąd brak nazwisk kolejnych ministrów spraw zagranicznych państwa w tekście, gdyż nie wniosłyby niczego do jej treści, ponieważ nie byli oni w żadnej mierze twórcami polityki międzynarodowej Gambii, a co najwyżej wykonawcami woli prezydenta. Już fakt, że na przestrzeni dwudziestu lat rządów Yahye Jammeha było ich dziewiętnastu, a służba najdłużej sprawującego swą władzę w ministerstwie Momodou Lamin Sedat Jobe trwała niespełna trzy lata (1998–2001) i zakończyła się jego emigracją do Szwecji, mówi sporo o braku realnego wpływu urzędników państwowych na kreowanie założeń i celów polityki32. Zmiany na stanowisku szefa dyplomacji tego kraju następują niezwykle często, w skrajnych przypadkach powołani ministrowie nie pełnili funkcji nawet pół roku. Taki stan rzeczy jest w przypadku Gambii charakterystyczny również dla pozostałych resortów. Wydaje się być elementem utrzymywania władzy przez Yahye Jammeha, trzymającego swoich podwładnych w ciągłej niepewności, co poprzez częste zmiany zapobiega powstawaniu ewentualnych koalicji wewnątrz aparatu państwowego wymierzonych w jego osobę. Natomiast kluczowym czynnikiem oddziaływującym na politykę Gambii z zewnątrz jest specyficzny charakter sąsiedztwa z Senegalem. Wielokrotne próby połączenia obu terytoriów zarówno w okresie kolonialnym, jak i po uzyskaniu niezależności, kończyły się zawsze niepowodzeniem. Taka sytuacja zmusza Por. The List of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of States of the World, źródło: http://rulers.org/fm2.html (dostęp: 11.2014). 32 �106 Michał Ząbek szczególnie znacznie mniejszą Gambię do zachowania dobrych relacji ze swym jedynym sąsiadem, ponieważ jest to podstawowy gwarant jej bezpieczeństwa zarówno polityczno-militarnego, jak i gospodarczego. Mimo śmiałych częstokroć ruchów Bandżulu na arenie międzynarodowej, relacje z Dakarem są traktowane priorytetowo i przywódca Gambii nie pozwala sobie na ich antagonizowanie. Napięta sytuacja w południowej prowincji Senegalu – Casamance w połączeniu z powszechnymi podejrzeniami, iż to właśnie z tego regionu wywodzi się prezydent Gambii, dodatkowo wpływa na wzmożoną ostrożność w działaniach podejmowanych wobec Senegalu tak, aby nie wzbudzić jego wrogości. Taka polityka prowadzi do zachowania bardzo dobrych relacji pomiędzy oboma krajami, a jakiekolwiek spory rozwiązywane są szybko, często poprzez system rządowych komisji dwustronnych lub na forum takich organizacji jak ECOWAS i Unia Afrykańska, gdzie Jammeh ma możliwość tworzenia koalicji ze znacznie większymi państwami w celu przeforsowania swojej pozycji w stosunkach z sąsiadem. Widać także, że forum tych organizacji jest miejscem wspierania ruchów i postaw w polityce afrykańskiej stawiających na panafrykanizm przy jednoczesnym zrywaniu sieci zależności z dawnymi potęgami kolonialnymi. Relacje z państwami afrykańskimi kształtuje duże wyczucie i umiejętność forsowania korzystnych rozwiązań. Z wywiadów przeprowadzonych z Jammehem oraz analiz politologicznych daje się wysnuć prosty wniosek, iż głęboka współpraca na kontynencie afrykańskim jest jedną z podstaw szeroko rozumianej polityki bezpieczeństwa Gambii, która nie może pozwolić sobie na osamotnienie w ewentualnym sporze z którymkolwiek z państw afrykańskich, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Senegalu. O podobnej delikatności trudno mówić w relacjach tego małego państwa z resztą świata. Yahye Jammeh podejmuje bardzo odważne i nietypowe kroki w stosunku do wielu państw, a wiele �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 107 z nich zakrawa nawet na miano skandalu międzynarodowego. Do takich sytuacji opisanych w mojej pracy można zaliczyć gwałtowne zerwanie relacji z Iranem czy Tajwanem, co szczególnie w przypadku tego drugiego państwa uznać należy za ruch wyjątkowo nieprzemyślany i mogący nieść długotrwałe osłabienie polityczne, ale także gospodarcze dla Gambii. Podobnie ogłoszenie wyjścia z Commonwealthu bez podania wyraźnych przyczyn wydaje się być ruchem kontrowersyjnym, szczególnie jeśli weźmie się pod uwagę rozmiary i znaczenie pomocy rozwojowej i humanitarnej, jaka płynie do Gambii z Wielkiej Brytanii. Wyraźnie zauważalna niechęć do państw anglosaskich ma oczywiście podstawy w głębokim rozczarowaniu ich polityką uzależniającą częstokroć udzielanie pomocy, szczególnie finansowej, od wypełnienia szeregu procedur demokratycznych oraz przestrzegania praw człowieka. Należy również zauważyć, że wielokrotnie, jak podkreślał nie bez racji Jammeh, trafiają na projekty, które nie są priorytetowe, nie niosą lokalnym społecznościom i państwu wymiernych korzyści. Mam tu na myśli przede wszystkim projekty o charakterze społecznym prowadzone przez liczne organizacje pozarządowe tzw. NGO. Organizacje te wielokrotnie przeznaczają znaczące środki na działania mające promować społeczeństwo obywatelskie, prawa dzieci i kobiet czy mające niewielkie szanse na powodzenie projekty wspierające rozwój swego rodzaju agroturystyki, zamiast skupienia się na potrzebach lokalnych rolników lub wsparciu bardzo słabej służby zdrowia. Negatywny stosunek do Stanów Zjednoczonych i Wielkiej Brytanii nie oznacza jednak jednoczesnego osłabienia relacji ze światem Zachodu. Lukę po nich Jammeh wypełnia współpracą ekonomiczną z Niemcami i Holandią. Państwa te dysponują pożądanym kapitałem i technologiami, a jednocześnie, jak się wydaje, przywiązują mniejszą wagę do rozwiązań ustrojowych, jakie przyjął przywódca Gambii. Odsuwanie się od byłej metro- �108 Michał Ząbek polii i USA kompensują również rozwijające się coraz prężniej kontakty z Turcją, Kubą czy Wietnamem, a przez pewien czas także z Iranem. Państwa te zapewniają stały dopływ koniecznych do funkcjonowania kraju produktów, rozwój technologii, wsparcie systemu ochrony zdrowia, edukacji i wojska, dając poczucie bezpieczeństwa i niezależności od anglosaskiej hegemonii, która cechowała okres postkolonialny od powstania niepodległej Gambii w 1965 r. do zamachu stanu z 1994 roku. Kończąc, mogę powiedzieć na podstawie przeprowadzonych badań materiałów źródłowych i dotychczasowych opracowań oraz własnych obserwacji z pobytu w Gambii w sierpniu 2013 roku, iż polityka zagraniczna tego kraju skupia się na pozyskaniu partnerów i środków w celu prowadzonej na szeroką skalę modernizacji kraju w ramach ogłoszonego w 1996 roku projektu „Vision 2020”. Ma on doprowadzić Gambię do poziomu państwa samowystarczalnego w zakresie gospodarki rolnej, a nawet eksportującego nadwyżki. W sferze ekonomicznej Jammeh ma ambicje przekształcenia Bandżulu w regionalne centrum finansowe i tranzytowe dla towarów mających dotrzeć do Mali czy Gwinei Bissau. Ponadto dalszy rozwój sektora turystycznego ma zapewnić miejsca pracy dla pokolenia eksplozji demograficznej, jakiej kraj doświadcza. Gambia ma być również elementem regionalnego systemu bezpieczeństwa. W tym celu Jammeh posyła swoje wojska na misje w ramach kontyngentów ECOWAS i ONZ w strefę praktycznie każdego konfliktu w Afryce, a nawet poza jej granicami. Zagrożeniem dla częściowej realizacji tych niezwykle ambitnych planów może się jednak stać często nieodpowiedzialna i gwałtowna, wręcz awanturnicza, polityka, jaką prowadzi przywódca Gambii. Brak dobrze wykształconego korpusu dyplomatycznego oraz niezwykle słaba pozycja MSZ nie sprzyja tworzeniu i wzmacnianiu relacji ze znacznie potężniejszymi partnerami. W sytuacji �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 109 ciągłej niepewności pozycji w Gambii oraz przy braku szczególnych walorów Gambii (brak surowców mineralnych czy znaczących połaci niezagospodarowanej ziemi) mogą wybrać na miejsce inwestycji pewniejszych partnerów z regionu, a szczególnie lepiej rozwinięty i większy Senegal. Wydaje się, że do takiego wniosku doszedł Pekin, który pomimo wyraźnych chęci Bandżulu, nie podjął z nim współpracy po zerwaniu stosunków dyplomatycznych z Tajpej. Taki krok ChRL działającej bez względu na zachowania miejscowych władz w praktycznie każdym państwie afrykańskim może wskazywać na brak chęci podejmowania ryzyka, także wizerunkowego, jakim jest wiązanie się z niepewnym partnerem. Rzutować to może również na relacje Gambii z tak zaangażowanymi obecnie w tym państwie partnerami, jak np. Turcja, która z pewnością musiała zwrócić uwagę na zaistniałą sytuację. Wydaje się, że rozwiązanie problemu wiarygodności Gambii na arenie międzynarodowej leży w gestii samego prezydenta, który powinien podejmować w światowej polityce równie ostrożne i wyważone kroki, jak robi to w polityce regionalnej. Bibliografia Abdoulay S., The Paradox of Third-Wave Democratization in Africa. The Gambia under AFPRC-APRC Rule, 1994–2008, Lexington Books, Plymouth 2009. Abdoulaye S., Gambia: The and Foreign Policy, w: Small States in World Politics. Explaining Foreign Policy Behavior, Lynne Rienner Publishers, Londyn 2003. Bukhari M. S. Jammeh Sillah, Mohammed E., AERC Scoping Studies on China-Africa Economic Relations the Gambia, s. 11, źródło: http:// dspace.africaportal.org/jspui/bitstream/123456789/32074/1/ Gambia-china.pdf?1 (dostęp: 10.2014). �110 Michał Ząbek Celebrating the International Day of Peace at the Senegal-Gambia border, źródło: http://www.tostan.org/news/celebrating-international-day-peace-senegal-gambia-border (dostęp: 09.2014). Czerewyk K. A., Sowremennye otnoszenija Gambii i Taiwania ot Sojuza do Razrywa, s. 196, źródło: http://www.gramota.net/mate� rials/3/2015/4-1/52.html (dostęp: 10.2014). Drun J., China-Taiwan Diplomatic Truce Holds Despite Gambia, źródło: http://thediplomat.com/2014/03/china-taiwan-diplomatictruce-holds-despite-gambia/ (dostęp: 10.2014). ECOWAS Commends Gambia Agricultural Initiatives, źródło: http:// www.nepad.org/foodsecurity/news/1825/ecowas-commends-­ gambia%E2%80%99s-agricultural-initiatives (dostęp: 09.2014). Establishing long-term peaceful solutions on the Senegalese-Gambian border, źródło: http://www.tostan.org/stories/establishing-long-­ term-peaceful-solutions-senegalese-gambian-border (dostęp: 09.2014). Gambia Says No More U.S. Military Training, źródło: http://securityassistancemonitor.wordpress.com/2013/08/21/gambia-says-nomore-u-s-military-training/ (dostęp: 21.08.2014). Gibraltar Regiment trains Gambians for Darfur deployment, źródło: https://www.gov.uk/government/news/gibraltar-regiment-­ trains-gambians-for-darfur-deployment (dostęp: 10.2014). Grigoriadis, I. N. The Davutoğlu Doctrine and Turkish Foreign Policy, Hellenic Foundation For European and Foreign Policy, Working Paper No 8/2010, 04.2010, źródło: file:///C:/Users/Michal/Downloads/8_2010_IoGrigoriadis.pdf (dostęp: 10.2014). Hirsch A., The Gambia: seven facts about the country leaving the Common­ wealth, źródło: http://www.theguardian.com/world/shortcuts/2013/oct/03/gambia-facts-country-leaving-commonwealth (dostęp: 10.2014). „If you always follow others, you can never lead” – President Yahya Jammeh, „New African” 24.10.2013, źródło: http://newafricanmagazine. com/if-you-always-follow-others-you-can-never-lead-presidentyahya-jammeh/ (dostęp: 09.2014). �Polityka zagraniczna Gambii 111 Janneh B. Kb, Gambia: Invest Gambia Inks MoU With GGCC, źródło: http://allafrica.com/stories/201206211093.html (dostęp: 09.08.2014). Mahjar-Barducci A., Iran’s Charm Offensive in Africa, źródło: http:// www.gatestoneinstitute.org/1974/iran-charm-offensive-africa (dostęp: 10.2014). Merdith M., The State of Africa. A History of Fifty Years of Independence, The Free Press, London, New York, Sydney, 2006. Ministry of Trade, Regional Integration and Employment: The Gambia Trade Policy 2011, źródło: http://www.gafspfund.org/sites/gafspfund.org/files/Documents/Attachment%2011%20The%20 Gambia%20Trade%20Policy%202011.pdf (dostęp: 09.2014). Relations between Turkey and the Gambia, strona MSZ Republiki Turcji, źródło: http://www.mfa.gov.tr/relations-between-turkey-and-the-gambia.en.mfa (dostęp: 11.2014). Sanyang L., Gambia / Turkey sign Health Agreements, źródło: http:// www.foroyaa.gm/archives/1209 (dostęp: 10.2014). Spain seeks Gambia’s support for UN SC non-permanent Membership, źródło: http://observer.gm/africa/gambia/article/spain-seeksgambias-support-for-un-sc-non-permanent-membership (dostęp: 08.2014). Soeters J., Manigart Ph., Military Cooperation in Multinational Peace Operations. Managing cultural diversity and crisis response, Routledge, New York 2008. Tait R., Iran Dealt Losing Hand In Gambia Gambit, źródło: http://www. rferl.org/content/iran_gambia/2229571.html (dostęp: 11.2014). The List of Ministers of Foreign Affairs of States of the World, źródło: http:// rulers.org/fm2.html (dostęp: 11.2014). The Observatory of Economic Complexity, źródło: http://atlas.media. mit.edu/explore/tree_map/hs/export/gmb/show/all/2012/ (dostęp: 09.2014). Turkey and Gambia Cooperate in Peacekeeping Operations, źródło: http:// www.todayszaman.com/interviews_turkey-and-gambia-cooperate-in-peacekeeping-operations_322815.html (dostęp: 10.2014). �112 Michał Ząbek USA Aid agency, źródło: źródło: http://www.usaid.gov/crisis/the-gambia (dostęp: 21.08.2014). US Secretary of State Sub-Saharian Africa Department, źródło: http:// www.state.gov/documents/organization/155990.pdf (dostęp: 08.2014). Foreign Policy of The Gambia Summary The main aim of this article is draft presentation of the forine policy of The Republic of Gambia under rule of Yahya Jammeh with short history description. In the article the author tries to draw full image of foreign relations of this tiny African state. The whole article is divided into geo-political spheres of Gambian foreign policy, so there is part about relations with European and African countries. Moreover some other important directions in Gambian policy are also described. It is worth to underline that such a small countries are focusing on the multilateral relations in the field of international organizations like African Union and Economic Community of West African States. The other goal of this article is to present some of the mechanisms used by small countries on the international arena which are in many cases very similar in other parts of the world. �KRYSTYNA KAMIŃSKA KILKA UWAG O SYTUACJI NA POGRANICZU ÓWCZESNEGO SUDANU I REPUBLIKI ŚRODKOWOAFRYKAŃSKIEJ W OSTATNIEJ DEKADZIE XX WIEKU Z POZYCJI QUASIINSIDERA1 Wprowadzenie Problem granic w Afryce od dawna był przedmiotem interdyscyplinarnych rozważań i dyskusji. Temu zagadnieniu została też poświęcona konferencja zorganizowana w Bamako w 1999 r.2 W ostatnim ćwierćwieczu wyraźnej zmianie uległa narracja dotycząca istoty samej granicy, która przestała być postrzegana jedynie jako linia podziału w aspekcie historycznym, politycznym czy geograficznym. Granica nabrała bowiem bardziej procesualnego charakteru, np. w odniesieniu do relacji transgranicznych. W tym kontekście rewizja granic kolonialnych w Afryce ujmowaDr Krystyna Kamińska – Akademia Humanistyczna im. Aleksandra Gieysztora, Wydział Pedagogiczny. Absolwentka pedagogiki i kulturoznawstwa. Zainteresowania: Afryka – obszar dawnych kolonii francuskich – historia i współczesność. 1 Autorka artykułu przebywała w 1994 r. w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej przez kilka miesięcy, głównie w Bangi oraz w otulinie parków narodowych przy granicy z Czadem i Sudanem. 2 Des frontières en Afrique du XII au XX ème siècle, Paris 2005, UNESCO. �114 Krystyna Kamińska na współcześnie w kategoriach fragmentaryzacji i integracji z jednej strony dąży do nowego ich nakreślenia i jeszcze większego rozdrobnienia istniejących struktur państwowych, z drugiej natomiast korzysta z różnych prób oddolnego zniesienia już ukształtowanych granic przez społeczności o zbliżonym rodowodzie etnicznym zamieszkujące obszary transgraniczne. „Pogranicza zawsze są czyimiś strefami wpływów, kresami w stosunku do jakiegoś dominującego centrum, mają jednak to do siebie, że z czasem dojrzewają, usamodzielniają się zarówno pod względem kulturowym, jak i politycznym, tworząc nowe centra i nowe pogranicza”3. Być może percepcja konkretnej granicy (której opis ma charakter przyczynkarski) w określonym przedziale czasowym pozwoli na ukazanie wzajemnych relacji Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej z ówczesnym Sudanem w latach 90. XX wieku w trochę innym świetle. Granica ta nie podlegała i wówczas, i obecnie stałej kontroli, bo rzeczywista linia graniczna nie istnieje, nigdy nie została wyraźnie zaznaczona w terenie, nakreślono ją jedynie na mapie. Obu państw nie rozdziela ani pas ziemi niczyjej, ani ciąg sztucznie utworzonych zapór (np. zasieków). Jedynie wydeptane ścieżki świadczą o przechodzeniu ludzi przez „granicę” na jej północnych i południowych krańcach. 3 M. Ząbek, Sudan. Refleksje na temat podziału państwa i polskich studiów sudanologicznych, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Sudan. Bogactwo kultur i wewnętrzne napięcia, Warszawa 2012, s. 11. �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 115 Granica – kolonialne dziedzictwo Przez lata licząca 1165 kilometrów granica między Republiką Środkowoafrykańską a Sudanem4 rozdzielała nie tylko oba te państwa, ale i dwa odmienne od siebie organizmy państwowotwórcze pośrednio wykreowane przez dawne kraje kolonialne. Granica wyznaczała bowiem zakres strefy wpływów francuskiej i angielskiej metropolii. Wytyczona i zaakceptowana na konferencji w Berlinie w latach 1884–18855 linia graniczna jeszcze na początku XX w. przebiegała od strony dzisiejszej Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej po obszarach, które były bardzo słabo rozpoznane przez Europejczyków6. Terytorium noszące od 1903 r. nazwę Ubangi-Szari7, jakkolwiek formalnie stanowiące francuską kolonię8, było wówczas jedynie przedmiotem zainteresowania 4 W 2011 r. w wyniku referendum z południowych obszarów Sudanu utworzono nowe suwerenne państwo Sudan Południowy. Obecnie Republika Środkowoafrykańska graniczy z Sudanem (długość granicy to 483 km) i Sudanem Południowym (długość granicy to 682 km). 5 Wytyczone na konferencji w Berlinie granice na trwałe wpisały się w mapę polityczną Afryki, z jednej strony wyznaczając strefy wpływów państw kolonialnych, a z drugiej stanowiąc podstawę terytorialnych podziałów nowych suwerennych państw w okresie dekolonizacji. 6 Pierwszym Francuzem płynącym po rzece Ubangi był Albert Dolisie na przełomie lat 1887–1888. On też nadał nazwę nowemu posterunkowi, zapożyczając ją z miejscowego języka, w którym oznaczała ona bystrze. Natomiast Michel Dolisie był pierwszym zarządzającym posterunku w Bangi na mocy aktu z 20 czer­ wca 1889 r. Y. Boulvert, Bangui 1889–1989, Paris 1989, s. 19–35. 7 Dekret o utworzeniu kolonii Ubangui-Szari (fr. Oubangi-Chari) ze stolicą w Bangi został wydany 29 grudnia 1903 r. 8 Początkowo kolonia była powiązana administracyjnie z Kongiem. Następnie w latach 1904–1914 została wcielona w obręb Czadu i funkcjonowała pod nazwą Ubangi-Szari-Czad. Część ziem leżących na zachodzie w latach 1911–1915 została przyłączona do Kamerunu (wówczas kolonii niemieckiej). Prawo do części ziem Ubangi-Szari rościł sobie także Egipt. �116 Krystyna Kamińska podróżników9. Dopiero w 1910 r. obecny obszar Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej stał się częścią Francuskiej Afryki Równikowej10, ograniczoną autonomię przyznano Ubangi-Szari (wchodzącej w skład tej federacji) w 1944 r., a w kilka lat później, w 1946 r. nadano tej kolonii status francuskiego terytorium zamorskiego. W ramach wszechogarniającego Afrykę w latach 60. XX w. procesu dekolonizacji Ubangi-Szari jako Republika Środkowoafrykańska11 stała się suwerennym państwem. Niepodległość kraju proklamowano w 1960 r., lecz nadal pozostawał on silnie związany z Francją12. Sprzyjały temu zwłaszcza łączące Francję z jej dawną kolonią związki gospodarcze i militarne. Republika Środkowoafrykańska z jednej strony odgrywała istotną rolę strategiczFrancuskie ekspedycje penetrowały zarówno naturalny szlak wodny rzeki Ubangi, jak i ziemie na północ od równika. W jednej z wypraw w latach 1891–1892 brał udział Jan Dybowski. Wzmianki, które można odnaleźć we francuskiej literaturze przedmiotu, wskazują, że przybył do Bangi 4 października 1891 r. Szybko jednak opuścił tamtejszy posterunek (24 października 1891 r.), by przez prawie rok eksplorować niezbadane wówczas przez Europejczyków ziemie dzisiejszej Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej. Y. Boulvert, Bangui 1889–1989, Paris 1989, s. 54–57. 10 Federacja francuskich kolonii obejmowała jeszcze obecne terytorium Gabonu, Konga oraz Czadu (od 1920 r.). 11 Oficjalna nazwa państwa (Republika Środkowoafrykańska) została nadana przez Barthélémy’ego Bogandę, deputowanego do Zgromadzenia Narodowego Francji. W 1949 r. założył on ugrupowanie społeczno-religijne Ruch Ewolucji Społecznej Czarnej Afryki (MESAN). W 1956 r. został wybrany burmistrzem Bangi. W latach 1958–1959 był premierem autonomicznego rządu Ubangi-Szari. 12 Sprzyjała temu przyjęta przez Francję doktryna polityczna określana mianem françafrique, która dawała możliwość ingerowania (pośredniego i bezpośredniego) w wybrane sfery życia, zwłaszcza polityczno-gospodarczego dawnych kolonii. Françafrique była strategią, która poprzez tworzenie sieci powiązań, przede wszystkim finansowych (z dawnymi koloniami), z jednej strony oferowała pomoc gospodarczą, a z drugiej konsekwentnie nadal umacniała francuskie wpływy. Ch. Josselin, La coopération française et la présence de la France en Afrique, „Olsztyńskie Studia Afrykanistyczne” 2013, t. 4, s. 62. 9 �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 117 ną w polityce Francji ze względu na swoje centralne położenie w Afryce (oficjalnie kontyngent wojsk francuskich stacjonował tam aż do 1990 r.), z drugiej zaś specyficzny rodzaj unii monetarnej wiążący oba kraje i wprowadzenie tzw. franka CFA (fr. franc des Communautés Financières d’ Afrique13) jako środka płatniczego, utrudniał prowadzenie samodzielnej polityki wewnętrznej i zewnętrznej tego afrykańskiego kraju. Od początku francuska polityka kolonialna cechująca się swoistym paternalistycznym podejściem do autochtonicznej ludności nie była zainteresowana jakimkolwiek rozwojem gospodarczym podległych jej terytoriów w Afryce. Francja wykorzystywała głównie bogactwo tamtejszych surowców naturalnych i tanią siłę roboczą. Po odzyskaniu w 1960 r. przez Republikę Środkowoafrykańską suwerenności niewiele się zmieniło w jej wzajemnych relacjach z Francją. Przez lata gospodarka Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej – kraju o powierzchni 622 984 km2 i ludności liczącej około czterech milionów – opierała się głównie na rolnictwie. Na obszarze całego państwa nie było ani jednej linii kolejowej czy sieci utwardzonych dróg14. Ponadto już w pierwszych latach niepodległości na 13 CFA został powołany do życia w 1960 r. Obecnie jest to jednostka monetarna będąca środkiem płatniczym w 14 krajach Afryki. Reguła funkcjonowania CFA pozwala poszczególnym krajom na drukowanie odmiennych banknotów o grafice nawiązującej do ich historii i tradycji (jakkolwiek wszystkie one są emitowane przez Bank w Kamerunie). Zakłada bowiem, że banknoty będące w obiegu w jednym kraju nie mogą być wykorzystywane w innym. Za politykę monetarną wszystkich 14 krajów jest odpowiedzialny zarówno Centralny Bank Państw Afryki Zachodniej (BCEAO), jak i Bank Państw Afryki Środkowej (BEAC), chociaż de facto żadna ich decyzja nie może być podjęta bez zgody Banku Francji. W 1994 r. dokonano dewaluacji CFA o 100%, a w 1999 r. ustalony został jego sztywny kurs do euro, który wynosi 0,655957. 14 Przez lata sytuacja nie uległa zmianie. Rozwinęła się jedynie sieć małych lotnisk (około 50) ze względu na potrzeby stale rosnącej flotylli małych samolotów obsługującej ruch turystyczny, w tym coraz popularniejsze safari. Samoloty �118 Krystyna Kamińska przeszkodzie zainicjowanym w kraju procesom bardziej dynamicznego rozwoju ekonomicznego i większej demokratyzacji życia społecznego, stanęły wewnętrzne walki o władzę toczone w gronie dawnych liderów Ruchu Ewolucji Społecznej Czarnej Afryki (MESAN – Mouvement d’Évolution Sociale de l’Afrique Noire)15, organizacji, która bezpośrednio przyczyniła się do uzyskania suwerenności państwowej. Niestabilność wewnętrznej polityki oraz trybalizm nie sprzyjały ani gospodarce kraju, ani wytworzeniu społecznej jedności, co (pośrednio) doprowadziło do narastania trwających przez lata niepokojów społecznych. Wytyczone w okresie kolonialnym granice Ubangi-Szari nie zostały poddane korekcie wraz z odzyskaniem niepodległości w latach 60. XX w.16 Granica z Sudanem sprzed przeszło stu lat pełniły rolę zarówno dostawców towarów, jak i obsługiwały transport pasażerski. W latach 90. XX w. podróżowanie po nielicznych utwardzonych drogach środkami transportu samochodowego było ciągle niebezpieczne nie tylko z powodu licznych rogatek pobierających od podróżnych opłaty za prawo przejazdu, ale przede wszystkim z braku kontroli państwa i jego administracji nad odległymi obszarami kraju. 15 Pierwszy prezydent David Dacko już w 1965 r. został pozbawiony władzy w wyniku zamachu dokonanego pod dowództwem Jeana Bedela Bokassy (swojego kuzyna). Z czasem Bokassa zdobył w kraju dużą popularność, mimo że zawiesił przyjętą jeszcze w 1959 r. konstytucję, a jego rządy stawały się coraz bardziej autorytarne. W 1972 kongres Ruchu Ewolucji Społecznej Czarnej Afryki (MESAN) nadał mu tytuł dożywotniego prezydenta. Jednak Jean Bedel Bokassa w swoich dyktatorskich zapędach posunął się jeszcze dalej i ustanowił w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej cesarstwo. W 1976 r. obwołał się cesarzem Bo­ kassą I i przeszedł na islam. Jego rządy skończyły się wraz z powrotem pierwszego prezydenta. Bokassa został odsunięty od władzy w 1979 r. dzięki francuskiej operacji wojskowej Barracuda. Prezydentura Davida Dacko zakończyła się po dwóch latach, gdy doszło do kolejnego zamachu stanu. Wówczas władzę objął André Kolingba. Podobnie jak jego poprzednicy otoczył się od razu przed­ stawicielami swojej grupy etnicznej oraz zaprowadził rządy autorytarne. 16 Republika Środkowoafrykańska graniczy od północy z Czadem (1197 km), od zachodu z Kamerunem (797 km), od południa z Kongiem (467 km) i Demokratyczną Republiką Konga (1577 km). �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 119 przebiegała dalej wzdłuż obszarów, które już w latach 70 XIX w.17 znalazły się w orbicie angielskich wpływów. Kolonizacja Sudanu (najpierw egipska, a potem angielska) rozpoczęła się w II połowie XIX w. „W roku 1869 prowincja Ekwatoria została oficjalnie włączona do Sudanu, a prawie jednocześnie, bo w 1870 roku, podbity został Dar Fur. W ten sposób Sudan osiągnął granice zbliżone do współczesnych”18. W tamtym czasie zwłaszcza południowe rubieże Sudanu stanowiły dla Anglików dogodną bazę do dalszej penetracji niezbadanej jeszcze centralnej części kontynentu. Wzajemne relacje egipsko-brytyjskie i coraz większa dominacja Wielkiej Brytanii w tym rejonie Afryki spowodowały, że Sudan w 1899 r. stał się egipsko-brytyjskim kondominium, w którym nominalną władzę sprawował Egipt19, ale faktycznie należała ona do Brytyjczyków20. Dopiero proklamowanie w 1956 r. niepodległej Republiki Sudanu znacznie osłabiło wpływ Wielkiej Brytanii na dalsze losy tego nowego, suwerennego kraju. Dawny kolonialny podział Sudanu na rozwiniętą gospodarczo północ i zacofane ekonomicznie południe, który przez okres dominacji angielskiej administracji jeszcze mocniej podzielił społeczeństwo, został powielony w ramach nowotworzonych struktur niepodległego państwa. W efekcie narastające przez lata wzajemne animozje społeczne i doświadczana przez południowy region 17 Terytorium Ekwatorii oraz sułtanatu Dar Fur sąsiadowały z ziemiami Francuskiej Afryki Równikowej. 18 A. Dzhantamirov, Powstanie Mahdiego w Sudanie w latach 1881–1898, „Forum Politologiczne” 2009, t. 9, s. 253. 19 W 1821 r. Egipt w wyniku udanego najazdu na obszar Sudanu pod­po­ rządkował sobie zarówno jego dobrze rozwinięte gospodarczo północne tereny, jak i południowe, dopiero stopniowo poznawane i anektowane przez Europejczyków. 20 Od czasu budowy Kanału Sueskiego Egipt coraz mocniej uzależnił się od Wielkiej Brytanii. �120 Krystyna Kamińska kraju asymetria gospodarcza szybko doprowadziły do konfliktu21. Dawne antagonizmy uwidoczniły się bardzo wyraźnie jeszcze w czasach kolonialnych, gdy nagle angielska administracja w 1946 r. dokonała połączenia obu regionów, podporządkowując jednocześnie południe kraju silniejszej gospodarczo i politycznie północy. Owo zespolenie dwóch tak różnych regionów kraju spowodowało naruszenie dotychczasowego kruchego status quo. Narastający konflikt był dodatkowo podsycany przez wyznawców religijnych każdej ze stron. W większości chrześcijańska społeczność południa oraz tamtejsi wyznawcy rodzimych wierzeń (animiści) obawiali się arabizacji i islamizacji. Przedstawiciele południa jeszcze przed proklamowaniem niepodległości kraju, w 1955 r., zażądali własnej reprezentacji politycznej w jego nowym rządzie oraz regionalnej autonomii dla tej części kraju. Wobec niespełnienia tych żądań przez ówczesną władzę rozgorzała tzw. pierwsza wojna domowa. Jakkolwiek porozumienie w Addis Abebie zakończyło trwające od 1955 r. walki, to nie rozwiązało problemu. Po dziesięciu latach działania wojenne zostały wznowione. Konflikt zbrojny nazywany II wojną domową w Sudanie pochłonął w latach 1983–2005 dziesiątki ofiar, głównie przedstawicieli ludności cywilnej. Wzajemne represje z czasów I i II wojny domowej zostawiły na tyle trwały ślad w psychice zamieszkującej w Sudanie ludności, że nawet powstanie w 2011 r. nowego suwerennego państwa nie rozwiązało nabrzmiałej sytuacji. Sudan Południowy nie okazał się gwarantem pokoju w tej części Afryki. W okresie kolonialnym południe Sudanu było administrowane podobnie jak pozostałe kolonie Wielkiej Brytanii w tej części Afryki, np. Kenia czy Uganda. Natomiast północny region Sudanu bliższy był pod tym względem sąsiadującemu z nim Egiptowi i funkcjonował w kręgu kultury arabskiej i dominacji islamu w większości przejawów życia społecznego. 21 �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 121 Granica, która dzieli (inny świat kultury, inna dominacja) Odmienne działania administracyjno-prawne nadające ostateczny kształt tak francuskim, jak i angielskim koloniom nie sprzyjały jakiejkolwiek konsolidacji ludności żyjącej na pograniczu obu rozłącznych sfer wpływów. Przeciwnie – granica utrwalała już istniejące różnice i podziały. Każda administracja kolonialna wprowadzała w Afryce inny model „koegzystencji” z ludnością tubylczą. Francuzi byli zwolennikami polityki asymilacyjnej, której towarzyszył (pozorny) brak rezerwy w stosunku do ludności tubylczej, natomiast Anglicy silnie zaznaczali wytworzony przez siebie dystans dzielący ich od autochtonów22. Jednocześnie każdy z tych modeli odcisnął swoje piętno, zmieniając w sposób nieodwracalny życie lokalnych społeczności. Oprócz narzuconej dominacji politycznej ze strony Francji czy Wielkiej Brytanii na podległych danej metropolii obszarach dokonano (zwykle sztucznego) z jednej strony rozdzielenia w miarę jednorodnych skupisk rdzennej ludności, z drugiej natomiast scalenia wielu „niezależnych grup etnicznych, które nie miały wspólnej historii, kultury czy też religii”23. Okres kolonialny nie sprzyjał jakiemukolwiek zbliżeniu ludności żyjącej po obu stronach granicy. Każda z kolonii pisała swoją własną historię. W Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej polityka kolonizacyjna dążyła do zespolenia zamieszkującej na jej obszarze ludności, 22 R. Vorbrich, Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka. Koncepcje i postaci wspólnoty w dawnej i współczesnej Afryce, Poznań 2012, s. 214–215. 23 M. Meredith, Historia współczesnej Afryki. Pół wieku niepodległości, Warszawa 2011, s. 17. �122 Krystyna Kamińska chociaż była ona bardzo zróżnicowana pod względem etnicznym24. Wśród licznych zbiorowości zamieszkujących dawniej ten obszar, jedne rozwijały się, inne zaś zanikały. W kraju dominowała ludność grupy etnicznej Banda. Ponadto obok niej występowały duże skupiska ludu Baya-Mandja, Sara i Azande mające inne przypisanie etniczne25. Z tego powodu w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej występują języki zarówno z rodziny nigro-kongijskiej, jak i nilo-saharyjskiej. Liczbę rodzimych języków szacuje się na ponad 60, w tym istnieje kilka odmian języka u ludu Banda. Wprowadzane przez Europejczyków nazewnictwo poszczególnych grup etnicznych wynikało bądź z wychwytywanych przez nich odmienności językowych, bądź były swoistą kalką określeń używanych przez tubylców w trakcie ich autoprezentacji. Odmienności językowe odegrały istotną rolę w historii i w zróżnicowaniu kulturowym poszczególnych grup etnicznych. Równie ważnym elementem różnicującym poszczególne zbiorowości było ukształtowanie terenu. Licznie wzniesienia: wyżyny Ubangi czy Bogno przyczyniły się zarówno do izolacji poszczególnych grup etnicznych, jak i w dużym stopniu do rozproszenia ich skupisk na tym bardzo słabo zaludnionym obszarze (na którym ludność dodatkowo została zdziesiątkowana przez łowców niewolników). Z kolei w zdecydowanie mniejszym stopniu pod koniec XX w. odczuwane było zróżnicowanie religijne ludności. Największą grupę stanowili zawsze wyznawcy rodzimych wierzeń (animiści), wśród których z czasem zaczęło przybywać chrześcijan, natomiast muzułmanów, głównie Fulanów, było zawsze niewielu (około 5%). Mniejsze liczebnie były społeczności: Dakwa, Togbo, Azande, Sara, Mboum, Monjombo, Ngbaka, Ngbandi, Nzakary, Bomitaba, Ngala, Mpangwe, Kako, Kreish, Laka i Yangéré czy wreszcie Fulanie, a wśród nich Bororo (Wodaabe). Odrębną grupę stanowią Pigmeje Aka i Babinga tworzący niewielkie zbiorowości łowiecko-zbierackie. St. Smith, C. Levasseur, Atlas de l’ Afrique, Paris 2005. 25 P. Kalck, Histoire Centrafricaine. Des origines, Paris 1992, s. 65. 24 �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 123 W efekcie działań unifikacyjnych podjętych przez francuską administrację26, w tym procesu alfabetyzacji dzieci autochtonów, którym to działaniom towarzyszyła nasilająca się chrystianizacja27, tamtejsza ludność, niezależnie od przypisania etnicznego, zaczęła się posługiwać we wzajemnych kontaktach językiem sango28 (wcześniej języka rodzimego ludu Banda), któremu po odzyskaniu niepodległości nadano status języka urzędowego obok języka francuskiego. Jednak elementem scalającym (wbrew intencjom administracji kolonialnej) była przede wszystkim wszelka aktywność ludności mająca na celu przeciwdziałanie kolonizacji 29. Wszelkie ruchy ludności tubylczej przeciwstawiające się kolonizacji (pośrednio) zmniejszały antagonizmy między poszczególnymi grupami etnicznymi. Inną politykę ludnościową (niż Francuzi w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej) prowadziła w czasach kolonialnych administracja brytyjska. W Sudanie przede wszystkim zaniechano prób scalenia tak różnych od siebie obszarów Sudanu Północnego i Sudanu Południowego, podjętych jeszcze przez Egipt w latach 26 Już w 1912 r. wydano dekret, w którym zakazywano jakiejkolwiek alfabetyzacji dzieci ludności tubylczej w języku innym niż francuski. Potraktowano więc język jako jeden z instrumentów z jednej strony kolonizacji, z drugiej – unifikacji różnojęzycznych grup etnicznych. 27 W l894 r. została założona misja przez Ojca Prospera Augouarda pod wezwaniem Saint Paul des Rapides. Od tego czasu datuje się też rozpoczęcie procesu skolaryzacji dzieci ludności tubylczej. Y. Boulvert, Bangui 1889–1989, Paris 1989, s. 67–68. 28 Jedna z hipotez przyjmuje, że sango (dawniej nazywane dandi) był językiem mediacji jeszcze przed przybyciem Europejczyków, natomiast inna wskazuje, że ten język został wybrany przez ludność tubylczą zamieszkałą wzdłuż rzeki Ubangi do kontaktów z przybyszami z Europy. J. Gerbault, Utilisation des langues et attitudes: la montée du sango. „Bulletin du Réseau des observatoires du français contemporain en Afrique noire” t. 7 (1987–88), s. 25–50. 29 Zbrojne powstanie ludu Baja pod wodzą Kongo-wara wybuchło w 1928 r. Walki trwały aż do 1931 r. �124 Krystyna Kamińska 30. XIX w. Przeciwnie, rozpoczęto działania zmierzające do odcięcia północy od południa kraju poprzez tzw. politykę „closed districts”, by nie dopuścić do zjednoczenia, które mogłoby ponownie wzmocnić ruchy niepodległościowe zainicjowane niegdyś przez Madhiego30. W ten sposób utrwalano już istniejące wewnętrzne zróżnicowanie (etniczne, kulturowe, językowe i religijne31) kraju, które wynikało „z nakładających się od wieków fal migracyjnych ludności o odmiennych cechach fizycznych, językach i kulturach”32. Północ Sudanu w okresie kolonizacji zamieszkiwała głównie ludność arabska, na którą składają się zarówno zarabizowani autochtoni, jak i potomkowie ludów koczowniczych (pasterskich) wywodzący się z Arabii33. Mieszkańcy południa Sudanu byli natomiast o wiele bardziej zróżnicowani. Dzieliło ich nie tylko przypisanie do grupy etnicznej i rodziny, z której wywodził się ich język, lecz także miejsce długotrwałego osiedlenia. Mahdi, będąc przywódcą religijnym, zainicjował w 1881 r. powstanie, którego pośrednim celem było uwolnienie ziem ówczesnego Sudanu, zajętych przez Egipt. Starcia zbrojne przybrały charakter powstania religijno-wyz­ woleńczego. W latach 1881–1891 ugruntowała się władza Mahdiego, a następnie jego spadkobierców. Wielka Brytania coraz mocniej angażowała się w zakończenie rebelii, która była sprzeczna z jej interesami w tej części Afryki. A. Dzhantamirov, Powstanie Mahdiego w Sudanie w latach 1881–1898, „Forum Politologiczne” 2009, t. 9, s. 253–260. 31 Islam wraz z podbojem Maghrebu w XVII w. przez Imperium Osmańskie zaczął się szybko rozprzestrzeniać w Afryce dzięki powielaniu mechanizmu włączania obcych w społeczność arabską. Odejście od pierwotnych wierzeń czy chrześcijaństwa dokonywało się poprzez asymilację kulturową, bo „islam tylko w niewielkim stopniu zmieniał życie rodzinne i tradycyjny styl życia miejscowej ludności”. J. Mantel-Niećko, M. Ząbek, Róg Afryki. Historia i współczesność, Warszawa 1999, s. 88. 32 J. Mantel-Niećko, M. Ząbek, Róg Afryki. Historia i współczesność, Warszawa 1999, s. 45. 33 Tamże, s. 51–52. 30 �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 125 Przede wszystkim bowiem to uwarunkowania geograficzno-klimatyczne były podstawą narastania odmienności kulturowych34. W Sudanie południowym najliczniejszą grupę etniczną tworzą zbiorowości Dinka, z których najwięcej zamieszkuje w rozproszonych skupiskach z w prowincji Bahr al Ghazal. Mniejsze liczebnie są grupy etniczne Nuerów i Barów. Nie mniej od nich liczna jest także ludność grupy etnicznej Azande, żyjąca w Ekwatorii na pograniczu z Republiką Środkowoafrykańską35 i Ugandą. Znaczące różnice o charakterze społecznym zostały w tej części ówczesnego Sudanu dodatkowo pogłębione nierównomiernym rozwojem gospodarczym kraju. Większość bowiem swoich inwestycji Brytyjczycy lokowali na północy kraju. Dzięki temu zaczęły tam powstawać i rozwijać się silne ośrodki miejskie. Niezależnie od woli Brytyjczyków wspierany przez nich rozwój północnego Sudanu, głównie ekonomiczny, wpłynął na rozprzestrzenianie się języka arabskiego i umocnienie się islamu. Odmienny sposób traktowania przez metropolię obu regionów oraz niemożliwość przenikania wzajemnych treści kulturowych spowodował, że przez lata nasilały się istniejące antagonizmy. Granica, która rozdziela (ludzi i zwierzęta) Zbliżeniu ludności zamieszkującej pogranicze Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej i dawnego Sudanu nie sprzyjało ani ukształtowanie terenu, ani rozproszone osadnictwo. (Francuska Wśród żyjących w Sudanie Południowym można wyróżnić zbiorowości o niewielkiej liczebności, m.in. Anouak, Bongo, Dadjo, Didinga, Kuku, Lokoya, Longarim, Lugbara, Madi, Mandari, Murle, Ndogo, Nyangatom, Shilluk, Toposa, Uduk, St. Smith, C. Levasseur, Atlas de l’ Afrique, Paris 2005. Większość grup etnicznych posługuje się językami z rodziny nilo-saharyjskiej. 35 J. Mantel-Niećko, M. Ząbek, op. cit., s. 53–54. 34 �126 Krystyna Kamińska administracja kolonialna w swoich sprawozdaniach słanych do Paryża podawała, że obszar 170 000 km 2 wzdłuż ówczesnej granicy Sudanu egipsko-angielskiego to całkowite odludzie przez nikogo niezamieszkałe). Nawet po odzyskaniu niepodległości i zwiększeniu mobilności ludności niewiele się na tych obszarach zmieniło. Wypiętrzony obszar wyżynny (powyżej 1300 m n.p.m.) grzbietu, którym biegnie linia graniczna nie ułatwiał kontaktów między Republiką Środkowoafrykańską a Sudanem. W masywie tym brakuje naturalnych przejść pozwalających na swobodne przemieszczanie się ludności. Teren obniża się jedynie na obu krańcach granicy, w tym granicy Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej z Czadem i Sudanem, oraz przy granicy Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej z obecną Demokratyczną Republiką Konga i Sudanem Południowym. Wyżyna stanowi naturalną barierę, która prawdopodobnie spowodowała, że po obu stronach wielokilometrowej granicy zamieszkiwały zupełnie ze sobą niespokrewnione grupy etniczne i to w znacznym od niej oddaleniu. Innym uwarunkowaniem geograficznym, które nie sprzyjało zbliżeniu ludności po obu stronach granicy były rzeki biorące swój początek na wyżynie (dzielącej obecnie Sudan i Sudan Południowy od Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej), które spływały albo po jednej, albo po drugiej stronie granicy. Niektóre z nich nadal mają charakter okresowy, zanikając podczas pory suchej. Owe anomalie (hydrologiczne) utrudniają podjecie jakiejkolwiek aktywności rolniczej na tym obszarze. Obszar na styku granicy Czadu i Sudanu z Republiką Środkowoafrykańską porasta roślinność typowa dla sawanny trawiastej, dalej na południe zmieniając się w sawannę drzewiastą, która przekształca się w las tropikalny na granicy między obecnym Sudanem Południowym, Demokratyczną Republiką Konga i Republiką Środkowoafrykańską. Prawie cały obszar przygraniczny z Sudanem Południowym jest ciągle �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 127 niezamieszkały36, a większe ośrodki miejskie (z jednej i z drugiej strony granicy) są oddalone od siebie o kilkaset kilometrów. Dodatkowo na obszarze 1700 km2 bezpośrednio graniczącym z obecnym Sudanem (w odległości 90 km od granicy), jeszcze w czasach kolonialnych, bo w 1933 r. utworzono Park Narodowy AndréFelix37. Po odzyskaniu niepodległości przez Republikę Środkowoafrykańską w 1960 r. utrzymano dotychczasowe status quo tego parku. Po drugiej stronie granicy Park Narodowy André-Felix styka się z podobnym parkiem narodowym w Sudanie. Jednak sudański Park Narodowy Radom został założony dużo później (w 1980 r.) i zajmuje mniejszą powierzchnię, aczkolwiek rozpościera się na terenie bardziej zróżnicowanym tektonicznie. Tym co łączy oba parki narodowe jest kłusownictwo osiągające coraz większe rozmiary, wyniszczające głównie tamtejszą faunę. Polowania na dziką zwierzynę stają się też codzienną praktyką ludności zamieszkującej w otulinie obu parków, bo handel mięsem przynosi znaczne profity. Granica, która nie dzieli Na obu krańcach tych bezludnych połaci ziemi ciągnących się wzdłuż środkowej części granicy między Republiką Środkowoafrykańską a Sudanem zamieszkiwały od dawna grupy etniczne, które już w okresie kolonialnym zostały poprzez nią sztucznie podzielone. Na północy, u zbiegu granic Czadu, Sudanu i RepuW Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej prawie nie występuje osadnictwo we wschodniej części prowincji Haute-Kotto i północno-wschodniej Haute-Mbomou. Obie prowincje graniczą z Ekwatorią na terenie Sudanu Południowego. 37 W parku objęto ochroną zarówno faunę, jak i florę, zakazując wyrębu na obszarze sawanny drzewiastej oraz tworząc ścisłe rezerwaty chroniące tamtejszą zwierzynę, w tym słonie, żyrafy, hipopotamy i lamparty. 36 �128 Krystyna Kamińska bliki Środkowoafrykańskiej nieprzyjazny, wyżynny krajobraz powoli łagodnieje wraz z obniżeniem terenu. Na tym właśnie obszarze, po obu stronach granicy obecnego Sudanu i Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej, zamieszkują niewielkie liczebnie grupy etniczne: Sara oraz Gbaya (określana też mianem Kpala). Ludność Sara zamieszkała w okolicach Baguiro, kultywuje od wieków swoje wojenne tradycje, natomiast Gbaya to społeczność lokalna wyznająca islam i posługująca się językiem Gula. Na tamtym terenie występują też pomniejsze wspólnoty (około 13 tys.) posługujące się językiem Yulu (Youlou). Natomiast na przeciwległym krańcu dawnej granicy z Sudanem (obecnie z Sudanem Południowym), niedaleko granicy z Demokratyczną Republiką Konga (niegdyś z Zairem) rozpościerają się tereny zamieszkałe przez lud Azande. Pomniejsze rdzenne skupiska zbiorowości przynależnych do tej grupy etnicznej są rozsiane zarówno na obszarach znajdujących się w Sudanie Południowym, jak i w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej. Od dawna zamieszkiwali oni w Sudanie w prowincji Ekwatoria, i w rejonie Mogalla, w dystrykcie Yei. Z kolei w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej żyją na terenie prefektury Haute-Mbomu w rejonie Obo i Zémio38. Przedstawiciele tej grupy etnicznej albo pozostali wyznawcami rodzimych wierzeń (animiści), albo przyjęli chrześcijaństwo. Azande posługują się językami z grupy adamawa-ubangi należącymi do rodziny nigro-kongijskich. Jakkolwiek wytyczona niegdyś granica rozdzieliła administracyjnie wyżej opisane grupy etniczne, nie brano bowiem wówczas pod uwagę ich wielowiekowego rozmieszczenia przestrzennego, to de facto pozostały one nadal ze sobą zespolone. Ich wzajemnym kontaktom sprzyjały uwarunkowania geograficzne i klimatyczne. Przebiegająca przez rdzenne obszary granica nigdy w sposób naturalny 38 P. Kalck, Histoire Centrafricaine. Des origines, Paris 1992, s. 92. �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 129 nie przedzielała ich ziem. Wytyczona i naniesiona na mapach granica między (Ubangi-Szari), a potem Republiką Środkowoafrykańską i Sudanem miała charakter raczej umowny niż była rzeczywistym pasem granicznym dzielącym oba państwa. Zwłaszcza ludność Azande przenikała przez nią leśnymi (szybko zarastającymi) ścieżkami. Pozorna normalizacja (w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej) W 1994 r. w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej panowała jeszcze powszechna euforia. Świętowano kres kolejnych rządów autorytarnych André Kolingby39 i rocznicę pierwszych wolnych wyborów prezydenckich i parlamentarnych. Wybrany w 1993 r. prezydent Ange-Félix Patassé nie tylko budził społeczne nadzieje na przywrócenie swobód obywatelskich, lecz także był postrzegany jako osoba, której rządy wreszcie doprowadzą do poprawy gospodarczej w kraju. Podjęte przez niego działania naprawcze zredukowały administrację państwową (w 1995 r. przyjęto nową konstytucję). Rzadko słychać było pogłoski, że od miesięcy, które upłynęły od czasu wyborów prezydenckich, administracja państwowa różnych szczebli nie otrzymuje wynagrodzenia. W wolno toczącym się codziennym życiu, czy to w Bangi, czy w oddalonych od niej prowincjach: Vakaga i Haute Kotto zupełnie nie odczuwało się zagrożenia, które mogła przynieść tocząca się od ponad 10 lat za wschodnią granicą państwa wojna domowa André Kolingba dokonał w 1981 r. zamachu stanu. Ustanowił siebie prezydentem kraju oraz wznowił represje wobec wszelkich przejawów demokracji, w tym zawiesił konstytucję i rozwiązał parlament oraz zdymisjonował rząd. Dopiero pod presją międzynarodowej opinii, w tym głównie Francji, przywrócił urząd premiera i zalegalizował system wielopartyjny. W 1993 r. zmuszono go do rozpisania powszechnych wyborów. 39 �130 Krystyna Kamińska w Sudanie. Republika Środkowoafrykańska była skoncentrowana na własnych problemach. Przedstawiciele jej władz nie brali udziału w żadnych uzgodnieniach w sprawie Sudanu i w próbach normalizacji stosunków między oboma zwaśnionymi stronami. Nie przyłączyła się także do inicjatywy przywódców Erytrei, Etiopii, Ugandy oraz Kenii, którzy pod egidą Międzynarodowej Organizacji Rozwoju (IGAD) w 1993 r. podjęli działania w kierunku uśmierzenia walk w Sudanie i wypracowania pokojowego rozwiązania konfliktu. Pozostając ciągle w silnym powiązaniu z francuską polityką zagraniczną, przedstawiciele jej władz nie podejmowali żadnych kroków, by włączyć się w działania krajów będących niegdyś w orbicie wpływów brytyjskich. Francuski kontyngent wojskowy nadal stacjonował w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej, chociaż oficjalnie francuscy żołnierze opuścili ten kraj cztery lata wcześniej. Francuzi ciągle stanowili też najliczniejszą grupę cudzoziemców. Spore ich grono mieszkało w Bangi jako rezydenci. Od wielu lat polityka dotycząca relacji w stosunkach bilateralnych Francji z krajami utworzonymi w dawnych francuskich terytoriach kolonialnych wpływała w istotny sposób na funkcjonowanie tych ostatnich na arenie międzynarodowej. Doktryna françafrique zapoczątkowana jeszcze przez prezydenta Charlesa de Gaulle’a była kontynuowana (z pozytywnym skutkiem) przez jego następców40. Świadczą o tym późniejsze francuskie interwencje zbrojne41. 40 Objęcie prezydentury przez Valéry’ego Giscarda d’Estainga wprowadziło istotne zmiany w relacjach nie tylko francusko-afrykańskich, ale także Francji i Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej. O jego relacjach z Jean Bedelem Bokassą wielokrotnie rozpisywała się francuska prasa, bulwersując niejednokrotnie francuską opinię publiczną. Ojciec Valéry’ego Giscarda d’Estainga pełnił funkcję administratora kolonialnego w Ubangi-Szari. 41 Misja Sangaris podjęta podczas wojny domowej czy Barracuda detronizująca Bokassę. �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 131 Konflikt w Sudanie jakby nie dotyczył Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej, chociaż walki toczyły się tuż za sąsiednią granicą. Nawet uchodźcy z Sudanu, szukając schronienia, podążali w innych kierunkach niż ku leżącemu przy ich wschodniej granicy państwu. Z tego względu w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej nie stworzono obozów dla sudańskich uchodźców, a pomoc humanitarna, która była kierowana do Sudanu (m.in. ze względu na tamtejszą klęskę głodu w 1991 r.), omijała też Republikę Środkowoafrykańską jako pośredni etap dotarcia do granicy, nie traktując go jako kraju tranzytowego. Przedłużający się w kraju kryzys ekonomiczny spowodował, że nawet prezydent wybrany w wolnych wyborach zaczął faworyzować przedstawicieli własnej grupy etnicznej, zmniejszając jednocześnie zakres swobód obywatelskich. Kolejne niepokoje społeczne były już tylko kwestią czasu. Prezydent Ange-Félix Patassé zaczął powracać do dawnych praktyk swoich poprzedników. Utworzone przez niego „formacje milicyjne oparte na członkach grup etnicznych z północy kraju, a także najemnikach libijskich i kongijskich”42 zaczęły zagrażać stabilności wewnętrznej kraju. W tej sytuacji wsparcie, którego początkowo udzielała Francja prezydentowi Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej, nie zapobiegło w dalszej perspektywie upadkowi państwa. Opis dalszych losów państwowości oraz wojny domowej w Republice Środkowoafrykański nie ma bezpośredniego związku z treścią artykułu (krótki rejestr znaczących wydarzeń zamieszczono w przypisie43). B. Popławski, Republika Środkowoafrykańska. Kryzys i próby jego prze­ zwyciężenia, „Infos. Zagadnienia społeczno-gospodarcze” 2014, t. 9, nr 14 (174), s. 2. 43 W 2003 r. władzę w wyniku kolejnego zamachu stanu objął François Bozizé. W 2005 r. zaczęło rosnąć napięcie społeczne w wyniku starć z przeciwnikami prezydenta, co w konsekwencji doprowadziło do wybuchu wojny domowej, bo wyciszone wcześniej konflikty na tle etnicznym i religijnym znów się odrodziły. 42 �132 Krystyna Kamińska Zamiast zakończenia (perspektywa neokolonialna) Przedstawione poniżej epizody stanowią najlepszą ilustrację z jednej strony postkolonialnych relacji wewnątrzetnicznych, z drugiej natomiast ukrytego świata pogranicza Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej i ówczesnego Sudanu. Najlepiej oddaje to tytuł artykułu Co pozostało z afrykańskich granic44 autorstwa Anni-Cécile Robert zamieszczonego na łamach „Le Monde diplomatique”. Wówczas na mocy dwustronnego porozumienia między Republiką Środkowoafrykańską a Republiką Południowej Afryki na terytorium kraju pojawiły się obce wojska. W 2013 r. rządzący przez 10 lat prezydent został obalony w wyniku rebelii zapoczątkowanej przez Michela Djotodię. Nowe władze nie miały ani poparcia społeczności lokalnych, ani uznania międzynarodowego. Do Republiki Środkowej Afryki wysłano zbrojny kontyngent, który miał wspierać stabilizację państwa i pomóc w jego normalizacji. Działania podjęte na wniosek Wspólnoty Gospodarczej Państw Afryki Środkowej (ECCAS) niewiele jednak pomogły, bo kryzys polityczny nadal się pogłębiał. Michel Djotodia ustanowił siebie prezydentem kraju, mając poparcie grupy rebeliantów Seleka. W 2013 r. Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ autoryzowała rezolucję zezwalającą, by połączone siły Unii Afrykańskiej i Francji rozdzieliły walczące strony. Wsparcia dla francuskiej misji Sangaris udzielił polski kontyngent wojskowy. W 2014 r. Michel Djotodia podał się do dymisji na szczycie Wspólnoty Gospodarczej Państw Afryki Środkowej w Czadzie. Oświadczył jednak, że będzie pełnić obowiązki prezydenta do 2015 r. W 2014 r. ustanowiono misję pokojową pod auspicjami ONZ (około 12 tys. żołnierzy). Rozpoczęto proces pokojowy – pełniącym obowiązki prezydenta została Catherine Samba-Panza. W 2016 r. odbyły się wybory prezydenckie. Na urząd prezydenta wybrany został Faustin-Archange Touadéra. 44 A-C. Robert, Que reste-t-il des frontières africaines, „Le Monde diplomatique” (2012), Décembre, s. 14–15. �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 133 Epizod I W Safari bierze udział członek rodziny byłego cesarza Bokassy. Społeczność dwóch okolicznych wiosek, z których mężczyźni zostali zatrudnieni do pomocy w obozie (z którego wyrusza się na polowania) nagle porzucają pracę i znikają w momencie, gdy widzą jego przyjazd na teren obozu. Gość (osoba dość młoda, ubrana sportowo, której wysoki wzrost świadczy o przypisaniu do konkretnej grupy etnicznej), wita się ze swobodą Europejczyka (wiadomo, że ukończył studia we Francji) z pozostałymi uczestnikami Safari i, przepraszając, odchodzi do jednego z bungalowów. Gość po 20–30 minutach wraca przebrany w uroczysty strój – długa do ziemi suknia przetykana złotą nicią i czapka przypominająca furażerkę – i siada na werandzie. W tej samej chwili jedną i drugą drogą prowadząca do obozu zbliżają się dwa odrębne korowody złożone z miejscowej ludności. W każdym z nich kroczyli mieszkańcy innej wioski, równie odświętnie ubrani, jak nasz gość, chociaż odziani mniej strojnie. Obie grupy zatrzymały się w niedużej odległości od naszego gościa. Potem każdy z przybyłych po lekkim jego skinieniu zaczynał się z nim witać, oddając mu honor pozycją przypominającą lekki ukłon. Wyraźnie dostrzegalna była hierarchia wśród witających. Najpierw mężczyźni w sile wieku, potem starsi, na końcu kobiety. Wśród witających nie ma dzieci. Nasz gość robi wrażenie osoby nawykłej do takich powitań, zupełnie go nie dziwi sytuacja (nie widać zmieszania na jego twarzy). Po zakończonej ceremonii powitalnej mieszkańcy obu wiosek odchodzą w bardzo radosnym nastroju. Europejczycy są zaszokowani całą sytuacją i lekko zdziwieni. Gość – przeciwnie – sprawiał wrażenie jakby to była dla niego bardzo naturalna sprawa. Zapytany o sytuację, której byliśmy świadkami kilka godzin wcześniej, swobodnie odpowiada, że gdyby odmówił im takiego powitania, po prostu obraziłby całą wioskę. �134 Krystyna Kamińska Epizod II Sąsiedni obóz, w którym również przebywali uczestnicy safari, nagle wypełnił się rozkrzyczanym tłumem obcych ciemnoskórych mężczyzn. Język, którym między sobą rozmawiali, to nie był sango. Błyskawicznie każdemu z Europejczyków wydarto myśliwską broń. Wobec wszystkich napastnicy zachowywali się dość obcesowo, zgromadziwszy ich wcześniej na werandzie, na której jadano posiłki. Nikt nie mógł się nigdzie ruszyć bez obstawy. W stosunku do kobiet byli wyjątkowo niegrzeczni. Efekt zastraszenia był skuteczny – wszyscy biernie poddali się ich rozkazom. Jeden z przybyłych mężczyzn, wspomagany przez mieszkańca obok leżącej wioski (który nieźle władał językiem francuskim, ale był równie przerażony co Europejczycy) łamaną francuszczyzną poinformował, że przyjechali na polowanie i w związku z tym rekwirują samochody. Potem grupa się podzieliła. Większość przybyłych odjechała. Zostali tylko strażnicy z rosyjską bronią automatyczną. Napastników obawiali się nie tylko Europejczycy, lecz także lokalna ludność. Mieszkańcy obu sąsiadujących z obozem wiosek „zapadli się pod ziemię”. Natomiast napastnicy zupełnie nie obawiali się jakiejkolwiek interwencji zbrojnej lub tego, że ktoś przyjdzie z pomocą Europejczykom „uwięzionym” w obozie, a nawet pozwolili na codzienny radiowy kontakt z Bangi. (Jest to wymóg uzasadniany potrzebą bezpieczeństwa, by w sytuacji zagrożenia mogła zostać udzielona pomoc). Dowódca francuskiego kontyngentu odmówił pomocy, ponieważ do jego obowiązków nie należała walka z lokalnymi watażkami. Administracja państwowa tłumaczyła natomiast niemożność przysłania gwardii narodowej z Bangi koniecznością utrzymania w stolicy porządku i radziła zastosować się do rozkazów przywódcy owej uzbrojonej grupy. Brak było jakiegokolwiek zainteresowania losem Europejczyków pod granicą z Sudanem. Przez kilka dni wokół obozu było słychać strzały. Potem nagle ucichły i napastnicy wrócili do obo- �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 135 zu. Wozy były pobrudzone krwią zwierząt, gdzieniegdzie walały się resztki obdartego ze skóry mięsa. Równie nagle jak się pojawili, napastnicy zniknęli. Potem okazało się, że to nie byli kłusownicy, lecz „sudańska partyzantka” uzupełniająca swoje zapasy żywności, ponieważ tereny po sudańskiej stronie zostały już przetrzebione. Jeszcze przez jakiś czas ta i inne grupy uczestniczące w safari znajdowały ślady tamtego polowania. Bibliografia Boulvert Y., Bangui 1889–1989, Paris 1989. Des frontières en Afrique du XII au XXème siècle, Paris 2005. Dzhantamirov A., Powstanie Mahdiego w Sudanie w latach 1881–1898, „Forum Politologiczne” 2009, t. 9, s. 253–261. Gerbault J., Utilisation des langues et attitudes: la montée du sango. „Bulletin du Réseau des observatoires du français contemporain en Afrique noire” t. 7 (1987–88), s. 25–51. Josselin Ch., La coopération française et la présence de la France en Afrique, „Olsztyńskie Studia Afrykanistyczne” 2013, t. 4, s. 59–65. Kalck P., Histoire Centrafricaine. Des origines, Paris 1992. Mantel-Niećko J., Ząbek M., Róg Afryki. Historia i współczesność, Warszawa 1999. Meredith M., Historia współczesnej Afryki. Pół wieku niepodległości, Warszawa 2011. Popławski B., Republika Środkowoafrykańska. Kryzys i próby jego przezwyciężenia, „Infos. Zagadnienia społeczno-gospodarcze”, 2014, t. 9, nr 14 (174), s. 1–4. Robert A-C., Que reste-t-il des frontières africaines, „Le Monde diplomatique” (2012), Décembre, s. 14–15. Smith St., Levasseur C., Atlas de l’ Afrique, Paris 2005. Ząbek M., Sudan. Refleksje na temat podziału państwa i polskich studiów sudanologicznych, w: W. Cisły, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Sudan. Bogactwo kultur i wewnętrzne napięcia, Warszawa 2012. �136 Krystyna Kamińska Vorbrich R., Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka. Koncepcje i postaci wspólnoty w dawnej i współczesnej Afryce, Poznań 2012. Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu ówczesnego Sudanu i Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej w ostatniej dekadzie XX wieku z pozycji quasiinsidera Streszczenie Granica pomiędzy Republiką Środkowoafrykańską a dzisiejszymi Sudanem i Sudanem Południowym ma ponad 1000 km długości. Została wytyczona jeszcze z czasów kolonialnych i rozdzielała strefy wpływów francuskiej i angielskiej metropolii. Wypiętrzony grzbiet wyżynny, którym biegnie linia graniczna zawsze utrudniał wzajemne kontakty. Brakuje tam naturalnych przejść pozwalających na swobodne przemieszczanie się ludności. Z tego powodu po obu stronach wielokilometrowej granicy zamieszkiwały zupełnie ze sobą niespokrewnione grupy etniczne. Jedynie na południu społeczność Azande żyje po obu stronach granicy. W powiązaniu z wieloletnim oddziaływaniem odmiennych wpływów francuskich i angielskich granica nadal dzieli oba kraje. Być może dlatego wojna tocząca się w Sudanie była prawie niewyczuwalna po stronie Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej pod koniec lat 90. XX w. Słowa kluczowe: Afryka, Republika Środkowoafrykańska, Sudan, Sudan Południowy, granice, etniczność. �Kilka uwag o sytuacji na pograniczu... 137 Some remarks on the situation on the borderland of Central African Republic and Sudan in the last decade of the 20th century from the quasi-insider position Summary The boudary between Central African Republic and nowadays Sudan and Southern Sudan is over 1 000 km long. It is dated back to the days of Berlin Conference in 1885, when it limited the areas of interest of colonial France and Great Britain. Easy-to-travel areas (over this frontier) are located only in the far northern and in the far southern part of it. Only in these two sections it comes to merge tribes from CAR and Sudan. These tribes have very different past, but are ethnically similar. However, in 1994, this boundary was still present, the Sudanese Civil War was barely seen on the other side of the frontier. Key words: Africa, Central African Republic, Sudan, Southern Sudan, boundaries, ethnicity. ��JOANNA BAR PRZYSTĄPIENIE REPUBLIKI SUDANU POŁUDNIOWEGO DO WSPÓLNOTY WSCHODNIOAFRYKAŃSKIEJ (EAST AFRICAN COMMUNITY, EAC): GENEZA I PRZEBIEG PROCESU AKCESYJNEGO Wstęp 15 kwietnia 2016 r. prezydent Republiki Sudanu Południowego Salva Kiir Mayardit oraz John Pombe Joseph Magufuli, prezydent Tanzanii, a zarazem przewodniczący szczytu szefów państw i rządów Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej (East African Community, EAC) podpisali traktat akcesyjny. Uroczystość akcesyjna odbyła się w Dar es Salaam (Tanzania)1. Dr hab. Joanna Bar, prof. UP – Instytut Politologii, Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny w Krakowie, Katedra Stosunków Międzynarodowych, historyk i politolog, główne kierunki badań: Afryka Wschodnia. Signing Ceremony of the Treaty of Accession of the Republic of South Sudan in to the East African Community, źródło: http://www.eac.int/news-and-media/ press-releases/20160412/signing-ceremony-treaty-accession-republic-southsudan-east-african-community [29.06.2016], por. także: Communiqué: Signing Ceremony of the Treaty of Accession of the Republic of South Sudan into the East African Community, e-EAC Newsletter, 28 April 2016, p. 2, http://www.eac.int/ 1 �140 Joanna Bar Przyjęcie Sudanu Południowego do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej stało się możliwe w wyniku decyzji podjętej 2 marca tego samego roku na szczycie w Arushy (Tanzania), na którym szefowie państw i rządów na podstawie opinii Rady Ministrów Wspólnoty, zdecydowali przyjąć go jako nowego członka EAC2. Wydarzenia te pomyślnie zakończyły trwający niespełna pięć lat okres akcesyjny, gdyż prezydent Salva Kiir oficjalnie zaczął ubiegać się o członkostwo we Wspólnocie Wschodnioafrykańskiej jesienią 2011 r., w niespełna cztery miesiące po uzyskaniu przez Sudan Południowy niepodległości. Wspólnota Wschodnioafrykańska, regionalna organizacja międzyrządowa, której członkami, poza Sudanem Południowym, są Burundi, Kenia, Rwanda, Uganda i Tanzania należy do najmłodszych organizacji subregionalnych w Afryce, a zarazem najbardziej zaawansowanych we wprowadzaniu w życie procesów integracyjnych3. Siedziba organizacji znajduje się w Arushy. Traktat założycielski Wspólnoty został podpisany 30 listopada 1999 r., zaś wszedł w życie 7 lipca 2000 r., po ratyfikacji przez trzy państwa założycielskie: Kenię, Ugandę i Tanzanię. W 2007 r. do Wspólnoty przystąpiły Rwanda i Burundi. Głównym celem organizacji jest dążenie do budowy zamożnej, konkurencyjnej, bezpiecznej, stabilnej i zjednoczonej politycznie Afryki Wschodniej, zaś misją: „poszerzenie i pogłębienie integracji ekonomicznej, politycznej, społecznej i kulturalnej w celu poprawy jakości życia mieszkańców sites/default/files/docs/eac_e-newsletter_-_28_april_2016_-_issue_103.pdf (dostęp: 22.06.2016). 2 Joint Communiqué: 17th Ordinary Summit of the East African Community Heads of State, źródło: http://www.eac.int/news-and-media/state­ ments/20160302/joint-communique-17th-ordinary-summit-east-african-commu­ nity-heads-state (dostęp: 22.06.2016). 3 Por. W. Lizak, Afrykańskie instytucje bezpieczeństwa, Warszawa 2012, s. 425. �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 141 Afryki Wschodniej poprzez zwiększenie konkurencyjności, wartości dodanej produkcji, handlu i inwestycji”4. Wspólnota promuje cztery filary integracji: unię celną, wspólny rynek, unię monetarną i – w przyszłości – federację polityczną. Protokół o utworzeniu unii celnej został podpisany w roku 2004, unia celna weszła w życie na okres przejściowy w 2005 r., a w pełni obowiązuje od 2010 r. Protokół o utworzeniu wspólnego rynku podpisany został w roku 2009, zaś wszedł w życie w 2010 r.5 Obecnie prowadzone są prace nad wprowadzeniem w życie planów utworzenia Wschodnioafrykańskiej Unii Walutowej (East African Monetary Union, EAMU) – określanej jako trzeci etap integracji EAC. Protokół o jej utworzeniu został podpisany 30 listopada 2013 r. w Kampali (Uganda), podczas 15 szczytu przywódców państw EAC, zaś protokół o utworzeniu wspólnej waluty – na wzór europejskiego euro – oraz wspólnotowego banku centralnego podpisano w grudniu 2013 r.6 24 czerwca 2014 r. Tanzania, jako pierwszy kraj Wspólnoty, ratyfikowała protokół o utworzeniu Wschodnioafrykańskiej Unii Walutowej, rozpoczynając tym samym proces przygotowawczy do przyjęcia jednolitego systemu walutowego, co zostało przewidziane na rok 20247. Cyklicznie opracowywane są wspólne strategie rozwoju gospodarczego, obecnie obowiązuje czwarta z kolei strategia rozwoju, przewidziana na About EAC, źródło: http://www.eac.int/about-eac.html (dostęp: 3.08.2012). Źródło: History of the EAC - Milestones in the EAC Integration Process, http:// www.eac.int/index.php?option=com_content&view=­article&id=44&Itemid =54&limitstart=1 (dostęp: 21.02.2014). 6 M. Świderski, EAC: Nowy etap integracji regionalnej, źródło: http://www. pcsa.org.pl/products/nowy-etap-integracji-wewn%C4%85trz-eac/ (dostęp: 1.04.2014). 7 Tanzania Becomes First Partner State to Ratify EAC Monetary Union Protocol, źródło: http://www.eac.int/index.php?option=com_content&view=­ article&id=1601:-tanzania-becomes-first-partner-state-to-ratify-eac-monetaryunion-protocol&catid=146:press-releases&Itemid=194 (dostęp: 3.07.2014). 4 5 �142 Joanna Bar lata 2011–2016 (The East African Community Development Strategy for the period 2011/12–2015/16)8. Konsolidacja gospodarcza, oprócz unii celnej, wspólnego rynku i unii walutowej, uwzględnia także plany rozbudowy infrastruktury (zwłaszcza w zakresie energetyki), opartej na solidnych założeniach ekonomicznych, która przyczynić się ma do pobudzenia wzrostu gospodarczego krajów partnerskich oraz rozwoju sektora usług (m.in. bankowości, ubezpieczeń). Współpraca z EAC daje nowemu członkowi, uboższemu od swych południowych sąsiadów, wielką szansę rozwoju gospodarczego i stabilizacji politycznej. Sudan Południowy oprócz bogatych złóż ropy naftowej i zasobów wodnych wnosi jednak Wspólnocie pokaźny bagaż problemów politycznych, zarówno konfliktów wewnętrznych, jak i nierozwiązanych problemów międzynarodowych, ze sporami granicznymi z Republiką Sudanu (Północnego) na czele. Dla wielu komentatorów decyzja o przyjęciu Suda­ nu Południowego do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej zwią­zana była z wielkim ryzykiem dla jej stabilności i utrzymania dotychczasowego tempa procesów integracyjnych. Stała się jednak faktem, dlatego też celem niniejszego artykułu jest próba odpowiedzi na pytania o przyczyny i potencjalne skutki tej ryzykownej dla wielu decyzji o tak szybkim zakończeniu procesu akcesyjnego. Prezentowana analiza, skrótowe studium przypadku, dotyczy także historycznych przesłanek współczesnego ciążenia Sudanu Południowego w stronę swych południowych sąsiadów. Proces ten – jak będę się starała wykazać – nie rozpoczął się wraz z uzyskaniem niepodległości w 2011 r., lecz ma swoje źródła w wielowiekowych związkach etnicznych i historii wspólnych kontaktów, 8 4th EAC Development Strategy (2011/12–2015/16) Deepening and Accelerating Integration, August 2011, źródło: http://www.eac.int/news/index. php?option=com_docman&task=doc_download&gid=294&Itemid=70 (dostęp: 15.07.2014). �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 143 które, nawiązują do rzeczywiście istniejących powiązań, współcześnie doprowadziły do nowych przetasowań geopolitycznych w regionie. Podstawę źródłową niniejszego tekstu stanowią materiały pozyskane ze źródeł i opracowań zamieszczonych w Internecie, w tym przede wszystkim dane dostępne na oficjalnej stronie Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej (http://www.eac.int/) oraz opracowania opublikowane przez Sudan Tribune (http://www.sudantribune. com) – portal redagowany w języku angielskim (od 2011 r. także w języku arabskim) przez zespół niezależnych sudańskich i zagranicznych dziennikarzy i redaktorów, w celu promowania pluralistycznych informacji i otwartej debaty na temat Sudanu9. I. Sudan Południowy – geneza dążeń niepodległościowych i najważniejsze problemy nowo powstałego państwa W VI w. region obu dzisiejszych państw sudańskich poddany był wpływom chrześcijaństwa, a w następnym stuleciu islamu, którego podboje zerwały jego bliskie kontakty z cywilizacją chrześcijańską. Wpływy arabskie zatrzymały się jednak na linii bagien sudd10 uniemożliwiających żeglugę po rozległych rozlewiskach Nilu, włączając trwale północ Sudanu do świata muzułmańskiego i pozostawiając południe w granicach wpływów Afryki Subsaharyjskiej, jej odmiennych kultur i tradycyjnych religii. About Sudan Tribune, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip. php?page=about (dostęp: 13.07.2016); mimo identycznej nazwy, portal ten nie ma związku z dziennikami o tej nazwie, dystrybuowanymi w Chartumie i Jubie. 10 Por. M. Ząbek, Zróżnicowanie etniczne [w:] J. Mantel-Niećko, M. Ząbek (red.), Róg Afryki. Historia i współczesność, Warszawa 1999, s. 34. 9 �144 Joanna Bar Współczesny Sudan Południowy stworzyły trzy historyczne prowincje: Ekwatoria, Bahr El Ghazal, Górny Nil. Żyły tam ludy nilockie: plemiona Dinka, Nuer, Luo oraz mieszkające na pograniczu obu stref, północnej i południowej, plemiona Szylluk11. Wszystkie posiadały podobne cechy rasowe, lingwistyczne i kulturowe; tworzyli je tradycyjni pasterze (pozostawiający rolnictwo w rękach kobiet), którzy rozwinęli umiejętności przetrwania w trudnym klimacie okołorównikowym, z naprzemiennie występującymi suszami i powodziami12. Gdy w 1821 r. Sudan został podbity przez Egipt, w praktyce okupowana była jedynie jego północna część, gdyż bagna sudd jeszcze przez kilka dziesięcioleci stanowiły skuteczną zaporę przed podbojem południa i przekraczane były jedynie przez pojedyncze wyprawy handlarzy niewolnikami, kością słoniową i złotem. Oficjalnie w latach 1899–1955 Sudan stanowił kondominium anglo-egipskie i to właśnie Brytyjczycy wywarli większy wpływ na rozwój jego południowej części niż Arabowie. Północ i południe otrzymały dwa odrębne systemy edukacyjne i administracyjne13. Na północy jako urzędowy obowiązywał język arabski. Na południu – angielski, z uwzględnieniem (na poziomie szkolnictwa podstawowego) języków mniejszości etnicznych. Chcąc chronić prawa mniejszości i zapobiec islamizacji południa, Brytyjczycy utrwalili podziały także w zakresie różnic w rozwoju gospodarczym. Elementy wpływów arabskich likwidowano środkami administracyjnymi, m.in. poprzez zakaz używania arabskich imion i strojów, ograniczano przemieszczanie się ludności14. Akcentując podziały i odmienności grup etnicznych kolonizatorzy sprawili, że ich polityka ponosi przynajmniej częściową odpowiedzialność Tamże, s. 53–54. Z. Komorowski, Kultury Czarnej Afryki, Wrocław 1994, s. 103–111. 13 R. Łoś, Konflikty w Sudanie, Warszawa 2013, s. 35. 14 B. Czyż, Afryka Północno-Wschodnia, Warszawa 1972, s. 106. 11 12 �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 145 za wieloletnią wojnę domową w Sudanie, stanowiąc ważną przesłankę konfliktów, które wybuchły w okresie po odzyskaniu niepodległości. Warto jednak pamiętać, iż walki w Sudanie pomiędzy muzułmanami z północy a chrześcijanami i animistami z południa toczyły się jeszcze w okresie przedkolonialnym, gdy Arabowie łapali pasterzy z plemion Dinka i Nuer i sprzedawali handlarzom niewolników. Odzyskanie niepodległości w 1956 r. nie przyniosło Sudanowi pokoju, siłą utrzymywanego dotąd przez Anglików. Sudan wszedł w niepodległość jako największy kraj w Afryce niejednolity zarówno pod względem etnicznym, jak i religijnym. Najprościej ujmując, dzielił się na: arabsko-muzułmańską Północ (70% mieszkańców) oraz chrześcijańskie (5%) i animistyczne (25%) Południe15. W Sudanie obserwowano procesy typowe dla Afryki w okresie postkolonialnym, gdzie nowo powstałe państwa w momencie walki o niepodległość zjednoczone pod hasłami narodowowyzwoleńczymi, po jej zakończeniu najczęściej nie potrafiły zrealizować głoszonych uprzednio haseł demokratycznych – regułą były przewroty, po których władzę obejmowali wojskowi. Prawidłowości te wystąpiły także w Sudanie. Po odzyskaniu niepodległości postulowana jedność została zastąpiona walką o wpływy, zaś kolejne przewroty przyspieszane były problemami ekonomicznymi wynikającymi ze złych decyzji władz. W sumie Sudan doświadczył trzech przewrotów, przedzielonych dwoma krótkimi okresami rządów parlamentarnych. Tzw. problem południa trwał nieprzerwanie przez wszystkie dekady niepodległości, utrudniając rozwój ekonomiczny kraju. W porównaniu z państwami Afryki Subsaharyjskiej w konflikcie sudańskim ważniejsza była kwestia religii niż plemienna. W walkach z południem 15 R. Łoś, Konflikty w Sudanie…, s. 32. �146 Joanna Bar oba czynniki – religijny i plemienny – nałożyły się jednocześnie. Konflikt rozpoczął się w 1955 r. od tzw. incydentu w Torycie (w południowosudańskiej Ekwatorii), protestu przeciw planom przeniesienia tamtejszego garnizonu na północ i zastąpienia go oddzia­ łem muzułmańskim; rozprzestrzenił się wobec niedotrzymania obietnicy stworzenia państwa federalnego oraz prób forsownej islamizacji południa16. Ten etap konfliktu zakończyło porozumienie w Addis Abebie (Etiopia), zawarte w 1972 r. i zakładające utworzenie autonomicznego rządu Regionu Południowego. Lecz gdy w 1978 r. w południowych regionach kraju odkryto złoża ropy, nie dopuszczono południa do udziału w zyskach, zaś rafineria i siedziby firm inwestora – amerykańskiej firmy Chevron – zostały ulokowane na północy17. Nie rokowało to dobrze trwałemu porozumieniu. Druga wojna północy z południem wybuchła w 1983 r., kiedy islamski rząd w Chartumie próbował narzucić w całym kraju prawo islamskie. Praktyczne skutki tej decyzji byłyby bardzo poważne w codziennych stosunkach międzyludzkich. Prawo szariatu uniemożliwia np. sprawowanie stanowiska przełożonego przez niemuzułmanina (ponieważ niewierny nie może sprawować władzy nad wiernymi), zaś ewentualna rezygnacja z jego wprowadzenia jest niemal niemożliwa (gdyż naraża podejmującego tę decyzję o oskarżenie o apostazję). Wojna ostatecznie przerwała nadzieje na rozwój kraju, a przez wielu jest określana jako najdłuższa i największa wojna Afryki, jedna z największych na świecie (2 mln zabitych, 4 mln wypędzonych, w sumie 6 mln ofiar)18. Tamże, s. 38. Tamże, s. 52. 18 The background to Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement, United Nations Mission in Sudan, źródło: https://unmis.unmissions.org/Default.aspx?tabid=515 (dostęp: 18.07.2016). 16 17 �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 147 Rozmowy na temat zakończenia konfliktu prowadzono od 2002 r. Porozumienie zostało podpisane w styczniu 2005 r. w Naivasha (Kenia). Zawarty wówczas kompromis zakładał sprawiedliwy podział miejsc w administracji centralnej, sprawiedliwy podział zysków z ropy naftowej, zniesienie prawa muzułmańskiego na obszarze chrześcijańsko-animistycznego Południa, utworzenie wspólnej armii i Rządu Jedności Narodowej. Dodatkowo, po sześcioletnim okresie przejściowym miano przeprowadzić referendum dotyczące odłączenia bądź autonomii południowych prowincji. Już wówczas przewidywano alternatywę: stworzenie zjednoczonego silnego Sudanu bądź wojnę o władzę w nowo utworzonym niejednolitym etnicznie państwie19. W referendum, które odbyło się w styczniu 2011 r., prawie 99% ludności południa zagłosowało za separacją. Republika Południowego Sudanu została oficjalnie uznana przez wspólnotę międzynarodową pół roku później (14 lipca 2011 r.). Zajmuje obszar 644,329 km kw., zamieszkiwany jest przez 8,2 mln mieszkańców, nie posiada dostępu do morza, graniczy (od północy, zgodnie z kierunkiem ruchów zegara) z Sudanem, Etiopią, Kenią, Ugandą, Demokratyczną Republiką Konga i Republiką Środkowoafrykańską. Stolicą nowo utworzonego państwa jest Juba20. Republika Południowego Sudanu została także uznana przez swego północnego sąsiada, jednak fakt, iż na południu znajduje się ponad 80% sudańskiej ropy, a akceptowany przez obie strony podział wspólnej granicy (terytorium spornego dystryktu Abyie) nie został ustalony, stał się przesłanką kolejnych konfliktów i starć zbrojnych. Oba kraje musiały podjąć rokowania także w kwestii warunków, na jakich ropa z południa miałaby nadal płynąć przez Tamże. The World Factbook, Africa: South Sudan, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/od.html (dostęp: 7.07.2016). 19 20 �148 Joanna Bar rurociąg do portu w Sudanie (północnym), gdzie znajduje się większość rafinerii. Pesymistyczne prognozy przewidujące wybuch walk między Dinkami, Nuerami i Szyllukami o władzę w nowo utworzonym państwie zaczęły się sprawdzać niemal natychmiast. Według danych ONZ już w sierpniu 2011 r. w Sudanie Południowym w walkach plemiennych zginęło ponad 1000 osób, nowe walki wybuchły w styczniu 2012 r. na obszarach przygranicznych21. Konflikt rozpoczął się od rywalizacji polityków, ale przerodził się w wojnę etniczną między zdominowanymi przez Nuerów rebeliantami Rieka Machara a kierowanym przez Dinków rządem prezydenta Salvy Kiira Mayardita. Wojna domowa w pełni rozgorzała na przełomie lat 2013–2014, w praktyce spowodowała upadek państwa, zaś na konflikt wewnętrzny nałożyły się nierozwiązane spory z Sudanem (Północnym). Eskalacja konfliktu nastąpiła w połowie grudnia 2013 r., pretekstem była rzekoma próba zamachu stanu Rieka Machara, zdymisjonowanego w lipcu wiceprezydenta państwa. Mimo że rozmowy na temat konieczności zakończenia walk prowadzono od stycznia, porozumienie pokojowe zostało podpisane dopiero 9 maja 2014 r. w Addis Abebie przez prezydenta Kiira i przywódcę rebeliantów Machara. Przewidywało m.in. natychmiastowy rozejm, utworzenie rządu tymczasowego oraz rozpisanie wyborów. Strony konfliktu ustaliły, że w ciągu 24 godzin od podpisania porozumienia zostaną powstrzymane wszelkie starcia, co pozwoli na wypracowanie stałego rozejmu i dopuszczenie pomocy humanitarnej do najbardziej potrzebujących. Zgodzono się też co do tego, iż rząd tymczasowy – choć nie ustalono wówczas jego składu – da „najlepszą szansę” na doprowadzenie 21 Walki plemienne w Sudanie. Ponad 150 zabitych, pap, 4.01.2012, źródło: http://www.polskieradio.pl/5/3/Artykul/511746,Walki-plemienne-w-SudaniePonad-150-zabitych (dostęp: 18.07.2016). �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 149 kraju do wyborów przewidzianych w przyszłym roku. Uzgodniono także, że w przyszłości opracowana zostanie nowa konstytucja22. Rozmowy na temat zakończenia poszczególnych etapów walk trwały nieprzerwanie od początku konfliktu przy aktywnym zaangażowaniu przywódców państw sąsiednich, zwłaszcza Ugandy i Kenii, zagrożonych jego umiędzynarodowieniem. Do destabilizacji w regionie przyczyniały się także w ostatnich latach walki wewnętrzne w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej, a także powtarzające się ataki oddziałów wciąż niespacyfikowanej Armii Oporu Pana (Lord’s Resistance Army, LRA) Josepha Kony’ego, wypchniętego z Ugandy na terytoria Demokratycznej Republiki Konga, Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej oraz właśnie Sudanu Południowego23. Ze względu na fakt, iż granica ugandyjsko-sudańska nie posiada wyraźnie wyodrębnionych granic geograficznych i od zawsze miała charakter peryferyjny, to właśnie stabilna obecnie Uganda, obok Etiopii i Kenii, jest najbardziej zainteresowana przywróceniem pokoju w Sudanie Południowym. Szacuje się, że na przełomie 2013 i 2014 r. w Sudanie Południowym walczyło ok. 2 tys. ugandyjskich żołnierzy, strzegących lotniska i najważniejszych urzędów w Jubie, ochraniających mosty i przeprawy na Nilu. Prezydent Ugandy, Yoweri Museveni, z pewnością jest zainteresowany włączeniem Sudanu Południowego w strefę wpływów Ugandy. Museveni popiera zarazem prezydenta Kiira w sporze z jego głównym przeciwnikiem politycznym Riekiem Macharem, pamiętając Text: Agreement to Resolve the Crisis in South Sudan, Sudan Tribune 10.05.2014, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article50940 [18.05.2016], por. także: South Sudan: Ceasefire comes into effect, http://www. bbc.com/news/world-africa-27359866 (dostęp: 7.07.2014). 23 M. Kurcz, Granica, Transgraniczne migracje i Armia Oporu Pana. Perspektywa Sudanu Południowego i Ugandy [w:] Bilad as-Sudan. Kultury i migracje, (red.) W. Cisło. J. Różański, M. Ząbek, Warszawa 2013. 22 �150 Joanna Bar temu drugiemu, iż w latach 80. i 90. XX w., zgodnie z polityką Chartumu, pomagał ugandyjskim rebeliantom Josepha Kony’ego, ściganego dziś przez Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny za zbrodnie wojenne24. Polityka prezydenta Museveniego wsparta jest nie tylko doraźnymi interesami politycznymi i gospodarczymi, lecz także historią dotychczasowych kontaktów. O ile bowiem granica bagien sudd w sposób naturalny utrudniała kontakty Sudańczyków z Południa z Arabami z północnej części Sudanu, o tyle brak naturalnej granicy sprzyjał kontaktom z sąsiadami z południa, nawet jeśli rubieże Sudanu miały dla nich charakter peryferyjny. Historia tych kontaktów sprzyjała także inicjatywie włączenia Sudanu Południowego do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej. Interpretacja tej idei jako oczywistej realizacji wzajemnych interesów ekonomicznych (dotychczasowi członkowie Wspólnoty zyskają na korzystnych cenach południowosudańskiej ropy, Sudan Południowy na partnerskich warunkach jej tranzytu poprzez projektowany rurociąg do portu w Lamu w Kenii) jest jednak zbytnim uproszczeniem. Sudan Południowy bez wątpienia potrzebuje wiarygodnych kotwic geopolitycznych i gospodarczych, zdolnych dopomóc mu w procesach rozwojowych, w rzeczywistości jednak od samego początku procesu akcesyjnego zdawano sobie sprawę z sieci skomplikowanych powiązań, których właściwa interpretacja powinna być rodzajem bilansu wzajemnych zysków i strat partnerów prowadzonych negocjacji, z jednej strony Sudanu Południowego, z drugiej – dotychczasowych krajów członkowskich Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej. W. Jagielski, Żandarm znad Nilu. Jak prezydent Ugandy Yoweri Museveni zaprowadza pokój w Sudanie Południowym, PAP, 16. 01. 2014, źródło: http:// konflikty.wp.pl/kat,132874,title,Zandarm-znad-Nilu-Jak-prezydent-UgandyYoweri-Museveni-zaprowadza-pokoj-w-Sudanie-Poludniowym,wid,16335105 ,wiadomosc.html?ticaid=11752a&_ticrsn=5 (dostęp: 7.07.2016). 24 �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 151 II. Przebieg procesu akcesyjnego Pomyślny finał procesu akcesyjnego nastąpił pięć lat po jego rozpoczęciu, gdyż chronologicznie pierwsza próba nawiązania współpracy z EAC przez Sudan Południowy miała miejsce 10 czerwca 2011 r., a więc jeszcze przed uzyskaniem niepodległości25. Decyzja ta stanowiła rodzaj kontynuacji starań państwa sudańskiego o akcesję do EAC z okresu przed podziałem, prowadzonych od grudnia 2006 r.26 Nowe rokowania kontynuowane były od września 2011 r. Wówczas jednak organy decyzyjne Wspólnoty zebrane na szczycie w Arushy zdecydowały, iż podmiotem procesu akcesyjnego może być jedynie nowo powstała Republika Sudanu Południowego. Podział spowodował bowiem, iż Sudan (Północny) nie spełniał podstawowego kryterium akcesyjnego – kryterium geograficznego, zakładającego możliwość poszerzenia Wspólnoty jedynie o państwa znajdujące się w bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie państw członkowskich EAC. Kryterium to spełnia natomiast Sudan Południowy, graniczący z Ugandą i Kenią. Brak bliskości geograficznej był decydującym, lecz nie jedynym uzasadnieniem podjętej wówczas decyzji. Podniesione zostały także zarzuty dotyczące łamania praw człowieka przez władze w Chartumie (szczególnie wobec mieszkańców prowincji Darfur) oraz nieprzestrzegania uniwer- D. Ojok, B. Mukhone, M. Kamp, The EAC Regional Integration and Prospects for Peace Building in South Sudan, Country Report Uganda, May 2016, KonradAdenauer-Stiftung e.V., źródło: http://www.kas.de/wf/doc/kas_45328-15222-30.pdf?160527114548 (dostęp: 14.07.2016), p. 1. 26 Sudan shows interest to join East African Community, Sudan Tribune 6.12.2006, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article19126 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). 25 �152 Joanna Bar salnie uznanych zasad dobrych rządów, demokracji, rządów prawa, praw człowieka i zasad sprawiedliwości społecznej27. Decyzja o rozpoczęciu negocjacji z Sudanem Południowym została podjęta przed corocznym listopadowym szczytem głów państw i szefów rządów EAC, którzy mieli ją ostatecznie zatwierdzić lub uchylić. Szczyt zdecydował jednak o rozwiązaniu pośrednim. Wniosek akcesyjny Sudanu Południowego nie został wprawdzie odrzucony, lecz skierowano go do dalszej analizy w ramach zespołu ekspertów. Zgodnie z komunikatem końcowym szczytu decyzja o uznaniu kryteriów akcesji została przekazana w ręce Rady Ministrów Wspólnoty. Jednocześnie potwierdzono odrzucenie podobnej aplikacji Chartumu28. Choć nie podano bezpośrednich przyczyn odroczenia terminu przyjęcia wniosku akcesyjnego, komentatorzy wskazywali na niezakończony konflikt z Sudanem Północnym, niestabilność polityczną i słabość instytucjonalną młodego państwa oraz zły stan gospodarki29. W lipcu 2012 r. z wizytą w Republice Południowego Sudanu przebywała Komisja Weryfikacyjna EAC, w celu oszacowania poziomu zgodności cech kraju kandydującego z kryteriami określonymi w Traktacie o Założeniu Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej (Treaty for Establishment of the East African Community, TEAC). W oparciu o rekomendacje raportu Komisji szczyt głów państw South Sudan “gateway” to North’s entry to East Africa Community, Sudan Tribune 12.09.2011, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip. php?article40873 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). 28 Sudan’s bid to join EAC rejected as South Sudan’s deferred, Sudan Tribune, 30.11.2011, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article40873 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). 29 East African Community (EAC), Sudan Tribune, źródło: http://www. sudantribune.com/spip.php?article59072 (dostęp: 11.07.2016), por. także: South Sudan armed opposition cautiously welcomes East Africa membership, Sudan Tribune 5.03.2016, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article58208 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). 27 �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 153 i szefów rządów EAC w listopadzie 2012 r. zlecił Radzie Ministrów EAC przeprowadzenie negocjacji w sprawie dopuszczenia Sudanu Południowego do procesu akcesyjnego z uwzględnieniem warunków traktatu, dokładnie Artykułu 3 (Membership of the Community) odnoszącego się m.in. do kryteriów ewentualnego przyjęcia nowych członków30. Kryteria te zawierają: „(a) akceptację wspólnoty jak określono w Traktacie; (b) przestrzeganie powszechnie akceptowanych zasad dobrych rządów, demokracji, rządów prawa, praw człowieka i sprawiedliwości społecznej; (c) potencjalny wkład we wzmocnienie integracji w regionie Afryki Wschodniej; (d) bliskość geograficzną i współzależność z państwami partnerskimi; (e) założenie i utrzymanie gospodarki rynkowej; oraz (f) polityk społecznych i ekonomicznych kompatybilnych z [politykami] Wspólnoty”31. Proces ten jednak został kolejny raz wstrzymany pod koniec 2013 r. wobec zastrzeżeń państw członkowskich odnośnie wciąż niskich ocen południowosudańskiego systemu zarządzania, struktur instytucjonalnych, systemu prawnego i kondycji rynku. Nie bez znaczenia była także eskalacja wojny domowej i brak realnych perspektyw jej zakończenia. Wprawdzie jeszcze listopadowy szczyt głów państw i szefów rządów EAC rekomendował przyspieszenie procesu akcesyjnego, by Sudan Południowy stał się członkiem Wspólnoty od kwietnia 2014 r., lecz miesiąc później rozgorzały walki związane z rzekomą próbą zamachu stanu Rieka Machara, 30 EAC Heads of State Meeting 2012. Communiqué of the 10th Extraordinary Summit of EAC Heads of State Held on the April 28, 2012 at Ngurdoto Mountain Lodge, Arusha, Tanzania: Towards a Single Customs Territory, Arusha, Tanzania, 2012 za: D. Ojok, B. Mukhone, M. Kamp, The EAC Regional Integration… p. 2; Communiqué: 14th Ordinary Summit of EAC Heads of State-November 30, 2012, Sudan Tribune, 5.11.2012, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip. php?article44749 (dostęp: 12.07.2016). 31 The Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community, EAC Publikaction, Arusha, EAC, 2002, ch. 2, art. 3. s. 11–12. �154 Joanna Bar w praktyce zawieszając negocjacje akcesyjne. Uruchomiono je ponownie w marcu 2014 r. wraz postępami procesu pokojowego (porozumienie pokojowe zostało podpisane 9 maja 2014 r.). W lipcu 2014 r. do Juby ponownie przybyła delegacja EAC z Richardem Seziberą sekretarzem generalnym EAC na czele. Jej celem było przeprowadzenie serii spotkań z politykami sudańskimi na temat szczegółowego określenia kryteriów i zobowiązań niezbędnych do akcesji32. Partnerem do rozmów roboczych ze strony Sudanu Południowego była Komisja Wysokiego Szczebla powołana przez Salvę Kiira w marcu 2014 r.33 W październiku 2015 r. ministerialnemu zespołowi negocjacyjnemu został zaprezentowany końcowy raport z negocjacji roboczych. Po zapoznaniu się jego treścią uznano, że Sudan Południowy spełnia próg dopuszczenia do EAC 34. Tym samym pomyślnie zakończone zostały negocjacje robocze. 2 listopada 2015 r. Sudan Południowy kolejny raz zaapelował o przyjęcie do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej na listopadowym szczycie głów państw i szefów rządów EAC. Przedstawiciele rządu Południowego Sudanu przyznali wówczas, że nie zostały spełnione wszystkie kryteria kwalifikacyjne, że choć kraj otworzył już swoją gospodarkę dla krajów Wspólnoty, wiele pozostaje do narobienia w zakresie zarządzania, demokracji, bezpieczeństwa i praw człowieka. Minister spraw zagranicznych tego kraju, Barnaba Marial Benjamin, argumentował jednak, iż podobne pro32 S. Sudan a step closer to joining East African Community, Sudan Tribune 16.07.2014, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article51694 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). 33 D. Ojok, B. Mukhone, M. Kamp, The EAC Regional Integration…, s. 2 34 Ch. Data Alemi, J. de Melo, A. R.N. Haas, Recommendation for South Sudan to join the East African Community, Policy note, February 2016, International Growth centre, źródło: http://www.theigc.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/ Haas-et-al-2016-Policy-note.pdf (dostęp: 13.07.2016). �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 155 blemy miały Rwanda i Burundi przyjęte do EAC w czerwcu 2007 r., że Sudan Południowy „…ma większe szanse na rozwiązanie swoich problemów szybciej i bardziej efektywnie jako członek EAC”. W kuluarach tych negocjacji akceptowano stan przygotowań; mówiono, iż traktat akcesyjny jest przygotowany do ewentualnego podpisania 30 listopada 2015, w zależności od decyzji polityków35. Ostateczna decyzja nie została jednak wówczas podjęta ze względu na przesunięcie terminu samego szczytu, w związku z odbywającą się wówczas w Kenii i Ugandzie wizytą papieża Franciszka. Termin nowego szczytu został ustalony na 2 marca 2016 r. W międzyczasie przygotowany został projekt traktatu akcesyjnego, zaś prezydent Kiir otrzymał zaproszenie do udziału w planowanym szczycie36. Ostatecznie więc, po oficjalnym przyjęciu sprawozdania Rady Ministrów w sprawie negocjacji dotyczących akcesji Sudanu Południowego, szefowie państw i rządów państw członkowskich Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej zebrani na 17. sesji zwyczajnej szczytu w Arushy 2 marca 2016 r. zdecydowali przyjąć go jako nowego członka EAC37. 35 F. Oluoch, East Africa: South Sudan’s Push to Join EAC Gains Momentum, The East African, 2.11.2015, źródło: http://allafrica.com/stories/201511090602. html (dostęp: 13.07.2016). 36 Ch. Data Alemi, J. de Melo, A. R.N. Haas, Recommendation for South Sudan to join the East African Community, Policy note, February 2016, International Growth centre, źródło: http://www.theigc.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/ Haas-et-al-2016-Policy-note.pdf (dostęp: 13.07.2016). 37 Joint Communiqué: 17th Ordinary Summit of the East African Community Heads of State, źródło: http://www.eac.int/news-and-media/statements­ /20­160302/joint-communique-17th-ordinary-summit-east-african-communityheads-state (dostęp: 14.07.2016), D. Ojok, B. Mukhone, M. Kamp, The EAC Regional Integration and Prospects for Peace Building in South Sudan, Country Report Uganda, May 2016, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V., źródło: http://www. kas.de/wf/doc/kas_45328-1522-2-30.pdf?160527114548 [http://www.kas. de/wf/doc/kas_45328-1522-2-30.pdf?160527114548 (dostęp: 14.07.2016). �156 Joanna Bar Traktat akcesyjny został podpisany 15 kwietnia 2016 r. Podpisy złożyli prezydent Republiki Sudanu Południowego Salva Kiir Mayardit oraz John Pombe Joseph Magufuli, prezydent Tanzanii, a zarazem przewodniczący szczytu szefów państw i rządów Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej. Uroczystość akcesyjna odbyła się w Dar es Salaam38. III. Najważniejsze wyzwania dla Sudanu Południowego wobec przystąpienia do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej W 2011 r., w momencie uzyskania niepodległości, Sudan Południowy należał do najuboższych państw świata. Do głównych zadań rządu należało usamodzielnienie się od pomocy zagranicznej i prace nad rozwojem ekonomicznym kraju, w którym, jak wyliczały serwisy informacyjne, sieć asfaltowych dróg nie przekraczała 100 km, co dziesiąte dziecko umierało przed pierwszym rokiem życia, prawie połowa społeczeństwa nie miała dostępu do wody pitnej, a mimo żyznych gleb ponad 90% żywności sprowadzana była z zagranicy39. Signing Ceremony of the Treaty of Accession of the Republic of South Sudan in to the East African Community, źródło: http://www.eac.int/news-and-media/ press-releases/20160412/signing-ceremony-treaty-accession-republic-southsudan-east-african-community (dostęp: 29.06.2016), por. także: Communiqué: Signing Ceremony of the Treaty of Accession of the Republic of South Sudan into the East African Community, e-EAC Newsletter, 28 April 2016, p. 2, źródło: http:// www.eac.int/sites/default/files/docs/eac_e-newsletter_-_28_april_2016_-_ issue_103.pdf (dostęp: 22.06.2016). 39 Ostatnie godziny przed uzyskaniem niepodległości, źródło: http://wiadomosci. onet.pl/swiat/ostatnie-godziny-przed-uzyskaniem-niepodleglosci/n9msq (dostęp: 7.07.2016). 38 �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 157 Chęć dołączenia do regionalnego „klubu bogatych”, bo takim w powszechnym odczuciu uboższych sąsiadów stają się rozwijające się w szybkim tempie kraje Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej, wydawała się wówczas zrozumiałym, choć mało realnym pragnieniem. Potencjalną akcesję interpretowano jako wielką szansę rozwoju ekonomicznego dla nowo powstałego państwa; kraju o bardzo niskich dochodach obywateli, nieposiadającego własnego dostępu do morza, za to z wieloletnim bagażem konfliktów zbrojnych. Za najważniejsze korzyści ekonomiczne, jakie spodziewano się uzyskać na przystąpieniu do Wspólnoty, uznawano wsparcie finansowe dla rozwoju infrastruktury materialnej (hard infrastructure) i niematerialnej (soft infrastructure), uzyskanie większego dostępu do bezpośrednich inwestycji zagranicznych i nowoczesnych technologii, szansę na rozwój przemysłu i rolnictwa, a co za tym idzie, wzrost poziomu bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego40. Liczono na szansę współuczestnictwa w realizacji dużych projektów infrastrukturalnych, w tym w budowie ropociągu oraz nowych rozwiązań komunikacyjnych, co znacząco obniżyłoby cenę transportu, a dzięki temu również eksportu i importu41. „Zakotwiczenie” się przy stabilnym już ponad półtorej dekady bloku regionalnym dawało również nadzieje na uzyskanie pomocy w budowaniu trwałego pokoju. Spodziewano się, że członkostwo we Wspólnocie będzie oddziaływać jako dodatkowa dywidenda po wypracowaniu porozumienia pokojowego, która pomoże w skonstruowaniu niezależnego sądownictwa i instytu- F. Oluoch, East Africa: South Sudan’s Push… Lawmakers endorse South Sudan’s EAC membership, Sudan Tribune 23.05. 016, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article59072 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). 40 41 �158 Joanna Bar cji demokratycznych, a zarazem będzie pomocna w przezwyciężeniu niekorzystnych skutków położenia geograficznego42. Po podpisaniu traktatu akcesyjnego rozpoczął się nowy etap współpracy ze Wspólnotą. Warunki akcesji wymagają, by parlament Południowego Sudanu zatwierdził Traktat EAC, harmonizując w ciągu jednego roku prawo krajowe ze wspólnotowym oraz dostosowując przepisy celne i imigracyjne do standardów EAC. Rząd południowosudański winien zaś rozpocząć wdrażanie programów i projektów wspólnotowych, regulując zarazem zbieżność norm, taryf i standardów. Sudan Południowy jest zobligowany do akceptacji głównych, wspomnianych powyżej warunków Traktatu o Założeniu Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej dotyczących demokratyzacji kraju. Jednakże kwestie sprawnego zarządzania w Sudanie Południowym pozostają trudnym wyzwaniem, choć paradoksalnie w tym trudnym powojennym okresie w sprawnym wdrażaniu norm wspólnotowych może pomóc fakt, iż parlament i sądownictwo zmagają się z dominacją egzekutywy. Nie pomoże jednak z pewnością temu procesowi słabe przestrzeganie praw człowieka i wieloletnie konflikty wewnętrzne. Oczywisty jest fakt, że samo uzyskanie członkostwa nie spowoduje nagłego wzrostu gospodarczego, który nie rozpocznie się bez przeprowadzenia żmudnego procesu trwałych i szeroko zakrojonych reform wewnętrznych43. Słabość instytucjonalna oraz 42 South Sudan becomes EAC’s sixth member state, Sudan Tribune, 3.02.2016, źródło: http://sudantribune.com/spip.php?article58197 (dostęp: 21.07.2016). 43 A. Frischtak, South Sudan’s EAC Accession: Legal Obligations and Negotiating Options, IGC South Sudan Policy Note Series – No. 6, January 2013, źródło: http://www.theigc.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Frischtak-2013-PolicyBrief.pdf (dostęp: 13.07.2016); P. Sauvé, South Sudan’s EAC Accession: Framing the Issues, IGC South Sudan Policy Note Series – No. 5, December 2012, źródło: http://www.theigc.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Suave-2012-Policy-Brief. pdf (dostęp: 14.07.2016), s. 7. �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 159 ograniczone zasoby kadrowe mogą ograniczać czerpanie potencjalnych korzyści z harmonizacji norm i przyjęcia programów wspólnotowych. Unia celna, wspólne zewnętrzne taryfy celne i wspólny rynek mogą przyczynić się do zysków związanych z otwarciem południowosudańskiego rynku pracy oraz dostępu do nowych technologii. Rząd południowosudański z pewnością skorzysta z wyeliminowania barier pozataryfowych, chociaż prawdopodobnie będzie potrzebował na to o wiele więcej czasu, niż przewidują twarde normy wspólnotowe. Równolegle do pięcioletniego procesu akcesyjnego opracowywane były analizy oceniające bilans potencjalnych zysków i strat dla obu negocjujących stron. Gospodarka południowosudańska uzależniona jest w wielkim stopniu od importu dóbr, usług i kapitału sprowadzanych m.in. z Ugandy i Kenii. Kraje te w zamian otrzymają ułatwiony dostęp do tańszych południowosudańskich produktów rolnych. Ich import stanowi jednak niepożądaną konkurencję dla rodzimych produktów. Znaczenie potencjalnych zysków z uzyskania tańszego dostępu do południowosudańskiej ropy może z kolei ulec zmniejszeniu, jeśli potwierdzą się wysokie oceny złóż odkrytych niedawno w Kenii, Tanzanii i Ugandzie. To tylko przykładowe spośród wielu pytań, na które starano się znaleźć odpowiedź i problemów, którym próbowano przeciwdziałać. Mimo publicznych deklaracji, sens tak szybkiego dążenia do akcesji nie wydawał się jednoznacznie oczywisty nie tylko dla zagranicznych komentatorów, lecz także dla południowosudańskich elit politycznych44. Wprawdzie główny polityk opozycji, Riek Machar, w oświadczeniu z 4 marca 2016 r. zadeklarował, iż z zadowoleniem przyjął wstąpienie swojego kraju do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej, lecz jednocześnie wezwał administrację prezydenta Salvy Kiira do zatwierdzenia tej decyzji w referendum. 44 P. Sauvé, South Sudan’s EAC Accession…, s. 1. �160 Joanna Bar Inny przedstawiciel opozycji, Lam Akol, skrytykował decyzję o przystąpieniu do Wspólnoty, obawiając się tego, iż Sudan Południowy stanie się „zwałowiskiem” towarów importowanych z krajów sąsiednich. W mediach społecznościowych pojawiała się krytyka pośpiechu podjętej decyzji, określanej jako „samobójcza”. Powtarzają się obawy o utratę miejsc pracy i masowe przejmowanie najlepszych posad w kraju przez lepiej wykształconych kandydatów z krajów sąsiednich45. Faktycznie, koszty pracy w Sudanie Południowym należą do najwyższych w regionie. Lata konfliktu przyczyniły się do wykształcenia się populacji o niskim poziomie wykształcenia i umiejętności. W perspektywie krótkoterminowej może to stanowić barierę w przyciąganiu pozawspólnotowych inwestycji bezpośrednich. Zamiast inwestować w Sudanie Południowym, firmy zagraniczne będą inwestować w innych krajach Wspólnoty, by jedynie eksportować swoje produkty do Sudanu Południowego, korzystając ze sprzyjającej struktury celnej. Jednak zagraniczna siła robocza może obniżyć krajowe koszty produkcji w trakcie wypełniania „luki umiejętności” i przyczynić się do sukcesu w perspektywie średnio- i długoterminowej46. Doświadczenie Rwandy (przyjętej do Wspólnoty w 2007 r.) wskazuje, iż akcesja może przyczynić się do wzrostu gospodarczego (tym samym do zmniejszenia poziomu ubóstwa) w średniej i długiej perspektywie czasowej. Potencjalne koszty, które pojawią się w perspektywie krótkoterminowej, mogą być złagodzone za pomocą odpowiednich negocjacji i reform wewnętrznych. KorzySouth Sudan armed opposition cautiously welcomes East Africa membership, Sudan Tribune 5.03.2016, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?­ article58208 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). 46 What South Sudan will gain from joining the East African Community, 2.03.2016, The Conversation, źródło: http://theconversation.com/what-southsudan-will-gain-from-joining-the-east-african-community-55592 (dostęp: 23.07.2016]. 45 �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 161 stając z doświadczeń Rwandy można obniżyć negatywne skutki akcesji poprzez negocjowanie bardziej elastycznych rozwiązań, w tym dłuższych okresów przejściowych niezbędnych dla implementacji norm wspólnotowych47. Sudan Południowy może się więc nauczyć od dotychczasowych członków Wspólnoty umiejętności negocjacyjnych, które może wykorzystać do poparcia przyszłych polityk potencjalnie korzystnych dla jego rozwoju. Jednak klucz do odblokowania i maksymalizacji korzyści z integracji regionalnej także w tym zakresie leży w reformach wewnętrznych48. Jako najmłodszy kraj na świecie Sudan Południowy znajduje się w fazie rozwoju wielu krajowych praw i polityk. Korzystając ze wzorów, które zostały opracowane, by realizować najlepsze rozwiązania i praktyki, nie będzie musiał dokonywać modernizacji prawa i przepisów w późniejszym okresie. Implementacja prawodawstwa wspólnotowego nie tylko usprawni procesy integracyjne, lecz także wniesie transparentność do przepisów krajowych, co z kolei może być wykorzystane do sprawniejszego przeprowadzenia sprzyjających wzrostowi reform wewnętrznych49. Obecnie (w chwili oddania artykułu do druku) rządy w Sudanie Południowym sprawuje Tymczasowy Rząd Jedności Narodowej (Transitional Government of National Unity, TGoNU). Jego racjonalnie dobrany skład daje nadzieję, że współpraca polityków stworzy narzędzia kontroli i równowagi, potrzebne do rozwoju instytucji niezbędnych zarówno dla pokojowego rozwoju kraju, jak i spełnienia kryteriów wspólnotowych w zakresie „dobrych rządów, w tym przestrzegania zasad demokracji, praworządności, odpowiedzialności, transparentności, sprawiedliwości społecznej, F. Oluoch, East Africa: South Sudan’s Push… What South Sudan will gain… 49 Tamże. 47 48 �162 Joanna Bar równości szans i płci, a także uznania, promocji i ochrony praw człowieka i ludów zgodnie z postanowieniami Afrykańskiej Karty Praw Człowieka i Ludów”50. Podsumowanie Wspólnota Wschodnioafrykańska nie jest jedyną organizacją międzynarodową, do której wstąpił Sudan Południowy po uzyskaniu niepodległości. Ustanawiając niezbędne mechanizmy ratyfikacji, stał się członkiem Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych (w 2011 r.), Unii Afrykańskiej (w 2011 r.), Międzyrządowej Organizacji ds. Rozwoju (Intergovernmental Authority on Development, IGAD, w 2011 r.)51, Inicjatywy Basenu Nilu (Nile Basin Initiative, NBI w 2012)52 oraz Afrykańskiego Banku Rozwoju (African Development Bank, ADB, w 2015 r.)53. Mimo ogromnych problemów wewnętrznych, władze południowosudańskie od początku istnienia państwa prowadziły aktywną politykę zagraniczną, mającą jak najbardziej korzystnie ulokować kraj w istniejącym układzie geopolitycznym. Przynależność do ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej wydawała się oczywista. Podobnie akcesja do pozostałych wymienionych ugrupowań zarówno ze względu na wyzwania rozwo­jowe, jak i położenie geograficzne umożliwiające dostęp do ogromnych zasobów Nilu. The Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community, Art. 6 „Fundamental Principles of the Community”, EAC Publikaction, Arusha, EAC, 2002, roz. 2, art. 6 (d). s. 14. 51 Źródło: http://igad.int/. 52 Źródło: http://www.nilebasin.org/. 53 Źródło: http://www.afdb.org/, por. D. Ojok, B. Mukhone, M. Kamp, The EAC Regional Integration…, s. 2. 50 �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 163 Starania o członkostwo we Wspólnocie Wschodnioafrykańskiej wydawały się najtrudniejszym wyzwaniem, gdyż jeszcze w momencie akcesji Sudan Południowy tak naprawdę w pełni spełniał jedynie kryterium geograficzne dotyczące posiadania wspólnej granicy z państwami członkowskimi. Dążenie do „zakotwiczenia” się do stabilnej organizacji subregionalnej, zrzeszającej południowych sąsiadów było w pełni zrozumiałe zarówno w aspekcie wspólnych więzów historycznych, etnicznych i religijnych, jak i ze względu na potencjalne wymierne sukcesy integracyjne i gospodarcze Wspólnoty. W istniejącym układzie geopolitycznym trudno było także o inny wybór sojuszy, wobec wrogich relacji z północnym sąsiadem i wewnętrznych problemów państw gra­niczących z zachodu. Większe wątpliwości wzbudziła natomiast tak szybko podjęta decyzja Wspólnoty o przyjęciu nowego członka, w sytuacji, gdy nie spełniał on praktycznie żadnych norm ustrojowych, zawartych w Traktacie o Założeniu Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej. Obawiano się, czy wprowadzenie do Wspólnoty państwa tak niestabilnego politycznie nie wpłynie negatywnie na tempo sprawnie dotąd realizowanych procesów integracyjnych. Faktem pozostaje jednak, że także dotychczasowi członkowie EAC nie zawsze przestrzegają zachodnich standardów dobrego rządzenia i demokracji. Przynależność do Wspólnoty nie zapobiegła próbie zamachu stanu w Burundi w 2015 r.; zarówno w Rwandzie, jak i w Ugandzie prezydenci doprowadzili do zmian w konstytucji, zwiększając liczbę dopuszczalnych kadencji. O przyjęciu Sudanu Południowego do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej zadecydowały więc, jak się wydaje, nie kwestie polityczne, lecz potencjalne zyski gospodarcze, m.in. ułatwiony dostęp do południowosudańskich złóż ropy i zasobów wodnych oraz fakt, iż dla krajów Wspólnoty Sudan Południowy stanie się największym rynkiem eksportowym, choć czasowo ograniczonym przez wąskie gardło słabej infrastruktury. Udana współpraca go- �164 Joanna Bar spodarcza ma jednak szansę zaowocować ograniczeniem ubóstwa i rozwojem Sudanu Południowego zarówno pod względem gospodarczym, jak i społeczno-politycznym. To z kolei ma szansę przełożyć się na dobre rządy, rozwój społeczeństwa obywatelskiego i nowej tożsamości narodowej. Ta ostatnia w przypadku Sudanu Południowego, podobnie zresztą jak w wielu innych krajów afrykańskich, nadal pozostaje raczej na poziomie oficjalnej retoryki władz, niż rzeczywistej świadomości obywateli, którzy nierzadko nadal przekładają nad nią tożsamość plemienną, klanową czy rodzinną, zaburzając procesy narodotwórcze. Pozostaje więc mieć nadzieję, iż owocna współpraca Republiki Sudanu Południowego i Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej przyniesie wymierne korzyści dla wszystkich zainteresowanych stron oraz przełoży się na realne polepszenie bezpieczeństwa w regionie oraz podniesienie poziomu życia obywateli. Bibliografia About EAC, źródło: http://www.eac.int/about-eac.html (dostęp: 3.08.2012). About Sudan Tribune, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip. php?page=about (dostęp: 13.07.2016). Bilad as-Sudan. Kultury i migracje, (red.) W. Cisło. J. Różański, M. Ząbek, Warszawa 2013. Communiqué: 14th Ordinary Summit of EAC Heads of State-November 30, 2012, Sudan Tribune, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/ spip.php?article44749 (dostęp: 12.07.2016). Communiqué: Signing Ceremony of the Treaty of Accession of the Republic of South Sudan into the East African Community, e-EAC Newsletter, 28 April 2016, p. 2, źródło: http://www.eac.int/sites/default/ files/docs/eac_e-newsletter_-_28_april_2016_-_issue_103.pdf (dostęp: 22.06.2016). �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 165 Czyż B., Afryka Północno-Wschodnia, Warszawa 1972. Data Alemi Ch., de Melo J., Haas Astrid R.N., Recommendation for South Sudan to join the East African Community, Policy note, February 2016, International Growth centre, źródło: http://www.theigc. org/wp-content/uploads/2016/03/Haas-et-al-2016-Policy-note. pdf (dostęp: 13.07.2016). East African Community (EAC), Sudan Tribune, źródło: http://www. sudantribune.com/spip.php?article59072 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). Frischtak A., South Sudan’s EAC Accession: Legal Obligations and Negotiating Options, IGC South Sudan Policy Note Series – No. 6, January 2013, źródło: http://www.theigc.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/09/Frischtak-2013-Policy-Brief.pdf (dostęp: 13.07.2016). Jagielski W., Żandarm znad Nilu. Jak prezydent Ugandy Yoweri Museveni zaprowadza pokój w Sudanie Południowym, PAP, 16.01.2014, źródło: http://konflikty.wp.pl/kat,132874,title,Zandarm-znadNilu-Jak-prezydent-Ugandy-Yoweri-Museveni-zaprowadza-pok oj-w-Sudanie-Poludniowym,wid,16335105,wiadomosc.html?ticaid=11752a&_ticrsn=5 (dostęp: 7.07.2016). Joint Communique: 17th Ordinary Summit of the East African Community Heads of State, źródło: http://www.eac.int/news-and-media/ statements/20160302/joint-communique-17th-ordinarysummit-east-african-communit y-heads-state (dostęp: 29.06.2016). Komorowski Z., Kultury Czarnej Afryki, Wrocław 1994. Lawmakers endorse South Sudan’s EAC membership, Sudan Tribune 23.05.2016, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article59072 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). Lizak W., Afrykańskie instytucje bezpieczeństwa, Warszawa 2012. Łoś R., Konflikty w Sudanie, Warszawa 2013. Mantel-Niećko J., Ząbek M. (red.), Róg Afryki. Historia i współczesność, Warszawa 1999. Ojok D., Mukhone B., Kamp M., The EAC Regional Integration and Prospects for Peace Building in South Sudan, Country Report Uganda, May 2016, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V., źródło: http://www. �166 Joanna Bar kas.de/wf/doc/kas_45328-1522-2-30.pdf?160527114548 (dostęp: 14.07.2016). Oluoch F., East Africa: South Sudan’s Push to Join EAC Gains Momentum, The East African, 2.11.2015, źródło: http://allafrica.com/stories/201511090602.html (dostęp: 13.07.2016). Ostatnie godziny przed uzyskaniem niepodległości, źródło: http://wiadomosci.onet.pl/swiat/ostatnie-godziny-przed-uzyskaniem-niepodleglosci/n9msq (dostęp: 7.07.2016). S. Sudan a step closer to joining East African Community, Sudan Tribune 16.07.2014, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article51694 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). Sauvé P., South Sudan’s EAC Accession. Framing the Issues, Policy brief 52001, International Growth Centre, December 2012, źródło: http://www.theigc.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/Sauve-2012-Policy-Brief.pdf (dostęp: 29.06.2016). Signing Ceremony of the Treaty of Accession of the Republic of South Sudan in to the East African Community, źródło: http://www.eac.int/ news-and-media/press-releases/20160412/signing-ceremonytreaty-accession-republic-south-sudan-east-african-community (dostęp: 29.06.2016). South Sudan “gateway” to North’s entry to East Africa Community, Sudan Tribune 12.09.2011, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/ spip.php?article40873 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). South Sudan armed opposition cautiously welcomes East Africa membership, Sudan Tribune 5.03.2016, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article58208 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). South Sudan becomes EAC’s sixth member state, Sudan Tribune, 3.02.2016, źródło: http://sudantribune.com/spip.php?article58197 (dostęp: 21.07.2016). South Sudan: Ceasefire comes into effect, źródło: http://www.bbc.com/ news/world-africa-27359866 (dostęp: 7.07.2014). Sudan shows interest to join East African Community, Sudan Tribune 6.12.2006, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article19126 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). �Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego... 167 Sudan’s bid to join EAC rejected as South Sudan’s deferred, Sudan Tribune, 30.11.2011, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article40873 (dostęp: 11.07.2016). Text: Agreement to Resolve the Crisis in South Sudan, Sudan Tribune 10.05.2014, źródło: http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article50940 (dostęp: 18.05.2016). The background to Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement, United Nations Mission in Sudan, źródło: https://unmis.unmissions.org/ Default.aspx?tabid=515 (dostęp: 18.07.2016). The Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community, EAC Publication 1, Arusha 2002. The World Factbook, Africa: South Sudan, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/ library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/od.html (dostęp: 7.07.2016). Walki plemienne w Sudanie. Ponad 150 zabitych, pap, 4.01.2012, źródło: http://www.polskieradio.pl/5/3/Artykul/511746,Walkiplemienne-w-Sudanie-Ponad-150-zabitych (dostęp: 18.07.2016). What South Sudan will gain from joining the East African Community, 2.03.2016, The Conversation, źródło: http://theconversation. com/what-south-sudan-will-gain-from-joining-the-east-africancommunity-55592 (dostęp: 23.07.2016). Przystąpienie Republiki Sudanu Południowego do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej (East African Community, EAC): geneza i przebieg procesu akcesyjnego Streszczenie W kwietniu 2016 roku Sudan Południowy podpisał traktat o przystąpieniu do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej (East African Community, EAC), regionalnej organizacji międzyrządowej, której członkami są Burundi, Kenia, Rwanda, Uganda i Tanzania. EAC jako jedna z najmłodszych z organizacji subregionalnych w Afryce, należy również do najbardziej zaawansowanych w realizacji celów integracji. Współpraca w ramach EAC stanowi dla Sudanu Południowego poważną szansę na �168 Joanna Bar uzyskanie stabilności politycznej i rozwój gospodarczy. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie etniczno-historycznych związków Sudanu Południowego z południowymi sąsiadami oraz analiza genezy i przebieg procesu akcesyjnego. Słowa kluczowe: Republika Sudanu Południowego, Wspólnota Wschodnioafrykańska. The accession of the Republic of South Sudan to the East African Community (EAC): the origins and the course of the accession process Summary In April 2016 South Sudan signed a treaty of accession to the East African Community, the regional intergovernmental organization whose members are Burundi, Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda and Tanzania. The EAC being the youngest sub-regional organization in Africa, it is also the most advanced in the implementation of the objectives of integration. The cooperation within the EAC, which is dominated by issues of the economic development, is for the South Sudan a great opportunity for its growth. The purpose of this article is to present the historical and ethnic genesis of relationships of Southern Sudan with its southern neighbors and to analyze the origin and the course of the accession process. Key words: the Republic of South Sudan, the East African Community. �KONRAD CZERNICHOWSKI AKCESJA SUDANU POŁUDNIOWEGO DO WSPÓLNOTY WSCHODNIOAFRYKAŃSKIEJ (EAC) – POTENCJALNE SKUTKI Wprowadzenie 16 kwietnia 2016 r.1 decyzją XVII Zwyczajnego Szczytu Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej (ang. East African Community, EAC) z 2 marca Sudan Południowy wstąpił do EAC jako jej szósty członek, dołączając do Kenii, Tanzanii, Ugandy, Ruandy i Burundi2. Wydarzenie to jest jednym z serii (po akcesji do ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej (UA), poprzez które to najmłodsze państwo świata preDr Konrad Czernichowski – Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej, Wydział Ekonomiczny, Katedra Teorii i Historii Ekonomii; ekonomista, teolog i afrykanista; główne kierunki badań: integracja afrykańska; członek Ruchu „Maitri”. J. P. Mayom, South Sudan Officially Joins EAC, źródło: http://www.gurtong. net/ECM/Editorial/tabid/124/ctl/ArticleView/mid/519/articleId/19061/SouthSudan-Officially-Joins-EAC.aspx (dostęp: 13.08.2016). 2 N. Reporter, South Sudan admitted into EAC, źródło: http://www.nation. co.ke/business/South-Sudan-admitted-into-EAC/996-3100314-acaobi/index. html (dostęp: 13.08.2016). 1 �170 Konrad Czernichowski zentuje się na arenie międzynarodowej jako w pełni suwerenny kraj. Początki liberalizacji handlu w Afryce Wschodniej sięgają 1917 r., kiedy Kenia i Uganda zniosły bariery we wzajemnej wymianie dóbr. Trzy lata później ustanowiono Wschodnioafrykańską Radę Walutową. Od 1948 r. na terenie Kenii, Ugandy i Tanzanii funkcjonowała kolonialna Komisja Wschodniej Afryki (ang. East African High Commission). W 1961 r. zastąpiła ją Wschodnioafrykańska Organizacja Wspólnych Usług (ang. East African Common Services Organisation, EACSO). W 1967 r. prezydenci wyżej wymienionych państw (odpowiednio: Jomo Kenyatta, Milton Obote i Julius Nyerere) postanowili utworzyć Wspólnotę Wschodnioafrykańską, która jednak rozpadła się 10 lat później. Przyczyny rozwiązania EAC były różne. W 1971 r. zamachu stanu w Ugandzie dokonał Idi Amin. Milton Obote znalazł schronienie w Tanzanii. Julius Nyerere nigdy nie uznał Amina za głowę państwa i odmawiał zasiadania z nim przy jednym stole. Amin zaczął ponadto wydalać obcokrajowców, zastępując ich obywatelami Ugandy. W zrozumiały sposób przyczyniło się to do zabicia ducha inte­ gracji. Tanzania i Kenia różniły się z kolei między sobą pod względem ideologicznym. Tanzania po uzyskaniu niepodległości obrała drogę socjalistyczną, a Kenia – chociaż inspirowana socjalizmem afrykańskim – stała się de facto krajem kapitalistycznym i zanotowała dynamiczny rozwój społeczno-gospodarczy. Własność indywidualna była nie tylko dozwolona, ale i promowana. Podział przychodów z podatków i ceł okazał się niesymetryczny. W związku z przewagą eksportu z Kenii najwięcej zyskiwały Tanzania, a przede wszystkim Uganda. Stopniowo zaczęły dominować interesy narodowe i rezygnowano ze wspólnych przedsięwzięć na rzecz państwowych. W ten sposób rozpadły się Wschodnioafry- �Akcesja Sudanu Południowego do wspólnoty... 171 kańskie Linie Lotnicze, a specjalizacja poszczególnych krajów w zakresie usług zamarła3. Do idei integracji w regionie powrócono dopiero pod koniec XX w. W 2001 r. na mocy Traktatu Ustanawiającego Wspólnotę Wschodnioafrykańską z 1999 r. Kenia, Tanzania i Uganda utworzyły nową EAC. W 2005 r. powstała unia celna, a w 2010 r. – wspólny rynek. Od 2007 r. członkami organizacji są Ruanda i Burundi. Wyróżnić można następujące instytucje: Szczyt (składający się z prezydentów państw członkowskich), Radę Ministrów (najważniejszy organ wykonawczy, który tworzą ministrowie poszczególnych rządów odpowiedzialni za współpracę regionalną), Komitet Koordynacyjny (zbierający się przed sesjami Rady Ministrów), Komitety Sektorowe (których spotkania odbywają się ad hoc), Sekretariat z sekretarzem generalnym i jego zastępcami (strzeże on przestrzegania Traktatu EAC), Wschodnioafrykański Trybunał Sprawiedliwości z siedzibą w Arushy, Wschodnioafrykańskie Zgromadzenie Ustawodawcze (o większym zakresie kompetencji niż inne zgromadzenia regionalne) oraz instytucje autonomiczne (a wśród nich Komisja Basenu Jeziora Wiktorii, Organizacja Rybacka Jeziora Wiktorii, Wschodnioafrykański Bank Rozwoju i Wschodnioafrykańska Rada Międzyuczelniana)4. W 2015 r. w Sharm El Sheik EAC utworzyła wraz ze Wspólnym Rynkiem Afryki Wschodniej i Południowej (ang. Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa, COMESA) i Wspólnotą Rozwoju Południo­ wej Afryki (ang. South African Development Community, SADC) 3 A. Okoth, A History of Africa, vol. 2, East African Educational Publishers Ltd. – Ujuzi Books Ltd., Nairobi – Kampala – Dar es Salaam 2010, s. 333–338. 4 Por. K. Czernichowski, Integracja afrykańska – uwarunkowania, formy współpracy, instytucje, Wydawnictwo CeDeWu, Warszawa 2010, s. 161–165. �172 Konrad Czernichowski Trójstronną Strefę Wolnego Handlu (ang. Tripartite Free Trade Area)5. Znaczenie integracji regionalnej dla Sudanu Południowego Do określenia potencjalnych skutków integracji w ramach EAC niezbędne jest przedstawienie celów, jakie jej członkowie sobie stawiają. Politycznym celem ugrupowania jest umocnienie jego pozycji jako regionalnej wspólnoty gospodarczej w łonie UA. Sudan Południowy, wstępując do tej organizacji, przyczynia się do jego realizacji nie tylko przez fakt, że liczba ludności zamieszkującej teren EAC wzrosła do 162 mln6. Dla niego samego ważniejsze jest jednak wykorzystanie autorytetu EAC do zyskania realnego uznania na arenie międzynarodowej. W ekonomii przez integrację rozumie się proces scalania, usuwania barier między gospodarkami narodowymi, dzięki czemu osiągają one większe korzyści, niż gdyby nie podlegały owej integracji. Za protoplastę integracji gospodarczej można uznać Ottona von Bismarcka, który w 1871 r. zjednoczył 22 kraje, trzy wolne miasta oraz Alzację i Lotaryngię, proklamując Cesarstwo Niemieckie. Jak wielkie to było dokonanie świadczy fakt, że na tym obszarze obowiązywało siedem systemów monetarnych z 32 bankami uprawnionymi do emisji pieniądza, 18 systemów proceduralnych w sądownictwie, wiele różnych zbiorów przepisów regulujących migrację ludności. Bismarckowi udało się znieść większość tych różnic, choć trzeba zaznaczyć, że nie pytano miesz5 COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Free Trade Area Launched, źródło: http:// www.sadc.int/ (dostęp: 11.03.2016). 6 N. Reporter, wyd. cyt. �Akcesja Sudanu Południowego do wspólnoty... 173 kańców o zdanie, np. Alzację i Lotaryngię wcielono siłą po wygranej przez Prusy wojnie z Francją. Ponadto dołączył on do powstałego w 1834 r. Niemieckiego Związku Celnego te państwa, które jeszcze do niego nie należały. Przyspieszyło to rozwój ich wymiany handlowej, przynosząc korzyści ekonomiczne. Nastąpił wzrost inwestycji, umocnienie pozycji niemieckich banków na świecie i ogólne ożywienie gospodarcze. To w działaniach Bismarcka na rzecz integracji należy szukać potęgi współczesnych Niemiec7. Procesy dokonujące się w Afryce Wschodniej należałoby w zasadzie nazwać integracją subregionalną8. Wpływa ona na powodzenie integracji ogólnoafrykańskiej, a zarazem jej dynamika jest pośrednim efektem podpisania Karty Organizacji Jedności Afrykańskiej (OJA) w 1963 r.9, po czym nastąpił rozkwit regionalnych wspólnot gospodarczych na całym kontynencie. Sudan Południowy był przy tym historycznie powiązany z regionem, co widać m.in. w liczbie 70 tys. studentów na uczelniach ugandyjskich i kenijskich pochodzących z tego kraju10. Warto zauważyć, że proces integracji w Afryce Wschodniej wyprzedza osiągnięcia UA (następczyni OJA). Stosowane przez EAC środki oraz narzędzia polityki integracyjnej mogą stanowić wzorzec i inspirację dla Zgromadzenia UA. Przypomina to – toutes proportions gardées – integrację subregionalną Beneluksu na tle Europejskiej Wspólnoty Gospodarczej11. 7 P. Bożyk, J. Misala, Integracja ekonomiczna, Polskie Wydawnictwo Ekono­ miczne, Warszawa 2003, s. 14–22. 8 Integracja subregionalna dotyczy tylko części krajów danego regionu, w tym przypadku Afryki. Por. tamże, s. 43. 9 K. Czernichowski, Integracja…, wyd. cyt., s. 103–136. 10 J. Tanza, South Sudan Official: Country Will Benefit by Joining EAC, źródło: http://www.voanews.com/a/government-says-south-sudan-will-benefit-byjoining-eac/3217788.html (dostęp: 13.08.2016). 11 Por. P. Bożyk, J. Misala, wyd. cyt., s. 45 i n. �174 Konrad Czernichowski Przez lata wojny w Sudanie przywódca Ludowego Ruchu Wyzwolenia Sudanu (ang. Sudan People’s Liberation Movement, SPLM) John Garang, a po jego śmierci Salva Kiir Mayardit, zabiegał o uznanie na arenie międzynarodowej, dlatego po uzyskaniu przez Sudan Południowy niepodległości czymś naturalnym było jego przystąpienie do ONZ, UA, Międzyrządowej Organizacji ds. Rozwoju (ang. Intergovernmental Authority on Development, IGAD). Nie mniej istotne były przesłanki do odbudowy i rozwoju kraju przez uczestnictwo w unii celnej oraz wspólne z Ugandą, Kenią, Tanzanią, Ruandą i Burundi przygotowywanie się do utworzenia unii gospodarczo-walutowej w ramach EAC. Bardzo duże znaczenie po dwóch wojnach (1955–1972 i 1983– 2005)12 ma zbudowanie pozycji obronnej. Sudan Południowy już wcześniej korzystał z przychylności Ugandy, która wspierała go nie tylko w uzyskaniu niepodległości, ale także w zwalczaniu Armii Oporu Pana Josepha Kony’ego. Formalne członkostwo w EAC wzmacnia ten sojusz i rozszerza go na cztery inne państwa. W długim okresie na budowanie bezpieczeństwa wpływa zanikanie barier kulturowych. Ma to miejsce w EAC m.in. z tego powodu, że oficjalnym językiem ugrupowania jest suahili. Nie jest on jeszcze powszechnie znany w Sudanie Południowym. Por. K. Czernichowski, Polityczne i ekonomiczne wyzwania przed Sudanem Południowym, w: Dynamika afrykańskich struktur państwowych w wymiarze historycznym, politycznym i społeczno-gospodarczym, pod red. B. Ndiayego i P. Letki, rocznik „Olsztyńskie Studia Afrykanistyczne”, Instytut Historii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych Uniwersytetu Warmińsko-Mazurskiego w Olsztynie, Olsztyn 2011, s. 196. 12 �Akcesja Sudanu Południowego do wspólnoty... 175 Możliwe konsekwencje ekonomiczne dla Sudanu Południowego Integracja w ramach EAC wiąże się dla Sudanu Południowego z ograniczeniem wykonywania suwerenności lub też samej suwerenności. Trudno dziś przewidzieć, czy wstąpienie Sudanu Południowego do EAC przyniesie mu korzyści większe od kosztów i czy stopa korzyści jego i jego partnerów będzie równa. Wiadomo jedynie, że w swoim bezwzględnym ujęciu Sudan Południowy nie zyska tyle, co Kenia, Tanzania i Uganda, których PKB jest wyższe (zob. tabela 1). Potencjalnym skutkiem, bo jedynie taki może być tutaj poddany analizie, jest z całą pewnością osiągnięcie korzyści ekonomicznych przez wszystkich członków EAC po jej rozszerzeniu o Sudan Południowy. Gdyby bowiem którekolwiek państwo miało ponieść z tego tytułu straty, byłaby to integracja o charakterze kolonialnym, na którą żaden suwerenny rząd by się nie zgodził. Jednym z mierzalnych wyników integracji są efekty kreacji i przesunięcia handlu. Kreacja handlu oznacza pojawienie się nowych strumieni handlu (lub ich zwiększenie) między członkami w miejsce dotychczasowej produkcji krajowej, a przesunięcie handlu – pojawienie się nowych (lub zwiększenie dotychczasowych) obrotów handlowych, ale kosztem krajów trzecich (skąd import staje się relatywnie droższy). Potrzeba upłynięcia kilku lat, by przekonać się, czy Sudan Południowy zwiększy wymianę handlową z pozostałymi członkami EAC. Według Wilhelma Röpkego i Béli Balassy najskuteczniejszą metodą integracji regionalnej jest liberalizacja handlu towarami i usługami oraz znoszenie dyskryminacji doświadczanych przez jednostki gospodarcze należące do innych krajów13. W krajach 13 Por. P. Bożyk, J. Misala, wyd. cyt., s. 18–33. �176 Konrad Czernichowski Tabela 1 Charakterystyka członków EAC (stan na 2015 r.) Państwo Rok przy- Liczba Gęstość PKB Udział stąpienia ludności zaludnienia [mld rolnictwa Udział rolnictwa w ogóle [mln] [osoby/km2] USD] w PKB zatrudnionych Burundi 2007 10,7 417 7,7 39,2% 93,6% (2002) Kenia 2001 45,9 1787 141,9 29,9% 75,0% (2011) Ruanda 2007 12,7 515 20,4 32,6% 90% (2000) Sudan Po- 2016 12,0 19 23,7 - - łudniowy Tanzania 2001 51,0 58 138,5 26,5% 80% (2002) Uganda 2001 37,1 188 79,9 26,3% 40% (2015) Źródło: Opracowanie i obliczenia własne na podstawie: Africa. Burundi, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/by.html; Africa. Kenya, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-worldfactbook/geos/ke.html; Africa. Rwanda, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/rw.html; Africa. South Sudan, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/od.html; Africa. Tanzania, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/tz.html; Africa. Uganda, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ug.html (dostęp: 15.07.2016). EAC nie obowiązują wizy14, zatem Sudańczycy Południowi będą bez problemów mogli przemieszczać się do innych krajów organizacji. Chcąc podjąć zatrudnienie, będą musieli uzyskać pozwolenie, jednak dla obywateli tego ugrupowania jest ono bezpłatne. Sudańczycy Południowi znajdą więc pracę przede wszystkim w sąsiedniej Ugandzie, a także w stosunkowo dobrze rozwiniętej Kenii. Jeśli emigracja zarobkowa będzie znacząca, wzrosną też płace przeciętne tych, którzy pozostaną w Sudanie Południowym ze względu na zmniejszenie się nadwyżki podaży pracy nad popytem na nią. Zresztą migracja nie jest niezbędna do osiągnięcia wzrostu płac w omawianym kraju. 14 J. Tanza, wyd. cyt. �Akcesja Sudanu Południowego do wspólnoty... 177 Zgodnie z teorią Heckschera-Ohlina kraje bardziej zasobne w pracę sprzedają za granicę towary pracochłonne (co oznacza pośredni eksport pracy), a kraje bardziej zasobne w kapitał sprzedają dobra kapitałochłonne. Wassil Leontief doprecyzował, że eksport dóbr pracochłonnych może występować także jako efekt wyższej wydajności pracy15, ale ten przypadek tu nie zachodzi. W Sudanie Południowym żyje 12 mln ludzi, a gęstość zaludnienia wynosi 19 osób na kilometr kwadratowy i jest najniższa spośród państw członkowskich EAC (por. tabela 1). Koszty pracy są przy tym najwyższe w regionie16. Nie jest to zatem kraj obfity w pracę. Proces integracyjny w ramach unii ekonomicznej, do której EAC dąży, osiągnie stan docelowy, gdy nie tylko koszty pracy, ale także płace w tych samych branżach ulegną wyrównaniu we wszystkich krajach członkowskich. Współczesne teorie handlu międzynarodowego zakładają mobilność czynników produkcji (pracy i kapitału). W takich warunkach o korzyściach z wymiany międzynarodowej (już nie tylko międzygałęziowej, ale także wewnątrzgałęziowej, czyli np. sprzedaży podzespołów) decydują korzyści skali oraz odpowiednia jakość, jakiej oczekują wymagający klienci. Biorąc pod uwagę zasobność Sudanu Południowego w pracę przy niskim na skutek jego wychodzenia z konfliktu stanie technologii, kraj ten może najszybciej i najwięcej (przynajmniej w pierwszym okresie) skorzystać z uczestnictwa w EAC. W tym celu wykorzystać można korzyści skali w wytwarzaniu pośrednich dóbr produkcyjnych. Przeszkodę stanowi także niski stopień komplementarności struktur gospodarczych tych państw17. Dużą część krajowej produkcji P. Bożyk, J. Misala, wyd. cyt., s. 18. A.R.N. Haas, What South Sudan will gain from joining the East African Community, źródło: http://theconversation.com/what-south-sudan-will-gainfrom-joining-the-east-african-community-55592 (dostęp: 13.08.2016) 17 P. Bożyk, J. Misala, wyd. cyt., s. 19–40. 15 16 �178 Konrad Czernichowski zapewnia rolnictwo, które – za wyjątkiem Ugandy i Sudanu Południowego (dla którego brak danych) – daje zatrudnienie większości mieszkańców (tabela 1). Bariery i ograniczenia stojące przed Sudanem Południowym Najpoważniejsze wyzwanie integracyjne stanowi niewątpliwie tocząca się obecnie wojna domowa w Sudanie Południowym. Kraj ten przyjęto do wspólnoty, mimo że od jej członków wymaga się rządów prawa, demokracji i przestrzegania praw człowieka18. Wszelkie konflikty zbrojne hamują rozwój społeczno-gospodarczy, oddalają od siebie systemy polityczne i wywołują kryzys w niektórych sektorach gospodarki, a także handlu międzynarodowego. Bez skutecznego zaprowadzenia pokoju nie może być mowy o czerpaniu przez państwo korzyści ekonomicznych z uczestnictwa w EAC. Do największych osiągnięć organizacji należą: utworzenie unii celnej, wspólnego rynku i postępy w rozwoju infrastruktury drogowej19, które jednakowoż są w dużej mierze efektem podpisanego w 1985 r. przez Kenię, Ugandę, Ruandę i Burundi Porozumienia Tranzytowego w Korytarzu Północnym (ang. Northern Corridor Transit Agreement, NCTA). Jego zadaniem było zagwarantowanie swobodnego przewozu dóbr z portu w Mombasie do krajów i regionów niemających dostępu do morza, tj. Ugandy, Ruandy, Burundi i Północnego Kivu (fr. Nord Kivu) w Demokratycznej Republice Konga20. Jak wiadomo, transport ma kluczowe J. Tanza, wyd. cyt. Por. K. Czernichowski, Integracja…, wyd. cyt., s. 161–165. 20 The Northern Corridor Transit Agreement, źródło: http://www.ttcanc.org/ page.php?id=12 (dostęp: 19.03.2016). 18 19 �Akcesja Sudanu Południowego do wspólnoty... 179 znaczenie dla rozwoju lokalnych rynków oraz postępów integracyjnych21. Jednak w dalszym ciągu większa część sieci drogowej w Sudanie Południowym jest nieutwardzona. Obok podatków stanowi to główną przyczynę wyższych niż w Ugandzie cen22. Rolnictwo wymaga zmechanizowania. Po spełnieniu tego warunku potencjał produkcyjny kraju może się przekuć na eksport. W stanach Bahr el Ghazal i Greater Upper Nile istnieją dobre warunki do uprawy ryżu. Przyjęcie wspólnej zewnętrznej taryfy celnej będzie się wiązać z kosztami. W przypadku niektórych produktów jest ona bowiem wyższa niż południowosudańskie stawki celne. Podroży to koszty życia dla mieszkańców. Podsumowanie Znaczenie akcesji Sudanu Południowego do EAC można rozpatrywać z punktu widzenia spodziewanych korzyści tego państwa bądź całego ugrupowania. W artykule został przedstawiony ten pierwszy zakres. Do zbadania pozostaje drugi – jak rozszerzenie EAC wpłynęło na jej potencjał i perspektywy. Jeśli chodzi o klasyfikację celów integracji regionalnej według kryterium przedmiotowego, tekst koncentrował się na aspektach ekonomicznych. Jednakże między różnymi celami istnieje sprzężenie zwrotne. Rozwój ekonomiczny pozytywnie wpływa na realizację celów politycznych i społecznych23. P. Bożyk, J. Misala, wyd. cyt., s. 28. A.R.N. Haas, wyd. cyt. 23 P. Bożyk, J. Misala, wyd. cyt., s. 21. 21 22 �180 Konrad Czernichowski Bibliografia Africa. Burundi, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/by.html. Africa. Kenya, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ke.html. Africa. Rwanda, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/rw.html. Africa. South Sudan, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/ the-world-factbook/geos/od.html. Africa. Tanzania, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/ the-world-factbook/geos/tz.html. Africa. Uganda, źródło: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ug.html. Bożyk P., Misala J., Integracja ekonomiczna, Polskie Wydawnictwo Ekonomiczne, Warszawa 2003. COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Free Trade Area Launched, źródło: http:// www.sadc.int/. Czernichowski K., Integracja afrykańska – uwarunkowania, formy współpracy, instytucje, Wydawnictwo CeDeWu, Warszawa 2010. Czernichowski K., Polityczne i ekonomiczne wyzwania przed Sudanem Południowym, w: Dynamika afrykańskich struktur państwowych w wymiarze historycznym, politycznym i społeczno-gospodarczym, pod red. B. Ndiayego i P. Letki, rocznik „Olsztyńskie Studia Afrykanistyczne”, Instytut Historii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych Uni­wersytetu Warmińsko-Mazurskiego w Olsztynie, Olsztyn 2011. Haas A.R.N., What South Sudan will gain from joining the East African Community, źródło: http://theconversation.com/what-southsudan-will-gain-from-joining-the-east-african-community-55592. Mayom J. P., South Sudan Officially Joins EAC, źródło: http://www.gurtong.net/ECM/Editorial/tabid/124/ctl/ArticleView/mid/519/ articleId/19061/South-Sudan-Officially-Joins-EAC.aspx. �Akcesja Sudanu Południowego do wspólnoty... 181 Okoth A., A History of Africa, vol. 2, East African Educational Publishers Ltd. – Ujuzi Books Ltd., Nairobi – Kampala – Dar es Salaam 2010. Reporter N., South Sudan admitted into EAC, źródło: http://www.nation. co.ke/business/South-Sudan-admitted-into-EAC/996-3100314acaobi/index.html. Tanza J., South Sudan Official: Country Will Benefit by Joining EAC, źródło: http://www.voanews.com/a/government-says-southsudan-will-benefit-by-joining-eac/3217788.html. The Northern Corridor Transit Agreement, źródło: http://www.ttcanc. org/page.php?id=12. Akcesja Sudanu Południowego do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej (EAC) – potencjalne skutki Streszczenie Artykuł koncentruje się na potencjalnych skutkach ekonomicznych, jak również na barierach napotykanych przez Republikę Sudanu Południowego przy akcesji do Wspólnoty Wschodnioafrykańskiej (EAC). Podkreślono w nim rolę tej regionalnej wspólnoty gospodarczej we współczesnej Afryce. Wśród najważniejszych skutków rozszerzenia EAC wyróżniono liberalizację przepływu towarów, usług, kapitału i pracy, rozwój infrastruktury, zapewnienie pokoju i bezpieczeństwa. Jak w każdym procesie integracyjnym, pozytywom towarzyszą negatywy: m.in. utrata wykonywania suwerenności i podniesienie niektórych stawek celnych w związku z koniecznością przyjęcia wspólnej zewnętrznej taryfy celnej. Zarekomendowana została dalsza rozbudowa sieci dróg oraz mechanizacja rolnictwa. Słowa kluczowe: Afryka Wschodnia, Sudan Południowy, Wspólnota Wschodnioafrykańska, integracja gospodarcza, wspólny rynek, regionalna wspólnota gospodarcza. �182 Konrad Czernichowski The Accession of South Sudan into the East African Community (EAC) – Potential Effects Summary The article concentrates on potential economic consequences as well as barriers of the accession of the Republic of South Sudan into the East African Community (EAC). The role of this Regional Economic Community in contemporary Africa is emphasized. Among the most important effects of the enlargement of EAC the following were distinguished: liberalization of goods, services, capital and labour, developing infrastructure, stabilizing peace and security. As in each integration process, the positive sides are followed by the negative ones with the necessity of delegating competences and raising taxes on some products due to introduction of the common external customs tarrif as the most important. As recommendation, further improving roads and adding value to agriculture (mechanization) were suggested. Key words: East Africa, South Sudan, East African Community, economic integration, common market, regional economic community. �WOJCIECH TROJAN POMIĘDZY POKOJOWĄ OPERACJĄ HYBRYDOWĄ ONZ A ADATEM. METODY I DYLEMATY UTRZYMANIA POKOJU W AFRYCE NA PRZYKŁADZIE DARFURU I SOMALILANDU Rada Bezpieczeństwa Narodów Zjednoczonych na podstawie rezolucji 2228 z 2015 roku dała podstawę – mandat na obecność – operacji Unii Afrykańskiej w Darfurze. Oficjalnie to kod biurokratyczny pod hasłem: Unia Afrykańska – ONZ Operacja Hybrydowa w Darfurze1. Pojęcie operacji hybrydowej pochodzi z 31 lipca 2007 roku, kiedy ustalono, że operacja hybrydowa powinna mieć, jak długo jest to możliwe, charakter „afrykański” oraz źródło finansowania sił zbrojnych powinno pochodzić od państw afrykańskich2. Wyrażenie „zagrożenie hybrydowe” oznacza w wojskowym języku przemieszanie – „amalgamat” – istniejących zagrożeń dla bezpieczeństwa publicznego. Jak tłumaczą to eksperci organizacji NATO, pojęcie hybrydowych zagrożeń oznacza swoisty węzeł gordyjski różnorodnych okoliczności i działań, takich jak terroryzm, migracja, piractwo, korupcja czy konflikty Wojciech Trojan – prawnik UNHCR, Hargeisa. 1 2 African Union – United Nations Hybrid Operation In Darfur (UNAMID). Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa 1769 (2007). �184 Wojciech Trojan etniczne. Według nowej doktryny źródłem zagrożeń hybrydowych mogą być zarówno aktorzy niepaństwowi, jak i rządowi. Tak rozu­ miane podmioty stosujące metodę „hybrydową” tworzą zagro­żenia wobec swoich przeciwników, w sposób, który oznacza zastosowanie jednocześnie działań konwencjonalnych i niekon­wen­ cjonalnych dla osiągnięcia swojego celu3. Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ z 2007 roku zwracała uwagę na ataki na ludność cywilną i pracowników sektora humanitarnego w Darfurze. Dokument potępiał utrzymujące się i powszechne masowe gwałty oraz przemoc seksualną zasługującą na adekwatną odpowiedź „wspólnoty międzynarodowej”. Jak zauważył M. Ząbek, ONZ nie była gotowa do podjęcia interwencji w celu niedopuszczenia do ludobójstwa i „ostateczne nie wydała werdyktu na ten temat, a jedynie dopuściła możliwość dokonania tam zbrodni wojennych i zbrodni przeciwko pokojowi”4. Nadal aktualne pozostaje pytanie, czy brak adekwatnej reakcji międzynarodowej mógł doprowadzić do scenariusza, jaki miał miejsce w Rwandzie? Raport sekretarza generalnego Narodów Zjednoczonych dotyczący operacji hybrydowej ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej z 1 lipca 2016 roku analizuje sytuację bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego w Darfurze. W całym regionie dochodziło do potyczek pomiędzy stronami konfliktu, gdzie wojsko rządowe atakowało wioski podejrzane wspieranie milicji Armii Wyzwolenia Sudanu Abdula Wahida5. Konwoje wojskowe armii sudańskiej wielokrotnie wpadały w zastawione na nie pułapki, w wyniku których dochodziło M. Miklaucic, NATO Capstone Concept cytowany w artykule NATO Countering the Hybrid Threat, 2011, źródło: act.nato.int/nato-countering-the-hybrid-threat (dostęp: sierpień 2016). 4 M. Ząbek, Tragedia w Darfurze. Geneza, charakter i skutki wojny domowej w Zachodnim Sudanie, Starogard Gdański, 2008, s. 31. 5 Sudan Liberation Army/Abdul Wahid (SLA/AW). 3 �Pomiędzy pokojową operacją hybrydową ONZ... 185 w tych rejonach do akcji pacyfikacyjnych wśród ludności cywilnej. W rejonie Guldo i Nertiti wojsko zablokowało uchodźcom wojennym możliwości opuszczenia przez nich terenów objętych walkami6. Dochodziło też do ataków lotnictwa na wsie Galol, Jaro, Dirma i Dasa. ONZ zwróciła uwagę na ataki na uchodźców wewnętrznych ze strony uzbrojonych nomadów, milicji plemiennych oraz kryminalistów, co zostało udokumentowane przez monitorujące sytuację organizacje w Thur East i Hassahissa. Podobnie w Południowym Darfurze ostrzelano 30 kwietnia oraz 7 i 11 maja obóz dla uchodźców wewnętrznych. Na mapie Darfuru, gdzie rejestrowano zabójstwa osób chronionych przez ONZ zapisano przypadki zabójstw w obozach uchodźców wewnętrznych Mujajeria, Al-Neem, Kalma, Al-Salam. Sekretarz generalny wylicza przykłady arbitralnych aresztowań w Południowym Darfurze wśród uchodźców wewnętrznych, gdzie sudański wywiad wojskowy przeprowadził operację specjalną w rejonie Kass. Aresztowano m.in. członków Komitetu Uchodźców oraz reprezentantów starszyzny plemiennej z obozu uchodźców w Thur. Takie same działania i aresztowania miały miejsce w Nyala i Kalma, gdzie bez przedstawiania zarzutów aresztowaniami objęto szejchów wspólnoty uchodźców wewnętrznych. Funkcjonariusze hybrydowej obecności ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej z dużą dokładnością i starannością wyliczają incydenty, które z narażeniem własnego życia zebrali lokalni pracownicy polowi w Darfurze. Dla zwykłego czytelnika takie raporty mogą wydawać się przejawem profesjonalizmu dyplomacji humanitarnej, jednak z perspektywy uczestnika takich operacji w Czeczenii, Donbasie 6 Opisana sytuacja dotyczy tylko okresu marzec – kwiecień 2016 roku. Szczegółowe dane wojskowe zawarte są w raporcie sekretarza generalnego o hybrydowej operacji Unii Afrykańskiej i ONZ w Darfurze, rozdział II Sytuacja bezpieczeństwa, 1 lipiec 2016 roku Sygnatura S/2016/587, Rada Bezpieczeństwa. �186 Wojciech Trojan czy Somalii nie sposób pozbyć się wrażenia bezsilności ONZ. Odpowiedzią na wyliczane naruszenia prawa humanitarnego powinna być „hybrydowa” obecność w Darfurze wspólnoty międzynarodowej reprezentowanej przez swoje agendy i agencje oraz liczny sektor pozarządowy. Z liczby przytoczonych naruszeń można się zorientować, że w istocie w Darfurze, jak i w innych miejscach, gdzie działają podobne mechanizmy „ochrony międzynarodowej”, granice akcji humanitarnej są ograniczone do działań pozornych i nieefektywnych. Jak podkreśla prawnik i specjalistka od praw człowieka Elisabeth Ferris: Ochrona to szlachetne słowo z pozytywnymi skojarzeniami, ale co ono oznacza w praktyce? Czy chodzi tutaj o dostarczanie pomocy humanitarnej dla potrzebujących? Czy może tylko o monitorowanie liczby zgwałconych kobiet? Czy może o zwiększone zaangażowanie organizacji humanitarnych, które nie stanowi zagrożenia dla podstawowych zasad neutralności i bezstronności?7 W klasycznej formule teorii Państwa i Prawa, to państwo jest zobowiązane do utrzymania na swoim terytorium ładu i porządku publicznego. Nieskuteczność w wypełnieniu funkcji porządko­ wej przez władze wykonawcze prowadzi do erozji funkcji ochronnej prawa. Brak respektu dla ustawodawstwa ma ostry przebieg, jeśli prawo przestaje chronić wartości, które są powszechnie poważane i kluczowe: życie człowieka, jego zdrowie, nietykalność osobistą. Anarchizacja stosunków społecznych i erozja państwa na różnych kontynentach, nie tylko w Afryce, doprowadziły wiele społeczności lokalnych do reakcji samoobronnej wobec powszechnego bezprawia. Tam, gdzie zawiodła ochronna funkcja prawa, lukę wypełniają dynamicznie nieformalne struktury egzekwujące poszanowania własnych subkulturowych kodeksów E. G. Ferris, The Politics of Protection. The Limits of Humanitarian Action, Brookings, 2011. 7 �Pomiędzy pokojową operacją hybrydową ONZ... 187 zachowań. Kultura przemocy stanowi habitat dla samoorganizowania się grup samoobrony. Współcześnie można starać się szukać możliwości opanowania sytuacji w „upadłych państwach” w drodze humanitarnych interwencji reprezentujących idee Narodów Zjednoczonych. Wielu działaczy akcji humanitarnych, jak np. Bernard Kouchner (założyciel organizacji Medicins Sans Frontiers) wielokrotnie wypowiadał się za celowością prowadzenia tzw. interwencji humanitarnych. Miało to m.in. miejsce w odniesieniu do interwencji NATO w Kosowie. Podobnie w okresie wojny w Iraku w 2003 roku. Nawoływanie de facto do działań wojennych nie przeszkodziło tej organizacji w uhonorowaniu jej pokojową nagrodą Nobla. Podobną prawidłowość charakteryzującą się wiarą w raporty organizacji i interwencjonizm humanitarny można prześledzić w raportach Human Rights Watch w odniesieniu do zdarzeń w Kosowie czy na Wschodnim Timorze. Trudno liczyć na bezstronność takich reportów, skoro organizacje brane pod uwagę są na liście płac ONZ i ich głównych sponsorów. Zgodnie z Art. 51 Karty Narodów Zjednoczonych użycie siły dozwolone jest wyłącznie w celach samoobrony. Rozdział VII Karty zezwala jednak w odróżnieniu do Art. 51 na użycie siły, kiedy zostanie ono usankcjonowane zgodą stałych członków Rady (P5). Podkreślić jednak trzeba, że klasyczna definicja wojny nie opiera się na przesłankach humanitarnych. Ta sama interwencja humanitarna stanie się z perspektywy prawa międzynarodowego agresją, jeśli zostanie przeprowadzona poza mandatem Rady Bezpieczeństwa. Tradycja „wojny sprawiedliwej” ulega przed widzami globalnej sieci informacyjnej transformacji wywołanej ambicjami stworzenia nowego, hegemonistycznego porządku geopolitycznego. W tym dążeniu ramy prawne Karty Narodów Zjednoczonych wydają się za ciasne dla efektywności nowych mechanizmów. Stąd Kofi Anan jako sekretarz generalny ONZ za- �188 Wojciech Trojan uważył już w 1999 roku, że dochodzi do erozji tradycyjnie pojmowanego pojęcia suwerenności państwowej. W przeciągu 10 lat od usunięcia żelaznej kurtyny wykształciła się doktryna obowiązku ochrony („responsibility to protect”) określanej także krótko w wojskowy sposób jako R2P8. Doktryna została wprowadzona oficjalnie do dorobku ONZ podczas obchodów 60. rocznicy założenia organizacji. Opiera się ona na tezie erozji istnienia suwerenności westfalskiej, to jest takiej, która kategorycznie zabrania ingerencji sił zewnętrznych w wewnętrzne sprawy państwa. Praktyka dzisiejszych Chin oraz coraz bardziej Rosji w odniesieniu do swojej suwerenności wydaje świadczyć, że koncepcja suwerenności westfalskiej będzie mocno broniona przez państwa niebędące w sferze wpływów Zachodu. Dotyczy to także takich państw jak Sudan. Jak zauważają autorzy dokumentu Nikomu na Ziemi nie zależy, czy przeżyjemy poza Bogiem i czasami UNAMID. Wyzwania utrzymania pokoju w Darfurze9, po 13 latach konfliktu mieszkańcy Darfuru zdają sobie sprawę z ograniczeń wspólnoty międzynarodowej w niesieniu im pomocy i tworzenia warunków dla ich ochrony. Cytując zdanie uchodźcy wewnętrznego, ewentualne usunięcie wojsk operacji hybrydowej ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej może doprowadzić do kolejnych masowych naruszeń prawa humanitarnego przez władze Sudanu: Rząd chce się pozbyć UNAMID po 8 The Responsibility to Protect, Office of the Special adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, źródło: un.org/preventgenocide/adviser/responsibility.shtlm (dostęp: 10 sierpnia 2016), oraz dokument Zgromadzenia Ogólnego Narodów Zjednoczonych, Implementing the responsibility to protect, A/63/677 z 12 stycznia 2009 roku. 9 No one on the earth cares if we survive except God and and sometimes UNAMID. The Challeneges of peacekeeping in Darfur, International Refugee Rights Initiative, czerwiec 2016. �Pomiędzy pokojową operacją hybrydową ONZ... 189 to tylko, aby przeprowadzić swoje najgorsze działania – czystki etniczne, ludobójstwo, przesiedlenia. Autorzy dokumentu oceniającego rolę hybrydowych wojsk ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej w Darfurze mają jednak tylko rekomendację zwiększenia wysiłków w dalszym raportowaniu: – Departament Operacji Pokojowych ONZ powinien podnieść poziom swoich czynności monitoringu praw człowieka, aby w ten sposób zapewnić, że wspólnota międzynarodowa ma dostęp do informacji na wysokim poziomie dla podjęcia właściwych decyzji. Informacje te powinny mieć charakter publiczny. We wszystkich tych okolicznościach UNAMID powinien zapewnić warunki, w których przekazana przez nich informacja odpowiadała w pełni rzeczywistości i nie zawierała elementów manipulacji opinią publiczną”10. Jest to czysta deklaracja wiary w humanitaryzm i tylko taki pokój, który jest wymuszony przez instrumenty opierające się na zasadzie interwencjonizmu, czy wręcz, jak uważają niektórzy autorzy, w ramach globalnej platformy neokolonializmu. Niedaleko od ogniska zapalnego w Darfurze położony jest teatr wojny domowej w Somalii, gdzie podobnie jak do Sudanu wysłano żołnierzy Unii Afrykańskiej dla zaprowadzenia porządku i ochrony praw człowieka. 20 lutego 2007 roku Rada Bezpieczeństwa przyjęła rezolucję 1744(2007)13, w której wydano zgodę Unii Afrykańskiej na podjęcie interwencji humanitarnej w Somalii tylko na okres sześciu miesięcy. Oddziały walczyły jednak o przejęcie kontroli nad stolicą Somalii Mogadiszu, do sierpnia 2011 roku ponosząc spektakularne klęski. Misję wojskową po wyparciu amerykańskiej piechoty morskiej wypełniały oddziały wojskowe z Ugandy i Burundii, które zdołały w sierpniu 2011 10 International Refugee Rights Initiative, The challening of Peacekeeping In Darfur, s. 6 raportu: No one on the earth cares if we survive except God and sometimes UNAMID, czerwiec 2016. �190 Wojciech Trojan roku wyprzeć al-Shabaab z centrum miasta. Wcześniej wojska etiopskie w 2006 roku rozbiły umiarkowany ruch Unii Sądów Islamskich w Mogadiszu, który zakończył okres anarchii lokalnych watażków w stolicy. Obca interwencja została odrzucona przez klany somalijskie, które poparły opór młodzieży przyjmującej nazwę al-Shabaab dla swojego ruchu oporu. Interwencje obcych na terytorium Somalii wyzwoliły tylko fanatyzm klanowy i religijny. W roku 2011 Somalię zaatakowały oddziały kenijskie z zada­ niem odbicia portu morskiego Kismayo. Jednocześnie na terytorium Somalii wkroczyły ponownie wojska etiopskie. Wspólnota międzynarodowa wyraziła zgodę na wojskową obecność Ugandy, Dżibuti, Kenii i Etiopii, które objęły sześć sektorów w południowej i centralnej Somalii pod zbiorową nazwą misji AMISOM (Misja Unii Afrykańskiej w Somalii). Mimo tych wysiłków wojskowych al-Shabaab nie został pokonany, a armia państwowa uznawanej oficjalnie Somalii jest najniżej ocenianą w Afryce w rankingu ekspertów wojskowych. Oddziały wojsk interwencyjnych budzą opór społeczny, z którym nie są w stanie sobie poradzić na polu walki. Oddziałom brakuje ducha bojowego i są one bezużyteczne dla wyznaczonych im zadań. Symptomatyczne jest, że wszelkie próby przeniesienia konfliktu na terytorium Somalilandu i Puntlandu, które nie uznają się za część oficjalnie uznawanej Somalii zostały bez trudu odparte przez uzbrojone wyłącznie w lekką broń milicje klanowe. Nie dochodzi też tutaj do takich sytuacji, jak w południowej Somalii, gdzie amerykańska piechota morska, albo później garnizony Unii Afrykańskiej, są dziesiątkowane przez islamistów z al-Shabaab. Siłą, która odgrywa kluczowe znaczenie jest struktura klanowa Somalii. W Somalilandzie i Puntlandzie to klan jest źródłem bezpieczeństwa, a nie misje wojskowe ONZ. Milicja klanowa ma – jak się to określa – morale, esprit de corps i jest gotowa walczyć pomimo braku ciężkiego uzbrojenia oraz wysokiego żołdu, jaki otrzymują żołnierze AMISOM. Dla miej- �Pomiędzy pokojową operacją hybrydową ONZ... 191 scowej ludności milicja nie stanowi zagrożenia, jakie jest związane z obecnością „niebieskich hełmów”11. W marcu 2016 roku oddziały milicji klanowej Puntlandu i Gal Mudug zatrzymały ofensywę al-Shabaab. Na placu boju zginęło 323 terrorystów, a 156 dostało się do niewoli. Milicja klanowa Puntlandu straciła tylko 20 wojowników. Operacja przeciwko al-Shabaab odbyła się bez żadnego wsparcia dronów czy obcych doradców wojskowych z doświadczeniem hybrydowym z innych teatrów wojennych. Obce misje wojskowe od dziewięciu lat nie potrafią opanować sytuacji, tak jak udało się to w niezależnych obszarach Puntlandu i w niepodległym Somalilandzie. Zwłaszcza Somaliland zasługuje na uznanie za swoje sukcesy na miarę ograniczonych możliwości, jakimi dysponuje ten kraj i pomimo braku uznania wspólnoty międzynarodowej. To tutaj powinni się uczyć eksperci „od terroryzmu”, którzy nie dostrzegają prawdziwych źródeł tego zjawiska. Destabilizacja regionów takich jak Róg Afryki, Irak, Północna Afryka czy Syria odbyła się na zasadzie interwencji w wewnętrzne sprawy suwerennych państw pod hasłem interwencji humanitarnych. Wykładnia odpowiedzialności wspólnoty międzynarodowej za ochronę praw człowieka jest trudna do podważenia w jej założeniach. W istocie jednak rachunek zysków i strat pokazuje, że jest to nowa forma globalnej gry na neokolonialnej szachownicy. Somaliland nie jest szerzej znany przeciętnemu odbiorcy wiadomości, gdyż sukces innych metod niż te, które wpisano w doktrynę ONZ – R2P (responsibility to protect), odebrałby sponsorom ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej możliwość realizacji własnych celów w podtrzymywanych konfliktach. Scenariusz z Jugosławii, Iraku, Libii, Syrii, Somalii i innych ognisk zapalnych, gdzie były zagrożone pra11 P. Mameli, The Blue Helmets: Sexual Exploitation, Sex Trafficking and Organizational Culture In UN Peacekeeping Operations, źródło: ideajournal.com/ articles.php?id=50 (dostęp: 10 sierpnia 2016). �192 Wojciech Trojan wa człowieka jest stale ten sam. Pod pretekstem humanitarnym wybucha konflikt przynoszący nieproporcjonalnie większe szkody wywołane przez siły mające własne interesy w przeprowadzeniu rekonstrukcji porządku wewnętrznego i regionalnego. Porządek klanowy w Somalilandzie jest udaną alternatywą wobec eksportu idei R2P responsibility to protect czy koncepcji hybrydowej obecności ONZ. Dzięki zastosowaniu tradycyjnych mechanizmów plemiennych w Somalilandzie panuje pokój, a na święta Ramadanu mogli przyjeżdżać bliscy z Europy i Ameryki. Władze Somalilandu bronią swojej suwerenności i nie chcą zostać wcieleni siłą do zjednoczonej Somalii będącej konstruktem polityków zachodnich. Okazuje się, że ich model społeczny sprawdza się w praktyce, czego nie można powiedzieć o objętej wojną południowej Somalii czy Darfurze, gdzie stacjonują w swoich bazach oddziały rozleniwionych żołnierzy Unii Afrykańskiej, którzy nie radzą sobie z oporem radykalizującej się młodzieży. Wkrótce opór wzrośnie po wyrzuceniu z obozów uchodźców somalijskich z Kenii, tysięcy zradykalizowanych potencjalnych wojowników niegasnącego konfliktu w Rogu Afryki. Podobna radykalizacja wśród uczestników konfliktu w Darfurze może doprowadzić do eskalacji konfliktu, gdzie jednym z elementów jego żywotności jest międzynarodowy nieudolny interwencjonizm pod hasłami humanitaryzmu. Jak pisze Maciej Ząbek: „poza tym, pomijając koszty, jakie musiano by ponieść organizując interwencję zbrojną, uzasadnia się brak decyzji w tej sprawie tym, że zachodnia interwencja zbrojna taka jak w Iraku czy Afganistanie nie jest żadnym rozwiązaniem, gdyż spowodowałaby tylko rozszerzenie wojny na cały Sudan, a być może i na sąsiedni Czad”12. Stabilizacja w sferze konfliktów, M. Ząbek, Tragedia w Darfurze. Geneza, charakter i skutki wojny domowej w zachodnim Sudanie, Starogard Gdański, 2008, s. 31. 12 �Pomiędzy pokojową operacją hybrydową ONZ... 193 taka jaką obserwujemy w Somalilandzie, gdzie nie stacjonują żadne wojska hybrydowe, lecz działa prawo zwyczajowe i klanowe mechanizmy tradycyjnego rozwiązywania sporów, podpowiada dobitnie, jakimi metodami takie lokalne konflikty powinny być wygaszane bez udziału nieefektywnych metod, jakie ponoszą fiasko na piaskach kolejnych bitew prowadzonych przez ONZ za pokój. Kończąc, chciałbym podkreślić, że niniejszy artykuł jest głosem w sprawie zwrócenia uwagi ośrodkom władzy międzynarodowej na potrzebę opierania się na know-how tradycyjnych metod rozwiązywania konfliktów, które wymagają jednak wiedzy z dziedziny lokalnej kultury i prawa. Znajomość prawa zwyczajowego – adatu – tradycyjnych kultur pozwoliłaby lepiej zaplanować działania mediacyjne negocjatorom z ONZ. Jest to jednak bardziej złożona materia niż analiza raportów napisanych nawet przez najlepiej opłacanych ekspertów zachodnich, którzy przyjeżdżają na misje rozpoznawcze w rejony konfliktu. Bibliografia Ferris E.G., The Politics of Protection. The Limits of Humanitarian Action, Brookings, 2011. Ząbek M., Tragedia w Darfurze. Geneza, charakter i skutki wojny domowej w Zachodnim Sudanie, Starogard Gdański, 2008. Miklaucic M., NATO Capstone Concept cytowany w artykule NATO Countering the Hybrid Threat, 2011, źródło: act.nato.int/nato-countering-the-hybrid-threat (dostęp: sierpień 2016). Ferris E.G., The Politics of Protection. The Limits of Humanitarian Action, Brookings 2011. The Responsibility to Protect, Office of the Special adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, źródło: un.org/preventgenocide/adviser/responsibility.shtlm (dostęp: 10 sierpnia 2016), oraz document Zgroma- �194 Wojciech Trojan dzenia Ogólnego Narodów Zjednoczonych, Implementing the responsibility to protect, A/63/677 z 12 stycznia 2009 roku. No one on the earth cares if we survive except God and and sometimes UNAMID. The Challeneges of peacekeeping in Darfur, International Refugee Rights Initiative, czerwiec 2016. Mameli P., The Blue Helmets: Sexual Exploitation, Sex Trafficking and Organizational Culture In UN Peacekeeping Operations, źródło: ideajournal.com/articles.php?id=50 (dostęp: 10 sierpnia 2016). Between the hybrid UN operation and Adat. Methodology and patterns of the conflict prevention and resolution in Africa. Summary The international community is facing a dilemma how to address the reoccurring humanitarian crisis situations. The massive violations of human rights can enact the mechanism of the humanitarian intervention. The mechanism of the Security Council established after the II World War prevented the doctrine R2P – responsibility to protect – was to become a tool for the military intervention anywhere in the World. The concept of the sovereignty according to the UN was to be abolished to respond to the crimes against humanity and/or widespread war crimes. The Darfur crisis was a typical scenario that should have resulted with such military R2P action under the UN clearance. Instead the proxy hybrid peace keeping operations are being constructed without much success on the ground. The Blue Helmets in Darfur and Somalia cannot ensure any protection as they their presence is not a factor of a real reconsiliation. The traditional conflict resolution methods and the clan justice serve well in Somaliland ensuring the period of peace in the region free from the UN military actions. The Somaliland success without any UN mandated soldier is not a success story reported by the media, as it proved that the traditional law and customs are more effective in comparison to the UN security mechanisms. The protection under the UN agenda is not anymore neutral and impartial as a the �Pomiędzy pokojową operacją hybrydową ONZ... 195 political power centers hijacked the whole system. More understanding of the local traditions and customs should be required among the UN diplomats to enhance their impact and to avoid mistakes in the field of conflict prevention and resolution. ��MARIUSZ DRZEWIECKI ZATRZYMAĆ NAJDŁUŻSZĄ RZEKĘ AFRYKI. KONSEKWENCJE ARCHEOLOGICZNE PROJEKTÓW ZARZĄDZANIA WODAMI NILU Wstęp Nil przepływa przez wszystkie strefy klimatyczne kontynentu afrykańskiego, zaczynając od lasów równikowych, a kończąc na terenach pustynnych Sahary. Transportuje wody pochodzące z regularnych opadów deszczu w strefie równikowej i na wyżynie Abisyńskiej, do ujścia w Morzu Śródziemnym. Ostatnim dopływem Nilu jest Atbara (Ryc. 1). Dalej, w środkowym i dolnym biegu, na odcinku liczącym 2,5 tysiąca kilometrów najdłuższa rzeka Afryki przecina tereny pustynne, gdzie obok oaz jest jedynym stałym źródłem wody. Na suchym obszarze obejmującym tereny współczesnego Północnego Sudanu i Egiptu, brzegi Nilu zasiedla znaczna części lokalnej populacji. Powstały tam największe miasta regionu, liczne wsie oraz tereny uprawne. Początków intensywnego wykorzystania wód Nilu oraz jego obszarów nadbrzeżnych archeolodzy Dr Mariusz Drzewiecki – archeolog, adiunkt w Instytucie Kultur Śródziemnomorskich i Orientalnych PAN, główne kierunki badań: Afryka Północna oraz Bliski Wschód, ochrona dziedzictwa archeologicznego, badania budowli obronnych. �198 Ryc. 1. Zobrazowanie satelitarne doliny środkowego i dolnego Nilu z marca 2005 r. (źródło: NASA, public domain). Mariusz Drzewiecki dopatrują się w okresie neolitu (około 5000– 3000 p.n.e.). Wraz ze schyłkiem epoki kamienia ludność coraz chętniej osiedlała się nad tą rzeką1. Było to zjawisko rozłożone w czasie, połączone ze zmieniającym się powoli klimatem2 oraz gospodarką3. Obszary poza doliną Nilu stawały się zbyt suche dla stałej, większej populacji, co mogło rodzić konflikty, a ludność, która chciała pozostać musiała prawdopodobnie zmienić swój sposób życia. Wszyscy pozostali osadnicy rozpoczęli poszukiwania nowych terenów. W tym samym czasie brzegi Nilu wraz z osuszaniem klimatu stały się bardziej dostępne i dogodne dla stałego zamieszkania. Rozwinęło się rolnictwo i hodowla zwierząt, zatem przybywająca ludność najczęściej pozostała już w dolinie Nilu4. W ten sposób badacze przeszłości tłumaczą widoczny wzrost liczby stanowisk archeologicznych w dolinie Nilu Środkowego, datowanych na okres zaczynający się od neolitu, D. N. Edwards, The Nubian Past: an archaeology of the Sudan, AbingdonNew York 2004, s. 38–48; S. Salvatori D. Usai, The Sudanese Neolithic revisited, „CRIPEL” 2006, nr 26, s. 329–330. 2 R. Kuper S. Kröpelin, Climate-Controlled Holocene Occupation in the Sahara: Motor of Africa’s Evolution, „Science” 2006, nr 313, s. 803–807. 3 A. J. Arkell, A History of the Sudan. From the Earliest Times to 1821, London 1961, s. 11–15. 4 M. Honegger, Recent advances in our understanding of prehistory in northern Sudan, w: J. R. Anderson, D. A. Welsby (red.), The Fourth Cataract and Beyond Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies (British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 1), Leuven-Paris-Walpole, MA 2014, s. 19–30. 1 �Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki... 199 a obejmujący czasy późniejsze, aż do współczesności5. Rozwijające się kolejne królestwa, imperia, ośrodki władzy i państwa posiadały/posiadają swoje centra nad Nilem6. Za przykład mogą tu posłużyć: Kerma, Napata, Meroe, Faras, Dongola, Omdurman, Chartum itd. Zarejestrowano nad Nilem liczne mniejsze i większe osady, niektóre zamieszkiwane przez wiele wieków, na przykład Qasr Ibrim, Dangeil, Meinarti, Banganarti, Berber, Khandaq i inne. W tym czasie poza doliną rzeki, na terenach pustynnych, osadnictwo było rozproszone i często miało charakter czasowy lub okresowy7. Można zatem powiedzieć, że nad Nilem Środkowym obserwuje się koncentrację osadnictwa. W rezultacie współcześni mieszkańcy tych terenów żyją w otoczeniu starożytności i mają z nimi styczność na co dzień8. Rozwój technologiczny sprawił, iż na przełomie XIX i XX wieku zaczęto myśleć o kontrolowaniu najdłuższej rzeki Afryki9. Obecnie wodami Nilu zarządza się w oparciu o umowy międzynarodowe przyznające poszczególnym krajom procent przepłyNa przykład: B. G. Trigger, History and Settlement in Lower Nubia (Yale University Publications in Anthropology 69), New Haven 1965, s. 151; W.Y. Adams, Nubia Corridor to Africa, Princeton 1977, s. 19–20. 6 W. Y. Adams, Nubia Corridor to Africa, Princeton 1977, s. 55–56; D. A. Welsby, The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia. Pagans, Christians and Muslims along the Middle Nile, London 2002, s. 8–9. 7 Na przykład: R. J. Bradley, Nomads in the Archaeological Record. Case Studies in the Northern Provinces of the Sudan (Meroitica 13), Berlin 1992, s. 24–25; H. Paner M. Masojć, From Old Sennar, Bejrawiya and Fourth Cataract to the Bayuda Desert. Twenty years of Gdańsk archaeologists in Sudan - a short overview, “GAMAR” 8 (2015), s. 23. 8 M. Drzewiecki P. Maliński, Jawgul - a Village Between Towers, „Sudan and Nubia” 2013, nr 17, s. 101–102; A. Osman, The Folklore of Archaeological Sites: A Case Study from Nawri in the Third Cataract region, w: J. Sterner, N. David (red.), An African Commitment. Papers in honour of Peter Lewis Shinnie, Calgary 1992, s. 31–34. 9 T. Tvedt, The River Nile in the Age of the British: Political Ecology and the Quest for Economic Power, Cairo 2004, s. 25–28. 5 �200 Mariusz Drzewiecki wającej wody10. W XX wieku wypracowano dwa podstawowe sposoby kontrolowania zasobów Nilu: w Północnym Sudanie wody rzeki reguluje się za pomocą zapór na Nilu i sztucznych zbiorników retencyjnych oraz za pośrednictwem systemów irygacyjnych pobierających wodę z rzeki, głównie dla celów rolniczych11. Zasoby wodne najdłuższej rzeki Afryki, choć znaczne, są już w dużym stopniu wykorzystywane12. Pozostaje to w zależności ze wzrostem populacji zamieszkującej dolinę Nilu. Zapotrzebowanie na żywność, energię elektryczną i inne materiały oraz surowce cały czas się zwiększa. W związku z tym powstają napięcia w kwestiach wykorzystania wód Nilu oraz wprowadzane są nowe projekty modernizacji, rozwoju rolnictwa, zabudowy, infrastruktury oraz przemysłu, chociaż ten ostatni stanowi niewielki procent całości13. Jedną z konsekwencji tej ścieżki rozwoju jest zmniejszanie zasobów dziedzictwa archeologicznego. W wyniku budowy tam na Nilu zalewane są słabo zaludnione odcinki doliny, jednak z reguły bogate w pozostałości przeszłości. Rolnictwo i systemy irygacyjne zmieniają krajobraz i usuwają lub niszczą ślady aktywności 10 M. Kimenyi, J. Mbaku, Governing the Nile River Basin. The Search for a New Legal Regime, Washington 2015, s. 33–45. 11 K. Conniff, D. Molden, D. Peden, S. B. Awulachew, Nile water and agriculture. Past, present and future, w: S. B. Awulachew, V. Smakhtin, D. Modlen, D. Peden (red.), The Nile River Basin: Water, Agriculture, Governance and Livelihoods, Abingdon-New York 2012, s. 14–15. 12 Nile Basin Initiative, State of the River Nile Basin Report 2012, Chapter 2: The Water Resources of the Nile Basin s. 55, źródło: http://nileis.nilebasin.org/ system/files/Nile%20SoB%20Report%20Chpater%202%20-%20Water%20 resources.pdf (dostęp: 7.08.2016). 13 H.-J. Luhmann, The emerging conflict of using Nile water for irrigation purposes, especially between Egypt and Ethiopia, due to the disturbance of the reliability of the arrival of the Monsoon season as triggered by European/Asian brown cloud, w: Lozán, J. L., H. Grassl, P. Hupfer, L.Menzel, C.-D. Schönwiese, Global Change: Enough water for all?, Hamburg 2007, s. 245–246. �Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki... 201 dawnych mieszkańców regionu. Działania skutkujące zniszczeniem dziedzictwa archeologicznego obserwuje się we wszystkich krajach, w których zwiększa się populacja. Można powiedzieć, że jest to zjawisko o skali globalnej, przez co nosi cechy działania nieuniknionego, naturalnego rozwoju współczesnych społeczności14. Szerokie plany modernizacyjne rządu sudańskiego oraz gwałtowny rozwój osadnictwa w dolinie Nilu Środkowego skłaniają do refleksji na temat dotychczasowych działań archeologicznych w tym kraju oraz ich najbliższej przyszłości. W tym kontekście autor artykułu podejmuje poniżej próbę odpowiedzenia na następujące pytania: jak zarządzanie wodami Nilu Środkowego wpływa na rozwój badań nad przeszłością? Czy w ogóle możemy mówić o rozwoju archeologii w kontekście projektów, których skutkiem ubocznym jest niszczenie śladów przeszłości? Jakie może to mieć konsekwencje dla przyszłości tej nauki? Tamy na Nilu i sztuczne zbiorniki wodne a archeologia Od końca XIX wieku dolina Nilu znalazła się pod wpływami brytyjskimi. Rozpoczęto wtedy wprowadzanie w życie projektów kontroli przepływu wody w największej rzece Afryki. Zapory oraz sztuczne zbiorniki retencyjne stanowiły integralną część tej stra- R. Bewley et al., Endangered Archaeology in the Middle East and North Africa: Introducing the EAMENA Project, w: S. Campana, R. Scopigno, G. Carpentiero, M. Cirillo (red.), CAA2015 Keep the Revolution Going. Proceedings of the 43rd Annual Conference on Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods In Archaeology, Oxford 2016, s. 919. 14 �202 Mariusz Drzewiecki tegii15. Zbudowano takowe na wszystkich odcinkach rzeki, od górnego biegu po deltę. Nie inaczej było na terenach nubijskich (obecny północny Sudan i południowy Egipt), gdzie wzniesiono następujące zapory (Ryc. 1): tama asuańska (rok zakończenia budowy: 1902), którą następnie dwukrotnie podwyższono w 1912 i 1933 r.; wysoka tama asuańska (rok zakończenia budowy: 1964) oraz tama Merowe (rok zakończenia budowy: 2009). 15 maja 2012 r. w czasie spotkania w British Museum w Londynie ogłoszono międzynarodowy apel o ratowanie dziedzictwa archeologicznego obszarów zagrożonych przez powstanie kolejnych zbiorników retencyjnych16. Będą one zlokalizowane na obszarze III katarakty Nilu (tama Kajbar) oraz V katarakty Nilu (tama Shereik). Terminy zakończenia prac budowlanych nie są obecnie znane17. Wynika to z braku porozumienia między rządem Sudanu a mieszkańcami obszarów zalewowych18. Na tym samym spotkaniu (w British Museum) przedstawiono także dalekosiężne plany związane z zarządzaniem wodami Nilu. Ogłoszono, że w najbliższym czasie (dokładnych dat nie podano) planowane są budowy kolejnych tam na następujących obszarach: tama Dal (katarakta Dam), tama Sabaloka (VI katarakta Nilu), tama Dagash oraz tama Mograt. Wynikiem ostatecznym będzie ciąg sztucznych zbiorników wodnych ulokowanych na obszarach T. Tvedt, The River Nile in the Age of the British: Political Ecology and the Quest for Economic Power, Cairo 2004, s. 51–52. 16 Preserve the Middle Nile, Resume from the Sudan Dam meeting at British Museum 15 May 2012, źródło: https://preservethemiddlenile.wordpress. com/2012/05/22/resume-from-the-sudan-dam-meeting-at-bri tish-museum15-may-2012/ (dostęp: 8.08.2016). 17 D. A. Welsby, A first look at the 5th Cataract, „The British Museum Newsletter. Egypt and Sudan” issue 1(2014), s. 29. 18 C. Kleinitz, Archaeology, Development and Conflict: A Case Study from the African Continent, “Archaeologies: Journal of the World Archaeological Congress” vol. 9 no 1 (2013) s. 173–176. 15 �Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki... 203 o zróżnicowanej formie terenu i o niewielkiej populacji, na przestrzeni całej doliny Nilu Środkowego. Patrząc na te działania przez pryzmat archeologii, można zauważyć pewną sprzeczność. Z jednej strony powstanie sztucznych zbiorników wodnych powoduje zniszczenie dziedzictwa archeologicznego, z drugiej zaś projekty te poprzedzają zakrojone na dużą skalę archeologiczne prace ratownicze19. Intensyfikacja badań naukowych w rejonach zagrożonym prowadzi do nowych odkryć i rozwoju archeologii jako nauki. W trakcie badań ratowniczych na początku XX w. (pierwsze podwyższenie tamy asuańskiej) koncentrowano się na cmentarzyskach. Przebadano ich łącznie 151, w tym ponad 8000 grobów z różnych epok20. Dzięki tym pracom ustalono sekwencję chronologiczną dla całej Nubii. Pozwoliło to na uporządkowanie i usystematyzowanie informacji o pozostałościach przeszłości. Z nielicznymi wyjątkami nie prowadzono wtedy badań pozostałości dawnych osad21. Największym odkryciem akcji ratowniczych z lat 30. XX w. (drugie podwyższenie tamy asuańskiej) były cmentarzyska w Qustul i Ballana (Ryc. 1). Walter Bryan Emery i Laurence Kirwan natrafili tam na groby władców pochodzące z IV do VI w. n.e.22 W. Y. Adams, A Century of Archaeological Salvage, 1907–2007, „Sudan and Nubia” 2007, nr 11, s. 48–56. 20 G. A. Reisner, The Archaeological Survey of Nubia. The Report for 1907-08, 2 tomy, Cairo 1910; C.M. Firth, The Archaeological Survey of Nubia. Report for 1908–1909, Cairo 1912; C.M. Firth, The Archaeological Survey of Nubia. Report for 1909–1910, Cairo 1915; C. M. Firth, The Archaeological Survey of Nubia. Report for 1910–1911, Cairo 1927. 21 W. Y. Adams, A Century of Archaeological Salvage, 1907–2007, „Sudan and Nubia” 2007, nr 11, s. 50–51. 22 W. B. Emery, L. P. Kirwan, The Excavations and Survey between Wadi es-Sebua and Adindan 1929–1931, Cairo 1935; W. B. Emery, The Royal Tombs of Ballana and Qustul, Cairo 1938. 19 �204 Mariusz Drzewiecki O bardzo wysokim statusie zmarłych mogły świadczyć chociażby korony znalezione na głowach osób pochowanych pod gigantycznymi kurhanami (średnica do 70 m). Grobowce były bogato wyposażone. Na podstawie analiz darów grobowych potwierdzono intensywne kontakty tych osób z przedstawicielami Imperium Rzymskiego23. Powstała hipoteza, że byli to przywódcy Nobadów, a jednocześnie foederati, czyli wodzowie, którzy w zamian za różne przywileje oraz podarunki mieli chronić granicy imperium przebiegającej wtedy na wysokości Asuanu (I katarakta Nilu). Akcja ratownicza prowadzona w latach 60. XX w. (budowa wysokiej tamy w Asuanie) została określona jako wielki sukces społeczności międzynarodowej (Ryc. 2)24. Ocalono od zalania m.in. liczne kamienne świątynie. Wszyscy pasjonaci historii słyszeli o wielkiej operacji wycinania i przenoszenia świątyń Ramzesa II w Abu Simbel. Do badań przeszłości Nubii włączyły się wtedy instytucje i naukowcy, którzy wcześniej nie pracowali na tych terenach, także Polacy25. Ich odkrycie katedry w Faras (stolicy średniowiecznego królestwa Nobadii) odbiło się szerokim echem na całym świecie. Katedra została ozdobiona licznymi, bardzo dobrze zachowanymi malowidłami naściennymi przedstawiającymi różne sceny religijne. Polska ekipa uratowała wtedy ponad 120 dzieł sztuki, odcinając je od ścian kościoła w Faras26. Obok odkryć badania ratownicze i przyrost informacji doprowadziły do zwiększenia zainteresowania studiami nad społeczno23 L. Török, Late Antique Nubia. History and archaeology of the southern neighbour of Egypt in the 4th–6th c. A.D. (Antaeus Communicationes ex Instituto Archaeologico Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 16), Budapest 1988, s. 52–53. 24 Shehata Adam Mohamed, Victory in Nubia: Egypt, „The UNESCO Courier”, February/March 1980, s. 5. 25 W. Y. Adams, Nubia Corridor to Africa, Princeton 1977, s. 81–88. 26 K. Michałowski, Faras. Wall Paintings in the Collection of the National Museum in Warsaw, Warsaw 1974. �Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki... 205 ściami doliny Nilu Środkowego. Już nie tylko egiptolodzy zajmowali się badaniami przeszłości regionu, co miało widoczny wpływ na sposoby wyjaśniania zmian obserwowanych w materiale archeologicznym27. W ostatnich latach (2009 r.) zakończono akcję ratowniczą w rejonie IV katarakty (budowa tamy Merowe). W przypadku tego obszaru największym zaskoczeniem dla archeologów była sama liczba pozostałości przeszłości28. We wcześniejszych opracowaniach obszar IV katarakty, ze względu na swoją niedostępność, był traktowany jako region peryferyjny, znajdujący się z dala od głównych ośrodków przeszłych cywilizacji. Jednak badania wykazały niezwykłą Ryc. 2. Okładka „The UNESCO gęstość osadnictwa29. ZarejestroCourier” z lutego/marca 1980 r. B.G. Trigger, Reisner to Adams: Paradigms of Nubian Cultural History, w: J. M. Plumley (red.), Nubian Studies: Proceedings of the Symposium for Nubian Studies, Cambridge 1978, s. 225–226. 28 Salah Mohamed Ahmed, An Introduction to the Merowe Dam Archaeological Salvage Project (MDASP), w: J. R. Anderson, D. A. Welsby (red.), The Fourth Cataract and Beyond. Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies (British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 1), Leuven-ParisWalpole, MA 2014, s. 7–8. 29 D. A. Welsby, The Merowe Dam Archaeological Salvage Project, w: W. Godlewski, A. Łajtar (red.), Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August–2 September 2006. Part One: Main Papers (Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series 2(1), Warsaw 2009, s. 33–47. 27 �206 Mariusz Drzewiecki wano liczne twierdze, galerie rytów naskalnych, cmentarzyska, kościoły itd. Podsumowując, akcje stawiania tam w dolinie Nilu Środkowego z reguły połączone były z rozległymi badaniami archeologicznymi, które powodowały napływ dużej ilości informacji na temat pozostałości przeszłości. Wyjątek od tej reguły stanowi budowa pierwszej tamy w Asuanie (1902 r.). Ogólnie rzecz ujmując, prace ratownicze zakrojone na szeroką skalę skutkowały rozwojem badań oraz zwiększeniem liczby ośrodków i archeologów pracujących w regionie. Zabytki pozyskane w czasie akcji ratowniczych podlegały podziałowi, dzięki czemu w sposób legalny trafiały do muzeów na całym świecie, gdzie znalazły swoje miejsce w galeriach dla zwiedzających30. Mimo korzyści płynących z tego typu projektów, należy zaznaczyć, że środowisko archeologów jednomyślnie rozpoznaje budowę tam i tworzenie sztucznych zbiorników wodnych za projekty uszczuplające i niszczące zasoby dziedzictwa regionu. Z tego powodu prowadzone są intensywne prace, które mają na celu dokumentację zagrożonych zabytków przed zalaniem31, publikowane są apele mające na celu powstrzymanie dalszych tego typu projektów oraz powstają artykuły ukazujące szkodliwe aspekty tych działań32. M. C. De Simone, Nubia and Nubians: the ‘museumization’ of a culture, Leiden 2014, s. 97–98. 31 D. A. Welsby, Dams on the Nile: From Aswan to the Fourth Cataract, „Sudan Studies” 2008, nr 37, s. 5–18. 32 R. Haaland et al. Preserving the Middle Nile (Sudan), „Antiquity” 86, s. 332 źródło: http://antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/haaland332/ (dostęp: 8.08.2016); European Committee for Preserving the Middle Nile, Petition to Stop the Dam in Sudan, „African Archaeological Review” 2012, nr 29/1, s. 1–5; H. HafsaasTsakos, Ethical implications of salvage archaeology and dam building: The clash between archaeologists and local people in Dar al-Manasir, Sudan, „Journal of Social Archaeology” 2011, nr 11/1, s. 49–76; C. Näser, C. Kleinitz, The Good, the 30 �Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki... 207 Systemy irygacji, rozwój współczesnego rolnictwa i osadnictwa a archeologia Drugim najważniejszym środkiem pozwalającym na zarządzanie wodami Nilu są systemy irygacyjne. Kanały rozprowadzające wodę rzeczną w dolinie Nilu Środkowego pozwalają na wykorzystywanie dla celów rolniczych obszarów, do których nie docierają wylewy rzeki. Dotychczasowy rozwój kanałów irygacyjnych skutkował zmianami w osadnictwie. Powstawały nowe wsie, a już istniejące notowały wzrost. Ten sposób nawadniania był wykorzystywany od czasów antycznych, jednak w XX w., dzięki mechanizacji i wprowadzeniu nowych upraw, system znacznie się rozrósł33. Zaczęto stosować pompy spalinowe oraz zapoczątkowano wykorzystanie różnorodnych urządzeń mechanicznych na wielu etapach prac rolnych, zaczynając od przekopywania kanałów irygacyjnych, przygotowywania działek pod uprawy, podlewania, zbiorów, a kończąc na obróbce płodów rolnych34. Dzięki takim działaniom rolnictwo oraz ogólniej osadnictwo mogło rozwijać się na coraz większych obszarach, na przykład na terenach, gdzie brzegi Nilu były stosunkowo wysokie, na skraju doliny, na terenach wyschniętych kanałów Nilu, ujść uedów Bad and the Ugly: A Case Study on the Politicisation of Archaeology and its Consequences from Northern Sudan, w: C. Kleinitz, C. Näser (red.), Nihna naˆs albahar – We are the People of the River. Ethnographic Research in the Fourth Nile Cataract Region, Sudan, Meroitica 26 (2013), s. 269–304. 33 Mohamed M. Ahmed Medani, Agriculture in the Sudan: the Need for a „Blend” between Indigenous Knowledge and Modern Technology, w: Mohamed M. Ahmed Medani (red.), Indigeneous Farming Systems, Knowledge and Practices in the Sudan, Khartoum 1994, s. 9–40. 34 W. S. Mann, Large Mechanized Farming in Sudan, „Zeitschrift für ausländische Landwirtschaft” 1975, t. 14/3, s. 238–248. �208 Mariusz Drzewiecki i w większej odległości od rzeki. Mechanizacja pozwoliła również na uprawę cięższych gleb i wykorzystanie miejsc, które ze względu na występowanie dużej ilości kamieni wcześniej były pomi­jane. Przykładem obrazującym możliwości zmechanizowanego rolnictwa jest obszar pomiędzy wsią Sheheinab a Sheikh El-Tayeb (Ryc. 1). Teren ten znajduje się na lewym brzegu Nilu, około 60 km na północ od Chartumu. Jest to odcinek o długości blisko 6 km, a charakteryzują go niekorzystne warunki rolnicze. Z tego względu pola na tym terenie występowały na względnie wąskim pasie o szerokości nieprzekraczającej 700 m od brzegu rzeki. Ziemie dalej od Nilu są usytuowane wyższej, a podłoże jest żwirowo-kamieniste. Jest to obszar, na którym zespół naukowców z Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu prowadził powierzchniowe prace archeologiczne w latach 2011 i 2012, dokumentując między innymi pozostałości regularnej budowli obronnej o lokalnej nazwie Hosh el-Kab (stanowisko HK 1) oraz znajdujące się nieopodal twierdzy cztery cmentarze kurhanowe (stanowiska HK 3, HK 8, HK 13 oraz HK 14) o nasypach sięgających 1 m wysokości i średnicy od kilku do kilkunastu metrów (Ryc. 3A)35. Żadne z tych stanowisk nie było nigdy obiektem systematycznych badań naukowych, a twierdza Hosh el-Kab, jako jedyna z nich, jest znana z kilku krótkich wzmianek w literaturze naukowej. Rolnicy używający tradycyjnych narzędzi do przygotowania obszarów pod uprawę unikali stanowisk archeologicznych ze względu na licznie występujące kamienie, różnorodne struktury Ali Elmirghani Ahmed, M. Drzewiecki & P. Maliński, Polsko-sudański projekt naukowy „Fortece Sudanu”. Krajobrazy kulturowe w perspektywie badań archeologicznych i etnologicznych, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Sudan bogactwo kultur i wewnętrzne napięcia, Warszawa 2012, s. 51–82; M. Drzewiecki & P. Polkowski Fortified Sites in the Area of the Fifth and Sixth Cataract in Context: Preliminary Reflections, „GAMAR” 2015, nr 8, s. 79–92. 35 �Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki... 209 Ryc. 3. Zobrazowania satelitarne Hosh el-Kab i okolic: A – z roku 2004 z zaznaczonymi stanowiskami archeologicznymi (budowla obronna HK 1 oraz cmentarzyska kurhanowe HK 3, HK 8, HK 13, HK 14); B – z roku 2013, strzałki wskazują wyznaczone granice pól; C – z roku 2014, strzałki wskazują obszary, na których wyrównano powierzchnię oraz przekopano kanał irygacyjny; D – z roku 2015, strzałka wskazuje miejsce wytyczenia kolejnych obszarów rolnych; E – z roku 2016, strzałka wskazuje obszary, na których wyrównano powierzchnię. �210 Mariusz Drzewiecki utrudniające doprowadzenie wody, zróżnicowanie wysokościowe terenu itd. Dzięki temu stanowiska w okolicy Hosh el-Kab były do pewnego stopnia wolne od zagrożeń. Jednak dzięki ciężkiemu sprzętowi te utrudnienia przestały być przeszkodą. Na zobrazowaniach satelitarnych widoczne jest postępujące przygotowanie terenów Hosh el-Kab i okolic pod uprawę (Ryc. 3). Widać, jak zostały wytyczone pola uprawne (Ryc. 3B, D). Jedno z nich pokrywa cmentarzysko kurhanowe HK 13 (w lewym dolnym rogu). Następnie wydzielone obszary były oczyszczane i wyrównywane, zapewne przy użyciu spychacza/traktora z odpowiednim narzędziem (Ryc. 3C, E). Wszystkie kurhany objęte granicami pola uprawnego ze stanowiska HK 13 zostały w ten sposób zniwelowane. Jednocześnie w wyniku prac irygacyjnych stanowisko HK 3 i twierdza HK 1 zostały uszkodzone. Przez mury z północy na południe przebito główny kanał, którym zapewne będzie dostarczana woda z Nilu do wyżej położonych pól (Ryc. 3C-E). Prace ziemne trwają w okolicy Hosh el-Kab od 2013 r. i z pewnością nie zostały jeszcze zakończone. Wydaje się, że działania te zmierzają do przystosowania całości tych terenów do rolnictwa, co oznacza, że za kilka lat wszelkie ślady po – wydawać by się mogło – solidnych, dawnych konstrukcjach mogą być niewidoczne i częściowo lub w całości zniszczone. Autor artykułu wraz z pojawieniem się w sieci zobrazowań satelitarnych pokazujących zniszczenia stanowisk archeologicznych w okolicy Hosh el-Kab podjął kroki w celu zachowania zagrożonego dziedzictwa archeologicznego. Zawiadomił Sudańską Służbę Starożytności w listopadzie 2015 roku o zaistniałej sytuacji oraz przedstawił zobrazowania satelitarne. Niestety do sierpnia 2016 roku urząd ten nie przedsięwziął żadnych działań. Drugim krokiem było złożenie wniosku o finansowanie projektu badawczego do Narodowego Centrum Nauki, który koncentrując się na zagadnieniu zrozumienia upadku Imperium Meroickiego i po- �Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki... 211 wstania królestwa Alodii, pozwoliłby na przeprowadzenie badań archeologicznych na niszczonych stanowiskach w rejonie Hosh el-Kab. Przykład Hosh el-Kab obrazuje, że nawet solidne i dobrze widoczne w terenie pozostałości wzniesione przez dawne społeczności mogą zostać zniszczone w wyniku działań rolniczych. Z kolei postęp w rozwoju obszarów rolnych w Sudanie jest bardzo szybki, największe przyspieszenie zanotowano w drugiej połowie XX w. i na początku XXI w. Proces mechanizacji jest najbardziej rozwinięty na dużych plantacjach, chociaż od lat 60. XX w. rząd sudański wspiera pożyczkami bankowymi również właścicieli mniejszych gospodarstw36. Aby zobrazować szybkość rozszerzania się areałów rolnych, autor przeprowadził porównanie zobrazowań satelitarnych z 1973 i 2014 r. urodzajnego obszaru basenu Kermy (Ryc. 1, 4). Na starszym zobrazowaniu widać obszary uprawne o łącznej powierzchni około 425 km², na młodszym obrazie tereny te obejmują 845 km². Oznacza to, że w ciągu 41 lat powierzchnia uprawna zwiększyła się w basenie Kermy dwu­krotnie. Powiększanie obszarów uprawnych jest z reguły dobrze przyjmowane przez lokalne społeczności. Rolnicy chronią swoje pola i często archeolodzy nie mają na nie wstępu. Naukowcy często zakładają, że pola uprawne zniszczyły starsze ślady lub, aby utrzymać dobre stosunki z mieszkańcami, unikają prowadzenia prac na terenach uprawnych. Jest to widoczne w wynikach archeologicznych badań powierzchniowych, które zazwyczaj koncentrują się na obszarach pogranicza strefy doliny Nilu i pustyni oraz miejscach nad rzeką, gdzie rolnictwo się nie rozwinęło37. Doprowadziło to do sytuacji, w której tereny o największym potencjale 36 M. Ząbek, Historia Sudanu do 1989 roku, w: J. Mantel-Niećko, M. Ząbek (red.), Róg Afryki. Historia i współczesność, Warszawa 1999, s. 135. 37 A. Osman, D. N. Edwards, The Archaeology of a Nubian Frontier Survey on the Nile Third Cataract, Sudan, Bristol 2012, s. 34. �212 Mariusz Drzewiecki Ryc. 4. Basen Kermy. Tło stanowi zobrazowanie satelitarne obszaru z listopada 1973 r. (satelita Corona, materiały odtajnione w 2002 roku i udostępnione przez US Geological Survey). Brązowy kolor wskazuje obszary uprawne o łącznej powierzchni około 425 km² widoczne na zobrazowaniu satelitarnym. Grafitowy kolor wskazuje obszary uprawne w styczniu 2014 r. (wyznaczony na podstawie zobrazowania dostępnego w Bing Maps), o łącznej powierzchni około 845 km². �Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki... 213 rolniczym, czyli takie, na których w przeszłości mogło koncentrować się osadnictwo, pozostają nieprzebadane lub rozpoznane w niewielkim stopniu przez archeologów. Szybkie powiększanie się powierzchni rolnych w Sudanie powoduje kurczenie się przestrzeni w dolinie Nilu dostępnej dla archeologów. W niedalekiej przyszłości być może kolejne pokolenia archeologów zainteresują się obszarami uprawnymi. Wtedy pojawi się dużo problemów, z którymi zmaga się wiele państw, mianowicie kwestie zezwoleń na pracę w obszarach rolnych oraz problem wynagradzania za naruszanie upraw. Wnioski Budowa tam na Nilu, tworzenie zbiorników retencyjnych i rozwój systemów irygacyjnych powoduje uszczuplenie zasobów dziedzictwa archeologicznego Sudanu. W tym kontekście zaobserwować można koncentrację wysiłków na dużych międzynarodowych akcjach ratowniczych związanych ze spiętrzaniem wód rzeki. Jednocześnie rozwój obszarów rolnych pozostaje z reguły bez nadzoru archeologicznego. Jak zatem zarządzanie wodami Nilu Środkowego wpływa na rozwój badań nad przeszłością? Sytuacja ta powoduje nierównomierny przyrost wiedzy na temat przeszłości. Obszary zalewowe są obecnie najlepiej rozpoznanymi terenami w dolinie Nilu Środkowego, z kolei regiony, gdzie rolnictwo zajęło znaczne obszary wzdłuż rzeki brakuje takich badań. Jezioro, które powstało w wyniku budowy tamy Merowe w lipcu 2016 r. zajmowało powierzchnię około 715 km². W ramach akcji ratowniczej towarzyszącej temu projektowi rozpoznano oraz przebadano setki stanowisk archeologicznych. Z kolei wspomniane już obszary rolne w basenie Kermy w styczniu 2014 r. obejmo- �214 Mariusz Drzewiecki wały około 845 km². Zajmowały więc większą powierzchnię niż jezioro. Natomiast stan badań tych terenów nie jest satysfakcjonujący. Jedynym obszarem, gdzie prowadzone są systematyczne prace naukowe są pozostałości starożytnej Kermy, która na podstawie obecnego stanu badań jest uważana za ewenement w skali Sudanu i całej Afryki subsaharyjskiej38. W jakiej skali jest to ewenement, a w jakiej wynik braku badań na pozostałych obszarach rolnych basenu Kermy? Pytanie to pozostaje do tej pory bez odpowiedzi. Czy zatem w ogóle możemy mówić o rozwoju archeologii w kontekście projektów, których skutkiem ubocznym jest niszczenie śladów przeszłości? Jakie może to mieć konsekwencje dla przyszłości tej nauki? O rozwoju archeologii nie ma mowy w sytuacji, kiedy badania ratownicze nie mają miejsca. Można zatem powiedzieć, że największym zagrożeniem dla archeologii regionu jest niekontrolowane zwiększanie obszarów uprawnych. Wydaje się, że w najbliższej przyszłości archeolodzy chcący badać dawne społeczności doliny Nilu Środkowego będą zmuszeni wypracować metody rozpoznawania stanowisk archeologicznych na obszarach rolnych oraz sposoby współpracy z właścicielami gruntów. Bibliografia Adams W. Y., Nubia Corridor to Africa, Princeton 1977. Adams W. Y., A Century of Archaeological Salvage, 1907–2007, „Sudan and Nubia” 2007, nr 11, s. 48–56. Ali Elmirghani Ahmed, M. Drzewiecki & P. Maliński, Polsko-sudański projekt naukowy „Fortece Sudanu”. Krajobrazy kulturowe w perspektywie badań archeologicznych i etnologicznych, w: W. Cisło, D. N. Edwards, The Nubian Past: an archaeology of the Sudan, AbingdonNew York 2004, s. 17. 38 �Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki... 215 J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Sudan bogactwo kultur i wewnętrzne napięcia, Warszawa 2012, s. 51–82. Arkell A. J., A History of the Sudan. From the Earliest Times to 1821, London 1961. Bewley R., Wilson A., Fradley M., Kennedy D., Jennings R., Mattingly D., Mason R., Banks R., Rayne L., Bishop M., Sterry M., Bradbury J., Sheldrick N., Cunliffe E., Zerbini A., Endangered Archaeology in the Middle East and North Africa: Introducing the EAMENA Project, w: S. Campana, R. Scopigno, G. Carpentiero, M. Cirillo (red.), CAA2015 Keep the Revolution Going. Proceedings of the 43rd Annual Conference on Computer Applications and Quantitative Methods In Archaeology, Oxford 2016, s. 919–932. Bradley R. J., Nomads in the Archaeological Record. Case Studies in the Northern Provinces of the Sudan (Meroitica 13), Berlin 1992. Conniff K., Molden D., Peden D. & S. B. Awulachew, Nile water and agriculture. Past, present and future, w: S. B. Awulachew, V. Smakhtin, D. Modlen, D. Peden (red.), The Nile River Basin: Water, Agriculture, Governance and Livelihoods, Abingdon-New York 2012, s. 5–29. De Simone M. C., Nubia and Nubians: the ‘museumization’ of a culture, Leiden 2014. Drzewiecki M. & P. Maliński, Jawgul - a Village Between Towers, „Sudan and Nubia” 2013, nr 17, s. 101–108. Drzewiecki M., P. Polkowski Fortified Sites in the Area of the Fifth and Sixth Cataract in Context: Preliminary Reflections, „GAMAR” 2015, nr 8, s. 79–92. Edwards D. N., The Nubian Past: an archaeology of the Sudan, Abingdon-New York 2004. Emery W. B., The Royal Tombs of Ballana and Qustul, Cairo 1938. Emery W. B. & L. P. Kirwan, The Excavations and Survey between Wadi es-Sebua and Adindan 1929–1931, Cairo 1935. European Committee for Preserving the Middle Nile, Petition to Stop the Dam in Sudan, „African Archaeological Review” 2012, nr 29/1, s. 1–5. �216 Mariusz Drzewiecki Firth C. M., The Archaeological Survey of Nubia. Report for 1908–1909, Cairo 1912. Firth C. M., The Archaeological Survey of Nubia. Report for 1909–1910, Cairo 1915. Firth C. M., The Archaeological Survey of Nubia. Report for 1910–1911, Cairo 1927. Haaland R., Mitchell P., Hafsaas-Tsakos H., Tsakos A., Garcea E. & H.Å. Nordstöm, Preserving the Middle Nile (Sudan), „Antiquity” 86, s. 332, źródło: http://antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/haaland332/ (dostęp: 8.08.2016). Hafsaas-Tsakos H., Ethical implications of salvage archaeology and dam building: The clash between archaeologists and local people in Dar al-Manasir, Sudan, „Journal of Social Archaeology” 2011, nr 11/1, s. 49–76. Honegger M., Recent advances in our understanding of prehistory in northern Sudan, w: J. R. Anderson, D. A. Welsby (red.), The Fourth Cataract and Beyond Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies (British Museum Publications on Egypt and Sudan 1), Leuven-Paris-Walpole, MA 2014, s. 19–30. Kimenyi M., J. Mbaku, Governing the Nile River Basin. The Search for a New Legal Regime, Washington 2015. Kleinitz C., Archaeology, Development and Conflict: A Case Study from the African Continent, „Archaeologies: Journal of the World Archaeological Congress” vol. 9 no 1 (2013) s. 162–191. Kuper R., S. Kröpelin, Climate-Controlled Holocene Occupation in the Sahara: Motor of Africa’s Evolution, „Science” 2006, nr 313, s. 803–807. Luhmann H.-J., The emerging conflict of using Nile water for irrigation purposes, especially between Egypt and Ethiopia, due to the disturbance of the reliability of the arrival of the Monsoon season as triggered by European/Asian brown cloud, w: Lozán, J. L., H. Grassl, P. Hupfer, L. Menzel, C.-D. Schönwiese, Global Change: Enough water for all?, Hamburg 2007, s. 244–249. Mann W. S., Large Mechanized Farming in Sudan, „Zeitschrift für ausländische Landwirtschaft” 1975, t. 14/3, s. 238–248. �Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki... 217 Michałowski K., Faras. Wall Paintings in the Collection of the National Museum in Warsaw, Warsaw 1974. Mohamed M. Ahmed Medani, Agriculture in the Sudan: the Need for a „Blend” between Indigenous Knowledge and Modern Technology, w: Mohamed M. Ahmed Medani (red.), Indigeneous Farming Systems, Knowledge and Practices in the Sudan, Khartoum 1994, s. 9–40. C. Näser, C. Kleinitz, The Good, the Bad and the Ugly: A Case Study on the Politicisation of Archaeology and its Consequences from Northern Sudan, w: C. Kleinitz, C. Näser (red.), Nihna naˆs albahar – We are the People of the River. Ethnographic Research in the Fourth Nile Cataract Region, Sudan, „Meroitica” 2013, nr 26, s. 269–304. Nile Basin Initiative, State of the River Nile Basin Report 2012, źródło: http://nileis.nilebasin.org/system/files/Nile%20SoB%20Report%20Chpater%202%20-%20Water%20resources.pdf (dos­ tęp: 7.08.2016). Osman A., The Folklore of Archaeological Sites: A Case Study from Nawri in the Third Cataract region, w: J. Sterner, N. David (red.), An African Commitment. Papers in honour of Peter Lewis Shinnie, Calgary 1992, s. 31–34. Osman A. & D.N. Edwards, The Archaeology of a Nubian Frontier Survey on the Nile Third Cataract, Sudan, Bristol 2012. Paner H. & M. Masojć, From Old Sennar, Bejrawiya and Fourth Cataract to the Bayuda Desert. Twenty years of Gdańsk archaeologists in Sudan – a short overview, „GAMAR” 2015, nr 8, s. 9–27. Preserve the Middle Nile, Resume from the Sudan Dam meeting at British Museum 15 May 2012, źródło: https://preservethemiddlenile. wordpress.com/2012/05/22/resume-from-the-sudan-dammeeting-at-british-museum-15-may-2012/ (dostęp: 8.08.2016). Reisner G. A., The Archaeological Survey of Nubia. The Report for 1907– 08, t. 1–2, Cairo 1910. Salah Mohamed Ahmed, An Introduction to the Merowe Dam Archaeological Salvage Project (MDASP), w: J.R. Anderson, D. A. Welsby (red.), The Fourth Cataract and Beyond. Proceedings of the 12th International Conference for Nubian Studies (British Museum Pub- �218 Mariusz Drzewiecki lications on Egypt and Sudan 1), Leuven-Paris-Walpole, MA 2014, s. 5–8. S. Salvatori, D. Usai, The Sudanese Neolithic revisited, „CRIPEL” 2006, nr 26, s. 323–333. Shehata Adam Mohamed, Victory in Nubia: Egypt, „The UNESCO Courier”, February/March 1980, s. 5–10. Török L., Late Antique Nubia. History and archaeology of the southern neighbour of Egypt in the 4th–6th c. A. D. (Antaeus Communicationes ex Instituto Archaeologico Academiae Scientiarum Hunga­ ricae 16), Budapest 1988. Trigger B. G., History and Settlement in Lower Nubia (Yale University Publications in Anthropology 69), New Haven 1965. Trigger B. G., Reisner to Adams: Paradigms of Nubian Cultural History, w: J. M. Plumley (red.), Nubian Studies: Proceedings of the Symposium for Nubian Studies, Cambridge 1978, s. 223–226. Tvedt T., The River Nile in the Age of the British: Political Ecology and the Quest for Economic Power, Cairo 2004. Welsby D. A., The Medieval Kingdoms of Nubia. Pagans, Christians and Muslims along the Middle Nile, London 2002. Welsby D. A., Dams on the Nile: From Aswan to the Fourth Cataract, „Sudan Studies” 2008, nr 37, s. 5–18. Welsby D. A., The Merowe Dam Archaeological Salvage Project, w: W. Godlewski, A. Łajtar (red.), Between the Cataracts. Proceedings of the 11th Conference of Nubian Studies, Warsaw University, 27 August – 2 September 2006. Part One: Main Papers (Polish Archaeology in the Mediterranean Supplement Series 2 (1), Warsaw 2009, s. 33–47. Welsby D. A., A first look at the 5th Cataract, „The British Museum Newsletter. Egypt and Sudan” issue 1 (2014), s. 29. Ząbek M., Historia Sudanu do 1989 roku, w: J. Mantel-Niećko, M. Ząbek (red.), Róg Afryki. Historia i współczesność, Warszawa 1999, s. 107–182. �Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki... 219 Zatrzymać najdłuższą rzekę Afryki. Konsekwencje archeologiczne projektów zarządzania wodami Nilu Streszczenie Szerokie plany modernizacyjne rządu sudańskiego oraz gwałtowny rozwój osadnictwa w dolinie Nilu Środkowego skłaniają do refleksji na temat dotychczasowych działań archeologicznych w tym kraju oraz ich najbliższej przyszłości. W tym kontekście autor artykułu podejmuje próbę odpowiedzenia na następujące pytania: jak zarządzanie wodami Nilu Środkowego wpływa na rozwój badań nad przeszłością? Czy w ogóle możemy mówić o rozwoju archeologii w kontekście projektów, których skutkiem ubocznym jest niszczenie śladów przeszłości? Jakie może to mieć konsekwencje dla przyszłości tej nauki? Można zaobserwować nierównomierny przyrost wiedzy na temat przeszłości. Obszary zalewowe, odcinki Nilu, gdzie powstały zbiorniki retencyjne, są obecnie najlepiej przebadanymi terenami w dolinie Nilu Środkowego, z kolei regiony, gdzie systemy irygacyjne i rolnictwo zajęły znaczne obszary wzdłuż rzeki rozpoznanie archeologiczne jest bardzo słabe. O rozwoju archeologii nie ma mowy w sytuacji, kiedy badania ratownicze nie mają miejsca. Można zatem powiedzieć, że największym zagrożeniem dla archeologii regionu jest niekontrolowane zwiększanie obszarów uprawnych. Wydaje się, że przy postępującym rozwoju terenów rolnych w najbliższej przyszłości archeolodzy chcący badać dawne społeczności doliny Nilu Środkowego będą zmuszeni wypracować metody rozpoznawania stanowisk archeologicznych na obszarach uprawnych oraz określić sposoby współpracy z właścicielami gruntów. Słowa klucze: Sudan, środkowy Nil, Nubia, archeologiczne badania ratownicze, ochrona dziedzictwa archeologicznego, analiza zobrazowań satelitarnych. �220 Mariusz Drzewiecki Controlling Africa’s longest river. Archaeological consequences of Nile waters management projects Summary Extensive modernization plans of the Sudan government and rapid development of settlement in the Middle Nile Valley lead to reflection on archaeological research in the country and its immediate future. In this context, the author attempts to answer the following questions: how Nile Middle waters management projects influence the development of archaeological research? Can we talk about the development of archaeology in the context of projects whose side effect is the destruction of archaeological heritage? What implications does it have for the future of this branch of science? We can observe the uneven growth of knowledge about the past. Areas, where dams were build and large-scale salvage operations were conducted are currently the best identified in the Middle Nile valley, while the regions where agriculture covers large territories along the river the research is scarcer. We can’t talk about the development of archaeology in a situation where salvage research is not conducted. In conclusion, one could say that the greatest threat to the archaeology of the region is the uncontrolled increase in agricultural lands. It seems, therefore, that in the near future archaeologists who want to study the ancient communities of the Middle Nile valley will be forced to develop methods to identify archaeological sites in agricultural areas and establish ways of cooperation with local landowners. Key words: Sudan, Middle Nile, Nubia, archaeological salvage projects, protection of archaeological heritage, satellite imagery analysis. �� https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/df2c5f190f57df069b528d795a1857ec.pdf 25d0239ee890acff2a6f4832a8f929f3 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:6647 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Subject The topic of the resource Sudan a Polska Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:6215 Title A name given to the resource Bilad as-Sudan: Polska a strefa Sudanu Description An account of the resource Bilad as-Sudan t.5, 294 s. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cisło, Waldemar (red.) Różański, Jarosław (red.) Ząbek Maciej (red.) Language A language of the resource pol. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Bernardinum Type The nature or genre of the resource książka Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Bilad as-Sudan Polska a strefa Sudanu �Bilad as-Sudan Polska a strefa Sudanu �Bilad as-Sudan pod red. Waldemara Cisło, Jarosława Różańskiego i Macieja Ząbka 1. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – kultury i migracje, Warszawa 2013. 2. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – napięcia i konflikty, Pelplin 2014. 3. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – dziedzictwo przeszłości, Pelplin 2015. 4. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – kultura i polityka, Pelplin 2016. 5. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – Polska a strefa Sudanu, Pelplin 2017. �Bilad as-Sudan Polska a strefa Sudanu Praca pod redakcją Waldemara Cisło, Jarosława Różańskiego, Macieja Ząbka 2017 �Recenzenci: prof. UJ dr hab. Robert Kłosowicz dr hab. Wiesław Lizak Okładka: foto str. 1: Nieukończona budowa Domu Polskiego w Chartumie – inicjatywa byłych studentów z Polski. Foto: M. Ząbek. foto str. 4: Wioska sudańska w północnej Ugandzie. Foto: M. Ząbek. © Copyright by Jarosław Różański, 2017 Wydawnictwo „Bernardinum” Sp. z o.o. ul. Biskupa Dominika 11, 83-130 Pelplin tel. +48 58 536 17 57, fax +48 58 536 17 26 bernardinum@bernardinum.com.pl www.bernardinum.com.pl ISBN 978-83-8127-035-9 Skład, druk i oprawa Drukarnia Wydawnictwa „Bernardinum” Sp. z o.o., Pelplin �SPIS TREŚCI JACEK ŁAPOTT Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska?....................................... 7 LUCJAN BUCHALIK Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017)................... 37 RYSZARD VORBRICH Kamerun Północny – laboratorium polskiej afrykanistyki antropologicznej............................................... 91 NINA PAWLAK Hausa a sprawa polska. Od Orchideenfach do współpracy rozwojowej................................................... 125 JOANNA BAR Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego (1908–1909)..................................... 139 BŁAŻEJ POPŁAWSKI Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej.................................. 169 KRYSTYNA KAMIŃSKA Jan Dybowski (1856–1928) – zapomniany odkrywca Afryki............................................ 197 ANETA PAWŁOWSKA Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii – skarby Galerii Faras w Muzeum Narodowym w Warszawie.................................. 215 �KATARZYNA ANNA MICH Z Nubii do Polski – biskupi farascy na Cmentarzu Bródnowskim w Warszawie........................... 247 ANNA NADOLSKA-STYCZYŃSKA Opowieści znad Nigru. Francuska Afryka Zachodnia w opisach Jerzego Giżyckiego.............................................. 261 �JACEK ŁAPOTT GDZIE KRAJ DOGONÓW, A GDZIE POLSKA? Wśród wielu grup etnicznych Afryki są też takie, które od dziesiątków już lat otoczone są nimbem tajemnicy, niedomówień czy nawet formą popularności medialnej przekraczającej granice ich odmienności. Do jednej z tych grup należą bez wątpienia Dogonowie. Społeczność rolnicza zajmująca się do niedawna żmudną, kopieniaczą uprawą prosa na niewielkich górskich tarasach masywu Bandiagara gdzieś na południu Mali. Oczywiście, jak przy wielu innych tego rodzaju encyklopedycznych skrótach, nie jest to pełny obraz podstaw ekonomicznych tego plemienia1. Nie jest to społeczność mała, liczy bowiem współcześnie około 400 000 członków. Tylko jej część (i to nie ta największa) żyje na tzw. rumowisku skalnym u stóp masywu. To oni parają się malowniczą, tarasową uprawą ziemi – ci Dogonowie żyjący czy to na płaskowyżu masywu, czy w dolinie otaczającej masyw, posiadają zgoła „typowe” dla innych części Afryki pola i wioski. Dr hab. Jacek Łapott – prof. US, Instytut Historii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych, Uniwersytet Szczeciński 1 Mocno wrośnięte w polską terminologię etnologiczną historyczne już określenie „plemię” stosuję w sposób uproszczony, jako nieostrą jednostkę klasyfikacji społecznej, bez wnikania w stopień spoistości społecznej i tożsamości członków tej grupy. �8 Jacek Łapott Zainteresowanie zarówno badaczy, jak i odwiedzających budzą jednak głównie nie niecodziennie usytuowane wioski, a nie do końca dziś opisany ich mit etiologiczny, wiedza astronomiczna czy nietypowa twórczość artystyczna. Poczynając od dziesiątków masek, a kończąc na nie mniejszej ilości rzeźb-fetyszy czy rzemiosła artystycznego. Początki tej popularyzacji zaczęły się tuż po II wojnie światowej za sprawą niecodziennej publikacji M. Griaule’a pt. Dieu d’eau. Entretiens avec Ogotemméli2. Była ona jakby finałem wieloletniego pobytu grupy etnologów francuskich wśród tej społeczności. Powstało szereg fundamentalnych publikacji przez lata niedostępnych w Polsce. Wydany w 1965 roku Le renard pâle. I – Le mythe cosmogonique. I –La creation du monde tegoż M. Griaule’a i G. Dieterlena przeszedł bez większego echa, mimo że potwierdzał niecodzienną wiedzę astronomiczną wspomnianej społeczności3. Dopiero praca E. Guerriera (autora posiadającego wiedzę astronomiczną) z 1975 r. zatytułowana Essai sur la cosmogonie des Dogon zwróciła zainteresowanie mediów na niecodzienne przekazy tego plemienia. Opisany w Le renard pâle mit nabrał zupełnie innego wymiaru, gdy jego analizą zajął się ktoś mający odpowiednią wiedzę astronomiczną. W dobie „przedinternetowej” informacje te, traktowane zgoła jak sensacyjne „newsy”, szybko obiegły „cały świat” i wzmogły zainteresowanie tak niecodzienną kulturą. C. Kleinitz omawiając historię badań kultury Dogonów, stwierdza po prostu, że badania tej społeczności w ostatniej ćwierci XX w. mają „quasi-przemysłową” skalę i skutkowały ponad 1800 publikacjami na temat różnych aspektów kultury tego plemienia4. Wyd. Paris 1948. Wyd. Paris 1965. 4 Zob. http://www.necep.net/society (dostęp: 24.01.2010). NECEP – Non European Components of European Ptrimony. 2 3 �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 9 Wśród tej grupy znalazło się także ciągle powiększające się grono Polaków. Poznawanie i opisywanie kultury Dogonów jest trudnym zadaniem. Wiele z tych publikacji jest zbyt powierzchownych, by traktować je poważnie, inne opierają się na materiale wtórnym, jeszcze inne są li tylko kolorowymi albumami z niecodziennymi fotogramami. Już podczas pierwszych kontaktów z Dogonami w latach 30. XX w. M. Leiris pisał: Wydaje się, że nic nie posuwa się naprzód i że ludzie, jeśli wyjawią kilka swoich małych sekretów, starannie ukrywają to, co najważniejsze… Wspaniała religijność. To co sakralne znajduje się we wszystkich kątach. Wszystko wydaje się mądre i ważne5. W Polsce poznanie niektórych aspektów kultury Dogonów rozpoczęło się tak naprawdę za sprawą A. Mostowicza w latach 70. XX w. Popularyzował on wiedzę na temat „tych z kosmosu” na łamach popularnych podówczas tygodników: „Dookoła Świata”, „Razem” czy „Tygodnika Powszechnego”6. To za sprawą obszernych artykułów na temat wiedzy kosmogonicznej tej społeczności, zamieszczonych w trzech kolejnych numerach „Dookoła Świata”, uczestnicy Studenckiej Ekspedycji Etnograficznej AFRYKA 76–77 zmierzający do Kamerunu w celu penetracji po stu latach tzw. Trasy S. Rogozińskiego „odbili” w Niamey do Mali i do kraju Dogonów7. Ta odważna decyzja zaowocowała nie tylko interesującymi pracami magisterskimi i bogatymi zbiorami mu5 M. Leiris, L’Afrique fantôme, Paris 1934, cyt. za : I. Fiemeyer, Marcel Griaule citoyen dogon, Paris 2004. 6 Artykuły te (z czasem poszerzone) przybrały formę książkową. Zob. A. Mostowicz, My z Kosmosu, Warszawa 1978 oraz wyd. II, kolejny raz poszerzone: Warszawa 1984. 7 Zob. J. Łapott, Studencka Ekspedycja Etnograficzna AFRYKA 76–77 – sprawozdanie z przebiegu i wyników działalności etnologicznej wyprawy do Afryki, w: „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1978, t. 25, s. 283–319. �10 Jacek Łapott zealiów, ale i kontynuacją tych zainteresowań zarówno przez nich samych, jak i przez ich współpracowników w kolejnych dekadach8. Z kronikarskiego obowiązku należałoby dodać, że pierwsze kontakty Polaków z tą grupą etniczną nastąpiły zapewne wcześniej. Udokumentowany publikacją jest pobyt W. Korabiewicza na początku lat 60. XX wieku9. Trudno dziś z perspektywy kilkudziesięciu lat ocenić jego opis uroczystości pogrzebowej we wsi Banani: Harmider straszliwy, niesamowite zawodzenie. Od prochowego dymu powstaje swąd i tuman, a ponad tym wszystkim, na dachu ten stary czarownik tańczy bez przerwy i dzwoni. Chyba wprawił się w jakiś trans, skoro coraz to wali głową w mur i pada, znowu zaraz się zrywa i znowu wali głową w mur. Obłędny, szalony taniec furiata… Nagle rozległ się piskliwy wrzask, tłum zafalował, rzucił się do panicznej ucieczki. W oczach niekłamane przerażenie, patrzą w kierunku skalnej ściany. I oto gdzieś, jakby z podziemia, wyłażą komiczne maszkarki, małe zgrabne kobietki w spódniczkach z czerwonej rafii typu hula-hula, w maskach z muszelek białych, piersi z takichże muszelek, bo nie są to wcale kobiety, tylko przebrani chłopcy… Przypatruję się uważnie maskom. Są bardzo prymitywnie i raczej niedbale sklecone, bez rzeźb i bez żadnych artystycznych walorów, prócz samej tylko, bardzo oryginalnej, powiedziałbym dziwacznej inwencji10. Chciałoby się powiedzieć: inne czasy, inne obyczaje zarówno opisującego, jak i opisywanych. Już po kilkunastu latach od pobytu wymienionego autora, w czasie wspomnianej pierwszej wyprawy, obyczaje zdawały się być nieco rozluźnione, a ocena sztuki dogońskiej zmieniła się diametralnie. Po kolejnych trzydziestu pięciu latach, z racji swoistej inwazji turystów (do 2012 roku), okazało się, że wszystko jest już na sprzedaż, 8 10 grudnia 2016 r. Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach zorganizowało spotkanie z kilkoma uczestnikami tej wyprawy, czcząc 40-lecie tych zainteresowań. 9 Zob. W. Korabiewicz, Do Timbuktu, Warszawa 1967. 10 W. Korabiewicz, op. cit. s. 253, 254, 255. �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 11 a sprzedawane artefakty tworzone „w stylu dogońskim” powstawały bardzo daleko od kraju Dogonów. Wracając do działań Polaków w tym rejonie, warto nadmienić, że jednym z pierwszych naukowców, jaki trafił w ten rejon był W. Filipowiak, archeolog, podówczas dyrektor Muzeum Narodowego w Szczecinie, silnie związany z Afryką z racji swoich poszukiwań i badań stolicy średniowiecznego Mali11. Zaproszony przez organizatorów uczestniczył w Premier Colloque international de Bamako (27 janvier – 1-er février 1975) zorganizowanym przez Fondation SCOA pour la recherche scientifique en Afrique Noire (Projet Boucle du Niger). W programie tego seminarium był także krótki objazd kraju Dogonów. Uczestnicy wyprawy z 1977 r. mogli się jeszcze zapoznać z informacjami na temat podróży po tym kraju z wydanej w Polsce w roku 1960 książki J.-F. Waltera pt. Afrykańska włóczęga12. Jej autor jako siedemnastolatek wraz z kolegą odbył podróż do ówczesnej Francuskiej Afryki Zachodniej, m.in. do kraju Dogonów. Zamieszczone w książce informacje zgromadzone w okresie funkcjonowania administracji francuskiej są mocno niejednolite. Obok informacji uzyskanych wśród rodzimych, francuskich rezydentów: Nie jedźcie tam; „oni” ugotują z was rosół, a z waszych goleni i łopatek zrobią kastaniety… Dowódca okręgu Bandiagara notuje co roku prawie sześćdziesiąt wypadków zaginięcia dzieci z sąsiednich plemion. Kupują je Dogoni i składają jako ofiary ludzkie… widać wyraźnie zainteresowania młodych „badaczy”: Uwagę naszą przyciągają tysiące szczegółów: domy, których fasady tworzą szachownice prostokątnych nisz, a wierzchołki obrzeżone są rzędem białych kamieni; małe, malowane jaskrawo budowle, poobwieszane poczer11 Zob. W. Filipowiak, Ėtudes archéologiques sur la capitale médiévale du Mali, Szczecin 1979 oraz tenże: Średniowieczna stolica królestwa Mali – Niani w VI–XVII wieku, Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków-Gdańsk-Łódź 1981. 12 J.-F. Walter, Afrykańska włóczęga, Warszawa 1960. �12 Jacek Łapott niałymi fetyszami i czaszkami zwierząt; okrągłe chaty z kamienia, do których przewodnik nie pozwala nam się zbliżyć; obszerna szopa skonstruowana z trzech rzędów rzeźbionych słupów, na których spoczywa gruba strzecha z łodyg prosa13. Uczestnicy SEE Afryka 76–77 pomimo fascynacji opisami wiedzy kosmogonicznej Dogonów nie mieli ambicji związanej z jej zgłębianiem. Jako początkujący afrykaniści terenowi postanowili skoncentrować się na innych dziedzinach kultury. R. Vorbrich zainteresował się garncarstwem, W. Żukowski – budownictwem, a T. Szymaniak – kowalstwem. Dalsze zainteresowanie Dogonami pozwoliło R. Vorbrichowi rozwinąć tezy swojej pracy magisterskiej w dwa źródłowe artykuły. Według autora: Garnek nawet bez ornamentów jest symbolem człowieka, tak więc w myśl doktryny Dogonów garncarka formując garnek, tworzy istotę ludzką, zaś przykładając do maty, nadaje mu cechy ludzkiej głowy. Powierzchnia garnka zdobionego na macie piru rzeczywiście może przypominać krótko ostrzyżoną głowę człowieka rasy nigryckiej (kręcone włosy)14. Pokłosiem tej wyprawy był także kolejny artykuł przygotowany przez niżej podpisanego pt. Tradycjonalizm kulturowy plemienia Dogon z Mali. Tuż po pierwszym sezonie badawczym autor pisał w nim: W sytuacji zachowania mechanizmu międzypokoleniowego przekazu logicznie sprawnej i funkcjonalnej tradycji rola kontaktów kulturowych nie jest decydująca i nie stanowi o upadku kultury. Lecz odwrotnie – dostrzeżenie plemiennych różnic może wzmocnić po13 Ibidem, s. 64, 81. Autor ukończył studia antropologiczne, a następnie wydał później drugą pracę ukazującą wyniki tych badań: La vie religieuse chez les Dogons du Mali. Témoignages recueillis en 1952, Paris 2016. 14 Zob. R. Vorbrich, Naczynia gliniane Dogonów, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1980, t. 26, s. 471–488, cyt. na s. 477; Produkcja garncarska Dogonów, „Etnografia Polska” 1982, t. 26, z. 1. Autor pokusił się o konwencję stosowania, w miarę możliwości, przy wyliczaniu kolejnych prac dłuższych cytatów z ich treści. Pozwala to ocenić czytelnikowi szeroki zakres poruszanych tematów. �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 13 czucie własnej odrębności i rodzimego dziedzictwa. W takim ujęciu tradycjonalizm byłby świadomą, pełną akceptacją wartościowego wzoru kulturowego pozostawionego przez przodków, wykształconego w ramach własnej historii i przekazywanego w sposób bezpośredni kolejnym pokoleniom15. Z racji udziału w wyprawie pracownika Muzeum Narodowego w Szczecinie jej uczestnicy gromadzili także artefakty ukazujące w zasadzie wszystkie dziedziny życia odwiedzanych społeczności. Zgromadzona w ten sposób kolekcja liczyła 1309 eksponatów, z czego ponad 400 sztuk dotyczyło tylko Dogonów16. Zbiory te w owym czasie były naprawdę niecodzienną kolekcją w naszym kraju. Po powrocie ekspedycji do Polski zorganizowano kilka wystaw ukazujących plony wyprawy (nie tylko kulturę Dogonów): w Szczecinie, Poznaniu i Kaliszu (Dogonowie i inni) oraz jedną monograficzną w Museum für Völkerkunde w Dreźnie w roku 1979, pod tytułem Dogon die Kultur eines westafrikanischen Bauervolkes. W następnych latach, wskutek kolejnych kontaktów zbiory te sukcesywnie powiększano. Zaowocowało to nawet, zapewne jedyną w Europie, stałą ekspozycją poświęconą tej społeczności w ramach większej wystawy Afryka na południe od Sahary. Dziś zbiory dogońskie w Muzeum Narodowym w Szczecinie liczą ponad 800 sztuk różnorodnych eksponatów. Jedynym muzeum w Polsce z porównywalnymi zbiorami kultury Dogonów jest Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach, gdzie jest ich około 35017. 15 Trzeci Świat w polskich badaniach etnograficznych, M. Parandowska (red.), Warszawa 1987, s. 211–233. Cyt. ze strony 227. 16 J. Łapott, op. cit., s. 316; E. Prądzyńska, Zbiory afrykańskie Muzeum Narodowego w Szczecinie – historia gromadzenia, w: Afryka – 40 lat penetracji oraz poznawania ludów i ich kultur, J. Łapott (red.), Szczecin 2004, s. 364. 17 Przed oddaniem tego artykułu do druku Muzeum Narodowe w Szczecinie otworzyło wystawę czasową Zapatrzeni w niebo Dogonowie i ich sztuka powstałą z części świeżo nabytej kolekcji. �14 Jacek Łapott Ukazujące się z rzadka w latach 70. XX w. prace na temat kultur i historii Afryki częstokroć poświęcają poszczególne rozdziały Dogonom. Tak jest z Kosmogonią Dogonów w pracy S. Piłaszewicza pt. Afrykańska księga rodzaju czy w odpowiednich akapitach książki M. Tymowskiego Historia Mali18. Początek lat 80. XX wieku nie służył działalności terenowej etnologów polskich w Afryce. Do tematu wrócono w roku 1984 za sprawą studentów etnografii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, którzy zorganizowali kolejną wyprawę na kontynent afrykański – w tym także do kraju Dogonów. Niestety awaria samochodu spowodowała przedwczesny powrót większości uczestników do Polski. Jedynie L. Buchalik i S. Szafrański postanowili na własną rękę dotrzeć do ojczyzny tego plemienia i odwiedzili kilka wiosek masywu Bandiagara. Zainteresowanie Dogonami zaowocowało pracą magisterską L. Buchalika opublikowaną następnie w dwóch częściach w „Materiałach Zachodniopomorskich”. Nowatorska w swym zamyśle praca omawiała szczegółowo Historię badań… tej grupy etnicznej i jej kultury19. Kolejną pracą magisterską poświęconą Dogonom była praca D. Iwińskiej, jednej z uczestniczek wyprawy Tkactwo i jego wyroby w plemieniu Dogon (Mali). Praca powstała głównie w oparciu o zbiory Muzeum Narodowego w Szczecinie20. Lata 80. XX w. to również okres zainteresowań m.in. krajem Dogonów K. Izaka i studentów Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, którzy zorganizowali kilka ekspedycji do Afryki Północnej i ZaS. Piłaszewicz, Afrykańska księga rodzaju Mity i legendy ludów Afryki Zachodniej, Warszawa 1978, s. 218–236; M. Tymowski, Historia Mali, WrocławWarszawa-Kraków-Gdańsk 1979. 19 L. Buchalik, Historia i stan badań kultury Dogonów, cz. 1, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie”, t. 32, s. 455–518; cz. 2, t. 33, s. 391–420. 20 D. Iwińska, Tkactwo i jego wyroby w plemieniu Dogon (Mali), „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1987, t. 33, s. 327–365. 18 �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 15 chodniej21. Wyprawy odbyły się w latach 1979/1980, 1981 oraz 1983/1984. Szczególnie istotna była wyprawa „Afryka 83–84”, która zgromadziła podczas pobytu w kraju Dogonów 103 obiekty poświęcone kulturze tego plemienia (m.in. kompletne maski ze strojami). Trafiły one ostatecznie do zbiorów Muzeum Narodowego w Szczecinie. Głównym celem ekspedycji było przeprowadzenie badań archeologiczno-etnograficznych w masywie skał Bandiagara. Uczestnicy wyprawy spenetrowali 25-kilometrowej długości odcinek krawędzi masywu, na którym położone są najbardziej interesujące wioski Dogonów, oraz kilkukilometrowej szerokości pas w głębi płaskowyżu. W rezultacie penetracji archeologicznych nie stwierdziliśmy osadnictwa starszego od kultury Tellem, której początek datowany jest na VIII–IX w. n.e. Badania przeprowadzone w grobach i chatach Tellemów przyniosły interesujące spostrzeżenia z zakresu obrzędów kultowych i kultury materialnej tego ludu oraz dostarczyły cennych zabytków w postaci ceramiki i figurek pogrzebowych22. Dziesięciotygodniowy pobyt w Mali zaowocował szczegółowym sprawozdaniem z nie zawsze rzetelnym opisem rzeczywistości kulturowej tego plemienia (bez wnikania w szczegóły): Abstrakcyjne maski taneczne produkuje związek, którego członkami zostają chłopcy zwani „AWA” po odbyciu inicjacji. Nazwa ta może oznaczać także wszystkie maski i strój taneczny. Matka masek, którą Dogonowie nazywają IMINA-NA, wykonana została jako symbol pierwszego przodka. Po upływie 60 lat zastępuje się ją nową, identyczną maską. Matka masek ma wysokość ok. 10 m i kształt wąskiej K. Izak, Badania Polskich Studenckich Wypraw Archeologicznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego w Afryce Zachodniej, w: „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1984, t. 30, s. 219–244, cytat ze strony 231; idem, III Polska Studencka Wyprawa Archeologiczna „Afryka 1983/1984”, w: „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1985, t. 31, s. 319–334, cytat ze strony 329; idem, Kronika dwóch wypraw, „Z otchłani wieków” 1984, nr 50/3–4, s. 210–240. 22 K. Izak, 1984, s. 231. 21 �16 Jacek Łapott deski. U jej podstawy znajduje się właściwa maska nakładana na głowę… Tych masek jest stosunkowo niewiele. Oprócz nich używa się zwykłych masek twarzowych niezbędnych przy różnych uroczystościach. Są one pełne rozmachu, a wieńczące je przedstawienia zwierzęce są realistyczne23. Dopiero w roku 1986 ukazała się kolejna polska praca popularyzująca niektóre fragmenty kultury Dogonów za sprawą Z. Sokolewicz. Jej Mitologia Czarnej Afryki na kilkudziesięciu stronach omawia bogato ilustrowaną mitologię tej grupy i jej kulturę24. W 1991 r. przetłumaczono na język polski wyczerpującą pracę R. K. G. Temple’a pt. Tajemnica Syriusza, gdzie obok dziejów tej gwiazdy w historii mitologii i poznania kosmosu przez człowieka znajdują się spore fragmenty poświęcone zarówno niecodziennej wiedzy Dogonów, jak i Sudańskiemu Systemowi Syriusza25. Następuje fala popularyzacji kultury tego plemienia w Polsce. Coraz więcej Polaków może ją już poznawać z autopsji – nie przekłada się to jednak na ilość nowych publikacji źródłowych. W roku 1990 trafia do kraju Dogonów kolejna wyprawa z Pol26 ski . Działania ekspedycji w kraju Dogonów były mocno ograniczone z racji poważnej choroby jednego z uczestników. Udało się wyeksplorować pod kątem pozyskania kolejnej kolekcji artefaktów jedynie niewielką liczbę wiosek. Do Szczecina trafiło dosłownie kilka obiektów dogońskich (broń i sztuka). Rok później wyruszyła następna ekspedycja STAREM. Pobyt w kraju Dogonów trwał K. Izak, 1985, s. 329. Z. Sokolewicz, Mitologia Czarnej Afryki, Warszawa 1986, s. 239–259. 25 R. K. G. Temple, Tajemnica Syriusza (Dzieje Gnozy), t. 2, Poznań 1991. Zob. ibidem: M. Griaule i G. Dieterlen, Sudański system Syriusza, s. 53–80. 26 Zob. J. Łapott, Ekspedycja Etnologiczna SAHARA SAHEL ’90 – sprawozdanie z przebiegu i wyników działalności wyprawy do Afryki, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1992, t. 38. Działania ekspedycji w kraju Dogonów były ograniczone z racji poważnej choroby jednego z uczestników. 23 24 �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 17 dłużej, jego finałem było kilka wystaw fotograficznych T. Wierzejskiego (w Warszawie i Szczecinie) oraz popularna praca A. Piechowskiego pt. Lud Syriusza. Autor odważnie potwierdza tezę o edukacyjnym wpływie kultury Tellem na tradycyjną kulturę Dogonów: Coraz wyraźniej zdaje się narzucać jeszcze jedno rozwiązanie zagadki wiedzy tajemnej Dogonów. Może jej pierwotnymi depozytariuszami byli właśnie Tellemowie? Prowadzone przez Holendrów wykopaliska archeologiczne wskazują, że już w roku 500 przed Chrystusem urwiska płaskowyżu Bandiagara zamieszkałe były przez lud, który wytworzył wysoko rozwiniętą kulturę określaną jako „kultura toloy”. Jej kontynuatorami byli późniejsi Tellemowie, a wreszcie Dogonowie…27. Popularne prace o charakterze reportażowym są nie tylko dowodem na coraz powszechniejsze odwiedzanie kraju Dogonów przez Polaków, ale i na ich zmysł obserwacji. Niektórzy, jak S. i M. Kulczykowie, robią to dodatkowo z racji zainteresowań zawodowych: Teraz dociera do mnie, że Dogoni to naprawdę inne plemię. Bo inne jest tu wszystko. Miast bezładnie rozrzuconych domów, zupełnie obronna wioska, z wąskimi, ujętymi murami uliczkami, zbiegającymi się na nieregularnych placykach. Zwykle nieco wyniesione centrum tych ostatnich należało do togun, miejsc narad starszyzny. Niskie, bo przeznaczone do siedzenia miejsce, ograniczone było kamiennymi zazwyczaj czterema-sześcioma filarami, dźwigającymi płaski, belkowy dach28. Niecodzienna kultura Dogonów intrygowała Polaków działających na różnych polach nauki. S. Jedynak podjął się zadania omówienia implikacji filozoficznych związanych z symbolem graficznym tej grupy: Dogoni uważają, że myśl wyprzedza wszelką 27 A. Piechowski, Lud Syriusza. W poszukiwaniu tajemnic Dogonów, Warszawa 1994, s. 191. 28 M. Kulczyk, Okolice Timbuktu, Warszawa 2002, s. 184. �18 Jacek Łapott postać egzystencji fizykalnej i że wszelka myśl może być oddana za pomocą symboli, a te mogą być wyrażone w znakach graficznych. Myśli i symbole istniały od początku. Zawierały się one wewnątrz istoty duchowej – Ammy. Amma znajdował się wewnątrz wielkiego jaja, z którym stanowił jedność. Pierwsza substancja, jaką się posłużył w kreacji, była woda. Można więc powiedzieć, że wszystko to, co materialne, powstało z wody…29. Na kolejne poważniejsze kontynuacje zainteresowań kulturą Dogonów trzeba było czekać do drugiej połowy pierwszego dziesięciolecia XXI w. Wcześniej, w roku 2000, ukazuje się album L. Buchalika pt. Kolorowy Sahel, w którym autor poświęca Dogonom obszerny, bogato ilustrowany rozdział Ludzie z glinianych fortec30. L. Buchalik był uczestnikiem wspomnianych wypraw z 1984 i 1990 r. Do czasu wydania tej książki odwiedził masyw Bandiagara i jego mieszkańców pięciokrotnie. W kolejnych latach prowadził badania na tym terenie (samotnie i w różnych grupach) jeszcze jedenaście razy. Plonem tych działań są dwie kolejne książki: Niewolnicy kobiet, czyli pokrewieństwo żartów Dogonów i Kurumba. Studium z etnohistorii Afryki Zachodniej oraz Dogon ya gali. Dawny świat Dogonów31. Obie stanowią wyczerpujące kompendia na temat tradycyjnej kultury tej społeczności – do tej pory nieobecne w polskiej nauce. Szczególnie ta druga, bogato ilustrowana, jest rzeczową syntezą wiedzy o tradycyjnej kulturze Dogonów. Dla wszystkich zainteresowanych jest niejako odpowiedzią na pytanie: co pozostało w kulturze Dogonów z tego obrazu, któS. Jedynak, Symbolizm graficzny Dogonów i jego implikacje filozoficzne, w: Symbol w kulturze, G. Głuchowski (red.), Lublin 1995, s. 15–24, cyt. ze stron 16–17. 30 L. Buchalik, Kolorowy sahel, Żory 2000, s. 68–107. 31 L. Buchalik, Niewolnicy kobiet, czyli pokrewieństwo żartów Dogonów i Kurumba. Studium z etnohistorii Afryki Zachodniej, Wrocław 2009; tenże, Dogon ya gali. Dawny świat Dogonów, Żory 2010, s. 632. 29 �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 19 ry opisywał M. Griaule? We wstępie do niej autor pisze: Niniejsza praca jest jedynie próbą napisania „przewodnika” po odchodzącej w zapomnienie kulturze. Stąd tytuł Dogon ya gali – dawny świat Dogonów. Czas dokonuje wielkich zmian w życiu społeczeństwa, kultura ciągle ewoluuje. Tego procesu nie można zatrzymać ani zmienić jego przebiegu, można jednak opisać to, co przemija. Niniejsza praca jest taką próbą pokazania dawnej kultury Dogonów, tej z początków XX wieku, ale także tej bardziej współczesnej, z przełomu XX i XXI wieku32. W 2006 r., po ponad pięćdziesięciu latach od I wydania francuskiego, ukazała się po polsku praca M. Griaule’a pt. Bóg Wody. Rozmowy z Ogotemmelim. Praca wbrew pozorom niezbyt łatwa w odbiorze i nie zawsze, w moim przekonaniu, przetłumaczona zgodnie z „duchem kultury dogońskiej”33. Przełom wieków był w naszym kraju okresem szybkiego nadrabiania tłumaczenia klasycznych prac etnologicznych – w kanonie tym znalazł się także Bóg Wody…34 Po kilkudziesięciu latach dwaj uczestnicy SEE „Afryka 76–77” równolegle wracają niejako „do korzeni” i przygotowują niezależnie dwa oddzielne projekty badawcze o tym kraju i jego mieszkańcach. R. Vorbrich z grupą studentów i nauczycieli zrealizował nowatorski na gruncie afrykańskim projekt Pokaż mi swój świat – pokaż mi swoją szkołę35. Zorganizowany był we wrześniu 2008 L. Buchalik, 2010, op. cit., s. 17. M. Griaule, Bóg Wody. Rozmowy z Ogotemmelim, Kęty 2006. Rok później ukazuje się polskie tłumaczenie pracy L. Scrantona pt. Kosmiczna tajemnica Dogonów. Zadziwiające podobieństwa między mitami afrykańskiego plemienia a naukowymi teoriami XX wieku, Warszawa 2007. 34 Z porządku kronikarskiego należy dodać, że pierwsze podejście do tłumaczenia Boga Wody nastąpiło 20 lat wcześniej. Wydawnictwo Iskry miało już tę książkę w zapowiedziach wydawniczych serii Naokoło Świata. 35 W bezpośrednią realizację projektu zaangażowani byli: B. Jedlińska, P. Maliński, T. Marciniak, K. Meissner, M. Polaszewski, M. Sobańska, K. Vorbrich, 32 33 �20 Jacek Łapott roku w trzech wioskach: Songho, Damasongo i Tireli. 2009 rok to kontynuacja pierwszego projektu współfinansowanego w ramach polskiej pomocy zagranicznej udzielanej za pośrednictwem MSZ RP w 2009 r. Projektem również kierował R. Vorbrich. W efekcie, poza wdrożonymi programami „edukacyjnymi”, ukazały się dwie popularne publikacje. W Pokaż mi swój świat znalazły się podsumowania działań w Afryce dokonane przez uczestników. K. Meissner omawia m.in. temat Kim chciałbym zostać w przyszłości; Czego uczy mnie mama, czego uczy mnie tata, Piotr Maliński opracował temat Z wizytą w afrykańskiej wiosce; Pogrzeb oczami dziecka, M. Polaszewski omawia temat Pokaż mi swoją szkołę. Całość opatrzył redakcją naukową i merytoryczną R. Vorbrich36. Oddzielną publikacją jest podsumowanie działań K. Vorbricha w pracy Afryka. Mój Świat, moja szkoła37. Autor przedstawia założenia całości działań na łamach „Afryki” – Projekt badawczo-rozwojowy. Pokaż mi swój świat, pokaż mi swoją szkołę. Według autora: projekty badawczo-rozwojowe należą do zaniedbanych form aktywności etnologów-afrykanistów […]. W swoim sprawozdaniu autor przekonuje nas, że jemu i jego zespołowi udało się przełamać tę opinię38. R. Vorbrich, W. Wiecki. 36 Kierownik swego projektu, przebywając kilkakrotnie w kraju Dogonów, często przywołuje swoje doświadczenia z tego terenu w licznych publikacjach. Zob. m.in.: Mali – kraj Dogonów, w: Pokaż mi swój świat. Edukacja rozwojowa a antropologia wizualna, R. Vorbrich (red.), Poznań 2009, s. 26–31. 37 K. Vorbrich, Afryka. Mój Świat, moja szkoła, Poznań 2009. 38 R. Vorbrich, Projekt badawczo-rozwojowy „Pokaż mi swój świat, pokaż mi swoją szkołę, „Afryka” 2009, nr 29–30, s. 186–192, cyt. ze strony 186. Temat autor kontynuował w artykule: Język obrazu a dialog międzykulturowy, w: Pluralizm kulturowy i religijny współczesnego świata. Księga pamiątkowa dedykowana Księdzu Profesorowi Henrykowi Zimoniowi SVD w 70. rocznicę urodzin, Z. Kupisiński SVD, S. Grodź SVD (red.), Lublin 2010, s. 569–583. �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 21 W roku 2012 R. Vorbrich kontynuował badania wśród Dogonów w ramach kolejnego projektu – tym razem KBN/NCN: Bierny beneficjent versus lokalny partner projektów rozwojowych. Konceptualizacja i strategie adaptacyjne w zakresie współpracy rozwojowej wśród afrykańskich społeczności lokalnych (studium porównawcze). Projekt zaowocował pojawieniem się kolejnych publikacji: „Sorghum wealth” versus „Money Wealth” or Hybrid Nature of Post-tribal Economies; „Zróbmy coś” – „dajcie coś”. Dwie konceptualizacje projektów rozwojowych, ale także najnowszą pracą autora pt. Ziomkostwo – grupa pierwszego wyboru w organizacji pozarządowych przestrzeni rozwoju na przykładzie organizacji pozarządowych w Mali39. Pisząc o działalności pomocowej Polaków w kraju Dogonów, warto dodać, że kolejnym Polakiem zafascynowanym kulturą tego plemienia był plastyk warszawski P. Althammer, który oprócz nietypowych działań wśród Dogonów (występ w złotych, „kosmicznych” kombinezonach oraz występ w masce i stroju Koziołka Matołka) zaprosił do Warszawy dogońskiego rzeźbiarza Youssoufa Darę i wspólnie z nim zbudowali w Warszawie, w Parku Rzeźby na Bródnie, togu na – dom spotkań mężczyzn „w stylu dogońskim”. Dom, a właściwie wiata wsparta na ośmiu wspólnie wyrzeźbionych, drewnianych słupach. Drugi uczestnik SEE „AFRYKA 77” – J. Łapott – otrzymał z ówczesnego Komitetu Badań Naukowych grant habilitacyjny, który stał się podstawą wielokrotnych wyjazdów, a finalnie zaowocował R. Vorbrich, „Sorghum wealth” versus „Money Wealth” or Hybrid Nature of Post-tribal Economies, „Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies” 2013, vol. 28, s. 5–14; tenże, „Zróbmy coś” – „dajcie coś”. Dwie konceptualizacje projektów rozwojowych, w: „Etnografia Polska” 2013, t. 57, z. 1. s. 9–22; tenże, Ziomkostwo – grupa pierwszego wyboru w organizacji pozarządowych przestrzeni rozwoju na przykładzie organizacji pozarządowych w Mali, w: Ex Africa semper Aliquid novi, L. Buchalik, J. Różański (red.), t. 4, Żory 2017, s. 40–57. 39 �22 Jacek Łapott oddzielną, obszerną pracą pt. Dogonowie z Mali. Społeczność tradycyjna w procesie zmian40. Kilkuletni grant stanowił zapewne najbardziej wszechstronną możliwość badania kultury Dogonów przez Polaków41. Rozpoznanie przeprowadzono jeszcze przed otrzymaniem grantu w roku 2006. Następne, nierzadko kilkumiesięczne wyjazdy miały miejsce w latach 2008, 2009 (dwukrotnie). Zakres penetracji wiosek był niespotykany, podobnie jak ilość przeprowadzonych rozmów i wywiadów. Towarzyszący grupie przewodnik i tłumacz Gadiolou Dolo był zdania, że tak dużą ilość wiosek w kraju Dogonów odwiedził zapewne tylko Marcel Griaule – ich odkrywca. Odwiedzono nie tylko wioski znane z „tras turystycznych”, takie jak: Banani, Ireli, Tireli czy Amani (nie mówiąc o Sangha), ale także 38 innych wiosek (w roku 2008). W roku 2009 (zimą – podczas krótkiego wyjazdu na początku pory deszczowej) odwiedzono 10 wiosek, w okresie lato– jesień – 20 wiosek i miejscowości. Łącznie przeprowadzono 189 wywiadów o dość różnej długości, wszystkie zostały zarejestrowane na nośnikach pamięci cyfrowej, czasami także na płytach DVD. Wykonano setki zdjęć dokumentacyjnych ukazujących zarówno kulturę tradycyjną, jak i zachodzące zmiany. W książce, która była finałem tych prac znalazło 91 kolorowych ilustracji i 15 całostronicowych tablic42. Kończąc ją autor, pisał: Czas płynie szybko. Do kolejnego święta sigui w 2027 roku zostało już tylko 15 lat, to także jeszcze kilka dużych świąt dama oraz piętnaście uroczystości związanych ze świętem siewów bulo. Chciałbym być pewny, że wbrew moim wnioskom przedstawionym wyżej nic nie stanie na Wyd. Szczecin 2012. Grant przyznany autorowi zgodnie z umową nr 2641/B/ H03/2008/35. 41 Na różnych etapach prac zaangażowani byli m.in.: J. Borowiak, L. Buchalik, T. Buchalik, H. Łapott, J. Łapott, K. Podyma, E. Prądzyńska, M. Ząbek. 42 Zob. J. Łapott, Dogonowie z Mali. Społeczność tradycyjna w procesie zmian, Szczecin 2012, s. 531. 40 �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 23 przeszkodzie, aby sigui kolejny raz zaistniało w kulturze Dogonów i jak mówi Walu Banga, szef tajnego stowarzyszenia Awa w Sangha: „przebiegało zgodnie z porządkiem zdarzeń”43. Dogonowie stają się także dla niektórych autorów inspiracją do nowego spojrzenia na różne „nowe-stare” tematy. Tak jest w przypadku Sztuki Afryki u progu XXI wieku – refleksje etnologa. Obok współczesnej systematyzacji i podziału obecnych powszechnie w wioskach Dogonów artefaktów autor pisze: Z moich obserwacji i doświadczenia wynika, że kultura afrykańska, znalazłszy się w warunkach zgoła ekstremalnych (w przypadku Dogonów jest to swoista „inwazja turystyczna”), potrafi znakomicie dostosować się do tych zmian. Podobnie jest w tym wypadku. Dogonowie potrafili wyraźnie rozdzielić swoje życie na dwie równie ważne części: – pierwsza: związana z pobytem turystów w wioskach i wszelkimi działaniami powstałymi przez kontakt z nimi (w tym sprzedaż tzw. pamiątek z zakresu „sztuki”, ale i obsługa hotelowo-campin­ gowa); – druga: istniejącą wtedy, gdy „obcy” znajdą się poza wioską, a życie codzienne toczy się według powszechnych zasad i norm44. Lata pracy wśród Dogonów zespołu polskich badaczy skutkują licznymi artykułami w różnych opracowaniach monograficznych. J. Łapott jest autorem tekstu pt. Atmo Domno – refleksje nad przywództwem i stratyfikacją społeczną u Dogonów z Mali. Temat wbrew pozorom niełatwy, z dziedziny dwustronnych stosunków badacz – badana społeczność. Atmo Domno nie był „zwykłym” Dogonem. Z racji swego urodzenia należał do grupy wysoko postawionych w hierarchii społecznej Dogonów, którzy decydowali o życiu nie tylIbidem, s. 416. J. Łapott, Sztuka Afryki u progu XXI wieku – refleksje etnologa, w: Kultury Afryki w świecie tradycji, przemian i znaczeń, w: A. Nadolska-Styczyńska (red.), Toruńskie Studia o Sztuce Orientu, t. 4, Toruń 2009, s. 117–126, cyt. ze stron 120–121. 43 44 �24 Jacek Łapott ko wsi Yougo Na, ale i całego plemienia. Jego obecność w naszej grupie nie była przypadkowa. Podobno nasze natarczywe i zbyt szczegółowe pytania na niektóre tematy dotyczące kultury dogońskiej budziły niepokój „starszych”. Atmo został więc „oddelegowany” jako ich przedstawiciel na cały okres pobytu naszej ekipy w kraju Dogonów. To on miał w pewnym sensie decydować, jaki fragment wiedzy tego plemienia można nam było udostępnić45. Ten sam autor publikuje następnie tekst pt. Czy w Afryce jest jeszcze miejsce na tajne związki – rzecz o stowarzyszeniu Awa w plemieniu Dogon (Mali). Można w nim znaleźć następujące informacje: Określenie Awa w społeczności Dogonów ma kilka znaczeń. Awa to w tajnym języku sigi so członek stowarzyszenia (Awa larani), to także sama maska, a raczej jej strój z włókien, ale także pierwszy zmarły przodek zamieniony w węża (Awa duno), ale również tzw. romb (warkotka – rodzaj czuringi), którego dźwiękiem rozpoczyna się święto dama oraz sam dźwięk „głos Awa” (Awa non). Jest to także organizacja, ale i związek osób należących do „społeczeństwa masek”. Może dlatego niektórzy badacze określają kulturę Dogonów jako „kulturę masek”46. W roku 2012 ukazał się kolejny artykuł inspirowany badaniami w Mali: Jesteśmy innej rasy i dlatego nasz dom nie jest dla nich – piętno wykluczenia w społeczności afrykańskiej. Zarówno tytuł, jak i treść zanotowana była w kraju Dogonów. Cytowany w pracy Sekou O. Dolo twierdzi: U nas kaletnik i kowal należą do specjalnych grup, do kast, z którymi szlachetny dogoński rolnik nie może się J. Łapott, Atmo Domno – refleksje nad przywództwem i stratyfikacją społeczną u Dogonów z Mali, w: Przywództwo i przywódcy we współczesnej Afryce, A. Żukowski (red.), Olsztyn 2008, s. 341–352, cyt. ze strony 343. 46 J. Łapott, Czy w Afryce jest jeszcze miejsce na tajne związki – rzecz o stowarzyszeniu Awa w plemieniu Dogon (Mali), w: Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce, A. Żukowski (red.), Olsztyn 2009, s. 225–238, cyt. ze strony 232. 45 �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 25 mieszać. Niemożliwe jest, by bez narażenia się na zhańbienie syn szlachetnego rolnika poślubił córkę kowala. Lub na odwrót… Według tradycji dogońskiej do wspomnianej „innej rasy”, w „której nie szuka się żony” (tumon ya-yeyyelen), należą: – Przedstawiciele kast; – Dogonowie „zepsuci” przez mezalians z kastą; – Ludzie uważani za nosicieli brudu (lud/ród Manadonnos); – „Ludzie dzicy” („ludzie natury”) tacy jak Fulbe czy Samo; – Potomkowie niewolników (pochodzenia dogońskiego)47. W tym samym roku ukazuje się artykuł pt. Yaa iye-i la („Wczoraj to nie dzisiaj”) – rozwój i zmiana w kulturze Dogonów. Cytując kolejny raz fragment artykułu, czytamy: [Dogonowie] przez wielu badaczy postrzegani są jako lud niezwykle odporny na wszelkie zewnętrzne wpływy i potrafiący chronić swoją prawdziwą, pierwotną kulturę w środku ulegającego zmianom kontynentu. Od wielu dziesięcioleci lud ten uznawany jest za archetyp tradycyjnego afrykańskiego społeczeństwa (Doquet 1999: 13)… Ta swego rodzaju idealizacja, żeby nie powiedzieć iluzja, w ocenie społeczeństwa Dogonów trwa do dziś za sprawą… biur podróży i polityki turystycznej państwa. Tak jednostronne postrzeganie jakiejkolwiek społeczności jest nie tylko nieuprawnione, ale jednocześnie mocno wypacza obraz i proces rozwoju, nie tylko jej, ale i kultur sąsiednich grup z całego regionu48. Analogiczny temat został podjęty w innej publikacji zatytułowanej Plemiona Afryki Zachodniej wobec globalizacji na przykładzie ludu Dogonów. Artykuł próbuje odpowiedzieć na kilka aktualnych J. Łapott, Jesteśmy innej rasy i dlatego nasz dom nie jest dla nich – piętno wykluczenia w społeczności afrykańskiej, w: „Stare” i „nowe” mocarstwa w Afryce, A. Żukowski (red.), Olsztyn 2012, s. 205–319, cyt. ze stron 306 i 312. 48 J. Łapott, Yaa iye-i la („wczoraj to nie dzisiaj”) – rozwój i zmiana w kulturze Dogonów (Mali), w: Rozwój a kultura. Perspektywy poznawcze i praktyczne, R. Vorbrich (red.), Wrocław 2012, s. 109–130, cyt. ze strony 113. 47 �26 Jacek Łapott zagadnień w związku z wpisaniem w roku 1989 części kraju Dogonów na listę Światowego Dziedzictwa UNESCO jako obszaru chronionego pod nazwą „Sanctuaire naturel et culturel de la Falaise Bandiagara…”. Rodzi się pytanie – co dzieje się z Dogonami i ich kulturą w sytuacji, gdy połowa zamieszkałych przez nich wiosek i analogiczna część populacji zmieniana jest w rodzaj „żywego skansenu”? Oczywiście można łatwo odpowiedzieć, że jest to znak czasu i fragment procesu globalizacji. Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych – światowa organizacja, światowy program, światowe fundusze na jego ochronę… Ważne jest jednak, jak odbierają to sami Dogonowie, czy taka odgórna decyzja tworzy mechanizmy obronne. Czy służy naprawdę ochronie ich rodzimej kultury, czy wprost przeciwnie – stawia przed nią wyzwania, którym być może nie uda się im sprostać?49 Nieco wcześniej należałoby odnotować dwie kolejne publikacje na temat kultury tej społeczności. W roku 2010 ukazał się Afrykański obraz świata białych – między kultem cargo a postawą roszczeniową (na przykładzie Dogonów z Mali). Także tutaj podnoszonych jest kilka ważkich kwestii związanych z tematem współczesnej rzeczywistości tej grupy. Tworzy się zupełnie nowa jakość w stosunkach z białymi (niezależnie od tego, czy trafią oni w końcu na camping, czy nie) – pojawia się postawa roszczeniowa. „To musi być twoja wina, że mnie się nie udało”. Płać za wszystko i to drogo – za zdjęcie, za wynajęcie mnie jako tragarza, za pamiątki, muzykę czy tańce. Nie jest ważne, że ceny nijak się mają do rzeczywistości: „wolę nie sprzedać i niech się ta maska zniszczy, niż miałbym na tym zarobić zbyt mało”. Na pytanie: „a właściwie czy wiesz, po co tutaj przyjeżdżają biali turyści?” usłyszeć można często odpowiedź: „Oni 49 J. Łapott, Plemiona Afryki Zachodniej wobec globalizacji na przykładzie ludu Dogonów, w: Społeczności lokalne wobec globalizacji i modernizacji, A. Makowski (red.), Szczecin 2011, s. 119–132, cyt. ze strony 121. �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 27 przywożą nam pieniądze… Widzą, jaką wspaniałą mamy kulturę, ale widzą także, w jakich warunkach mieszkamy – i chcą nam pomagać. Budują studnie, wodociągi, szkoły i ośrodki zdrowia. My z tego skorzystamy. Pieniądze i pomoc dla nas to rola białych”50. Kolejną publikacją zagłębiającą się w zawiłości kultury dogońskiej jest opublikowany w 2011 roku artykuł pt. Wioska plemienia Dogon jako symbol ciała mitycznego przodka – czyli co zostało z mitu? Można z niego przytoczyć interesujące, mało znane aspekty ich mitu: Mityczny przodek Dogonów – Nommo – był nie tylko postacią obojnaczą, wcześniej był w połowie człowiekiem, a w połowie rybą. Wiele postaci mitycznych Dogonów ma swoje artefakty w formie rzeźb czy płaskorzeźb. Nie inaczej jest i z Nommo. Wyobrażenia tej postaci, przedstawiają ją jako pół ryby, pół człowieka, jednak nieco w innej konwencji niż ta, do której jesteśmy przyzwyczajeni. Głowa mężczyzny o charakterystycznych męskich (?) rysach z niewielką bródką, jaką do dziś noszą starcy, oraz „warkoczem” na plecach. Intrygujące, że w wyobrażeniu tym „łuską” ryby pokryta jest górna połowa ciała tej postaci. Ogon jest gładki z charakterystyczną płetwą u dołu. Postać nie ma rąk. „Łusek” (?) jest osiem w poziomie, w dziesięciu rzędach. Łatwo obliczyć, że jest ich 80 i stanowią egzemplifikację wspomnianych wyżej 80 rodów „prawdziwych” Dogonów51. W wydanej w roku 2012 bogato ilustrowanej pracy Maska afrykańska – między sacrum a profanum tematyka dogońska jest domi­ nująca. Obok szczegółowego katalogu masek dogońskich (zbiory Muzeum Miejskiego w Żorach) znalazły się tam także artykuły „podpierające” się wiedzą autorów uzyskaną podczas pobytu J. Łapott, Afrykański obraz świata białych – między kultem cargo a postawą roszczeniową (na przykładzie Dogonów z Mali), „Zeszyty naukowe Centrum Badań im. Edyty Stein” 2010, nr 6, s. 69–84, cyt. ze strony 81. 51 J. Łapott, Wioska plemienia Dogon jako symbol ciała mitycznego przodka – czyli co zostało z mitu, w: Rytmy i kroki Afryki, W. Mond-Kozłowska (red.), Kraków 2011, s. 55–72, cyt. ze strony 66. 50 �28 Jacek Łapott w kraju Dogonów. L. Buchalik zastanawia się: Maska afrykańska – sacrum czy profanum? Każda maska ma swój charakterystyczny układ choreograficzny. Starzy uczą młodych tańców masek. Rodziny decydują, kto w jakiej masce tańczy. Silna osoba może tańczyć w wysokiej, a co za tym idzie ciężkiej masce, np. sirige, słabsze w mniejszej, np. zająca, młodej dziewczyny. J. Łapott stawia kolejny znak zapytania: Dziś prawdziwych masek w Afryce już nie ma…? Z powodu wzmożonej aktywności turystycznej na kontynencie afrykańskim wzrósł popyt na „oryginalne, rytualne maski”, w związku z czym ich masowe fałszerstwo przybiera czasami formy zorganizowane, aby nie powiedzieć przemysłowe… K. Podyma w artykule Maska afrykańska w świecie sztuki europejskiej. Od transcendencji do wymiaru ekonomicznego podsumowuje opinie na ich temat w ten sposób: Wzrost zainteresowania maską afrykańską spowodował szybkie włączenie jej w struktury handlu zarówno lokalnego, jak i międzynarodowego. Maska, stając się elementem artisanatu, bezpowrotnie utraciła element sakralności52. Jedną z ostatnich polskich prac na temat kultury społeczności Dogon jest zapewne praca E. Prądzyńskiej pt. Kasta dyam w kulturze Dogonów z Mali. Autorka w oparciu o własne badania podejmuje, kolejny raz, ważki temat stratyfikacji społeczności afrykańskich, w tym także w mało poznanym i niekojarzącym się zwykle z kontynentem afrykańskim systemem kastowym. Autorka pisze: Skórnicy są dla „prawdziwych” Dogonów odrębna grupą. Spełniają jednak w społeczeństwie ważną rolę i są jego istotną częścią. Świadczy o tym chociażby fakt istnienia masek przedstawiających Zob. Maska afrykańska – między sacrum a profanum, L. Buchalik, K. Podyma (red.), Żory-Katowice 2012; L. Buchalik, ibidem, s. 11–22, cyt. ze strony 13; J. Łapott, Dziś prawdziwych masek w Afryce już nie ma…?, s. 23–30, cyt. ze strony 25; K. Podyma, Maska afrykańska w świecie sztuki europejskiej. Od transcendencji do wymiaru ekonomicznego, s. 39–48, cyt. ze strony 43. Wszystkie artykuły posiadają pełną wersję angielską. 52 �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 29 ludzi z kasty dyam… Skórnicy nie cieszą się dobrą opinią wśród „prawdziwych” Dogonów. Istnieje przekonanie, że nie należy wierzyć w ich słowa. „Skórnicy nigdy nie mówią prawdy. […] Mają wiele kolorów, to oznacza, że mogą mówić prawdę, mogą kłamać oraz zmieniać zdanie” 53. W 2015 r. wyszło drugie wydanie Dogonów z Mali… poszerzone o najnowsze obserwacje w kraju dokonane przez K. Meissner. Autorka pisze o swoim pobycie w kraju Dogonów w 2015 roku: Bycie jedyną „turystką” stanowiło anomalię zarówno dla mnie, jak i dla samych Dogonów, zwłaszcza członków młodszego pokolenia utrzymujących się z działalności turystycznej, hotelarstwa, obsługi grup turystycznych, sprzedaży pamiątek i rękodzieła. Dlatego też moja niespodziewana obecność ożywiła miejscowych handlarzy pamiątek, którzy już podczas pierwszego dnia przyjazdu do Banani usiłowali pokazać mi swoje butiki, nim zdążyłam wysiąść z samochodu i znaleźć nocleg. Na nic zdały się moje tłumaczenia o badawczym charakterze pobytu oraz braku środków na zakup dogońskiego rękodzieła. W odpowiedzi usłyszałam wręcz błagalne (?) prośby o zainteresowanie się ich butikami, nieustannie też powracały zdania typu: „Przyjdź i zobacz, to nic nie kosztuje” lub „Może zechcesz coś kupić? Nie mamy pieniędzy, bo nie ma turystów. Cierpimy”54. Ta sama autorka w roku 2014 opublikowała artykuł pt. Budu kuru, czyli kasa kobiet. Dogońskie stowarzyszenie kobiece jako przykłady lokalnych inicjatyw rozwojowych. Ta cząstkowa, zdawałoby się (jeśli chodzi o całokształt kultury), praca podnosi ważny temat odnalezienia się Dogonów we współczesnym świecie zmian i gloE. Prądzyńska, Kasta dyam w kulturze Dogonów z Mali, w: In gremio – in praxi. Przedmioty skórzane na co dzień i od święta, A. B. Kowalska (red.), Szczecin 2015, s. 209–226, cyt. ze strony 216. 54 K. Meissner, Gdy zabrakło toubabou… Skutki wstrzymania turystyki masowej wśród Dogonów z Mali, posłowie do II wyd. J. Łapott, Dogonowie z Mali…, op. cit., s. 419. 53 �30 Jacek Łapott balizacji. W Kraju Dogonów znaczna liczba stowarzyszeń powstała z inicjatywy kobiet. Zasadniczo stowarzyszenia kobiece dzielą się na dwa rodzaje: niezarejestrowane i zarejestrowane. W przypadku stowarzyszeń niezarejestrowanych badacz ma do czynienia ze strukturą o dość wąskim polu aktywności społecznej z ograniczonym dostępem do środków generowanych przez zachodnie organizacje pozarządowe… Wymogi związane z zarejestrowaniem stowarzyszenia wydają się błahe, jednakże w realiach dogońskich, gdzie znaczny odsetek kobiet nie potrafi czytać ani pisać w języku francuskim, przygotowanie zestawu dokumentów jest poważną barierą na drodze do współpracy z organizacjami pozarządowymi55. B. Szałek, szczeciński profesor, poliglota i językoznawca porównawczy, podjął się heroicznego tematu porównania tajnego języka Dogonów – sigi so – z językiem sanskryckim. Język sigi so używany jest w kulturze Dogonów rzadko, a właściwie bardzo rzadko – raz na 60 lat w czasie największego okresowego święta zwanego sigui. Kwintesencją wieloletnich, systematycznych kontaktów z Dogonami i ich kulturą jest artykuł Pochwała afrykańskiej tradycji oralnej (na przykładzie plemienia Dogon z Mali). W pracy można przeczytać: Wielokrotne kontakty z Dogonami kierowanej przeze mnie grupy (szczególnie w ostatnich kilku latach) sprawiły, że nasze relacje stały się bliższe i zaczęto nas postrzegać jako osoby godne zaufania… Następnego dnia, nieco z zaskoczenia, Pangale Dolo oraz Gadiolou Dolo zabierają nas na skraj wioski… Nieco 100 m dalej wznosi się niski (o wysokości do 10 m) masyw skalny z kilkoma jaskiniami. Pangale prowadzi nas do jednej z nich. Jaskinia jest niska i rozległa. U góry, z boku znajduje się otwór, a w kącie szczelina, 55 K. Meissner, Budu kuru, czyli kasa kobiet. Dogońskie stowarzyszenie kobiece jako przykłady lokalnych inicjatyw rozwojowych, w: Ex Africa semper aliquid novi, A. Żukowski (red.), t. 3, Żory 2014, s. 203–2017, cyt. s. 207–208. �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 31 częściowo wypełniona kamieniami, której krańce są niewidoczne. Pośrodku leży duży, płaski kamień. Ta jaskinia nazywa się Tonoma (Tonommo). To tutaj wraz z burzą i piorunami, które zrobiły wspomniany otwór w sklepieniu skały: „przez ten otwór Nommo zstąpili z nieba w towarzystwie suma. W języku Dogonów słowo „zstąpił” znaczy yalsugu. Yalsugu go – to miejsce zstąpienia Nommo… Nommo przybyli [z nieba, okolic] tolo diugu. To grupa gwiazd pojawiająca się w czerwcu. Gwiazdy te są przyklejone do nieba i nigdy się nie gubią. Nie można ich dotknąć, zawsze są na swoich miejscach… Gwiazdy i Nommo są zawsze razem… Sigi tolo [Syriusz] i słońce nie są daleko. Sigi tolo jest czerwona… Według Pangale Dolo ostatni raz to miejsce odwiedzili obcy 24 lata temu. Byli to Germaine Dieterlen i Jean Rouch. „Tak naprawdę Griaule był Dogonem, zorganizowaliśmy mu święto dama”. G. Dieterlen powiedziała, że to miejsce jest zakazane dla turystów. I Dogonowie jej posłuchali… To był przedostatni dzień naszego pobytu. Żegnają się z nami, Pangale Dolo jakby kończył swoją opowieść: „To ojciec mi o tym opowiadał [przekazał]. Dzisiaj mój ojciec już nie żyje. Wszyscy ludzie, którzy pracowali z Marcelem Griaule’em zmarli już. I ja sam tutaj pozostałem… Tak wyglądał przekaz, który otrzymaliśmy. Opowiadany spokojnie przez Pangale Dolo, czasami z przymkniętymi powiekami, jakby dla lepszego przypomnienia i wyobrażenia całości. Z często powtarzającymi się frazami czy wątkami rozwijającymi się w kolejny fragment opowieści. Całość uzupełniana rysunkami na piasku samych Nommo, jak i korey [arki, w której przybyli „z gwiazd”]”56. Pangale Dolo mówi dalej: Jesteśmy już razem [nie wy u nas, nie obok, ale razem], my i wy i ten, kto chce to opisać, winien pisać prawdę. Rodzi się pytanie, po ilu latach kontaktów i badań moż56 J. Łapott, Pochwała afrykańskiej tradycji oralnej (na przykładzie plemienia Dogon z Mali), w: Europejczycy Afrykanie i inni, B. Nowak, M. Nagielski, J. Pysiak (red.), Warszawa 2011, s. 374–390, cyt. ze stron 381, 384, 389 i 390. �32 Jacek Łapott na zasłużyć na takie zaufanie Dogonów? Czy i jak można zweryfikować otrzymany przekaz? Ale to już zupełnie inna historia… Bibliografia Buchalik L., Historia i stan badań kultury Dogonów, cz. 1, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie”, t. 32, s. 455–518; cz. 2, t. 33, s. 391–420. Buchalik L., Kolorowy sahel, Żory 2000, s. 68–107 Buchalik L., Niewolnicy kobiet, czyli pokrewieństwo żartów Dogonów i Kurumba. Studium z etnohistorii Afryki Zachodniej, Wrocław 2009. Buchalik L., Dogon ya gali. Dawny świat Dogonów, Żory 2010, s. 632. Buchalik L., Maska afrykańska – sacrum czy profanum, w: Maska afrykańska – między sacrum a profanum, L. Buchalik, K. Podyma (red.), Żory-Katowice 2012, s. 11–22. Fiemeyer I., Marcel Griaule citoyen dogon, Paris 2004. 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Łapott J., Ekspedycja Etnologiczna SAHARA SAHEL ’90 – sprawozdanie z przebiegu i wyników działalności wyprawy do Afryki, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1992, t. 38. Łapott J., Atmo Domno – refleksje nad przywództwem i stratyfikacją społeczną u Dogonów z Mali, w: Przywództwo i przywódcy we współczesnej Afryce, A. Żukowski (red.), Olsztyn 2008, s. 341–352, cyt. ze strony 343. Łapott Ł., Czy w Afryce jest jeszcze miejsce na tajne związki – rzecz o stowarzyszeniu Awa w plemieniu Dogon (Mali), w: Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce, A. Żukowski (red.), Olsztyn 2009. Łapott J., Sztuka Afryki u progu XXI wieku – refleksje etnologa, w: Kultury Afryki w świecie tradycji, przemian i znaczeń, A. Nadolska-Styczyńska (red.), „Toruńskie Studia o Sztuce Orientu”, t. 4, Toruń 2009, s. 117–126. Łapott J., Afrykański obraz świata białych – między kultem cargo a postawą roszczeniową (na przykładzie Dogonów z Mali), „Zeszyty naukowe Centrum Badań im. Edyty Stein” 2010, nr 6, s. 69–84. Łapott J., Wioska plemienia Dogon jako symbol ciała mitycznego przodka – czyli co zostało z mitu, w: Rytmy i kroki Afryki, W. Mond-Kozłowska (red.), Kraków 2011, s. 55–72. �34 Jacek Łapott Łapott J., Pochwała afrykańskiej tradycji oralnej (na przykładzie plemienia Dogon z Mali), w: Europejczycy Afrykanie i inni, B. Nowak, M. Nagielski, J. Pysiak (red.), Warszawa 2011, s. 374–390. Łapott J., Plemiona Afryki Zachodniej wobec globalizacji na przykładzie ludu Dogonów, w: Społeczności lokalne wobec globalizacji i modernizacji, A. Makowski (red.), Szczecin 2011, s. 119–132. Łapott J., Dogonowie z Mali. Społeczność tradycyjna w procesie zmian, Szczecin 2012, s. 531. Łapott J., Jesteśmy innej rasy i dlatego nasz dom nie jest dla nich – piętno wykluczenia w społeczności afrykańskiej, w: „Stare” i „nowe” mocarstwa w Afryce, A. Żukowski (red.), Olsztyn 2012, s. 205–319. Łapott J., Yaa iye-i la („wczoraj to nie dzisiaj”) – rozwój i zmiana w kulturze Dogonów (Mali), w: Rozwój a kultura. Perspektywy poznawcze i praktyczne, R. Vorbrich (red.), Wrocław 2012, s. 109–130. Łapott J., Dziś prawdziwych masek w Afryce już nie ma…?, w: Maska afrykańska – między sacrum a profanum, L. Buchalik, K. Podyma (red.), Żory-Katowice 2012, s. 23–30. Meissner K., Budu kuru, czyli kasa kobiet. Dogońskie stowarzyszenie kobiece jako przykłady lokalnych inicjatyw rozwojowych, w: Ex Africa semper aliquid novi, A. Żukowski (red.), t. 3, Żory 2014, s. 203–217. Meissner K., Gdy zabrakło toubabou… Skutki wstrzymania turystyki masowej wśród Dogonów z Mali, posłowie do II wyd. J. Łapott, Dogonowie z Mali…, Szczecin 2015, s. 417–424. Mostowicz A., My z Kosmosu, Warszawa 1978; wyd. II, poszerzone: Warszawa 1984. Piechowski A., Lud Syriusza. W poszukiwaniu tajemnic Dogonów, Warszawa 1994. Podyma K., Maska afrykańska w świecie sztuki europejskiej. Od transcendencji do wymiaru ekonomicznego, w: Maska afrykańska – między sacrum a profanum, L. Buchalik, K. Podyma (red.), Żory-Katowice 2012, s. 39–48. Piłaszewicz S., Afrykańska księga rodzaju. Mity i legendy ludów Afryki Zachodniej, Warszawa 1978. �Gdzie kraj Dogonów, a gdzie Polska? 35 Pokaż mi swój świat. Edukacja rozwojowa a antropologia wizualna, R. Vorbrich (red.), Poznań 2009. Prądzyńska E., Zbiory afrykańskie Muzeum Narodowego w Szczecinie – historia gromadzenia, w: Afryka – 40 lat penetracji oraz poznawania ludów i ich kultur, J. Łapott (red.), Szczecin 2004, s. 362–377. Prądzyńska E., Kasta dyam w kulturze Dogonów z Mali, w: In gremio – in praxi. Przedmioty skórzane na co dzień i od święta, A. B. Kowalska (red.), Szczecin 2015, s. 209–226. Sokolewicz Z., Mitologia Czarnej Afryki, Warszawa 1986. Temple R. K. G., Tajemnica Syriusza (Dzieje Gnozy), t. 2, Poznań 1991. Tymowski M., Historia Mali, Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków-Gdańsk 1979. Scranton L., Kosmiczna tajemnica Dogonów. Zadziwiające podobieństwa między mitami afrykańskiego plemienia a naukowymi teoriami XX wieku, Warszawa 2007. Vorbrich R., Naczynia gliniane Dogonów, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1980, t. 26. Vorbrich R., Produkcja garncarska Dogonów, „Etnografia Polska” 1982, t. 26, z. 1. Vorbrich R., Projekt badawczo-rozwojowy Pokaż mi swój świat, pokaż mi swoją szkołę, „Afryka” 2009, nr 29–30, s. 186–192. Vorbrich R., Język obrazu a dialog międzykulturowy, w: Pluralizm kulturowy i religijny współczesnego świata. Księga pamiątkowa dedykowana Księdzu Profesorowi Henrykowi Zimoniowi SVD w 70. rocznicę urodzin, Z. Kupisiński SVD, S. Grodź SVD (red.), Lublin 2010, s. 569–583. Vorbrich R., „Sorghum wealth” versus „Money Wealth” or Hybrid Nature of Post-tribal Economies, „Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies” 2013, vol. 28, s. 5–14. Vorbrich R., „Zróbmy coś” – „dajcie coś”. Dwie konceptualizacje projektów rozwojowych, „Etnografia Polska” 2013, t. 57, z. 1, s. 9–22. Vorbrich R., Ziomkostwo – grupa pierwszego wyboru w organizacji pozarządowych przestrzeni rozwoju na przykładzie organizacji pozarządowych w Mali, w: Ex Africa semper Aliquid novi, L. Buchalik, J. Różański (red.), t. 4, Żory 2017, s. 40–57. Walter J.-F., Afrykańska włóczęga, Warszawa 1960. �36 Jacek Łapott Walter J.-F., La vie religieuse chez les Dogons du Mali. Témoignages recueillis en 1952, Paris 2016. Where is the Dogon Country, and where is Poland? Summary The Dogons – an interesting agricultural community from Mali. For decades they have been intriguing explorers. Among them there are also a group of Poles. Their study is not only based on the traditional culture of the tribe, but also the evolution of changes within it. Research material has lead to the publishing of books and articles covering the subject. The latter of which are partial, but often very important. These articles analyze fragments of the culture of this tribe. Further work is in progress. More and more Polish specialists are taking up the research. Keywords: Dogons, the history of research, Polish researchers in Africa �LUCJAN BUCHALIK POLSKA OBECNOŚĆ WŚRÓD KURUMBÓW (1997–2017)1 Wstęp Kurumbowie są rolnikami zamieszkującymi północną część Burkina Faso i pograniczne tereny w Mali2. Na przestrzeni swej historii utworzyli kilka wodzostw, w literaturze przedmiotu nazywanych także królestwami3. Władzę polityczną i religijną pełnią w nich wodzowie zwani a-yo, mający do pomocy kapłanów-ofiarników. Niezależni od wodza są władcy ziemi (Asendesa), wywoDr Lucjan Buchalik – Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach. 1 Większość badań prowadziłem samodzielnie i przyznaję, że w niektórych kwestiach trudno mi uniknąć osobistego charakteru wypowiedzi. 2 Zamieszkują prowincje: Bam (Region Północno-Centralny), Soum (Region Sahel), Yatenga i Loroum (Region Północny). Kraj Kurumbów to równina leżąca na wysokości 300–330 m n.p.m., z rzadka urozmaicona wzniesieniami sięgającymi 400–520 m n.p.m. Znajduje się tam wiele okresowych zbiorników wodnych, tylko nieliczne jeziora nie wysychają całkowicie (m.in. Boukou i Bam). Klimat typu sahelskiego, odbiciem warunków klimatycznych jest charakterystyczna dla sawanny fauna i flora. 3 Lurum rządzone jest przez Lurumyo, wodza wybieranego z rodu Konfe ze stolicą w Pobe-Mengao, Tera, z władcą Teryo wybieranym z rodu Badini, stolica w Bourzandze, Pela z władcą Pelayo wybieranym spośród rodu Ganame i najbardziej oddalone na wschód Karo rządzone przez Karyo wybieranego z rodu Maïga z siedzibą w Aribindzie. �38 Lucjan Buchalik dzący się z autochtonów, najstarszych rodów zamieszkujących dany obszar. O ile władca wybierany jest spośród członków rodu wodzowskiego, o tyle władca ziemi jest funkcją dziedziczną, piastowaną przez najstarszego z rodu. W trakcie badań prowadzonych wśród Dogonów (Mali) przez etnologów francuskich pojawił się wątek Kurumbów jako potomków kultury Tellem4. Późniejsze badania z zakresu antropologii fizycznej i archeologii, podjęte przez naukowców holenderskich, nie potwierdziły wspomnianych wyżej hipotez5. Badania nad kulturą Kurumbów zaczęto prowadzić w konsekwencji badań prowadzonych wśród Dogonów. Zauważono, że istnieje wzajemna sympatia pomiędzy Dogonami i Kurumbami. Naukowcy byli przekonani, że istnieje pomiędzy nimi związek kulturowy6. 4 W literaturze etnograficznej połowy XX wieku można znaleźć informacje, że ludność kultury Tellem, którą Dogonowie zastali w Falezach Bandiagary, a potem wyparli na południe do Yatengi, to współcześni Kurumbowie, którzy obecnie zamieszkują okolice Yoro (M. Griaule, Masques dogons, Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie, Travaux et memoire de l’Institut d’Ethnologie 1938, s. 28; G. Dieterlen, Les âmes des Dogon, Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie 1941, s. 5–6; M. Griaule, G. Dieterlen, Le renard pâle. I – Le mythe cosmogonique. 1 – La creation du monde, Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie, Musee de l’Homme 1965, s. 14–18; A.-M. Schweeger-Hefel, W. Staude, Die Kurumba von Lurum, Wien: Verlag A. Schendl, 1972, s. 16). 5 Problem ten omówiłem w pracach: L. Buchalik, Niewolnicy kobiet, czyli pokrewieństwo żartów Dogonów i Kurumba. Studium z etnohistorii Afryki Zachodniej, Wrocław: Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze 2009, s. 17–19 oraz L. Buchalik, Dogon ya gali. Dawny świat Dogonów, Żory: Muzeum Miejskie 2011, s. 555–565. 6 W. Staude, La légende royale des Kouroumba, „Journal de la Société des Africanistes” 1961, t. 31, nr 2, s. 258–259. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 39 1. Przygotowania do prowadzenia badań Badania etnologiczne wśród Kurumbów – na północy Yatengi – rozpoczęli Francuzi w trakcie Misji Lebaudy-Griaule (1938–1939)7. Badania nad ich kulturą nie były przypadkowe. Francuski etnolog Marcel Griaule dokonał świadomego wyboru, uważając społeczeństwo Kurumbów za w pełni niezależną formację społeczną „zagrożoną niebezpieczną obcością: Moaga, Songaj i Peul”8. M. Griaule uważał, że tożsamości Kurumbów zagrażają sąsiadujące ludy, które podporządkowały ich sobie militarnie i politycznie. Efektem badań wspomnianej misji były artykuły publikowane w literaturze fachowej9. W drugiej połowie XX wieku badania zaczęli prowadzić naukowcy austriaccy i holenderscy, ci ostatni koncentrowali się głównie na badaniach z zakresu antropologii fizycznej10. Austriacy zaś – Anne-Marie Schweeger-Hefel i Wilhelm Staude – podjęli się badań etnograficznych. Inspiracją ich prac badawczych wśród Kurumbów (w 1961 roku) były badania fran7 M. Izard, Les Kurumba et la Mission Lebaudy-Griaule (1938–1939), „Journal des Africanistes” 2001, t. 71, nr 1, s. 113–119. 8 M. Izard, Les Kurumba…, op. cit., s. 114. 9 G. Dieterlen, Note sur les Kouroumba du Yatenga Septentrional, „Journal de la Société des Africanistes” 1939, t. 9, s. 181–189; M. Griaule, Le Domfé des Kouroumba, „Journal de la Société des Africanistes” 1941, t. 11, s. 7–20; M. Griaule, La mort chez les Kouroumba, „Journal de la Société des Africanistes” 1942, t. 12, s. 9–24; J.-P. Lebeuf, Sur la circoncision chez les Kouroumba du Soudan Français, „Journal de la Société des Africanistes” 1941, t. 11, s. 61–84. 10 J. Huizinga, New physical anthropological evidence bearing on the relationships between Dogon, Kurumba and the extinct West African Tellem populations, „Proceedings of the Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen” 1968, t. 71, series C, s. 16–30; E. V. Glanville, J. Huizinga, Digital dermatoglyphics of the Dogon, Peul and Kouroumba of Mali and Upper Volta, „Proceedings of the Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen” 1966, t. 69, series C, s. 664–674. �40 Lucjan Buchalik cuskie z lat 30. XX wieku. Wybrali oni teren „na południe od drogi przebytej przez grupę kierowaną przez M. Griaule’a”11. Obok wielu artykułów będących efektem ich pracy na uwagę zasługuje przede wszystkim obszerna monografia Kurumbów z Lurum12. Po przestudiowaniu dostępnej literatury rozpocząłem przygotowania do badań terenowych. Prowadzenie tego typu badań w Afryce w czasach PRL-u nie było łatwe. By wyjechać z kraju i prowadzić pracę badawczą za granicą, należało się odpowiednio zorganizować. I tak, w 1982 roku, sześciu studentów etnografii Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego (wśród nich również autor niniejszego artykułu) postanowiło przeprowadzić badania w Afryce Zachodniej. Pierwszym etapem przygotowań było opracowanie programu badawczego. Biorąc przykład ze starszych kolegów13, postanowili, że badania rozpoczną w kraju Dogonów (Mali) i będą je kontynuować wśród rybaków Bozo (Mali), zamieszkujących tzw. wewnętrzną deltę Nigru, uważanych za spokrewnionych z Dogonami, oraz wśród Kurumbów (Burkina Faso). Przygotowując wspomniany program badawczy, korzystali przede wszystkim z literatury osiągalnej w owym czasie w Polsce. Była to głównie literatura francuska, poświęcona Dogonom14, oraz wspomniana monografia austriacka, poświęcona KurumW. Staude, La légende royale des Kouroumba, „Journal de la Société des Africanistes” 1961, t. 31, nr 2, s. 210. 12 A.-M. Schweeger-Hefel, S. Wilhelm, Die Kurumba von Lurum, Wien: Verlag A. Schendl, 1972. Praca ta jest efektem 11-letnich badań prowadzonych od 1961 roku. 13 Studencka Ekspedycja Etnograficzna Afryka 76–77, zorganizowana przez studentów etnologii UAM. 14 G. Dieterlen, Les âmes…, op. cit.; M. Griaule, Dieu d’eau. Entretiens avec Ogotemmêli, Paris: Fayard 1966; D. A. Lettens, Mystagogie et mistification. Evaluation de l’oeuvre de Marcel Griaule, Bujumbura 1971; M. Palau-Marti, Les Dogon, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France 1957; D. Paulme, Organisation social des Dogon (Soudan français), Paris: Domat-Montchrestien 1940. 11 �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 41 bom15. Niestety Studencka Ekspedycja Etnograficzna Afryka’85 nie zakończyła się sukcesem. Jak wspomina jeden z jej uczestników: „zaplanowano badania etnograficzne i etnoarcheologiczne w wioskach plemion Bozo, Dogon i Kurumba na terenie Mali i Burkina Faso w Afryce Zachodniej. Zrealizowano je w niewielkim stopniu ze względu na wypadek samochodowy i szybszy niż planowano powrót do kraju”16. Pomysł prowadzenia badań etnologicznych wśród Kurumbów pojawił się ponownie w czasie przygotowań do Ekspedycji Etnologicznej „Sahara-Sahel’90”17. „Przewidywano kontynuację badań stacjonarnych u Somba (Betamaribe) w Beninie oraz ewentualnie u Lobi w Burkina Faso, a także rozpoznanie wśród innych grup etnicznych leżących na trasie podróży”18. Rozważano także możliwość wizyty na północy Burkina Faso u Kurumbów, w związku z czym ponownie sięgnąłem po monografię tego ludu. Niestety znowu nic z tego nie wyszło, gdyż planowaną trasę, a wraz z nią zakres planowanych badań, znacznie ograniczył stan techniczny samochodów. Po przekształceniach ustrojowych w Polsce realna stała się podróż do Afryki samolotem19. W 1995 roku po raz pierwszy poA.-M. Schweeger-Hefel, S. Wilhelm, Die Kurumba…, op. cit. S. Szafrański, Jelczem do Mali, „Z otchłani wieków” 1988, t. 43, s. 26. 17 Ekspedycja realizowana była jeszcze sposobami znanymi w PRL, tzn. grupa osób zainteresowanych wyjazdem zbierała środki finansowe, gromadziła towar na wymianę barterową w Afryce i wspólnie wyjeżdżała samochodem. W czasach PRL podróż lotnicza, poruszanie się w terenie lokalnymi środkami transportu, wynajem samochodu terenowego na miejscu były bardzo kosztowne. Przekraczały możliwości finansowe uczestników, dlatego wybierano tańszą metodę, tj. dojazd z Polski do terenu badań w Afryce własnym samochodem. 18 J. Łapott, Ekspedycja Etnologiczna SAHARA-SAHEL’90 – sprawozdanie z prze­biegu i wyników działalności wyprawy do Afryki, „Materiały Zachodnio­ pomorskie”1992, t. 38, s. 386. 19 Zaprzestano dużych, trwających kilka miesięcy wypraw samochodami przez pół Europy i Saharę na rzecz bardziej zindywidualizowanych wyjazdów 15 16 �42 Lucjan Buchalik leciałem na badania. Prowadziłem je w kraju Dogonów, pośrednio dotyczyły one także Kurumbów, nazywanych przez Dogonów Tellemami. Odpowiadając na pytania o historię Dogonów, moi respondenci bardzo często wspominali Tellemów, których zastali w Falezach Bandiagary i którzy później „poszli do Yoro i teraz nazywają się Ganame”20. 2. Cel prowadzenia badań O sens pracy badawczej w Afryce pytają zarówno rodacy etno­ loga, jak i przedstawiciele ludu, którego kulturę bada. U siebie etnolog słyszy pytanie: „po co ty tam jeździsz?”, a w domyśle pytającego pojawia się turystyczny cel wyjazdów. Tych drugich ciekawi przyjazd białego do – z turystycznego punktu widzenia – mało atrakcyjnego regionu. Zadają pytania: „kim jesteś?”, „po co przyjechałeś?”. Początkowo odpowiadałem: „jestem turystą”, bo wydawało mi się, że taką odpowiedź będzie łatwiej im zrozu- lotniczych. Wyprawa mająca do dyspozycji ciężarówkę miała też swoje plusy. Duża ilość sprzętu obozowego pozwalała na rozbicie obozu praktycznie wszędzie. A kiedy brakowało miejsca, wielkość ciężarówki pozwalała na zanocowanie w niej, bez potrzeby rozbijania obozu. Przyjazd ciężarówką znacznie też ułatwiał transport zgromadzonych podczas badań zbiorów. Niedogodność polegała na uzależnieniu od jej stanu technicznego. Przylot samolotem i poruszanie się lokalnymi środkami transportu, wynajem ich w miejscu prowadzenia badań ma też swoje minusy. Podróżując z plecakiem nie można zabrać większej ilości zapasów, co skutkuje uzależnieniem (w wyborze miejsc noclegowych) od mieszkańców odwiedzanych wiosek. Jest to pewne utrudnienie, ale jednocześnie wielka szansa na zawiązanie kontaktów. Ułatwia to później pracę przy zbieraniu informacji, uczestniczeniu w życiu lokalnej społeczności. W porównaniu do lat 80. w połowie lat 90. XX wieku nastąpiła jakościowa zmiana, jeśli chodzi o warunki techniczne i sposoby prowadzenia badań. 20 Informator: Yogara. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 43 mieć. Ale w czasie mojej pierwszej wizyty w Pobe-Mengao21 mój rozmówca, Almisi Sawadogo, powiedział: „ty nie jesteś turystą, turysta nie zadaje takich pytań”. Był on wieloletnim współpracownikiem naukowców austriackich, korespondował nawet listownie z A.-M. Schweeger-Hefel. Znał więc specyfikę pracy etnologa. Jak się później okazało, w społeczności Pobe-Mengao wiedza o badaniach etnologicznych prowadzonych przez Austriaków jest powszechna. Wielokrotnie pokazywano mi pracę pt. Die Kurumba von Lurum. Książka napisana jest po niemiecku, więc nie znają jej treści, ale bardzo chętnie pokazują siebie i swoich przodków uwiecznionych na zdjęciach. Jak głęboka jest wiedza o pracy etnologa, może ilustrować pewna scenka, która miała miejsce w jednej z pijalń (buvete) w Pobe-Mengao. Młody człowiek obserwujący moją pracę, po zakończeniu wywiadu zapytał wprost: „co jest dobre, a co złe, co mam robić?”. Starsi na jego pytanie zareagowali śmiechem i odpowiedzieli: „on się tym nie zajmuje, nie ocenia tego, co robią ludzie, tylko pisze”. Później wytłumaczyłem mu, że interesuje mnie tradycyjna kultura i zmiany zachodzące w ich życiu, a nie ocena postępowania. Austriaccy naukowcy w pewien sposób przygotowali grunt pod badania następnych pokoleń. Porównując swoją pracę w Pobe-Mengao i innych wioskach, bardzo odległych od głównych szlaków (Ouahigouya – Djibo i Kongoussi – Djibo), gdzie nie pamięta się o badaniach Austriaków, zauważyłem dużą różnicę w podejściu miejscowej ludności do pracy etnologa. W Pobe-Mengao nieskrępowane poruszanie się po wiosce i przeprowadzenie wywiadu nie przedstawia żadnego problemu, podczas gdy w wioskach oddalonych od szlaków przyjazd białego jest zawsze sen21 Zapis Pobe-Mengao spotyka się w starszej literaturze, współcześnie stosuje się zapis Pobé-Mengao, podobnie Gagaboulle = Gargaboullé, Toulfe = Toulfé. Autor niniejszego artykułu stosuje pierwotną wersję zapisu. �44 Lucjan Buchalik sacją. Przeprowadzenie wywiadu staje się trudnym, dużym przedsięwzięciem, w które zaangażowanych jest wiele osób. Bardzo często odbywają się one w miejscach publicznych w obecności sporej części mieszkańców wioski. Naukowcy, szczególnie humaniści, często spotykają się z pytaniem, czemu służą te badania. O ile w przypadku nauk technicznych odpowiedź jest stosunkowo prosta i przemawiająca do wyobraźni przeciętnego obywatela, o tyle w przypadku nauk humanistycznych, szczególnie tych prowadzonych wśród obcych kultur, udzielenie satysfakcjonującej odpowiedzi nie jest już takie proste. Nie wystarcza mówienie o tym, że pozyskiwanie wiedzy jest wartością samą w sobie. Prowadzenie badań niesie z sobą wartość ulotną, w odczuciu przeciętnego obywatela – mało praktyczną. Ale etnologia może być użyteczna wobec problemu napięć społecznych związanych chociażby z procesami migracyjnymi. Może pomóc odpowiedzieć na pytanie, co zrobić, by powstrzymać niekontrolowaną migrację ludności Afryki. Problem wykorzystania wiedzy etnologów-afrykanistów to szeroki temat wykraczający poza niniejsze opracowanie. 3. Techniki i metody badawcze Przyjeżdżając do Kurumbów po raz pierwszy w 1997 roku posiadałem wiedzę przekazaną w publikacjach przez badaczy francuskich, austriackich i holenderskich oraz pewne doświadczenie w prowadzeniu badań terenowych w Afryce wyniesione z poprzednich pobytów. Przygotowując się do badań, przeanalizowałem sposób pracy etnologów francuskich i austriackich, a przez dwadzieścia lat, podczas których prowadziłem własne badania wśród Kurumbów, wraz ze zdobywaniem doświadczenia modyfikowałem swoje metody pracy. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 45 Najczęściej posługiwałem się obserwacją uczestniczącą, połączoną z wywiadem, bowiem „metoda ta pozostaje główną cechą wyróżniającą profesjonalną antropologię”22. Odmienną wobec wzoru anglo-amerykańskiego obserwację uczestniczącą wypracował wspomniany już M. Griaule23. Nie mogę jednak stosować jego metody pracy, ponieważ najczęściej pracuję w terenie samotnie. Ma to swoje plusy, jak ten, że obecność jednego etnologa nie zakłóca rytmu życia badanej społeczności, ale i minusy: niebezpieczeństwo przeoczenia drobnej, lecz istotnej kwestii. Żeby go uniknąć, M. Griaule zaleca w swej metodzie, by sprawdzenia zebranego materiału dokonywały dwie ekipy badawcze24. W przypadku prac prowadzonych przez jednego badacza jest to niemożliwe. Wraz ze wzrostem zaufania mieszkańców mogłem liczyć na ich pomoc i zaangażowanie w proces dokumentacji uroczystości, w których uczestniczyłem. Byli bardzo pomocni, gdy ceremonie, w których uczestniczyła duża grupa ludzi, rejestrowali kamerą video lub komentowali je i nagrywali swoje wypowiedzi na taśmie magnetofonowej. W badaniach terenowych w równym stopniu wykorzystuję dwie podstawowe formy wywiadowcze: wywiad sformalizowany i spontaniczną rozmowę. Dużym wyzwaniem organizacyjnym są wy- 22 J. Clifford, Kłopoty z kulturą. Dwudziestowieczna etnografia, literatura i sztuka, przekł. Ewa Dżurak (et al.), Warszawa: Wydawnictwo KR 2000, s. 43. 23 Uważał on, że samotny badacz nie może dokonać pełnej obserwacji uczestniczącej. Dlatego w swoich badaniach do obserwacji wykorzystywał co najmniej kilku etnologów. Duża ilość „obcych” zakłócała jednak proces badawczy. Zwracali na to uwagę jego anglo-amerykańscy krytycy, preferujący „model indywidualnej obserwacji uczestniczącej” (J. Clifford, Kłopoty…, op. cit., s. 70–88). 24 M. Griaule, Méthode de l’ethnographie, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France 1957, s. 24–26. �46 Lucjan Buchalik wiady zbiorowe, tłumaczone przez dwóch tłumaczy25. Rozmowę trzeba prowadzić bardzo uważnie, wielokrotnie powtarzając pytania. Należy zwracać uwagę na to, kto udziela odpowiedzi i z kim ją konsultuje, by móc potem zadać odpowiednie pytania weryfikujące. Odpowiedzi informatorów często są dla mnie nie w pełni zrozumiałe. Dlatego wielokrotnie powtarzam te same pytania, omawiam z różnymi informatorami te same zagadnienia. W trakcie rozmów pojawiają się nowe tematy, wywiady rzucają nowe światło na otaczającą rzeczywistość26. Zrozumienie sensu wypowiedzi informatorów ułatwiają obserwacje wydarzeń. By obserwacja uczestnicząca była wartościowa, badacz musi zostać zaakceptowany przez mieszkańców odwiedzanych wiosek, dlatego staram się wchodzić w możliwie bliskie relacje z badanymi osobami, towarzysząc im w ich codziennych zajęciach i w ważniejszych uroczystościach, przede wszystkim rodzinnych. Po dłuższym czasie udało mi się pozyskać zaufanie rodzin w wioskach, w których prowadzę badania27. Pomogły mi osoby zajmujące się niesieniem pomocy humanitarnej, o czym mowa będzie w dalszej części ar25 Do takich sytuacji dochodziło dość rzadko. Miały one miejsce w wioskach – najczęściej z dala od szlaków – gdzie nie było szkoły, a co za tym idzie – osób znających j. francuski. 26 Najbardziej było to widoczne w trakcie intronizacji Lurumyo (11 czerwca 2011 r.), kiedy to część mieszkańców Pobe-Mengao zarzucało nowemu władcy, że nie został wybrany zgodnie z tradycją. W trakcie ceremonii intronizacyjnych byłem świadkiem konsternacji uczestników wywołanej naruszeniem zasad ceremoniału przez nowego władcę. Miałem okazję słyszeć na gorąco komentarze uczestników ceremonii. W następnych latach mogłem śledzić, jak niechętnie przyjęty (przez część poddanych) władca budował swój autorytet. 27 Na początku sądzono, że jestem turystą, w trakcie kolejnych rozmów wyjaśniłem, że jestem etnologiem i próbuję bliżej poznać ich kulturę. Wielu moich informatorów z królestwa Lurum, pamiętało pobyt etnologów austriackich. Dobrze wspominali A.-M. Schweeger-Hefel i W. Staude, ta pierwsza, aż do śmierci w 1991 r., korespondowała ze swoimi informatorami z Pobe-Mengao. Skojarzono �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 47 tykułu. Nawiązanie przyjacielskich kontaktów z mieszkańcami pozwala na bezpośrednią obserwację życia rodzinnego, która niesie z sobą zupełnie inną jakość informacji. Czymś innym jest wiedza uzyskana w trakcie wywiadów, które są w zasadzie deklaracjami rozmówcy o jego wyobrażeniu rzeczywistości, a czymś innym jest wiedza potwierdzona przez własną obserwację. Na przykład, przepytywani mężczyźni deklarowali niejednokrotnie, że żony w małżeństwach poligynicznych żyją ze sobą w zgodzie. Uczestnicząc w ceremonii zaślubin, miałem okazję widzieć reakcję żony już poślubionej – jeden z moich współpracowników poprosił, bym zrobił zdjęcie rodzinne w trakcie jego wesela. Oprócz zainteresowanego i tulącej się do niego nowej żony, na fotografii miały znajdować się również dzieci i pierwsza żona. Jej wyraz twarzy nie pozostawiał wątpliwości odnośnie do tego, co myśli o poślubieniu drugiej żony przez męża. Najlepszymi moimi informatorami w sprawach dotyczących historii i tradycji są ludzie starsi, pełniący określone funkcje w badanych społecznościach28. Zaś tematy związane z zachodzącym procesem przemian najlepiej omawiać z tzw. funkcjonariuszami29 i osobami młodymi. Aby być pewnym uzyskanych informacji, należy zadawać pytania kontrolne, rozmawiać z wieloma informatorami w różnych okolicznościach, a także przeprowadzać wiele wywiadów weryfikujących z różnymi osobami, w różnych miejscowościach i z udziałem różnych przewodników-tłumaczy. Istotnym zagadnieniem wynikającym często podczas prowadzenia badań w Afryce są kompetencje rozmówcy w temacie posiadanej wiedzy oraz możliwości jej przekazania innym. Informatorzy udzielają odpowiedzi tylko na tematy dotyczące „zakresu więc moją działalność z ich pracą, tłumaczyło to moją dociekliwość i ułatwiało kontakt. 28 Kapłani, wodzowie wiosek, starsi rodów. 29 Urzędnicy różnych szczebli, nauczyciele. �48 Lucjan Buchalik ich kompetencji”, przykładem może być mit o pojawieniu się „żelaznego domu”. Może go opowiedzieć tylko przedstawiciel rodu wodzowskiego (Konfe), najlepiej przez Lurumyo, którego przodek przybył z nieba w „żelaznym domu”. Przedstawiciele rodu Sawadogo, chociaż znają ten mit, nie chcą o nim mówić, bo to należy do rodu sprawującego władzę. Z kolei tylko przedstawiciele rodu Sawadogo mogą rozmawiać na temat „władztwa ziemi”, bo to właśnie do nich należy, itd. Nigdy nie nalegam, by rozmówca poruszał tematy, do omawiania których nie ma kompetencji. Uporczywe dopytywanie „niekompetentnego” rozmówcy może spowodować, że chcąc „pochwalić się” swoimi kompetencjami, zaprezentuje nam swoje wyobrażenie na dany temat, a nie realną wiedzę. „Żelazny dom”, jego usytuowanie, konstrukcja i wszystko, co się z nim wiąże, absorbowały moją uwagę od początku. Z jednej strony wynikało to z naukowej ciekawości, ale z drugiej chyba jednak z czystej przekory, bo podobno im bardziej nam się czegoś odmawia, tym bardziej tego pragniemy, a skoro austriackim badaczom udało się tam dotrzeć, więc dlaczego ja mam zrezygnować? W 1997 roku, w początkowej fazie badań poprosiłem ówczesnego YoSigri30 o pozwolenie odwiedzenia „żelaznego domu” – teren ten jest jednocześnie cmentarzem, miejscem spoczynku władców Lurum. On jednak odmówił i wspomniał austriackich etnologów: Jeden biały Monssieur Williams i jego żona Anne-Marie prosili o zgodę na zwiedzenie „żelaznego domu”. Williams poleciał samolotem na miejsce, by zrobić zdjęcie „żelaznego domu”, po czym wrócił tutaj, pokazał wszystkim zdjęcie i zmarł. Jego żona Anne-Marie również Pełna nazwa władcy Lurum brzmi Lurumyo, mówiąc o konkretnym władcy należy dodać jego zabyure (przydomek nadawany po wyborze na władcę). W latach 90. XX w do władcy zwracano się Lurumyo Sigri lub Ayo Sigri. Kurumbowie – w potocznych rozmowach – mówiąc o władcy, często opuszczają przedrostek „a”, stosując skrót YoSigri. 30 �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 49 zmarła31. Osoby z otoczenia Lurumyo Sigri proponowały mi, że pójdą do „żelaznego domu” i zrobią dla mnie zdjęcia – nie skorzystałem. W tym samym czasie Hamado Sawadogo – mój pierwszy przewodnik-tłumacz – opisał miejsce, gdzie znajduje się „żelazny dom” oraz sposób, w jaki można do niego dotrzeć. W późniejszych latach, nawet wtedy, gdy nie pytałem, moi afrykańscy znajomi wskazywali mi miejsce, gdzie znajduje się „żelazny dom” – o kilkadziesiąt minut marszu od drogi głównej. Bez trudu mogłem tam dotrzeć. Jednak nigdy się tam nie wybrałem. Sądzę, że niewiele by mi to pomogło w moich badaniach32, a na pewno pogorszyłoby moje dobre relacje z lokalną wspólnotą. 4. Pokrewieństwo żartów (1997–2004) Po raz pierwszy przyjechałem do kraju Kurumbów w marcu 1997 roku, „mobiletką” P-5033, wjeżdżając od strony Kongoussi do Bourzangi, stolicy wodzostwa Tera. Z etnologicznego i archeologicznego punktu widzenia jest to bardzo interesujący teren badawczy. Jednak realizowany wtedy temat dotyczący pokrewieństwa żartów spowodował, że bardziej interesujące było leżące bardziej na północ wodzostwo Lurum. Przyjeżdżając po raz pierwszy do Pobe-Mengao, miałem nadzieję na spotkanie kogoś z rodziny Petersango Konfe – przewodnika-tłumacza, z którym pracowali austriaccy naukowcy34. Zdawałem sobie sprawę z kluFaktem jest, że W. Staude zmarł młodo, ale A.-M. Schweeger-Hefel dożyła sędziwego wieku. 32 Cmentarzysko, to raczej miejsce pracy archeologa, a nie etnologa. 33 Był to bardzo zawodny pojazd często się psujący, ale za to bardzo łatwy w naprawie i tani w eksploatacji. Przez następnych kilka lat był to mój podstawowy środek lokomocji. 34 Zmarł w 1968 roku. 31 �50 Lucjan Buchalik czowej roli, jaką dla etnologa w terenie stanowi przewodnik-tłumacz. Liczyłem na to, że może ktoś z rodziny będzie chciał pójść w jego ślady. Pomysł ten nie został zrealizowany, a moimi wieloletnimi współpracownikami zostali bracia Adama i Moussa/Samuel Sawadogo. W czasie pierwszego pobytu spotkałem Almisi Sawadogo – jednego ze współpracowników etnologów austriackich. Ze względu na wiek nie czuł się na siłach, aby wspólnie ze mną przemierzać kraj Kurumbów. Zadanie to zlecił swojemu najstarszemu synowi (niedawno przybyłemu z Abidjanu35) Hamado Sawadogo, który niestety kilka tygodni po moim wyjeździe zmarł. W następnych sezonach badawczych (aż po dziś dzień), będąc w Pobe-Megao, korzystam z usług jego braci. W trakcie rozmów z informatorami w czasie mojego pierwszego pobytu, szczególnie dotyczących historii, pojawiał się wątek braterstwa z Dogonami. Kurumbowie uważają ich za swych braci. Twierdzenie to było o tyle interesujące, że w trakcie wcześniejszych badań w Falezach Bandiagary Dogonowie nie wspominali o Kurumbach jako o braciach. Twierdzenia Kurumbów o szczególnych więziach łączących ich z Dogonami spowodowały, że stało się to pierwszym moim tematem badawczym realizowanym wśród Kurumbów. W latach 1998–2004 skoncentrowałem się właśnie na badaniach dotyczących świadomości braterstwa między tymi dwoma ludami36. Pierwszym etapem badań był Program Badawczy „Lurum’2000” (opracowany wspólnie z J. Łapottem), realizowany na przestrzeni 2–3 lat. Jego celem było zgromadzenie danych i weryfikacja Hamado pracował na Wybrzeżu Kości Słoniowej jako krawiec. Twierdził, że dobrze mu się powodziło, a do Pobe-Mengao wrócił po to, by opiekować się starzejącym się ojcem. To było interesujące, bo świadczyło o jego przywiązaniu do tradycji, a to czyniło go dodatkowo „atrakcyjnym” źródłem wiedzy. 36 Efektem tych badań była wspomniana już publikacja: L. Buchalik, Niewolnicy…, op. cit. 35 �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 51 poglądów na temat wspólnoty kulturowej plemion Dogon i Kurumba (w przeszłości i obecnie) oraz ewentualnych wpływów kultury Tellem na owe ludy. W ramach programu zorganizowano trzy misje badawcze (lata: 2000–200237). „Badania prowadzono na terenie zamieszkałym przez plemiona Mossi, Kurumbów i Dogonów. Z zebranych materiałów wynika, że kultura materialna tych ludów nie różni się. Środowisko naturalne oraz funkcjonowanie w obrębie jednego państwa na tyle zdominowało ich życie, że trudno dostrzec jakieś różnice. Różnice, ale także i elementy wspólne występują natomiast w sferze kultury społecznej i duchowej, i to stało się szczególnym obiektem moich zaintereso­ wań”38. Kluczowymi osobami tego projektu byli Asendesa (władca ziemi), wspierany przez Almisi, oraz Lurumyo Sigri. Wszyscy oni byli współpracownikami jeszcze Austriaków. Niektóre wątki pojawiające się z ich wypowiedziach badane były również w następnych latach. Przykładem może być sytuacja z 1998 roku, kiedy w rozmowie o „żelaznym domu” Lurumyo wspomniał o sposobie sprowadzania deszczu – nie zwróciłem wtedy na to uwagi. Dopiero kiedy w 2010 roku byłem świadkiem części ceremonii związanych ze sprowadzaniem deszczu, moją uwagę przykuł właśnie ten fragment wywiadu. Brak deszczu, opóźniane się pory deszczowej, to dla tutejszych rolników poważny problem, dlatego tak absorbuje ich uwagę. Później miałem okazję wielokrotnie rozmawiać na ten 37 Uczestniczyli w nich: Lucjan Buchalik (etnolog) i Katarzyna Podyma (historyk) z Muzeum Miejskiego w Żorach, Jacek Łapott (etnolog) i Mirosława Kujda (przyrodnik) z Muzeum Narodowego w Szczecinie oraz Urszula Duda – studentka etnologii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Niestety z braku funduszy i kandydata badań archeologicznych nie przeprowadzono. 38 L. Buchalik, J. Łapott, Sprawozdanie z realizacji programów badawczych „Lurum 2000” oraz „Atacora-Lurum 2001” i „Yoro 2002”, „Ludzie i Kultury” 2003, t. 1, s. 70. �52 Lucjan Buchalik temat i obserwować elementy inicjujące ceremonię. Kulminacyjny moment ma miejsce przy „żelaznym domu”, który jest dla mnie niedostępny. Wielokrotne systematyczne odwiedziny na przestrzeni lat u tych samych rodzin39, udział w ich życiu codziennym, wywiązywanie się z obietnic (przywożenie wcześniej zrobionych zdjęć), utrzymywanie stałego kontaktu (listy, kartki świąteczne, telefony, SMS-y) oraz udzielana im pomoc materialna (będzie o tym mowa w dalszej części artykułu) pozwoliła na zdobycie ich zaufania. Z niektórymi z czasem połączyła nić przyjaźni, co zaowocowało ich zaangażowaniem w zbieranie materiału badawczego. Sami opracowywali materiały, najczęściej dotyczyły one historii wsi, genealogii wodzów40. Najciekawsze były poświęcone zwyczajom pogrzebowym wodzów z Toulfe. Mimo iż w owym czasie nie był to mój główny temat badawczy, poświęciłem mu sporo uwagi. Najpierw drogą listowną, zadając pytania uszczegóławiające, sprawdzające. Potem już w terenie, przeprowadzając wywiady z osobami wymienionymi w tekście, częściowo biorąc udział w opisanych zwyczajach41. Równie istotny jak kontakt z mieszkańcami były relacje w władzami tak tradycyjnymi (Ayo, Kesu, Asendesa), jak i oficjalnymi (prefekt, mer, nauczyciele). W urzędach można otrzymać oficjalNajczęściej mieszkam u rodzin: Badini w Bourzanga, Zoungrama w Nam­ siguia, Sawadogo w Pobe-Mengao, Konfe w Zana, Maïga w Belehede i Aribinda, Ganame w Toulfe. 40 Gabriel Zoungrama przygotował dokument L’histoire de Namsiguia, Namsiguia 2003. Boukari Maïga przepisał opracowanie D. L. Koundaba Douramane Laribou, L’histoire de Belehede: source, Belehede, ~2004. Interesujący dokument znaleźli Hassami i Mammoudou Ganame w Toulfe. Jest to historia Toulfe i wodzów w niej panujących, począwszy od czasów mitycznych, aż po dzień współczesny, spisana przez G. Ganame, Historique de village de Toulfe depuis sa creation, Toulfe, 2004. 41 Artykuł poświęcony mumifikacji u Kurumbów jest przygotowywany do druku. W oryginalnym opracowaniu M. Ganame użył terminu „mumifikacja” nawiązującego do okresu przechowywania ciała zmarłego w jego domu. 39 �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 53 ne dane dotyczące liczebności wiosek, a nieoficjalnie – dotyczące składu etnicznego oraz codziennych problemów, z jakimi borykają się mieszkańcy. Pierwszy wyjazd do Kurumbów zrealizowałem sam, w następnych latach w badaniach etnologicznych brali udział przede wszystkim: Jacek Łapott (Muzeum Narodowe w Szczecinie, Uniwersytet Szczeciński) i Katarzyna Podyma (Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach). 5. Zmiany w tradycyjnej kulturze (od 2006 roku) Pierwszy etap badawczy, poświęcony głównie zagadnieniu pokrewieństwa żartów, był na tyle inspirujący, że rozpoczął okres moich wieloletnich badań wśród tego ludu. Po zakończeniu opracowywania tego tematu w 2004 roku kontynuowałem badania nad tematami podjętymi wcześniej. W tym też czasie w terenie pojawiają się młodzi naukowcy, najpierw Ewa Prądzyńska (Muzeum Narodowe w Szczecinie), studenci ze Szczecina, Wrocławia, Cieszyna, a później doktorantka Katarzyna Meissner (2014–2015; prowadzi bardzo zaawansowane badania, o czym mowa będzie w dalszej części artykułu). Od 2009 roku w wyjazdach do Kurumbów uczestniczą członkowie Centrum Misji i Ewangelizacji z Dzięgielowa, którzy koncentrują się na działaniach charytatywnych. W latach 2010–2011 do Pobe-Megao przyjeżdżali członkowie stowarzyszenia „Edukacja dla Pokoju” z Warszawy, celem tych wizyt była budowa szkoły. Działania pomocowe prowadzone przez wspomniane organizacje są doskonałą okazją do prowadzenia badań nad procesem zmian zachodzących w tradycyjnej kulturze Kurumbów. Od 2016 roku na terenach zamieszkałych przez Kurumbów badania prowadzą polscy archeolodzy. Punktem wyjścia badań była wspomniana wcześniej literatura przedmiotu. Później, po zgromadzeniu większej ilości materiałów �54 Lucjan Buchalik własnych, to one stanowiły podstawę programu badawczego realizowanego w terenie. Porównując informacje zawarte w literaturze oraz wywiady i obserwacje, wyraźnie można zauważyć zachodzący proces przemian. W przypadku tzw. „trudnych pytań”, kiedy był kłopot z uzyskaniem odpowiedzi, powoływałem się na austriackich poprzedników – szczególnie w sytuacjach, kiedy moi informatorzy zasłaniali się niewiedzą lub twierdzili, że dane zjawisko nie występowało. Powtarzając pytanie, odwoływałem się do znanych im postaci: „ale przecież Anna-Maria i Wilhelm o tym pisali”. Wtedy wracaliśmy do tematu, a informatorzy starali się odpowiadać, ale tylko moi starsi rozmówcy, którzy pamiętali jeszcze pracę z austriackimi naukowcami. Dostęp badacza do intymnej, zastrzeżonej dla wtajemniczonych sfery kultury badanego ludu zawsze budzi wątpliwości. Czy powinniśmy (my obcy) w nie wkraczać? Ród Sawadogo w Nenkate (jedna z dzielnic Pobe-Mengao) ma dwa ważne dla siebie miejsca sacrum, do których odmawiano mi wejścia. Jednym z nich jest sanktuarium darakere42, a drugim ołtarz rodzinny kanay-daŋ. Almisi Sawadogo, jeden ze starszych rodu, w marcu 1999 roku na migi pokazał mi (nie znał francuskiego), żebym za nim poszedł. Zaprowadził mnie do domu i wskazał na kanay-daŋ, po czym wymownie dał mi do zrozumienia, by nikomu o tym nie mówić, to miała być nasza tajemnica. Almisi, pokazując mi ołtarz, nie przekroczył prawa rodu, był to bowiem jego ołtarz rodzinny. Nie wszedł w kompetencje Asendesa i nie pokazał sanktuarium darakere. Kilka lat później jego syn Adama, również w wielkiej tajemnicy przed rodziną, pokazał mi ten sam ołtarz. W ten sposób ojciec i syn, w tajemnicy przed sobą, pokazywali obcemu rodzinne świę42 Niewielka chatka (wykonana tradycyjnymi metodami) okrągła, kryta strzechą, na której znajduje się strusie jajo. Mieszczą się w niej obiekty kultu, zarządzana jest przez Asendesa. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 55 tości. W takich sytuacjach pojawia się trudny dla etnologa problem: jak się zachowywać, by nie wchodzić zbyt brutalnie w rodzinne relacje. To oczywiście nie jest jedyny przykład ingerencji etnologa w życie ludzi, których historię i kulturę bada. Jednym z takich przykładów jest dla mnie zachowanie mojego współpracownika Adamy, który od 2001 roku sam zaczął prowadzić własne badania, zaopatrzony najpierw w długopis i notes, później w dyktafon, aparat fotograficzny i kamerę. Kiedy kończyłem wywiad, Adama pytał, czy zakończyłem już pracę i sam przechodził do zadawania pytań. Słuchałem tych rozmów z dużym zainteresowaniem. Dzięki nim wiedziałem, co interesuje Adamę. Najciekawsze było jednak to, w jaki sposób prowadzi on rozmowę – można się było wiele nauczyć. W konsekwencji tych działań Adama w 2003 roku zaopatrzył się w pieczątkę o treści: „Adama Sawadogo historien Kurumba”. Swoją wiedzę zaczął zapisywać i w 2008 roku mogłem zapoznać się z wynikami jego pracy, którą prowadzi dwóch kierunkach: opracowania słownika języka koronfe i opracowania historii Kurumbów, która zaczyna się od wyjaśnienia znaczenia słowa sawadogo, co ma swoje uzasadnienie w tym, że ród Sawadogo uznawany jest za autochtonów na obszarze wodzostwa Lurum. Wątek mitu etiologicznego o „żelaznym domu”, który wylądował w buszu, pojawiał się w badaniach od samego ich początku. Znaleźli go przodkowie dzisiejszych Sawadogo, ale wyszli z niego przodkowie rodu Konfe. Między rodami doszło do walki, w wyniku której ustalono zakres rodowych kompetencji: Konfe zostali ustanowieni władcami ludzi, Sawadogo – władcami ziemi, taki podział władzy honorowany jest do dzisiaj. Znając zapis mitu dokonany przez austriackich naukowców i słuchając współczesnych jego wersji, dostrzec można zmiany w jego narracji. Jednak bardziej interesujące było dla mnie to, że jedną z wersji mitu opowiadał Austriakom Hamidu (Medo) Konfe, znany mi jako YoSigri. �56 Lucjan Buchalik Na początku XXI wieku wraz z rozwojem telefonii komórkowej pojawiła się możliwość prowadzenia wywiadów na odległość. Bardzo przydatna okazała się możliwość doprecyzowania informacji uzyskanych w trakcie terenowych wywiadów za pomocą SMS-ów. Analizując wypowiedzi informatorów, niejednokrotnie zauważałem pewne braki i niedociągnięcia, które szybko można było skorygować drogą SMS-ową. Telefony komórkowe doskonale sprawdzają się również w informowaniu o ważnych ceremoniach takich jak pogrzeby władców czy intronizacje. W końcu marca 2007 roku otrzymałem wiadomość SMS o treści: On n’est pas loin des funeraille. Mimo że specjalnie przyjechałem na tę uroczystość, nie mogłem uczestniczyć w główniej części ceremonii43. Można by odnieść wrażenie, że mój przyjazd był stratą czasu, ale nie – nie dla etnologa. To była świetna okazja do obserwacji zachowań w tym ważnym dla wspólnoty święcie. Tym bardziej że w tym samym czasie w sąsiednim wodzostwie Lurum odbywały się ceremonie związane z intronizacją Kesu44. Gdy zapytałem moich współpracowników z Pobe-Mengao, dlaczego nie poinformowali mnie o tym wydarzeniu, odparli: i tak wiedzieliśmy, że przyjedziesz, to miała być niespodzianka dla ciebie45. Telefonami komórkowymi robili zdjęcia z uroczystości poprzedzających główne ceremonie, aby mi później je pokazać. Trzy lata później telefon tegoż samego współpracownika (Mammoudou Ganame) poinformował mnie o rozpoczynających się ceremoniach introniza43 W trakcie poprzedniego pobytu, w październiku 2006 roku, obiecano mi, że będę mógł uczestniczyć w ceremoniach pogrzebowych Pelayo. Niestety istnieje różnica w rozumieniu terminu „pogrzeb”. Mieszkańcy Toulfe wyraźnie odróżniają pochówek, w trakcie którego wynosi się ciało z domu zmarłego i przenosi na cmentarz (wejście na cmentarz najczęściej jest zabronione dla obcych) od ceremonii żałobnych, w których mogą uczestniczyć obcy. 44 Kapłan składający ofiary w imieniu wodza, zwany też „małym wodzem”. 45 Współpracownicy z Toulfe i Pobe-Mengao znają się i kontaktują ze sobą za pomocą telefonów komórkowych. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 57 cyjnych Pelayo Kom z Toulfe. Uczestniczyła w nich cała wspólnota, było wielu zaproszonych gości, także obcych. Mogłem więc bez przeszkód uczestniczyć w całej uroczystości. Nowinki techniczne pozwalają na obserwację uroczystości, w których etnolog nie uczestniczy osobiście. Dzięki rejestracji video miałem możliwość obserwować uroczystości związane z pochówkiem Lurumyo, która w końcowej części była dla obcych niedostępna. Kondukt wchodził bowiem na teren cmentarzyska w pobliżu „żelaznego domu”. Rejestracja video wykonana przez uczestnika uroczystości daje jedyną możliwość obserwacji. Weryfikacja informacji uzyskanych w czasie wywiadów następuje czasami w dość przypadkowy sposób. Rozmówcy, szczególnie ci zaangażowani w promowanie kultury Kurumbów, podkreślali wagę języka koronfe. W ich mniemaniu wszyscy Kurumbowie znają język koronfe, który jest istotnym elementem ich tożsamości. W czasie rozmów niejednokrotnie miałem okazję obserwować, jak Kurumbowie rezygnują z własnego języka na rzecz języka moore46. I tak w listopadzie 2016 roku wziąłem udział w oficjalnym spotkaniu w prefekturze w Pobe-Mengao, dotyczącym projektu remontu zapory wodnej. Uczestniczyli w nim właściciele ziemscy, których pola zostałyby zalane po naprawieniu zapory. Wszyscy musieli więc rozumieć treść prowadzonych rozmów. Adama – odgrywający ważną rolę w działaniach pomocowych – chciał, by spotkanie prowadzone było w języku francuskim (rozumianym przez stronę polską) i języku koronfe (używanym przez autochtonów). Okazało się jednak, że część właścicieli ziemskich nie zna 46 Osobie nieznającej j. koronfe najłatwiej jest to zaobserwować na przykładzie stosowania istotnych terminów, np.: Teng Saba (j. moore), zamiast Asendesa (j. koronfe), Naaba (j. moore), a nie Ayo (j. koronfe). �58 Lucjan Buchalik języka autochtonów i posługuje się językiem moore, używanym przez Mossi (grupę dominującą w regionie)47. Istotną sprawą w trakcie prowadzenia wieloletnich badań jest konieczność zmian tłumacza-przewodnika. Ograniczenie się do jednej osoby może spowodować, że będziemy otrzymywać standardowe odpowiedzi. By ułatwić sobie pracę, naszym kolejnym rozmówcom tłumacz będzie „wkładał w usta” wypowiedzi poprzedników. Wywiady będą w ten sposób spłycane, niepełne i przekłamane. Wraz z tym, jak rozwijałem badania korzystałem z różnych tłumaczy-przewodników. W wodzostwie Pela korzystam z usług osób z rodu Ganame, w Tera – z osób wywodzących się z Badini, a w Karo – z Maïga. Są to przedstawiciele najważniejszych w danym wodzostwie rodów. Moi najbardziej zróżnicowani tłumacze wywodzą się z wodzostwa Lurum, w którym przebywam najczęściej. W samym Pobe-Mengao sytuacja jest o tyle prosta, że wiele osób zna francuski i rozmawiając z młodymi i ludźmi w średnim wieku, nie trzeba korzystać z pośrednictwa tłumacza. W trakcie opracowywania wywiadów pozyskanych w terenie pojawiają się tezy, które powinny być odpowiedzią na problem badawczy, a które należałoby zweryfikować w terenie za pomocą pytań kontrolnych. Pojawia się „syndrom niezadanego pytania”, którego w dodatku nie można zadać przez telefon ze względu na złożoność zagadnienia. W konsekwencji trzeba pojechać do Burkina, by w terenie zadać pytania kontrolne, na które odpowiedzi powinny potwierdzić postawioną tezę. Bardzo często jednak pytania kontrolne otwierają nowe pola badawcze, powiększając w ten Kwestia zmiany języka przez współczesnych mieszkańców Pobe-Mengao może być ilustracją zachodzących przemian. W przeszłości Kurumbowie i Mossi prowadzili ze sobą wojny, ci pierwsi zostali zdominowani przez Mossi. W wyniku tych działań w złym tonie było używanie przez Kurumbów j. moore, a w obecności władcy obowiązywał kategoryczny zakaz posługiwania się tym językiem. Zjawisko to poddane jest silnej dynamice i wymaga dalszych badań. 47 �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 59 sposób zasób wiedzy. Wyraźne widać różnice między wiedzą z połowy XX wieku, zawartą w monografii Die Kurumba von Lurum, a współczesną. 6. Tworzenie kolekcji muzealnej Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach posiada obecnie największą w Polsce – znaczącą w skali europejskiej – kolekcję ilustrującą kulturę Kurumbów, liczącą wraz z depozytem około 350 obiektów. Wspomniani wielokrotnie badacze austriaccy pracowali dla wiedeńskiego Muzeum Etnograficznego (Weltmuseum). Ich kolekcja, składająca się głównie z obiektów sztuki (statuetek), pochodzi z pierwszej połowy XX wieku i powstała głównie dzięki zainteresowaniom A.-M. Schweeger-Hefel (z wykształcenia historyka sztuki), której badania koncentrowały się na sztuce w jej socjohistorycznym kontekście48. Kolekcja muzeum żorskiego to głównie obiekty z przełomu XX i XXI wieku, tylko nieliczne pochodzą z pierwszej połowy XX wieku. Składają się na nią przede wszystkim przedmioty codziennego użytku (ceramika, tkaniny, plecionki, itd.), obiekty sztuki (rzeźby, maski) stanowią niewielką część zbioru. Biorąc pod uwagę czas, w którym powstawały obie uzupełniające się kolekcje, są one doskonałą ilustracją zachodzącego w kulturze Kurumbów procesu przemian. Mając świadomość, że prowadząc badania pod koniec XX wieku, nie nabędziemy „starych” obiektów, postanowiłem stworzyć kolekcję ilustrującą współczesne życie Kurumbów. Szczególną uwagę poświęcałem obiektom, które ilustrowały przemiany. Jed48 Oryginalną kolekcję posiada Musée du Korom-Wondi w Pobe-Mengao, jej szczególna wartość polega na tym, że sami Kurumbowie są jej twórcami, przy niewielkim udziale naukowców europejskich. �60 Lucjan Buchalik nym z takich obiektów jest garnitur używany przez jednego z mieszkańców Pobe-Mengao, który w swym uszyciu łączy cechy tradycyjne i współczesne. Tradycyjny jest materiał, z jakiego został wykonany – utkane pasy banderol o szerokości kilkunastu centymetrów. Współczesny zaś jest krój garnituru. Patrząc na niego z większej odległości, trudno odróżnić go od innych strojów noszonych przez funkcjonariuszy. Dopiero z bliska widać wyraźne oryginalne łączenia poszczególnych pasów tkaniny, co – jak sądzę – było pomysłem właściciela (nikt inny takiego garnituru nie nosił), który chciał w ten sposób zaakcentować z jednej strony swoje przywiązanie do tradycji, z drugiej nowoczesne podejście do kwestii stylu życia. Innym obiektem ilustrującym proces przemian jest zakupiony w Toulfe, w grudniu 2014 roku, łuk z cięciwą ze stalowego drutu. Według sprzedającego oryginalną cięciwę na drut zamienił jego dziadek. Stan obiektu, występujące zabrudzenia, wskazują na to, że istotnie drucianą cięciwę zamontowano w łuku dosyć dawno i że był on później używany. Zamianę cięciwy z naturalnej na przemysłową (stalowy drut, rowerową linkę hamulcową itp.) mogłem obserwować na różnych terenach Afryki Zachodniej. W kolekcji Muzeum Miejskiego znajduje się taki „kompilowany” łuk zakupiony u Wama (Benin). W 2016 roku pojawili się u Kurumbów Kogle Woeogo49 uzbrojeni w broń myśliwską i odlane z aluminium proce, służące do miotania strzał z tradycyjnego łuku. Broń taką kupiłem w październiku 2017 roku od strażników pełniących służbę w Pobe-Mengao, dzięki czemu udało mi się uzupełnić o nią muzealną kolekcję. Nie tylko przedmioty się zmieniają, ale także sposób sprzedaży. Tkacze tradycyjnie sprzedawali swój towar na targach. Współ49 Strażnicy pilnujący porządku we wsi – formacja nawiązująca do tradycji Mossi – pojawili się w Burkina Faso w odpowiedzi na zagrożenie bandytyzmem po upadku rządów Blaise’a Campaore’a. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 61 cześnie coraz trudniej jest spotkać tkaczy na targowiskach, głównie dlatego, że coraz mniej osób trudni się tym zajęciem50. Ci zaś, którzy nadal wytwarzają tkaniny wiedzą, że rynków zbytu należy szukać poza granicami regionu. Dlatego na oferowanych produktach zamieszczają informacje o możliwości zakupu przez Internet, podają adresy mailowe – swoje lub handlarzy. Początkowo mieszkańcy wiosek, w których prowadziłem badania nie rozumieli celu czynionych przeze mnie zakupów. Kiedy jednak zauważyli, że na „starych” przedmiotach pochodzących od nieżyjących dziadków czy też rodziców można zarobić, zaczęli mi je przynosić sami. Przykładem może być zakup w Pobe-Mengao w maju 2007 roku naszyjnika z agatów. Sprzedawca twierdził, że właścicielką była jego matka, której naszyjnik kupił jej mąż w latach 40. XX w. Kosztował wtedy tyle, ile kosztował osioł, był to duży wydatek i świadczył o wielkim uczuciu, jakim mąż darzył żonę. Według sprzedawcy o jego wyjątkowości świadczyło również to, że: w Lurum są tylko dwa takie naszyjniki, ten od matki i jeszcze jedna kobieta w Gargaboulle miała taki naszyjnik. Zakupy takie są rzadkością, większość przedmiotów kupuję na targach, w zagrodach lub bezpośrednio u producentów. 7. Działania pomocowe51 W trakcie badań moi rozmówcy zwracali mi często uwagę na swoje problemy materialne, prosząc o pomoc. Najpierw do żorProblemem jest przede wszystkim zmieniająca się moda, wejście w powszechne użycie tanich tkanin, strojów fabrycznych. Koszt wykonania stroju z tkaniny tradycyjnej jest wysoki, między innymi dlatego klienci preferują wyroby przemysłowe. 51 W rozdziale wykorzystano materiały przygotowane przez Iwonę Nawrot i Lidię Żur. 50 �62 Lucjan Buchalik skich parafii zwracałem się z prośbą o wsparcie potrzebujących. Były to tzw. projekty miękkie: dofinansowywanie dzieci z rodzin o niskim statusie materialnym, umożliwiające im chodzenie do szkoły52. Chodziło głównie o sieroty ze wsi Namsiguia. Gabriel Zoungrama przygotował listę sierot z Namsigui i okolicznych przysiółków, w 90 procentach były to sieroty ze względu na brak ojca. Taką dysproporcję tłumaczono faktem, że gdy mężczyzna ma dwie żony i umrze, to osieraca wszystkie dzieci. Kiedy umrze kobieta, to osieraca tylko swoje dzieci. Czyli gdy umiera mężczyzna, który ma dwie żony, to osieraca 100 procent swoich dzieci w rodzinie, a gdy umiera jedna z dwóch żon, to osieraca 50 procent dzieci. Pośród powodów śmiertelności wśród mężczyzn wymieniano ciężką pracę w polu, kopalniach złota53 oraz niebezpieczeństwo związane z podróżami w poszukiwaniu pracy, wliczając w nie częste wypadki w komunikacji samochodowej. Później nawiązałem kontakt z Centrum Misji i Ewangelizacji w Dzięgielowie, które w 2007 roku zaangażowało się w działania pomocowe głównie na terenie wodzostwa Lurum54. Szczególnie aktywni byli: Iwona i Jacek Nawrotowie, Lidia Żur, Damian Pomocka, ks. Grzegorz Giemza kierujący w owym czasie CME55. Zróżnicowana pod względem zawodowym ekipa zaangażowana Teoretycznie uczestniczenie w zajęciach szkolnych jest bezpłatne, ale w praktyce trzeba wnosić pewne opłaty, pod koniec lat 90. XX wieku było to 1 000 F CFA (ok. 6,3 zł). Należy też kupować przybory szkolne. 53 Mowa o niczym niezabezpieczonych biedaszybach i podziemnych korytarzach, gdzie dochodzi do niekontrolowanych osunięć ziemi, to z kolei jest częstą przyczyną śmierci górników. 54 W grudniu 2008 roku przedstawiciele CME po raz pierwszy przyjechali do Burkina, by zobaczyć efekty dwóch już zrealizowanych projektów: zakupu podręczników i pomocy szkolnych dla dzieci ze szkoły podstawowej w PobeMengao oraz wspomnianego warsztatu krawieckiego. 55 W tym czasie w Arbindzie, w wodzostwie Karo, pracował polski misjonarz o. Marcin Zeguła. 52 �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 63 w pomoc humanitarną pozwalała na działalność na różnych polach, często z inicjatywy samych Kurumbów, podczas rozmów z którymi pojawiały się kwestie dotyczące działań pomocowych, w zakresie skolaryzacji, pomocy kobietom, opieki medycznej itp. Pierwszą inicjatywą zrealizowaną w Burkina Faso był warsztat krawiecki w Namsiguia, w którym pracę znalazło kilka osób. Prowadzono także akcję dożywiania dzieci szkolnych i finansowano akcję wydawania dzieciom aktów urodzenia. Uczniowie nieposiadający takiego dokumentu mogli chodzić do szkoły, ale nie mogli otrzymać świadectwa ukończenia szkoły, co z kolei uniemożliwiało im dalsze kształcenie. Sfinansowano zakup i transport z Polski ok. 2,5 tony darów (głównie przyborów szkolnych). W ramach ponadtygodniowej wizyty, w lutym 2010 roku w Pobe-Mengao, polska ekipa (wśród której byli również nauczyciele) przygotowała i poprowadziła zajęcia z języka angielskiego, a także z zakresu profilaktyki dla dzieci w gimnazjum (prelekcje nt. AIDS i udzielania pierwszej pomocy przedmedycznej). W szkołach i dyspenserach rozdano przywiezione apteczki oraz podstawowe leki, których brak stanowi wciąż ogromny problem. Mieszkańcy Pobe-Mengao często wspominali o ciasnocie w istniejących dwóch szkołach podstawowych. Rozpoczęto więc przygotowania do utworzenia trzeciej szkoły, wydzielono uczniów i nauczycieli. Szkoła zaistniała już „na papierze”, ale nie było budynku, w którym mogłaby się mieścić. Uczniowie uczyli się w cieniu drzew lub pod prowizorycznymi zadaszeniami. W opinii mieszkańców istniała jednak paląca potrzeba zbudowania nowej szkoły, określanej literą „C”, później nazwaną przez mieszkańców „polską szkołą”. Centrum Misji i Ewangelizacji oraz warszawskie stowarzyszenie „Edukacja dla Pokoju” zobowiązały się do pomocy w rozwiązaniu tego problemu. Społeczność Pobe-Mengao deklarowała pomoc w budowie szkoły na etapie przygotowań. Strona polska miała sfinansować prace wykonywane przez firmę �64 Lucjan Buchalik budowlaną, a mieszkańcy mieli przywieźć materiały budowlane dostępne w terenie (piasek, żwir). Ich początkowy zapał potwierdzał deklaracje, ale wraz z upływem czasu zaangażowanie mieszkańców malało i pod koniec budowy nie było już chętnych do pracy. Wyjątkiem był mer (Inoussa Konfe), który czuł się zobowiązany do spełnienia obietnicy danej przez reprezentowaną przez niego gminę. Z punktu widzenia badacza-etnologa potrzeba budowy szkoły – powszechnie artykułowana przez mieszkańców – nie została w pełni potwierdzona. Można było domniemywać, że to nauczyciele chcieli budowy szkoły, a mieszkańcom była ona obojętna. W 2016 roku wróciłem do kwestii „polskiej szkoły”, pytając o to, jak jest ona postrzegana. Mieszkańcy raczej bez emocji odpowiadali, że owszem była potrzebna, bo: edukacja jest ważna. Bardzo emocjonalnie zaś wypowiadali się rodzice dzieci do niej uczęszczających. Ci dziękowali Polakom za zbudowanie szkoły, chwalili niskie opłaty i wysoki poziom nauczania56. Z punktu widzenia badawczego problem braku trzeciej szkoły miał swoje trzy odsłony: wyraźne sygnalizowanie potrzeby budowy szkoły, brak zaangażowania w prace budowlane (w kontekście własnych obowiązków), zadowolenie z funkcjonowania szkoły. Szczególnym zainteresowaniem osób prowadzących działalność pomocową cieszyły się kobiety. W latach 2014–2015 w trakcie przygotowywania projektu remontu zniszczonej zapory, w rozmowach prowadzonych z kobietami pojawił się problem braku bielizny. Kobiety miały problem z zaopatrzeniem się w bieliznę nie tylko z przyczyn finansowych. Na targu w Pobe-Mengao, który odbywa się co trzy dni, nie można było bowiem jej kupić. Zorganizowano wtedy akcję „Sekretna misja kobiet”. Od marca do 56 Te dwa czynniki spowodowały, że rodzice bardzo chętnie posyłają tam dzieci, w efekcie znowu część dzieci uczy się w cieniu drzew. Szkoła stała się „ofiarą własnego sukcesu”. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 65 listopada 2015 roku przeprowadzono w Polsce zbiórkę i wysłano 260 kg bielizny – wystarczyło dla każdej kobiety w Pobe-Mengao. W efekcie tych działań handlowcy zwrócili uwagę na zainteresowanie tym towarem i na targu pojawiła się damska bielizna. Innym projektem skierowanym do kobiet była akcja hodowli owiec w Pobe-Mengao. Kobiety otrzymały środki na zakup kilkudziesięciu owiec, których hodowlą miały się zająć. Pieniądze pozyskane z ich sprzedaży miały być przeznaczone częściowo na potrzeby zaangażowanych w hodowlę kobiet, a częściowo na zakup jagniąt. Przy tej okazji można było zaobserwować podejście mężczyzn do aktywności zawodowej kobiet. Na zebranie stowarzyszenia kobiet „Dofre Hansi” nie przyszedł ani jeden mężczyzna z Pobe-Mengao. Jedynym mężczyzną wspierającym kobiety był mieszkaniec pobliskiej Niamangi. Oficjalnie mężczyźni są zadowoleni z aktywności swoich żon, rzeczywistość wygląda jednak inaczej. Wszystkie projekty realizowane przez Polaków były wcześniej dyskutowane z lokalną wspólnotą i władzami: budowa szkoły (w październiku 2010 roku), projektowana naprawa zapory (w listopadzie 2016 roku). Mieszkańcy z zadowoleniem zwracali uwagę na to, że nasze projekty są z nimi konsultowane i dla przeciwwagi wskazywali na salę narad wybudowaną wcześniej na obrzeżach wsi, bez akceptacji mieszkańców na mocy porozumienia pomiędzy rządami Burkina i Stanów Zjednoczonych. Budynek pięknie wygląda, ale usytuowany jest w dość dużej odległości od centrum, w związku z czym zebrania wiejskie nadal odbywają się w przy placu targowym. We wszystkich tych działaniach (z wyjątkiem projektów dotyczących kobiet) uczestniczy Adama Sawadogo. Od dwudziestu lat obserwuję zmiany, jakie zachodzą w postrzeganiu jego osoby przez lokalną społeczność, początkowo ze względu na jego kontakty z etnologami, później ze względu na jego zaangażowanie w działania pomocowe. W 2003 roku nastąpiły poważne zmiany �66 Lucjan Buchalik w wyglądzie domu Adama. Mieszkańcy Pobe-Mengao mówili, że: rodzina Sawadogo z Nenkate inwestuje sporo pieniędzy w dom, to dzięki Adama. W ich domu na przełomie XX i XXI wieku znajdował jedyny prywatny telefon we wsi. Dopiero później pojawiły się telefony komórkowe, które obecnie posiada niemal każdy dorosły mieszkaniec wsi. Adama wyrósł ponad przeciętność, co doskonale ilustruje to, jak wygląda i w co wyposażony jest jego dom oraz długa lista oczekujących na poranne spotkanie z nim. Jest to podstawowy temat badawczy Katarzyny Meissner. 8. Badania „współpracy rozwojowej”57 Prace terenowe wśród Kurumbów przeprowadzone były przez K. Meisner w ramach projektu badawczego pt. „Wiejskie społeczności Afryki w poszukiwaniu projektów rozwojowych. Antropologiczne studium przypadku lokalnych pośredników rozwoju w Mali i Burkina Faso”58. Badania zrealizowano podczas trzech pobytów badawczych59. Celem naukowym projektu było przeprowadzenie studiów nad funkcjonowaniem i rolą lokalnych pośredników rozwoju w procesie redystrybucji dóbr i transmisji wiedzy, określanym jako „współpraca rozwojowa”. Z perspektywy antropologicznej istotne znaczenie dla funkcjonowania pośredników rozwoju mają wydarzenia zachodzące 57 Rozdział opracowano na podstawie materiałów przygotowanych przez Katarzynę Meissner. 58 Projekt został sfinansowany ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki przyznanych na podstawie decyzji numer DEC-2012/07/N/HS3/00866. 59 14.01. – 15.03.2014: Pobe-Mengao (badania stacjonarne), Djibo, Gargaboule, Bougue, Bourzanga, Namsiguia, Titao, Toulfe, Rollo, Lessam, Oudouga, Mentao. 13.01. – 14.03.2015: Pobe-Mengao, Djibo, Titao, Ouindigui, Hitte, Toulfe, Aribinda. 24.08. – 13.11.2015: Pobe-Mengao, Djibo, Bourzanga, Bougue, Gargaboule, Kaya, Zablo, Ouagadugu, Mentao. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 67 w latach 90. XX wieku. Kryzys państwa w Afryce oraz niepowodzenia makroprojektów rozwojowych (nadzorowanych i sterowanych przez władze centralne zainteresowanych państw) doprowadziły do zmiany w światowej polityce i retoryce rozwojowej. W konsekwencji wcale niemalejący, a wręcz gwałtownie wzrastający w ostatnich latach przepływ zasobów zewnętrznych, a zatem i „renta rozwojowa”, zaczęły przechodzić przez niezależne, zdecentralizowane sieci pośredników60. To spowodowało, iż mniej więcej na przełomie XX i XXI wieku pojawił się i wykrystalizował nowy typ pośrednika rozwoju – między ludźmi Północy i Południa, między „rozwijającymi” a „rozwijanymi” – „lokalny pośrednik rozwoju”61. Jego pojawienie się uzasadniło konieczność podjęcia dalszych badań nad zjawiskiem „pośredniczenia”. W kontekście przedstawianej wyżej problematyki K. Meissner postawiła hipotezę, iż na przełomie XX i XXI wieku obecność lokalnych pośredników rozwoju zauważa się wszędzie tam, gdzie realizuje się tzw. mikroprojekty i występuje zdecentralizowana forma udzielania pomocy rozwojowej. Prowadzi to do sytuacji, w której lokalni pośrednicy rozwoju odgrywają coraz większą rolę na szczeblu lokalnym, regionalnym, państwowym i międzynarodowym. Założyła, że na gruncie analizy zjawisk społecznych i kulturowych związanych z przedsięwzięciami rozwojowymi spodziewany efekt końcowy ukaże wzrastającą podmiotowość wspólnot lokalnych w Afryce, w szczególności aktywną rolę miejscowych elit (tak lokalnych, jak i ściśle z nimi powiązanych grup „trzymaR. Vorbrich, Agent kontaktu – agent rozwoju. Od społeczeństwa kolonialnego do społeczeństwa globalnego, w: R. Vorbrich (red.), Rozwój a kultura. Perspektywy poznawcze i praktyczne, Wrocław: Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze 2012, s. 131–147. 61 T. Bierschenk Thomas, J. P.e Olivier de Sardan, Les courtiers locaux du développement. Un programme de recherche, „Bulletine de L’APAD” 1993, nr 5, s. 71–76. 60 �68 Lucjan Buchalik jących władzę”) w przyjmowaniu i aplikacji projektów rozwojowych. Zjawiska te nie będą wartościowane, lecz analizowane pod kątem roli i funkcjonowania pośredników rozwoju w lokalnej społeczności. Na miejsce stacjonarnych badań u Kurumbów K. Meissner wybrała Pobe-Mengao i zatrzymała się w tamtejszym campement. Miejsce to okazało się idealne na urządzenie w nim bazy pobytowo-wypadowej nie tylko ze względu na komfortowe warunki bytowe, ale przede wszystkim przez wzgląd na to, że jest to ulubione miejsce spotkań i przestrzeń życiowa gospodarza i głównego informatora (Adamy Sawadogo). Przed przyjazdem planowała, że będzie prowadzić klasyczne stacjonarne badania terenowe w wiosce Pobe-Mengao, które rozpocznie od znalezienia lokalnych organizacji rozwojowych, które doprowadzą ją do pośredników. Metoda okazała się skuteczna w początkowej fazie badań. Okazało się, że w wiosce funkcjonuje kilkadziesiąt takich organizacji o różnym profilu działalności, a w skali gminy i regionu jest ich znacznie więcej. Zastana sytuacja skłoniła badaczkę do przejścia od tego, co George Marcus nazywa „antropologią wioski” (village anthropology), skupioną na jednym ograniczonym stanowisku, do „antropologii wielostanowiskowej” (multi-side anthropology), badającej nie miejsce, kulturę czy społeczność, ale „łańcuchy, ścieżki, wątki i zestawienia różnych lokalizacji” 62. Wybierając grupy badawcze, rozpoczęła od listy dostępnej w prefekturze, zawierającej spis 59 organizacji kobiecych zarejestrowanych w gminie Pobe-Mengao w latach 2010–2012. Ze względu na szeroką skalę zjawiska zdecydowała się prowadzić badania dwutorowo. Najpierw wytypowała losowo sześć organizacji we wsi Pobe-Mengao, następnie po dwie z Bougue i Gargaboule. G. E. Marcus, Ethnography In/Of the World: The Emergence of Multi-sited Ethnography, „Annual Review of Anthropology” 1995, t. 24, s. 105. 62 �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 69 W trakcie badań zorientowała się, że Adama Sawadogo posiada gęstą sieć kontaktów z organizacjami działającymi w miejscowościach sąsiadujących z Pobe-Mengao i bardziej oddalonych – w innych regionach. Łącznie przebadała 50 lokalnych organizacji rozwojowych działających w Regionie Sahel: w gminach Pobe-Mengao i Aribinda, w Regionie Północnym: w gminie Titao oraz w Regionie Centralno-Północnym: w gminach Bourzanga i Rollo. Wywiady prowadzone z członkami organizacji rozwojowych były świetną okazją do poznania lokalnych „liderów” rozwoju. Duża w tym zasługa wymienianego wielokrotnie Adama Sawadogo, który jak się później okazało, był jednym z prężnie działających pośredników w skali ponadregionalnej. Jego sposób działania, które opierało się na „byciu w kontakcie” z członkami lokalnych organizacji rozwojowych i innymi liderami, legitymizował jego pozycję. Dzięki jego przychylności inni liderzy, mimo początkowych oporów, odkrywali przed badaczką świat pośredników – ich układów, przysług, kontraktów oraz strategii dostępu i redystrybucji renty rozwojowej. 9. Badania archeologiczne63 W 1941 roku ukazał się artykuł Y. Urvoy poświęcony skupiskom rytów naskalnych na skale Kuru w okolicy Aribindy64, które dzisiaj stanowią jedną z atrakcji regionu. Był to jednak tylko opis miejsca pozbawiony głębszej refleksji. Badania archeologiczne w kraju Kurumbów rozpoczęły się nieco później niż badania etnologiczne. Najpierw przeprowadzono je w Yatenga, na terenach graniczących 63 Rozdział opracowano na podstawie materiałów przygotowanych przez Bogusława Franczyka i Krzysztofa Raka. 64 Y. Urvoy, Gravures rupestres dans l’Aribinda (Boucle du Niger), „Journal de la Société des Africanistes” 1941, nr 11, s. 1–5. �70 Lucjan Buchalik z krajem Dogonów65. Natomiast w kraju Kurumbów w królestwie Karo prowadzenie badań archeologicznych rozpoczęto w latach 80. XX wieku66. Na początku XXI wieku amatorskie badania archeologiczne prowadził na tym terenie Jörg Lange, który dokonywał opisu stanowisk archeologicznych i kolekcjonował kamienne rzeźby. W październiku 2016 roku, w królestwie Lurum, rozpoczęli badania polscy archeolodzy: Krzysztof Rak i Bogusław Franczyk. Mogą one rzucić nowe światło na historię osadnictwa na tym terenie. W czasie pierwszego sezonu archeolodzy wytypowali miejsca do przeprowadzenia wykopalisk: w okolicy Pobe-Mengao (Gidjambo, Seneboulli i Danfelenga-Damgonde) i Namsiguia. W poszukiwaniu śladów ludzkiej działalności zalegających na powierzchni ziemi przeprowadzono badania powierzchniowe. Znaleziono fragmenty ceramiki, kamienne narzędzia i odpadki powstałe w wyniku ich produkcji. Do najbardziej spektakularnych odkryć należy zaliczyć rdzeń wykonany techniką lewaluaską. Artefakt, będący jednym z najstarszych w całym Burkina Faso wytworów wykonanych przez człowieka, należy łączyć z tzw. afrykańskim Later Stone Age. Ze względu na powierzchniowy charakter znaleziska ustalenie przyPrzy okazji własnych badań A.-M. Schweeger-Hefel prowadziła również badania archeologiczne. Co prawda nie była archeologiem, ale wykonała kilka prostych badań, głównie rejestracji pochówków ze stelami i pochówków w naczyniach oraz kopców. Zebrane w ten sposób materiały wykorzystała w wielu publikacjach. Później badania prowadzili: Jean-Yves Marchal (Vestiges d’occupation ancienne au Yatenga (Haute Volta). Une reconnaissance du pays Kibga, „Cahiers ORSTOM” 1978, t. 15, nr 4, s. 449–484) oraz Bruno Martinelli (Trames d’appartenances et chaînes d’identité. Entre Dogons et Moose dans le Yatenga et la plaine du Séno (Burkina Faso i Mali), „Cahiers des Sciences Humaines” 1995, t. 31, nr 2, s. 365–405). 66 G. Dupré, D. Guillaud, Archéologie et tradition orale: contrubition a l’histoire des espaces du pays d’Aribinda. Province de Soum, Burkina Faso, „Cahiers d’Études Africaines” 1986, t. 22, nr 1, s. 5–48. 65 �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 71 należności kulturowej oraz dokładne jego wydatowanie wymaga dalszych badań. Ponadto w okolicy miejscowości Gidjambo zarejestrowano późnoplejstoceńską krzemienicę, w skład której wchodzi 114 przedmiotów wykonanych techniką łupania. Przez wzgląd na zaobserwowane charakterystyczne cechy inwentarza zaliczyć ją należy do West African microlithic technocomplex (ok 30 000–8000 p.n.e.). Nieopodal stanowiska rozpoznano wychodnię kwarcu, z której ówczesny człowiek epoki kamienia pozyskiwał surowiec do produkcji narzędzi. Odkryto zabytki świadczące, że teren ten był zamieszkiwany na długo zanim przybyli tam Kurumbowie, co jest zgodne z ich tradycją ustną. Archeolodzy skupili się na badaniach powierzchniowych, podczas których rozpoznano trzy strefy: Namsiguia (2 punkty osadnicze), Gidjambo (67 punktów osadniczych), Pobe-Kone (21 punktów osadniczych). Dodatkowo zbadano kilkanaście stanowisk z rytami naskalnymi w miejscowościach Irimpele oraz Seneobuli. Pierwsza strefa to okolice miejscowości Namsiguia. Obserwacje w terenie pozwalają stwierdzić, że aż do tego miejsca dochodziła strefa pochówków w naczyniach. Strefa tego typu pochówków ciągnie się mniej więcej od zakola Czarnej Wolty, szerokim (niekiedy na 200 km) pasem biegnącym na północ od Ouagadogou, mniej więcej wzdłuż granicy z Mali, aż nad Niger w rejon Niamey. Ciekawostką jest fakt, że stanowisko przy drodze z Namsiguia do Pobe-Mengao było jednym z największych kopców, jakie zarejestrowano podczas pierwszego sezonu badawczego. Płaszcz kopca jest mocno zniszczony i dosyć niski, ale jego powierzchnia to okręg o średnicy prawie 10 m. Trudno jednak dookreślić jego wielkość, gdyż od północnego wschodu został on zniszczony przez pole uprawne, a od zachodu przecina go piaszczysta droga do Pobe-Mengao. Zarejestrowano kilkanaście pochówków w naczyniach (pitosach) – zarówno w pojedynczym naczyniu, jak i w podwójnym układzie naczyń zwróconych do �72 Lucjan Buchalik siebie wylewami. Wypełnisko tych obiektów zawierało elementy naczyń ceramicznych, które archeolodzy traktowali jako część wyposażenia grobowego (np. ceramiczna pokrywka do naczynia flaszowatego). Oprócz ceramiki archeolodzy natknęli się na przedmioty wykonane z żelaza, kości i zęby ludzkie oraz pojedyncze bransolety mocno zerodowane, o średnicy około 4 cm. Pochówki towarzyszące temu założeniu spotykane były na okolicznych polach w odległości prawie 50 m od samego kopca. Najwięcej czasu archeolodzy spędzili w drugiej strefie, w Gidjambo. Zarejestrowali głównie kopce/kurhany, stanowiska z rytami naskalnymi, wychodnie kwarcu (które mogły być wykorzystywane do produkcji narzędzi kamiennych), litofony oraz punkty osadnicze. Znalezione tam kopce można podzielić na dwie grupy. Wysokie (najwyższy miał około 170 cm wysokości), posiadające najczęściej płaszcz kamienny, z małą ilością ceramiki w pobliżu oraz niskie (często poniżej 50 cm) i mocno spłaszczone z pochówkami w naczyniach (jak w Namsiguia). Trudno je ze sobą powiązać, określić czas ich powstania czy związek z jakąś grupą etniczną. Na stanowisko o roboczym numerze 24 składa się kopiec drugiego typu z 28 pochówkami w naczyniach oraz kilkoma w odległości większej niż 20 m od kopca. Kopiec ma około 8 m średnicy, a większość pochówków otaczała kopiec od północnego wschodu i południa. Naczynia zawierają pojedyncze kości ludzkie, w jednym z nich bardzo dobrze rysowała się czaszka. Praktycznie brak jest przedmiotów żelaznych (zarejestrowano na powierzchni tylko jeden gwóźdź żelazny). Szczególnie interesującym jest to, że wspomniany kopiec prawdopodobnie zawiera słabo czytelne konstrukcje ziemno-kamienne w postaci niskich wałów. Tworzą one łuki, które w przeszłości – według B. Franczyka – być może otaczały kopiec. Są jednak na tyle słabo widoczne, że nie sposób ich nie pominąć lub nie uznać za całkowicie przypadkowy układ kamieni. Taki obiekt, według A.-M. Schweeger- �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 73 -Hefel, był dogońskim założeniem grobowym, które miało odzwierciedlać ruch spiralny, właściwy przy tworzeniu świata przez boga Amma. Spirale te miały być wykonywane z małych wałów ziemno-kamiennych, a wpisywane w nie pochówki w naczyniach miały przypominać rozrzucane nasiona fonio – ważne podczas aktu kreacji świata67. Na obecnym etapie badań trudno jednak udowodnić taką interpretację, nie prowadzono bowiem żadnych badań inwazyjnych. Byłoby to jednak niesłychanie inspirujące natknąć się w terenie na pochówki dogońskie, których formuła byłaby odzwierciedleniem ich mitologii. Trzecia strefa według B. Franczyka jest najciekawsza, niestety tutaj badania prowadzono bardzo krótko. Rzecz dotyczy Pobe-Kone (Stare Pobe). Można je podzielić na trzy części: wzgórze tellowe nazywane Damfelenga-Damgonbde, cmentarzysko z pitosami na wschód od tellu i na południe od wzgórza – dwa wzniesienia określane mianem Aguloderga. W pierwszym przypadku nie prowadzono poważniejszych badań. Trudno jest tu określić powierzchnię – zapewne kilka hektarów. Na podstawie wywiadu z Ismaelem Sawadogo oraz badań powierzchniowych wyróżniono tu strefę działalności kowali (pozostałości dymarek, „soczewki” popiołu zalegające na powierzchni oraz fundamenty zabudowań). Pojedyncze groby, bardzo słabo czytelne na powierzchni, oraz miejsce wydobycia kamienia do budowy (zlepieniec). Miejsce to jest bardzo obiecujące, ale do dalszych badań wymagany będzie bardziej zaawansowany sprzęt (geofizyka) oraz oficjalne pozwolenia. Cmentarzysko z pitosami leżące na wschód od tellu położone jest na terenie, przez który przepływa strumień okresowy, dlatego też większość z nich jest mocno zniszczona. Żadne 67 A.-M. Schweeger-Hefel, Frühhistorische Bodenfunde im Raum von Mengao (Ober-Volta, Westafrika), Wien, Österr. Akademie d. Wissenschaften, philosophischhistorischen Klasse Verlag: VÖAW Erscheinungsjahr 1965; L. Buchalik, Dogon ya gali…, op. cit. �74 Lucjan Buchalik prace, oprócz dokumentacji fotograficznej pojedynczych grobów, nie były tutaj prowadzone. Największą niespodzianką dla archeologów było trzecie z wymienionych miejsc. Dwa wzgórza Aguloderga nazwano roboczo „W” oraz „E” (od kierunków, w które są zwrócone). Na ich szczytach nie zarejestrowano praktycznie niczego. Brak ceramiki (albo pojedyncze skorupy), pojedyncze kości zwierząt, które mogły przynieść drapieżniki oraz zaledwie pięć, raczej pradziejowych odłupków kwarcytowych wykonanych techniką łupania. Według Ismaela Sawadogo było to miejsce refugialne dla mieszkańców Danfelenga-Damgonbde w czasach obcych najazdów i niepokojów politycznych. Na północnym skłonie wzgórza „E” zlokalizowano wychodnię granitu w formie grupy dużych głazów tworzących mały zespół. Większość z nich nosiła ślady obróbki mechanicznej dokonanej przez człowieka i długie odbicia wskazujące na próbę uzyskania płaskich wiórów granitowych. Na ziemi znaleziono bardzo dużo kamiennych odłupków noszących wszelkie ślady potwierdzające wykonanie odbić ręką ludzką. Archeolodzy bardzo szybko odrzucili możliwość spękania skały w wyniku działania warunków atmosferycznych. Brak jest jakichkolwiek elementów ceramiki czy żelaza, jak również śladów ognia, który mógłby zostać wykorzystany do łupania skały. Z pomocą przychodzi A.-M. Schweeger-Hefel, która twierdzi, że w rejonie Pobe-Mengao jeszcze na początku XX wieku tak właśnie łupano granit (kamieniem o kamień), podczas gdy w Bourzandze miano stosować ogień68. Jest to o tyle ciekawe miejsce, że w odległości około 240 m (na zachodnich stokach wzgórza „W”) znajduje się stanowisko ze stelami nagrobnymi, które najprawdopodobniej pozyskiwano we wskazanej wychodni. A.-M. Schweeger-Hefel, L’art Nioniosi, „Journal de La Société Des Africanistes” 1966, t. 36, nr 2, s. 251–332. 68 �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 75 10. Badania parazytologiczne69 Badania parazytologiczne w sierpniu 2011 roku prowadziła w kraju Kurumbów (Pobe-Mengao, Djibo, Bourzanga) Anna Pinkas. Ich wyniki zawarła w swojej pracy magisterskiej pt.: Prewalencja parazytoz skórnych w wybranych krajach kontynentu afrykańskiego, napisanej na Wydziale Opieki Zdrowotnej Uniwersytetu Medycznego w Katowicach. Jedną z najważniejszych dróg zarażenia dla większości tropikalnych pasożytów skórnych jest woda, która niedostatecznie gotowana, filtrowana, oczyszczana stanowi doskonałe siedlisko dla tych chorób. W krajach o klimacie gorącym nikt z tamtejszej ludności nie myśli o tym, aby gotować wodę, gdyż, jak sami Afrykańczycy twierdzą, trzeba później czekać aż woda ostygnie. Jest to też dla nich bardzo nieekonomiczne. […] Parazytozy skórne wywoływane są inwazją pierwotniaków, robaków oraz stawonogów pasożytniczych. Jest to bardzo szeroka grupa chorób, która atakuje bez względu na wiek i powoduje duży odsetek zgonów, a także poważne zniekształcenia twarzy, całego ciała, prowadząc do izolacji chorych od otoczenia, a w ostateczności do śmierci. Parazytozy skórne często prowadzą do wtórnych infekcji i zakażeń w wyniku ciągłego drapania i rozdrapywania zmian, często silnie swędzących, co sprawia, że przy braku pomocy medycznej i podstawowych leków początkowo niegroźne zmiany powodują poważne powikłania70. Praca, po przetłumaczeniu na język francuski, została przekazana personelowi medycznemu szpitala w Djibo, na jego życzenie. Lekarze z Djibo twierdzili, że nie posiadają dostatecznej wiedzy 69 Rozdział opracowano na podstawie materiałów przygotowanych przez Annę Pinkas. 70 A. Pinkas, Prewalencja parazytoz skórnych w wybranych krajach kontynentu afrykańskiego, Katowice 2012, s. 4. �76 Lucjan Buchalik o chorobach skórnych, na które cierpią ich pacjenci. Przez brak dostępu do laboratorium nie potrafią przeprowadzić dostatecznych badań, by skutecznie leczyć. O problemie tym wspomina Linda Polman, pisząc, że niektórzy lekarze stawiają niewłaściwą diagnozę, gdyż nie znają „miejscowych chorób ani pasożytów”71. 11. Wykorzystanie wyników badań terenowych Efektem prowadzonych badań są referaty wygłaszane w czasie konferencji naukowych, publikacje oraz projekty realizowane w muzeum. Wyniki badań wykorzystałem na 13 konferencjach, w których brałem udział, organizowanych w Polsce72 i za granicą73. Publikacje zawierające informacje zebrane w trakcie badań znajdują się w bibliografii. Dla Katarzyny Podymy74 z Muzeum Miejskiego w Żorach badania terenowe wśród Kurumbów stanowią bazę informacji naukowej, która wykorzystywana jest jako bezpośredni materiał do 71 L. Polman, Karawana kryzysu. Za kulisami przemysłu pomocy humanitarnej, Wołowiec: Wydawnictwo Czarne, 2011, s. 82. 72 Konferencje były organizowane przez: Polskie Towarzystwo Afrykanistyczne (Pieniężno, Obra, Szczecin, Żory), Instytut Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu Warmińsko-Mazurskiego w Olsztynie, Muzeum Narodowe w Szczecinie, Koło Naukowe Kultury Orientu, Wydział sztuk Pięknych Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu, studenckie koła naukowe (Wrocław, Kraków, Cieszyn). 73 Konferencja „Africa for sale”: Analysing and Theorizing Land Claims and Acqusitions zorganizowana w Groningen w październiku 2010 roku przez Nederlandse Vereniging voor Afrika Studies. 12th Conference of Africanists: „Africa in the changing world development paradigm” zorganizowana w Moskwie w maju 2011 roku przez Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute for African Studies; Panel 18 „Religion in Contemporary Sub-Saharan Africa: The Fate of Traditional Beliefs in Present-day Conditions” (ze względu na nieobecność autora referat został wygłoszony przez K. Podymę). 74 Opracowano na podstawie materiałów przygotowanych przez K. Podymę. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 77 wystąpień konferencyjnych w kraju75 i za granicą76 (uczestniczyła w ośmiu konferencjach) oraz publikacji (wymienionych w bibliografii). Na podstawie przeprowadzonych wywiadów oraz obserwacji bezpośrednich opracowuje artykuły poświęcone szeroko traktowanemu pojęciu sztuki afrykańskiej, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem tradycyjnej sztuki Kurumbów. Zebrane materiały stanowią również podstawę badań własnych na użytek pracy doktorskiej: Jak Feniks z popiołów. Społeczny kontekst odrodzenia tradycyjnej sztuki Kurumbów z Burkina Faso. Program naukowy związany z tematem pracy doktorskiej, realizowany w latach 2008–2012 w trakcie wypraw etnologicznych organizowanych przez Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach, koncentruje się wokół problemów związanych z tradycyjną sztuką i zachodzącymi w niej zmianami. Pośrednio wiedza pozyskana w trakcie badań stanowi dla K. Podymy źródło pomysłów i wiedzy do działań wystawienniczych i edukacyjnych. W zakresie działań edukacyjnych na podstawie przeprowadzonych badań zrealizowano cztery projekty77. Owe działania edukacyjne były nagradzane za profesjonalizm i wymiar naukowy projektów. Organizator – Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach – otrzymało między innymi nagrody i wyróżnienia. Pozyskane Polskie Towarzystwo Afrykanistyczne (Pieniężno, Obra, Szczecin), Instytut Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu Warmińsko-Mazurskiego w Olsztynie, Muzeum Narodowe w Szczecinie, Koło Naukowe Kultury Orientu, Wydział sztuk Pięknych Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu, studenckie koła naukowe (Wrocław, Kraków). 76 12th Conference of Africanists: Africa in the changing world development paradigm zorganizowana w Moskwie w maju 2011 roku przez Russian Academy of Sciences, Institute for African Studies; Panel 18 „Religion in Contemporary SubSaharan Africa: The Fate of Traditional Beliefs in Present-day Conditions”, referat „When the non-art becomes the art. Changes in treating of the objects which are the integral part of social and religious life West African peoples”. 77 Bliżej Afryki (2001), JA – TY – MY MOI – TOI – NOUS (2001–2002), Sztuka – interaktywna droga poznania (2002-03), Ex libris – wszystko o Afryce (2006). 75 �78 Lucjan Buchalik w trakcie wypraw obiekty, dokumentacja fotograficzna oraz wiedza merytoryczna o nich były podstawą do opracowania wystaw78. Doświadczenia i wiedza pozyskane w trakcie badań zostały wykorzystane przy opracowaniu projektów muzeologicznych: „Yatenga” oraz „Polskie poznawanie świata”. Projekt „Yatenga” został zaprezentowany na konferencji: Muzeum XXI wieku, a następnie opublikowany w pokonferencyjnym wydawnictwie w formie artkułu: Muzeum Yatenga – Spotkania Kultur Świata. Budowa innowacyjnego kompleksu muzealnego w Żorach. K. Meissner wygłosiła referaty prezentujące jej badania w trakcie czterech konferencji organizowanych w Polsce79. Publikacje zawierające informacje zebrane w trakcie badań znajdują się w bibliografii. Archeolodzy K. Rak i B. Franczyk wykorzystali efekty swoich badań w trakcie konferencji krajowych (Kraków, Warszawa, Wrocław, Łódź, Olsztyn). Zrelacjonowali swoje dokonania także w prasie ogólnopolskiej. „Tkanina artystyczna Afryki Zachodniej”, wystawa sztuki we współpracy z L. Buchalikiem (2005), „Opowiem o ich życiu w Afryce”, wystawa fotograficzna we współpracy z L. Buchalikiem (2006), „Sztuka Afryki Zachodniej”, wystawa sztuki (2007), „Maska afrykańska – między sacrum a profanum”, wystawa etnograficzna połączona z elementami sztuki (2012), „Bóg wody”, wystawa etnograficzna (2015). 79 Konferencje były organizowane przez: Katedrę Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Szczecińskiego; Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Instytut Dialogu Kultury i Religii Uniwersytetu Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego, Katedrę Studiów Europejskich Uniwersytetu Ekonomicznego w Krakowie, Polskie Towarzystwo Afrykanistyczne (Warszawa, Żory). 78 �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 79 12. Perspektywy badawcze Prowadząc przez długi czas badania na określonym terenie, badacz dostrzega zmiany zachodzące w życiu jego mieszkańców i ich tradycyjnej kulturze. Odeszło pokolenie, które pracowało z austriackimi etnologami w połowie XX wieku. Pojawili się nowi ludzie pełniący role autorytetów w zakresie wiedzy tradycyjnej. Trudno określić, jaka dziedzina życia Kurumbów najszybciej ulega zmianie: język koronfe poddawany silnej presji języka moore, stroje, tradycyjna religia ustępująca przed religiami uniwersalistycznymi (głównie islamem). Pojawiły się nowe zjawiska: telefonia komórkowa, która „zrewolucjonizowała” kontakty z rodziną rozrzuconą po świecie; migracje z kraju Kurumbów, głównie w kierunku dużych miast Afryki Zachodniej, bardzo pożądane wyjazdy na Wybrzeże Kości Słoniowej i sporadyczne do Europy80 i wreszcie – rozwijająca się powoli turystyka81. Elity Kurumbów wiążą z turystyką wielkie nadzieje na rozwój regionu. Według Abdoullaye z Pobe-Mengao: Turystyka jest pierwszym krokiem do zrozumienia. Wiadomości w telewizorze, radiu, gazetach nie wystarczą, aby zrozumieć naszą rzeczywistość. Najlepszą ilustracją zachodzących zmian może być podejście do tradycji obecnego Lurumyo Pilan. Kiedyś wizyta u władcy 80 Starzy chętnie patrzą na czasowe wyjazdy młodych do pracy, bo wracając przywożą pieniądze i pomagają w pracach polowych. Niechętnie patrzą natomiast na wyjazdy stałe: pieniądze przysyłają, ale nie ma komu pomagać w pracach polowych. 81 Sytuacja zmieniła się po kolejnych niepokojach na północy Mali, związanych z powstaniem samozwańczego państwa Azawad. W 2011 roku przez Pobe-Mengao przejeżdżały silnie uzbrojone samochody armii burkińskiej i francuskiej, od tego czasu zmienił się też stosunek mieszkańców do mnie. Wcześniej mogłem siedzieć w lokalnej pijalni piwa przy drodze. Później mi to odradzano, zapraszając do środka na podwórze, mówiono „tam jest bezpieczniej”. �80 Lucjan Buchalik w czerwonym stroju nie była możliwa, dzisiaj nie stanowi problemu. Na podwórzu zagrody Lurumyo Pilan stoi mercedes (oznaka nowoczesności) i koń (ze względu na tradycję). Austriacy opisywali, jak w trakcie dorocznego święta żniw Apilan-Donda, Ayo wjeżdżał do Pobe-Mengao na koniu. Kiedy po raz pierwszy uczestniczyłem w tym święcie (w 2003 roku) YoSigri wjeżdżał na mojej mobiletce, zaś Lurumyo Pilan używa samochodu. To proste zestawienie ilustruje, jak szerokim frontem postępuje proces przemian. W tej sytuacji naturalnym wydają się być badania nad „Kulturą Kurumbów w procesie przemian” – od pierwszych badań francuskich z początku XX wieku, poprzez pracę Austriaków, po lata 20. XXI wieku. *** Opis w krótkim artykule 20 lat polskiej obecności wśród Kurumbów jest zadaniem trudnym, dlatego siłą rzeczy poruszyłem tu tylko niektóre kwestie. Prowadzenie przez długi czas badań w jednym konkretnym miejscu skutkuje nawiązaniem emocjonalnych więzi międzyludzkich, specyficzną identyfikacją badacza z ludem, którego kultura jest obiektem badań. Przeglądając materiały do niniejszego artykułu, zauważyłem błędy popełniane na początku mojej pracy terenowej – jakże przeszkadzał mi mój europocentryzm. Podczas analizy rozmów przeprowadzonych po „europejsku” trudno było mi zrozumieć zawarte w nich treści. Przykładem mogą być opowieści o szczególnych relacjach łączących Kurumbów i święte krokodyle w stawie w Pobe-Mengao. Mówiono mi, że krokodyl nigdy nie zaatakuje mieszkańca wsi, a gdy jest zbyt gorąco, krokodyle przychodzą do wiejskich zagród, by ludzie je schłodzili. Trudno było pogodzić mi się z myślą, że dzikie zwierzę przychodzi z własnej woli do ludzi. Do tych opowieści podchodziłem więc z pewnym dystansem, sądząc, �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 81 że opierają się one raczej na czymś w rodzaju licentia poetica. Kiedy jednak w kwietniu 2012 roku pokazano mi krokodyla w zagrodzie, pod zadaszeniem, gdzie ludzie polewali go wodą – zrozumiałem, że mówili prawdę. Najlepszą formą konfrontacji wiedzy czerpanej z literatury są badania terenowe. Dziś – patrząc z perspektywy czasu – inaczej poprowadziłbym rozmowy, tyle tylko, że nie ma już moich rozmówców. Odeszli i już nigdy się nie dowiem się, jak należało rozumieć ich słowa, co mogli i co chcieli mi przekazać. Bibliografia Bierschenk Thomas, Jean Pierre Olivier de Sardan, Les courtiers locaux du développement. Un programme de recherche, „Bulletine de L’APAD” 1993, nr 5, s. 71–76. Buchalik Lucjan, Afrykańskie dzieci piszą list, „Kalendarz Żorski 2003”, Żory: Muzeum Miejskie 2003, s. 157. Buchalik Lucjan, Apilan-donda, czyli Nowy Rok u Kurumbów, „Kalendarz Żorski 2005”, Żory: Muzeum Miejskie 2005, s. 165–171. Buchalik Lucjan, Archeologia i tradycja ustna. Próba rekonstrukcji historii regionu na przykładzie królestw Kurumbów (Burkina Faso), w: Rafał Wiśniewski i Arkadiusz Żukowski (red.), Afryka. Między tradycją a współczesnością. Wybrane przykłady kontynuacji i zmian w historii, polityce, gospodarce i społeczeństwie, Warszawa: Polskie Towarzystwo Afrykanistyczne, t. 1 (2013), s. 113–125. Buchalik Lucjan, Dogon ya gali. Dawny Świat Dogonów, Żory: Muzeum Miejskie 2011. Buchalik Lucjan, Doroczne święto Apilan-donda jako ilustracja mitu etiologicznego Kurumbów (Burkina Faso), w: Jacek Jan Pawlik, Małgorzata Szupejko (red.), Afryka na progu XXI wieku. Kultura i społeczeństwo, Warszawa 2009, s. 85–96. �82 Lucjan Buchalik Buchalik Lucjan, Granice etniczności w relacjach między Mossi i Kurumbami w Burkina Faso, w: Arkadiusz Żukowski (red.), Forum Politologiczne. Przestrzeń i granice we współczesnej Afryce, t. 10, Olsztyn 2010, s. 69–84. Buchalik Lucjan, Historia i stan badań nad kulturą Dogonów, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1986, nr 32, s. 455–518; nr 33 (1987), s. 391–420. Buchalik Lucjan, Historia Kurumbów z Lurum (Burkina Faso), „Materiały Zachodnio-Pomorskie” 2000, nr 46, s. 601–634. Buchalik Lucjan, Intronizacja Kesu, „Kalendarz Żorski 2008”, Żory: Muzeum Miejskie 2008, s. 201–203. Buchalik Lucjan, Kolekcja pozaeuropejska, The non-european collection in Żory, w: Lucjan Buchalik, Katarzyna Podyma (red.), Polskie poznawania świata. Kolekcja Pozaeuropejska Muzeum Miejskiego w Żorach, The Polish way of learning the world. Non-European collection of the Municipal Museum in Żory, Żory: Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach 2015, s. 175–193. Buchalik Lucjan, Kolorowy Sahel, Żory 2000. Buchalik Lucjan, Kurumbowie – rolnicy z Burkiny Faso, „Toruńskie Studia o sztuce Orientu” 2009, t. 4, s. 53–64. Buchalik Lucjan, Ludy refugialne w obliczu kolonizacji, w: Jacek Łapott, Ewa Prądzyńska (red.), Ex Africa Semper Aliquid Novi, Żory-Warszawa: Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach – Polskie Towarzystwo Afrykanistyczne 2014, t. 1, s. 138–153. Buchalik Lucjan, Maska afrykańska – sacrum czy profanum? The African Mask – the Sacred or the Profane, w: Lucjan Buchalik, Katarzyna Podyma (red.), Maska afrykańska między sacrum a profanum. African Mask – Between the Sacred and the Profane, Żory-Katowice: Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach – Muzeum Historii Katowic 2012, s. 11–20. Buchalik Lucjan, Niewolnicy kobiet, czyli pokrewieństwo żartów Dogonów i Kurumba. Studium z etnohistorii Afryki Zachodniej, Wrocław: Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze 2009. Buchalik Lucjan, Narodziny u Kurumbów, „Lud” 2001, nr 85, s. 223–238. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 83 Buchalik Lucjan, Rola pokrewieństwa żartów w tworzeniu się współczesnego społeczeństwa Burkinabe (Burkina Faso), „Zeszyty Naukowe Centrum Badań im. Edyty Stein” 2010, t. 6, s. 85–97. Buchalik Lucjan, Shifting Patterns of Land Use and Ownership in Burkina Faso with a Case Study of Two Kurumba Villages – Bourzanga and Pobe-Mengao, w: Sandra J. T. M. Evers, Caroline Seagle and Froukje Krijtenburg (ed.), Africa for Sale? Positioning the State, Land and Society in Foreign Large-Scale Land Acquisitions in Africa, Leiden – Boston: Brill, 2013, s. 203–219. Buchalik Lucjan, The social role of the rain-making rituals in the modernizing society of West Africa, w: 12th Conference of Africanists: „Africa in the changing world development paradigm”, Moscow, May 24–26.2011. Abstracts, s. 162–163. 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Buchalik Lucjan, Łapott Jacek, Sprawozdanie z realizacji programów badawczych „Lurum 2000” oraz „Atacora-Lurum 2001” i „Yoro 2002”, w: Irena Bukowska-Floreńska (red.), Ludzie i Kultury, Żory: Muzeum Miejskie w Żorach 2003, s. 69–82. �84 Lucjan Buchalik Buchalik Lucjan, Katarzyna Podyma, Krótka relacja z wyprawy etnologicznej „Somba 2009”, „Kalendarz Żorski 2010”, Żory: Muzeum Miejskie 2010, s. 209–210. Clifford James, Kłopoty z kulturą. Dwudziestowieczna etnografia literatura i sztuka, przekł. Ewa Dżurak (et al), Warszawa: Wydawnictwo KR 2000. Dieterlen Germain, Les âmes des Dogon, Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie 1941. Dieterlen Germaine, Note sur les Kouroumba du Yatenga Septentrional, „Journal de la Société des Africanistes” 1939, nr 9, s. 181–189. Dupré Georges, Guillaud Dominique, Archéologie et tradition orale: contrubition a l’histoire des espaces du pays d’Aribinda. Province de Soum, Burkina Faso, „Cahiers d’Études Africaines” 1986, t. 22, nr 1, s. 5–48. Glanville E. V., Huizinga J., Digital dermatoglyphics of the Dogon, Peul and Kouroumba of Mali and Upper Volta, „Proceedings of the Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen” 1966, nr 69, ser. C, s. 664–674. Griaule Marcel, Dieu d’eau. Entretiens avec Ogotemmêli, Paris: Fayard 1966. Griaule Marcel, Le Domfé des Kouroumba, „Journal de la Société des Africanistes” 1941, nr 11, s. 7–20. Griaule Marcel, Masques dogons, Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie, Travaux et memoire de l’Institut d’Ethnologie 1938. Griaule Marcel, Méthode de l’ethnographie, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France 1957. Griaule Marcel, La mort chez les Kouroumba, „Journal de la Société des Africanistes” 1942, nr 12, s. 9–24. Griaule Marcel, Dieterlen Germaine, Le renard pâle. I – Le mythe cosmogonique. 1 – La creation du monde, Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie, Musee de l’Homme 1965. Huizinga J., New physical anthropological evidence bearing on the relationships between Dogon, Kurumba and the extinct West African Tellem populations, „Proceedings of the Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen” 1968, nr 71, ser. C, s. 16–30. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 85 Izard Michel, Les Kurumba et la Mission Lebaudy-Griaule (1938–1939); „Journal des Africanistes” 2001, t. 71, nr 1, s. 113–119. Lebeuf Jean-Paul, Sur la circoncision chez les Kouroumba du Soudan Français, „Journal de la Société des Africanistes” 1941, nr 11, s. 61–84. Lettens Dirk A., Mystagogie et mistification. Evaluation de l’oeuvre de Marcel Griaule, Bujumbura 1971. Łapott Jacek, Ekspedycja Etnologiczna SAHARA-SAHEL’90 – sprawozdanie z przebiegu i wyników działalności wyprawy do Afryki, „Materiały zachodniopomorskie” 1992, nr 38, s. 385–414. Marchal Jean-Yves, Vestiges d’occupation ancienne au Yatenga (Haute Volta). Une reconnaissance du pays Kibga, „Cahiers ORSTOM” 1978, t. 15, nr 4, s. 449–484. Martinelli Bruno, Trames d’appartenances et chaînes d’identité. Entre Dogons et Moose dans le Yatenga et la plaine du Séno (Burkina Faso i Mali), „Cahiers des Sciences Humaines” 1995, t. 31, nr 2, s. 365–405. Marcus Georg E., Ethnography In/Of the World: The Emergence of Multi-sited Ethnography, „Annual Review of Anthropology”: 1995, nr 24, s. 95–117. Meissner Katarzyna, Cele jawne – cele ukryte. Niezgodność scenariuszy na lokalnym polu współpracy rozwojowej, w: Waldemar Cisło, Jarosław Różański, Maciej Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan. Napięcia i konflikty, Pelplin-Warszawa: Bernardinum – Instytut Dialogu Kultury i Religii WT UKSW 2014, s. 7–24. Meissner Katarzyna, Czego nie widać? Projekt jako mechanizm kreowania lokalnych pośredników rozwoju – perspektywa antropologiczna, w: Katarzyna Jarecka-Stępień, Aleksander Surdej (red.), Tożsamość i efektywność: w poszukiwaniu mechanizmów zrównoważonego rozwoju, Toruń: Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek 2016, s. 67–85. Meissner Katarzyna, Konflikty interesów we współpracy rozwojowej na przykładzie projektów hydrotechnicznych w Pobé-Mengao (Burkina Faso), w: Piotr Maliński (red.), Człowiek – Woda – Kultura, Szczecin: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Wydziału Humanistycznego US – MINERWA 2014, s. 10 (przyjęte do druku w pracy zbiorowej). �86 Lucjan Buchalik Meissner Katarzyna, Logique d’accumulation, stratégie de redistribution et légitimité du statut des courtiers du développe chez les Kurumba de Burkina Faso, „Cahiers d’Études africaines” 2017, t. 202, s. 22 (złożone do druku). Meissner Katarzyna, Les objectifs non-cachées – les objectifs cachées. 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Changes in treating of the objects which are the integral part of social and religious life West African peoples, w: 12th Conference of Africanists: „Africa in the changing world development paradigm”, Moscow, May 24–26.2011. Abstracts, s. 162–163. Podyma Katarzyna, Lucjan Buchalik, Bogolan, korhogo i inne tkaniny Afryki Zachodniej, „Archiwum Etnograficzne” 2005, nr 43, s. 261–269. Polman Linda, Karawana kryzysu. Za kulisami przemysłu pomocy humanitarnej, przekł. Ewa Jusewicz-Kalter, Wołowiec: Wydawnictwo Czarne 2011. Schweeger-Hefel Anne-Marie, L’art Nioniosi, „Journal de La Société Des Africanistes” 1966, t. 36, nr 2, s. 251–332. �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 87 Schweeger-Hefel Anne-Marie, Frühhistorische Bodenfunde im Raum von Mengao (Ober-Volta, Westafrika), Wien, Österr. Akademie d. Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historischen Klasse Verlag: VÖAW Erscheinungsjahr 1965. 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Informatorzy/Rozmówcy: Abdoullaye, Kurumba, mieszkaniec Pobe-Mengao, ~40 lat, muzułmanin Almisi, Kurumba, mieszkaniec Pobe-Mengao, ~70 lat, religia trady­cyjna Adama, Kurumba, mieszkaniec Pobe-Mengao, ~50 lat, muzułmanin Boukari, Kurumba, mieszkaniec Belehede, ~30 lat, muzułmanin Gabriel, Mossi, mieszkaniec Namsiguia, ~40 lat, chrześcijanin Hassami, Kurumba, mieszkaniec Toulfe, ~35 lat, muzułmanin. Mammoudou, Kurumba, mieszkaniec Toulfe, Titao, ~35 lat, muzuł­ manin Yogara, Dogon, mieszkaniec Tireli, ~60 lat, religia tradycyjna Rękopisy Ganame Georges, Historique de village de Toulfe depuis sa creation, Toulfe 2004. �88 Lucjan Buchalik Koundaba Douramane Laribou, L’histoire de Belehede: source, Belehede ~2004. Zoungrama Gabriel, L’histoire de Namsiguia, Namsiguia 2003. Polish presence among the Kurumba (1997–2017) Summary The article describes the twenty-year presence of Polish people in areas inhabited by the Kurumba (northern lands of Burkina Faso). In the initial phase, mainly employees of the Municipal Museum in Żory and the National Museum in Szczecin were engaged in this research. Preparations for field research among the Kurumba began in the 1980s. The work of French and Austrian scientists conducting research in this area in the 20th century constituted a starting point. A monograph of the latter, Die Kurumba von Lurum (1972), was a basic source of knowledge during the initial stage of research. In the first period (from 1997), the research mainly focused on the problem of mutual, familiar relations between the Dogon and the Kurumba and they resulted in a publication entitled Niewolnicy kobiet (2009). Research on various fields of culture were conducted in the second stage (from 2006). Over time, The Kurumba started to treat the works of ethnologists with more and more confidence. Mutual relations were visible not only in the scientific field but also in aid. Many Kurumba people were involved in the work of ethnologists, they worked on interesting research topics, helped during interviews, informed about approaching ceremonies which were important for their traditional culture. Due to the involvement of Polish organizations multiple aid projects were carried out. The most important one was a construction of a primary school in Pobe-Mengao. Apart from the human factor, these actions were a great opportunity to conduct research on the process of transformation happening in their lives. During the last period, the following people were involved in research among the Kurumba: A. Pinkas (parasitology studies), K. Meissner (co- �Polska obecność wśród Kurumbów (1997–2017) 89 operation on development), K. Rak and B. Franczyk (archaeological studies), as well as students from Szczecin, Wrocław and Cieszyn. Materials gathered during ethnographic studies have been used for the writing of papers presented during conferences in Poland and abroad, articles published in specialist literature and in the academic book entitled Kolorowy Sahel (2000). The ethnographic collection, which illustrates the process of transformation that happened in their culture, was created in the Museum in Żory, thanks to conducted research. Gathered information and illustrative materials are also used in the exhibition and educational projects, organized in the aforementioned Museum. Key words: Relationship of jokes, process of transformation, research techniques, the Dogon, the Mossi ��RYSZARD VORBRICH KAMERUN PÓŁNOCNY – LABORATORIUM POLSKIEJ AFRYKANISTYKI ANTROPOLOGICZNEJ Kamerun, zwłaszcza jego północna część, stał się od ponad 40 lat prawdziwym laboratorium polskiej afrykanistyki antropologicznej1. Na taką sytuację złożyło się kilka czynników związanych z geograficznymi i kulturowymi cechami tego regionu, jak i uwarunkowaniami wynikającymi z historii polskiej obecności w Kamerunie. Naświetlenie tych uwarunkowań należy rozpocząć od przedstawienia charakterystyki tej części Afryki. Północny Kamerun swymi granicami wytyczonymi sztucznie w XIX wieku, w dobie podboju kolonialnego2, wciska się od południa klinem w rozległą Prof. dr hab. Ryszard Vorbrich – pracownik Instytutu Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej, Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. 1 Niniejsze opracowanie, powstałe z perspektywy czterech dekad doświadczeń, w dużej mierze (choć nie wyłącznie) opiera się na autopsji i autorefleksjach. 2 Kamerun jest dobrym przykładem państwa powołanego do życia od podstaw przez kolonizatorów. Wielokrotnie zmieniał swe granice, obejmując skrajnie różne strefy geograficzno-klimatyczne. Funkcjonują tam dwa języki oficjalne (angielski i francuski). Zamieszkiwany jest przez mozaikę ludności mówiącą ponad dwustoma językami lokalnymi. Funkcjonują odwołania do dwóch uniwersalnych religii (islamu i chrześcijaństwa). Kamerun wykreowany został jako twór całkowicie sztuczny w procesie rywalizacji europejskich mocarstw kolo- �92 Ryszard Vorbrich nieckę Jeziora Czad. Jest to strefa Sudanu (na północy obejmująca także strefę Sahelu). Cechuje ją suchy klimat3. W tak zakreślonych granicach kraju (regionu) wyróżnić można, idąc od północy, bagniste brzegi Jeziora Czad (wysokość lustra: 283 m n.p.m.) i wpływające do niego zlewisko rzek Logone i Szari. Przechodzą one w rozległą, nachyloną ku północy, płaską, suchą (z wyjątkiem doliny rzeki Benoue) równinę, opierającą się od południa o rozległy masyw Adamaoua4, tworzący naturalną, południową granicę regionu zwanego Kamerunem Północnym. W różnych częściach tak zakreślonej krainy leży kilka izolowanych masywów górskich, sięgających 1885 m n.p.m. (Aiguille – „Igła” – Saptou w Masywie Alantika), 1665 m n.p.m. (Hossére Gode w Masywie Poli) oraz 1442 m n.p.m. (Tourou w masywie Mandara). Właśnie mieszkańcy tych izolowanych masywów w latach 70. ubiegłego wieku przyciągnęli polskich etnologów/antropologów szukających kultur określanych jako tradycyjne, zachowujące oryginalną kulturę afrykańską, „nieskażoną” obcymi (europejskimi) wpływami. nialnych. Ziemie obecnego Kamerunu nie stanowiły nigdy krainy naturalnie zintegrowanej, np. elementami fizjografii, nie tworzą go zlewiska jakiejś rzeki, nie obramowują masywy górskie. Jego granice wytyczono drogą traktatów pomiędzy Niemcami, Francją i Wielką Brytanią (a także Hiszpanią – na południu). 3 Średnia rocznych opadów deszczu oscyluje tu od 600 mm na północy do 1200 na południu (1400 wyspowo w wyższych partiach masywów górskich). J. Boulet, Atlas regional Bénoue, Yaoundé 1966. 4 Rozległy (rozpostarty na przestrzeni 700–800 km) i osiągający w najwyższych partiach wysokość ponad 2000 m n.p.m (nie licząc, będącego jego przedłużeniem, leżącego na wybrzeżu Mont Cameroun Fako, który osiąga 4070 m n.p.m.) stanowi naturalną barierę powstrzymującą wilgotne masy powietrza idące od równika. Dzieli w ten sposób Kamerun na dwie części: wilgotną na południu i suchą na północy. �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 93 Przed kilkoma wiekami region ten stał się miejscem, w którym ludność reprezentująca pierwotne warstwy osadnicze (kulturowe) Afryki chroniła się przed ekspansją ludów (państw) muzułmańskich. Na przełomie XVIII i XIX w., pod naporem imperium (kalifatu) Adamaoua od zachodu (później także od południa), państwa Baguirmi od wschodu oraz królestwa Mandara od północy ziemie dzisiejszego północnego Kamerunu (oraz sąsiednich regionów dzisiejszej Nigerii) stały się jednym z najlepiej zachowanych obszarów refugialnych5 Afryki. Strumienie uciekinierów i migrantów przemieszczały się i krzyżowały się tu w różnych proporcjach, w różnym stopniu przejmując cechy rasowe, język, wierzenia i zwyczaje. W ten sposób niemal do końca XX w. zachowały się tu pozostałości pierwotnej warstwy osadniczej Afryki subsaharyjskiej, zwanej „cywilizacją paleonigritycką” (paléonigritique). W epoce przedkolonialnej ukształtował się w tym regionie specyficzny typ organizacji przestrzeni – „górskich zespołów osadniczych”. Taka spójna politycznie i gospodarczo jednostka organizacji społecznej obejmowała zwykle dające się wydzielić masywy górskie. Ich granice nie były jednoznacznie delimitowane, bowiem rozdzielały je niezamieszkałe doliny śródgórskie. Najgęściej zaludnione (i w największym stopniu przekształcone antropogenicznie) były w tym układzie wierzchołki masywów oraz ulokowane pomiędzy nimi wewnętrzne płaskowyże. Niemal bezludne i pozostawione odłogiem pozostawały natomiast podgórskie równiny lub doliny oddzielające masywy, ponieważ były one narażone na cykliczne napady Fulbejów6. Od łac. refugio – ‘cofać się’, ‘chronić się’, ‘uciekać’. Pod koniec XX wieku w typowo refugialnych masywach gęstość zaludnienia wahała się do niedawna średnio między 25 a 40 osób na km2 (niekiedy nawet dochodziła do 150–200 osób/km2), podczas gdy gęstość zaludnienia na pogórzu rzadko przekraczała 10 osób na km2, a na otwartych dolinach utrzymywała się z reguły na poziomie poniżej 5 osób na km2. Zob. Atlas du Cameroun, Paris, 5 6 �94 Ryszard Vorbrich Stłoczone w swoistym tyglu liczne ludy i grupy etniczne liczące od kilku do kilkudziesięciu tysięcy osób, przez dekady odmawiały podporządkowania się scentralizowanej władzy politycznej i broniły się przed zasymilowaniem przez ekspansywną cywilizację islamu. Zawziętości oporu zawdzięczały one także swój egzoetnonim – Kirdi7, co w języku najeźdźców oznacza „niewiernego”, „parszywego psa”. Pod względem politycznym i kulturowym te specyficzne strefy „bez państwa” tworzyły zupełnie odmienny świat, świat mikrogrup etnicznych, niezależnych wspólnot lokalnych, zachowujących struktury plemienne, ceniących niezależność i wiernych wierzeniom przodków. Ludy te nie tylko stawiały skuteczny opór ekspansywnym państwom muzułmańskim epoki przedkolonialnej, ale później także odrzucały władzę europejskich kolonizatorów, a w epoce postkolonialnej kontestowały dominację muzułmańskich elit, które przejęły władzę w regionie. Można Yaounde 1973, Planche XII; A. Beauvilan, Nord-Cameroun: crises et peuplement, (these de doc.), Rouen 1989, s. 497. 7 W literaturze etnologicznej termin Kirdi (pochodzący z języka ba-guirmi) odnosi się obecnie do ok. 30 niemuzułmańskich ludów północnego Kamerunu oraz sąsiednich rejonów Nigerii i Czadu. Ludy te liczą ponad 3 mln osób. Początkowo termin był pejoratywnym określeniem stosowanym przez muzułmańskich najeźdźców (Fulanów) w stosunku do plemion górskich (głównie z masywu Mandara), broniących swej niezależności; z czasem został przejęty przez administrację kolonialną i literaturę etnologiczną jako nazwa zespołu plemion (m.in. Daba, Guidar, Fali, Mofu, Mafa), reprezentującą pierwotną warstwę osadniczą Afryki i archaiczną kulturę paleonigrycką – cechującą się acefaliczną organizacją społeczną (opartą na patriarchalnej rodzinie) i kopieniaczą uprawą roli (sorgo, fasola, orzechy arachidowe). W epoce przedkolonialnej i kolonialnej, a także w pierwszych latach niepodległości Kamerunu Kirdi poddani byli opresyjnej polityce ze strony fulbejskich feudałów (obracano ich w niewolę lub siłą nawracano na islam) i sprzymierzonej z nimi administracji państwowej. W latach 90. XX wieku pojawił się tu ruch emancypacji kulturowej i politycznej Kirdi, głoszący ideologię kirditude, afirmującą rodzimą kulturę ludów tubylczych Północnego Kamerunu. Por. R. Vorbrich, Kirditude. Idéologie de la Majorité Opprimée au Cameroun, „Ethnologia Polona” 2002, t. 23, s. 39–54. �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 95 powiedzieć, że w latach 70. XX w. (gdy dotarli tu polscy etnolodzy, a wcześniej jeszcze polscy misjonarze) dawały obraz swoistej skamieliny, jednej z ostatnich na kontynencie afrykańskim enklaw tradycyjnej kultury Afryki. Na tak uformowany obszar „laboratorium” badań antropologicznych zwrócili uwagę polscy studenci etnologii (i innych kierunków studiów), którzy postanowili wykorzystać otwierające się w Polsce w latach 70. (po raz pierwszy w okresie powojennym) możliwości zdobywania doświadczeń zawodowych na innych kontynentach. Należy pamiętać, że wizja świata tych młodych etnologów (poza Europą, poza „żelazną kurtyną”) była anachroniczna, wyidealizowana i daleka od realiów. W formacji uczestników ówczesnych wypraw studenckich silnie pobrzmiewał etos odkrywcy, żeby nie powiedzieć „zdobywcy”8. A poziom doświadczenia i kompetencji zawodowych umożliwiających prowadzenie badań na terenach pozaeuropejskich ówczesnych polskich etnologów (jak się wówczas mówiło: etnografów) był stosunkowo niewielki9. W skali kraju zaledwie kilka osób posiadało doświadczenie pracy badawczej na terenach Azji i Ameryki, jeszcze rzadziej Afryki. W tym czasie (w połowie lat 70.) w różnych ośrodkach akademickich Polski pojawiło się kilka inicjatyw studenckich stawiająEtos odkrywcy odnaleźć można w (przytoczonych niżej) założeniach naukowych SEE „Afryka 76” mającej dotrzeć do „nieznanych”, „niezbadanych” zakątków Afryki. W gotowości do poruszania się w trudnym terenie górskim z karawaną tragarzy itp. Postawa zdobywcy ujawniła się np. w zachowaniach członków innej wyprawy (o której nieco szerzej piszę niżej). We wsi Mandama wywiesili oni biało-czerwoną flagę, co skończyło się interwencją żandarmów. 9 Studenci etnografii tamtej epoki mieli (trudny do wyobrażenia dla dzisiejszego pokolenia) bardzo ograniczony dostęp do literatury światowej. Jedyny przedmiot kursowy studiów poświęcony kulturom pozaeuropejskim (30 godzin) opierał się na skryptach powstałych w latach 40. XX wieku (a one z kolei na literaturze z lat 30. lub wcześniejszej). 8 �96 Ryszard Vorbrich cych sobie za cel osobiste poznanie realiów Afryki i zdobycie doświadczenia zawodowego na tym kontynencie. W tym czasie, w epoce bez grantów, NCN-ów (i prawie bez stypendiów zagranicznych) jedyną możliwość przeprowadzenia badań na terenach pozaeuropejskich był tzw. „wyprawy”. Formuła wypraw (przedsięwzięć samowystarczalnych, na wzór wypraw wysokogórskich) była jedynym sposobem pokonania barier dewizowych i politycznych (obostrzeń paszportowych itp.). W połowie lat 70. XX w., w sytuacji względnego „zelżenia” systemu politycznego w Polsce, poszerzyły się możliwości organizowania „wypraw naukowych”. W kilku ośrodkach akademickich w Polsce pojawiły się inicjatywy tego rodzaju. Największym „zagłębiem” wyprawowym stał się Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, a konkretnie tamtejsze środowisko etnografów10. Podobne projekty pojawiały się też w innych ośrodkach. Wśród tych inicjatyw dwie udało się doprowadzić do szczęśliwego końca. Dwie grupy entuzjastów (studentów UAM w Poznaniu i UŁ) dotarli w drugiej połowie lat 70. do Kamerunu. Na wybór tego kraju jako miejsca penetracji naukowych wpływ miały dwa – czysto polskie – czynniki. Pierwszą sprzyjającą okolicznością była pamięć o „I polskiej wyprawie naukowej do Afryki” – wyprawie wielkopolanina – Stefana Szolc-Rogozińskiego z lat 1882–188511. Organizatorzy poznańskiej Studenckiej Ekspedycji Etnograficznej „Afryka 76”, wybierając Kamerun jako 10 W latach 1976–1981 etnografowie poznańscy zorganizowali sześć wypraw naukowych do Azji, Ameryki i Afryki. Był to prawdziwy fenomen w skali kraju. 11 Wyprawa S. Szolc-Rogozińskiego oprócz oficjalnych celów naukowych (odkrycie mitycznych jezior Liba, które w rzeczywistości nie istniały) miała także ukryte cele kolonizacyjne („wykrojenia skrawka polskiej niepodległości”). W latach 1883–1885 na małej wyspie Mondoleh (leżącej opodal stałego lądu) funkcjonowała polska stacja naukowa. Było to wówczas jedyne miejsce na świecie, nad którym powiewała biało-czerwona flaga. �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 97 miejsce swych penetracji naukowych, liczyli na to, że hasło „Rogoziński” przysporzy im sponsorów, co – jak się okazało – sprawdziło się w praktyce, zwłaszcza w wypadku Kalisza – rodzinnego miasta S. Szolc-Rogozińskiego. O wyborze północnej części Kamerunu jako miejsca badań naukowych zadecydowała z kolei obecność w tym regionie polskich misjonarzy ze zgromadzenia Misjonarzy Oblatów Maryi Niepokalanej, którzy od 1970 roku pracowali w tym regionie12. Mieszcząca się w Poznaniu Prokura Misyjna Polskiej Prowincji Oblatów (w osobie ówczesnego prowincjała o. Alfonsa Kupki) udzieliła studentom UAM (organizatorom ekspedycji) pomocy merytorycznej, udostępniając literaturę naukową (i popularnonaukową) dotyczącą ludów Północnego Kamerunu oraz wiele wskazówek praktycznych. Była to w ówczesnych czasach nieoceniona pomoc w kraju pozbawionym dostępu do publikacji i informacji praktycznych dotyczących Afryki13. Działalność polskich misjonarzy w Kamerunie nabrała szczególnie dużego rozmachu w latach 1975–1997, kiedy w prowincji tej funkcjonowała zakonna Delegatura Polskiej Prowincji Misjonarzy Oblatów Maryi Niepokalanej w Figuil (zwana w skrócie „Delegaturą Figuil”). Personel misyjny Delegatury Figuil utrzymywał się przeciętnie w granicach 30 misjonarzy. Ogółem w latach 1970–2010 w Kamerunie pracowało 69 polskich oblatów Maryi Niepokalanej. W latach 90. XX w. polscy oblaci obsługiwali aż 13 misji (nie licząc kilku na południu Kamerunu) i stanowili prawie połowę duchowieństwa archidiecezji Garoua. Należy dodać, że od 1974 pracę misjonarzy oblatów wspomagały polskie siostry zakonne ze zgromadzenia Służebniczek Najświętszej Maryi Panny – Śląskich. W sumie kilkadziesiąt sióstr z Polski prowadziło działalność w szkolnictwie (i formacji kobiet) oraz w zakresie opieki zdrowotnej (m.in. prowadzą leprozoria). Pozostały one w Kamerunie także po wyjeździe większości polskich oblatów w pierwszej dekadzie XXI w. 13 Wśród udostępnionych publikacji znalazła się m.in. popularnonaukowa książka francuskiego misjonarza Yvesa Schallera, Les Kirdi du Nord-Cameroun, Strasbourg 1973. Na owe czasy była to pierwsza kompleksowa monografia poświęcona ludom Kirdi, jedyne opracowanie dotyczące Północnego Kamerunu w zbiorach polskich. Ten drobny szczegół dobrze ilustruje ubóstwo polskich 12 �98 Ryszard Vorbrich Polskim misjonarzom oblatom przypisać należy także pierwsze polskie działania o charakterze naukowym w Północnym Kamerunie. W tym kontekście pionierem był misjonarz o. Antoni Kurek, pracownik naukowy Akademii Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie, który w latach 1976–1977 badania nad religijnością ludu Guidar łączył z pracą katechety w gimnazjum w Guider14. Zdobytą wiedzę i doświadczenie przekazywał później zarówno w Kamerunie, jak i w Polsce pokoleniu młodych polskich misjologów. Docent A. Kurek użyczył też swej wiedzy członkom Studenckiej Ekspedycji Etnograficznej „Afryka 76”, organizując dla nich ad hoc seminarium naukowe podczas ich pobytu w Lam. Dla uczestników tego seminarium było to pierwsze osobiste zetknięcie się z naukowcem dysponującym wysokim poziomem wiedzy dotyczącej etnologii Kamerunu. Omówienie polskich badań stricte etnograficznych w Kamerunie15 rozpocząć musimy od zaprezentowania przebiegu i dokonań wspomnianej już wyżej Studenckiej Ekspedycji Etnograficznej „Afryka 76”. Jej przygotowanie zajęło dwa lata. W ramach Koła Naukowego Studentów Etnografii powołano Sekcję Afrykanistyczną. Z 30 osób, które początkowo zgłosiły do niej akces, aktywny udział w pracach organizacyjnych i merytorycznych (naukowych) zasobów źródłowych dotyczących omawianego regionu i zarazem sposoby pokonywania barier w dostępie do źródeł. 14 Efekty swych badań terenowych przedstawił później w swej pracy habilitacyjnej pt. Wierzenia i obrzędy ludu północnokameruńskiego. Studium historyczno-hermeneutyczne (Warszawa 1988). Obszerna rozprawa (495 stron) omawia kwestie religioznawcze w szerokim kontekście historycznym i etnicznym. 15 Gwoli ścisłości należy dodać, że w wśród publikacji naukowych z lat 60. i 70. XX poświęconych Kamerunowi Północnemu pojawia się nazwisko polskie – André Michela Podlewskiego – demografa i etnografa z Uniwersytetu Paryskiego, autora licznych opracowań z zakresu demografii i etnografii (m.in. La dynamique des principals populations du Nord Cameroun, etre Bénoue et lac Tchad, Yaoundé 1964; Notes sur les objets sacrés traditionnels Mboum (Adamaoua, Cameroun), „Journal des africanistes” 1978, Vol. 48, Numéro 2, s. 102–120). �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 99 brało zaledwie kilku studentów ówczesnego II i III roku16. Z czasem ukonstytuował się Komitet Organizacyjny Ekspedycji, który uzyskał poparcie kierownictwa ówczesnej Katedry Etnografii UAM (szczególnie prof. dr. hab. Józefa Burszty oraz doc. dr. hab. Zbigniewa Jasiewicza)17 oraz władz rektorskich uniwersytetu. Ostatecznie udział w wyprawie wzięło czterech studentów etnografii UAM (Paweł Kostuch, Tomasz Szymaniak, Ryszard Vorbrich oraz Włodzimierz Żukowski). Kierownikiem tak skonfigurowanego zespołu został dr Tomasz Schramm – historyk z UAM), opiekę naukową objął mgr Jacek Łapott – etnograf z Muzeum Narodowego w Szczecinie18. W skład ekspedycji weszli także Andrzej Polaszewski (lekarz wyprawy) oraz Leon Bąbelek (kierowca mechanik). Już w Afryce (w Niamey) po dwóch miesiącach do zespołu dołączył fotoreporter PAP – Zbigniew Staszyszyn. Tuż po dotarciu do Afryki dr T. Schramm z powodu choroby odleciał z Algieru do Polski. Od tego momentu kierownictwo organizacyjne ekspedycji sprawowali Włodzimierz Żukowski (grudzień 1976 – luty 1977 roku) oraz Paweł Kostuch (luty – maj/czerwiec 1977 roku). SEE „Afryka ‘76” wyruszyła statkiem PLO (M/S „Siematycze”) na początku grudnia 1976 roku i powróciła do kraju z kameruńskiego portu Douala (dwoma statkami PLO) w maju i czerwcu Przygotowania objęły zarówno działania czysto organizacyjne (pozyskiwanie sponsorów, sprzętu i żywności oraz usług transportowych i procedur wizowych), jak i prace o charakterze merytorycznym (działalność samokształceniową, konceptualizację celów i metod naukowych). 17 Późniejszy profesor Zbigniew Jasiewicz, który jako jeden z nielicznych polskich etnologów posiadał w tym czasie doświadczenie w prowadzeniu badań terenowych na obszarach pozaeuropejskich, został promotorem prac magisterskich przygotowywanych przez studentów – organizatorów ekspedycji. 18 Muzeum Narodowe w Szczecinie miało już doświadczenie w badaniach naukowych w Afryce i włączyło się w przygotowania do wyprawy na cztery miesiące przed jej wyruszeniem. 16 �100 Ryszard Vorbrich 1977 roku. W tym czasie przebyła ona w Afryce samochodem terenowym Star 266A (użyczonym nieodpłatnie przez Fabrykę Samochodów Ciężarowych w Starachowicach) trasę ok. 13 000 km, odwiedzając pięć krajów (Algierię, Niger, Mali, Nigerię i Kamerun). Członkowie wyprawy prowadzili badania terenowe głównie w Mali (wśród Dogonów) oraz w Kamerunie (wśród Daba i w mniejszym zakresie wśród Guidar)19. W tym miejscu skupię się na omówieniu prac badawczych w Północnym Kamerunie. Badania terenowe trwały niecały miesiąc i objęły kilka wsi zamieszkałych przez ludy Daba i Guidar. Podczas pobytu w tym regionie ekspedycja korzystała z gościny polskich misjonarzy oblatów, zwłaszcza w misjach w Figuil, Mandama i Lam. Po rozpoznaniu sytuacji, na miejscu, na teren bardziej szczegółowych badań wytypowano wsie Mandama, Teleki i Lam. Krótkie obserwacje etnograficzne dokonano także w Kopea i Djii (zamieszkałych przez lud Gude/Chede). Ponieważ szukano bardziej izolowanych wspólnot lokalnych, najdłuższe badania przeprowadzono w śródgórskiej wsi Teleki, położonej z dala od misji. Prace badawcze w Mandamie i Lam miały uzupełniający cha­rakter. Takie podejście wynikało z założeń programu badawczego ekspedycji (ułożonego przez młodych, „spragnionych egzotyki” Krótsze penetracje badawcze prowadzono także w kilku innych miejscach Afryki, np. wśród ludu Buduma nad nigeryjskim brzegiem Jeziora Czad oraz dokumentując tzw. trasę Rogozińskiego w południowym Kamerunie. Pełniejszy opis przebiegu i efektów SEE „Afryka” można znaleźć w kilku publikacjach: J. Łapott, Studencka ekspedycja etnograficzna „Afryka 76–77” – sprawozdanie z przebiegu i wyników działalności etnologicznej wyprawy do Afryki, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1978 (1982), t. 24, s. 283–319; R. Vorbrich, Studencka Ekspedycja Etnograficzna „Afryka 76”, „Lud” 1980, t. 64, s. 356–359; R. Vorbrich, Studencka ekspedycja Etnograficzna „Afryka 76” a doświadczenia indywidualnych badań terenowych, w: Na egzotycznych szlakach. O polskich badaniach etnograficznych w Afryce, Ameryce i Azji w dobie powojennej, L. Dzięgiel (red.), Wrocław 1987, s. 75–101. 19 �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 101 adeptów etnografii). Program ten zakładał skupienie się na badaniu społeczności względnie izolowanych, w których zachowały się w jak największym stopniu tradycyjne (archaiczne) elementy kultury afrykańskiej. Ówczesną postawę badawczą członków ekspedycji dobrze ilustruje charakterystyka punktów badawczych SEE „Afryka 76”, sformułowana przez jej kierownika naukowego – mgr. Jacka Łapotta. „Zasady wyboru określonych ludów Afryki Zachodniej”, które miały być obiektem badań SEE, były następujące: 1. wybrany lud winien zamieszkiwać wyodrębnione środowisko geograficzne, jego kultura materialna winna być w miarę jednorodna i odrębna od kultury społeczeństw sąsiednich; 2. winien to być lud o stosunkowo małym stopniu skażenia wpływami zarówno tzw. „wielkich cywilizacji Afryki Zachodniej” i islamu, jak i nowszymi kontaktami z cywilizacją europejską; 3. kultura materialna tego ludu winna być na tyle prosta, aby jej wybrane zagadnienia można było poznać w czasie niezbyt długich badań stacjonarnych; 4. problemy badawcze opracowywane przez uczestników wyprawy winny dotyczyć tematów i kultur stosunkowo mało znanych, aby ich wkład do etnologii polskiej miał jak największe znaczenie”20. Cytowane powyżej zestawienie założeń metodologicznych (i metodycznych) ukazuje ówczesny stan polskiej etnografii krajów pozaeuropejskich, ambicje uczestników wyprawy oraz ich świadomość ograniczonych własnych możliwości badawczych. Uwzględniając poziom kompetencji badawczych (merytorycznych i językowych) młodych uczestników wyprawy, jako tematy badań wytypowano dziedziny kultury łatwo poddające się oglądowi, wybrane zagadnienia kultury materialne, takie jak: garn20 Zob. J. Łapott, Studencka ekspedycja…, s. 285. �102 Ryszard Vorbrich carstwo, kowalstwo i budownictwo (wraz ze strukturą i fun­kcjami tradycyjnej zagrody rodzinnej). W badaniach stosowano głównie metody obserwacji i w mniejszym zakresie wywiadu etnograficznego. „Wąskim gardłem” wyprawy była bowiem bariera językowa. Oczywiście nikt z członków zespołu nie znał miejscowego języka daba (i guidar używanego w Lam). Zaledwie jedna osoba (lekarz) władała płynnie językiem francuskim (językiem urzędowym w tym regionie Kamerunu). Tylko jeden ze studentów (R. Vorbrich) posiadał znajomość języka francuskiego na poziomie podstawowym21. Taka sytuacja wymusiła podział zespołu badawczego na mniejsze (2–3-osobowe) grupy. Gdy jedna z nich prowadziła wywiady (tłumaczone przez Andrzeja Polaszewskiego), pozostali adepci etnogra­ fii zajęci byli obserwacją wybranych przez nich dziedzin kultury oraz wchodzeniem w luźne kontakty interpersonalne z mieszkańcami wsi. Pomimo tych ograniczeń efekty przeprowadzonych badań (tak w Kamerunie, jak i innych rejonach badań) uznać można za więcej niż zadowalające. Studenci uzyskali cenne doświadczenie, przydatne dla części z nich w dalszej drodze zawodowej etnologa22. Dla trzech studentów zebrana w terenie dokumentacja stanowiła podstawę źródłową napisanych przez nich prac magisterskich. Ich tematem było garncarstwo, budownictwo i zagroda afrykańBarierę językową pogłębiał dodatkowo brak znajomości języka francuskiego wśród mieszkańców badanych wsi. O ile we wsiach misyjnych Mandamie i Lam (gdzie od kilku lat działała 4-letnia szkoła podstawowa) można było spotkać młodych ludzi znających nieco język francuski, o tyle w Teleki (gdzie nie było szkoły) znajomość języka francuskiego była „zerowa”. W takich okolicznościach wielką pomocą służyli młodzi wychowankowie misji. Jeden z nich towarzyszył nam podczas pobytu w Teleki. 22 Z pięciu etnologów – członków wyprawy – dwóch kontynuuje profesjonalną „przygodę z Afryką”. Trzech uzyskało z czasem stopień doktora nauk humanistycznych, z których jeden posiada stopień doktora habilitowanego, a jeden tytuł profesora. 21 �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 103 ska23. Były to wówczas (w roku 1978) pierwsze w Polsce prace magisterskie z zakresu etnografii, powstałe w oparciu o w pełni oryginalny, osobiście zebrany w terenie pozaeuropejskim materiał dokumentacyjny24. W kolejnych latach ukazały się w periodykach naukowych artykuły prezentujące wybrane aspekty dorobku SEE „Afryka 76”25. Niebagatelnym efektem prac terenowych wyprawy była pozyskana kolekcja wytworów kultury materialnej. Wielkość i jakość w pełni opracowanej naukowo (pod względem etnograficznym i muzealniczym) kolekcji zawdzięczać należy członkowi wyprawy – pracownikowi muzeum – Jackowi Łapottowi. W sumie członkowie SEE „Afryka 76” zebrali i przekazali polskim placówkom muzealnym kolekcję liczącą około 1300 sztuk często unikatowych eksponatów, z których 614 sztuk pozyskano wśród ludów Kirdi26. Eksponaty przekazane w darze polskim placówkom muzealnym 23 P. Kostuch napisał pracę magisterską dotyczącą zagrody ludu Daba, R. Vorbrich był autorem pracy poświęconej garncarstwu Dogonów, a W. Żukowski poświęcił swą pracę dyplomową budownictwu Dogonów. 24 W sumie podczas całej wyprawy „nakręcono” ponad 2000 m kolorowego materiału filmowego w formacie 16 mm (zmontowane z tego materiału filmy były emitowane przez TVP), ponad 1000 kolorowych diapozytywów, 500 zdjęć kolorowych i 3000 czarno-białych. Niestety kolorowe zdjęcia, a zwłaszcza diapozytywy, wykonane na materiale ORWO straciły po latach wiele ze swej wielobarwności. Zarejestrowano ponad 10 godzin nagrań dźwiękowych. 25 Uwzględniając tylko publikacje poświęcone Kamerunowi, zob. m.in. J. Łapott, Kowalstwo w życiu codziennym plemion Daba i Guidar w Kamerunie Północnym, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1984 (1987), t. 30, s. 245–262; P. Kostuch, Zagroda północnokameruńskiego plemienia Daba, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1981 (1985), t. 27, s. 281–305; R. Vorbrich, Gospodarcza i społeczna rola daru w życiu rodziny i społeczności lokalnej Daba z Kamerunu, w: Kulturowa funkcja daru, A. Zambrzycka-Kunachowicz (red.), Zeszyty Naukowe UJ: Prace Etnograficzne, z. 25, Kraków 1988, s. 149–165; R. Vorbrich, Trade as element of the Daba economy in Northern Cameroon, „Etnologia Polona” 1987 (druk 1988), t. 13, s. 153–182. 26 Były to głównie egzemplarze broni, ozdoby, wytwory sztuki i rzemiosła. �104 Ryszard Vorbrich (Muzeum Narodowemu w Szczecinie, Muzeum Okręgowemu w Kaliszu oraz Muzeum Instrumentów Muzycznych w Poznaniu) została wyceniona przez samych beneficjentów na łączną wartość 1 437 500 zł, co ponad dwukrotnie przewyższało ogólne koszty wyprawy (szacowane na 700 000 zł). Studencka Ekspedycja Etnograficzna „Afryka 76” otworzyła 40-letni okres aktywności badawczej polskich naukowców (w przeważającej mierze etnologów) w Północnym Kamerunie. W kolejnych latach do regionu tego wracali członkowie SEE, ale także przedstawiciele młodszego pokolenia. Pod koniec 1977 roku do Mandamy dotarła (via Nigeria) kolejna polska wyprawa studencka – Wyprawa Studenckiego Koła Naukowego Biologów Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego – Afryka 79. Jak sama nazwa wskazuje, nie miała ona charakteru etnograficznego27, lecz swymi zainteresowaniami objęła także sferę kultury poznawanych ludów. Z publikowanych sprawozdań28 wnosić można, że działalność członków wyprawy na niwie etnograficznej sprowadzała się głównie do pozyskiwania kolekcji eksponatów29. Publikowane omówienia dorobku naukowego tej wyprawy mają charakter po27 W jej skład wchodziło pięcioro studentów biologii UŁ (Piotr Frankiewicz, Mirosław Karolak, Jerzy Nadolski, Marek Wanat i Joanna Wojciechowska) oraz jeden student archeologii UŁ (Sławomir Szafrański) oraz Paweł Królikowski (lekarz) i Andrzej Krawczyk (kierowca). Zob. A. Nadolska-Styczyńska, J. Nadolski, Kultury Północnego Kamerunu i Nigerii jako przedmiot zainteresowań wyprawy naukowej studentów biologii Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego – Afryka 79, w: Afryka – 40 lat penetracji oraz poznawania ludów i ich kultur, J. Łapott (red.) Szczecin 2004, s. 287–308. 28 Por. J. i J. Nadolscy, O etnograficznych wynikach afrykańskiej wyprawy biologów, w: Na egzotycznych…, op. cit., s. 103–108. 29 Które później (w liczbie ponad 500 egzemplarzy) wzbogaciły polskie muzea. Zob. A. Nadolska-Styczyńska, J. Nadolski, Kultury…, op. cit., s. 290; A. Styczyńska, Kolekcja zabytków z Północnego Kamerunu i Nigerii – dar wyprawy łódzkich biologów, w: Prace i materiały Muzeum Archeologicznego i Etnograficznego w Łodzi, „Seria Etnograficzna” 1991–1995, nr 30, s. 105–130. �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 105 pularyzatorski i reportażowy30 lub sprowadzają się do informacji praktycznych (jakie i za ile można kupić „eksponaty”)31. Doświadczenie i dokumentacja naukowa zdobyte w ramach SEE „Afryka 76” skłoniły mnie do powrotu do Kamerunu, do kraju Daba, w 1982 r. Tym razem wyjazd był odpowiednio przygotowany merytorycznie dzięki kwerendzie archiwalnej i sprowadzonym z zagranicy publikacjom32. Badania trwały tym razem trzy miesiące (marzec–kwiecień) i były możliwe dzięki pomocy władz UAM (który kupił bilet lotniczy), a także gościnności (i pomocy logistycznej) polskich misjonarzy oblatów oraz sióstr ze Zgromadzenia Sióstr Służebniczek NMP. Moją bazą została ponownie misja w Mandamie. Za miejsce głównych badań stacjonarnych obrałem liczący ok. 80 zagród (ok. 500 mieszkańców) zespół osadniczy we względnie izolowanym masywie Nive33. Był on odległy o 14 km od Mandamy i pozbawiony wówczas połącze30 Zob. S. Szafrański, Z biologami na afrykańskim szlaku, „Z otchłani wieków” 1983, z. 3. 31 Materiał fotograficzny (ze wspomnień uczestników wyprawy potencjalnie interesujący) uległ niestety w najbardziej wartościowej części prześwietleniu (por. A. Styczyńska-Nadolska, J. Nadolski, Kultury…, op. cit., s. 288). 32 Koszty podróży lotniczej pokrył UAM, a koszty pobytu w Kamerunie prywatne stypendium Ireny i Jaquesa Driveta (z Douala). Wielką pomoc (gościnę) otrzymałem także od polskich lekarzy: Krystyny i Krzysztofa Haslingerów podczas pobytu w Yaounde (kwerendy archiwalnej i bibliotecznej w Université de Yauondé oraz ORTSTOM). 33 W Nive spędziłem około 50 dni (przedzielonych wizytami w Mandamie i innych wsiach). Zamieszkałem tam w opuszczonej zagrodzie przydzielonej mi przez miejscowego wodza. Prace badawcze w Mandamie miały w tym wypadku zdecydowanie uzupełniający charakter. Pobyt na terenie misji służył także odnowie biologicznej i pracom organizacyjnym oraz opracowywaniem materiału naukowego). Krótkie 1-4 dniowe penetracje etnograficzne przeprowadziłem także w kilkunastu innych wsiach zamieszkałych przez Lud Daba (i Chede): Bourngala, Dane Klvin, Djifi, Douroum, Gueleng, Gorom, Koalar, Kopea, Matalao, Ndouzeng Tima le Bas, Tima le Haut, Tra, Popologozom, Vinde Yola i Vourmoutch. �106 Ryszard Vorbrich nia drogowego ze światem (Mandamą). Nie był objęty działalnością misji, co z punktu metodologii i metodyki badań miało pozytywne i negatywne skutki. Do pozytywów zaliczyć można niezakłócony zewnętrznymi wpływami obraz miejscowej kultury. Do negatywów – brak osób władających językiem francuskim. Problem pomogli mi rozwiązać młodociani tłumacze (wychowankowie misji w Mandamie), którzy towarzyszyli mi podczas badań prowadzonych poza Mandamą. Badania z roku 1982 były w pewnym sensie kontynuacją i rozwinięciem prac z roku 1977. Ich przedmiotem badań był szeroko rozumiany system gospodarczy ludu Daba, zarówno w aspekcie materialnym, jak i społecznym (organizacja pracy, system własności, dystrybucja i konsumpcja dóbr). Nieco dłuższy okres badań stacjonarnych pozwolił na zastosowanie metod jakościowych. Należały do nich: analiza relacji pomiędzy stosunkami pokrewieństwa a formami współpracy gospodarczej, dystrybucji dóbr itp. W tym celu w dwóch dzielnicach sąsiadujących z „moją zagrodą” dla kilkunastu (18) zagród założyłem karty informacyjne, zawierające dane o mieszkańcach zagrody (liczba, wiek, miejsce urodzenia, stopień pokrewieństwa, powiązania z innymi mieszkańcami wsi, masywu i ze światem zewnętrznym). Karty zawierały także dane z inwentaryzacji majątku ruchomego (także zwierząt hodowlanych), powierzchni, położenia i jakości ziemi uprawnej. Uzyskane dane stały się podstawą do szczegółowej analizy relacji ekonomicznych zachodzących w sferze relacji pokrewieństwa (rodzina podstawowa, rozszerzona, ród) oraz w sferze poszczególnych ogniw organizacji terytorialnej (dzielnica – wspólnota lokalna). Podobne prace prowadziłem wyrywkowo w pozostałych 10 dzielnicach Nive. Prace te niestety nie zostały ukończone we wszystkich aspektach z powodu odmowy przedłużenia mi wizy kameruńskiej. W badaniach stosowałem też metody ilościowe. Używałem ich w celu uzyskania danych dotyczących �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 107 zagadnień mikroekonomii (działalność produkcyjna w ramach gospodarstwa rodzinnego, budżetu rodzinnego itp.). Posłużyłem się także metodami ekstensywnymi w postaci ankiet (dotyczących m.in. struktury upraw, asortymentu targów lokalnych itp.) zbieranych w sąsiednich wsiach przez moich piśmiennych współpracowników – mieszkańców Mandamy. Podstawowym, stałym elementem warsztatu badawczego były codzienne obserwacje i wywiady, uczestniczenie w życiu ceremonialnym (na tyle, na ile pozwalał mi status „obcego”) – pogrzebach, przenosinach „panny młodej”, wyprawach ludycznych i handlowych do okolicznych targów itp. Szczególnym doświadczeniem poznawczym było obserwowanie konfliktów i sporów (np. o ziemię), interpretowanych „na gorąco” przez uczestników i innych świadków. Nowym rysem programu badawczego z roku 1982 było objęcie obserwacją i analizą dynamiki zmian kulturowych, jakie już wówczas można było zauważyć u Daba. Celem badań nie było już tylko dementowanie i odtwarzanie „tradycyjnej” kultury, ale szukanie nowych elementów i analiza sposobów ich włączania w życie codzienne górali. Można powiedzieć – jeśli mogę wpleść tu nieco osobistej nuty – że trzymiesięczne badania z roku 1982 uformowały mnie jako badacza terenowego. A doświadczenie wówczas zdobyte wykorzystywałem w kolejnych 20 sezonach badawczych w 10 krajach Afryki. Naukowym efektem dwóch pierwszych sezonów badawczych w Północnym Kamerunie (1977 i 1982) była praca doktorska pt. „System gospodarczy społeczności plemiennej. Na przykładzie grupy Daba z Północnego Kamerunu” (1987). Wyniki badań wykorzystywałem w następnych latach w licznych publikacjach naukowych oraz w pracy dydaktycznej34. Zob. R. Vorbrich, Daba – Górale Północnego Kamerunu. Afrykańska gospodarka tradycyjna pod presją historii i warunków ekologicznych, Wrocław 1989. 34 �108 Ryszard Vorbrich W latach 80. i 90. XX wieku w Północnym Kamerunie ciekawym uzupełnieniem szeroko zakrojonej działalności misyjnej polskich misjonarzy oblatów były publikowane przez nich opracowania naukowe i popularnonaukowe. Obok wspomnianego wyżej doc. dr. hab. Antioniego należy wymienić w tym kontekście przede wszystkim o. Mariana Biernata – autora monografii małej wspólnoty lokalnej z grupy etnicznej Daba – Masyw Popologozom (maszynopis, bez miejsca i daty wydania) oraz zwięzłego opisu wierzeń i obrzędowości tego ludu. Nieco później, w latach 90., badania nad społecznym wymiarem religii ludów Kirdi prowadził o. Krzysztof Zielenda, pracujący m.in. na misjach w Poli i Mandamie35. Wyniki swych badań przedstawił on w swej dysertacji doktorskiej pt. Wspólnotowy wymiar tradycyjnych religii północnokameruńskich ludów kirdyjskich (Warszawa: ATK 1998). W tym samym czasie szerszą i wielozakresową działalność badawczą w Północnym Kamerunie rozwinął oblat – (późniejszy prof. dr hab.) Jarosław Różański. Ojciec J. Różański przyjechał do Kamerunu po raz pierwszy na staż misyjny, pracując na misjach w Lam, a także w Mandamie, Moutouroua i Karna, w latach 1991–1993. Mający bardzo szeroką formację naukową, teologiczną, misjologiczną i filologiczną (ukończył także studia polonistyczne) zainteresował się początkowo literaturą ustną ludów Kirdi, zwłaszcza Guidarów i Guiziga. Efektem pierwszych jego prac badawczych były publikacje prezentujące bajki i legendy, głównie ludów Guidar i Guiziga, wśród których prowadził działalność misyjną36. Prace terenowe nad tym zagadnieniem kontyW późniejszym okresie pełnił on kolejno funkcję wykładowcy w seminarium duchowym, w Maroua i rektora seminarium duchowego w Yaoundé. 36 Zob. m.in. J. Różański, W kręgu większych form narracyjnych u ludów Północnego Kamerunu, „Literatura Ludowa” 1992, nr 4–5, s. 3–22; W cieniu góry Lam, Gorzów Wlkp. 1994; Z tradycji ustnej sawanny kameruńskiej, „Afryka” 35 �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 109 nuował także później (w Figuil, Garoua i Maroua) w latach 2001– 2011. W latach tych poszerzył tematykę swych badań o szeroko pojęte zagadnienia z zakresu historii misji (i kościoła rodzimego), religioznawstwa, antropologii kulturowej, etnopsychologii itp. Efekty studiów nad historią misji katolickich w Kamerunie o. J. Różański wykorzystał w swej dysertacji doktorskiej pt. Dojrzewanie północnokameruńskiej prowincji kościelnej Garoua w latach 1946–1996 (Warszawa: ATK 1998)37. W ramach problematyki misjologicznej koncentrował się on na historii polskich misji w Kamerunie38. Szczególnie dużo miejsca poświęcił też relacjom pomiędzy tradycyjną religią i kulturą ludów Kirdi, a metodami ich ewangelizacji. Uwzględniając okoliczność, iż jednym z głównych celów misji jest zakorzenianie się chrześcijaństwa w miejscowych społecznościach, analizował, w jakim zakresie działania misjonarzy mogą uwzględniać lokalną kulturę i w jaki sposób 2002, nr 15, s. 43–64; Mali’i ahin ti maya ta. Przysłowia gizigijskie, Warszawa 2000. 37 Zob. też J. Różański, Umiędzynarodowienie misji północnokameruńskiej, „Saeculum Christianum” 2004, t. 11, nr 2, s. 133–167. 38 Spośród wielu publikacji przywołać można jedynie kilka najważniejszych. Zob. J. Różański, Polskie misjonarki i misjonarze w Afryce, Warszawa 2012; J. Różański, Udział polskich Sióstr Służebniczek NMP – Śląskich w pracy misyjnej w północnym Kamerunie, „Annales Missiologici Posnanienses” 2003, t. 13, s. 111–129; Działalność polskich oblatów Maryi Niepokalanej w Kamerunie (1970–2010), Warszawa 2015; J. Różański, Wkład misjonarzy i misjonarek w poznawanie i ocalanie kultur kirdyjskich, w: Afryka. 40 lat penetracji oraz poznawania ludów i ich kultur. Materiały z sesji naukowej zorganizowanej przez Muzeum Narodowe w Szczecinie 18–19 kwietnia 2002 r., Szczecin 2004, J. Łapott, E. Prądzyńska, B. Zaborowska (red.), s. 165–178; Figuil – zarys dziejów miasta i centralnej misji polskich oblatów Maryi Niepokalanej w Północnym Kamerunie, w:, Bilad as-Sudan – dziedzictwo przeszłości, W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Pelplin 2015, s. 163–197; Cameroon – Africa’s Largest Polish Roman Catholic Mission Center, w: Poland’s Relations with West Africa, (ed.) Zygmunt Łazowski, Warsaw 2004, s. 200–210. �110 Ryszard Vorbrich lokalne kultury wpływają na postawę misjonarzy39. W końcu przedmiotem badań i analiz o. Jarosława Różańskiego były także przemiany społeczne i kulturowe społeczeństwa Kamerunu Północnego w dobie globalizacji40. 39 Zob. J. Różański, Wkład misjonarzy i misjonarek w poznawanie i ocalanie kultur kirdyjskich, w: J. Łapott, E. Prądzyńska, B. Zaborowska (red.), Afryka. 40 lat penetracji oraz poznawania ludów i ich kultur. Materiały z sesji naukowej zorganizowanej przez Muzeum Narodowe w Szczecinie 18–19 kwietnia 2002 r., Szczecin 2004, s. 165–178; J. Różański, Inkulturacja Kościoła wśród ludów Środkowego Sudanu, Poznań 2004; Misjonarze wobec rodzimych kultur, w: Afryka na progu XXI wieku, t. 1, Kultura i społeczeństwo, J. Pawlik, M. Szupejko (red.), Polskie Towarzystwo Afrykanistyczne, Warszawa 2009, s. 287–296; Missions in Northern Cameroon and development of local cultures, w: M. Ząbek (ed.), Sustainable development in Sub-Saharan Africa, University of Iringa (Tanzania) & Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology University of Warsaw, Iringa-Warsaw 2015, s. 139–154; J. Różański, Matka-rodzicielka – kobieta w tradycji północnokameruńskiej, w: Ewangelia między tradycją i współczesnością, J. Różański, P. Szuppe (red.), Warszawa 2003, s. 71–84; Tradycyjne religie afrykańskie w listach misjonarzy, w: E. Śliwka (red.), Wypłyń na głębię. Materiały Pierwszego Ogólnopolskiego Kongresu Misyjnego Zakonów i Zgromadzeń Męskich i żeńskich, t. 2, Refleksja (Sesja naukowa), Gdańsk-Pieniężno 2004, s. 377–384. 40 Zob. J. Różański, Miejscowa kultura wobec przemian społecznych i gospodarczych w środkowym Sudanie, w: Zagrożenie tożsamości? Problematyka globalizacji w zainteresowaniach polskiej antropologii, A. Nadolska-Styczyńska (red.), Wrocław-Łódź 2005, s. 240–249; Przemiany w systemie społecznopolitycznym północnokameruńskich Kirdi, w: Forum Politologiczne, t. 7, Przywódcy i przywództwo we współczesnej Afryce, A. Żukowski (red.), Olsztyn 2008, s. 309– 340; Fulbe w strefie Sudanu. Migracje, władza i pieniądze, w: Bilad as-Sudan – kultury i migracje, W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Warszawa 2013, s. 47–64; Kształtowanie się tradycyjnych struktur społeczno-politycznych w kraju Gidarów (północny Kamerun), w: Ewolucja społeczeństw i państw afrykańskich. Polityka, bezpieczeństwo i historia, Kubicki R., Saletra W. (red.), Kielce 2015, s. 231–245; Tradycyjne religie Kirdi – kontynuacja i zmiany, w: Forum Politologiczne, t. 23, Tradycja i nowoczesność w Afryce. Społeczeństwo – kultura – sztuka, A. Żukowski (red.), Instytut Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytetu Warmińsko-Mazurskiego w Olsztynie, Olsztyn 2017, s. 51–72; Dzieci żyjące na ulicy – nowe zjawisko miast afrykańskich, Warszawa 2004. �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 111 Do Kamerunu i do Daba wróciłem po 17 latach, w roku 1999. Była to już zupełnie inna epoka, inna Afryka i inna Polska41. Dawna metoda badań terenowych w postaci „wypraw”, adekwatna do warunków panujących w PRL, stała się już zbyt archaiczna i niedostosowana do realiów okresu postkomunistycznego. Sześć sezonów badawczych w Kamerunie (w latach 1999, 2000, 2001, 2003, 2004, 2011) finansowanych było w ramach grantów KBN, NCN oraz PTPN42. Problematyka tych projektów badawczych nawiązywała do zakresu dynamicznych zmian, jakie zaszły w Kamerunie w ostatnich dwudziestu latach ubiegłego wieku oraz w pierwszej dekadzie obecnego stulecia. Koncentrowała się ona głównie na różnych aspektach procesów etnicznych, zmianie społecznej i kulturowej oraz zagadnieniach z zakresu antropologii Była to już epoka nasilonej globalizacji. W Północnym Kamerunie rozwinął się wielopartyjny system polityczny (wpływający na etnicyzację polityki), pojawiły się pierwsze struktury organizacji pozarządowych (np. stowarzyszeń prorozwojowych), znikały już ostatnie miejsca poza siecią dróg i systemu ochrony zdrowia i szkolnictwa powszechnego (ostatnią znaną mi wsią, w której powstała szkoła podstawowa była w 2003 roku wieś Nive), co diametralnie zmieniło sposób życia, sieć kontaktów i wizję świata członków wspólnot lokalnych. W Polsce w ramach zmiany systemu polityczno-gospodarczego dawny sposób pozyskiwania funduszy na badania naukowe stracił rację bytu wobec powstania takich instytucji jak Komitet Badań Naukowych czy późniejsze Narodowe Centrum Nauki. 42 W sezonach badawczych styczeń–marzec 1999 oraz styczeń–luty 2000 roku realizowałem w Kamerunie projekt badawczy KBN „Procesy etniczne i migracyjne w Kamerunie”. W sezonie listopad–grudzień 2001 roku realizowałem badania w ramach projektu UAM i Poznańskiego Towarzystwa Przyjaciół Nauk „Środowiskowe uwarunkowania kultury w Afryce”. W sezonach styczeń–luty 2003 oraz listopad–grudzień 2004 roku realizowałem projekt badawczy KBN. Natomiast w sezonie styczeń–luty 2011 roku prowadziłem badania w ramach projektu KBN/NCN „Bierny beneficjent versus lokalny partner projektów rozwojowych. Konceptualizacja i strategie adaptacyjne w zakresie współpracy rozwojowej wśród afrykańskich społeczności lokalnych (studium porównawcze)”. W wypadku tego ostatniego projektu prace terenowe prowadzone były nie tylko w Kamerunie, ale także w Mali (2012) i w Maroku (2013). 41 �112 Ryszard Vorbrich rozwoju. Tematyka kolejnych realizowanych na przestrzeni 13 lat projektów badawczych uzupełniała się i była formatowana w oparciu o materiał badawczy i doświadczenie zdobyte w sezonach poprzednich. W ten sposób Kamerun Północny stał się dla mnie prawdziwym laboratorium terenowym, pozwalającym dotrzeć do enklaw tradycyjnej kultury, ale pozwalającym, na przestrzeni kilku dekad, obserwować dynamikę kultury afrykańskiej. Brak tutaj miejsca na dokładniejsze omówienie przebiegu prac terenowych. Wspomnę jedynie, że koncentrowały się one na opisanej już wspólnocie lokalnej Nive. Pole badawcze rozszerzyłem także na etnicznych Daba, emigrujących do innych regionów kraju, a także o inne grupy etniczne Kamerunu (od Pigmejów na południu kraju, do Fulbejów na północy). W Północnym Kamerunie badania stacjonarne i krótsze penetracje prowadziłem (licząc od północy regionu) w Waza, Oudjilla, Kapsiki, Tokombere, Maroua, Douroum, Tra, Figuil, Garoua, Bibemi, Sebore (wśród emigrantów Daba), Rey Bouba, Tcholire oraz Poli, Karna i Nagaoundere. Nie sposób omówić, nawet pokrótce, przebieg moich badań oraz ich efekty. Wymienię tu jedynie najważniejsze aspekty (problemy badawcze) oraz zilustruję je odniesieniami do poszczególnych, najważniejszych publikacji. 1. Badania z zakresu antropologii ekonomicznej i antropologii rozwoju objęły zagadnienia związane z miejscową („tubylczą”) konceptualizacją pracy i bogactwa (kapitału)43. 43 Zob. R. Vorbrich, Praca i kapitał w tradycyjnych systemach gospodarczych Afryki, „Annales Missiologicae Posnanienses” 2000, t. 11, s. 249–257; „Sorghum Wealth” versus „Money Wealth” or the Hybrid Nature of Post-tribal Economies, „Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies” 2013, vol. 28, s. 5–14. �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 113 2. Studia nad ekologicznymi uwarunkowaniami kultury i sposobami zarządzania zasobami strategicznymi – ziemią i wodą44. 3. Badania procesów migracyjnych, zwłaszcza związanych z pokonywaniem barier naturalnych i politycznych45. 4. Studia nad procesami etnicznymi i powstawaniem nowych typów tożsamości46. 5. Badania z zakresu antropologii historycznej i politycznej; zjawisko trybalizmu, funkcjonowanie społeczeństwa plemiennego i postplemiennego a kwestia praw obywatelskich47. Zob. R. Vorbrich, Człowiek i woda w masywie Mandara – Kamerun Północny, w: Afryka. 40 lat penetracji…, op. cit., s. 101–109; Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws. Environmental and political pressures on the Daba of northern Cameroon, „Collectanea Sudanica”, vol. 1, s. 31–50. 45 Zob. R. Vorbrich, Mikro- i makromigracje w Kamerunie. Przestrzeń a bariery adaptacji kulturowej, w: Upadek imperiów i rozwój migracji, J. E. Zamojski (red.), Migracje i Społeczeństwo, nr 8, Wydawnictwo Neriton, Warszawa 2003, s. 175–197. 46 Zob. R. Vorbrich, Trybalizm a wieloetniczne państwo afrykańskie, „Sprawy Narodowościowe” 1999 (2000 druk), z. 14–15, s. 183–192; Kirditude. Idéologie de la Majorité Opprimée au Cameroun, „Ethnologia Polona” 2002, t. 23, s. 39–54. 47 Zob. R. Vorbrich, Wódz jako funkcjonariusz. Despotyzm zdecentralizowany w społeczeństwie postplemiennym Kamerunu, „Lud” 2004, t. 88, s. 219–236; Lamidat. Państwo przedkolonialne w państwie postkolonialnym, „Afryka”. Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Afrykanistycznego 2005, nr 21, s. 7–28; The idea of consensus and tribal identity in relation to democratic elections in an African State. The case of Cameroon, w: Exploring home, neighbouring and distant cultures, L. Mróz, A. Posern-Zieliński (red.), Wydawnictwo DiG, Warszawa 2008, s. 209–224; Etniczność a trybalizm w Afryce, w: Afryka na progu XXI wieku, t. 1, Kultura i społeczeństwo, J. J. Pawlik, M. Szupejko (red.), Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR, Warszawa 2009, s. 311–323; The clay pot and the iron pot. The tribal society confronted with the nation and the global society, „Hemispheres”. Studies on Cultures and Societies 2009, nr 24, s. 143–154; Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka. Koncepcje i postaci wspólnoty w dawnej i współczesnej Afryce, Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, Poznań 2012, s. 427; Kwestia tubylcza a status obywatela w Kamerunie, w: Obywatelstwo na progu XXI wieku. Konteksty prawne i kulturowe, Maciej Ząbek (red.), Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW, Biuro 44 �114 Ryszard Vorbrich 6. Procesy oraz instytucje rozwojowe48. 7. Problematyka religioznawcza; obrzędowość tradycyjna i zmiany struktury religijnej49. Efektem studiów nad sposobami zarządzania zasobami strategicznymi stał się także uruchomiony i koordynowany przeze mnie program rozwojowy „Woda dla Sahelu”. Dzięki pozyskanym przeze mnie w Polsce (i w Australii) środkom i sponsorom w latach 2001–2006 powstało w Północnym Kamerunie 11 studni dostarczających pitną wodę w regionach od lat odczuwających narastającą suszę50. W tym samym czasie prace badacze w Północnym Kamerunie prowadziły też inne osoby. Jedną z nich była Donata Popławska (studentka etnologii UAM w Poznaniu), która w październiku Krajowe UNHCR w Polsce, Międzynarodowe Centrum Dialogu Międzykulturowego i Międzyreligijnego UKSW, Warszawa 2013, s. 177–186; Sukcesja substancjalna a legitymizacja władzy w wodzostwach Północnego Kamerunu. Między perspektywą antropologiczną a historyczną, w: J. Banaszkiewicza, M. Kara, H. Mamzer (red.), Instytucje „wczesnego państwa” w perspektywie wielości i różnorodności kultur, IAiE PAN, Poznań 2013, s. 91–104. 48 Zob. R. Vorbrich, Tradycyjna społeczność afrykańska a szkoła. Systemy wychowawcze i edukacyjne w pluralistycznym społeczeństwie Kamerunu, „Lud” 2002, t. 86, s. 105–130; Bierny beneficjent versus lokalny partner projektów rozwojowych w Afryce, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – dziedzictwo przeszłości, Pelplin: Instytut Dialogu Kultury i Religii WT UKSW, s. 231–256. 49 Zob. R. Vorbrich, Tradycyjne religie Kamerunu wobec chrześcijaństwa i islamu, „Lud” 2000, t. 84, s. 37–48; Święto duchów – czyli jak przetańczyć święto, w: Rytmy i kroki Afryki (Rhythms and steps of Africa), red. W. Mond-Kozłowska, Akademia Ignatianum, Wydawnictwo WAM, Kraków 2011, s. 167–172. 50 W tym kontekście wyrazy podziękowania należą się wszystkim sponsorom z Polski i Australii. Pragnę szczególnie serdecznie podziękować misjonarzowi o. Władysławowi Koziołowi, który włożył zasadniczy wkład w ten projekt jako radiosteta i organizator prac oraz panu Ireneuszowi Brzechwie (z Obornik Wlkp.) i pani Marioli Strzałek (z Australii) – mojej koleżance ze studiów etnograficznych – za ich wkład finansowy oraz działania na rzecz pozyskania kolejnych sponsorów. �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 115 i listopadzie 2004 roku zajmowała się tam obrzędowym okaleczaniem kobiecych narządów płciowych. Jej bazą było Ngaoundere (gdzie korzystała z gościny polskich misjonarzy). Przebywała także w kraju Daba (w Mandamie). Materiały zgromadzone podczas badań terenowych były podstawą napisanej przez nią i obronionej pracy magisterskiej pt. Praktyka okaleczania żeńskich narządów płciowych a tradycja i współczesność Afryki i Bliskiego Wschodu (Poznań 2005). W październiku i listopadzie 2005 r. działał w Kamerunie pięcioosobowy zespół badawczy złożony z etnologów i historyków sztuki, pracowników kilku polskich muzeów. W jego skład wchodzili: dr Jacek Łapott (weteran SSE „Afryka 76”), mgr Agnieszka Tomaszewska (oboje z Muzeum Narodowego w Szczecinie) oraz mgr Katarzyna Podyma i mgr Lucjan Buchalik (pracownicy Muzeum Miejskiego w Żorach)51. Przedmiotem obserwacji członków grupy była tradycyjna kultura i sztuka Kamerunu. Po badaniach w południowej części Kamerunu w północnej części kraju ekipa muzealników swą penetracją objęła głównie obszar etniczny mało zbadanej grupy Duupa (należącej do ludów Kirdi), zamieszkującą izolowany i trudno dostępny masyw Alantika. W tym regionie obserwacje etnograficzne prowadzono we wsiach Hoy, Sari, a zwłaszcza w N’inga. Ze względu na swe położenie (w trudnym terenie górskim – Pic de Ninga ma 1748 m n.p.m.) nieliczni już członkowie tej górskiej wspólnoty lokalnej (50 osób) jeszcze w tym czasie reprezentowała typ archaicznej, izolowanej kultury paleonigrityckiej. Członkowie zespołu odwiedzili także (w drodze do Czadu) m.in. miejscowości N’Dingtire, Mougeni, Lugunde i Liwa, gdzie prowadzono obserwacje wśród ludów: Fulbe, Tchiamba, Geunu i Gembe. W dalszej części swej podróży badawczej odwieOba muzea mają jedne z największych i najcenniejszych kolekcji afrykanistycznych w Polsce. 51 �116 Ryszard Vorbrich dzono także masyw Mandara (miejscowości Rumsiki, Amsa, Haou i Mokolo). Ostatnim regionem Kamerunu penetrowanym w ramach tej wyprawy był kraj Musgum (opodal Jeziora Czad), znany z oryginalnego budownictwa. Efektem opisanej inicjatywy badawczej była głównie kolekcja ponad 150 eksponatów etnograficznych, które wzbogaciły polskie placówki muzealne. Rezultaty naukowe prezentuje publikacja Lucjana Buchalika52. W 2013 roku krótką penetrację antropologiczną przeprowadzili prof. dr hab. Maciej Ząbek oraz prof. dr hab. Jarosław Różański. Badania były elementem większego projektu „Sudańscy uciekinierzy i wypędzeni. Dyskurs o uchodźcach i zachodniej pomocy humanitarnej” i obejmował, oprócz Sudanu, także kraje sąsiednie. Badano wówczas wywiady z samoosiedlającymi się przedstawicielami uchodźców-koczowników Mbororo z Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej na pograniczu Kamerunu, w okolicach granicznej miejscowości Garoua Boulai. Podjęta wówczas próba przeprowadzenia badań w leżącym bardziej na północ, w prowincji Garoua, likwidowanym wówczas obozie Langui dla Czadyjczyków, nie powiodła się z uwagi na bardzo niechętną (wręcz wrogą) reakcję zarządzającego obozem przedstawiciela UNHCR. Ponad 40 lat obecności polskich misjologów, religioznawców i antropologów nadało temu regionowi Afryki szczególny status laboratorium terenowego, jedynego o takim znaczeniu (być może obok Sudanu) w skali polskiej humanistyki. L. Buchalik, Ludy refugialne w obliczu kolonizacji, w: Ex Africa Semper Aliquid Novi, J. Łapott, E. Prądzyńska (red.), t. 1, Żory 2014, s. 138–153. 52 �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 117 Bibliografia Atlas du Cameroun, Paris, Yaounde 1973, Planche XII. Beauvilan A., Nord-Cameroun: crises et peuplement, (these de doc.), Rouen 1989. Buchalik L., Ludy refugialne w obliczu kolonizacji, w: Ex Africa Semper Aliquid Novi, J. Łapott, E. Prądzyńska (red.), t. 1, Żory 2014, s. 138–153. Kostuch P., Zagroda północnokameruńskiego plemienia Daba, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1981 (1985), t. 27, s. 281–305. Łapott J., Studencka ekspedycja etnograficzna „Afryka 76–77” – sprawozdanie z przebiegu i wyników działalności etnologicznej wyprawy do Afryki, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1978 (1982), t. 24, s. 283–319 Łapott J., Kowalstwo w życiu codziennym plemion Daba i Guidar w Kamerunie Północnym, „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1984 (1987), t. 30, s. 245–262. Nadolska-Styczyńska A., Nadolski J., Kultury Północnego Kamerunu i Nigerii jako przedmiot zainteresowań wyprawy naukowej studentów biologii Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego – Afryka 79, w: Afryka – 40 lat penetracji oraz poznawania ludów i ich kultur, J. Łapott (red.), Szczecin 2004, s. 287–308. Nadolscy J. i J., O etnograficznych wynikach afrykańskiej wyprawy biologów, w: Na egzotycznych szlakach. O polskich badaniach etnograficznych w Afryce, Ameryce i Azji w dobie powojennej, L. Dzięgiel (red.), Wrocław 1987, s. 103–108. Podlewski A. M., La dynamique des principals populations du Nord Cameroun, etre Bénoue et lac Tchad, Yaoundé 1964; Notes sur les objets sacrés traditionnels Mboum (Adamaoua, Cameroun), „Journal des africanistes” 1978, Vol. 48, Numéro 2, s. 102–120. Różański J., W kręgu większych form narracyjnych u ludów Północnego Kamerunu, „Literatura Ludowa” 1992, t. 4–5, s. 3–22. Różański J., W cieniu góry Lam, Gorzów Wlkp. 1994. �118 Ryszard Vorbrich Różański J., Z tradycji ustnej sawanny kameruńskiej, „Afryka” 2002, nr 15, s. 43–64. Różański J., Mali’i ahin ti maya ta. Przysłowia gizigijskie, Warszawa 2000. Różański J., Wkład misjonarzy i misjonarek w poznawanie i ocalanie kultur kirdyjskich, w: Afryka. 40 lat penetracji oraz poznawania ludów i ich kultur, w: Materiały z sesji naukowej zorganizowanej przez Muzeum Narodowe w Szczecinie 18–19 kwietnia 2002 r., J. Łapott, E. Prądzyńska, B. Zaborowska (red.), Szczecin 2004, s. 165–178. Różański J., Matka-rodzicielka – kobieta w tradycji północnokameruńskiej, w: Ewangelia między tradycją i współczesnością, J. Różański, P. Szupejko (red.), Warszawa 2003, s. 71–84. Różański J., Udział polskich Sióstr Służebniczek NMP – Śląskich w pracy misyjnej w Północnym Kamerunie, „Annales Missiologici Posnanienses” 2003, t. 13, s. 111–129. Różański J., Umiędzynarodowienie misji północnokameruńskiej, „Saeculum Christianum” 2004, t. 11, nr 2, s. 133–167. Różański J., Cameroon – Africa’s Largest Polish Roman Catholic Mission Center, w: Poland’s Relations with West Africa, Z. Łazowski (ed.), Warsaw 2004, s. 200–210. Różański J., Dzieci żyjące na ulicy – nowe zjawisko miast afrykańskich, Warszawa 2004. Różański J., Inkulturacja Kościoła wśród ludów Środkowego Sudanu, Poznań 2004. Różański J., Tradycyjne religie afrykańskie w listach misjonarzy, w: „Wypłyń na głębię. Materiały Pierwszego Ogólnopolskiego Kongresu Misyjnego Zakonów i Zgromadzeń Męskich i żeńskich, t. 2, Refleksja, E. Śliwka (red.), Gdańsk-Pieniężno 2004, s. 377–384. Różański J., Miejscowa kultura wobec przemian społecznych i gospodarczych w środkowym Sudanie, w: Zagrożenie tożsamości? Problematyka globalizacji w zainteresowaniach polskiej antropologii, A. Nadolska-Styczyńska (red.), Wrocław-Łódź 2005, s. 240–249. Różański J., Przemiany w systemie społeczno-politycznym północnokameruńskich Kirdi, w: Forum Politologiczne, t. 7, Przywódcy i przywództwo we współczesnej Afryce, A. Żukowski (red.), Olsztyn 2008, s. 309–340. �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 119 Różański J., Misjonarze wobec rodzimych kultur, w: Afryka na progu XXI wieku, t. 1, Kultura i społeczeństwo, J. Pawlik, M. Szupejko (red.), Polskie Towarzystwo Afrykanistyczne, Warszawa 2009, s. 287–296. Różański J., Polskie misjonarki i misjonarze w Afryce, Warszawa 2012. Różański J., Fulbe w strefie Sudanu. Migracje, władza i pieniądze, w: Bilad as-Sudan – kultury i migracje, W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Warszawa 2013, s. 47–64. Różański J., Figuil – zarys dziejów miasta i centralnej misji polskich oblatów Maryi Niepokalanej w północnym Kamerunie, w: Bilad as- Sudan – dziedzictwo przeszłości, W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Pelplin 2015, s. 163–197. Różański J., Kształtowanie się tradycyjnych struktur społeczno-politycznych w kraju Gidarów (Północny Kamerun), w: Ewolucja społeczeństw i państw afrykańskich. Polityka, bezpieczeństwo i historia, Kubicki R., Saletra W. (red.), Kielce 2015, s. 231–245. Różański J., Missions in Northern Cameroon and development of local cultures, w: M. Ząbek (ed.), Sustainable development in Sub-Saharan Africa, University of Iringa (Tanzania) & Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology University of Warsaw, Iringa-Warsaw 2015, s. 139–154. Różański J., Działalność polskich oblatów Maryi Niepokalanej w Kamerunie (1970–2010), Warszawa 2015. Różański J., Tradycyjne religie Kirdi – kontynuacja i zmiany, w: Forum Politologiczne, t. 23, Tradycja i nowoczesność w Afryce. Społe­ czeństwo – kultura – sztuka, A. Żukowski (red.), Olsztyn 2017, s. 51–72. Schallers Y., Les Kirdi du Nord-Cameroun, Strasbourg 1973. Styczyńska A., Kolekcja zabytków z Północnego Kamerunu i Nigerii – dar wyprawy łódzkich biologów, „Prace i Materiały Muzeum Archeologicznego i Etnograficznego w Łodzi. Seria Etnograficzna” 1991–1995, nr 30, s. 105–130. Szafrański S., Z biologami na afrykańskim szlaku, „Z otchłani wieków” 1983, z. 3. �120 Ryszard Vorbrich Vorbrich R., Studencka Ekspedycja Etnograficzna „Afryka 76”, „Lud” 1980, t. 64, s. 356–359. Vorbrich R., Studencka ekspedycja Etnograficzna „Afryka 76” a doświadczenia indywidualnych badań terenowych, w: Na egzotycznych szlakach. O polskich badaniach etnograficznych w Afryce, Ameryce i Azji w dobie powojennej, L. Dzięgiel (red.), Wrocław 1987, s. 75–101. Vorbrich R., Gospodarcza i społeczna rola daru w życiu rodziny i społeczności lokalnej Daba z Kamerunu, w: Kulturowa funkcja daru, A. Zambrzycka-Kunachowicz (red.), Zeszyty Naukowe UJ: Prace Etnograficzne, z. 25, Kraków 1988, s. 149–165. Vorbrich R., Trade as element of the Daba economy in Northern Cameroon, „Etnologia Polona” 1987 (1988), t. 13, s. 153–182. Vorbrich R., Praca i kapitał w tradycyjnych systemach gospodarczych Afryki, „Annales Missiologicae Posnanienses” 2000, t. 11, s. 249–257. Vorbrich R., Tradycyjne religie Kamerunu wobec chrześcijaństwa i islamu, „Lud” 2000, t. 84, s. 37–48. Vorbrich R., Trybalizm a wieloetniczne państwo afrykańskie, „Sprawy Narodowościowe” 1999 (druk 2000), z. 14–15, s. 183–192. Vorbrich R., Kirditude. Idéologie de la Majorité Opprimée au Cameroun, „Ethnologia Polona” 2002, t. 23, s. 39–54. Vorbrich R., Tradycyjna społeczność afrykańska a szkoła. Systemy wychowawcze i edukacyjne w pluralistycznym społeczeństwie Kamerunu, „Lud” 2002, t. 86, s. 105–130. Vorbrich R., Mikro- i makromigracje w Kamerunie. Przestrzeń a bariery adaptacji kulturowej, w: Upadek imperiów i rozwój migracji, J. E. Zamojski (red.), Migracje i Społeczeństwo nr 8, Wydawnictwo Neriton, Warszawa 2003, s. 175–197. Vorbrich R., Człowiek i woda w masywie Mandara – Kamerun Północny, w: Afryka. 40 lat penetracji oraz poznawania ludów i ich kultur. Materiały z sesji naukowej zorganizowanej przez Muzeum Narodowe w Szczecinie 18–19 kwietnia 2002 roku, J. Łapott (red.), Muzeum Narodowe w Szczecinie, Szczecin 2004, s. 101–109. Vorbrich R., Wódz jako funkcjonariusz. Despotyzm zdecentralizowany w społeczeństwie postplemiennym Kamerunu, „Lud” 2004, t. 88, s. 219–236. �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 121 Vorbrich R., Lamidat. Państwo przedkolonialne w państwie postkolonialnym, „Afryka”. Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Afrykanistycznego 2005, nr 21, s. 7–28. Vorbrich R., L’Afrique face au problem des mutilations génitales, „Africana Bulletin” 2006, t. 54, s. 131–145. Vorbrich R., The idea of consensus and tribal identity in relation to democratic elections in an African State. The case of Cameroon, w: Exploring home, neighbouring and distant cultures, L. Mróz, A. Posern-Zieliński (red.), Wydawnictwo DiG, Warszawa 2008, s. 209–224. Vorbrich R., Etniczność a trybalizm w Afryce, w: Afryka na progu XXI wieku, t. 1, Kultura i społeczeństwo, J. J. Pawlik, M. Szupejko (red.), Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR, Warszawa 2009, s. 311–323. Vorbrich R., The clay pot and the iron pot. The tribal society confronted with the nation and the global society, „Hemispheres”. Studies on Cultures and Societies 2009, nr 24, s. 143–154. Vorbrich R., Święto duchów – czyli jak przetańczyć święto, w: Rytmy i kroki Afryki [Rhythms and steps of Africa], W. Mond-Kozłowska (red.), Akademia Ignatianum, Wydawnictwo WAM, Kraków 2011, s. 167–172. Vorbrich R., Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka. Koncepcje i postaci wspólnoty w dawnej i współczesnej Afryce, Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, Poznań 2012, s. 427. Vorbrich R., Kwestia tubylcza a status obywatela w Kamerunie, w: Obywatelstwo na progu XXI wieku. Konteksty prawne i kulturowe, M. Ząbek (red.), Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW, Biuro Krajowe UNHCR w Polsce, Międzynarodowe Centrum Dialogu Międzykulturowego i Międzyreligijnego UKSW, Warszawa 2013, s. 177–186. Vorbrich R., Sukcesja substancjalna a legitymizacja władzy w wodzostwach północnego Kamerunu. Między perspektywą antropologiczną a historyczną, w: Instytucje „wczesnego państwa” w perspektywie wielości i różnorodności kultur, J. Banaszkiewicz, M. Kara, H. Mamzer (red.), IAiE PAN, Poznań 2013, s. 91–104. �122 Ryszard Vorbrich Vorbrich R., „Sorghum Wealth” versus „Money Wealth” or the Hybrid Nature of Post-tribal Economies, „Hemispheres. Studies on Cultures and Societies” 2013, vol. 28, s. 5–14. Vorbrich R., „Zróbmy coś” – „dajcie coś”. Dwie konceptualizacje projektów rozwojowych, „Etnografia Polska” 2013, t. 57, z. 1, s. 9–22. Vorbrich R., Rywalizacja o ziemię a bariery rozwojowe w Kamerunie. Przykład lokalnych wspólnot z masywu Mandara i terenów pogórza, w: Bilad as-Sudan napięcia i konflikty, W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Instytut Dialogu Kultury i Religii WT UKSW, Pelplin 2014, s. 25–50. Vorbrich R., Bierny beneficjent versus lokalny partner projektów rozwojowych w Afryce, w: Bilad as-Sudan – dziedzictwo przeszłości, W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Pelplin: Instytut Dialogu Kultury i Religii WT UKSW, 2015, s. 231–256. Vorbrich R., Land and the environment versus customary and statute laws. Environmental and political pressures on the Daba of northern Cameroon, w: Collectanea Sudanica, W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), t. 1, s. 31–50. North Cameroon – a laboratory of Polish anthropological African Studies Summary He presented the achievements of four decades of Polish anthropological research in North Cameroon. In the category of research „anthropological” included studies in the field of missiology and folklore. The particular importance of Cameroon as a field laboratory of Polish anthropologists was due to the specific cultural features of the region (as a relatively isolated area, with conservative culture) and certain typical Polish historical and logistical conditions (Rogoziński’s Expedition of 1882-85, the presence of Polish missionaries since 1970). The author opposes the specifics of finalizing and organizing african field research in the Communist era, the method of finalizing such studies of the realities of the capitalist economy (grant system) �Kamerun północny – laboratorium polskiej... 123 The article discusses the research and the effects (publications) of students’ scientific expeditions from the 1970s, once the individual fieldwork of several Polish anthropologists and missionaries, including: L. Buchhalik, A. Kurek, J. Lapap, J. Różańki and R. Vorbrich. Keywords: Cameroon, field research, anthropology, missiology, folklore ��NINA PAWLAK HAUSA A SPRAWA POLSKA. OD ORCHIDEENFACH DO WSPÓŁPRACY ROZWOJOWEJ Wstęp Polskie kontakty z Afryką są często skutkiem indywidualnych inicjatyw, a ich los zależy od wsparcia instytucjonalnego i zainteresowania, jakie mogą okazać im znane osoby i szersza publiczność. Naturalnym zapleczem instytucjonalnym dla tych kontaktów mógłby być kierunek kształcenia określany terminem „afrykanistyka”, usytuowany na wydziałach, na których są inne regionalne specjalizacje, zarówno z obszaru europejskiego, takie jak anglistyka, romanistyka, hungarystyka, jak i specjalizacje ukierunkowane na regiony pozaeuropejskie, tradycyjnie reprezentujące orientalistykę, wśród nich: sinologia, arabistyka, tybetologia. Polska afrykanistyka od dawna sygnalizuje problemy z tożsamością, ich przejawem jest m.in. dyskusja na temat afrykanistyki Prof. dr hab. Nina Pawlak – Uniwersytet Warszawski, Katedra Języków i Kultur Afryki, główny obszar zainteresowań: języki Afryki, w tym głównie język hausa. �126 Nina Pawlak na łamach „Afryki”1, która pokazuje dokonania badawcze w niektórych obszarach, m.in. etnologii2, ale także stawia pytania o sens uprawiania afrykanistyki w Polsce3. Przedmiotem zainteresowania w tej dyskusji są też języki afrykańskie4, które są nauczane wyłącznie w ramach specjalizacji językowo-kulturowej, a znajomość tych języków nie jest komponentem wiedzy afrykanistycznej z innych obszarów badawczych. Także w kręgach biznesu panuje powszechne przekonanie, że „dogadanie się” z afrykańskimi partnerami jest możliwe za pośrednictwem języków europejskich i znajomość Afryki z poziomu innego niż oficjalny nie jest w tych kontaktach potrzebna. Sami Afrykańczycy umacniają takie przekonanie, widząc w nim potwierdzenie swych internacjonalnych kompetencji i profesjonalnych umiejętności. Problemy pojawiają się dopiero wówczas, gdy się okaże, że porozumienie oznacza inne rozumienie tej samej treści. Polska afrykanistyka językowo-kulturowa od czasu swego powstania w latach sześćdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku skupia się na badaniu i nauczaniu języków ważnych w skali Afryki (suahili, hausa, amharskiego) i obszarach, na których te języki są używane. Jej dorobek jest mało znany w polskim społeczeństwie i nie jest wykorzystywany w polityce zmierzającej do poprawy naszych relacji z Afryką czy zwiększenia polskiej obecności w Afryce. Ten pogląd będzie zilustrowany przykładem języka hausa, ale osiągnięcia polskiej hausanistyki będą zinterpretowane w świetle 1 J. Mantel-Niećko, Jaka dziś powinna być rola afrykanistyki?, „Afryka” 1995, t. 2, s. 5–13. R. Vorbrich, R., Polskie badania afrykanistyczne z zakresu etnologii i antropologii kulturowej, „Afryka” 2000, t. 11, s. 74–81. 3 N. Pawlak, Samotny wojownik czy specjalista do wynajęcia?, „AFRYKA. Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Afrykanistycznego” 2000/2001, t. 12, s. 83–87. 4 A. Boniewicz, Wszystko i nic o Afryce? Refleksje dotyczące sposobu prowadzenia studiów w Zakładzie Języków i Kultur Afryki Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, „Afryka” 2001, t. 13, s. 90–96. 2 �Hausa a sprawa polska... 127 założeń deklaracji o współpracy rozwojowej, których Polska jest sygnatariuszem. Językowe świadectwa kontaktów W historii polskich kontaktów ze społecznością5 Hausa z Afryki Zachodniej możemy szukać wyjaśnienia, dlaczego wiedza o języku (i szerzej kulturze) hausa w Polsce jest nikła. Niewielki zakres lub wręcz brak wzajemnych relacji odzwierciedla słabe zakorzenienie nazwy ‘hausa’ w języku polskim i problemy z deklinacją tego wyrazu. W literaturze pojawiły się formy ‘Hausy’, ‘w Hausie’6, na wzór ‘Birmy’, ‘w Birmie’, jako przejaw tego samego paradygmatu fleksyjnego (od ‘Birma’, ‘Kuba’ etc.), jednak ta modyfikacja w obrębie spółgłosek tematycznych w sposób istotny narusza cechy identyfikacyjne nazwy własnej ‘Hausa’ i nie jest akceptowana przez afrykanistów, którzy starają się ją zachować poprzez dodawanie członu ogólnego, np. kraina Hausa. Pewien problem stwarza również etnonim, w użyciu są bowiem dwie nazwy: Hausowie i Hausańczycy, obie oparte na wzorze z końcówką przypisaną raczej odległym narodowościom. Podobnie problem rysuje się z drugiej strony. Nazwa ‘Poland’ u użytkowników hausa jest rzadko kojarzona z naszym krajem, a wobec charakterystycznej dla języka wymowy szczelinowej głoski /p/ i alternacji między ‘f’ i ‘h’ (jak w wyrazach fula = hula ‘czapka’) jest często mylona z Holandią (Holland). Także nazwa Ponad 25-milionowa społeczność, dla której hausa jest językiem ojczystym, jest uznawana za naród, który w swojej historii wykształcił struktury polityczne, ale współcześnie jego obszar znajduje się w granicach kilku państw, głównie Nigerii i Nigru. 6 Takich form używał m.in. Maciej Kuś w pracy Boża ścieżka i jej rozstaje. Dżihad Usmana ɗan Fodio i dzieje emiratów fulańskich, Kraków 2003. 5 �128 Nina Pawlak języka polskiego nie jest utworzona na podstawie regularnego wzoru derywacyjnego nazw języków (Turanci ‘język angielski’, dosł. europejski < Turai ‘Europa’, Jamusanci ‘język niemiecki’ < Jamus ‘Niemcy’), tylko opiera się na konstrukcji złożonej harshen Poland, dosł. ‘język Polski’. Brak wiedzy o języku i kulturze Hausa wśród wykształconych Polaków zaświadczają kandydaci na afrykanistykę, którym oferuje się wybór języka do dalszej nauki i bardziej pogłębionych studiów. Pierwszy ich wybór pada zwykle na suahili, ponieważ o tym języku już słyszeli, na hausa lub amharski decydują się wówczas, gdy dowiedzą się więcej, jak te języki sytuują się na mapie Afryki. Hausa pozostaje językiem nie tylko odległym terytorialnie, ale też obcym przez swój kulturowy kod islamu. Nie wprowadzili go do polskiej wiedzy potocznej ani podróżnicy, ani misjonarze, ani nawet fikcyjni bohaterowie książek (jak to się stało ze suahili za sprawą przygód Stasia i Nel – bohaterów W pustyni i w puszczy Henryka Sienkiewicza). Doświadczenia brytyjskiej władzy kolonialnej, która uczyniła hausa językiem komunikacji z wieloma społeczeństwami w Afryce Zachodniej i narzędziem polityki rządów pośrednich, nie miały większego wpływu na rozwój kontaktów polsko-hausańskich. Hausanistyka jako specjalizacja w ramach afrykanistyki językowo-kulturowej Miejsce języka hausa w świadomości Polaków jest zupełnie nieadekwatne do roli, jaką pełni on w Afryce i jaka jest wiedza o nim w innych krajach europejskich. Kontekst europejski może uzasadniać fakt, że na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim (w Katedrze Języków i Kultur Afryki) rozwija się regionalna specjalizacja w ramach afrykanistyki, skoncentrowana na języku i kulturze hau- �Hausa a sprawa polska... 129 sa7. Hausa do Polski „sprowadził” polski semitysta, prof. Stefan Strelcyn, który położył podwaliny pod rozwój polskiej afrykanistyki (początkowo tylko związanej z językiem amharskim, od roku 1962 także z hausa, nieco później ze suahili), powielając w ten sposób strukturę europejskich akademickich ośrodków afrykanistycznych, w których te języki odgrywały największą rolę. Zaliczana do Orchdeenfächer specjalność z gatunku egzotycznych swą akademicką tożsamość upatruje w formule studiów regionalnych o charakterze wielodyscyplinarnym. W Polsce uprawiana jest tylko w jednym ośrodku i realizuje głównie cele naukowe, a ze względu na brak szerszego środowiska akademickiego o tej specjalności (niezbędnego dla jej rozwoju w kategoriach instytucjonalnych) polscy hausaniści są lepiej rozpoznawani przez naukowców zagranicznych niż przez rodzimych badaczy z pokrewnych specjalności (polonistów, anglistów, iberystów i in.), którzy są „zanurzeni” w bliższym im obszarze badawczym. Hausanistyka (i szerzej afrykanistyka o profilu językowo-kulturowym) w polskim środowisku naukowym trąci egzotyką, co sprawia, że siła jej oddziaływania zarówno na polu naukowym, jak i popularnonaukowym jest niewielka. Osiągnięcia polskiej hausanistyki nie mają także żadnego odzwierciedlenia w funkcjonowaniu polskich instytucji odpowiedzialnych za kontakty z Afryką. Absolwenci w podejmowanej po ukończeniu studiów pracy zawodowej nie mają okazji wykorzystać swojej wiedzy o języku i kulturze hausa i szybko zapominają o tym, czego się nauczyli na studiach. Wyjątkiem jest Jacek Wróblewski, misjonarz zgromadzenia Ojców Białych Misjonarzy Afryki, który pracuje na terenach, gdzie dominującą religią jest islam. Zob. S. Piłaszewicz, Afrykanistyka, w: Maciej Popko (red.), 75 lat Instytutu Orientalistycznego Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa 2007, s. 23–36. 7 �130 Nina Pawlak Hausa w kontekście polskich kontaktów z Nigerią Bezpośrednie kontakty Polski z Nigerią, a więc także z hausa, rozwinęły się po roku 1960, jednak nie dostarczyły one okazji do umocnienia pozycji tego języka w Polsce. Znajomość hausa nie była zupełnie brana pod uwagę przy wyborze ambasadorów czy innych pracowników placówek dyplomatycznych w Nigerii. Przeświadczenie o znajomości języka angielskiego wystarczającej do reprezentowania polskiego rządu w kontaktach z rządem nigeryjskim i jego instytucjami było (i jest nadal) powszechne. W praktyce utrzymywanie bliższych relacji z Nigeryjczykami ograni­czało się do południa Nigerii, w tym głównie do kontaktów z przedstawicielami Ibo i Joruba, co sprawiało, że poza ich zasięgiem pozostawała Północ, mająca ogromny wpływ na aktualną sytuację społeczno-polityczną kraju. Z polskiej perspektywy Hausa sytuowani byli gdzieś poza granicą cywilizowanej Nigerii, a miarą takiej wiedzy jest pytanie, jakie zadał mi przedstawiciel polskiego rządu (jeszcze z poprzedniej epoki) w konsulacie w Kano: „Czy oni [Hausa] mają jakąś kulturę?”. Także polscy specjaliści pracujący w Nigerii, zwłaszcza wielka grupa polskich wykładowców na Uniwersytecie Ahmadu Bello w Zarii, rekrutowanych przez „Polservice” w latach siedemdziesiątych i na początku lat osiemdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku, którzy przybliżyli Polsce Nigerię, nie poprawili w sposób istotny wizerunku hausa w polskiej przestrzeni komunikacyjnej. Specjaliści różnych zawodów podczas kilkuletnich (nieraz wieloletnich) pobytów spotykali się w różnych sytuacjach z nigeryjskimi kolegami, byli zapraszani na rodzinne uroczystości i oficjalne wydarzenia, nawiązywali też bliższe relacje osobiste. Doświadczenia te zostały utrwalone w czterech tomach pod wspólnym tytułem Polacy w Nigerii, wśród nich jest tom drugi, który otrzymał pod- �Hausa a sprawa polska... 131 tytuł Wspomnienia8. Specjaliści w swoich relacjach przekazali wiele językowych świadectw obecności hausa także poza terenem ojczystym w Nigerii, które odnosiły się do pozdrowień (barka, sannu), nazw produktów żywnościowych i potraw (naman shanu, fura da nono) czy fraz „rytualnych” o funkcji ekspresywnej (shi ke nan). Zapadły w pamięć, ponieważ były słyszane na co dzień. Pozostały we wspomnieniach, które można uznać za kapitał na odbudowanie relacji gospodarczych i kontaktów Polski z Nigerią. Ich efektem jest pozytywne postrzeganie Polski i Polaków w Nigerii, mające także wpływ na istotne zwiększenie liczby Nigeryjczyków w Polsce. Jednak to nie Hausańczycy zaczęli częściej przyjeżdżać do Polski, lecz przedstawiciele nigeryjskiego Południa, w tym Ibo, których diaspora europejska jest dziś najliczniejsza właśnie w Polsce. Ponieważ w przekazie medialnym dominuje patrzenie na Afrykę przez pryzmat państw, a nie grup etnicznych, Hausa są odbierani przede wszystkim jako Nigeryjczycy. Przypadki negatywnie ocenianej działalności Nigeryjczyków w Polsce rzutują także na negatywny wizerunek Hausa. Co znaczy Boko Haram po hausa? Zwiększenie zainteresowania, a nawet swoisty rozgłos uzyskał język hausa wraz z nagłaśnianymi przez media informacjami o działalności Boko Haram w Nigerii. Wprawdzie Maiduguri, miejsce powstania w 2002 r. tej organizacji terrorystycznej znajduje się poza terenami ojczystymi hausa, a założyciel (Ustaz Mohammed Yusuf) pochodził ze społeczności Kanuri, każdy przekaz o działaniach terrorystycznych dość jednoznacznie jest utożsamiany ze społecznością Hausa. Paradoksalnie etykieta języka Boko 8 Z. Łazowski (red.), Polacy w Nigerii, t. 2, Wspomnienia, Warszawa 1998. �132 Nina Pawlak Haram zwiększyła zainteresowanie samym językiem. Przemówienia przywódców (z których największy rozgłos zyskały kazania Abubakara Shekau) były wygłaszane właśnie w hausa. Pewne wieloznaczności w przekazie medialnym kreuje sama nazwa Boko haram, a zwłaszcza jej komponent leksykalny boko (drugi człon haram oznacza ‘wszystko, co jest niezgodne z muzułmańskim prawem i zasadami islamu’). Wśród licznych fraz uznawanych za odpowiedniki Boko haram są następujące: ‘Zachodnia edukacja jest zakazana’, ‘wszystko, co europejskie, jest zakazane (bo niezgodne z islamem)’, ‘Książki to grzech’, ‘Zakazać zachodniej oświaty’, ‘Nowoczesne wychowanie to grzech’ i in. Znaczenie wyrazu boko jest uznawane za semantyczne rozszerzenie angielskiego zapożyczenia o podstawowym znaczeniu ‘książka’ (ang. book). Tymczasem słowniki uznają wyraz boko za rodzimy o znaczeniu ‘oszustwo, fałszywka, nieautentyczny produkt’ i zdaniem Paula Newmana9 ewolucja treści tego wyrazu ma takie podstawy. Za „podrobiony”, czyli nieautentyczny, uznany został w pierwszym rzędzie alfabet łaciński, zaadaptowany na początku XX wieku do zapisu języka hausa, który miał już wówczas ugruntowaną własną tradycję zapisu alfabetem arabskim (ajami). Ponieważ szkoły, które zaczęły funkcjonować w czasach brytyjskiej administracji kolonialnej, stosowały wyłącznie zapis alfabetem łacińskim (także w nauczaniu innych przedmiotów), semantyczne rozszerzenie boko do znaczenia ‘zachodnia edukacja’ stało się oczywiste, ale w tym znaczeniu wyraz pojawia się tylko w złożeniach, np. makarantar boko – ‘szkoła typu europejskiego’, karatun boko – ‘edukacja typu europejskiego’. Zasadne skojarzenie wyrazu boko z zachodnią edukacją we frazie Boko haram jest 9 P. Newman, The Etymology of Hausa boko, publikacja internetowa (2013), http://www.megatchad.net/publications/Newman-2013-Etymology-ofHausa-boko.pdf (dostęp: 25.10.2017). �Hausa a sprawa polska... 133 propozycją figuratywną, której treść może być rozpatrywana odmiennie w zależności od uwzględnienia w niej kontekstu rodzimego lub wpływów obcych. Współpraca hausanistyki polskiej i nigeryjskiej Dynamiczny rozwój polskiej hausanistyki rozpoczął się w latach 80. ubiegłego wieku, gdy polski specjalista, prof. Stanisław Piłaszewicz podjął pracę w charakterze wykładowcy języka i kultury hausa na Uniwersytecie w Maiduguri, a polscy studenci hausanistyki wyjechali na staż językowy na Uniwersytet Ahmadu Bello w Zarii10, wypełniając w ten sposób zapis polsko-nigeryjskiej umowy międzyrządowej o wymianie studentów i pracowników uczelni obu krajów. W 1986 roku Uniwersytet Warszawski wizytował prof. M. K. M. Galadanci, hausanista rangi międzynarodowej i ówczesny rektor (Vice-Chancellor) Uniwersytetu Bayero w Kano. Podczas tej wizyty zostało podpisane porozumienie o współpracy między uczelniami. Współpraca, zapisana w formie bardziej listu intencyjnego niż konkretnych zobowiązań, zaczęła się dynamicznie rozwijać i po roku 2000 obejmowała już nie tylko wzajemne wizyty pracowników i studentów, ale także wspólne konferencje, publikacje, uczestnictwo w rozwijaniu kadry naukowej z głosem opiniującym w procedurach awansu naukowego11. Obok celów akademickich współpraca ta miała jeszcze jeden wymiar, odnoszący się do zbudowania relacji partnerskich, które zdały egzamin Doświadczenia akademickie i kontakty kulturowe grupy przebywającej w roku 1985 w Zarii zostały opisane w tomie Wspomnienia w artykule Niny Pawlak pt. „Uczyć się hausa w Nigerii” (Łazowski, op. cit., s. 124–136). 11 O szczegółach niektórych przedsięwzięć zob. N. Pawlak, Most polsko-afrykański na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim, „Kwartalnik UW” 2005, nr 4, z. 25, s. 31–34. 10 �134 Nina Pawlak w czasach kryzysu zaufania do nigeryjskich instytucji i negatywnego wizerunku Nigeryjczyków popadających w konflikt z prawem polskim i międzynarodowym. Wszelkie kontakty bezpośrednie inicjowane w ramach porozumienia z nigeryjskimi partnerami miały rekomendację nigeryjskich „strażników” umowy międzyuczelnianej, nawet wówczas, gdy te kontakty wykraczały poza uczelnię, z którą umowa była podpisana. Rekomendacje te oznaczały, że kandydaci ubiegający się o studia doktoranckie w Polsce, o krótki staż naukowy czy nawet przyjazd na konferencję przybywają do Polski w celach akademickich i mają motywację, by uczynić ten wyjazd trampoliną do rozwijania własnej kariery w Nigerii. Dwa doktoraty hausanistyczne w Uniwersytecie Warszawskim12 i poddawana aktualnie procedurze obrony dysertacja Jibrila Shu’aibu Adamu są przede wszystkim wyrazem osiągnięć polskiej hausanistyki, które jednocześnie służą wspieraniu rozwoju hausanistyki nigeryjskiej w jej rodzimym środowisku13. Wkład polskiej afrykanistyki w rozwój kadr stanowiących zaplecze intelektualne rozwijającej się Nigerii14 i decydujących o jej przyszłym rozwoju może być także zinterpretowany w kategoriach współpracy rozwojowej, choć ten rodzaj aktywności nie był dotychczas 12 H. M. Yakasai, Hausa Reduplication in the Process of Grammaticalization and Lexicalization, praca doktorska, Wydział Orientalistyczny Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa 2006; I. Y. Chamo, The Changing Code of Communication in Hausa Films, praca doktorska, Wydział Orientalistyczny Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa 2012. 13 Także staże badawcze na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim Yakubu Azarego (2008) z BUK i Abubakara Zarii Ibrahima z ABU Zaria (2016) przyspieszyły prace nad doktoratami, przygotowywanymi pod kierunkiem nigeryjskich promotorów i umożliwiły przygotowanie prac, które zyskały pozytywną opinię recenzentów, a ich autorom pozwoliły rozwijać dalszą karierę akademicką w rodzimym ośrodku akademickim. 14 Liczne funkcje akademickie absolwenta polskiej uczelni, profesora Hafizu Miku Yakasai (kierownika katedry, dziekana wydziału, prorektora) służą upowszechnianiu współpracy akademickiej także poza hausanistyką. �Hausa a sprawa polska... 135 brany pod uwagę w programach pomocowych. Rozwijanie rodzimych filologii w krajach, w których używane są języki afrykańskie o dużej tradycji akademickiej w Europie, angażuje liczne kadry absolwentów rodzimych uczelni, którzy widzą swoją przyszłość we własnym kraju. Odpowiedź ze strony krajów rozwiniętych na problem ubóstwa i braku wykształcenia może więc dotyczyć także obszarów, które rozwijają się na gruncie wiedzy o własnych językach i kulturach. Doświadczenia hausanistyki pokazują, że są to najszybciej rozwijające się kierunki akademickie15, które kształcą kadry nawiązujące dialog z badaczami z całego świata, są kuźnią elit intelektualnych i politycznych we własnym kraju. Bibliografia Boniewicz A., Wszystko i nic o Afryce? Refleksje dotyczące sposobu prowadzenia studiów w Zakładzie Języków i Kultur Afryki Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, „Afryka” 2001, t. 13, s. 90–96. Chamo I. Y., The Changing Code of Communication in Hausa Films, praca doktorska, Wydział Orientalistyczny Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa 2012. Łazowski Z. (red.), Polacy w Nigerii, t. 2, Wspomnienia, Warszawa 1998. Mantel-Niećko J., Jaka dziś powinna być rola afrykanistyki?, „Afryka” 1995, t. 2, s. 5–13. Newman P., The Etymology of Hausa boko, publikacja internetowa (2013), http://www.megatchad.net/publications/Newman-2013-Etymology-of-Hausa-boko.pdf (dostęp: 25.10.2017). 15 O dorobku hausanistyki nigeryjskiej zob. H. M. Yakasai, A. Mu’azu, Hausa studies in the 21st century: prospects and challenges, w: N. Pawlak, H. RubinkowskaAnioł, I. Will (eds.), African studies. Forging new perspectives and directions, Warszawa 2016, s. 31–52. �136 Nina Pawlak Pawlak N., Samotny wojownik czy specjalista do wynajęcia?, „AFRYKA. Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Afrykanistycznego” 2000/2001, t. 12, s. 83–87. Pawlak N., Most polsko-afrykański na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim, „Kwartalnik UW” 2005, nr 4, z. 25, s. 31–34. Piłaszewicz S., Afrykanistyka, w: Maciej Popko (red.), 75 lat Instytutu Orientalistycznego Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa 2007, s. 23–36. Vorbrich R., Polskie badania afrykanistyczne z zakresu etnologii i antropologii kulturowej, „Afryka” 2000, nr 11, s. 74–81. Yakasai H. M., Mu’azu A., Hausa studies in the 21st century: prospects and challenges, w: N. Pawlak, H. Rubinkowska-Anioł, I. Will (eds.), African studies. Forging new perspectives and directions, Warszawa 2016, s. 31–52. Yakasai H. M., Hausa Reduplication in the Process of Grammaticalization and Lexicalization, praca doktorska, Wydział Orientalistyczny Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa 2006. Hausa and the Polish question. From Orchideenfach to development cooperation Summary The paper aims at interpreting achievements of the African Studies relating to languages and cultures in Poland in terms of the Polish national interests that this academic field has not been previously identified with. The history of Hausa studies in Poland is currently being evaluated through its membership in the international society of Africanists dealing with African languages, Chadic in particular. Official contacts between Poland and West African countries (especially with Nigeria) do not include the status of the language in these countries, the knowledge of the Hausa language and culture among the graduate students of the African studies program in Poland is not considered, neither. Moreover, some factors (such as Boko Haram) create negative image of the Hausa society in our country. The paper shows, that some activities �Hausa a sprawa polska... 137 aimed at the development of academic cooperation within Hausa studies between the University of Warsaw and Bayero University, Kano implement broader goals that are consistent with the declarations of partnership by developed and developing countries that was signed by Poland. By supporting the development of Hausa studies in its native environment, Poland participates in educating people who will become intellectual base of the developing Nigeria and will determine directions of its future development. Key words: development cooperation, Nigeria, Hausa studies, the Hausa language ��JOANNA BAR STREFA SUDANU W BADANIACH JANA CZEKANOWSKIEGO (1908–1909) Wstęp Wiosną 1907 r. Jan Czekanowski rozpoczął prowadzenie badań terenowych w Afryce w ramach niemieckiej interdyscyplinarnej ekspedycji badawczej, zorganizowanej i poprowadzonej przez Adolfa Friedricha, księcia Meklemburgii. Głównym jej celem było systematyczne zbadanie północno-zachodnich terytoriów ówczesnej Niemieckiej Afryki Wschodniej, rowów środkowoafrykańskich położonych pomiędzy jeziorami Kiwu i Alberta oraz północno-wschodnich obszarów granicznych państwa Kongo. Prowadząc badania jako antropolog i etnolog wyprawy1, zebrał materiały, które stały się następnie podstawą pięciotomowej publikacji Forschungen im Nil-Kongo-Zwischengebiet2, integralnej części zbioru Dr hab. Joanna Bar – prof. UP, Instytut Politologii, Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny w Krakowie, historyk i politolog, główne kierunki badań: Afryka Wschodnia. Rozróżnienie to pojawia się w tym tekście zgodnie z nomenklaturą używaną przez J. Czekanowskiego. 2 J. Czekanowski, Forschungen im Nil-Kongo–Zwischengebiet, Leipzig 1911– 1927; szczegółowe informacje dotyczące poszczególnych tomów zostały zamieszczone w spisie bibliograficznym. 1 �140 Joanna Bar Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Deutschen Zentral-Afrika-Expedition 1907–1908 unter Führung Adolf Friedrichs, Herzogs zu Mecklenburg3, złożonego z prac pozostałych członków ekspedycji: topografa, geologa, meteorologa, botanika i zoologa. Ze względu na późniejsze publikacje w języku polskim, w kręgu polskich afrykanistów najbardziej znane stały się wyniki badań prowadzonych w pierwszym roku pobytu w Afryce, w tym przede wszystkim w Rwandzie. Praktycznie nieznane są natomiast rezultaty prac kontynuowanych przez Czekanowskiego na południowych rubieżach Sudanu od maja 1908 do kwietnia 1909 r. Prace te prowadzone były już samodzielnie po rozstaniu się z ekspedycją, która ze względu na problemy zdrowotne dwóch uczestników wróciła do Europy wiosną 1908 r., rok wcześniej niż pierwotnie zakładano. Z planów skrócenia trasy wyłamał się jedynie Czekanowski, który kontynuował badania w dorzeczu rzek Uele i Ituri, próbując określić kształt stosunków etnicznych i antropologicznych południowych rubieży Sudanu, przylegających od północy do lasu dziewiczego dorzecza Konga. Tematyka prowadzonych przez niego wówczas badań stała się przedmiotem niniejszej analizy. Publikacje Jana Czekanowskiego dotyczące badań przeprowadzonych w Afryce Jak wspomniano, ostateczne wyniki badań przeprowadzonych w Afryce Centralnej Jan Czekanowski opublikował w języku niemieckim w pięciotomowym dziele zatytułowanym Forschungen im Nil-Kongo-Zwischengebiet. Dwa pierwsze tomy tej publikacji 3 J. Czekanowski, Eg. F. Kirschstein, M. Weiss et al., Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Deutschen Zentral-Afrika-Expedition 1907–1908 unter Führung Adolf Friedrichs, Herzogs zu Mecklenburg, Leipzig 1910–1927. �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 141 (1917, 1924) zawierają tekstowy materiał etnologiczny, tomy trzeci i piąty (1911, 1927) materiał ilustracyjny – fotografie. W tomie czwartym (1922) zaprezentowana została część zebranych materiałów z dziedziny antropologii fizycznej, mianowicie obserwacje na osobnikach żywych4. Tom pierwszy zawiera wyniki badań przeprowadzonych na terenie Międzyjezierza Afrykańskiego; rozdziały poświęcone organizacji badań ekspedycji, ogólnym informacjom o Międzyjezierzu i jego historii oraz 14 rozdziałów dotyczących Rwandy. Do tomu dołączony został suplement prezentujący materiały muzykologiczne. Tom liczy 412 stron tekstu i 14 stron zapisów nutowych, zawiera również 186 ilustracji oraz 4 tablice z wzorami ornamentów rękodzieła ruandyjskiego. Szeroko rozumianej strefy Sudanu dotyczy natomiast znaczna część rozdziałów tomu drugiego, na który składają się wyniki badań przeprowadzonych wśród 16 grup etnicznych zasiedlających północno-wschodnie obszary państwa Kongo, podsumowanie badań etnograficznych oraz aneks będący skrótowym opracowaniem badań lingwistycznych. Tom ten liczy łącznie 714 stron tekstu i 294 ilustracje. W obu tomach autor zastosował klasyczny dla badań etnologicznych schemat konstrukcji rozdziałów, w większości będących monografiami poszczególnych społeczności plemiennych. Rwandzie poświęcił jednakże aż 14 rozdziałów, szerzej potraktował również organizacje państwowe Azande i Mangbetu. Omówił zasiedlane terytorium, typy osadnictwa, kulturę materialną i duchową, zajęcia ludności, stosunki rodzinne i organizację społeczną. W przypadku społeczności o rozwiniętych strukturach 4 Druga część badań antropologicznych – materiały kraniologiczne – które pierwotnie miały być opublikowane w osobnym tomie Forschungen…, ukazały się jako artykuł Badania antropologiczne w Afryce i ich wyniki opublikowany w 1963 roku w „Przeglądzie Antropologicznym”. �142 Joanna Bar państwowych zamieścił także informacje historyczne, przechowywane w tradycji ustnej badanych ludów i pochodzące z innych źródeł. Mimo niewątpliwej wartości naukowej, żaden z tomów Forschungen… nigdy nie został przetłumaczony na język polski. W okresie międzywojennym w języku polskim ukazały się jedynie dwie relacje z badań etnologicznych przeprowadzonych w Afryce, mianowicie artykuł Badania w międzyrzeczu Nilu i Kongo opublikowany w 1910 r. na łamach „Rozpraw Wydziału Matematycznego-Przyrodniczego AU”5 oraz zaledwie dwunastostronicowy tekst Ostateczne wyniki badań w Afryce Środkowej w latach 1907, 1908 i 1909, opublikowany w 1924 r. w „Przeglądzie Geograficznym”6. W 1961 roku na łamach „Przeglądu Socjologicznego” ukazało się jeszcze jedno cenne opracowanie naukowe, mianowicie czterdziestostronicowy artykuł zatytułowany Feudalne państwa pasterskie afrykańskiego Międzyjezierza7. Dzięki niemu zagadnienie historii i organizacji państw pasterskich Międzyjezierza jako jedno z nielicznych doczekało się szczegółowego opracowania w języku polskim8. Wcześniej jeszcze, w 1958 r., ukazała się najbardziej znana polskim czytelnikom publikacja odnosząca się do badań prowadzonych przez Jana Czekanowskiego w Afryce. Był to fragment wspomnień zatytułowany W głąb lasów Aruwimi. Dziennik wypra- 5 J. Czekanowski, Badania w międzyrzeczu Nilu i Kongo, „Rozprawy Wydziału Matematyczno-Przyrodniczego AU”, Kraków 1910, ser. B, s. 605–669. 6 J. Czekanowski, Ostateczne wyniki badań w Afryce Środkowej w latach 1907–1909, „Przegląd Geograficzny” 1924, t. 4, s. 138–150. 7 J. Czekanowski, Feudalne państwa pasterskie afrykańskiego Międzyjezierza, „Przegląd Socjologiczny” 1961, t. 15, s. 21–60. 8 Pełny wykaz prac J. Czekanowskiego dotyczących w całości Afryki i opublikowanych w języku polskim został zamieszczony w spisie bibliograficznym. �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 143 wy do Afryki Środkowej9. Treść tego tomu powstała na bazie fragmentu dziennika prowadzonego przez polskiego badacza, obejmującego środkowy okres badań, prowadzonych od 1 grudnia 1907 do 24 marca 1908 r. na terenie Międzyjezierza Afrykańskiego i w dorzeczu rzeki Aruwimi. Publikacja ta nie zawarła w sobie jednak pełnej treści dziennika, który powstał podczas pobytu badacza w Afryce. Na przeszkodzie wydania całości wspomnień w języku polskim stanął wybuch II wojny światowej i jej skutki. W 1937 r. Jan Czekanowski otrzymał bowiem propozycję zredagowania i wydania skróconej polskiej wersji Dziennika. Planował wówczas wydanie łącznie trzech tomów, zatytułowanych odpowiednio: Do źródeł Nilu (t. 1), W głąb lasów Aruwimi (t. 2), Na rubieżach Sudanu (t. 3). Jedyny egzemplarz rękopisu pierwszego tomu, złożony do archiwum Ministerstwa Wyznań Religijnych i Oświecenia Publicznego, uległ zniszczeniu podczas powstania warszawskiego. Dlatego też po wojnie, w 1958 r., została wydana niezniszczona, niegotowa w 1939 r. (i dlatego nieprzekazana do ministerstwa) druga część wspomnień – jako tom W głąb lasów Aruwimi… 10 W latach 1951–1954 Czekanowski pracował nad rekonstrukcją części pierwszej, która nie została wówczas sfinalizowana. Nigdy nie została także zredagowana trzecia część wspomnień. Oryginalny Dziennik wyprawy ekspedycji antropologiczno-etnologicznej do Afryki Środkowej w latach 1907–1909, pisany według wymagań organizatorów ekspedycji na bieżąco podczas wyprawy, nie został opublikowany do dnia dzisiejszego, choć zachowały się w bardzo dobrym stanie dwa niemal pełne komplety tekstów napisanych w przeważającej części w języku niemieckim (fragmen9 J. Czekanowski, W głąb lasów Aruwimi. Dziennik wyprawy do Afryki Środkowej, Wrocław 1958. 10 J. Czekanowski, W głąb lasów Aruwimi..., op. cit., s. 31. �144 Joanna Bar ty także po francusku, polsku i w językach lokalnych). Ten obszerny zbiór liczy 11 zeszytów i 1 teczkę o łącznej ilości 1187 kart. Egzemplarz należący do Anny Czekanowskiej-Kuklińskiej, córki badacza, obecnie jest przechowywany jako jej depozyt w Gabinecie Rękopisów Biblioteki Uniwersyteckiej w Warszawie11. W 2014 r. nakładem Polskiego Towarzystwa Afrykanistycznego opublikowany został fragment pierwszej części Dziennika wyprawy, odtworzony przez Jana Czekanowskiego w latach 1951– 1954, przygotowany do druku na podstawie maszynopisu autora. Tekst, oprócz rozdziałów o charakterze biograficznym i dotyczących przygotowań do wyprawy, prezentuje poszczególne etapy pierwszych miesięcy podróży: morskiej, a następnie realizowanej koleją z Mombasy do Port Florence, ówczesnej stacji końcowej kolei kenijsko-ugandyjskiej oraz parowcem przez Jezioro Wiktorii do Bukoby, dokąd członkowie ekspedycji dotarli 9 czerwca 1907 r. Rok później, w 42. numerze czasopisma „Afryka” z 2015 r., został opublikowany artykuł napisany na podstawie rękopisu Dziennika wyprawy, będący próbą rekonstrukcji kolejnego etapu badań Jana Czekanowskiego prowadzonych pomiędzy czerwcem a listopadem 1907 r. Głównym celem tej publikacji była próba połączenia wydarzeń opisanych przez Jana Czekanowskiego na kartach Dziennika podróży afrykańskiej (do 9 czerwca 1907 r.) i tomu W głąb lasów Aruwimi (od 1 grudnia 1907 do 24 marca W latach 2003–2004 w ramach grantu przyznanego przez KBN Wydawnictwu Towarzystwa Naukowego KUL sporządzono transkrypcję tego zbioru oraz wprowadzono jego treść do plików komputerowych. Podjęte wówczas prace są prowadzone również obecnie. Starania o pozyskanie środków na przygotowywanie rękopisów do druku i wydanie ich w językach oryginału zakończyły się sukcesem w 2017 r., pozytywną oceną projektu w ramach programu „Uniwersalia” 2.1 NPRH. Projekt ten jest obecnie realizowany. 11 �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 145 1908 r.)12. Po sfinalizowaniu tej publikacji do odtworzenia pozostał jeszcze ostatni etap podróży, pokrywający się chronologicznie z planowanym, a nigdy nieukończonym tomem Na rubieżach Sudanu. Cel ten został zrealizowany w artykule opublikowanym w 44. numerze czasopisma „Afryka” z 2016 r., dotyczącym ostatniego, samodzielnie realizowanego etapu badań, prowadzonych w dorzeczach Uele i Ituri, w okresie pomiędzy 1 kwietnia 1908 a 1 kwietnia 1909 r.13 We wspomnianych powyżej trzech publikacjach, powstałych na bazie oryginalnego Dziennika wyprawy, przedmiotem analizy były przede wszystkim informacje dotyczące przebiegu podróży oraz zastanych realiów społeczno-politycznych. Podsumowania i wnioski naukowe z prowadzonych badań są natomiast dostępne w odnośnych tomach Forchungen…, a dla nieznających języka niemieckiego, w wydanych w Polsce wspomnianych opracowaniach Jana Czekanowskiego, niestety bardzo skromnych objętościowo14. Badania Jana Czekanowskiego na południowych rubieżach Sudanu – zasięg geograficzny Głównym celem naukowym analizowanego etapu podróży i prowadzonych wówczas badań było stworzenie mapy etnograficznej sawanny południowych rubieży Sudanu, przylegających J. Bar, Dziennik podróży afrykańskiej Jana Czekanowskiego, czerwiec – listopad 1907 r. Rekonstrukcja wydarzeń, „Afryka” 2015, nr 42, s. 103–124. 13 J. Bar, Dziennik podróży afrykańskiej Jana Czekanowskiego – ostatni etap podróży (31 marca 1908 – 1 kwietnia 1909 r.). Rekonstrukcja wydarzeń, „Afryka” 2016, nr 44, s. 109–129. 14 Por. J. Bar, Afrykanistyczne badania Jana Czekanowskiego w stulecie wyprawy, Kraków 2007. 12 �146 Joanna Bar od północy do lasu dziewiczego dorzecza Konga15. Zdecydowana większość badań tego okresu realizowana była w granicach obecnej Demokratycznej Republiki Konga, z wyjątkiem odcinka powrotnego, prowadzącego przez terytoria współczesnej Ugandy i Sudanu Południowego. Czekanowski zostawił za sobą strefę lasów deszczowych wraz z wymarszem z posterunku Gumbari (5 maja 1908 r.). Stamtąd wyruszył w kierunku północno-wschodnim, by przez Vanker­ ckhovenville, Faradje i Aba 1 czerwca dotrzeć do osady Yei, stanowiącej najdalej na północny-wschód wysunięty punkt tego etapu podróży16. Mijane wioski zamieszkiwane były przez ludność plemion Azande, Logo, Avokaya i Kakwa. Ich głównym pożywieniem nie były już banany, które dominowały w pożywieniu plemion strefy leśnej, lecz proso i kukurydza. Osada Yei znajdowała się na terenie Enklawy Lado, położonej w zachodniej części dorzecza górnego Nilu na północ od jeziora Albert-Nyanza17. Stamtąd Czekanowski wyruszył na zachód, w kierunku posterunku Dungu. Dotarł tam 14 lipca, konstatując, iż nazwa posterunku jest identyczna z nazwą rzeki, która niegdyś wyznaczała od strony południowej granicę terenów opanowanych przez Azande. Około dwudziestu lat przed podróżą Czekanowskiego, a więc w latach 90. XIX w., sięgnęli oni jednak również po część terenów należących do Logo, wypierając tych ostatnich w kierunku połuJ. Czekanowski, W głąb lasów Aruwimi…, op. cit., s. 18–19. Tekst Forschungen…, jako oficjalnie opublikowane podsumowanie wyników badań przeprowadzonych podczas ekspedycji, stanowi główne odniesienie w pisowni nazw etnicznych i geograficznych. 17 Enklawa Lado, położona w części dorzecza górnego Nilu na północ od jeziora Albert-Nyanza, od 1894 r. administrowana przez Państwo Niezależne, po śmierci Leopolda II miała wrócić w posiadanie anglo-egipskiego Sudanu. J. Czekanowski, W głąb lasów Aruwimi…, op. cit., s. 184, por. także Lado Enclave, https://www.britannica.com/place/Lado-Enclave#ref246249 (dostęp: 12.12.2016). 15 16 �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego Schematyczny plan podróży Jana Czekanowskiego 147 �148 Joanna Bar dniowym. Powszechnym językiem handlu i komunikacji tych terenów pozostawał bagala, którym porozumiewali się ludzie z różnych plemion18. Po opuszczeniu Dungu Czekanowski ruszył w kierunku posterunku Amadi, który stał się najdalej na zachód wysuniętym punktem jego podróży. Pobyt w Amadi zaowocował zestawieniem danych statystycznych dotyczących poszczególnych grup ludności z tego okręgu, znajdującego się na styku obszarów zasiedlonych przez plemiona Abarambo, Madyo i Azande. Opuściwszy stację, badacz ruszył na południowy wschód, w kierunku posterunku Poko, wędrując terenami zasiedlonymi przez Abarambo i pozostającymi pod silnym wpływem kulturowym Mangbetu. 12 września Czekanowski przybył do Nala, 29 września wrócił do Gumbari, zamykając zarazem pętlę ponadczteromiesięcznego okresu podróży. Kolejne jej etapy (Entebbe, Kampala, Hoima) wiązały się już z powrotem do Europy. Z map dołączonych do pierwszego tomu Forschungen…19 wiemy, że podróż do Entebbe wiodła przez Irumu, Fort Portal i Bukobę, a następnie wodami Jeziora Wiktorii. Z osady Mahagi położonej nad jeziorem Alberta podróż kontynuowana była drogą wodną, wodami Nilu, aż do Nimule, do którego Czekanowski dotarł 15 marca 1909 r. Ostatni etap samodzielnie zorganizowanej podróży trwał dwa tygodnie i realizowany był lądem. Zakończył się 1 kwietnia wraz z zaokrętowaniem się na statek rejsowy w Gondokoro nad Nilem. „W Uele analogiczną pozycję [do kishuaheli – przyp. J. B.] zdobył sobie język bangala, wprowadzony przez administrację Państwa Niezależnego, która tam posunęła się z obszaru opanowanego przez język bangala nad rzeką Kongo”, por. J. Czekanowski, W głąb lasów Aruwimi…, op. cit., s. 367. 19 J. Czekanowski, Forschungen…, op. cit., t. 1, s. 7. 18 �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 149 Mapa etniczna Mając na uwadze podział etniczny międzyrzecza Nilu i Konga, Czekanowski stwierdził, że obszar ten, ujęty jako całość, dzieli się pod względem geograficznym na cztery prowincje odpowiadające w dużym przybliżeniu również etnicznemu i antropologicznemu zróżnicowaniu mieszkańców: Międzyjezierze, obszary dżungli basenu Konga, sawanny basenu Uele oraz stepy górnego Nilu (Bahr-el-Gebel). Dwie ostatnie dotyczą szeroko rozumianej strefy Sudanu. Według Jana Czekanowskiego dla ukształtowania stosunków etnicznych obszarów sawanny położonych na północ od strefy dżungli decydujące znaczenie miała ekspansja ludów Azande i Abandja. Spowodowała ona rozproszenie autochtonów basenu Uele, ich dyslokację w kierunku wschodnim oraz w większości ich asymilację. Rdzenna ludność basenu Uele przed pojawieniem się Azande należała do grupy plemion Mundu na wschodzie, na zachodzie zaś do wzajemnie spokrewnionych plemion Abarambo i Bomu. Napór skierowany wzdłuż Uele ku wschodowi spowodował ich znaczne przesunięcie, przy czym ucierpiały również bardziej na północ położone plemiona Ababua. W konsekwencji plemiona te pojawiły się w basenie Bili20. Podsumowując wyniki badań prowadzonych na południowych rubieżach Sudanu, Czekanowski zwrócił uwagę na potrzebę klasyfikacji występujących na badanym obszarze licznych plemion oraz konieczność rozgraniczenia obszarów zamieszkiwanych przez ludy Bantu i ludy sudańskie. Podstawą informacji zawartych w tym rozdziale stały się odnośne rozdziały Forschungen…; J. Czekanowski, Forschungen…, op. cit., t. 2, s. 21–237. 20 �150 Joanna Bar Sawanny, rozciągające się na północ od lasów pierwotnych, zamieszkiwane były w przeważającej większości przez plemiona sudańskie, noszące wyraźne ślady wpływów północno-wschodnich. Do grupy tej zaliczeni zostali Azande oraz plemiona grup Mundu i Abarambo. Azande, którzy swym przybyciem silnie przeobrazili mapę etnograficzną basenu Uele, zasiedlili poza wielkimi obszarami na północy Uele również liczne pasy ziemi na południu i północy sawanny. Czekanowski wymienił opanowane przez nich pojedyncze wsie oraz rozległe obszary w basenach Chinko i Bahrel-Ghasal. Azande centralni, południowi i wschodni rządzeni byli przez ród Avungura, zaś zachodni przez ród Abandja. Na wszystkich obszarach podbitych przez Azande pozostawały liczne warstwy ludności autochtonicznej, podlegającej szybkiej asymilacji. Do grupy Mundu Czekanowski zaliczył plemiona: Mundu, Bere-Bangba, Mayogu i Mangbele, określając zarazem szczegółowo ich siedziby. Peryferyjne położenie plemion grupy Mundu na obrzeżach strefy ekspansji Azande i ich powinowactwo z plemionami Ubangi posłużyły Czekanowskiemu za dowód, że byli oni rzeczywistymi autochtonami basenu Uele, którzy zostali przesunięci daleko na wschód i południe w stosunkowo niezbyt odległej przeszłości. Abarambo, włącznie ze spokrewnionymi z nimi blisko plemionami Duga, Pambia i Akare, Czekanowski wymienił jako następną grupę, do której postulował zaliczenie również plemion Abiri i Angadi. Plemiona te uważał za autochtonów obszarów basenu północnej Uele, którzy utrzymali się w pasie granicznym między obszarami zasiedlonymi przez centralnych Azande i Abandja. Abarambo mieli przywędrować z leżących na zachodzie ziem położonych na obszarze między rzekami Uele i Bomokandi. Jedna ich podgrupa miała przekroczyć Bomokandi, zaś plemiona Duga, �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 151 luźno spokrewnione z pozostałymi Abarambo, zawędrowały dalej, na prawy brzeg Uele. Czekanowski stwierdził, iż obszar górnego Nilu pod względem etnicznym wyodrębniony był bardzo wyraźnie. Do ludności zamieszkującej badane przez siebie obszary górnego Nilu Czekanowski zaliczył Niloto-Chamitów w centrum, plemiona Shilluk na wschodzie oraz plemiona Madi na południu i zachodzie. W kierunku północno-wschodnim od ziem tych ostatnich miał się rozciągać obszar zamieszkiwany przez plemiona Mittu. Plemiona należące do grupy Madi, które według Czekanowskiego miały wykazywać powinowactwo z grupą Momvu, zamieszkiwały wschodnie brzegi basenu Uele, sięgając na południu aż w pobliże południowego brzegu Jeziora Alberta, a na wschodzie poza dolinę Nilu. Wkroczenie wypartych przez Azande Mundu podzieliło obszar plemion Madi na dwie części: w północnej, w basenie Yei, osiąść mieli Moru i Avokaya-Oisila, zaś część południowa była zamieszkiwana przez plemiona: Avokaya-Oigiga, Logo, Lugware, Kaliko, Nil-Madi i Lendu. Północno-zachodni, luźno spokrewnieni sąsiedzi plemion grupy Madi – plemiona Mittu i Baka – osiedli między rzekami Jaro, Meridi, Issu a wododziałem Uele. Także oni mieli ucierpieć wskutek pojawienia się Azande, tworząc wówczas na południu swej strefy osiedlenia małe, rozproszone wyspy. Grupa plemion Shilluk zasiedliła rozległe tereny na wschód od ziem Madi, częściowo na prawym brzegu Nilu Wiktorii. Czekanowski zaliczył do nich, poza plemionami Gang (Acholo lub właściwi Shuli), również plemiona Lur, Ja-Luo, Shifalu, Berri i Lango – na wschodzie, plemiona Shilluk – osiadłe na północy oraz plemiona Belanda, Dyur i Dembo – na północnym zachodzie. Zachodnia grupa Niloto-Chamitów obejmowała plemiona Bari, Kakwa, Fadjulu, Yambara, Liggi i Kuku, zaś Latuka zostali przez Czekanowskiego zaliczeni do grupy wschodniej. Badacz zaznaczył �152 Joanna Bar również, że Niloto-Chamici, jako Chamici, nie należą do plemion sudańskich. Ich siedziby wsunęły się jednak na zachód od Nilu klinem w obszar zamieszkiwany przez plemiona Madi i przez to stali się oni istotnym czynnikiem w ukształtowaniu się etnicznych stosunków wschodniej części międzyrzecza Nilu i Kongo. Podejmując temat podziału języków sudańskich, Czekanowski stwierdził, że choć wydzielenie oddzielnego kompleksu języków sudańskich nie przedstawiało trudności, to ocena ich wzajemnych relacji, ze względu na zróżnicowanie pojedynczych grup, nie była łatwa21. Zamieszczone na pięciu stronach Forschungen… porównanie liczebników poszczególnych plemion sudańskich pozwoliło Czekanowskiemu stwierdzić, że plemiona Momvu, Lendu i Madi prawdopodobnie w przeszłości tworzyły większą całość. Czas tej wspólnoty miał nastąpić po okresie ściślejszego współżycia Lendu z plemionami Momvu. Dopiero później Lendu weszli w bliższy związek z wyodrębnionymi plemionami Madi, zaś stosunki z plemionami Momvu rozluźniły się. Brak zwyczaju wybijania dolnych siekaczy u Lendu, w przeciwieństwie do plemion Madi, stanowić mógł ślad tych czasów. Języki plemion Abarambo i Madyo oraz języki Azande i grupy Mangbetu były pozostałością najmłodszych przesunięć etnicznych. Wypowiadając się na temat języków plemion Abarambo i Madyo, Czekanowski podkreślił, że mimo różnych postaci liczby mnogiej, posiadały te same liczebniki 2 i 3. Plemiona Mangbetu i Azande charakteryzowały się z kolei odmiennymi formami tworzenia liczby mnogiej i z pewnością nie były wzajemnie spokrewnione, będąc sobie obce również pod względem innych dziedzin kultury. W przeciwieństwie jednak do zupełnie odizolowanych Mangbetu, Czekanowski dostrzegał pewne podobieństwa Azande i Aba21 Ibidem, s. 575 i nast. �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 153 rambo, nieznajdujące jednak swego potwierdzenia w sposobie tworzenia liczebników. W badanych językach sudańskich Czekanowski skonstatował skutki postępującego zróżnicowania pierwotnej całości, której późniejsze podgrupy weszły w różnorodne stosunki wzajemne. Ze względu na wspólne liczebniki niższe Czekanowski przypuszczał, że grupy językowe Mundu, Bwaka, Banda i Sango wcześniej tworzyły pod względem językowym jedność wyższego rzędu. Późniejsze wpływy tych czterech grup sięgały nie tylko na obszary pozostałych, pierwotnie z nimi spokrewnionych plemion, lecz także sąsiednich plemion Bantu – Mabudu, Mabali, Balika i Babira. Podobne procesy zostały stwierdzone u plemion Madi i Momvu. Tam na okres starszej wspólnoty nałożyło się intensywne współżycie plemion Momvu i Lendu, zastąpione później związkami Lendu z plemionami Madi, widoczne w kulturze materialnej tych plemion jeszcze w czasie pobytu Czekanowskiego. Niejasne pozostały związki Madyo i Abarambo z plemionami Bwaka i Banda, mimo zgodności występujących w niższych liczebnikach. Ze względu na różnice w gramatyce języków plemion powyższe zgodności zostały jednak uznane za zapożyczenia. W przypadku kultury materialnej poszczególnych plemion nie sposób w ograniczonym objętościowo artykule zaprezentować bogactwa treści opracowania Czekanowskiego. W największym skrócie warto jednak przypomnieć, że według ówczesnych dyfuzjonistów na obszarze międzyrzecza Nilu i Kongo stykały się ze sobą kultura zachodnioafrykańska ze wschodnioafrykańską oraz sudańska. Rozgraniczenie obszarów poszczególnych kultur napotykało jednak na wielkie trudności, zwłaszcza przy próbie klasyfikacji pojedynczych zjawisk kulturowych. Trudności te – według Czekanowskiego – wynikały z faktu, że różne kategorie wytworów ludzkiej działalności rozprzestrzeniały się drogą zapożyczeń z roz- �154 Joanna Bar maitą prędkością. Ze względu na kształt budynków mieszkalnych Czekanowski wydzielił na obszarze badań ekspedycji trzy prowincje. Stanowić je miały: obszar zachodnioafrykańskich chat ze szczytowym dachem, obszar chat ulowych Międzyjezierza oraz obszar okrągłych chat sudańskich z dachem stożkowym. Sawanny południowego Sudanu były krainą występowania odzieży ze skóry, która zastępowała tam materiały wyrabiane z kory drzew, powszechne na obszarach lasów deszczowych. Warto zwrócić uwagę na fakt, iż obserwacje poczynione podczas podróży poświadczały na interesujących nas terenach sudańskich sawann wzrost wpływów europejskich, silniejszych niż w Rwandzie i w strefie dżungli, zauważalnych zarówno w nowej modzie na budowę przez starostów domów na wzór europejski, jak i w zwiększającym się udziale w handlu lokalnym towarów europejskich. Nic w tym dziwnego, gdyż na tych terenach „misja cywilizacyjna” białych zaczęła być realizowana wcześniej niż na niektórych obszarach Międzyjezierza, np. w Rwandzie. Jednocześnie jednak to właśnie w dorzeczu Uele Czekanowski podróżował po obszarach, na których kultura i obyczaje mieszkańców najbardziej odbiegały od norm i obyczajów akceptowanych przez Europejczyków (kanibalizm). Historia, organizacje państwowe i struktura społeczna W zakresie stosunków społecznych głównym podmiotem badań były sudańskie państewka plemienne, oparte na niezwykłym ustroju feudalnym, którego podstawę stanowiło oddawanie kobiet w lenno. Ówczesne objęcie tych obszarów administracją Niezależnego Państwa Kongo doprowadziło do pewnej stabilizacji i zabezpieczyło ludność przed najazdami Arabów. Tym samym doszło �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 155 do zatrzymania plemion sudańskich uchodzących ku południowi, gdzie powodowały niemniejsze spustoszenia od wypraw Arabów. Monografia Azande, najobszerniej opracowana, zajmuje 90 stron druku tomu drugiego Forschungen…, zatytułowanego Etnographie Uele/Ituri/Nil Länder, na których traktuje o wszystkich niemalże dziedzinach życia tego społeczeństwa plemiennego, obrazując także całokształt życia społecznego: wewnętrzną organizację plemion, wzajemne stosunki między przedstawicielami poszczególnych szczebli drabiny feudalnej państwa, ówczesne związki i wpływy władzy belgijskiej. Omawia również życie rodzinne członków wieloplemiennego społeczeństwa. Podrozdział Klan wzbogacony został dwustronicową tabelą zawierającą wynotowany przez badacza spis 86 klanów Azande, wraz z informacjami o obszarach występowania i przynależnych tym klanom totemach22. Tytuły podrozdziałów świadczą o tym, jak głęboko udało się Czekanowskiemu przeniknąć tajemnice historii Azande, choć w sposób typowy dla afrykańskich społeczeństw niepiśmiennych ograniczała się ona jedynie do dziejów dynastii. Historia bowiem tego ludu to historia podboju prowadzonego przez wybitnych przywódców dwóch panujących rodów: Avungura i Abandja. Kolejne etapy opanowywania basenu Uele związane były z imionami wybitnych wojowników. Sporym osiągnięciem Czekanowskiego stało się również stworzenie mapy etnograficznej plemion zamieszkujących tereny basenu Uele przed podbojem Azande oraz opis procesu asymilacji klanów, które w całości stawały się następnie tworzywem późniejszego narodu Azande. Ze względu na obszar, na którym Czekanowski mógł prowadzić swe badania, większy nacisk położony został na dzieje Avungura – rodu panującego we wschodniej części państwa Azande. Owo22 Ibidem, s. 21–109. �156 Joanna Bar cem przeprowadzonych badań, oprócz dokładnego opracowania tekstowego (podrozdziały 2–8, łącznie 17 stron druku), stał się 7-stronicowy ciąg tabel genealogicznych, rozbudowany w kierunku potomków dwóch najwybitniejszych – co w owych czasach znaczyło tych, którzy przeżyli bratobójcze walki o władzę – członków dynastii: Mabenge i Tombo. Badania nad historią podboju i powstania państwa Azande polski uczony uzupełnił bliższymi w czasie informacjami o najazdach i pacyfikacji ze strony posuwających się od północy Arabów nubijskich. Opisał ponadto okres rozciągnięcia się na te tereny administracji europejskiej, która okazała się siłą stabilizującą w walce zarówno z agresorami z północy, jak i z muzułmańskimi handlarzami kości słoniowej i niewolników znad Aruwimi. W tekście zamieszczono również nieco krótszą historię rodu Abandja, władającego na zachodzie podbitych terenów, także zaopatrzoną w tablicę genealogiczną Wedle ustaleń Czekanowskiego współczesne jego badaniom stosunki etniczne panujące na północnych kresach dżungli basenu Kongo przyjęły swą ówczesną postać pod wpływem wydarzeń drugiej połowy XVIII i całego XIX wieku. Wówczas to Azande zmiażdżyli w potężnej ekspansji terytoria osiadłych tam ludów. Zetknąwszy się z Mangbetu posuwającymi się jednocześnie w kierunku północno-wschodnim znad Aruwimi, spowodowali cały szereg migracji, których skutek był odczuwany na terenach całego międzyrzecza Nilu i Konga, a nawet poza jego granicami. Sudańscy Azande stworzyli według Czekanowskiego najpotężniejszą społeczność północno-wschodniej części basenu Kongo. Ich liczba miała sięgać 600 tysięcy osób, łącznie jednak z niezasymilowanymi do końca członkami podbitych plemion, stanowiącymi często ponad 3/4 ludności państwa. Przy braku dokładnych danych, opierając się jedynie na własnych spostrzeżeniach oraz na szacunkach rozwijającej się dopiero belgijskiej administracji, �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 157 Czekanowski przyjął powyższe dane, określając gęstość zaludnienia na 5–7 mieszkańców na kilometr kwadratowy, w zależności od badanych okręgów. Obszar zajmowany przez Azande określił badacz granicami rzek: Uele na południu i Meridi i Yei na wschodzie, przy pominięciu wielkich enklaw Azande znajdujących się w basenach Likati, Bima i Bomokandi. Ujmując te granice na mniejszym poziomie szczegółowości – w północnej części basenu Kongo oraz części Bahr-el-Ghazal. Społeczeństwo Azande pod względem zajmowanego terytorium podzielone zostało przez badacza na trzy wielkie grupy: Makrakra, Abandja oraz Azande właściwych. Każda z tych grup została dokładnie scharakteryzowana w stosunku do zajmowanych siedzib. Charakterystyka ta pozwoliła badaczowi na określenie pierwotnych – wschodnich i wtórnych – południowych kierunków dziewiętnastowiecznej ekspansji. Azande wschodni rządzeni byli przez ród Avungura. Wewnętrzne pokrewieństwo panujących nadawać miało społeczności pozór jednolitej organizacji państwowej Badania nad instytucją klanu prowadzone na terenach Azande wykazały, że klan (tunga) w większości przypadków był egzogamiczny. Wyjątek stanowiło kilka klanów Azande, w tym rządzący klan Avungura, w których zachowywana była endogamia. Klany Azande posiadały swoje totemy. Przedmiotami czci były zwierzęta oraz pewne zjawiska przyrody, jak np. błyskawice, ujmowane zoomorficznie. Z totemami wiązano tabu niezabijania i niespożywania, jasno określając stosunki między członkami klanu, a ich totemami. Azande po śmierci zmieniali się w zwierzę totemiczne, a więc zakaz ich spożywania wiązał się z szacunkiem dla przodków: nie było bowiem wiadomo, kto może tkwić w napotkanym zwierzęciu. Pewna liczba klanów tworzyła związek wyższego rzędu, plemię, a nawet organizację ponadplemienną. �158 Joanna Bar Jak stwierdził Czekanowski, na badanych przez niego obszarach plemiona posiadały własny język, samookreślającą nazwę oraz w różnym stopniu rozwinięte poczucie solidarności. Ta ostatnia cecha, wysoko rozwinięta w społeczeństwie Azande, wraz z istnieniem własnej dynastii pozwoliła mówić w tym przypadku o społeczności na kształt państwowej. Wyższe formy organizacji państwowej występowały jedynie w dwu częściach międzyrzecza Nilu i Kongo: w Międzyjezierzu Afrykańskim oraz właśnie na sawannach na północ od lasów dziewiczych, gdzie Czekanowski stwierdził istnienie formacji parapaństwowych szczepów Azande, Mangbetu i Madjagga. Na obszarach, gdzie liczne klany połączyły się w większe jednostki państwowe, podbici byli rządzeni albo przez pojedyncze klany, albo przez związki wyższego rzędu, które jednak również składały się z grupy klanów zdominowanych przez pojedyncze rody. Pierwszy z tych dwóch przypadków Czekanowski obserwował właśnie na obszarach sawann, m.in. u Azande. W Międzyjezierzu Afrykańskim istniały natomiast stosunki drugiego typu. Tam nawarstwiały się już nie klany, lecz kompleksy klanów (jak na przykład Bahima w Nkole z panującym zarówno w Nkole, jak i w południowo-wschodnich krajach sąsiednich rodem Bahinda). Jak sądził Czekanowski, bez wątpienia właśnie ta różnica wyjaśniać miała wysoki stopień stabilizacji długowiecznych państw Międzyjezierza i krótkotrwałych, słabych i rozpadających się struktur państwowych obszarów sawanny. Niski poziom ekskluzywizmu, idący w parze z olbrzymią siłą asymilacyjną Azande, pozwoliły im stworzyć w krótkim czasie bardzo silny sojusz etniczny, lecz stały się przeszkodą w rozwinięciu rygorystycznego, stabilnego i, co najważniejsze, trwałego organizmu państwowego. Nie pozwoliło to bowiem warstwie panującej skutecznie oddzielić się od poddanych. Konsekwencją tego miał być właśnie niezmiernie szybki rozkład organizacji państwowej na zdobytych �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 159 przez nich olbrzymich terenach, jeszcze przed pojawieniem się Arabów i Europejczyków. Wartość naukowa badań Jana Czekanowskiego w opinii późniejszych badaczy Nie ulega wątpliwości, iż ocena wartości afrykańskich badań Czekanowskiego wiąże się ze stopniem wykorzystania jego prac w dalszych eksploracjach tego kontynentu. Jako jeden z pierwszych badania J. Czekanowskiego dotyczące Azande wykorzystał Georg Schweinfurth, który w trzecim, poszerzonym wydaniu swej pracy Im Herzem von Afrika23 powołuje się na publikację Etnographie des Nil – Kongo Zwischengebiets, która ukazała się w czasopiśmie „Petermanns Mitteilungen” w 1912 roku24. Nazwisko Czekanowskiego pojawia się w pracy Schweinfurtha czterokrotnie, w przypisach. Przytaczane są opinie polskiego badacza na temat przynależności plemion Madi, Mayogu i A-Sandeh (Niamniam, Azande) oraz informacje na temat ich rozprzestrzenienia. Źródłem była tu mapa ludności tamtych obszarów, jaką Czekanowski dołączył do wspomnianej publikacji z 1912 r. G. Schweinfurth pozytywnie ocenił wykorzystane informacje jako pokrywające się zupełnie z jego własnymi obserwacjami, podkreślając zwłaszcza szczegółowość opublikowanej mapy etnicznego rozmieszczenia ludności. Niemiecki badacz nie mógł się wtedy powoływać jeszcze na wydany dopiero w 1924 roku tom Forschungen…, dotyczący omawianych obszarów. G. Schweinfurth, Im Herzen von Afrika, Leipzig 1918. J. Czekanowski, Ethnographie des Nil-Kongo-Zwischengebiets, „Petermanns Mitteilungen” 1912, 1911–1927, s. 22–25 + mapa 23 24 �160 Joanna Bar Znakomitą analizę źródeł dotyczących badań prowadzonych wśród Azande przeprowadził w późniejszym okresie wybitny ich znawca Edward Evans-Pritchard w pracy The Azande. History and Political Institutions25. We wstępie do wspomnianego opracowania Edawrd Evans-Pritchard przedstawił i skomentował prace swych poprzedników – podróżników, administratorów, misjonarzy i wreszcie uczonych prowadzących obserwacje wśród Azande. Źródła zostały podzielone na dwie grupy, a wyznacznikiem był tu czas ich powstania i publikacji. W grupie badaczy wcześniejszych znalazł się Carlo Piaggia, Włoch, który przebywał wśród Azande w latach 1863–1865. Następnie Niemiec G. Schweinfurth, podróżujący przez najdalej na wschód wysunięte dystrykty Azande w towarzystwie arabskiej karawany przez trzy miesiące w 1870 r. oraz Wilhelm Junker, także Niemiec, z zawodu lekarz, który spędził wśród Azande 10 lat w okresie 1875–1885. W końcu Gaetano Casati, Włoch, oficer i kartograf, przebywający wśród Azande w latach 1881–1884. E. Evans-Pritchard wskazał na ich nieprzygotowanie do badań socjologiczno-etnograficznych oraz brak zrozumienia dla istniejących instytucji politycznych i społecznych Azande. Mała wartość pozostałych po nich publikacji – poza pracą Junkera – spowodowana była również dwuetapowym ich opracowywaniem. Pamiętniki nieprzygotowanego do takich eksploracji Piaggię wydane zostały przez G. A. Pellegrinettiego blisko 80 lat po jego powrocie z Afryki (1941) i różniły się znacznie od pierwszych wersji relacjonowanych przez C. Piaggię czy jego towarzysza O. Antonioriego. Notatki G. Schweinfurtha i G. Casatiego przepadły jeszcze w Afryce i ich autorzy musieli odtwarzać zarówno treść, jak i rysunki z pamięci. 25 1971. E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Azande. History and Political Institutions, Oxford �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 161 Druga, późniejsza grupa źródeł dotyczących Azande, bezpośrednio poprzedzających badania terenowe E. Evansa-Pritcharda, prowadzone w latach 1926–1929, posiadała o wiele poważniejsze znaczenie naukowe. W grupie tej znalazło się sześciu autorów: Adolphe de Calonne-Beaufaict (belgijski administrator w regionie Uele w latach 1905–1915, który planował wydanie obszernej monografii etnograficznej Azande), Armand Huttereau (żołnierz zawodowy służący w regionie Uele w latach 1896–1909, który również zamierzał opracować historyczno-etnograficzną monografię Azande), dominikanie: ojcowie Lagae i Vanden-Plas (prowadzący misje na terenach Azande należących do Niezależnego Państwa Kongo) oraz major P. M. Larken (przebywał około 20 lat na wschodnich terenach Azande). Duża wartość zgromadzonych przez nich materiałów związana była przede wszystkim z ukierunkowaniem prowadzonych badań oraz etnograficznymi zainteresowaniami autorów. Przypadek sprawił (przedwczesna śmierć de Calonne-Beaufaicta i Huttereau), że mimo dużych rozbieżności czasowych prowadzonych obserwacji (1896–1926), ich główne, ostateczne opracowania ukazały się drukiem w przeciągu sześciu lat (w latach 1921–1927). Złożyło się to na ich absolutną niezależność i oryginalność. W przypadku trzech ostatnich autorów wartość ich prac polegała również na dogłębnej znajomości języka badanych przez nich społeczności. Wyniki badań J. Czekanowskiego zostały natomiast wykorzystane we wszystkich niemal rozdziałach wyżej wspomnianej pracy E. Evansa-Pricharda, który powoływał się również na mapę etnograficzną tamtych regionów opublikowaną przez Polaka. Evans-Pritchard zwrócił uwagę na słuszność wniosków Czekanowskiego, który wielokrotnie podkreślał złożoność etniczną państwa Zande. Na najgęściej zaludnionych obszarach południowych, gdzie prowadził badania Czekanowski, znaczną większość stanowiły ludy obcego pochodzenia, podbite, lecz wciąż niezasy- �162 Joanna Bar milowane. Na terenach na południe od Bomokandi zaledwie 1/4 ogółu mieszkańców stanowiła ludność należącą pod względem rasowym do politycznie dominującej warstwy Zande. Evans-Pritchard podkreślił, że poprzednicy Czekanowskiego w ogóle nie zdawali sobie sprawy z istnienia w społeczeństwie Zande klanów totemicznych. Czekanowski był więc jednym z pierwszych badaczy instytucji klanu, gdyż – jak zostało wspomniane powyżej – równolegle prowadzone badania miały autonomiczny charakter. Jednak obserwacje Czekanowskiego w jednym wypadku nie były do końca sprawdzone. Evans-Pritchard stwierdził bowiem, że ze względu na nieznajomość języka i krótki czas przebywania wśród badanej społeczności Polak nie zdawał sobie sprawy z różnorodności totemów klanowych. Jego stwierdzenie, że liczba różnych totemów jest stosunkowo mała, okazało się dalekie od prawdy. Mimo tego błędu podkreślono, że Czekanowski bardzo często miał rację w swych identyfikacjach klan – totem. Wielokroć zostały wykorzystane przez Evansa-Pritcharda terenowe obserwacje Czekanowskiego (a zwłaszcza te, które dotyczyły sfery budownictwa, broni, ubioru, biżuterii, obyczajów zniekształcania ciała, a dalej sprzętów domowych, instrumentów muzycznych, wyroczni i trucizn). Anglik wykorzystał także dane zebrane przez Polaka, które dotyczyły relacji między władcą a poddanymi. Szczególnie ciekawe okazały się wzmianki mówiące, że władca, nieufny w stosunku do wpływowych Azande, szukał poparcia dla swego autorytetu wśród najniższych, obcych etnicznie, warstw ludności. Szczególnie cennym przyczynkiem do wyjaśnienia przyczyn późniejszej słabości państwa Azande była informacja Czekanowskiego o trudnościach komunikowania się między poszczególnymi dzielnicami. Król już za swego życia obserwował, że uzależnia się od prowincjonalnych urzędników, z konieczności oddając w ich ręce coraz więcej władzy. Zanotowane przez Czekanowskiego dane personalne rodziny królewskiej (Polak miał �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 163 również dostęp do nieopublikowanych notatek Huttereau) dostarczyły Evansovi-Pritchardowi wiele rzeczowych informacji na temat rozmieszczenia terytorialnego dzielnic poszczególnych członków panującej dynastii w czasach, które z jego punktu widzenia były już historią. Materiały te stały się więc jednymi z pierwszych źródeł pisanych historii państwa Zande. Sporządzona przez Czekanowskiego lista klanów uzupełniła własny spis Evansa-Pritcharda. Szczęśliwie bowiem ich badania dotyczyły dwóch odmiennych regionów geograficznych, co pozwoliło na uzupełnienie brakujących danych. Dla brytyjskiego badacza ważny okazał się także wielokroć wzmiankowany przez Czekanowskiego kontekst zapożyczeń i wpływów, dotyczący przeważnie kultury Mangbetu. Brytyjski antropolog generalnie polegał na autorytecie Polaka, podkreślając zwłaszcza wagę dostarczonych obserwacji bezpośrednich i statystyk. Poważne błędy zostały zauważone tylko dwukrotnie: przy sposobie używania słowa „niewolnik”, przeznaczonego według Evansa-Pritcharda jedynie do określenia jeńców wojennych i ewentualnie dziewcząt służebnych oraz przy mylnym, według Brytyjczyka, stwierdzeniu, że tylko dzieci zrodzone z endogamicznych małżeństw są prawowitymi Avongara. W swej pracy Position of Women in Primitive Societies and other Essays in Social Anthropology26 Evans-Pritchard usiłował rozstrzygnąć kwestię, czy ludożerstwo wśród tego ludu istotnie było tak rozpowszechnione, jak wówczas powszechnie uważano. Powołał się na znane mu opinie badaczy, takich jak: Piaggia, Casati, Emin Pasza, Junker i Schweinfurth, którzy na podstawie własnych obserwacji wypowiadali się na ten temat. Na podstawie porównań ich prac oraz własnych badań terenowych rozprawił się z wieloma E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Position of Women in Primitive Societies and other Essays in Social Anthropology, London 1965. 26 �164 Joanna Bar z ich poglądów. W tej kwestii Czekanowski także nie oparł się krytyce, choć Evans-Pritchard zgadzał się z głównymi tezami Polaka. Czekanowski twierdził, że praktykowany na szeroką skalę przed przybyciem Europejczyków kanibalizm nie dotyczył nigdy członków własnego plemienia, lecz jeńców wojennych i niewolników, tj. ludzi pozbawionych opieki publicznej. Twierdził również, że kobiety nigdy nie jadły ludzkiego mięsa. Wbrew jednak Czekanowskiemu, który podawał przykład dwóch członków rodziny panującej pomawianych o ludożerstwo, Evans-Pritchard uważał, że rządzący ród Avongara nigdy nie praktykował kanibalizmu. Co więcej, dowodził, że praktyka ta nie dotyczyła w zasadzie trzonu Zande – warstwy Ambomu, lecz stanowiła rezultat wpływów obcych ludów, wchłoniętych przez państwo Zande. Trzeba jednak podkreślić, że wśród fantastycznych relacji innych badaczy, u których ludożerstwo budziło zawsze wprost chorobliwe zaciekawienie, relacja Czekanowskiego wyróżniała się rzeczowością i zasadniczo pokrywała się z wnioskami brytyjskiego autora. Na badania Czekanowskiego powołuje się również Hermann Baumann, współautor niemieckiej pracy Völkerkunde von Afrika (1940)27. W części zatytułowanej Ludy i kultury Afryki Baumann prezentuje opinię Czekanowskiego, w której opisuje on grupę Mangbetu jako lud osobników z długimi czaszkami, sztucznie uwydatniającymi jeszcze tę cechę rasową, jaśniejszą skórą i uderzająco wdzięczną budową ciała. W rozdziale dotyczącym obszarów południowo-wschodniego Sudanu Baumann wymienia Czekanowskiego obok Evansa-Pritcharda, Santandrei i Tuckera jako badaczy, dzięki którym był w stanie przedstawić wyczerpująco we wspomnianym rozdziale sytuację etniczną na obszarach między Nilem i Kongo. 27 1940. H. Baumann, R. Thurnwald, D. Westermann, Völkerkunde von Afrika, Essen �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 165 Na badania Czekanowskiego powołuje się także Charles G. Seligman w pracy Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan (1965)28, wykorzystując dane statystyczne dotyczące gęstości zaludnienia poszczególnych obszarów, a także dokonane przez Polaka pomiary i obserwacje antropologiczne. Bibliografia Źródła Czekanowski J., Dziennik wyprawy ekspedycji antropologiczno-etnologicznej do Afryki Środkowej w latach 1907–1909, rękopis, Biblioteka Uniwersytecka w Warszawie, Gabinet Rękopisów, nr inw. 4933. Opracowania Bar J., Afrykanistyczne badania Jana Czekanowskiego w stulecie wyprawy, Kraków 2007. Bar J., Dziennik podróży afrykańskiej Jana Czekanowskiego, czerwiec–listopad 1907 r. Rekonstrukcja wydarzeń, „Afryka” 2015, nr 42, s. 103–124. Bar J., Dziennik podróży afrykańskiej Jana Czekanowskiego – ostatni etap podróży (31 marca 1908 – 1 kwietnia 1909 r.). Rekonstrukcja wydarzeń, „Afryka” 2016, nr 44, s. 109–129. Baumann H., Thurnwald R., Westermann D., Völkerkunde von Afrika, Essen 1940 Czekanowski J., Badania w międzyrzeczu Nilu i Kongo, „Rozprawy Wydziału Matematyczno-Przyrodniczego AU”, Kraków 1910, ser. B, s. 605–669. Czekanowski J., Forschungen im Nil – Kongo – Zwischengebiet, t. 1–5, Leipzig 1917–1924. 28 Seligman, C. G., Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan, London 1965. �166 Joanna Bar Czekanowski J., Ethnographie des Nil – Kongo – Zwischengebiets, „Petermanns Mitteilungen”, 1911–1927, s. 22–25 + mapa. Czekanowski J., Ostateczne wyniki badań w Afryce Środkowej w latach 1907–1909, „Przegląd Geograficzny” 1924, t. 4, s. 138–150. Czekanowski J., W głąb lasów Aruwimi. Dziennik wyprawy do Afryki środkowej, „Prace Etnologiczne” 1958, t. 6, Wrocław. Czekanowski J., Struktura etniczna Afryki a nawarstwienia najmłodsze, „Lud” 1960, t. 45, s. 13–34. Czekanowski J., Feudalne państwa pasterskie afrykańskiego Międzyjezierza, „Przegląd Socjologiczny” 1961, t. 15, s. 21–60. Czekanowski J., Badania antropologiczne w Afryce i ich wyniki, „Przegląd Antropologiczny” 1963, t. 29, s. 13–16. Czekanowski J., Kirschstein E. F., Weiss M. et al., Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Deutschen Zentral-Afrika-Expedition 1907–1908 unter Führung Adolf Friedrichs, Herzogs zu Mecklenburg, Leipzig 1910–1927. Czekanowski J., Dziennik podróży afrykańskiej, opr. nauk. J. Bar, Warszawa 2014. Evans-Pritchard E. E., Position of Women in Primitive Societies and other Essays in Social Anthropology, London 1965. Evans-Pritchard E. E., The Azande. History and Political Institutions, Oxford 1971. Schweinfuirth G., Im Herzem von Afrika, Leipzig 1918. Seligman Ch. G., Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan, London 1965. Materiały pozyskane z Internetu Lado Enclave, https://www.britannica.com/place/Lado-Enclave#ref246249 (dostęp: 12.12.2016). �Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego 167 Region of Sudan in the Research of Jan Czekanowski (1908–1909) Summary The purpose of the article is to attempt to reconstruct and to evaluate Jan Czekanowski’s researches conducted between May 1908 and April 1909 in the in the basin of the Uele and Ituri river. The main basis for the article was his five-volume work entitled Forschungen im Nil-Kongo-Zwischengebiet, being an integral part of the entire set of publications, Wissenschaftliche Ergebnisse der Deutschen Zentral-Afrika-Expedition 1907–1908 unter Führung Adolf Friedrichs, Herzogs zu Mecklenburg. Volume two of article, beginning with the general information on the north-eastern areas of the state of Congo, encompasses the results of studies, conducted among the 14 ethnic groups (i.a. Azande, Mangbetu, the tribes of the Uele basin, Abarambo, Ababwa, Mabudu, Baamba and Mabali, Babira, Bakondjo, the Momvu group, the tribes of Madi). Until now, the Forschungen... have not been translated from the German, and the contents of this work is not known to majority of the Polish researchers. Keywords: Jan Czekanowski, Central Africa, Sudan ��BŁAŻEJ POPŁAWSKI SUDAN OKIEM DYPLOMACJI PRL-OWSKIEJ Inspiracje teoretyczne Wedle Alexandra Wendta, politologa, przedstawiciela konstruktywistycznej teorii stosunków międzynarodowych, „życie codzienne polityki międzynarodowej to niekończący się proces przybierania przez państwa tożsamości w stosunku do «innych», nadawania im odpowiednich przeciwstawnych tożsamości i rozgrywania owych relacji”1. Przyjęcie takiej perspektywy badawczej pozwala na przeprowadzenie analizy kontekstualnej, która definiuje politykę międzynarodową jako „konstruowany społecznie i kulturowo proces”2. Konstruktywizm bowiem „przywraca możliwość patrzenia na wymianę międzynarodową jako na przestrzeń żywych interakcji, konkurujących tożsamości, deficytu wiedzy oraz problemów z poznawaniem i rozumieniem rzeczywistości”3. Błażej Popławski – absolwent Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, doktor historii, socjolog, członek Polskiego Towarzystwa Afrykanistycznego. A. Wendt, Społeczne teoria stosunków międzynarodowych, Warszawa 2008, s. 29. 2 Ibidem, s. 11. 3 P. Wawrzyński, Mit kulturowy jako czynnik kształtujący stosunki międzynarodowe, Toruń 2011, s. 8. 1 �170 Błażej Popławski W ujęciu takim dyplomacja staje się przestrzenią silnie nasyconą ceremoniami i rytuałami kulturowymi. Jak pisał politolog Jacek Czaputowicz: „Państwa przypisują innym państwom określone tożsamości oraz stale reprodukują własną tożsamość w codziennej praktyce społecznej. […] Tworzenie instytucji jest procesem uzewnętrznienia nowego rozumienia siebie i innych, polega na przyjęciu nowych tożsamości, czyli nowego postrzegania roli poszczególnych aktorów”4. Poniższy artykuł stanowi – utrzymany w duchu konstruktywizmu – przyczynek do odtworzenia obrazu nowo powstałych państw wchodzących w skład krainy geograficznej Sudanu5, który to wyłania się z praktyki dyplomacji Polski Ludowej. Analiza działalności instytucji państwowych PRL wobec krajów tego regionu, badanie wzajemnych relacji między zjawiskami politycznymi a postawami dyplomatów, stanowi formę uszczegółowienia znaczeń i symboli nadawanych „Czarnemu Lądowi” przez Europejczyków. Politolodzy James G. March i Johan P. Olsen twierdzą: „Interpretacyjną spójność w niejednoznaczności życia politycznego zapewniają symbole, rytuały, ceremonie, historie i dramaty, którymi polityka jest przesiąknięta w subtelny i trudno uchwytny sposób”6. Poniższy artykuł jest próbą rekonstrukcji owej „subtelności” polityki, jej symbolizmu i tkwiących w dyskursie wyobrażeń o Afryce. Realizacja tego założenia opiera się na analizie treści 4 J. Czaputowicz, Teorie stosunków międzynarodowych. Krytyka i systematyzacja, Warszawa 2007, s. 307. 5 Sudan jako kraina geograficzna obejmuje następujące państwa: południowy i wschodni Senegal, wschodnią Gambię, Gwineę Bissau, środkową i wschodnią Gwineę, środkową i wschodnią część Sierra Leone, północno-wschodnią część Liberii, południową część Mali, graniczące z Republiką Mali rejony Mauretanii, Burkina Faso, północną część Wybrzeża Kości Słoniowej, Ghany, Togo, Beninu, Nigerii i Kamerunu, większą część Nigru, Czadu i Sudanu. 6 J. G. March, J. P. Olsen, Instytucje. Organizacyjne podstawy polityki, Warszawa 2005, s. 64. �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 171 dokumentów dyplomatycznych ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem odtworzenia form komunikacji politycznej z liderami państw Sudanu, mechanizmów nawiązywania współpracy, stopnia rytualizacji zauważalnego np. w organizacji wizyt oraz innych form realizacji „liturgii dyplomacji” – protokołu dyplomatycznego. Analiza form komunikacji między władzami polskimi a afrykańskimi przeprowadzona została w oparciu o teorię działania komunikacyjnego niemieckiego socjologa Jürgena Habermasa. Habermas dzieli formy działania na: teleologiczne (skupione na urzeczywistnianiu celu), regulowane przez normy (oparte na wspólnych wartościach), dramaturgiczne (celem jest stworzenie określonego wizerunku) i komunikacyjne. Dla socjologa najbardziej zaawansowaną formą działania jest działanie komunikacyjne, zachodzące, „kiedy uczestnicy koordynują plany działania nie przez egocentryczną kalkulację (szans) sukcesu, lecz przez akty dochodzenia do porozumienia. W działaniu komunikacyjnym uczestnicy stawiają własny sukces na drugim planie; zmierzają do osiągnięcia własnych celów pod warunkiem, że mogą swe plany działania wzajemnie zestroić na gruncie wspólnych definicji sytuacji. Z tego względu negocjowanie definicji sytuacji stanowi istotny składnik dokonań interpretacyjnych wymaganych w działaniu komunikacyjnym”7. Habermas łączy formy działania z określonymi formami ra­cjonalności: działanie teleologiczne – z racjonalnością kogni­ tywno-instrumentalną; działanie regulowane przez normy – z racjo­nalnością moralno-praktyczną; działanie dramaturgiczne – z racjonalnością ekspresywno-estetyczną, działanie komunikacyjne – z racjonalnością komunikacyjną. Wykształcenie się racjonalności komunikacyjnej opierać się musi na negocjacjach, działaniu J. Habermas, Teoria działania komunikacyjnego. Racjonalność działania a racjonalność społeczna, t. 1, Warszawa 1999, s. 473. 7 �172 Błażej Popławski retorycznym oraz tzw. prawdziwym przekonywaniu. Mianem negocjacji Habermas określił wymianę informacji o preferencjach, formułowanie wstępnych obietnic i gróźb celem optymalizacji obustronnych interesów (aspekt obiektywny komunikacji). Działanie retoryczne skupia się na uzasadnianiu swojej tożsamości i przekonywaniu drugiej strony do własnej racji (aspekt subiektywny). Ostatni z rodzajów komunikacji – prawdziwe przekonywanie – nastawione jest na negocjowanie konsensusu (aspekt społeczny). Według Habermasa odnoszenie się do tych trzech wymiarów – obiektywnego, subiektywnego i społecznego – pozwala na wykształcenie ram interpretacyjnych, w obrębie których możliwe jest powstanie racjonalności komunikacyjnej i osiągnięcie porozumienia. Ars scribendi Do najprostszych form komunikacji na szczeblu międzypaństwowym, niewymagających nakładów finansowych, należała wymiana kurtuazyjnej korespondencji. Mogła ona stanowić zarówno fazę początkową zawierania stosunków (w modelu Habermasa: działanie regulowane przez normy), jak i – w przypadku krajów afrykańskich o znaczeniu drugorzędnym dla PRL – podstawową ich formę (działanie teleologiczne). Zależność tę łatwo zauważyć na przykładzie zainicjowania relacji polsko-gwinejskich8. Początek współpracy obu krajów wiąże się z wymianą kurtuazyjnych depesz. Zawierały one uznanie państwa – akt prawny, będący jednocześnie manifestacją poli8 O historii relacji polsko-gwinejskich zob.: J. Knopek, Z dziejów kontaktów z Gwineą, w: Z. Łazowski (red.), Państwa Afryki Zachodniej, t. 2, Warszawa 2006, s. 232–234. �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 173 tyczną9. 4 października 1958 r. prezydent Gwinei, Ahmed Sekou Touré, przesłał depeszę adresowaną do Aleksandra Zawadzkiego, przewodniczącego Rady Państwa, zawiadamiającą o proklamowaniu republiki i proponującą nawiązanie stosunków dyplomatycznych. Dwa tygodnie później Zawadzki odpowiedział depeszą o gotowości i chęci nawiązania relacji dyplomatycznych. Wysyłanie depesz takich jak wspomniane polsko-gwinejskie stanowiło najszybszą reakcję na proces powstawania nowych państw, stanowiącą substytut wysyłania delegacji na uroczystości niepodległościowe. Treść depesz przedstawiała się dosyć schematycznie. Polacy podkreślali doniosłość chwili, uroczysty moment wydarzenia. W jednym z takich telegramów, wysłanym z Warszawy do Chartumu, stwierdzono: „Z okazji historycznej dla narodu sudańskiego decyzji ogłoszenia niepodległości Sudanu przesyłamy narodowi sudańskiemu i Waszej Ekscelencji [prezydentowi Ibrahimowi Abbudowi] jak najserdeczniejsze gratulacje i wyrazy przyjaźni od narodu polskiego, Rady Państwa PRL oraz ode mnie osobiście [Aleksandra Zawadzkiego]. W tych doniosłych dla narodu sudańskiego chwilach naród polski śle najlepsze życzenia Praktyka międzynarodowa wyróżnia uznanie de facto i de iure (np. na drodze akredytacji niepełnoprawnego przedstawiciela dyplomatycznego) – podział ten wynika ze stopnia nadania relacji charakteru prawnego, zgodnie z protokołem dyplomatycznym. Najbardziej powszechną formą uznania państwa jest nawiązanie i utrzymywanie oficjalnych stosunków, poprzedzone tzw. uznaniem milczącym (bez relacji na szczeblach dyplomatyczno-handlowych). Stosunki dyplomatyczne dzielić można na dorywcze (realizowane w ramach okresowych kontaktów międzynarodowych) oraz stałe (gdy towarzyszy temu ustanowienie przedstawicielstw). Uznanie państwa nie implikuje automatycznego nawiązania trwałych stosunków politycznych. Było to zauważalne w sferze normalizacji relacji z podmiotami prawa międzynarodowego niebędącymi państwami – np. ruchami narodowowyzwoleńczymi. 9 �174 Błażej Popławski utrwalenia suwerenności państwowej i wszechstronnego, pokojowego rozwoju”10. Przytoczyć można kilka innych przykładów rozpoznawania potencjału kraju afrykańskiego jedynie na poziomie racjonalności kognitywno-instrumentalnej oraz moralno-praktycznej, w oparciu o kurtuazyjną korespondencję. Początek relacji Polski z Kamerunem ograniczył się do wysłania dwóch depesz gratulacyjnych związanych z uzyskaniem niepodległości oraz uznaniem przez ONZ. Politycy kameruńscy – jeszcze przed proklamacją suwerenności – kilkukrotnie występowali do polskiego MSZ z prośbą o uznanie Rządu Tymczasowego Unii Jedności Kamerunu rezydującego w Konakry oraz udzielenie pomocy finansowej i materialnej. Polacy nie zajęli jednak w tej sprawie oficjalnego stanowiska, mając jednocześnie świadomość, że niektóre kraje demokracji ludowych, np. Czechosłowacka Republika Socjalistyczna (CSRS), zaangażowały się w konflikt zbrojny w Kamerunie, wysyłając tam broń. Zachowawczość polskiej strategii dyplomacji uzasadniono faktem ignorowania działaczy kameruńskich przez Kwame Nkrumaha11. Departament V „zaproponował, aby w ostatecznej odpowiedzi na propozycję Kamerunu udzielić po konsultacji z ZSRR i CSRS”12. AMSZ, Dep V, 24/59, Sudan, 1959, 221-086, Uznanie Sudanu przez Polskę, k. 1–2. O historii relacji polsko-sudańskich zob.: Stosunki dyplomatyczne Polski 1944–1979 r. Informator, t. V, Afryka i Bliski Wschód, J. Patryas (oprac.), Warszawa 1982, s. 285–290. 11 O historii relacji polsko-ghańskich w PRL zob.: J. Knopek, Z dziejów…, op. cit., s. 94–96. 12 AMSZ, Dep. V, Wydz. II, 9/64, Kamerun 2421, Notatki polityczne 1960, 12/988/40, Notatka dotycząca relacji i naszych stosunków z Kamerunem, 3.10.1960, k. 2. O historii relacji polsko-kameruńskich zob.: J. Knopek, Z dziejów polskich kontaktów z Kamerunem, w: Z. Łazowski (red.), Państwa Afryki Zachodniej…, op. cit., s. 556–559. 10 �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 175 Ndeh Ntuzumah, działacz One Kamerun Movement, dwa lata po uzyskaniu niepodległości przez Kamerun wysłał do KC PZPR 21-stronnicowy list zapraszający Polaków do współpracy13. Przedstawił w nim sytuację w ojczyźnie, wyraził rozczarowanie wobec polityki ONZ oraz chęć współpracy z ZSRR i krajami socjalistycznymi. Obszerny tekst sprowadza się de facto do omówienia historii Kamerunu. Polska pojawia się w nim tylko w pierwszych trzech linijkach, gdzie władze PRL proszone są o zgodę na przyjazd do Europy Kameruńczyków (założyć można, że identyczny list z inną trzylinijkową „arengą” otrzymały władze innych krajów socjalistycznych). W wysłanym rok później liście do Zarządu Głównego Towarzystwa Przyjaźni Polsko-Afrykańskiej Kameruńczycy najpierw pokrótce scharakteryzowali sytuację polityczną w ich kraju, po czym przedstawili długą listę oczekiwań wobec Polski (poproszono o coroczne dostarczanie: jednego miliona dolarów amerykańskich, po 10 radioodbiorników, kamer, aparatów fotograficznych, powielaczy, 20 walizek z lekarstwami, 50 lornetek, 30 kompasów, 100 mundurów oraz 4 samochodów). Tym razem jednak nieco wyraźniej nawiązano do „wspólnej przeszłości w walce z nazizmem”, pisząc o korzystaniu z Mein Kampfu przez władze faszystowskie w południowej części Kamerunu14. To jeden z niewielu odnotowanych przez polską dyplomację przykładów sformułowania przez Afrykanów zindywidualizowanego, ukierunkowanego na Polskę przekazu w pierwszej fazie nawiązywania stosunków. Sytuacje takie polski MSZ skrzętnie odnotowywał, co pośrednio oddziaływało na opinię o danym kraju. 13 AAN, KC PZPR, WZ, 237/XXII-1085, Sektor Analiz Politycznych, Kamerun, 1962-1963, k. 3-24. 14 Ibidem, k. 3. �176 Błażej Popławski W zbliżony sposób przedstawiała się także oferta „współpracy” skierowana do KC PZPR przez Komunistyczną Partię Nigerii15. W połowie obszernego listu pojawia się passus: „Po przeszło dwuletnim istnieniu bez pomocy z zewnątrz i z wewnątrz KC KP Nigerii uważa za konieczne poinformować KC PZPR o sytuacji w Nigerii, cytadeli CIA oraz poprosić o pomoc w postaci przeszkolenia kadr i pomoc materialną dla rozszerzenia pracy Partii”16 – dalej następuje długie wyliczenie „niezbędnej pomocy”: po 10 instruktorów ideologicznych, fotografów i operatorów filmowych, propagandystów, instruktorów milicji i partyzantki, 12 instruktorów szkolenia pielęgniarek, 15 związkowców, 9 dziennikarzy, 8 drukarzy, 8 instruktorów młodzieżowych i wychowania fizycznego, 16 instruktorów w zakresie kooperacji spożywczej, budowlanej, rolniczej i wytwórczej, 9 instruktorów w zakresie hodowli drobiu, świń i bydła mlecznego. W sumie korpus ten, zakładając, że jedna osoba to specjalista w jednej dziedzinie, powinien liczyć ponad 100 osób. Nigeryjczycy podkreślili, że warunki te związane są z polskim „ogromnym doświadczeniem” sięgającym jeszcze kampanii wrześniowej: „Po starannej rozwadze doszliśmy do wniosku, że Polacy najlepiej znają taktykę niemiecką na tym polu, ponieważ właśnie oficerowie sił zbrojnych Niemiec Zachodnich szkolą personel nigeryjskiego lotnictwa i budują fabryki zbrojeniowe dla Rządu Federalnego Nigerii”17. 15 Dzięki staraniom Towarzystwa Przyjaźni Polsko-Nigeryjskiej historia kontaktów między PRL a Nigerią jest znakomicie udokumentowana w czterotomowej pracy Polacy w Nigerii: t. 1, red. J. Małachowski, Z. Łazowski, W. Kozak, Warszawa 1997; t. 2, red. Z. Łazowski, Warszawa 1998; t. 3, red. Z. Łazowski, J. Wójcik, Warszawa 2000; t. 4, red. Z. i S. Łazowscy, Warszawa 2000. 16 AAN, KC PZPR, WZ, 237/XXII-1211, Sektor Kontaktów z Bratnimi Partiami, Nigeria, 1963, List KP Nigerii do KC PZPR, k. 10. 17 Ibidem, k. 11. �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 177 Zauważyć należy, że przychodzące do różnych instytucji PRL listy tego typu musiały wpłynąć – wbrew intencjom ich autorów – na pogłębienie przedmiotowego oglądu kontynentu i umocnienie scharakteryzowanej przez Habermasa racjonalności kognitywno-instrumentalnej. Jedynym wymiarem aktywności Afrykanów dostrzegalnym po lekturze „petycji” była ich skłonność do wysuwania próśb, która przybierała często formy nieuzasadnionej, aroganckiej roszczeniowości. Wzajemne wizyty Drugą, generującą większe koszty finansowe, formą potwierdzenia podmiotowości państw afrykańskich było wysłanie specjalnej delegacji, w której skład wchodzili najczęściej politycy oraz eksperci sondujący potencjał gospodarczy danego kraju (w modelu Habermasa – działanie dramaturgiczne). Na etapie tym dochodziło do wstępnego kształtowania wizerunku państw Sudanu opartego na dwóch rodzajach dyskursu – autorami jednego z nich byli „praktycy”, drugiego zaś „teoretycy” i „badacze”. „Główna różnica między nimi – jak pisał politolog Józef Kukułka – polega na tym, że badacze mają większe szanse uwzględnienia informacji nieoczekiwanych i kreślenia wizerunków zobiektywizowanych, podczas gdy praktycy – ze względu na swe usytuowanie w hierarchicznych strukturach zależności polityczno-rządowych – częściej biorą pod uwagę informacje zamówione i pożądane, jak również wykazują skłonność do tworzenia wizerunków stronniczych lub koniunkturalnych […]. [Teoretyków] z natury rzeczy interesuje środowisko operacyjne, tzn. zestawienie elementów wizerunków z rzeczywistymi działaniami i interakcjami państwa, podczas gdy tych drugich [praktyków] interesuje kreowanie środowiska aspiracyjnego, tzn. odpowiadającego własnym wyobra- �178 Błażej Popławski żeniom i oczekiwaniom”18. Rozbieżność w percepcji Sudanu okiem „teoretyków” i „praktyków” jest zauważalna w materiałach MSZ – często po jednym raporcie przygotowanym w duchu „afrooptymizmu” pojawia się seria sprawozdań „afropesymistycznych”19. Dysonans ten jednoznacznie wskazuje na brak spójnej percepcji państw Sudanu w spojrzeniu polskiej dyplomacji. Chaos narracji, rozbieżności między wnioskami „badaczy” i „praktyków” musiały wpłynąć na brak spójnej strategii polityki PRL wobec krajów tego regionu. Polscy dyplomaci zdawali sobie sprawę, że do zawarcia relacji międzypaństwowych niezbędne są regularne wizyty i rewizyty, umożliwiające – jak pisałby Habermas – wykształcenie się racjonalności komunikacyjnej. Proces ten zyskiwał na znaczeniu w realiach afrykańskich, gdzie kontakty „twarzą w twarz” do dziś odgrywają niezmiernie istotne znaczenie. Placówki dyplomatyczne często występowały do centrali w Warszawie z prośbą o przysłanie delegacji. W jednej z nich przeczytać można: „Wobec znaczenia, jakie szczególnie na terenie Afryki mają kontakty osobiste mężów stanu, wizyta tow. Zawadzkiego – pierwsza na kontynencie afrykańskim na najwyższym szczeblu – przyczyniłaby się poważnie do umocnienia naszych pozycji w Afryce. Wizyta ta miałaby szersze znaczenie, stanowiłaby przeciwwagę częstych wizyt wysokich osobistości z państw kapitalistycznych”20. Do wizyt takich dochodziło jednak rzadko – zwykle o odmowie przesądzały względy natury finansowej, relatywnie skromny budżet polskiego MSZ. J. Kukułka, Wstęp do nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych, Warszawa 2003, s. 157–158. 19 Terminologia zaczerpnięta z pracy etnografa Macieja Ząbka: Biali i Czarni. Postawy Polaków wobec Afryki i Afrykanów, Warszawa 2007, s. 75–89. 20 AMSZ, Gabinet Ministra, 243, Ogólne stosunki polityczne RP z państwami obcymi, 1962, 26/25/3, 4/65, Pilna Notatka, 27.03.1962, k. 27. 18 �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 179 Polskie władze z dużym dystansem podchodziły także do kwestii przyjmowania wizyt Afrykanów. Zdawano sobie sprawę, że zgoda na wizytę afrykańskiego polityka stanowiła wyraźny gest deklaratywny, zauważalny przez władze innych państw europejskich, a także afrykańskich. Stąd częste, aczkolwiek mieszczące się w ramach protokołu dyplomatycznego, odmowy. Przykładowo, polski MSZ, mimo nacisków ze strony senegalskiego MSZ, wyraźnie odmawiał prośbom o zgodę na przyjazd Leopolda Senghora21. W notatkach opiniodawczych na marginesach kolejnych raportów przeczytać można, że przyjęcie Senghora byłoby możliwe „tylko, gdy ten odwiedzi inne kraje socjalistyczne”22. Polski MSZ starał się zatem nie „wychodzić przed szereg” dyplomacji państw socjalistycznych, uważnie śledząc poczynania innych krajów. Na takich właśnie zasadach w 1961 r. Polskę odwiedził przywódca Ghany – Nkrumah. Organizacja tej wizyty stanowiła duże wyzwanie dla polskiego MSZ. Do obsługi wizyty Nkrumaha delegowano ośmiu tłumaczy znających angielski oraz maszynistkę. Byli to pracownicy różnych departamentów MSZ. Polskich urzędników przeszkolono w zwrotach z języków rodzimych Ghany: „Niech żyje pokój!” (Asomdwoee ntena ho ndaa!), „Niech żyje przyjaźń i współpraca narodów Polski i Ghany!” (Ayonkoye Ne nkutahodie a Eda ghanafoo Ne polandfoo ntam no ntena ho daa!)23. To nieczęste przypadki uwzględnienia w protokole dyplomatycznym specyfiki językowej danego regionu Afryki. Jednocześnie przygotowano broszurkę z ogólnymi informacjami o Ghanie, którą wysłano do Władysława Gomułki, Józefa Cyrankiewicza, AlekO historii relacji polsko-senegalskich zob.: J. Knopek, Z dziejów polskich kontaktów z Senegalem, w: Z. Łazowski (red.), Państwa Afryki Zachodniej…, op. cit., s. 429–432. 22 AMSZ, Dep. V, 22/50, Senegal 1965, Notatka Ambasady PRL w Dakarze z dnia 3.02.1965, k. 1. 23 AMSZ, Dep. V, 19-64, w. 4, Ghana 074, 1961, Notatka z 15.07.1961, k. 1. 21 �180 Błażej Popławski sandra Zawadzkiego, Edwarda Ochaba, Romana Zambrowskiego, Mariana Spychalskiego, Piotra Jaroszewicza, Karola Langego, Romana Fidelskiego. Przy opracowywaniu tez do rozmowy skonsultowano się z Moskwą. Starano się odtworzyć dyskurs używany przez Nikitę Chruszczowa wobec przywódcy Ghany – zarówno w sferze tytulatury („Towarzysz Nkrumah”), jak i tematyki (walka z kolonializmem, konflikt w Kongo, zmiany w strukturze ONZ). Polski MSZ uzupełnił tezy do dyskusji kwestiami socjalizmu afrykańskiego, panafrykanizmu, rozbrojenia granicy na Odrze i Nysie, wyzwolenia Angoli, walk w Algierii oraz apartheidu. W pierwszej fazie relacji PRL z Afryką głównym partnerem w regionie była jednak Gwinea. Już na początku 1959 r. – a zatem kilka miesięcy po uzyskaniu niepodległości od Francji – do Polski przybyła delegacja Gwinejczyków. Władze Polski zostały zawiadomione o planowanej wizycie w dniu wylotu z Gwinei, co w znacznym stopniu utrudniło organizację spotkań, a pośrednio wpłynęło negatywnie na postrzeganie przez polski MSZ stopnia profesjonalizmu i znajomości protokołu dyplomatycznego przez afrykańskich polityków. KC PZPR zadecydował, że odpowiedzialny za opiekę nad dele­ gacją będzie: Komitet Współpracy Gospodarczej i Naukowo-Technicznej z Zagranicą, uzupełniony przedstawicielami Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych i Ministerstwa Handlu Zagranicznego. Delegację powitano uroczyście na Okęciu. Zakwaterowano ją w budynkach rządowych w Warszawie przy ul. Klonowej. W programie wizyty znalazł się spacer po Starym Mieście oraz pokaz filmowy o Szopenie. W część tę zaangażowano także przedstawicieli Stołecznej Rady Narodowej. Zestaw podarków wręczonych Afrykanom obejmował: kryształy, porcelanę, radioodbiorniki oraz albumy historyczne. Przed przyjazdem Nkrumaha do Polski długo debatowano nad przygotowaniem daru w postaci specjalistycznego ambulansu do leczenia chorób tropikalnych. Ostatecznie idee te �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 181 przekreślił brak specjalistów mogących przygotować ową karetkę. Kolejnym pomysłem Polaków było wyposażenie pracowni chemicznej. Ostatecznie zadecydowano się na wręczenie pługa do orki zwykłej, pługa obracalnego, wieloraka (pielnika wielorzędowego) i kultywatora. Oprócz tego podarowano: kupony na ubranie „Elana”, portfele skórzane dla urzędników najwyższego szczebla, teczki skórzane dla urzędników niższego szczebla, kupony na sukienki bawełniane i wisiorki z bursztynu dla urzędników towarzyszących. Wszystkim wręczono zestawy polskich wódek, lornetki, szkatułki z CEPELII oraz albumy o Warszawie24. Delegacja gwinejska określona została Misją Dobrej Woli. Mianem tym nazywano wyjazdy dyplomatów w celu utrwalenia współpracy gospodarczej oraz poszerzenia zakresu pomocy dla Afryki z Europy. Głównym celem Gwinejczyków było zaś zapewnienie stałego eksportu bananów do krajów demokracji ludowej w wysokości 50 tysięcy ton rocznie w zamian za kredytowe dostawy. Oprócz tego wysłannicy Sekou Touré mieli przeprowadzić sondaż co do możliwości dostawy maszyn oraz wynajmu specjalistów na kontrakty do Gwinei. Wedle informacji uzyskanych od dyplomatów z NRD celem misji było także uzyskanie pomocy w wyekwipowaniu sił bezpieczeństwa, policji i armii – zarówno w broń, jak i instrumenty orkiestr wojskowych25. Uprzedzeni o tym fakcie Polacy, szybko dali do zrozumienia, „że nie chcemy angażować się w dostawy broni”26. Bezpośrednim skutkiem wizyty było założenie przedstawicielstwa dyplomatycznego w stolicy Gwinei w 1960 r. Polacy przybyli do Konakry w okresie gorączki wyborczej. Atmosferę napięcia w społeczeństwie gwinejskim wzmacniał proces pokazowy AMSZ, Dep. V, 19-64, w. 4, Ghana 074, 1961, Notatka z 20.07.1961, k. 1. AMSZ, Dep. V, Wydz. II, 11/64, Gwinea 074, 12/802/33, Wizyty i delegacje, Notatka, 16.02.1959, k. 3. 26 Ibidem, k. 27. 24 25 �182 Błażej Popławski domniemanych spiskowców. Tłumaczy to sceptyczny ton pierwszych raportów przysyłanych do centrali przez polskich dyplomatów. Narzekali oni na „atmosferę bojaźni, unikania kontaktów z białymi oraz odnoszeniu się z lekceważeniem przez miejscowe władze”27. Głównym źródłem informacji o sytuacji w Gwinei okazały ambasady krajów bloku wschodniego zainstalowane w Konakry przed polską, a zwłaszcza ZSRR, CSRS i NRD – czyli materiały, które można było uzyskać de facto w Warszawie. W zbliżony sposób do przyjmowania delegacji afrykańskich odbywały się wizyty polskich dyplomatów w państwach regionu Sudanu. Z pierwszą taką podróżą udała się do Akry polska misja handlowa w styczniu 1959 r. Przewodniczył jej wiceminister handlu zagranicznego Janusz Buraszkiewicz. Wnioski formułowane podczas takich spotkań – w terminologii Habermasa na podstawie działań dramaturgicznych – w znacznym stopniu wpływały na postrzeganie Afryki i dalsze strategie polskiej dyplomacji. Jak stwierdził politolog Jacek Knopek: „Pierwsze doświadczenia z wizyt były obiecujące i wręcz zachęcające do bardziej perspektywicznych działań”28. Do Nigerii, jednego z naszych głównych partnerów gospodarczych, z misją nawiązania kontaktów gospodarczych wysłano naczelnika Wydziału Departamentu Traktatów II MHZ Jana Giedwidzia. Odbył on szereg rozmów z nigeryjskimi politykami celem dokładnego rozeznania warunków zawarcia umowy. 8 października 1960 r. w Ministerstwie Ekonomicznego Rozwoju doszło do spotkania między przedstawicielem PRL a lokalnymi urzędnikami. Podczas niego po raz pierwszy poruszono kwestię otwarcia placówki dyplomatycznej. Kolejne spotkanie odbyło się pięć dni 27 AMSZ, Dep. V, Wydz. II, 11/64, 22/62, 9/64, Gwinea 084, 12/806/33, 1959–1960, Nawiązanie kontaktów dyplomatycznych, Notatka, 28.11.1960, k. 21-23. 28 J. Knopek, Stosunki polsko-zachodnioafrykańskie, Toruń 2013, s. 174. �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 183 później w Ministerstwie Finansów. Tego samego dnia Giedwidź uczestniczył w konferencji w Ministerstwie Handlu i Przemysłu, gdzie próbował wynegocjować preferencyjne układy handlowe, mimo że PRL nie była członkiem GATT (Układ Ogólny w sprawie Taryf Celnych i Handlu). 18 października doszło do spotkania w nigeryjskim MSZ, dwa dni później powtórzono wizytę w Ministerstwie Handlu i Przemysłu. Podczas obu spotkań poruszono kwestię bezpośrednich zakupów kakao. Analiza raportów powstałych po powrocie Giedwidzia pozwala stwierdzić, że głównym celem wizyty w Nigerii była próba ominięcia niekorzystnych casusów prawnych i ułatwienia wymiany handlowej bez konieczności zakładania przedstawicielstwa dyplomatycznego. Do wniosku tego nie jest jednak łatwo dojść. Większą część sprawozdania zajmuje bowiem analiza procesu dekolonizacji, walki narodowo-wyzwoleńczej w Afryce oraz próba charakterystyki idei socjalizmu afrykańskiego. W dalszej części niniejszego artykułu skupiono się na opisie tych trzech zjawisk w percepcji dyplomacji PRL. Proces dekolonizacji Jednym z zadań placówek dyplomatycznych było gromadzenie materiałów o lokalnych ruchach komunistycznych. Do Polski napływały aktualizacje składów rządów, najważniejsze przemówienia przedstawicieli władz. Informatorami Polaków byli najczęściej urzędnicy niższego szczebla oraz biznesmeni. Źródło to dostarczało szczegółowej, lecz subiektywnej wiedzy dotyczącej wybranych zagadnień. Autorom raportów często zarzucano brak pogłębionej analizy i powierzchowność ocen sytuacji w regionie Sudanu. Atakowano zwroty używane w sprawozdaniach, sugerując ich nieadekwatność �184 Błażej Popławski do sytuacji w Afryce (w ocenie przyczyn upadku Nkrumaha zanegowano znaczenie polityki wewnętrznej29). Jednocześnie podawano alternatywne wytłumaczenia odwołujące się do metawyjaśnienia w ramach marksistowskiego kostiumu narracyjnego (waloryzacja „spisku sił neokolonialnych”). Zdarzały się jednak przypadki pogłębionych ekspertyz świadczących o świetnym rozeznaniu w realiach Afryki, dokładnego tłumaczenia obszernych wystąpień lokalnych działaczy. Przykładowo materiały wysłane do Polski po ogłoszeniu niepodległości przez Sudan zawierały: informacje ogólne o kraju, porównanie Sudanu z jego sąsiadami, charakterystykę środowiska geograficznego, sytuacji językowej, potencjału gospodarczego (wyliczenie bogactw naturalnych, projektów oraz barier ekonomicznych), opis relacji z zagranicą, krótki rys „opinii publicznej” (wybór jej liderów, głównych ośrodków opiniotwórczych) oraz sceny politycznej (podziału na partie oraz ich programów). Na koniec umieszczono opis możliwości współpracy, poziomu wiedzy o Polsce w Sudanie (okazało się, że – zdaniem autora raportu – PRL kojarzy się przeciętnemu Sudańczykowi z Poznańskim Czerwcem, naczyniami emaliowanymi oraz herbatnikami marki „Kaliszanka”)30. Moment zauważenia postaw komunistycznych (bądź antykomunistycznych) u danego polityka w pewnym stopniu przesądzał o zwiększeniu podmiotowości jego kraju w oczach polskich dyplo­ matów (zaczęto przywiązywać większą wagę do wydarzeń, dokład­ niej sondować opinię publiczną). Pierwsze pogłębione analizy życia politycznego w Gwinei przypadają na połowę 1960 r., kiedy Sekou Touré w kilku wystąpieniach skrytykował ideologię komunizmu: „Komunizm nie jest drogą przyszłości dla Afryki, walka 29 AMSZ, Dep. V, 57/70, w. 2, Ghana, 1967, Sprawozdanie i ocena oprac. Kornackiego, 241-1-67, 20.11.1967, k. 1-3. 30 AMSZ, Dep. V, Sudan, 24/59, 11/64, Raport o sytuacji politycznej w Sudanie, 12-511-21, k. 1-29. �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 185 klasowa uniemożliwia wyrównanie klas społecznych. W Afryce istnieją tylko warstwy socjalne, rodzina jest podstawą naszego społeczeństwa. Zawsze istniała wspólnota – taka, jaka istnieje na wsi”31. Z kolei czytając sprawozdania powstałe w Bamako, dostrzec można, że znaczną ich część spisywano w okolicach świąt narodowych. 1 maja 1965 r. dokładnie odnotowano i przeanalizowano hasła na plakatach: „Niech żyje proletariat międzynarodowy!”, „Zwiększenie produkcji podstawą budowy socjalizmu!”, „Nie – rasizmowi! Nie – apartheidowi w Afryce Południowej! Nie – kolonializmowi portugalskiemu! Nie – imperializmowi i kolonializmowi!”, „Niech żyje jedność afrykańskich związków zawodowych!”, „Imperialiści amerykańscy – precz z Kongo! Imperialiści amerykańscy – precz z Wietnamu!”, „Pozdrawiamy Konferencję Afro-azjatycką w Kairze i OJA [Organizację Jedności Afrykańskiej] w Akrze!”, „Socjalizm to lepsze życie dla mas pracujących!”32. Co ciekawe, dyplomaci traktowali święta narodowe jako probierz do oceny powszednich postaw społecznych. Prowadzić to mogło do przekłamania wizerunku Afryki jako przestrzeni nadmiernie rewolucyjnej, nastawionej entuzjastycznie wobec dokonywanych reform społeczno-politycznych. Najwięcej raportów o rozwoju sytuacji w krajach Sudanu powstało w Roku Afryki (1960). Z państw zaliczanych do tego regionu niepodległość wówczas uzyskały: Kamerun, Senegal, Togo, 31 AMSZ, Dep. V, Wydz. II, 9/64, Gwinea 221, 12/808/33, Ustrój, rząd, parlament, Korespondencja z Konakry, 20.04.1960, k. 8. 32 AMSZ, Dep. V, 55/70, Mali, 1965, 24121, Notatka z dnia 3.05.1965, k. 2. �186 Błażej Popławski Burkina Faso, Wybrzeże Kości Słoniowej33, Niger34, Dahomej35, Mali36, Czad37, Nigeria i Mauretania. Wizerunek „Czarnego Lądu” uległ wtedy zmianie, został wzbogacony o wiele nowych informacji z mniej lub bardziej pogłębionych ekspertyz polskiej dyplomacji. Już 9 marca 1960 r. Departament V przygotował obszerną analizę rozwoju sytuacji w Afryce na posiedzeniu Kolegium MSZ w sprawach Azji i Afryki. Jednocześnie zwrócono się do ambasadorów Maghrebu z prośbą o przygotowanie raportów wiążących sytuację na północ od Sahary z krajami na południu. Zasugerowano oparcie się na informacjach uzyskanych od przedstawicieli lokalnych związków zawodowych oraz partii komunistycznych38. Postulowano jednocześnie zwiększenie obsady Wydziału Afrykańskiego: „Daleko niewystarczająca jest obsada Wydziału Afrykańskiego. Przy istniejącym stanie etatów Wydział ten nie może śledzić z konieczną dokładnością niezwykle szybkiego tempa rozwoju sytuacji politycznej różnych krajów Afryki (których liczba wraz z koloniami wynosi 46), zwłaszcza że obok dwóch istniejących w niedalekiej przyszłości zamierzamy otworzyć tam dalszych sześć placówek. Zważywszy, że problematyka polityczna i gospodarcza Afryki jest w Polsce mało znana, zachodzi potrzeba podej33 O historii relacji Polski z WKS zob.: J. Knopek, Z dziejów polskich kontaktów z Wybrzeżem Kości Słoniowej, w: Z. Łazowski (red.), Państwa Afryki Zachodniej…, op. cit., s. 526–529. 34 O historii relacji Polski i Nigru zob.: idem, Z dziejów polskich kontaktów z Nigrem, w: ibidem, s. 373–375. 35 O historii relacji Polski i Beninu (do 1975 r. obowiązywała oficjalna nazwa Dahomej) zob.: idem, Z dziejów polskich kontaktów z Beninem, w: ibidem, s. 145–147. 36 O historii relacji polsko-malijskich zob.: idem, Z dziejów polskich kontaktów z Mali, w: ibidem, s. 318–321. 37 O historii relacji polsko-czadyjskich zob.: Stosunki dyplomatyczne Polski 1944–1979…, s. 47–48. 38 AMSZ, Dep. V, Ogólne 013, 9/64, Materiały na Kolegium MSZ, 1960, 12/1136/46, Do Ambasady w Rabacie, 6.04.1960, k. 20. �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 187 mowania pionierskich niekiedy studiów nad tymi zagadnieniami w Departamencie i sporządzania opracowań, które absorbują wiele czasu”39. Swoistym podsumowaniem zmiany percepcji Afryki w 1960 r. jest przygotowany przez MSZ obszerny, nasycony dyskursem „afrooptymizmu” dokument charakteryzujący rozwój sytuacji w regionie w kontekście polskiej polityki zagranicznej. Wizerunek Afryki w nim zarysowany uległ wyraźnemu ustabilizowaniu i ociepleniu. Działania polskiej dyplomacji wpisać się miały w „ogólnoświatową walkę z kolonializmem i utworzenie światowego systemu socjalizmu”40. W dokumencie tym znalazły się passusy świadczące o pragmatyzmie jego twórców: „Praktyczne formy i rozmiary tych stosunków są oczywiście uzależnione od naszych realnych możliwości, a te określają, że zasadniczą płaszczyzną dla nich będzie stanowiła obok politycznej współpraca gospodarcza i handel”41. Podkreślono jednocześnie wagę współdziałania w dziedzinie szkolnictwa (wspominając jednak tylko o programach stypendialnych dla Afrykanów i pracy polskich wykładowców i nauczycieli w Afryce). Zasugerowano także skorzystanie z płaconych przez PRL składek do ONZ w celu utworzenia większego ośrodka szkoleniowego. Autorzy raportu podkreślili rolę w gromadzeniu informacji o zmianach społecznych w Afryce, jaką muszą odgrywać polscy dyplomaci z placówek m.in. w Chartumie, Konakry i Gwinei. W celu usprawnienia pracy placówek zwrócono się z sugestią o utworzenie kolejnych m.in. w: Lagos (Nigeria), Dakarze (Senegal), Abidżanie (obejmującym WKS oraz Górną AMSZ, Dep. V, 22/62, 9/64, Ogólne 011, Sprawy organizacyjne, 12/1135/46, Notatka dyr. Rodzińskiego do min. Rapackiego, 26.03.1960, k. 2-3. 40 AMSZ, Dep. V, Ogólne 013, 9/64, Materiały na Kolegium MSZ, 1960, 12/1136/46, Notatka, k. 30. 41 Ibidem, k. 30. 39 �188 Błażej Popławski Woltę42, Niger i Dahomej) i Jaunde (Kamerun oraz Gabon, Kongo Francuskie, Republika Środkowoafrykańska, Czad). W raporcie znaleźć można także fragmenty mówiące o konieczności wysyłania większej liczby Polaków do Afryki – zarówno w charakterze dyplomatów, jak i naukowców. Szczególną uwagę zwrócono na kraje, które wkrótce odzyskają niepodległość oraz międzynarodowe kongresy i konferencje43. Raporty przygotowane przez polskich dyplomatów w okresie bezpośrednio po Roku Afryki cechuje przeświadczenie, że zauważalne zmiany przebiegają w pożądanym kierunku. W niektórych raportach znaleźć można nawet fragmenty głoszące szczególne – spośród państw bloku wschodniego – „posłannictwo” Polski w Afryce: „Polska ma w Afryce szczególną szansę jako partner nie największy w naszym bloku, a więc «nieprzytłaczający», a przez to niedrażniący mocarstw zachodnich”44. Cezurą w zmianie oceny Afryki wydaje się rok 1965. MSZ sytuację na południe od Sahary przedstawia od tego momentu jako „znaczna porażka sił postępu na wszystkich frontach: antykolonialnym, politycznym (kolejne, konsekwentne eliminowanie postępowych rządów i ośrodków) i gospodarczym (wzrastające uzależnienie się krajów afrykańskich od Zachodu)”45. Przyczyny pogorszenia się warunków uprawiania aktywnej polityki państw socjalistycznych w krajach rozwijających się dzielono na wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne. Czynniki wewnętrzne klasyfikowano z kolei na 42 O historii kontaktów Polski z Burkina Faso (do 1984 r. oficjalna nazwa kraju to Górna Wolta) zob.: J. Knopek, Z dziejów polskich kontaktów z Burkina Faso, w: Z. Łazowski (red.), Państwa Afryki Zachodniej…, op. cit., s. 174–176. 43 AMSZ, Dep. V, Ogólne 013, 9/64, Materiały na Kolegium MSZ, 1960, 12/1136/46, Notatka, k. 35. 44 AAN, TPPA, 2071/20, Sprawozdanie z działalności, Dział Zagraniczny 1962–1966, k. 3. 45 AMSZ, Dep. V, 56/70, Ogólne, 22, Problematyka ogólna w odniesieniu do sytuacji w Trzecim Świecie, 11.05.1966, k. 11. �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 189 ekonomiczne (rosnące zadłużenie) i polityczne (nepotyzm, korupcja i masowa protekcja, dezintegrująca rola władzy plemiennej, postkolonialny system administracyjny, brak kadry urzędniczej). Zwracano też uwagę na znaczenie czynników personalnych pierwszego pokolenia liderów Afryki (autokratyzm, bezwzględne tłumienie opozycji, ambicje osobiste i materialne). Socjalizm afrykański i ruch narodowo-wyzwoleńczy Polskie placówki dyplomatyczne starały się poznać nastroje w partiach komunistycznych, posiłkując się lokalnymi informatorami. Zazwyczaj wybierano działacza niższego rzędu, pozostającego w konflikcie z władzami partii. Starano się w ten sposób kontrolować poziom uzyskiwanych informacji i kształtować jak najbardziej obiektywny wizerunek Afryki. Brak zaufania do afrykańskich działaczy partyjnych i chaos panujący na lokalnych scenach politycznych to dwie pierwsze impresje towarzyszące „rozpoznawaniu” krajów regionu Sudanu. Sytuacja ta nie zmieniała się jednak szybko. Winą za to obarczano najczęściej samych Afrykanów, akcentując niski poziom prezentowanej przez nich kultury politycznej: „Bardzo słaba znajomość wśród Malijczyków zagadnień politycznych, niedyskutowanie na te tematy jest więc dla nich bardzo wygodne. Na ten temat rzeczy skarżą się wszyscy bez wyjątku dyplomaci. Wymiana informacji i poglądów odbywa się więc w zasadzie między dyplomatami, ekspertami ONZ i francuskimi z kooperacji”46. AMSZ, Dep. V, 57/70, w. 4, Mali, 1967, 22, Stosunki malijsko-polskiej, 15.12.1967, k. 1. 46 �190 Błażej Popławski Polskie placówki dyplomatyczne przywiązywały dużą wagę do wytypowania lidera młodych ruchów komunistycznych – postaci porządkującej wizerunek sceny politycznej. W realiach częstych zmian personalnych, czystek oraz delegalizacji ugrupowań lewicujących zabieg ten okazywał się trudny. Za lidera najczęściej uznawano osobę, która sama zwróciła się do Polaków z prośbą o pomoc. Partie afrykańskie traktowane były en masse jako ruchy młode, efemeryczne, o niesprecyzowanym jeszcze charakterze. Raporty polityczne dotyczące Nigerii na początku składały się z wyliczenia kilkunastu ruchów politycznych47. Każdy z nich charakteryzowano w dwóch, trzech zdaniach. Warto podkreślić schematyzm i powtarzalność narracji. Jednocześnie starano się przybliżać nigeryjskie spojrzenie na Polskę: „Podczas gdy w sferach politycznych i intelektualnych Nigerii traktuje się Polskę z punktu widzenia jej samodzielności w obozie socjalistycznym, co wpływa na ośmielenie narodowych elementów nigeryjskich wobec całego obozu socjalistycznego, to koła rządzące Nigerią widzą w Polsce głównie interesującego partnera o rozwiniętej już gospodarce, z którym współpraca w dziedzinie gospodarczej może być dla Nigerii pożyteczna”48. Zauważyć należy sprzężenie zwrotne w powyższym mechanizmie percepcyjnym – jeśli dany ruch polityczny wykazywał pozytywną postawę wobec Polski, uznawano go za „postępowy” i waloryzowano całość narracji o nim. Z racji na ograniczoną dostępność informacji zbudowanie klarownego i spójnego wizerunku danej partii zajmowało dużo czasu. Pierwsze bardziej precyzyjne opisy programów politycznych Nigeryjczyków były opracowane w okresie lokalnych wyborów. 47 AMSZ, Dep. V, 24/69, Nigeria, 1964, 24120, Federacja Nigerii, k. 1-2, 4; AMSZ, Dep. V, 24/69, Nigeria, 1964, 24121, Wybory w Nigerii, k. 1-5 oraz Dalsze informacje o sytuacji przedwyborczej, k. 1-7. 48 AMSZ, Dep. V, 55/70, Nigeria, Stosunki polityczne, 22, 01.1965, k. 1-2. �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 191 W sytuacjach braku klarownych wyróżników orientacji politycznej danego ugrupowania afrykańskiego, polscy dyplomaci używali bardziej wyszukanych metafor i porównań, choćby do sekt49. Po wstępnej charakterystyce danej partii starano się doprecyzować charakter rozumienia przez Afrykanów zasad socjalizmu, opisać stopień jego internalizacji: „Leitmotivem wszystkich niemal wystąpień prezydenta Modibo Keity był «socjalizm». Z dużym naciskiem podkreślał przy licznych okazjach «nieodwracalność opcji malijskiej partii», zaznaczając zawsze, że «socjalizm w Mali będzie się wyrażał przede wszystkim w coraz większych wyrzeczeniach». Wyjaśniał również, że będzie to socjalizm niezależny, niewzorujący się mechanicznie i niepodporządkowany organizacyjnie czy politycznie «innym krajom lub grupie krajów socjalistycznych». […] Stwierdził, że dobry muzułmanin jest czymś więcej niż socjalistą […]. Wszystkie przemówienia w sposób generalny głoszą hasło zacierania różnic społecznych i ostro piętnują «malwersantów» i «aferzystów». […] Modibo często używa sformułowania, że głównym problemem malijskiego socjalizmu jest konieczność zlikwidowania różnic między «średniowieczem» mas a rażącym XX-wieczem niektórych warstw”50. Podobnie krytyczne uwagi na temat socjalizmu ghańskiego znaleźć można w sprawozdaniu Ryszarda Kapuścińskiego przygotowanym dla MSZ: „Nawet czołowi przywódcy Ghany nie orientują się, na czym polega wiele podstawowych problemów Europy np. kwestie granicy na Odrze i Nysie. Pomieszanie pojęć w dziedzinie spraw politycznych i ideologicznych jest fantastyczne. […] Marksizm, 49 AMSZ, Dep. V, 24/71, Republika Malgaska, 1964, Notatka z Moskwy, 3.12.1964, k. 4. 50 AMSZ, Dep. V, 24/69, Mali, 1964, 242, Raport nr 4 Ambasady w Bamako, 01.1964, k. 11-13. �192 Błażej Popławski leninizm jest – jak twierdzą – ideologią białego człowieka, a więc nie do przyjęcia dla Afryki”51. Na początku lat siedemdziesiątych zaobserwować można istotną zmianę w dyskursie polskiej dyplomacji względem krajów regionu Sudanu. Polacy przestali odgrywać rolę obserwatorów doszukujących się pierwiastków postaw rewolucyjnych i oceniających stopień internalizacji socjalizmu u Afry­kanów. Starali się operacjonalizować – przy świadomości ograniczonych środków – założenia polityki wspierania ruchów narodowowyzwoleńczych. Za cezurę można uznać Decyzję Prezydium Rządu z dnia 23 marca 1972 r. w sprawie pomocy materialnej dla ruchów narodowowyzwoleńczych w Afryce. Na jej podstawie minister obrony narodowej został zobowiązany do bezpłatnego oddania sprzętu i wyposażenia wojskowego do dyspozycji Zarządu Głównego Polskiego Komitetu Solidarności z Narodami Azji i Afryki (PKSzNAiA). MHZ nie mogło pobierać opłat celnych od materiałów przewożonych do Afryki na statkach Ministerstwa Żeglugi. Zarząd Główny PKSzNAiA odgrywał rolę filtra decydującego o dalszym rozdziale środków. W 1972 r. ponad połowę funduszy otrzymała Afrykańska Partia Niepodległości Gwinei i Zielonego Przylądka. Między rokiem 1971 a 1972 dokonało się prawie dziesięciokrotne zwiększenie wydatków przeznaczanych na ten cel52. W oficjalnych dokumentach z tego okresu często można przeczytać, że: „Polska udziela ofiarom kolonializmu i apartheidu poparcia politycznego, moralnego i pomocy materialnej. Każdego roku prowadzi się u nas regularną kampanię solidarności w środkach masowego przekazu i w społeczeństwie; wiece odbywają się w zakładach pracy, AMSZ, Dep. V, 9/64, Ghana, Notatki polityczne, 42/800/33. AMSZ, Dep. V 8/81/1; Notatka Departamentu V na temat dotychczasowej pomocy Polskiego Komitetu Solidarności z Narodami Azji i Afryki dla MPLA z dn. 24 września 1975 r. 51 52 �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 193 szkołach i wyższych uczelniach; podejmowane są odpowiednie rezolucje”53. Należy przy tym podkreślić, że w latach siedemdziesiątych w analizach mechanizmów uprawiania polityki przez dany kraj afrykański w większym stopniu niż w poprzednich dekadach starano się interpretować kontekst, specyfikować czynniki zewnętrzne i wewnętrzne przemian. Zauważalny jest znaczny wzrost profesjonalizmu w opisach i jego uszczegółowienie. Podsumowanie Zastosowanie perspektywy konstrukcjonistycznej oraz teorii racjonalności komunikacyjnej Jürgena Habermasa pozwala na ocenę wysokiego stopnia rytualizacji działań polskiej dyplomacji, nastawionej na rozwijanie kontaktów bilateralnych – działalności dążącej do wykształcenia się racjonalności komunikacyjnej. W zachowaniach polskich dyplomatów brakowało jednak postawy opartej na dialogu, prób zrozumienia i zmiany postrzegania państw afrykańskich i ich elit. Wymiana depesz, raporty zawierające wiele błędów i przeinaczeń, nieumiejętnie organizowane wizyty oficjalne są dowodami sui generis „zatrzymania się” racjonalności polskich dyplomatów na poziomie kognitywno-instrumentalnym oraz moralno-praktycznym i niezwykle powolnego zmierzania w stronę wykształcenia się racjonalności komunikacyjnej. Warto przy tym zaznaczyć, że główną determinantą tego procesu – choć trudno wychwycić to w oparciu o dostępny w Polsce AMS, Dep. V, 18/77/5, Pismo wicedyrektora Departamentu V Włodzimierza Paszkowskiego do Departamentu Międzynarodowych Organizacji o pomocy dla ruchów rewolucyjnych w Afryce, 27 stycznia 1973; por.: AMS, Dep. V 8/81/7, Decyzja nr 92/75 Prezydium Rządu z dnia 14 lipca 1975 r. w sprawie pomocy dla ruchów narodowowyzwoleńczych w Afryce. 53 �194 Błażej Popławski materiał archiwalny – była polityka Kremla. PRL, będąc w orbicie wpływów ZSRR, nie mógł prowadzić suwerennej polityki zagranicznej. Decyzje, z jaki krajem afrykańskim i kiedy należy rozwijać relacje międzynarodowe, zależne były od Moskwy. Jak pisał politolog Jacek Knopek: „Polityka Kremla była prosta, wyrachowana i chłodna. Chciano pomagać tym krajom afrykańskim, które gotowe były wprowadzać i respektować zasady ustanowione przez Związek Radziecki oraz honorować jego hegemonię w świecie”54. Analiza dyskursu polskiej dyplomacji – skupienia go na hasłach afrykańskiego socjalizmu, walki narodowowyzwoleńczej, dekolonizacji – pozwala na stwierdzenie stopniowej ewolucji spojrzenia na Afrykę Subsaharyjską od postawy „afrooptymizmu” (1960 rok) do „afropesymizmu” (dekadę później). Bibliografia Archiwalia: Archiwum Akt Nowych • Komitet Centralny Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej, Wydział Zagraniczny. • Towarzystwo Przyjaźni Polsko-Afrykańskiej. Archiwum Ministerstwa Spraw Zagranicznych • Gabinet Ministra. • Departament V. 54 J. Knopek, Stosunki polsko-zachodnioafrykańskie…, op. cit., s. 154. �Sudan okiem dyplomacji PRL-owskiej 195 Opracowania: Czaputowicz J., Teorie stosunków międzynarodowych. Krytyka i systematyzacja, Warszawa 2007. Habermas J., Teoria działania komunikacyjnego. Racjonalność działania a racjonalność społeczna, t. 1, PWN, Warszawa 1999. Knopek J., Stosunki polsko-zachodnioafrykańskie, Toruń 2013 Kukułka J., Wstęp do nauki o stosunkach międzynarodowych, Warszawa 2003. Łazowski Z. (red.), Państwa Afryki Zachodniej, t. 2, Warszawa 2006. Łazowski Z. i inni (red.), Polacy w Nigerii, t. 1–4, Warszawa 1997–2000. March J. G., Olsen J. P., Instytucje. Organizacyjne podstawy polityki, Warszawa 2005. Stosunki dyplomatyczne Polski 1944–1979 r. Informator, t. 5, Afryka i Bliski Wschód, J. Patryas (oprac.), Warszawa 1982. Wawrzyński P., Mit kulturowy jako czynnik kształtujący stosunki międzynarodowe, Toruń 2011. Wendt A., Społeczne teoria stosunków międzynarodowych, Warszawa 2008. Ząbek M., Biali i Czarni. Postawy Polaków wobec Afryki i Afrykanów, Warszawa 2007. Sudan in the eyes of the diplomacy of the PPR Abstract The paper focuses on the preliminary exploration of the newborn countries included in the geographical land of Sudan by diplomacy of the Polish Peopleʼs Republic – until the development of, as Jürgen Habermas wrote, the basis of the communicative rationality. The importance of exchanging the diplomatic telegrams, the first official visits were described. The main elements of discourse shaping the image of Sudanese countries were discussed. Keywords: diplomacy, constructionism, theory of communicative action, Polish Peopleʼs Republic, Sudanese states, socialism, national liberation struggle, decolonisation ��KRYSTYNA KAMIŃSKA JAN DYBOWSKI (1856–1928) – ZAPOMNIANY ODKRYWCA AFRYKI Wprowadzenie W Polsce postać Jana Tadeusza Dybowskiego (franc. Jean Thaddée Dybowski), cenionego podróżnika i znawcy Afryki z przełomu XIX i XX wieku, zawsze pozostawała w cieniu Benedykta Dybowskiego1, jego kuzyna i wybitnego badacza Syberii. Dybowski urodził się we Francji, ale świadomość polskich korzeni nigdy go nie opuściła. Przez całe swoje życie bardzo dobrze władał językiem polskim i zawsze podkreślał polskie pochodzenie. Naturalizowany został bowiem we Francji dopiero w 1893 roku2. Dr Krystyna Kamińska, Akademia Humanistyczna im. Aleksandra Gieysztora (Pułtusk). 1 Benedykt Dybowski (1833–1930) – stryjeczny brat Jana. W latach 1865–1879 przebywał na Syberii. Początkowo jako zesłaniec w rejonie jeziora Bajkał, a później, w latach 1879–1883, dobrowolnie na Kamczatce, na której prowadził badania naukowe dotyczące tamtejszej fauny. Po powrocie do Polski pracował na Uniwersytecie Lwowskim jako profesor zoologii. 2 P. Daszkiewicz, Afrykańskie badania i kolonialne wyprawy Jana Dybowskiego, „Geografia” 2005, nr 4 (24), http://www.up.krakow.pl/konspekt/24/dasziewicz. html (dostęp: 01.10.2016), s. 1. �198 Krystyna Kamińska Dybowski aktywnie włączył się również w działania zmierzające do przywrócenia Polski na mapę Europy. Natomiast po odzyskaniu przez Polskę niepodległości zabiegał, także na arenie międzynarodowej, o przyznanie Polsce jako państwu mandatu kolonialnego przez Ligę Narodów3. Jednak ani jego aktywność na rzecz kraju przodków, ani nawet pełnienie w latach 1925–1928 funkcji profesora w Państwowym Instytucie Gospodarstwa Wiejskiego w Puławach nie wpłynęły na zwiększenie zainteresowania jego osobą ze strony polskiego środowiska naukowego czy opinii publicznej. W tamtym czasie był przecież uznanym już badaczem Afryki o międzynarodowej renomie i wysoko cenionym specjalistą w zakresie rolnictwa tropikalnego, czego dowodem była m. in. publikacja dotycząca rozwoju rolnictwa w tropikach, zatytułowana Traité Pratique des Cultures Tropicales4. Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku jego nazwisko często pojawiało się w licznych periodykach wydawanych przez europejskie towarzystwa geograficzne lub przyrodoznawcze, w których publikował oprócz tekstów naukowych również doniesienia o swoich odkryciach w Afryce. W czasie afrykańskich wypraw zarówno eksplorował tamtejszy świat fauny i flory, jak i zdobywał wiedzę o życiu autochtonów. Jego publikacje z tego zakresu ukazywały się także w Polsce, swoje artykuły zamieszczał m.in. w popularnym wówczas czasopiśmie ilustrowanym „Wędrowiec”. Był autorem cyklu tekstów, które ukazały się pod wspólnym tytułem: W krainie ludożerców5. Dybowski w swoim bogatym życiu zawodowym nie tylko wiele podróżował, lecz także był członkiem licznych towarzystw naukowych oraz założycielem znanych i cenionych placówek naP. Daszkiewicz, op. cit., s. 3. Hommes et Destin, „Afrique Noire” sous la direction de Jacques Serre, T. 11, Paris 2011, s. 284–286. 5 J. Dybowski, W krainie ludożerców, „Wędrowiec” 1893, s. 573–621. 3 4 �Jan Dybowski (1856-1928)... 199 ukowych we Francji. Z jego inspiracji powstał w 1899 roku Jardin Colonial de Nogent-sur-Marne, czyli ogród botaniczny o szacie roślinnej z różnych stref klimatycznych w lesie Vincennes pod Paryżem. Dzięki jego inicjatywie w 1902 roku utworzono we Francji Ecole Nationale Supérieure d’Agriculture Coloniale. Z kolei zwieńczeniem jego kariery publicznej było kierowanie Ministerstwem do spraw Kolonii. W 1905 roku został odznaczony orderem Legii Honorowej6. Rys biograficzny Jan Dybowski urodził się 28 kwietnia 1856 roku w Charonne we Francji. Ojciec Dybowskiego – polski oficer czasów powstania listopadowego – po przegranej walce zdecydował się na emigrację, by uniknąć rosyjskich represji. W 1875 roku (zaraz po ukończeniu nauki w Lycée Charlemagne w Paryżu) Dybowski podjął studia w École Nationale d’Agriculture w Grignon. Dwa lata później – po otrzymaniu dyplomu – rozpoczął staż w Musée Nationale d’Histoire Naturelle. W 1879 roku Dybowski powrócił do swojej macierzystej uczelni, gdzie dalej rozwijał swoje przyrodnicze pasje. W krótkim czasie został doceniony zarówno ze względu na posiadane kompetencje zawodowe, jak i kwalifikacje pedagogiczne, bo z myślą o nim zostało utworzone stanowisko Maȋtre de Conference d’Horticulture7. Jego aktywność zawodowa, której świadectwem były pierwsze osiągnięcia naukowe z dziedziny warzywnictwa, została szybko dostrzeżona. Już w 1883 roku został sekretarzem Société Nationale d’Horticulture, a publikacja naukowa pod tytułem: Guide de 6 7 Hommes et Destin, op. cit., s. 284. Ibidem, s. 282. �200 Krystyna Kamińska jardinage8 (wydana w 1889 roku) przez wiele lat wyznaczała nowe trendy w tej dziedzinie. Jego kariera naukowa przeplatana pracą w administracji państwowej i licznymi podróżami rozwijała się bardzo dynamicznie. Kilkuletni okres, w którym następowały (jedna po drugiej) wyprawy do Afryki, Dybowski zakończył w 1895 roku podróżą do Tunezji. Jednak tam inaczej realizował swoje pasje, a ukoronowaniem jego tunezyjskiej aktywności było utworzenie w Tunisie w 1898 roku Ecole d’Agriculture Coloniale, dla której osobiście opracował program nauczania. W 1899 roku został dyrektorem Institut National Agronomique, którym kierował aż do przejścia na emeryturę w 1927 roku9. Zainicjowana w 1924 roku współpraca z Państwowym Instytutem Gospodarstwa Wiejskiego w Puławach zaowocowała w 1925 roku objęciem pieczy nad Wydziałem Ogrodniczym, w tym także kierownictwa Zakładu Warzywnictwa. Dybowski z jednej strony przenosił do Polski najnowsze rozwiązania organizacyjne poprawiające funkcjonowanie instytutu, a z drugiej inicjował uprawę niektórych odmian roślin tropikalnych do tej pory mało znanych w kraju, co bezpośrednio wpłynęło m.in. na zwiększenie prestiżu tegoż wydziału w polskim środowisku naukowym10. Jan Dybowski zmarł nagle w 18 kwietnia 1928 roku w Mandres-les-Roses we Francji. Jan Dybowski i jego afrykańskie podróże Pierwszą podróż do Afryki odbył Dybowski w 1889 roku. Wówczas na południu Algierii poznawał tamtejsze tradycyjne rolnictwo J. Dybowski, Guide de jardinage, Paris 1889. Hommes et Destin, op. cit., s. 282–286. 10 Z. Wróblewska, Warzywnictwo i ogrodnictwo w Instytucie Puławskim, „Pamiętnik Puławski”, Zeszyt Jubileuszowy 1862–1962, 1965, s. 412–413. 8 9 �Jan Dybowski (1856-1928)... 201 oraz badał możliwości zagospodarowania terenów pustynnych i półpustynnych. Gdy ponownie przybył do Algierii (rok później), jego zainteresowania badawcze wychodziły daleko poza sferę afrykańskiej flory czy agrotechniki. Dybowski prowadził bowiem na Saharze różnorodne prace badawcze, m.in. z zakresu paleontologii, geologii, hydrologii, klimatologii i zoologii, pozwalające lepiej poznać pustynne obszary Afryki. Publikacje autorstwa Jana Dybowskiego dokumentujące przebieg jego afrykańskich podróży stanowiły zarazem wyraz jego poszukiwań i odkryć naukowych11. W czasach Dybowskiemu współczesnych przedstawione w nich wyniki, pokłosie jego ekspedycji badawczych, zostały we Francji ocenione bardzo wysoko ze względu na zupełnie nowe podejście do badanych zjawisk. Dybowski zaproponował m.in. nowatorskie rozwiązanie dotyczące zagospodarowania Sahary związane z wykorzystaniem studni artezyjskich w procesie nawadniania12. Pobyty w Algierii zapoczątkowały całą późniejszą serię jego wypraw badawczych. Przez lata penetrował różne rejony Afryki. W 1891 roku podążając w kierunku jeziora Czad, eksplorował nie tylko obszar dzisiejszej Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej, w tym ziemie leżące wzdłuż rzeki Szari, lecz poznawał także dorzecze Ubangi. Jego ekspedycja, której droga początkowo wiodła nurtem rzeki Kongo, następnie zaś Ubangi, pozwoliła na poznanie rozległych obszarów na północ od równika położonych w głębi kontynentu. Dybowski nie poprzestał na tej wyprawie – powrócił do Konga w latach 1893–189413. Z kolei przemieszczając się po AfryJ. Dybowski, Le Sahara algérien entre Biskra et El Golea, „Revue de Géographie”, vol. 26, 1890; J. Dybowski, L’extrême Sud algérien. Contribution à histoire naturelle de cette région, Angers 1892. 12 P. Daszkiewicz, op. cit., s. 1–2. 13 J. Dybowski, Vers le Tchad, „Le Tour du Monde” 1894, no 65; J. Dybowski, Voyage sur la côte du Congo, „Compte rendu de la Société de Géographie de 11 �202 Krystyna Kamińska ce wzdłuż i wszerz, Dybowski eksplorował obszar dzisiejszego Senegalu oraz Mali (dawny Sudan Francuski), a także Gambii i Gwinei14. W czasie jednej z podróży odwiedził również Kamerun15. Podczas podróży po Afryce Dybowski ze szczególną uwagą przypatrywał się sposobom uprawy roślin, poszukując zwłaszcza tych nieznanych mu wcześniej, oraz hodowli zwierząt. Interesował się konkretnymi uprawami, przyglądał się bliżej wzrostowi roślin, które znał już z Europy, np. kukurydzy, ale obserwował także te, które występują powszechnie jedynie w Afryce, jak sorgo czy maniok. Ponadto badał, w jaki sposób tworzone są np. plantacje bananowców. Odkrył w Afryce poletka, na których uprawiano bawełnę czy tytoń, czyli rośliny, które nie występują w tamtejszym ekosystemie16. Już podczas pierwszej ekspedycji w Algierii Dybowski zbierał wybrane okazy fauny i flory. Gromadzona przez lata kolekcja przyrodnicza, w tym botaniczna i zoologiczna, liczyła ponad 2 tys. okazów. Według Dybowskiego jego zbiory nie tylko miały dostarczyć wiedzy o konkretnym regionie, który badał, ale także świadczyć o jego wyjątkowym bogactwie z przyrodoznawczego punktu widzenia 17. Większość jego kolekcji, a zwłaszcza okazy Paris”, 1894; J. Dybowski, Mission au Congo (littoral), „Compte rendu de la Société de Géographie Commerciale de Bordeaux”, 1894; J. Dybowski, Pygmées, „La Nature” 1894, vol. 10/13; J. Dybowski, Le Congo méconnue, Paris 1912. 14 J. Dybowski, Mission en Guinée française. Extrait du rapport. L’ Agriculture de Pays chaude, 1904. 15 J. Knopek, Stosunki polsko-kameruńskie. Geneza, struktura, funkcjonowanie, „Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne” 2013, nr 14, s. 24–26. 16 A. Arnera, Sciences et colonisation: la mission Dybowski (1891–1892), „Outremer”, t. 89, no 336–337, 2e semestre. Traités et esclavages: vieux problèmes, nouvelles perpectives?, 2002, s. 326. 17 La mission Dybowski, „Comptes rendues de la Société de Géographie de Paris” 1892, no 1, s. 460. �Jan Dybowski (1856-1928)... 203 afrykańskiej fauny, wzbogaciło później ekspozycję Musée d’Histoire Naturelle w Paryżu. Dybowski przywiózł bowiem z Afryki m.in. czaszki i szkielety naczelnych18. Przez lata Dybowski starał się gromadzić nie tylko kolekcję okazów fauny i flory afrykańskiej (która pozwoliłaby z jednej strony na bardziej wnikliwe i dogłębne poznanie, a z drugiej ułatwiłaby opisanie i skatalogowanie), lecz także różne artefakty ukazujące świat kultury rdzennej ludności Afryki. Dzięki temu pozostawił potomnym świadectwo nie tyle tego, jak żyli dawni mieszkańcy tego obszaru, ile ukazał jak bardzo byli zróżnicowani. Jego rozległa wiedza naukowa, zwłaszcza z zakresu przyrodoznawstwa, i odbyte wcześniejsze podróże po Afryce umożliwiły ukazanie społeczeństwu europejskiemu tego skrawka afrykańskiego kontynentu. Jego publikacje – zwłaszcza te opisujące świat kultury i codzienne życie rdzennych mikrospołeczności w Afryce, uwzględniające ich różne przypisanie etniczne – pozwalały przełamywać istniejące wówczas w Europie stereotypy o ludności tubylczej. Jednocześnie mnogość i różnorodność artefaktów w ekspozycjach muzealnych prezentujących zbiory Dybowskiego o charakterze etnograficznym zmuszała do refleksji i zmiany poglądów osoby odwiedzające owe wystawy. 18 A. Arnera, op. cit., s. 325–326. �204 Krystyna Kamińska Jan Dybowski i jego dokonania w ramach własnych poszukiwań etnograficznych (na przykładzie wyprawy obejmującej obszar dzisiejszej Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej) W wielu swoich podróżach po Afryce Dybowski zajmował się nie tylko rozwojem rolnictwa czy szeroko rozumianym przyrodoznawstwem, ale także poznawał świat afrykańskiej kultury. Korzystał z różnych okazji, by lepiej poznać Afrykę. Niepowodzenie afrykańskiej misji francuskiego podróżnika Paula Crampela19 dało Dybowskiemu kolejną, niepowtarzalną szansę poznania jeszcze nieodkrytego przez Europejczyków obszaru Afryki20. W czasie wyprawy w 1891 roku – będącej raczej misją poszukiwawczą zorganizowaną z ramienia Comité de l’Afrique Française – podjętej w celu poznania losów Crampela, który zaginął na niezbadanym wówczas terytorium między jeziorem Czad a rzeką Ubangi, Dybowski penetrował tamtejsze obszary Afryki bardzo wnikliwie. Idąc po śladach swojego poprzednika, Dybowski wyruszył z Bangi (wówczas małego francuskiego posterunku wojskowego usytuowanego na brzegu rzeki Ubangi), kierując się na północ. W swojej marszrucie podążył w stronę jeziora Czad, jednak zamiast skupić się wyłącznie na celu misji poszukiwawczej, zajmował się gromadzeniem okazów tamtejszego świata przyrody i wzboga19 Paul Crampel (1864–1891) – francuski podróżnik przemierzający Afrykę. W 1890 roku wyruszył na czele ekspedycji, by dotrzeć do jeziora Czad od strony rzeki Kongo. W czasie podróży, wskutek nieprzewidzianego splotu wydarzeń, zginął wraz z wieloma innymi członkami wyprawy. 20 Jan Dybowski po krótkim okresie aklimatyzacji w Libreville (stolicy Gabonu) i odpowiednim wyposażeniu wyprawy podążył w kierunku francuskich posiadłości kolonialnych w Kongu. Zaokrętował się w Loango (dzisiejsze Pointe-Noire) i rzeką Kongo podążył do Brazzaville, a stamtąd do Bangi. �Jan Dybowski (1856-1928)... 205 caniem własnej kolekcji etnograficznej. Interesował się też stosunkami wodnymi na poznawanym przez siebie obszarze. Dlatego świadomie zbaczał z wytyczonego kilka miesięcy wcześniej przez Crampela szlaku i przemierzał okolicę wzdłuż niewielkich rzek: Ombella, Kémo i Tomi, zasilających Ubangi, jeden z dopływów rzeki Kongo21. Później, kierując się ku płaskowyżowi Dar El Kouti, Dybowski dotarł do nieznanej mu wcześniej dużej rzeki, którą tubylcy nazywali Bangoula. Wody rzeki płynęły w kierunku północno-zachodnim, czyli przeciwnym do tego, w którym podążały – badane przez Dybowskiego – pomniejsze, mijane poprzednio strumienie i rzeki, stanowiące elementy dorzecza Ubangi. Według przeprowadzonych wówczas przez Dybowskiego obliczeń dowodzona przez niego ekspedycja odnalazła koryto rzeki Szari (Chari), zasilającej swoimi wodami jezioro Czad. W powrotnej drodze Dybowski zdecydował się jeszcze na przejście przez obszar leżący wzdłuż brzegu rzeki Kouango, by poznać nowe, nieznane dotąd obszary oraz wytyczyć nowy szlak22. Osada Kémo, a w niej posterunek zorganizowany przez Dybowskiego, była, jego zdaniem, nie tyle właściwym miejscem postoju dla przyszłych wypraw eksploracyjnych, które podążałyby drogą wodną (przez terytoria przynależne do Francji), począwszy od Brazzaville przez obszar Sudanu, aż do odległej Algierii, ile punktem, z którego powinny wyruszać kolejne ekspedycje zmierzające w stronę Czadu23. Śmiała wizja, która przyświecała Crampelowi24, czyli możliwość połączenia francuskich zdobyczy kolonialnych w Afryce Północnej, J. Dybowski, La route du Tchad. Du Loango au Chari, Paris 1893, s. 206. Ibidem, s. 282. 23 Ibidem, s. 348. 24 Właśnie dlatego Paul Crampel wyruszył w 1889 rok na wyprawę w celu poznania dorzecza rzeki Ubangi, która miałaby pozwolić na znalezienie połączenia z rzekami mającymi swoje ujście w Morzu Śródziemnym. 21 22 �206 Krystyna Kamińska Środkowej i Zachodniej w jedną całość i wytyczenia drogi wodnej łączącej Algierę przez Czad z posiadłościami francuskimi w głębi kontynentu w pewien sposób została urzeczywistniona przez Dybowskiego poprzez odkrycie biegu rzeki Szari (Chari), ale nigdy nie doczekała się realizacji. Zatem hydrologiczny sukces Dybowskiego nie został należycie doceniony i niewiele też wniósł w sensie naukowym25. Podczas tego pobytu w Afryce Dybowski zorganizował jeszcze jedną wyprawę w stronę dorzecza Szari (przyjazd jego następcy Maistre’a opóźniał się). Przebieg zarówno pierwszej, jak i drugiej wyprawy opisał Dybowski na kartach swojej książki zatytułowanej La route du Tchad. Du Loango au Chari. Jej treść to zapis m.in. jego kontaktów ludnością tubylczą. Kreślone wówczas przez Dybowskiego notatki dotyczące jej codziennego życia nawet po latach mają wartość bezcenną. Należy jednak pamiętać, że Dybowski był naturalistą, a więc dokonywał analiz kulturoznawczych w sposób typowy dla ludzi przełomu XIX i XX wieku, którzy odbierali rdzenne ludy Afryki przez pryzmat zupełnie innych relacji. W trakcie drugiej wyprawy Dybowski pokonywał kolejne odcinki marszruty o wiele szybciej niż za pierwszym razem, bo nie podążał już szlakiem Crampela, lecz odwiedzał tylko te miejsca, których poznaniem był sam zainteresowany i pod tym kątem wytyczał kolejne etapy i miejsca postoju. Podczas eksploracji (raczej stricte etnograficznej) Dybowski dostrzegał zarówno zmieniające się ukształtowanie terenu, jak i roślinności, przechodzącej od lasu tropikalnego do sawanny. Po wkroczeniu na ziemie zamieszkałe przez lud Langoussis posuwał się dalej na zachód, by dotrzeć do osad jeszcze innych, nieznanych wcześniej grup etnicznych, np. P. Kalck, Histoire de la Republique Centrafricaine. Des origines à 1966, Paris 1992, s. 142–143. 25 �Jan Dybowski (1856-1928)... 207 Tokbos26. Tamtejsza ludność, złożona z ludów Langouassi, Dakoua, N’Gapou, Togbo, nie przedstawiała jednej, lecz wiele różnych kultur o odmiennym rodowodzie. Rozproszona na dużym obszarze tworzyła ona niewielkie skupiska zamkniętych społeczności, konstruując własny świat kultury ograniczony ramami własnej spuścizny. Dybowski obcując z autochtonami, wyraźnie widział różnice dzielące różne wspólnoty etniczne, zwłaszcza te występujące wśród ludów zamieszkujących wzdłuż brzegów Ubangi i jej rozlicznych dopływów. Mieszkańcy wiosek położonych bliżej rzeki byli niższego wzrostu, bardziej zwinni, ale cechowała ich słabsza muskulatura ciała. Mężczyźni trudnili się zarówno rolnictwem, jak i rybołówstwem, a częstszy kontakt z przybyszami sprawiał, że nie bali się obcych27. Z kolei im bardziej Dybowski oddalał się od dorzecza Ubangi, posuwając się w głąb sawanny, przedstawiciele napotykanych przez niego grup etnicznych byli wyżsi i lepiej zbudowani. Charakteryzował ich też odmienny wygląd zewnętrzny, widoczny zwłaszcza w postaci fryzowania włosów i zdobienia ciała, a także ubioru28. Do niewątpliwych zasług Dybowskiego należy zaliczyć dotarcie do nieznanych wcześniej Europejczykom grup etnicznych oraz ich opisanie. Pozostawiona przez Dybowskiego dokumentacja jest tym cenniejsza, że niektóre z tych społeczności nie miały wcześniej kontaktu z „białym” człowiekiem. Potwierdzeniem tego spostrzeżenia był jego własny zapis kontaktu z ludem Dakoua. W ich wiosce Dybowski nigdzie nie dostrzegł przedmiotów, na których widoczne byłyby ślady bytności Europejczyków29. J. Dybowski, La route du Tchad. Du Loango au Chari, Paris 1893, s. 330. J. Dybowski, Les races et moeurs des populations de L’Afrique centrale, „Bulletins de Société d’ anthropologie de Paris” 1893, vol. 4, no 1, s. 108. 28 Ibidem, s. 110. 29 J. Dybowski, La route du Tchad. Du Loango au Chari, Paris 1893, s. 299. 26 27 �208 Krystyna Kamińska W trakcie obu tych wypraw Dybowski nawiązywał stosunkowo bliskie kontakty z mieszkańcami mijanych małych osad czy większych wiosek. Bez przeszkód podpatrywał więc ich zachowania i obyczaje. Interesował się m.in. relacjami społecznymi panującymi w wiosce oraz stosunkami sąsiedzkimi poza jej obrębem. Ciekawiły Dybowskiego tradycje, w tym zwyczaje, które znajdowały swoje odbicie w wyglądzie zewnętrznym Afrykanów: ubiorze, uczesaniu czy ozdobach. Bacznie śledził codzienne życie mieszkańców, gromadząc przy tym różnorodne artefakty: narzędzia, naczynia, broń, instrumenty muzyczne czy przedmioty zdobiące ciało. W kolekcji etnograficznej przywiezionej przez Dy­ bowskiego do Francji znalazły się bardzo różnorodne elementy kobiecego stroju, np. spódniczki ze skóry czy rafii, także ozdoby, w tym wiele wykonanych z kości słoniowej, drewna, żelaza czy miedzi, począwszy od zapinek, poprzez grzebienie, do bransoletek. Niektóre z nich zdobiły bezpośrednio ciało, inne tylko włosy. Bezsprzecznie największym osiągnięciem ekspedycji Dybowskiego z lat 1901–1902 było przywiezienie przez niego bogatych zbiorów etnograficznych. Wśród licznych przedmiotów na uwagę zasługuje duża kolekcja instrumentów muzycznych, która zawierała liry, tam-tamy, piszczałki, grzechotki30. Niektóre z nich były przedmiotami kultu wspomagającymi działanie medycyny ludowej (naturalnej). W sposób szczególny zaintrygowały Dybowskiego narzędzia i broń z żelaza używane przez tubylców oraz sposób ich wyrobu. Zaskoczyła go znajomość metalurgii, albowiem na tych terenach wytapiano przedmioty z itabirytu, minerału bogatego w rudę żelaza31. Natomiast w niektórych wioskach powszechną bronią ludności tubylczej były noże wykute z żelaza32. W czaA. Arnera, op. cit., s. 328. J. Dybowski, Les couteaux de jet de l’Oubangui, „Bulletins de la Société d’anthropologie de Paris” 1893, IVe Série, T. IV, s. 97–100. 32 A. Arnera, op. cit., s. 329. 30 31 �Jan Dybowski (1856-1928)... 209 sie drugiej wyprawy odnalazł nawet złoże tych rud, których próbki przywiózł do Francji 33. Bilans jego osiągnięć jest jeszcze bardziej imponujący, gdy weźmie się pod uwagę wartość i różnorodność zgromadzonych zbiorów. Dybowski dokumentował przemierzane przez siebie połacie ziem na północ od rzeki Ubangi nie tyle w kontekście czysto krajoznawczym, co etnograficznym – rejestrując życie i obycza­je tamtejszych etni. Jego wnikliwe obserwacje wyglądu zewnętrznego przedstawicieli każdej napotykanej po drodze grupy etnicznej były przez niego utrwalane zarówno poprzez dokładny opis, jak i dzięki fotografiom czy rysunkom34. Efektem opisanej powyżej eksploracji otoczenia przez Dybowskiego i działań podejmowanych na rzecz społeczności lokalnych (które przyniosły wymierny rezultat w dłuższym horyzoncie czasowym) było zainicjowanie swoistego procesu urbanizacji na terenach bardzo odległych od Bangi. Założony niegdyś przez Dybowskiego posterunek w Kémo i powstała przy nim osada zamieniły się z czasem w miasto. Jednym z wątków, który jest zwykle pomijany w opisie wypraw Dybowskiego, jest pewna wzmianka zawarta w raporcie wysłanym przez wojskowych rezydujących w Bangi (Lettre du 6.IX.1891) dotycząca zakupu 33 kg kości słoniowej przez misję Dybowskiego35. Dalsze losy tego zakupu nie są znane, ale (z dzisiejszej perspektywy) rysuje on sylwetkę Dybowskiego w trochę innym świe- P. Daszkiewicz, op. cit., s. 2. J. Dybowski, La route du Tchad. Du Loango au Chari, Paris 1893 ; J. Dybowski, Les races et moeurs des populations de L’Afrique centrale, „Bulletins de Société d’ anthropologie de Paris” 1893, vol. 4, no 1. 35 R. Coutalier, Les débuts difficilles de la capitale de la République Centrafricaine. Bangui de 1889 à 1893, „Cahiers d’études africaines” 1974, vol. 14, no 54, s. 314. 33 34 �210 Krystyna Kamińska tle, chociaż zdaje się, że względy ekonomiczne prawie nie miały miejsca w podjętej przez niego ekspedycji. Zakończenie Po latach wszelkie działania podejmowane w Afryce przez Jana Dybowskiego należy rozpatrywać w kilku aspektach: geograficzno-hydrologicznym, przyrodniczym czy wreszcie etnograficznym. Na naukową spuściznę Jana Dybowskiego rzadko spogląda się przez pryzmat jego dokonań etnograficznych. Wydaje się więc, że postrzeganie Jana Dybowskiego jedynie jako człowieka nauki wyrosłego z epoki, w której żył i pracował, to swego rodzaju odebranie mu tych sukcesów, które nie tylko wtedy, ale i dziś mają znaczenie. Może nadszedł już czas, by docenić jego rolę w rozwoju współczesnej afrykanistyki czy równie popularnej obecnie antropologii kulturowej. Dybowski przyglądając się życiu rdzennej ludności Afryki, zwracał uwagę na takie aspekty ich aktywności, które wcześniej nie były przedmiotem badań naukowych, np. na rozwój metalurgii i poziom zaawansowania technologii w niektórych tamtejszych grupach etnicznych. W zgromadzonej przez Dybowskiego kolekcji broni afrykańskich wojowników szczególne miejsce zajmują tzw. couteau de jet en fer (żelazne noże do rzucania). Ich wyrób stanowił wręcz zachętę do zajęcia się tym zagadnieniem bardziej wnikliwie kilkadziesiąt lat później z punktu widzenia tak historii, jak i antropologii36. 36 B. Martinelli, Patrimoine sinérurgique traditionnel en Centrafrique, „Revue Centrafricaine d’Anthropologie” 2008, no 1, http://recaa.mmsh.univ-aix.fr/ numeros/1/Pages/1-4.aspx (dostęp: 16.07.2017). �Jan Dybowski (1856-1928)... 211 Postać Dybowskiego jako odkrywcy części interioru afrykańskiego jest współcześnie niedoceniana, a przecież niektóre tereny, przez które przemieszczał się były wówczas w Europie prawie nieznane. Stanowiły bowiem jedynie przedmiot zainteresowania nielicznego grona podróżników. W tamtym czasie na mapie Afryki wiele było tzw. „białych plam”. Nawet u progu XX wieku swego rodzaju wyzwaniem dla francuskich wojsk (stacjonujących np. w Kongo) były tereny dzisiejszej Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej. Formalnie ówczesna „biała plama” przestała istnieć wraz z powołaniem do życia francuskiej kolonii o nazwie Ubangi-Szari w 1903 roku37. Utworzenie tej jednostki administracyjnej nie byłoby jednak możliwe bez wcześniejszych eksploracji. Jan Dybowski był jednym z pionierów, którzy badali rozległe terytorium przyszłego Ubangi-Szari, jednocześnie – jako wysłannik rządu francuskiego – był bardziej zainteresowany poznawaniem wybranych obszarów Afryki w aspekcie etnograficznym niż nanoszeniem na mapę „nowych zdobyczy terytorialnych” Francji. Nie zmienia to faktu, że nowe „odkrycia geograficzne” w Afryce utrwalały w świadomości społecznej Europejczyków i na arenie międzynarodowej konkretne przypisanie kolonialne danego obszaru. Bibliografia Arnera A., Sciences et colonisation: la mission Dybowski (1891–1892), „Outre-mer” 2002, t. 89, no 336-337, 2e semestre. Traités et esclavages: vieux problèmes, nouvelles perpectives?, s. 321–332. 37 Dekret o utworzeniu kolonii Ubangi-Szari (fr. Oubangui-Chari) ze stolicą w Bangi został wydany 29 grudnia 1903 roku. Od 1960 roku dawna kolonia francuska Ubangi-Szari jest niepodległym państwem, które przyjęło nazwę – nadaną przez Barhélémy’ego Bogandę – Republika Środkowoafrykańska. �212 Krystyna Kamińska Boulvert Y., Exploration, création d’ un pays nouveau; découverte scientifique: les cas du Centrafrique de 1880 à 1914, w: Milieux et Pasages, sous la direction Y. Chatelin et G. Riou, Paris 1986, s. 89–103. Boulvert Y., Bangui 1889–1989, Paris 1989. Brunache P., Itinéraire de la mission Jean Dybowski de Bombé à El Kouti, „Tour du Monde” 1892, no . Coutalier R., Les débuts difficilles de la capitale de la République Centrafricaine. Bangui de 1889 à 1893, „Cahiers d’études africaines” 1974, vol. 14, no 54, s. 299–316. Daszkiewicz P., Afrykańskie badania i kolonialne wyprawy Jana Dybowskiego, „Geografia” 2005, 4 (24), http://www.up.krakow.pl/ konspekt/24/dasziewicz.html (dostęp: 01.10.2016). Dybowski J., Guide de jardinage, Paris 1889. Dybowski J., L’extrême Sud algérien. Contribution à histoire naturelle de cette région, Angers 1892. Dybowski J., La route du Tchad. Du Loango au Chari, Paris 1893. Dybowski J., Le Congo méconnue, Paris 1912. Dybowski J., Le Sahara algérien entre Biskra et El Golea, „Revue de Géographie” 1890, vol. 26. Dybowski J., Les couteaux de jet de l’Oubangui, „Bulletins de la Société d’anthropologie de Paris” 1893, IVe Série, T. IV, s. 97–100. Dybowski J., Les races et moeurs des populations de L’Afrique centrale, „Bulletins de Société d’ anthropologie de Paris” 1893, vol. 4, no 1, s. 104–111. Dybowski J., Mission au Congo (littoral), „Compte rendu de la Société de Géographie Commerciale de Bordeaux” 1894. Dybowski J., Mission en Guinée française. Extrait du rapport. L’ Agriculture de Pays chaude, 1904. Dybowski J., Notre force future, Paris 1919. Dybowski J., Pygmées, „La Nature” 1894, vol. 10/13. Dybowski J., Traîté pratique de la culture tropicale, Paris 1902. Dybowski J., Vers le Tchad, „Le Tour du Monde” 1894a, no 65. Dybowski J., Voyage sur la côte du Congo, „Compte rendu de la Société de Géographie de Paris” 1894. Dybowski J., W krainie ludożerców, „Wędrowiec” 1893, s. 573–621. �Jan Dybowski (1856-1928)... 213 Hommes et Destin, „Afrique Noire” sous la direction de Jacques Serre, T. 11, Paris 2011. Kalck P., Histoire de la Republique Centrafricaine. Des origines à 1966, Paris 1992. Knopek J., Stosunki polsko-kameruńskie. Geneza, struktura, funkcjonowanie, „Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne” 2013, nr 1. La mission Dybowski, „Comptes rendues de la Société de Géographie de Paris” 1892, no 1. Martinelli B., Patrimoine et culture matérielle centrafricaine, Paris 2006. Martinelli B., Patrimoine sinérurgique traditionnel en Centrafrique, „Revue Centrafricaine d’Anthropologie” 2008, no 1, http://recaa. mmsh.univ-aix.fr/numeros/1/Pages/1-4.aspx (dostęp: 16.07.2017). Wróblewska Z., Warzywnictwo i ogrodnictwo w Instytucie Puławskim, „Pamiętnik Puławski” – Zeszyt Jubileuszowy 1862–1962, 1965. Summary Jan Dybowski (1856–1928) was a cousin of the famous explorer of Syberia – Benedykt Dybowski. However, unlike the latter Jan Dybowski was an envoy of the French government and traveled within Africa. In his journeys he explored – in that time unknown for an European – the region of what is now Central African Republic. Also, he was doing research on agrotechnical possibilities of French colonies (he was an agriculture engeneer). After his first journey to Algeria he collected many exemples of flora and fauna, as well as their scientific description. The next trip to Africa had a goal to explore the drainage-basin of the Congo. The 1891-92 expedition headed northeast along the river, thereafter continuing the journey of the earlier French party, managed to reveal vast areas in the drainage-basin of Bangi (Ubangi) and to north from the equator. Keywords: Jan Dybowski, African exploration, etnographical research ��ANETA PAWŁOWSKA ODZYSKANE KRÓLESTWO MAKURII – SKARBY GALERII FARAS W MUZEUM NARODOWYM W WARSZAWIE1 „Wykopaliska w Faras rozpoczynaliśmy, nie mając ani odpowiednich funduszów, ani kart inwentaryzacyjnych przystosowanych do prowadzenia dokumentacji, a braki w zaopatrzeniu obozu były olbrzymie”2 – tak opisywał w książce Od Edfu do Faras początki działania polskiej misji archeologicznej w Nubii nubiolog i twórca tzw. „polskiej szkoły archeologii śródziemnomorskiej”3 – Kazimierz Michałowski (1901–1981)4. Efektem owych zmagań jest współczesna Galeria Faras w Muzeum Narodowym w WarProf. dr hab. Aneta Pawłowska – Katedra Historii Sztuki, Uniwersytet Łódzki, historyk sztuki/afrykanista. Główne kierunki badań: sztuka i kultura Afryki. Autorka chciałaby serdecznie podziękować kustosz Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie Bożenie Mierzejewskiej za wnikliwe oprowadzenie po Galerii Faras, które pomogło niezmiernie w przygotowaniu niniejszego tekstu. 2 K. Michałowski, Od Edfu do Faras, Warszawa 1983, s. 158. 3 Nowatorstwo prof. Michałowskiego polegało na włączaniu do zespołu badaczy różnych specjalności. Wkrótce stało się to codzienną praktyką wielu archeologów. 4 O postaci K. Michałowskiego pisali szerzej: A. Sadurska, Nekrologi, „Archeo­ logia” 1981, nr 32, s. 243–246; M-L. Bernhard, Kazimierz Michalowski. „Eos” 70 (1982) 1, s. 5-23; J. Lipińska, Kazimierz Michalowski, „Bulletin du Musée National de Varsovie” 2001, nr 42, s. 7–13. 1 �216 Aneta Pawłowska szawie (MNW), która w swej najnowszej odsłonie z 17 października 2014 r. nosi imię owego badacza. Jest ona galerią stałą5, której ekspozycja pozostanie w założeniu jej twórców niezmienna przez wiele lat. Jednocześnie galeria ta jest jedynym w Europie i wyjątkowym w skali światowej miejscem ukazującym zabytki kultury i sztuki nubijskiej z okresu chrześcijańskiego. Celem artykułu jest prezentacja zarówno współczesnego kształtu galerii oraz zebranych w niej eksponatów, jak też jej poprzedniej odsłony pochodzącej z lat 70. XX w. wraz z krótkim omówieniem działań polskich archeologów uczestniczących w latach 60. w objętej patronatem UNESCO wielkiej międzynarodowej akcji ratowania pozostałości dawnych kultur Doliny Nilu. Działania te zostały podjęte w związku z budową w 1960 r. Wielkiej Tamy na Nilu pod Asuanem i tworzeniem od roku 1964 sztucznego Jeziora Nasera, co groziło zalaniem wielu zabytków starożytnego Egiptu i Sudanu6. Wskutek protestów archeologów UNESCO rozpoczęło w roku 1960 operację ratowania owych niezwykłych skarbów kultury materialnej. 24 największe obiekty zostały przeniesione do wyżej położonych miejsc lub oddane krajom, które brały udział w tej operacji. Najbardziej znanym przykładem jest akcja ochrony świątyń skalnych w Abu Simbel, w której brali udział także polscy archeologowie7. Tamę ukończono 21 lipca 1970 r. Tak zwana „Kampania Nubijska” z lat 1960–1970 okazała się prawdziwym przełomem w badaniach nad starożytną i średnio5 Inne galerie stałe w MNW to: Galeria Sztuki Średniowiecznej, Galeria Sztuki Dawnej, Galeria Sztuki XIX Wieku oraz Galeria Sztuki XX i XXI Wieku. Na podstawie http://www.mnw.art.pl/kolekcje/galer/ (dostęp: 21.08.2017). 6 Zalany obszar miał wymiary 500 na maksymalnie 35 km. Por.: „Malowidła z Faras – 50 lat w Polsce” – konferencja w Warszawie, http://naukawpolsce.pap. pl/aktualnosci/news,406776,malowidla-z-faras---50-lat-w-polsce--konferencjaw-warszaw (dostęp: 21.09.2017). 7 K. Michałowski, Od Edfu…, op. cit., s. 195–201. �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 217 1. Kazimierz Michałowski na tle malowideł z Faras, Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie, lata 60. XX w. [fot. zbiory MNW] �218 Aneta Pawłowska wieczną Nubią, czyli krainą historyczną obejmującą środkowy bieg Nilu pomiędzy Asuanem a Chartumem (między VI a I kataraktą), obecnie ziemie te znajdują się na terenie południowego Egiptu i północnego Sudanu. Nazwa Nubia pochodzi z okresu rzymskiego8. Kraina ta nie była tworem jednolitym. W VI wieku na terenie Nubii znajdowały się trzy królestwa: Nobadia ze stolicą w Pachoras, Makuria ze stolicą w Dongoli i Alodia ze stolicą w Sobie. Królestwa przeszły na chrześcijaństwo w latach 543–575, przystosowując dawne świątynie dla potrzeb nowej wiary i wznosząc nowe9. Makuria odparła arabską inwazję w połowie VII w., a traktat, który w wyniku tego podpisano, znany jako Baqt, zapoczątkował okres względnego pokoju pomiędzy stronami, pokoju trwający do XIII stulecia. Najprawdopodobniej jeszcze w czasie arabskiej inwazji albo za panowania króla Merkuriosa Makuria dokonała aneksji swojego północnego sąsiada – Nobadii (Dolna Nubia)10. Okres pomiędzy latami 750 a 1150 to czas prosperity królestwa, tzw. Złoty Wiek. Choć części bezcennych stanowisk nie udało się uratować, odkryto i zbadano wiele starożytnych świątyń, a także ponad 50 średniowiecznych kościołów w większych ośrodkach miejskich, takich jak: Kasr Ibrim, Faras, Gebel Adda. Ocalono przed bezpowrotnym zniszczeniem wiele zabytków dawnych kultur rozwijających się na terenie Doliny Nilu od czasów prehistorycznych. 8 W XIX wieku zaczęto stosować nazwę Sudan wywodzącą się z arabskiego Bilad as-Sudan (po polsku:. „Kraj Czarnych”). 9 Por. K. A. Mich, Problem zakorzenienia chrześcijaństwa w lokalnej kulturze, w: J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Sudan: archeologia i historia, Warszawa 2015, s. 83–83. 10 Historyczne potwierdzenie unii datowane jest na rok 704. Szerzej na temat połączenia Makurii i Nobadii oraz wpływu, jakie miało ono dla późniejszych dziejów Nubii chrześcijańskiej: W. Y. Adams, The United Kingdom of Makuria and Nobadia. A Medieval Anomaly, w: W. V. Davies (red.), Egypt and Africa. Nubian from Prehistory to Islam, London 1991, s. 257–263. �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 219 Dzięki pracom badawczym prowadzonym przez zespół prof. Michałowskiego na terenie starożytnego dużego ośrodka miejskiego Faras11 (zwanego wówczas Pachoras), podległego królestwu Makurii (płożonego na północnych obszarach dzisiejszego Sudanu), odkryto dobrze zachowane ruiny kościoła katedralnego biskupów Faras z VIII w. Za dokładną datę wzniesienia katedry przyjęto rok 707, który pojawia się w tekstach dwu inskrypcji fundacyjnych w językach greckim i koptyjskim, w narożniku południowej ściany12. Budowla ta służyła wiernym w okresie od VIII do XIV wieku. W tym czasie była kilkakrotnie przebudowywana. Było to założenie na planie zbliżonym do kwadratu o boku około dwudziestu czterech metrów, z absydą tradycyjnie zwróconą na wschód. Budowla usytuowana była pośród zabudowy miejskiej. Jej ściany zostały pokryte malowidłami o tematyce religijnej pochodzącymi z okresu od wieków VIII do XIV. Zespół tak zwanych „fresków z Faras” (w rzeczywistości nie są to freski, lecz malowidła wykonane farbą temperową na suchym tynku, czyli techniką al secco, mułowym) liczący ponad 150 malowideł okazał się jednym z największych i najciekawszych odkryć „Kampanii Nubijskiej”. Należy podkreślić, iż jest to zbiór reprezentatywny dla średniowiecznego malarstwa tego regionu. Sztuka i architektura chrzeWykopaliska w Sudanie rozpoczęto w 1961 r. w miejscowości Faras. Stanowisko to według umowy musiało być przekopane ostatecznie w ciągu trzech lat. Obszar koncesji był olbrzymi, wynosił 7 km2, toteż wiązało się to z wielomiesięcznymi wyprawami. W pierwszej kampanii do niezmiernie ciekawych osiągnięć dotarli polscy archeologowie w partii wschodniej, wydobywając ok. 150 bloków pokrytych reliefami i inskrypcjami, pochodzących ze świątyni ufundowanej przez Faraona Totmesa III. Por. M. L. Bernhard, Wykopaliska archeologiczne Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1962, t. 6, s. 176. 12 Kazimierz Michałowski i Stefan Jakobielski datują powstanie kościoła na V w., jednak Peter Grossmann proponuje, aby przesunąć datę budowy przybytku na VI w. Por. Galeria Faras im. Profesora Kazimierza Michałowskiego. Przewodnik, red. K. Kornat, Warszawa 2014, s. 59. 11 �220 Aneta Pawłowska ścijańskiej Nubii czerpała z bogactwa Bizancjum i innych terenów chrześcijańskiego świata, ale wytworzyła własne sposoby wyrazu i kanony. Ikonografia sztuki nubijskiej wskazuje na doskonałą i głęboką znajomość tradycji chrześcijańskiej oraz tekstu Pisma Świętego. Nubia była ważnym ośrodkiem wiary chrześcijańskiej, z kontaktami (widocznymi również w sztuce) nie tylko z koptyjskim Egiptem i z Etiopią, ale i z całym kręgiem kultury bizantyjskiej – od Armenii po Syrię. Chrześcijańska sztuka Makurii czerpała obficie ze wszystkich tych źródeł, tworząc własną, odrębną osobowość kulturową. Różnorodna tematyka przedstawień obejmuje nie tylko święte wizerunki i sceny z Pisma Świętego typowe dla wystroju wnętrza o przeznaczeniu liturgicznym, ale także wyobrażenia miejscowych biskupów i świeckich dostojników dworu, przez co repertuar przedstawień zwyczajowo stosowany w chrześcijaństwie staje się znacznie bogatszy. Ponadto wartość przedstawień polega też na tym, iż ze względu na fakt, że znajdowały się na kolejno nakładanych po sobie warstwach tynków, a uzupełnione o bezcenną listę kolejnych biskupów Pachoras znajdującą się w baptysterium, pozwoliły na precyzyjne prześledzenie chronologii zmian stylistycznych w malarstwie nubijskim. Dzięki wysiłkowi konserwatorów z Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie, którym pomagali wszyscy członkowie ekipy, ze ścian faraskiej katedry udało się zdjąć większość malowideł. Uratowano również wiele elementów dekoracji architektonicznej i innych bezcennych zabytków z terenu całego miasta. Zdejmowanie malowideł ze ścian było operacją trudną13. Komplikowały ją piętrzące się problemy techniczne, brak odpowiedSzerzej np.: K. Michałowski, Badania naukowe nad starożytnością w Muzeum Narodowym w latach 1946–1961, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1962, t. 6, s. 158–160 oraz H. Jędrzejewska, Konserwacja dwóch malowideł ściennych z Faras, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1965, t. 9, s. 217–264. 13 �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 221 2. Anioł (fragment), IX w., malowidło z Sudańskiego Muzeum Narodowego [fot. www.mnw.art.pl] niego sprzętu i materiałów, trudne warunki klimatyczne, a przede wszystkim ograniczona ilość czasu wymuszająca na ekipie pośpiech14. Zgodnie z wcześniejszą umową pomiędzy Polską a SuTechnika wykonywania tej skomplikowanej pracy była następująca: arkuszami delikatnej bibułki japońskiej, a następnie żelazkami osadzonymi na długich drążkach wprasowano w powierzchnię przez bibułkę jedną lub dwie warstwy specjalnej mieszaniny z wosku pszczelego, żywicy weneckiej i kalafonii ogrzanych do odpowiedniej temperatury. Warstwy mieszaniny oddzielano warstwami gazy. W górną część każdego malowidła wprasowano pasy lnianego płótna, do których potem przyszyto sznury. Miały one posłużyć do przeniesienia odciętych od ścian fragmentów tynku z malowidłami na specjalne drewniane konstrukcje przypominające płytkie skrzynie lub ekrany, a następnie do ich przymocowania. Po przystawieniu gotowej konstrukcji do ściany konserwatorzy uzbrojeni w noże i piły na długich uchwytach przystąpili do odcinania fragmentów tynku z zabezpieczonymi przedstawieniami, a następnie do ostrożnego przenoszenia ich na ekrany. Po usunięciu nadmiaru tynku z odwrotnej strony malowideł oraz 14 �222 Aneta Pawłowska danem znaleziska zostały podzielone pomiędzy oba kraje. Inne zabytki pochodzące z tego stanowiska trafiły do Sudańskiego Muzeum Narodowego w Chartumie. W wyniku partage’u do Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie trafiło 67 malowideł, część kamiennych elementów wystroju architektonicznego katedry oraz innych kościołów i budowli w Faras, epitafia miejscowych biskupów i kapłanów, a także wyroby nubijskich rzemieślników, w tym duża grupa malowanych naczyń ceramicznych wyprodukowanych w miejscowych warsztatach. Ów zbiór stanowi dziś największy i najcenniejszy zespół zabytków archeologicznych pochodzących z wykopalisk prowadzonych za granicą, jaki kiedykolwiek udało się pozyskać do polskich zbiorów muzealnych15. Nowa odsłona Galerii Faras została zaprezentowana publiczności 17 października 2014 r. w gmachu głównym Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie. Autorką scenariusza wystawy była Boże­ na Mierzejewska, kustosz Kolekcji Nubijskiej. Projekt ekspozycji wykonali architekci z Politechniki Warszawskiej: Grzegorz Rytel i Mirosław Orzechowski, zaś koncepcję galerii przygotował Alfred wzmocnieniu jej gipsem malowidła zostały zawinięte w bawełniane koce i zapakowane do drewnianych skrzyń. Szerzej na ten temat w: H. Jędrzejewska, op. cit. oraz eadem, Konserwacja malowidła z niszy z katedry z Faras, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1970, t. 14, s. 431–457. 15 Zabytki z Faras stały się zaczątkiem kolekcji nubijskiej Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie, która w następnych latach powiększała się sukcesywnie o znaleziska z wykopalisk w Starej Dongoli, stolicy średniowiecznego królestwa Makurii, prowadzonych od 1965 r. do dziś. W 2010 r. do Muzeum trafił duży zespół zabytków z wykopalisk ratunkowych w rejonie IV katarakty, głównie depozytów grobowych – naczyń ceramicznych, ozdób i elementów uzbrojenia z okresu postmeroickiego (IV–VI w.n.e.) i chrześcijańskiego wczesnego (ok. 650–975), dotąd słabo reprezentowanych w zbiorach muzeum. Kolekcja nubijska w Warszawie pozostaje do dziś największym i najbogatszym zbiorem średniowiecznych zabytków nubijskich w Europie. �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 223 Twardecki, kurator Zbiorów Sztuki Starożytnej i Wschodniochrześcijańskiej, który był także kierownikiem przedsięwzięcia. Podstawowym założeniem projektu była całkowita zmiana sposobu prezentacji obiektów, które znajdowały się w galerii od 1972 r. Dawna wystawa ukazywała zbiór chronologicznie w przestrzeni typu „white cube”. Była to wyalienowana przestrzeń laickiego sacrum, gdzie prezentowano bok siebie obiekty „zanurzone w postawie obiektywizmu i bezosobowości”16. W przestrzeni tej było też zakodowane świadome przekłamanie związane z modernistycznym pragnieniem wskazania liniowego „rozwoju sztuki”, bowiem malowidła pochodzące z tego samego miejsca, ale różnych okresów prezentowano we wzajemnym oddaleniu, za to zgodnie z hierarchią czasową. Dodać należy, iż freski były intensywnie prezentowane jeszcze przed pierwszym otwarciem galerii, np. podczas obrad polskiego komitetu ICOM17 we wrześniu 1966 r.18, a następnie w październiku 1967 r. w związku z Dwudziestoleciem ICOM i Drugą Międzynarodową Kampanią Muzealną, której uroczysta inauguracja odbyła się w Warszawie. Wówczas otwarto w Muzeum Narodowym wielką wystawę zabytków z Faras, gdzie pokazano już czterdzieści uratowanych malowideł ściennych19. Kolejne prezentacje odbyły się we Wrocławiu, Berlinie i Essen w 1969 r. oraz w Wiedniu w 1970 r.20 Wobec silnej świadomości doniosłości posiadania tak wspaniałej kolekcji ma16 Ł. Guzek, Od „white cube” do „alternative space”, w: M. Popczyk (red.), Muzeum sztuki. Antologia, Kraków 2005, s. 475. 17 ICOM – International Council of Museums – Międzynarodowa Rada Muzeów. 18 U. Popłonyk, Wystawy Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie 1945–1975, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1976, t. 20, s. 472. 19 K. Michałowski, Faras malowidła ścienne w zbiorach Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie, Warszawa 1974, s. 8. 20 Na podstawie: E. Łukasiak, Wystawy zorganizowane przez Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie za granicą, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1976, t. 20, s. 420–567. �224 Aneta Pawłowska 3. Oprowadzanie po wystawie malowideł katedry z Faras, ok. 1972, autor fotografii nieznany [fot. zbiory MNW] larstwa nubijskiego w Polsce zdziwienie może budzić fakt, że od momentu, gdy zbiór po raz pierwszy został w całości udostępniony zwiedzającym MNW w 1972 r. przez 40 lat ekspozycja pozostawała niemal niezmieniona, a zabytki nie podlegały żadnym większym renowacjom. Podstawowym problemem był jak zawsze brak stosownych środków finansowych na gruntowna modernizację. Dopiero hojna pomoc prywatnego darczyńcy – Wojciecha Pawłowskiego z rodziną – który całkowicie sfinansował modernizację, pozwoliła na całkowite przearanżowanie prze­strzeni. Powtórne otwarcie Galerii Faras zostało objęte honorowymi patronatami UNESCO oraz Ministra Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego Małgorzaty Omilanowskiej. Zmodernizowana galeria została doceniona i nagrodzona przez Narodowy Instytut Muze- �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 225 alnictwa i Ochrony Zbiorów prestiżową Sybillą Grand Prix 2014 jako wydarzenie muzealne roku, a także Sybillą 2014 w kategorii „Wystawy historyczne i archeologiczne”, a ponadto nagrodą MUSE Awards przyznawaną przez Amerykańskie Stowarzyszenie Muzeów (American Alliance of Museums)21. Istotą nowej ekspozycji stało się odwrócenie dotychczasowego sposobu prezentacji zabytków w układzie chronologicznym, zmiana istniejącego ciągu komunikacyjnego oraz stworzenie przestrzeni o charakterze informacyjnym i edukacyjnym, tj. pomieszcze­ nia dla multimediów i małej sali kinowej. Wnętrza te ulokowano na samym początku, oddzielono od przestrzeni ekspozycyjnej i potraktowano jako wstęp do poznawania ekspozycji przez zwiedzających. W sali I ulokowano makietę (wykonaną w skali 1:25) odkrytej katedry, co daje możliwość zapoznania się ze zrekonstruowaną architekturą świątyni i jej topograficznym układem. Ponadto na ścianach makiety znajdują się miniatury malowideł znajdujących się na ekspozycji w Muzeum Narodowym w Warszawie. Program multimedialny zawiera obszerne informacje o katedrze i pochodzących z niej malowidłach, badaniach archeologicznych i pracach konserwatorskich. W niewielkim pomieszczeniu z prawej strony zwiedzający mogą obejrzeć filmy dokumentalne o Faras, prof. Michałowskim oraz film w technologii 3D (dostępny w całej krasie po założeniu specjalnych okularów znajdujących się na wyposażeniu muzeum) prezentujący architektoniczną rekonstrukcję katedry22. Dzięki nowoczesnej animacji Galeria Faras, http://www.mnw.art.pl/kolekcje/galer/galeria-faras/ (dostęp: 26.09.2017). 22 Autorem projektu Faras 3D jest Władysław Jurkow – reżyser filmowy, dziennikarz, twórca filmów dokumentalnych i kurator wystaw sztuki współczesnej. Film został wyprodukowany przez Fundację Wyższej Szkoły Artystycznej Homo Faber we współpracy ze studiem filmowym Arkadia Film oraz Muzeum Narodowym w Warszawie. 21 �226 Aneta Pawłowska 4. Model katedry faraskiej z sali I [fot. A. Pawłowska] i grafice komputerowej widz może odbyć wirtualną podróż po prezbiterium, nawach, kaplicach i przedsionku w sposób pozwalający zrozumieć pierwotne rozmieszczenie malowideł, którymi na przestrzeni kolejnych wieków pokrywano ściany kościoła. Można tu zaznajomić się nie tylko z dziełami, które znalazły się w Muzeum Narodowym w Warszawie, ale również zobaczyć te, które trafiły do Sudańskiego Muzeum Narodowego w Chartumie. Ekspozycję wzbogacają pokazy filmów archeologicznych oraz fotografii archiwalnych. Prezentowana w ramach tej części ekspozycji cyfrowa rekonstrukcja wnętrza katedry w technologii stereoskopowej 3D pozwala zwiedzającym po raz pierwszy od ponad tysiąca lat wejść do nubijskiej świątyni23. Walory poznaw23 Na podstawie: Tak powstawała Galeria Faras w Muzeum Narodowym, http:// www.propertydesign.pl/przestrzen_publiczna/108/tak_powstawala_galeria_faras_w_muzeum_narodowym,2907.html (dostęp: 21.09.2017). �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 227 cze ekspozycji zwiększają przygotowane polsko- i angielskojęzyczne wydawnictwa, które towarzyszą ekspozycji: przewodnik i folder. Zwiedzający, obok multimediów, mogą korzystać z bezpłatnych druków edukacyjnych oraz audioprzewodnika (w wersji polskiej, angielskiej, hiszpańskiej, niemieckiej, francuskiej i rosyjskiej). Zawierają one rozbudowane informacje o dziejach nubijskiego chrześcijaństwa i jego sztuce, pracach archeologów i konserwatorów, o ikonografii poszczególnych dzieł. W dalszej części kolejnej wydzielonej sali dostępne są gry edukacyjne (np. puzzle). Dzięki multimediom, dla których przeznaczona została specjalna przestrzeń, widz, również niepełnosprawny, zapozna się z dziejami Nubii chrześcijańskiej, architekturą, malowidłami katedry, a także z ich ciekawą ikonografią. Ułatwieniem dla osób z zaburzeniami widzenia jest specjalnie wykonana uproszczona makieta z absydą i syntronenem24, uzupełniona systemem audio z słuchawkami emitującym opis w standardzie audiodeskrypcyjnym25. Dostęp dziennego światła o zmiennym natężeniu, barwie i kierunku padania został wyeliminowany. Dla lepszego podkreślenia eksponowanych obiektów zabytkowych zastosowano skupione światło LED o ciepłej barwie26. Chronologiczny układ malowideł poprzedniej aranżacji został zastąpiony w nowej galerii przez porządek topograficzny. Obiekty rozmieszczono tak, by było to możliwie bliskie ich pierwotnemu usytuowaniu na ścianach katedry w Faras. Ze względu na podjętą próbę odtworzenia otoczenia nawiązującego do dawneMurowana kilkustopniowa trybuna dla duchowieństwa. Szerzej o udostępnianiu sztuki widzom z dysfunkcją wzroku: A. Pawłowska, J. Sowińska-Heim, Audiodeskrypcja dzieł sztuki – metody, problemy, przykłady, Łódź 2016, s. 9–40. 26 Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie. Założenia projektowe i architektoniczne, http://www.mnw.art.pl/kolekcje/galer/galeria-faras/zalozenia-projektowe-i-architektoniczne/ (dostęp: 21.08.2017). 24 25 �228 Aneta Pawłowska go kościoła katedralnego architekci Grzegorz Rytel i Mirosław Orzechowski, w pracy nad projektem nowej aranżacji Galerii Faras, za najistotniejsze uznali stworzenie wnętrza, które w oparciu o klasyczne formy architektoniczne stanowić będzie tło dla ekspozycji obiektów zabytkowych. W głównej sali węższego, wschodniego traktu galerii (sala IV) przestrzeń uporządkowana została poprzez obustronne wprowadzenie na jej dłuższych ścianach rytmu płytkich arkad. Podkreślone bakłażanowym kolorem blendy w arkadach są tłem ekspozycyjnym dla malowideł i kamiennych detali architektonicznych. Znajdują się tu: Maiestas Crucis, Archanioł (Rafał?) w stroju cesarza bizantyńskiego, Matka Boska z Dzieciątkiem (Eleusa), Święty Merkuriusz zabijający cesarza Juliana Apostatę, Anioł Pański z mieczem. Na szczególną uwagę zasługuje malowidło widniejące niegdyś na wschodniej ścianie klatki schodowej prowadzącej na galerię nad nawą południową katedry, ukazujące popiersie Matki Boskiej z małym Chrystusem Emmanuelem na rękach, czyli Eleusę. Proste, szerokie obramienie imitujące ramę ikony wskazuje, że pierwowzorem był zapewne otoczony szczególną czcią obraz tablicowy. Pod malowidłem widoczne są ślady zamocowania haka, na którym zawieszona była lampka olejowa. Maria w purpurowej szacie pochyla głowę w kierunku Syna. Prawą ręką podtrzymuje nóżki Jezusa, lewą obejmuje go za ramiona. Dzieciątko ubrane w strój antycznego filozofa, biały chiton i żółty himation, obejmuje oburącz szyję Matki i unosząc twarz, przytula policzek do jej policzka. Typ przedstawienia Matki Boskiej tulącej czule małego Chrystusa, określany przez badaczy greckim terminem Eleusa (Miłosierna), ukształtował się około VI w. na Wschodzie, być może w Egipcie, skąd pochodzą najstarsze znane nam przedstawienia tego rodzaju i skąd zapewne dotarł do Nubii. Źródłem egipskich przedstawień Eleusy były zapewne homilie wygłaszane lub odczytywane publicznie podczas obrzędów kul- �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 229 5. Widok ogólny sali IV [fot. profil facebookowy Muzeum Narodowego] towych, często przypisywane znanym autorom chrześcijańskim. Wyrażały powszechne w tym czasie przekonania o roli Marii w dziejach Zbawienia, opisywały czuły, intymny, ludzki związek łączący Matkę z Synem27. Doskonałym uzupełnieniem malowideł z sali IV są flankujące je po bokach nisz głowice kapiteli zdobionych płaskorzeźbioną dekoracją geometryczna lub floralną w wielu przypadkach pochodzącą z czasów meroickich, lecz o przearanżowanej dekoracji z naniesionym wtórnie motywem krzyża. Kapitele umieszczone są na metalowych nieosłoniętych wspornikach 27 T. Gołgowski, Malowidła z katedry w Faras przedstawienia Marii z Chrystusem typu Eleusa i Galoktotrophusa, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1970, t. 14, s. 389–408. �230 Aneta Pawłowska na wysokości 2,2 m od podłoża28. W przypadku mniejszych malowideł w niszach umieszczone są też inne fragmenty dekoracji kamiennej np. z nadproży, węgarów, zwieńczeń krat okiennych lub gzymsów. Tu również, na wysokości około 1,5 metra, znajduje się specjalny współcześnie wykonany fragment nadproża, pozwalający osobom niewidzącym haptycznie zapoznać się z rzeźbiarskimi elementami wystroju świątyni. Bakłażanowy sufit (który zdaniem architektów oraz muzealników dobrze współgra z barwami nubijskich malowideł) z zamontowanym kierunkowym oświetleniem w postaci rzędów reflektorów spaja pomieszczenie. Jasnougrowy kolor ścian znajduje swoje doskonałe dopełnienie w podłodze o podobnej barwie. Jak zaznaczają architekci: „Na posadzkach galerii ułożono taki sam gatunek kamienia jak 80 lat temu w hallu głównym i na reprezentacyjnych schodach Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie. Obróbkę powierzchni i układ kamiennych płyt dobrano stosownie do charakteru wnętrz. Rustykalna faktura tynków na ścianach i ich kolor nawiązują do faktury i barwy teł konserwatorskich, na których eksponowane są malowidła”29. Na podkreślenie zasługuje fakt, iż w sali wykonano w skali 1:1 fragment ozdobnego nadproża z katedry, który jest eksponowany na wysokości 1,2 m. Obiekt ten służy osobom niewidomym do W wyniku kolejnych kampanii wykopaliskowych w Farsa odkryto między innymi około 60 kapiteli i ich fragmentów. Obecnie kapitele znajdują się w Muzeum Narodowym w Warszawie oraz w Muzeum Sudańskim w Chartumie; nieliczne fragmenty pozostały w Faras. Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie posiada w swych zbiorach 16 kapiteli, które są jednocześnie przykładami większości typów kapiteli chrześcijańskich, występujących w Faras. Wśród nich jest 13 kapiteli z piaskowca, 1 kapitel z marmuru (prawdopodobnie import) oraz 2 kapitele z granitu. Kapitele te odznaczają się lokalnym charakterem dekoracji, świadczącym o dużej odrębności artystycznej sztuki faraskiej. Szerzej na ten temat w: I. Ryl-Preibisz, Chrześcijańskie kapitele z Faras ze zbiorów Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1970, t. 14, s. 339–388. 29 Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie. Założenia projektowe, op. cit. 28 �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 231 6. Model nadproża z katedry faraskiej w sali IV przeznaczony dla osób z dysfunkcją wzroku [fot. A. Pawłowska] haptycznego zaznajomienia się z architektonicznym wystrojem budynku. Kolejna sala (V) zawiera przedmioty związane z tradycyjnym pochówkiem biskupów faraskich m.in. biskupa Ignatiosa, Matthaiosa, Stefanosa i Joannesa. Są tu epitafia, a także przedmioty, z którymi zostali pochowani. Jest to bardzo interesujący aspekt ekspozycji, bowiem odnosi się do tradycji lokalnej, gdyż zwyczaj chrześcijański nie przewidywał wyposażania zmarłych w dary grobowe dla biskupów w Faras zrobiono wyjątek. W komorze grobowej Joannesa i jego czterech następców znaleziono amfory, naczynia do wody, lampki olejowe i krzyże. Na uwagę zasługuje także obecność lampek, które były zostawiane zapalone obok ciała, aby ogień usunął z krypty tlen, co spowalniało rozkład zwłok. W podobny sposób postępowano w kościołach europejskich, gdy �232 Aneta Pawłowska 7. Epitafia biskupów faraskich z sali V [fot. A. Pawłowska] 8. Widok ogólny sali VI [fot. profil facebookowy Muzeum Narodowego] �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 233 chowano zmarłych pod podłogą. Informacji o zmarłych dostarczają epitafia w językach greckim i koptyjskim30. Przestrzeni sali VI, która mieści główną ekspozycję malowideł ściennych, nadano hierarchiczny i kierunkowy charakter. Jak było powiedziane, projekt nie przewidywał odtworzenia wszystkich pomieszczeń tej budowli w ich rzeczywistym kształcie, a jedynie stworzenie w głównej sali ekspozycji wnętrza nawiązującego wyglądem do nawy kościelnej poprzedzonej przedsionkiem. Tu umieszczono większość malowideł. Dodatkowo klimat pierwotnego wnętrza katedry pomagają odtworzyć liturgiczne śpiewy mnichów koptyjskich pozyskane z Muzeum Koptyjskiego w Kairze. Osiowa kompozycja poprzecznych arkad wydziela kolejne aneksy i buduje perspektywę wnętrza, zamkniętą absydą z syntrononem, tak by powtórzyć układ nawy głównej i dwóch naw bocznych oryginalnej katedry. W całej sali dominuje kolor jasnougrowy na ścianach i suficie oraz jasnobeżowy na podłodze. Bakłażanowa barwa pojawia się na suficie. Zgrupowano tu malowidła z nawy północnej przeznaczonej dla kobiet (zwierających zatem wi­zerunki świętych niewiast, patronek i wstawienniczek), nawy południowej (przeznaczonej dla mężczyzn) oraz naw głównej i środkowej. Ponieważ kaplic bocznych nie uwzględniono w rekonstrukcji wnętrza, toteż zgromadzono tu także malowidła w nich odnalezione oraz pochodzące z narteksu. To odtworzenie (choć częściowe) architektury wnętrza katedry faraskiej pozwala współczesnemu widzowi lepiej zlokalizować malowidła w przestrzeni sakralnej oraz odczuć proporcje pomiędzy ich wielkością a strukturą budynku. Malowidła zostały zgrupowane w podobny sposób jak miało to miejsce w oryginalnym kościele, gdzie rozmieszczone były w nieregularnych odstępach na wysokości około 1,5–2 m Galeria Faras im. Profesora Kazimierza Michałowskiego. Przewodnik, op. cit., s. 92–93. 30 �234 Aneta Pawłowska nad poziomem posadzki. Trudności przysparzał fakt, iż malowidła często były nanoszone warstwowo na siebie w trakcie kolejnych wieków istnienia świątyni, np. przedstawienie Matki Boskiej z Dzieciątkiem z niszy świątynnej wymagało rozdzielenia od spodniej, odmiennej chronologicznie warstwy malarskiej. Rozdzielenia wymagały też malowidła spodnie przedstawiające Świętego w stroju biskupim i górnego z wyobrażeniem Świętego męczennika Kaaua z „Kaplicy południowej”31. Kuratorzy zadecydowali, aby wyeksponować także freski, pochodzące z głębszych warstw, często znacząco uszkodzone, przeznaczając im wyższe partie ścian galerii (ok. 3 m od posadzki). Tam też znalazły swe miejsce rzeźbione kraty okienne zdobione motywem plecionkowym. Dzięki wprowadzeniu zasady topograficznego uporządkowania prac wizerunki świętych niewiast patronek kongregacji znalazły się obok siebie. Na szczególną uwagę zasługuje tu fragmentaryczne malowidło Świętej Anny, które przez wiele lat pełniło rolę logo Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie. O tym, że jest to zapewne fragment większego niezachowanego malowidła świadczy napis głoszący, iż jest to: „Św. Anna Matka Bogurodzicy i…”. Najprawdopodobniej matka Marii namalowana była na nim z córką. Kanon przedstawień tej świętej w sztuce chrześcijańskiej wzorowano na wyobrażeniach Matki Boskiej z Jezusem. Annę malowano podobnie, w pozycji stojącej lub siedzącej z małą Marią. Oryginalną cechą malowidła jest palec na ustach świętej, nakazujący ciszę. Być może to aluzja do „ciszy Bożej”, w której, jak pisał św. Ignacy Antiocheński, dokonały się trzy tajemnice związane z Marią: cudowne poczęcie, dziewictwo i narodzenie Syna Bożego. Gest ten interpretowany jest także po prostu jako 31 Ibidem, s. 176. �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 235 znak modlitwy32. Inne malowidła umieszczone po tej samej stronie sali VI to: Święty Arcybiskup, Święty Biskup (św. Ignacy Antiocheński?), Podróż Mędrców ze Wschodu, Archanioł Michał. Z nawy północnej (czyli przeznaczonej dla kobiet) pochodzą też wyobrażenia Matki Boskiej (fragment postaci), Matki Boskiej z Dzieciątkiem i Świętego Jana Apostoła. Tu znajdował się też monumentalny wizerunek Matki Boskiej Karmiącej określanej w Kościele Wschodnim jako Galaktotrophousa, na zachodzie zaś jako Maria Lactans, czyli „Maria karmiąca mlekiem”. Malowidło to znajduje się w specjalnie wymodelowanej przestrzeni absydalnej niszy odwzorowującej jego pierwotne umiejscowienie w katedrze, gdzie było ono uzupełnione o dwa nieomal identyczne przedstawienia Galaktotrophousy, które znalazły swoje miejsce w kolekcji muzeum chartumskiego. To częściowo zniszczone malowidło przedstawia Matkę Boską karmiącą piersią małego Emmanuela (czyli Galaktotrophousa). Maria ubrana w purpurowe, królewskie szaty zasiada na tronie z wysokim oparciem, ozdo­bionym klejnotami i wyściełanym poduszką, opierając stopy na niskim podnóżku. Na jej kolanach siedzi mały Chrystus w złotej tunice i lewą rączką przytrzymuje rękę Matki podającą mu do ssania pierś. Poprzez układ, w którym twarze postaci są zwrócone ku sobie, a ich nogi – w przeciwnych kierunkach, malowidło przypomina starożytne egipskie wizerunki bogiń karmiących piersią mło­dego boga (lub utożsamianego z nim faraona) umieszczane na ścianach Domów Narodzin w egipskich świątyniach, a szczegól­nie późnohellenistyczne wizerunki Izydy tronującej, karmiącej piersią małego Horusa siedzącego na jej kolanach. W VI–VII w. w Egipcie pojawiły się podobne chrześcijańskie przedstawienia Marii kar32 M. Kuc, Otwarcie Galerii Faras, 2014, http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1136036Otwarcie-Galerii-Faras.html#ap-3 (dostęp: 21.09.2017) oraz K. Michałowski, Faras malowidła…, op. cit., s. 78–74. �236 Aneta Pawłowska miącej małego Chrystusa33. Były one nieco zła­godzonym wariantem uroczystych, hieratycznych, frontalnych wizerunków Teotokos tronującej z Dzieciątkiem na kolanach. Obraz Marii karmiącej piersią Chrystusa-Boga pojawia się po raz pierwszy w Protoewangelii Jakuba, a potem w syryjskich utworach poetyckich św. Efrema Syryjczyka, stale przewija się w koptyjskich homiliach poświęconych Matce Boskiej. Homilie często mówią o Marii karmiącej „mlekiem dziewiczym Syna Bożego” i o Chrystusie, który „jako dziecię był karmiony piersią przez Dziewicę” i „ssał jej piersi”. Zarówno obraz Marii karmiącej, jak i sam termin Galaktotrophousa stały się przedmiotem kon­trowersji doktrynalnej34. Na uwagę zasługują malowidła pochodzące z dwóch kaplic po południowej stronie kościoła. Są to: Portret pustelnika Amone (Ammonios) z Tuna el Gebel, Święty Jan Złotousty, wizerunki nubijskich biskupów Petrosa ze świętym Piotrem Apostołem i Ma33 Większość znanych egipskich przedstawień Marii karmią­cej to malowidła ścienne w kościołach klasztornych lub w prywat­nych celach mnichów (np. w Bawit i Sakkara w Górnym Egip­cie, w klasztorze św. Antoniego nad Morzem Czerwonym). Są to również przedstawienia w rękopisach klasztornych świadczące o popular­ności tego tematu w środowiskach monastycznych. Występowanie przedstawień zarówno Marii Eleusa, jak i Marii Galaktolrophusa w malarstwie z Faras wiąże się ze sprawami obrządku panującego w danym okresie w katedrze – głównym kościele starożytnego Pachoras. Za episkopatu biskupa Kyrosa (zm. w 902 r.) panuje w katedrze obrządek monofizycki, wprowadzony do niej być może nawet wcześniej. Począwszy od episkopatu biskupa Joannesa, który otworzył ponownie dla kultu katedrę zniszczoną podczas pożaru w 926 r., oraz jego bezpośrednich następców, panuje w katedrze obrządek melkicki (ortodoksyjny), utrzymujący się przez pierwszą połowę XI w., aby później być może ustąpić znów miejsca monofizytom. Ten krótki stosunkowo okres panowania melkitów w katedrze uwidacznia się w malarstwie powstaniem serii omawianych w niniejszym artykule przedstawień Marii. Szerzej na ten temat w: T. Głogowski, op. cit., s. 406. 34 Szerzej na ten temat w: P. van Moorsel, Die stillende Gottesmutter und die Monophysiten, w: E. Dinkler (red.), Kunst und Geschichte Nubiens in christlicher Zeit, Recklinghausen 1970, s. 281–288. �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 237 rianosa z Matką Boską i Dzieciątkiem, Drzewo (fragment wyobrażenia Chrystusa ze świętym Menasem), Zmartwychwstały Chrystus z Marią Magdaleną. Z nawy głównej katedry pochodzi najbardziej barwne przedstawienie z całego zbioru fresków, określane jako Władca nubijski. Malowidło zaskakujące żywą kolorystyką i bogactwem ornamen­ tów widniało na licu wschodnim pierwszego od zachodu pilastra filaru pomiędzy nawą główną a południową. Przedstawia środko­ wą część postaci królewskiego namiestnika królestwa Nobadii, które po zjednoczeniu z królestwem Makurii zachowa­ło duży stopień autonomii. Namiestnik, w znacznym stopniu niezależny od króla rezydującego w Dongoli, nosił bizantyński tytuł eparcha Nobadii35. Podlegał mu obszar pomiędzy I a II katarak­tą. Pełnił funkcje administracyjne i wojskowe, kontrolował pobór podatków, dystrybucję dóbr, handel zagraniczny, zarządzał skar­bem, miał władzę wojskową i sądowniczą. Do jego zadań należa­ła również obrona granic. Prawdopodobnie eparchami Nobadii zostawali książęta krwi królewskiej, być może dziedziczni, którzy przybierali czasem tytuł króla (pum). Nosili oni insygnia podkre­ślające ich rycerski stan: hełm (lub turban) z rogami ozdobionymi dzwonkami, zwieńczony półksiężycem, oraz łuk, a niekiedy rów­nież włócznię i tarczę. Przedstawiony dostojnik jest ubrany we wzorzysty kaftan i spódnicę ozdobioną wzorem medalionów wypełnionych barw­nymi rozetami. W obu rękach trzyma insygnia eparcha, to jest diadem ozdobiony bukranionem (motywem głowy byka), z bia­łymi wstęgami (prawdopodobnie rozwinięty turban), oraz łuk re­fleksyjny, symbol władzy wojskowej36. Szerzej na ten temat: S. Jakobielski, Nubia w okresie chrześcijańskim, w: M. Tymowski (red.), Historia Afryki do początku XX wieku, Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków 1996, s. 549. 36 Odkrycie podobnych portretów w klasztorze w Starej Dongoli umożliwiło rekonstrukcję przedstawienia. Dostojnikowi towarzyszyła święta patronka ka35 �238 Aneta Pawłowska Salę VI zamyka odtworzona półkolista absyda. Malowidło na ścianie absydy było prawdopodobnie najstarszym przedstawieniem w katedrze. Wskazuje na to rodzaj tynku odbie­gającego strukturą i barwą od tego, jaki położono w innych czę­ściach kościoła. Obecny stan zachowania pozwala prześledzić cztery stadia dekoracji charakterystyczne dla stylów malarstwa katedry od IX do XII w. Malowidło nosi ślady licznych napraw i przemalowań. Zachował się jedynie fragment kompozycji na półkolistej ścianie powyżej syntrononu, zaś przedstawienie na sklepieniu uległo zniszczeniu, kiedy konstrukcja runęła lub została rozebrana. Ściana absydy jest podzielona wyraźną poziomą linią na dwa pasy różnej wysokości. W dolnym, węższym pasie, biegną­cym bezpośrednio nad górnym stopniem syntrononu, znajduje się fryz arkad wspartych na kolumnach (prawdopodobnie 24). Pod łukiem każdej z arkad wyobrażony jest ptak (orzeł lub gołąb) sto­jący obok małego ołtarza, unoszący skrzydła do lotu. Głowę ptaka wieńczy mały krzyż, a pole pod arkadą, nad głową ptaka, wypełnia duża rozeta. W drugim, wyższym pasie przedstawiona była tronująca Maria, a po bokach tronu kolegium apostołów rozdzielone na dwie gru­py. Apostołowie ubrani w szaty greckich filozofów – chiton i himation – trzymają księgę Ewangelii. Prawdopodobnie na początku X w., kiedy ściany kościoła na nowo otynkowano, do istniejącej kompozycji domalowano postać nubijskiego władcy stojącego frontalnie na pierwszym planie. Zasłoniła ona starsze przedstawienie Matki Boskiej, które przemalowano, oraz środkową część arkadowego fryzu z ptakami. Ciemnoskóry monarcha tedry, Maria (jej palce są widoczne na prawym ramieniu eparcha, a poniżej prawego łokcia dostojnika widać fragment jej ciemnoniebieskiej tuniki i purpurowego maforionu), z drugiej strony przedstawiony był prawdopodobnie Chrystus. Święci patroni kładący dłonie na ramionach dostojnika symbolicznie brali go w opiekę i legitymizowali jego władzę. W. Godlewski, Some Remarks on the Faras Cathedral and its Painting, „Journal of Coptic Studies” 1992, nr 2, s. 99–116. �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 239 ubrany jest w uroczysty strój bizantyńskiego patrycjusza zakładany na szczególne, świąteczne okazje, takie jak liturgia Bożego Narodzenia i Objawienia Pańskiego. Długa, biała tunika (chiton) monarchy jest przewiązana w talii pasem, a spięty na prawym ramieniu płaszcz (chlamida) zdobi na wysokości piersi duża purpurowa wstawka (gr. tablion, łac. tabula), jaką nosili wysocy dostojnicy bizantyńskiego dworu. W prawej dłoni król dzierży niewielki złoty krzyż wskazujący zapewne na niższe święcenia duchowne (diakonat), dające władcy prawo wstępu do prezbiterium podczas liturgii37. Postać monarchy w absydzie to jedna z kilku ciemnoskórych postaci znajdujących się na freskach faraskich (inne to młody władca nubijski, biskup Petros, dostojnik nubijski, procesja Nubijczyków oraz biskup Marianos o oliwkowej karnacji). To te właśnie malowidła przypominają osobom oglądającym kolekcję w galerii, iż jej eksponaty pochodzą ze strefy Bilad as-Sudan. W kolejnych salach – VII i VIII – w szklanych gablotach umieszczono krzyże z kręgu Kościoła wschodniego, a w tym kolekcję krzyży etiopskich Wacława Korabiewicza oraz ceramikę nubijską i koptyjską, a także fragmenty tkanin koptyjskich. Warto dodać, iż pewnym drogowskazem dla muzealników, jeśli chodzi o obecny sposób zaprezentowania kolekcji były zbiory galerii z malowidłami romańskimi z Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya w Barcelonie. Prace nad nową galerią trwały ponad cztery lata, były one także okazją do wnikliwej konserwacji mocno zakurzonych fresków (które od lat 70. XX w. nie były zasadniczo konserwowane), badań z zastosowaniem nowych technik (co pozwoliło na ujawnienie dodatkowych informacji). 37 Por.: W. Godlewski, op. cit oraz Galeria Faras im. Profesora Kazimierza Michałowskiego. Przewodnik, op. cit., s. 188–197; K. Michałowski, Faras malowidła…, op. cit., s. 128–142. �240 Aneta Pawłowska 9. Sala VIII z gablotami z ceramiką nubijską [fot. A. Pawłowska] Architekci starali się prostymi, ponadczasowymi środkami architektonicznymi uzyskać nastrój panujący w historycznym wnętrzu sakralnym wczesnochrześcijańskiej świątyni, jednak bez dosłownych odniesień do architektury katedry w Faras. W założeniu kuratorów Muzeum Narodowego nowa ekspozycja w Galerii Faras daje zwiedzającym możliwość zbliżenia się do pierwotnego znaczenia malowideł z faraskiej katedry, zapoznania się z nimi w kontekście przestrzeni, która odnosi się do pierwotnego układu wnętrza kościoła. Trudno nie zgodzić się z tą uwagą, bowiem freski poprzez zastosowanie nisz i poprzecznych ścian odtwarzających układ naw, mają okazję do wzajemnej interakcji i silniejszej reakcji z widzem, którego nieomal otaczają, zmuszając niejako do dialogu. Tym samym wizerunki sprzed wieków odzyskują swoją utraconą moc i – jak twierdzi w przewrotnym �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 241 10. Prace konserwatorskie, oczyszczanie powierzchni malowidła (przed otwarciem Galerii Faras w nowej aranżacji) [fot. profil facebookowy Muzeum Narodowego] eseju pt. Czego chcą obrazy – W. J. T. Mitchell: „mówią do nas – czasem dosłownie, a czasem metaforycznie; albo patrzą na nas w ciszy poprzez «otchłań, której brzegów nie łączy most języka»”38. 38 W. J. T. Mitchell, Czego chcą obrazy?, Kraków 2015, s. 67. �242 Aneta Pawłowska Bibliografia: „Malowidła z Faras – 50 lat w Polsce” – konferencja w Warszawie, http:// naukawpolsce.pap.pl/aktualnosci/news,406776,malowidla-zfaras---50-lat-w-polsce--konferencja-w-warszaw (dostęp: 21.09.2017). Bernhard M. L., Wykopaliska archeologiczne Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1962, nr 6, s. 165–187. Bernhard M. L., Kazimierz Michalowski, „Eos” 1982, t. 70, nr 1, s. 5–23. Dobrzeniecki T., Święta Anna z Faras w Muzeum Narodowym w Warszawie. Symbolika gestu milczenia, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1988, t. 32, s. 95–214. Galeria Faras im. Profesora Kazimierza Michałowskiego. Przewodnik, red. K. Kornat, Warszawa 2014. Galerie stałe, http://www.mnw.art.pl/kolekcje/galer/ (dostęp: 21.08.2017). Godlewski W., Pachoras. The Cathedrals of Aetios, Paulus and Petros. The Architecture, Warszawa 2006. Godlewski W., Some Remarks on the Faras Cathedral and its Painting, „Journal of Coptic Studies” 1992, nr 2, s. 99–116. Guzek Ł., Od „white cube” do „alternative space”, w: M. Popczyk (red.), Muzeum sztuki. Antologia, Kraków 2005, s. 466–489. Jakobielski S., Nubia w okresie chrześcijańskim, w: M. Tymowski (red.), Historia Afryki do początku XX wieku, Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków 1996, s. 545–569. Jędrzejewska H., Konserwacja malowidła z niszy z katedry z Faras, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1970, t. 14, s. 431– 457. Jędrzejewska H., Konserwacja dwóch malowideł ściennych z Faras, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1965, t. 9, s. 217–264. Lipińska J., Kazimierz Michalowski, „Bulletin du Musée National de Varsovie” 2001, t. 42, s. 7–13. �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 243 Łukasiak E., Wystawy zorganizowane przez Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie za granicą, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1976, nr 20, s. 420–567. M. Kuc, Otwarcie Galerii Faras, 2014, http://www.rp.pl/artykul/1136036-Otwarcie-Galerii-Faras.html#ap-3 (dostęp: 21.09.2017). Mich K. A., Problem zakorzenienia chrześcijaństwa w lokalnej kulturze, w: J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Sudan: archeologia i historia, Zakład Badań Etnicznych i Międzykulturowych Instytutu Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW, Warszawa 2015, s. 73–94. Michałowski K., Badania naukowe nad starożytnością w Muzeum Narodowym w latach 1946–1961, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1962, t. 6, s. 133–164. Michałowski K., Faras malowidła ścienne w zbiorach Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie, Warszawa 1974. Michałowski K., Od Edfu do Faras, Warszawa 1983. Mitchell W. J. T., Czego chcą obrazy?, Kraków 2015. Moorsel (van) P., Die stillende Gottesmutter und die Monophysiten, w: red. E. Dinkler, Kunst und Geschichte Nubiens in christlicher Zeit, Recklinghausen 1970, s. 281–288. Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie, http://www.mnw.art.pl/kolekcje/ galer/ (dostęp: 21.08.2017). Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie. Założenia projektowe i architektoniczne, http://www.mnw.art.pl/kolekcje/galer/galeria-faras/zalozenia-projektowe-i-architektoniczne/ (dostęp: 21.08.2017). Popłonyk U., Wystawy Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie 1945–1975, „Rocznik Muzeum Narodowego w Warszawie” 1976, t. 20, s. 420– 526. Sadurska A., Nekrologi, „Archeologia” 1981, t. 32, s. 243–246. Spotkanie z zabytkami, https://issuu.com/hereditas/docs/spotkania_11-12_2014 (dostęp: 21.08.2017). �244 Aneta Pawłowska Spis ilustracji: 1. Kazimierz Michałowski na tle malowideł z Faras, Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie, lata 60. XX w. [fot. zbiory MNW] 2. Anioł (fragment), IX w., malowidło z Sudańskiego Muzeum Narodowego [fot. www.mnw.art.pl] 3. Oprowadzanie po wystawie malowideł katedry z Faras, ok. 1972 r., autor fotografii nieznany [fot. zbiory MNW] 4. Model katedry faraskiej z sali I [fot. A. Pawłowska] 5. Widok ogólny sali IV [fot. profil facebookowy Muzeum Narodowego] 6. Model nadproża z katedry faraskiej w sali IV przeznaczony dla osób z dysfunkcją wzroku [fot. A. Pawłowska] 7. Epitafia biskupów faraskich z sali V [fot. A. Pawłowska] 8. Widok ogólny sali VI [fot. profil facebookowy Muzeum Narodowego] 9. Sala VIII z gablotami z ceramiką nubijską [fot. A. Pawłowska] 10. Prace konserwatorskie, oczyszczanie powierzchni malowidła (przed otwarciem Galerii Faras w nowej aranżacji) [fot. profil facebookowy Muzeum Narodowego] Streszczenie Artykuł dotyczy współczesnej Galerii Faras znajdującej się w Muzeum Narodowym w Warszawie (MNW), w swej najnowszej odsłonie z 17 października 2014 r. Galeria ta jest jedynym w Europie i wyjątkowym w skali światowej miejscem ukazującym zabytki kultury i sztuki nubijskiej z okresu chrześcijańskiego. Ekspozycja powstała w oparciu o malowidła pochodzące z wykopalisk prowadzonych przez zespół prof. Michałowskiego na terenie starożytnego dużego ośrodka miejskiego Faras (zwanego wówczas Pachoras), podległego królestwu Makurii (płożonemu na północnych obszarach dzisiejszego Sudanu). Odkryto dobrze zachowane ruiny kościoła katedralnego biskupów Faras z VIII wieku. Tak zwana „Kampania Nubijska” z lat 1960–1970 okazała się prawdziwym przełomem w badaniach nad starożytną i średniowieczną Nubią, czyli krainą historyczną obejmującą środkowy bieg Nilu pomiędzy Asuanem a Chartumem (między VI a I kataraktą), co więcej wyko- �Odzyskane Królestwo Makurii... 245 paliska te zapobiegły zalaniu bezcennych skarbów przez wody Tamy Asuańskiej. Dzisiejsza nowoczesna forma ekspozycji fresków i innych znalezisk z Faras jest drugą odsłoną tej kolekcji po ponad 40 latach. Słowa klucze: Makuria, Faras, Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie, Kazimierz Michałowski, freski, wystawa Regained Kingdom of Makouria – Salvaged Treasures of the Faras Gallery at the National Museum in Warsaw Abstract The article is concerned with the contemporary art Gallery Faras, which is located on the premises of the National Museum in Warsaw and it describes the latest opening of this gallery, which occurred on October 17th 2014. The Faras Gallery is the only gallery of its kind in Europe and it is quite unique and exceptional in the scope of the whole wide world, as it displays the relics of the Nubian art and culture from the Christian period. The exposition was composed based on various paintings acquired during the archeological excavations conducted by a team of archeologists led by professor Michałowski, on the territory of an ancient large municipal centre called Faras (at the time it was called Pachoras). Faras was a subordinate area to the Kingdom of Makouria (located on northern outskirts of today’s state of Sudan) and during the excavations, very well preserved ruins of the Faras bishops’ cathedral church from the 8th century, were discovered. The so-called “Nubian Campaign” which was organized during the period from the 1960s till 1970s, turned out to be a truly historical breakthrough in the field of research concerning ancient and mediaeval Nubia, which was a historical land stretching from the central run of the Nile river, between Aswan and Khartoum (located between the sixth and first cataract). Moreover these excavations prevented the destruction of the priceless treasures by the water floods from the Aswan Dam. The present day’s modern form of exposition of the various frescoes and other findings �246 Aneta Pawłowska from the Faras area, is only the second official display of this invaluable collection after more than forty years. Key words: Makouria, Faras, National Museum in Warsaw, Kazimierz Michałowski, frescoes, exhibition �KATARZYNA ANNA MICH Z NUBII DO POLSKI – BISKUPI FARASCY NA CMENTARZU BRÓDNOWSKIM W WARSZAWIE Wstęp Wśród wielu grobów na Cmentarzu Bródnowskim w Warszawie jeden, choć niczym prawie nie odróżnia się od reszty nagrobków, jest wyjątkowy. Jedynie napis „Grób kapłański” bez wymienionych imion i nazwisk może wskazywać, że jest to miejsce pochówku zbiorowego. Grób jest tak tajemniczy, iż niewielu nawet wie, kim są ludzie w nim pochowani. A są nimi zapomniani biskupi z Faras znajdującego się w odległej Nubii (na terenach dzisiejszego Sudanu). Liczące tysiąc lat szczątki zostały przywiezione w latach 60. XX wieku przez antropologa Tadeusza Dzierżykraja-Rogalskiego z Zakładu Archeologii PAN po zakończeniu badań archeologicznych w Faras pod kierunkiem prof. Kazimierza Michałowskiego. Po przeprowadzeniu specjalistycznych ekspertyz pojawił się problem co z nimi zrobić. Wiele lat przeleżały w magazynie, by w końcu w 1994 r., z inicjatywy prof. Piotra Bielińskiego, kości trzynastu biskupów zostały pochowane w Warszawie na cmentarzu na Bródnie. Katarzyna Anna Mich – doktorantka misjologii, Instytut Dialogu Kultury i Religii, Wydział Teologiczny Uniwersytetu Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie. �248 Katarzyna Anna Mich Doczesne szczątki biskupów czekają na zmartwychwstanie daleko od swej ojczyzny i bez łączności ze swoimi wiernymi, są bowiem wśród obcych w Warszawie. Czy kiedykolwiek wrócą do Faras? Do katedry już nie, bowiem wody Jeziora Nasera zalały katedrę, ale może do Nubii? Warto więc w oczekiwaniu na ostateczność choć wspomnieć ich, zaświecić świeczkę na ich grobie, by nie czuli się osamotnieni i zapomniani wśród imiennych grobów, gdyż nawet ich imion nikt nie przeczyta i nie przystanie na chwilę zadumy. Biskupi z Faras na warszawskim Bródnie, jak się okazuje, mają swoje imiona i swoją historię, którą znamy dzięki badaniom archeologicznym i epigraficznym. I choć ich katedra znajduje się pod wodami, to uratowane zostały nie tylko ich szczątki, ale również portrety namalowane na jej ścianach. Można je zobaczyć zarówno w Warszawie na wystawie w Muzeum Narodowym, jak i w Chartumie w National Museum. Przywracając pamięć o pasterzach Kościoła nubijskiego, przywraca się również pamięć o wyjątkowym i niezwykłym chrześcijaństwie, które istniało na terenach Dolnej Nubii przez ponad tysiąc lat wśród piasków pustyni. Faras Faras, starożytne i średniowieczne miasto nubijskie, znajdowało się na zachodnim brzegu Nilu na terenie dzisiejszego Sudanu w pobliżu granicy z Egiptem. Obecnie znajduje się pod wodami Jeziora Nasera. Było ważnym ośrodkiem aglomeracyjnym już od czasów Średniego Państwa1. W okresie meroickim w Faras S. Jakobielski, Faras III. A History of the Bishopric of Pachoras on the Basis of Coptic Inscriptions, Warsaw 1972, s. 19. 1 �Z Nubii do Polski – biskupi farascy... 249 (Phrs) znajdowała się stolica prowincji Akin (I BC – III AD). Po upadku Mereo w okresie IV–VI wieku było dobrze ufortyfikowanym ośrodkiem miejskim i najprawdopodobniej stanowiło siedzibę władców Nobadii. Nobadia oficjalnie przyjęła chrzest w roku 543 z rąk misjonarzy monofizyckich przysłanych z Konstantynopola przez cesarzową Teodorę2. W VII wieku nastąpiło zjednoczenie Nobadii z Makurią, sąsiednim królestwem, a Faras stało się stolicą Maris, gdzie znajdowała się rezydencja eparcha (gubernatora) Nobadii3. Biskupstwo w Faras powstało na początku VII wieku i podległo monofizyckiemu patriarchatowi w Aleksandrii. W okresie funkcjonowania zjednoczonych królestw Faras przeżywało rozkwit gospodarczy i kulturowy. Upadek miasta jako zespołu urbanistycznego rozpoczął się w XIII wieku, a w XVI lub XVII wieku na jego gruzach powstałą cytadela arabska, która funkcjonowała aż do XIX wieku w okresie powstania Mahdiego. Następnie powstała w niej mała osada Farasindiffi4. Pierwsze badania archeologiczne w Faras prowadziła w latach 1908–1909 pod kierunkiem Geoffreya S. Milehama amerykańska ekspedycja z Uniwersytetu Pensylwania. Przebadano wówczas zachodnią część miasta z Kościołami Północnymi i Południowym z VII wieku5. Kolejne badania w latach 1909–1912 prowadził Francis L. Griffith z Uniwersytetu Oxford, który odkrył wówczas nekropole meroickie i chrześcijańskie, egipskie świątynie, mury 2 W. H. C. Frend, The Missions to Nubia: An Episode in the Struggle for Power in Sixth Century Byzantium, „Études et Travaux”1976, t. 8, s. 9–17. 3 D. A. Welsby, Medieval kingdoms of Nubia: pagans, Christians, and Muslims along the middle Nile, w: D. A Welsby, D. W. Phillipson (red.), Empires of the Nile, London 2008, s. 338. 4 S. Jakobielski, Faras, w: D. Bagińska (red.), Wielkie Królestwa Chrześcijańskie w Nubii, Poznań 2013, s. 15. 5 G. S. Mileham, Churches of Lower Nubia, t. 2, Philadelphia 1910, s. 22–36. �250 Katarzyna Anna Mich forteczne oraz zabudowę wokół centrum (m.in. tzw. „Kościół przy Bramie Rzecznej” z przełomu VI i VII wieku)6. W 1960 roku w Faras była przeprowadzona przez Williama Y. Adamsa prospekcja terenowa w ramach przygotowań do międzynarodowej akcji ratowania zabytków w Nubii7. Rok później badania wykopaliskowe rozpoczęła w Faras misja Polskiej Stacji Archeologii Śródziemnomorskiej w Kairze pod kierunkiem prof. Kazimierza Michałowskiego. Badania trwały do kwietnia 1964 r., i zakończyły się krótko przed zalaniem Faras przez powstałe w wyniku spiętrzenia Nilu Jezioro Nasera. W trakcie prac prowadzonych przez Kazimierza Michałowskiego przebadano zespół architektoniczny w centrum miasta, w którym odkryto kilkakrotnie przebudowywaną katedrę i inne kościoły, klasztor, pałac, domy mieszkalne oraz groby biskupów z IX/X wieku na przyklasztornej nekropolii. Najważniejszym odkryciem jest katedra biskupów faraskich i unikatowy zbiór malowideł, które zdobiły jej ściany8. Biskupstwo w Faras Przyjmuje się, że około 543 roku władca Nobadii przyjął chrzest z rąk biskupa Juliana w obrządku monofizyckim. Monofizycki patriarcha Aleksandrii Teodozjusz I miał przed swoją śmiercią wyznaczyć dla Nobadii biskupa Longinusa, którego wyświęcił i wysłał, aby dokończył dzieło rozpoczęte przez Juliana. Longinus miał wybudować pierwszy kościół w Nobadii, ustanowić kapłanów F. L. Griffith, Oxford Excavations in Nubia, „Annales of Archaeology and Anthropology” 1921, t. 8, s. 1–4. 7 W. Y. Adams, An Introductory Classifications of Christian Nubian Pottery, „Kush” 1962, t. 10, s. 245–288. 8 K. Michałowski, Faras I. Fouilles polonaises 1961, Warszawa 1962; K. Michałowski, Faras II. Fouilles polonaises 1961–1962, Warszawa 1965. 6 �Z Nubii do Polski – biskupi farascy... 251 oraz zorganizować liturgię. Dawne świątynie poświęcone pogańskim bóstwom zostały zamienione na kościoły, wznoszono również nowe miejsca kultu dla nowego Boga. Pojawiły się ośrodki życia monastycznego, wzniesiono wiele klasztorów na skraju doliny Nilu9. Biskupstwo w Faras zostało założone najprawdopodobniej w pierwszej ćwierci VII wieku, kilkanaście lat po oficjalnej chrystianizacji Nobadii. Od początku było podporządkowane jurysdykcji monofizyckiego patriarchatu w Aleksandrii. Jako jedyne w Nubii posiada zachowaną Listę Biskupów, która znajduje się w apsydzie baptysterium katedry. Wymienia ona 27 biskupów: od Aetiosa zmarłego ok. 630 roku do Iesu II, który zmarł około 1175 roku10. Lista zostawia jedną wolną pozycję, najprawdopodobniej dla biskupa Marianosa, który zmarł w Qasr Ibrim, oraz pomija ostatnich biskupów od końca XII do pierwszej połowy XIV wieku11. Dzięki Liście Biskupów i innym inskrypcjom takim jak stele nagrobne czy legendy przy malowidłach możliwe było odtworzenie dziejów biskupstwa w Faras od założenia do roku 1169, w tym na ustalenie z dużą dokładnością dat i okresu episkopatu poszczególnych biskupów. Lista pozwoliła również na wydatowanie portretów biskupich, a to z kolei pozwoliło na stworzenie podstawowej chronologii malarstwa w Faras12. 9 S. Jakobielski, Chrześcijaństwo nubijskie w świetle najnowszych badań, w: A. S. Atiya, Historia kościołów wschodnich, przekład zbiorowy, Warszawa 1978, s. 385–393. 10 J. M. Plumpey, The Stele of Marianos Bishop of Faras, „Bulletin du Musée National de Varsovie” 1971, t. 11, fasc. 4, s. 77–84. 11 W. Godlewski, Początki biskupstwa w Pachoras: katedra Aetiosa, „Światowid” 2000, t. 2, fasc. A, s. 43–48. 12 S. Jakobielski, Katedra w Faras…, op. cit., s. 23. �252 Katarzyna Anna Mich Biskupi z Faras na Bródnie Do Polski Dzierżykraj-Rogalski przywiózł szczątki czternastu biskupów w celu przeprowadzenia szczegółowych badań, które zostały opublikowane w „The Bishops of Faras. An Antropological-Medical Study” w 1985 roku. Wśród nich na podstawie źródeł archeologicznych dziesięciu biskupów zostało zidentyfikowanych, a trzech określono jako „Anonymous”13. Tych dziesięciu znanych z imienia biskupów zostanie przedstawionych chronologicznie, zostanie również ukazany ich episkopat na tle historii królestwa. Trzeba nadmienić, że około 707 roku Nobadia została włączona do sąsiedniego królestwa Makurii14, a episkopaty biskupów, którzy zostali przywiezieni do Polski, pochodzą z okresu zjednoczonych królestw Nobadii i Makurii. Matthaios był biskupem Faras w latach 730–766. Był on siódmym biskupem w Faras na podstawie zachowanej listy. Był monofizytą i jego episkopat wchodzi zakres panowania królów Abrahama, Markiosa i Kyriakosa15. W tych czasach potęga Nubii musiała być znaczna, bowiem Kyriakos wyruszył zbrojnie do Egiptu około 748 r., by uwolnić monofizyckiego patriarchę Michaela więzionego w Aleksandrii przez egipskiego gubernatora Abd’ al-Malika. Egipt po klęsce koło Konstantynopola w 717 r. był osłabiony i niespokojny przez wewnętrzne problemy, które wynikły z wysokich podatków nakładanych na Koptów. Sytuację dobrze wykorzystał król zjednoczonych królestw Makurii i Noba- 13 T. Dzierżykraj-Rogalski, Faras VIII. The Bishops of Faras. An AntropologicalMedical Study, Warszawa 1985. 14 D. A. Welsby, op. cit., s. 294. 15 S. Jakobielski, Faras III…, op. cit., s. 52–63. �Z Nubii do Polski – biskupi farascy... 253 dii, Kyriakos, by zademonstrować swoją potęgę i zapewnić pokój dla swojego kraju16. Grób Matthaiosa był zlokalizowany na zewnątrz katedry na południowej stronie wspólnego kompleksu z grobami biskupów Ignatiosa i NN17. Stela Matthaiosa z typowym tekstem w języku greckim znajdowała się w piasku jeden metr od jego grobu18. Ignatios był biskupem w Faras od 766 do 802 roku i ósmym na Liście Biskupów. Prawdopodobnie był monofizyckim mnichem. Przybył do Nubii jako biskup najprawdopodobniej z Antiochii. Na podstawie Listy Biskupów i kommemoratywnej steli znalezionej koło grobu jego poprzednika Matthaiosa określono, że Ignatios żył około 78 lat, z czego 58 spędził w klasztorze. Biskupstwo w Faras było jedynie częścią jego życia jako mnicha, bowiem zgodnie z koptyjską tradycją powołuje się mnichów na stanowisko biskupa19. Druga połowa VIII wieku jest dla Nubii okresem pokoju i konsolidacji. Zjednoczone królestwo przeżywa rozkwit pod panowaniem króla Michaela i Ioannesa I, ale w Egipcie zaczynają się prześladowania chrześcijan. Dynastia Abbasidów, która przejmuje władzę po Ummajadach, likwiduje klasztory i uciska Koptów. Tym razem królowie nubijscy nie interweniują w Egipcie20. Dla biskupstwa w Faras ważniejsze były wydarzenia w Bizancjum. W drugiej połowie VIII wieku pod panowaniem cesarza Konstantyna V (741–775) rozpoczęła się w Cesarstwie walka ikonoklastów z kościelnymi dygnitarzami, mnichami i klasztorami głoszącymi kult ikon. Liczni mnisi zostali zmuszeni do emigracji, zwłaszcza do Italii. Jest bardzo prawdopodobne, że Ignatios był D. A. Welsby, op. cit., s. 279. T. Dzierżykraj-Rogalski, Faras VIII…, op. cit., s. 44. 18 J. Kubińska, Faras IV. Inscriptions grecques chrétiennes, Warszawa 1974, s. 24–26. 19 S. Jakobielski, Faras III…, op. cit., s. 67–72. 20 T. Dzierżykraj-Rogalski, Faras VIII…, op. cit., s. 66. 16 17 �254 Katarzyna Anna Mich emigrantem z Bizancjum. Jego imię, które było bardzo popularne w Bizancjum, zwłaszcza w Antiochii, może potwierdzać taką możliwość21. W kompleksie grobów obok pochówków Matthaiosa i Ignatiosa znajdował się jeszcze jeden. Trzeci biskup, w opracowaniu Dzierżykraja-Rogalskiego opisany jako Anonymous I nie jest znany jednak z imienia22. Po śmierci Ignatiosa w 802 r. tron biskupi przejmują kolejno Ioannes (I) (802–809?), Ioannes II (po 809 r.?), Marcos (810–826) oraz Chael (I) (826–827). Jakobielski uważa, że tym trzecim biskupem mógłby być Chael, który na stolicy biskupiej był bardzo krótko, bowiem zmarł już po roku rządów biskupich w 827 roku23. W tym okresie, na początku IX wieku, zauważa się bliższe kontakty Makurii z Alodią. W 822 roku król Zachariasz wstąpił na tron i odmówił płacenia baqtu, daniny narzuconej przez Egipt w 641 roku24. Kolejnymi biskupami pochowanymi w Warszawie są: Kolluthos, Stephanos, Aaron I. Ich pochówki znajdowały się bardzo blisko siebie25. Kolluthos, siedemnasty biskup w Faras, pełnił urząd biskupa przez dwadzieścia lat (903–923). Czasy jego rządów nad Kościołem w Faras przypadły na czas potęgi Nubii. Grób Kolluthosa został odkryty w południowo-wschodniej ścianie katedry, dokładnie na osi grobów kolejnych biskupów: Stephanosa i Aarona. Nadbudowa jego grobu miała formę regularnej mastaby26. Cały X wiek jest dla zjednoczonego królestwa Nubii okresem wyjątkowego rozwoju. W 915 r. po śmierci króla Georgiosa władzę S. Jakobielski, Faras III…, op. cit., s. 67–69. T. Dzierżykraj-Rogalski, Faras VIII…, op. cit., s. 79–98. 23 S. Jakobielski, Faras III… op. cit., s. 75. 24 D. A. Welsby, op. cit., s. 281. 25 T. Dzierżykraj Rogalski, Faras VIII…, op. cit., s. 104–169. 26 Tamże, s. 104. 21 22 �Z Nubii do Polski – biskupi farascy... 255 przejął Zacharias III, który kontynuował sprawną politykę swojego ojca. Dla Nubii jest to okres rozwoju handlu, wielkiego dobrobytu i tolerancji religijnej27. Po śmierci Kolluthosa biskupem został monofizyta Stephanos, osiemnasty biskup w Faras. Sprawował władzę w latach 923–926. Stephanos wedle inskrypcji zmarł 14 lipca 926 r., mając 52 lata i 7 miesięcy28. Grób Stephanosa znajdował się obok grobu jego poprzednika, pod wspólną mastabą29. Formuła steli obydwóch biskupów jest po grecku, ale w rycie monofizyckim, co jest dziwne, bowiem językiem używanym w rycie monofizyckim był koptyjski30. Aaron I był dwudziesty na tronie biskupim i pełnił urząd w latach 952–972. Umarł w wieku 61 lat. Za jego czasów katedra została całkowicie odbudowana po pożarze w roku 927, za episkopatu biskupa Eliasa (926–952)31. Aaron został pochowany koło Kolluthosa, a dokładnie w jego grobie. Identyfikacja nastąpiła dzięki jego steli z inskrypcją w języku koptyjskim32. Dla królestwa pod rządami Georgiosa II był to czas największej potęgi. W 956 r. Nubijczycy zaatakowali Egipt, a w roku 966 okupowali ważną część Górnego Egiptu z Asuanem i Edfu. W Egipcie tron przejęli Fatymidzi w 969 roku, ale nie zmieniło to sytuacji33. Kolejnym biskupem pochowanym na Bródnie jest (7) monofizyta Petros I, będący na liście dwudziesty pierwszy. Był zwierzchnikiem Kościoła w Faras w latach 974–999. Był on metropolitą D. A. Welsby, op. cit., s. 281. S. Jakobielski, Faras III…, op. cit., s. 104. 29 T. Dzierżykraj Rogalski, Faras VIII…, op. cit., s. 123. 30 S. Jakobielski, Faras III…, op. cit., s. 104. 31 Tamże, s. 119–123. 32 T. Dzierżykraj-Rogalski, Faras VIII…, op. cit., s. 149. 33 D. A. Welsby, op. cit., s. 282. 27 28 �256 Katarzyna Anna Mich przez 23 lata. Zmarł w wieku 93 lat34. Jego grób znajdował się obok katedry, przy „Kościele na Południowym Stoku” i miał formę małej, oddzielnej kaplicy przykrytej kopułą, która znajdowała się na południowej ścianie kościoła35. W katedrze, w pomieszczeniu nazwanym „Bishops Room”, znajdował się również jego dobrze zachowany portret na zachodniej ścianie. Przedstawia on czarnego biskupa pod protekcją świętego Piotra36. Dzięki świetnie zachowanemu szkieletowi można stwierdzić, że portret przedstawia realnie historyczną osobę37. Episkopat Petrosa przypada na czasy króla Georgiosa II, władcy, który miał bardzo przyjacielskie stosunki z Egiptem rządzonym przez Fatymidów. W trakcie ostatnich dwóch lata episkopatu Petrosa I – od 997 do 999 roku – tron biskupi w Faras został przejęty przez melkitę Ioannesa III. Był on biskupem Faras w latach od 997 do 1005, kiedy umarł w wieku 82 lat. Ryt melkicki w Faras wydaje się być rezultatem przyjaznych relacji z Egiptem, gdzie w tych czasach był bardzo promowany38. Wspólny grób pięciu biskupów: Ioannesa III (997–1005) i czterech ostatnich biskupów z Listy: Petrosa II (1058–1062), Georgiosa (1062–1097), Chaela II (1097?– 1125/30), Iesu II (1125/30–1170/75) został odkryty w tzw. kaplicy Świętej Dziewicy, która przylegała do wschodniej ściany katedry. Pomiędzy Ioannsesem i Petrosem jest 57 lat różnicy, nie wiadomo dlaczego do grobu Ioannesa dołożono kolejne cztery pochówki biskupów. Bezpośrednimi następcami Ioannesa III byli biskupi melkiccy Marianos (1005–1036) i Mercurios (1037–1056), S. Jakobielski, Faras III…, op. cit., s. 132–139. K. Michałowski, Die Kathedrale aus dem Wüstensand, Köln 1973, s. 82, 95. 36 Malowidło znajduje się w Muzeum Narodowym w Warszawie. 37 T. Dzierżykraj-Rogalski, Faras VIII…, op. cit., s. 169. 38 S. Jakobielski, Faras III…, op. cit., s. 143–146. 34 35 �Z Nubii do Polski – biskupi farascy... 257 których pochowano gdzie indziej39. Marianos został pochowany w Qasr Ibrim40, a grobu Mercuriosa nie odnaleziono41. Petros II był monofizytą i był biskupem w latach 1058–1062. Zmarł w wieku 67 lat. W czasach panowania króla Salomona rola Kościoła monofizyckiego w Nubii wzrosła. Monofizytą był również Georgios, którego episkopat w Faras datowany jest na lata 1062– 1097 i przypadał na okres panowania króla Georgiosa III i Basiliosa. Zmarł on wieku 97 lat. Na biskupach Chaelu II i Iesu II lista z Faras się kończy. Obaj byli melkitami. Chael był na tronie biskupim w latach od 1097 do 1125–1130. Zmarł w wieku 80 lat. Iesu pełnił urząd episkopatu w latach od 1125–1130 do 1170–1175, gdy władzę królewską najpierw sprawował Georgios IV, a następnie Moise. Zmarł w wieku 88 lat42. Jego episkopat przypada na czas wojen Nubii z Egiptem za panowania dynastii Ajjibidów43. W katedrze odnaleziono jeszcze dwa pochówki, których nie zidentyfikowano. Najprawdopodobniej są to szczątki pochodzące z późnego okresu funkcjonowania biskupstwa z Faras i mogące należeć do ostatnich biskupów w Faras. Jednak ich wyda­towanie jest bardzo trudne. Zostały one opisane przez Dzierżykraja-Rogalskiego jako Anonymous II i Anonymous III i mogą pochodzić z okresu 1170/1175–1372, kiedy Timotheos został nazwany tytularnym Biskupem Pachoras44. T. Dzierżykraj-Rogalski, Faras VIII…, op. cit., s. 37. Zobacz przypis 10. 41 T. Dzierżykraj-Rogalski, Faras VIII…, op. cit., s. 218. 42 Tamże, s. 193. 43 D. A. Welsby, op. cit., s. 282–283. 44 T. Dzierżykraj-Rogalski, Faras VIII…, op. cit., s. 193. 39 40 �258 Katarzyna Anna Mich Zakończenie Biskupi pochowani na Cmentarzu Bródnowskim byli świadkami zarówno wyjątkowego rozwoju chrześcijańskiego królestwa, jak i jego stopniowego upadku. Kościół w Nubii przez wiele wieków kwitł, czego potwierdzeniem były potężne kościoły z monumentalnymi malowidłami. Dzięki sekwencji malowideł w katedrze w Faras i jej korelacji z Listą Biskupów możliwe było przyporządkowanie stylu malowideł do odpowiedniej chronologii. Kościół w Faras był podporządkowany monofizyckiemu patriarchatowi aleksandryjskiemu, jednak dzieje biskupstwa pokazują, że możliwe były zmiany w religijnej wierności przez władców pomiędzy monofizytyzmem i melkizmem. W latach 999-1057 to właśnie biskupi melkiccy przejęli tron biskupi w Faras. Historia biskupstwa w Faras ściśle wiąże się z wizją polityczną królów najpierw Nobadii, a następnie Makurii. To historia podszyta polityczną grą, do której wciągnięto pasterzy Kościoła. Bibliografia Adams W. Y., An Introductory Classifications of Christian Nubian Pottery, „Kush” 1962, t. 10, s. 245–288. Dzierżykraj-Rogalski T., Faras VIII. The Bishops of Faras. An Antropological-Medical Study, Warszawa 1985. Frend W. H. C., The Missions to Nubia: An Episode in the Struggle for Power in Sixth Century Byzantium, „Études et Travaux” 1976, t. 8, s. 9–17. Godlewski W., Początki biskupstwa w Pachoras: katedra Aetiosa, „Światowid” 2000, nr 2, fasc. A, s. 43–48. �Z Nubii do Polski – biskupi farascy... 259 Jakobielski S., Chrześcijaństwo nubijskie w świetle najnowszych badań, w: A. S. Atiya, Historia kościołów wschodnich, przekład zbiorowy, Warszawa 1978, s. 385–393. Jakobielski S., Faras III. A History of the Bishopric of Pachoras on the Basis of Coptic Inscriptions, Warsaw 1972. Jakobielski S., Faras, w: Bagińska D. (red.), Wielkie Królestwa Chrześcijańskie w Nubii, Poznań 2013, s. 15–16. Jakobielski S., Katedra w Faras, w: Bagińska D. (red.), Wielkie Królestwa Chrześcijańskie w Nubii, Poznań 2013, s. 21–25. Kubińska J., Faras IV. Inscriptions grecques chrétiennes, Warszawa 1974. Michałowski K., Faras I. Fouilles polonaises 1961, Warszawa 1962. Michałowski K., Faras II. Fouilles polonaises 1961–1962, Warszawa 1965. Michałowski K., Die Kathedrale aus dem Wüstensand, Köln 1973. Mileham G. S., Churches of Lower Nubia, t. 2, Philadelphia 1910. Plumpey J. M., The Stele of Marianos Bishop of Faras, „Bulletin du Musée National de Varsovie” 1971, t. 11, fasc. 4, s. 77–84. Welsby D. A., Medieval kingdoms of Nubia: pagans, Christians, and Muslims along the middle Nile, w: Welsby D. A, Phillipson D. W. (red.), Empires of the Nile, London 2008, s. 197–515. From Nubia to Poland – Bishops of Faras at the Bródno Cemetery in Warsaw Abstract The mysterious grave at the Bródno Cemetery in Warsaw hides a mystery, which not many know who are buried in it. It turns out that the tomb described as the „Priest’s Tomb” was buried with 14 bishops from distant Faras. Key words: Bishops, Bródno Cemetery, Faras, Nubia, Cathedral in Faras ��ANNA NADOLSKA-STYCZYŃSKA OPOWIEŚCI ZNAD NIGRU. FRANCUSKA AFRYKA ZACHODNIA W OPISACH JERZEGO GIŻYCKIEGO Działalność podróżnicza, kolekcjonerska, pisarska i fotograficzna Jerzego Mikołaja Giżyckiego stanowi od lat temat moich działań badawczych, a obraz Francuskiej Afryki Zachodniej (AOF)1, jaki możemy odnaleźć w relacjach tego podróżnika, od dawna budził moje zainteresowanie. Już na samym początku mojej drogi zawodowej opracowałam bowiem artykuł opisujący współpracę Jerzego Giżyckiego z Miejskim Muzeum Etnograficznym w Łodzi. Zwróciłam w nim wówczas uwagę między innymi na specyfikę tekstów tego autora dotyczących tego „biało-czarnego” świata francuskich kolonii afrykańskich2. Z perspektywy czasu Dr hab. Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska – etnolog, historyk nauki, muzeolog, Katedra Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UMK, Wydział Nauk Historycznych UMK. Afrique Occidentale Française. A. Styczyńska, Rola Jerzego Giżyckiego w tworzeniu kolekcji afrykanistycznej Miejskiego Muzeum Etnograficznego w Łodzi, „Kronika Miasta Łodzi” 1992, z. 1, s. 131–138; A. Styczyńska, Wyprawa Ferdynanda Ossendowskiego do Afryki Zachodniej we wspomnieniach jej uczestników, w: M. Głosek (red.), Archeologia i starożytnicy. Studia dedykowane prof. Andrzejowi Abramowiczowi w 70. rocznicę urodzin, Łódź 1997, s. 253–264. 1 2 �262 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska stwierdzam, że moje ówczesne interpretacje nie były do końca adekwatne, co wynikało na równi z mojego niedoświadczenia badawczego, jak i ze stosunkowo niewielkiej ilości zebranych wówczas materiałów, które nie pozwalały na głębszą analizę treści relacji tego autora licznych artykułów i książek inspirowanych kilkuletnimi podróżami po Zachodniej Afryce. Postanowiłam zatem wrócić po latach do tej tematyki i wskazać w opracowaniach wspomnianego podróżnika niektóre wątki opisujące charakter i sposób funkcjonowania AOF lat 20. XX wieku i pokazujące stosunek autora do opisywanej rzeczywistości kolonialnej. Pod uwagę wzięłam dwie publikacje książkowe3, które uzupełniłam ponadto tekstem niepublikowanych wspomnień Jerzego Giżyckiego4. Jerzy Giżycki – pisarz, podróżnik, dyplomata, absolwent studiów agronomicznych w Hale – trafił do Afryki Zachodniej w 1925 roku, wraz z wyprawą Ferdynanda Antoniego Ossendowskiego, w której pełnił funkcję fotooperatora. Jednak kolejne pięć lat spędził tam, pracując na rzecz Francuskiego Ministerstwa Kolonii, wykonując opisy i fotografie poszczególnych placówek administracyjnych i gospodarczych AOF5. Zaowocowało to nie tylko kolekcją interesujących fotografii, z których niektóre uzupełniały publikowane teksty6, ale także opisami sytuacji, jakie zastał w koJ. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni – fragmenty kolonialne, Warszawa 1934 oraz J. Giżycki, Między morzem a pustynią, Warszawa 1936. 4 G. N. Ordon, The Winding Trail, The Polish Library London, 576/RPS, Obecny numer: MW 33. Do części materiałów dotyczących życia i działalności Jerzego Mikołaja Giżyckiego, w tym do wspomnianego maszynopisu wspomnień, zdołałam dotrzeć dzięki stypendium Fundacji Lanckorońskich z Brzezia, zrealizowanemu w listopadzie 2016 roku. 5 Wykonywał je dla potrzeb gospodarczych i turystycznych. Porównaj: G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 223. 6 Fotografie ilustrują między innymi książkę Biali i Czarni… oraz Między Morzem…, a także niektóre artykuły zamieszczane w czasopismach. Stanowiły 3 �Opowieści znad Nigru... 263 loniach, stosunków panujących w poszczególnych placówkach czy stolicach okręgów, ludzi, którzy pełnili funkcje gospodarcze, administracyjne itp. oraz efektów ich działań7. Dawał w tych materiałach wyraz swoim poglądom i dość ostro oceniał zarówno samo funkcjonowanie kolonii, jak i przedstawicieli metropolii, z którymi przyszło mu się spotkać lub współpracować8. Pierwszą z opowieści jest publikacja „Biali i Czarni. Fragmenty kolonjalne” wydana w 1934 roku. Jest to ułożona chronologicznie relacja z podróży. Kolejna książka – „Między morzem i pustynią” – jest wyborem pewnych tematów, z których nie wszystkie pojawiły się w pierwszej opowieści, znacznie bardziej kry­tyczna, momentami gorzka w wymowie (wydana w roku 1936). Trzecie opracowanie stanowi maszynopis niewydanej książki, pisanej już w latach powojennych. Autor szeroko wykorzystał w niej obie przedwojenne polskojęzyczne publikacje, jednak fragmenty dotyczące przedwojennych podróży afrykańskich są tu nieco zmody­ fikowane co do treści i nazwisk osób występujących w opowieści9. też uzupełnienie kompletowanej przez podróżnika kolekcji obiektów etno­graficznych. 7 Celowo pomijam w niniejszym opracowaniu teksty o charakterze etno­ graficznym, bowiem staną się one niebawem tematem moich kolejnych opracowań. 8 Biogram Jerzego Mikołaja Giżyckiego złożyłam niedawno do druku w redakcji słownika: Etnografowie i ludoznawcy polscy. Sylwetki, szkice biograficzne, t. 5 (Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze), który powinien ukazać się na początku przyszłego roku. 9 J. Giżycki był także autorem książek dla młodzieży: Na Czarnym lądzie. Opowieść dla młodzieży, Warszawa, 1935; Janek i Samba. Powieść dla młodzieży, Warszawa 1937. Ze względu na temat artykułu i poruszane w nim wątki skupiam się na publikacjach o charakterze reportażowym i adresowanych do dorosłego czytelnika. Jerzy Giżycki pisał także liczne felietony afrykańskie, które w tym opracowaniu pomijam, bowiem w większości przypadków autor dołączył je do wydanych nieco później obu wspomnianych książek. Wykaz ich tytułów zamieszczam w bibliografii. Kolejne opowiadanie, Na południe od piekła, także częściowo oparte na afrykańskich wspomnieniach i wcześniejszych publikacjach, �264 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska Jak wspomniałam, terenem jego ówczesnych penetracji podróżniczych i tematem omawianych relacji była Francuska Afryka Zachodnia lat 20. XX w., ale głównie tereny leżące na południe od Sahary10. Warto zatem przybliżyć scenerię interesujących nas narracji. Dzieje francuskich posiadłości afrykańskich sięgają wieku XVII. Pierwszym punktem zaczepienia gospodarczego Francji w Afryce Zachodniej było przybycie w roku 1650 do miejscowości Ndar, która leżała w górnym odcinku rzeki Senegal11 i założenie tam faktorii. Do połowy XIX wieku wzdłuż wybrzeża Afryki Zachodniej powstawały wspólnoty wodzowskie mające charakter polityczno-gospodarczy, których istnienie oparte było na kontaktach z europejskimi, w tym francuskimi kupcami. Jednakże w II połowie tego stulecia kontakty Europy z obszarami afrykańskich wybrzeży przestały wystarczać. Dalsza eksploatacja kontynentu była uzależniona od zdobycia obszarów interioru. Kontakty gospodarcze z państwami afrykańskimi, z którymi dotychczas Europejczycy często współpracowali, stały się niewystarczające, a istniejące organizmy państwowe często stawały się swoistą przeszkodą na drodze do pozyskiwania dalszych wpływów. Zaczęto podejmować inne, pozahandlowe sposoby działania i przez kolejne lata posiadłości francuskie, pozyskiwane w drodze ekspansji gospodarczej, wojskowej, a także mniej lub bardziej świadomej metyzacji, poukazywało się w kolejnych numerach „Związkowca” (Toronto) od sierpnia roku 1958 (nr 64) do lutego (?) roku 1959. Zawiera ono bardzo wiele elementów i motywów wspólnych z omawianymi w publikacjach powstałych w latach 30. XX wieku, ale jest pisane z innej perspektywy, w znacznym stopniu zbeletryzowane, łączące rozmaite doświadczenia autora i adresowane do zupełnie innego czytelnika. W efekcie wymaga osobnego potraktowania i opracowania. 10 Jerzy Giżycki wracał w późniejszych latach do Afryki. Jednak w innych okolicznościach i w odmienne obszary kontynentu. 11 Późniejsze Saint-Louis. �Opowieści znad Nigru... 265 szerzały się12, by wreszcie na mocy konferencji berlińskiej z roku 1884/1885 roku objąć znaczące obszary zachodniej części kontynentu13. Francuskie terytoria kolonialne istniejące w zachodnim obszarze kontynentu zostały na mocy kilku dekretów (w latach 1895– 1904) określone mianem Francuskiej Afryki Zachodniej. Ostatni z owych dekretów, nazywany Kartą Francuskiej Afryki Zachodniej, został przyjęty 18 października 1904 roku i określał jej granice, system polityczny (posiadała swój rząd i radę administracyjną14) oraz rolę generalnego gubernatora. Sekretarz generalny kierował wydziałami prac publicznych, administracyjnych i społecznych, ale także między innymi działem finansowym, edukacją i służbą zdrowia. Każda z ośmiu kolonii miała swoje władze: gubernatora i sekretarza generalnego (wyjątkiem była Mauretania). Były to: wydzielony z Senegalu okręg Dakaru administrowany przez gubernatora generalnego oraz Kolonia Senegalu z działającą tu Radą Kolonialną i zarządzana przez gubernatora generalnego. Mieszkańcom czterech gmin tej kolonii przyznano francuskie obywatelstwo i prawo kierowania własnego kandydata do Zgromadzenia Narodowego. Kolejna to kolonia Sudanu Francuskiego (stolica w Bamako – obecne Mali)15; Kolonia Mauretanii (terytorium militarne); Kolonia Gwinei Francuskiej ze stolicą w Konakry; Kolonia Wybrzeża Kości Słoniowej; Kolonia Dahomeju (obecnie 12 B. Ndiaye, Françaftique. Stosunki francusko-afrykańskie wczoraj i dziś, Olsztyn 2010, s. 21–37; R. Vorbrich, Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka. Koncepcje i postaci wspólnoty w dawnej i współczesnej Afryce, Poznań, 2012, s. 205–208. 13 Podczas wspomnianej konferencji państwa europejskie ustaliły zasady podziału kontynentu. Porównaj: R. Vorbrich, op. cit., s. 209. 14 Od roku 1925 w ich skład wchodzili także Afrykańczycy. Porównaj: B. Ndiaye, op. cit., s. 43. 15 Jej nazwy zmieniały się z biegiem lat, ale ostatecznie nazwa ta została zatwierdzona w roku 1920. �266 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska Beninu) i Kolonia Nigru. Istniała jeszcze, utworzona w 1919 roku we wschodnich rejonach Sudanu Francuskiego, Kolonia Górnej Wolty (obecnie Burkina Faso), lecz została ona w roku 1932 rozwiązana, a jej terytoria dołączono do sąsiednich: Wybrzeża Kości Słoniowej, Sudanu Francuskiego i Nigru16. System kolonialny wprowadzony we francuskich obszarach Afryki na przełomie XIX i XX wieku polegał na „administracji bezpośredniej”17, opartej na zasadzie asymilacji. Ryszard Vorbrich, analizując rozmaite systemy władzy kolonialnej w Afryce, wyjaśnia, że system rządów bezpośrednich oparty był na „demontażu zastanych struktur władzy tradycyjnej oraz wyłonieniu i wyedukowaniu (od podstaw) zupełnie nowej warstwy elit społecznych”18. Tradycyjne struktury władzy na poziomie ponadlokalnym likwidowano, a struktury istniejące na poziomie lokalnym skutecznie ograniczano. System sankcjonował istnienie dwóch kategorii obywateli francuskich zamieszkujących kolonie: tych pochodzących z metropolii i „tubylców”. Z kolei wśród miejscowej ludności kolonii wydzielano trzy grupy. Pierwszą stanowili mieszkańcy kilku najstarszych kolonii, mający status obywateli. Pozostali Afrykanie stanowili grupę „tubylców” niezasymilowanych, mających status poddanych oraz „tubylców” zasymilowanych, tworzących kategorię pośrednią19. 16 Na przełomie XIX i XX wieku posiadłości francuskie w Afryce obejmowały znaczne obszary Afryki Północnej, Środkowej (Francuska Afryka Równikowa) i Zachodniej (AOF). Francuzi kontrolowali także obszary tzw. Somali Francuskiego. Podczas II wojny światowej AOF uznawała do roku 1942 rząd w Vichy. 17 Określano go także „systemem francuskim”. 18 R. Vorbrich, op. cit., s.224. 19 Ibidem, s. 219–221.Wszyscy Afrykanie mogli teoretycznie starać się o status obywatela, spełniając pewne warunki majątkowe, opłacając podatek od nieruchomości i udowadniając stopień asymilacji przez zdanie egzaminu poświadczającego znajomość języka francuskiego i prawa republiki. Ibidem, s. 221. �Opowieści znad Nigru... 267 W efekcie mieszkańcy kolonii reprezentowali dwa całkowicie odmienne światy – obywateli (w tym Afrykanów zasymilowanych, korzystających z praw obywatelskich Republiki) i grupę miejscowych mieszkańców pozbawionych uprawnień. Metropolia próbowała przez promowanie osadnictwa w koloniach rozwiązać problem własnej biedy, przy równoczesnej potrzebie ograniczania kosztów zarządzania. Ustalono, że wydatki ponoszone na terytoria kolonialne winny były pochodzić z miejscowych podatków. W roku 1881 rząd francuski wprowadził we wszystkich swoich koloniach „Kodeks tubylczy”, który narzucał obowiązek pracy na rzecz AOF, między innymi obowiązkowe dostarczanie siły roboczej do prac drogowych i do niektórych prac na rzecz urzędników, zakaz podróżowania nocą, podatki pogłówne i podatki od posiadanych zapasów. John Iliffe w pracy Afrykanie. Dzieje kontynentu podkreśla, że w okresie wczesnokolonialnym podatki były mniej uciążliwe niż wspomniane powyżej świadczenie robocizny w postaci dostarczania tragarzy i pracowników do robót budowlanych. W zachodnich obszarach kolonii francuskich każdy mężczyzna musiał nieodpłatnie odpracować na rzecz kolonizatorów 12 dni w roku20. W istniejącym systemie zarządzania uznawano niektórych miejscowych mieszkańców (wspomnianych obywateli) za pośredników, wykorzystując miejscowe stosunki i autorytety. W efekcie doprowadziło to do rozpadu miejscowego społeczeństwa na grupy współpracujących (współrządzących) oraz ludzi, którymi rządzono21. Francuzi kierowali dystryktami i niższymi jednostkami podziału terytorialnego, natomiast kantonami i wioskami zarządzali podlegli im wodzowie afrykańscy. W niektórych obszarach 20 J. Iliffe, Afrykanie. Dzieje kontynentu, Kraków 2011, s. 243. W Kongo wymiar ten wynosił w 1903 roku 40 godzin miesięcznie. Ibidem, s. 243–244. 21 A. Więcek, Kolonializm w Afryce i jego skutki – model brytyjski i model francuski, „Przegląd Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Społeczny” 2012, nr 4, s. 79–93. �268 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska (na przykład w Futa Dżalon) wykorzystano miejscowe struktury polityczne, w innych (na przykład u Mossi) miejscowy władca został pozbawiony przywództwa. Inne grupy podlegały szefom kantonu rekrutowanym spośród Afrykanów, lojalnych i posiadających podstawowe umiejętności pisania i czytania, w tym często byłych wojskowych22. Tematykę dotyczącą zarówno samej struktury i organizacji AOF, jak i realizacji jej zadań odnajdziemy w relacjach Jerzego Giżyckiego. Jego opisy kolonialnej rzeczywistości można podzielić na relacje dotyczące: a. wyglądu poszczególnych miejscowości oraz placówek administracji i wojska; b. gospodarności i zasad zarządzania poszczególnymi koloniami i placówkami; c. ludzi: urzędników, lekarzy, handlowców, budowniczych i wojskowych. Ich kompetencji i zasad doboru; d. stosunków międzyludzkich panujących w koloniach; e. postaw moralnych „koloniali23”; 1. Miejscowości i budynki W swoich siedmioletnich podróżach po Afryce (1925–1931) Jerzy Giżycki wędrował po obszarach Afryki Zachodniej – od Senegalu i Wybrzeży Zatoki Gwinejskiej po dzisiejsze Mali, Burkina Faso, Wybrzeże Kości Słoniowej. Jednak najlepiej poznał i najszczegółowiej opisał obszary Sahelu. Odbył między innymi kilWarto pamiętać o licznych przymusowych powołaniach miejscowej ludności do wojska. W czasie I wojny światowej Francja zwerbowała około pół miliona mężczyzn. Porównaj: J. Iliffe, op. cit., s. 244. 23 Le colonial – biały mieszkaniec kolonii: administrator, agent handlowy, członkowie ich rodzin itd. 22 �Opowieści znad Nigru... 269 kumiesięczną podróż wodną Nigrem od Koulikoro do Timbuktu i Gao. Zatrzymywał się w poszczególnych nadrzecznych miejscowościach i podejmował wędrówki samochodowe, konne oraz motocyklowe, odwiedzając istniejące centra administracyjne, budowy, faktorie, plantacje, a także podejmując wyprawy ło­wieckie. W publikacjach odnajdujemy relacje mówiące o wielu miejscowościach. Od centrów administracyjnych po wioski i małe osady. Znajdziemy pośród nich między innymi: Bobo-Dioulasso, Bouakė, Boromo, Gao, Houndé, Konakry, Koulikoro, Markala, Mopti, Sėgou, Timbuktu, Wagadugu i mniejsze osady lub miejsca szczególnej działalności rolniczej czy hodowlanej jak Nienebale, Sarana i inne. Autor zwracał uwagę na zabudowania tubylcze, ich różnorodność architektoniczną i charakter związany z kulturą mieszkańców. Znajdujemy tu zarówno opisy wiejskich zagród, jak i zabudowy starych subsaharyjskich miast. W niniejszym tekście skupię się jednak na budownictwie „kolonialnym”, którego opisy są liczne i pełne osobistych komentarzy autora. Oto kilka przykładów: Z niewielkiego pagórka, na który wszedłem, widzę sporą wieś murzyńską. Ani śladu jednakowych wielkich, paskudnych „kaz24” z niewypalonych cegieł, które stanowią w tych stronach mieszkanie białych25. Nazwa pochodzi od określenia: „une case” i oznacza pomieszczenie. J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 7. Autor nie precyzuje położenia geograficznego tej wsi ani nie podaje jej nazwy, skupiając się na problemie panującej w niej śpiączki. We wszystkich cytatach zachowuję pisownię oryginału. 24 25 �270 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska Kolejny: Na tle czerwieni [słońca – przyp. ANST] odcinał się wyraźnie masywny sześcian z mieszanej gliny, owego „banko”26, które nowi władcy przejęli od murzynów jako ulubiony budulec kolonjalny27. Giżycki był przeciwnikiem budowania z banko budynków dla Europejczyków: […] kurz, kurz i kurz z glinianego klepiska, ze ścian, z toczonych przez „tare”28 belkowań sufitu…29. Porównuje warunki pobytu francuskich i brytyjskich urzędników, wyrażając sympatię dla angielskiego systemu. Był zdania, że pracownicy administracji angielskiej nawet w brussie30 mają wygodne domy dla podróżujących, podczas gdy w AOF panuje w nich bałagan i brud31. Autor przedstawia też swoje poglądy dotyczące bezsensownej w jego opinii organizacji kolonialnych prac budowlanych: Około tysiąca tych niewolnic, oderwanych od prac polowych w okresie najpilniejszych robót, przez całą porę deszczową kopało glinę, zasiewając peryferie miasta dołami – istnemi wylęgarniami roznoszących malarję i żółtą febrę komarów. […] zapacykowywały niem dziury w tarasowatych dachach-sufitach, przez które potoki brudnej, cuchnącej wody lały się na głowy białych cywilizatorów32. 26 Autor tłumaczy to słowo jako glina. Terminem tym, pochodzącym z języka mande, określa się jednak zarówno glinę służącą za budulec, jak i cegłę suszoną na słońcu. 27 J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 10. Mowa o zabudowie Wagadugu. Nie wszystkie przytoczone przeze mnie sytuacje i przypadki dotyczą bezpośrednich doświadczeń Giżyckiego. Wiele z zawartych w omawianych publikacjach sytuacji jest podawanych niejako z drugiej ręki, jako opowieści dotyczące doświadczeń osób, z którymi autor zetknął się podczas swoich wędrówek. 28 Mowa o owadach będących szkodnikami drewna. Autor wyjaśnia, że chodzi o „owady, żywiące się suchem drewnem”. 29 J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s 260. 30 Giżycki używa spolszczonej wersji francuskiego „la brousse” – busz, gąszcz, zarośla. 31 Ibidem, s. 262. 32 J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, s. 12. �Opowieści znad Nigru... 271 W tekstach powtarzają się komentarze dotyczące wspomnianego wydobywania gliny na budynki w obrębie albo na obrzeżach miejscowości gęsto zaludnionych i tworzonych tym samym bajor pełnych brudnej wody, stwarzającej zagrożenie biologiczne. Opisom tym towarzyszą komentarze dotyczące niegospodarności, bezmyślności lub zwykłej głupoty ich realizatorów. Na przykład w Wagadugu miejscowy „agent sanitarny” mierzył systematycznie głębokość istniejących studzien. Wykonywał to zadanie na polecenie naczelnego lekarza, który mając świadomość istnienia w wodzie najrozmaitszych organizmów szkodliwych dla zdrowia (w tym larw owadów sprowadzających malarię), sprowadził rybki chińskie, które miały je wyjadać. Uznał to ponoć za sposób lepszy, bo tańszy od powszechnie stosowanego wypalania benzyną. Rybki ze studni znikały, bo wyławiała je miejscowa dzieciarnia, ale lekarz kazał mierzyć wodę w studni, pragnąc udowodnić, że woda wycieka do położonej nieopodal rzeczki i taki raport skierował do władz33. Giżycki daje także kilka opisów francuskiego budownictwa o charakterze gospodarczym. Niektóre z nich dotyczą budowy dróg oraz tam związanych z projektami rolniczymi. Jako ilustrację bezsensownej niegospodarności w tym zakresie podaje przykład tworzenia wałów przeciwpowodziowych w okolicach Bamako i prac kierowanych przez wojskowego z piechoty kolonialnej, który „[…] w cywilu krył dachy, a w wojsku awansował na wielkiego inżyniera”. W efekcie wykonywanej „na oko” pracy wały okazały się w niektórych miejscach zbyt wysokie i ów dyletant krzyczący „[…]chrapliwym głosem syfilitycznego alkoholika” 33 Ibidem, s. 10. �272 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska rozkazał robotnikom rozwalać dabami34 zbyt wysokie elementy wału wykonanego z drogiego cementu35. 2. Nieudane inwestycje Przykładem skrajnej niegospodarności opisywanym przez autora we wszystkich trzech tytułach36 są podejmowane próby organizacji umieszczanych w pobliżu Nigru eksperymentalnych plantacji i stacji hodowlanych. Urzędnik odpowiedzialny w Bamako za działania związane z geodezją i nawadnianiem (p. Blafier) uznał, że „[…] południowy podsaharyjski pas piachów i marnej brussy jest wymarzonym krajem dla bawełny”. Był przekonany, że teren wybrał idealnie i zorganizował prace irygacyjne związane z budową tam kanałów i grobli. Sprowadzono wielką pompę parową, wykopano kilometry kanałów, zbudowano dom dla dyrektora projektu. Założono plantację, na której bawełna rzeczywiście wyrosła, ale kompletnie zalał ją Niger. Podejmowano próby tych działań przez trzy kolejne lata, aż wreszcie uznano, że skoro dla bawełny wylewy rzeki są zabójcze, to należy wykorzystać je do uprawy ryżu. Okazało się jednak, że Niger wylał tak obficie, iż zalał także ryż. „I znów lata pracy i setki tysięcy franków poszły na marne” – słowa te Giżycki włożył w usta miejscowego lekarza (Leontjewa)37. Przy okazji omawiania tej eksperymentalnej plantacji Giżycki pisze o kolejnym przykładzie niegospodarności. Otóż wspomniaDaba – narzędzie rolnicze (rodzaj motyki) o długim stylisku i stosunkowo dużym ostrzu. Nazwa stosowana w wielu krajach Afryki. 35 Ibidem, s. 47. 36 J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit.; J. Giżycki, Między Morzem…, op. cit.; G. N. Ordon, op. cit. 37 J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 49–51. 34 �Opowieści znad Nigru... 273 ny Pan Blafier pragnął w podległych mu obszarach (plantacjach) wprowadzić uprawę pługiem. Pod jego nieobecność, aby zrobić dobre wrażenie na pryncypale, jego podwładny (nazwiskiem Lelong) zamówił zakup dziesięciu tysięcy pługów. Giżycki komentuje to jednoznacznie jako ewidentną, a łatwą do przewidzenia bzdurę. Podkreśla, że nawet w Gwinei, gdzie próbowano wprowadzać pługi 10 lat wcześniej, często widać narzędzia i woły stojące w cieniu, a pracowników używających tradycyjnych dab. Skomentował także powyższe poczynania uwagą o powszechnej chęci przypodobania się władzom metropolii rozmachem podejmowanych poczynań. „[…] dziesięć tysięcy pługów brzmi poważnie w raporcie”38. W powstałej dwa lata wcześniej książce Biali i Czarni… Giżycki również opisuje plantacje, w tym reprezentacyjną placówkę w Sarana, o której miał niezłe zdanie, bowiem widział ją w odpowiedniej porze roku. Jej dyrektor – Rosjanin – Nikołajew rozwiał przy kolejnej wizycie jego złudzenia, stwierdzając, że zbiory nie były udane, a jego długotrwałą pracę polegającą na wyselekcjonowaniu próbek poszczególnych gatunków bawełny zniweczyło bezmyślne działanie dozorcy39. Kolejnym dziwnym przedsięwzięciem była ferma doświadczalna w Banfora. Hodowano tam bydło, które padało ze względu na obecność muchy tse-tse. Rośliny też nie były szczęśliwie dobierane. Ani kauczuk, ani rycynus, ani rośliny uprawne nie były dochodowe. Ostatecznie zaczęto hodować drzewa owocowe, ale mimo dobrych efektów nadal ferma była deficytowa, bo nie rozwiązano problemu właściwego transportu dla eksportu owoców40. 38 39 40 Ibidem, s. 57. J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 60–61. Ibidem, s. 331. �274 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska Podobnie nieudana była próba prowadzenia plantacji bawełny finansowanej przez jeden z francuskich banków w miejscowości Sama. Giżycki, wróciwszy tam po dwóch latach niebytności, zastał jedynie rdzewiejące maszyny. Okazało się, że dobrano niewłaściwy gatunek rośliny41. W innej plantacji (w miejscowości Dire), będącej koncesją domu handlowego, utrudniano Giżyckiemu wykonanie potrzebnych zdjęć, a i tematu trudno było doszukać się w mizernych efektach działalności. Po jakimś czasie wyjaśniono mu, że plantacja jest nie tyle eksperymentem, ile pretekstem, bowiem prawdziwe pieniądze zarabia się na giełdzie, sprzedając jej akcje42. Kolejnym nieudanym eksperymentem gospodarczym okazał się „sławetny” tartak w Boromo, którego zapleczem materiałowym miał być rosnący powyżej biegu Nigru las i spławiane rzeką bale drewna. Mimo negatywnej oceny specjalisty, dotyczącej „spławialności” tego typu drewna, władze nakazały kontynuację prac. Jednak przy pierwszej próbie spławienia, cała partia drewna poszła na dno. Odtąd tartak stał nieużywany, a drewno wożono wiele kilometrów do Bobo-Dioulasso43. Podobnie sprawa przedstawiała się z młynem wybudowanym w Timbuktu. Dla oszczędności zastosowano tu technologię banko i ściany zaczęły pękać przy pierwszym uruchomieniu maszyn. W efekcie młyn zamknięto „raz na zawsze”44. Giżycki opisuje także farmę doświadczalną w Nienebale, o której pisze dobrze, zwracając uwagę na zupełnie nietypowe jak na miejscowe stosunki działania jej kierownika – pana Bouviera. Uwagę podróżnika zwróciła szczególnie organizacja pracy robotników rolnych, owocująca bardzo dobrymi efektami. Afrykanie Ibidem, s. 214. Ibidem, s. 263–264. 43 Ibidem, s. 147–149. 44 Ibidem, s. 277. 41 42 �Opowieści znad Nigru... 275 pracowali bowiem tutaj dla siebie, pod nadzorem i radą specjalistów, którzy następnie pomagali spieniężyć im jak najpomyślniej uzyskane zbiory. Autor uważał, że sukces jest wynikiem osobistych walorów kierownika. Wyraził więc obawy, że po jego odejściu cały świetnie działający system runie, bo jest oparty na uczciwości i skrupulatności rozliczeń. Nie przystaje zatem do otaczających realiów45. 3. Pracownicy kolonialni Jednym z głównych tematów poruszanych przez Giżyckiego są ludzie zatrudniani w kolonii oraz ich wzajemne stosunki, w sposób znaczący wpływające na pracę administracji. Autor wymienia liczne nazwiska, lecz można podejrzewać, że nie są one w pełni zgodne z rzeczywistością46. Nie podważa to jednak, jak sądzę, istoty opisywanych zdarzeń i sytuacji. Można więc przyjąć, że nawet jeśli opisy są nieco podkoloryzowane, to dotyczą prawdziwych, napotkanych i zasłyszanych w podróży sytuacji. Jerzy Giżycki nie miał o miejscowych „kolonjalach” dobrego zdania. W jednym z pierwszych rozdziałów książki Między morzem Ibidem, s. 177–178. Autor we wszystkich trzech opracowaniach podaje nazwiska osób, o których pisze i jedynie w niektórych przypadkach ogranicza się do monogramów. Jednakże we wspomnieniach The Winding Trail, które powstały w okresie powojennym i to w wersji angielskojęzycznej, opisując te same sytuacje zmienia niektóre nazwiska na zupełnie inne, nie zawsze zachowując narodowość osoby opisywanej. Ponadto dokonuje tu znaczących skrótów opowieści. Nie tylko łączy kilka epizodów w jeden i zmienia ich chronologię, ale nawet postacie kilku służących Giżyckiemu w ciągu opisywanych pięciu lat podróży „boyów” w tym opracowaniu zlały się w jedną postać młodego mężczyzny pochodzącego z ludu Lobi. Należy zatem przyjąć, że podawane w opracowaniach nazwiska urzędników i osób napotkanych w podróży nie muszą być zgodne z rzeczywistością. 45 46 �276 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska a pustynią czytamy: Mamy jeszcze kawał do celu naszego marszu, małego ośrodka administracyjnego, gdzie kilku białych, topiąc nudę w aperitifach, przy pomocy belotki i często zmienianych czarnych konkubin przepycha czas dzielący ich od następnego sześciomiesięcznego urlopu we Francji47. Pisarz podkreśla także, że tak jak w Ameryce jednym z głównych celów życia jest zdobycie pieniędzy, tak w AOF najwyższą formą szczęścia jest „święta Emerytura”, którą można uzyskać na tyle wcześnie, że „[…] pogrąża w letarg czterdziestoletnich ludzi”48. Jest zdania, że system ciągłego przenoszenia urzędników z miejsca na miejsce także się w praktyce nie sprawdza. Jeśli ktoś okazał się skuteczny w działaniach na jakimś miejscu i poczynił pewne sensowne posunięcia, to istnieją niestety znaczące przesłanki, aby wyciągnąć wnioski, że jego następca już w początkowym okresie swojego urzędowania zniszczy wszystko, i to nie tylko z braku zainteresowania dla tych właśnie spraw, ale z czystej chęci zatarcia śladów po poprzedniku49. Następnie nowo mianowany przechodzi przez etap powierzchownego poznawania własnego rejonu działań, a na końcu przez etap podejmowania prób reformatorskich, z których rezygnuje ze względu na „inercję, głupotę lub złą wolę” otoczenia50. Autor nieczęsto pisze o miejscowych przedstawicielach paryskiej metropolii pozytywnie. Na palcach jednej ręki można policzyć osoby, które tolerował, darzył sympatią lub przyjaźnią i o których pisał rzeczywiście dobrze. Znaleźli się wśród nich lekarze: dr Leontiejew z Bamako, a także Bucharow – Rosjanin, o którym Giżycki pisze bardzo dobrze. Nie znaczy to, że wszyscy przedstawiciele tego narodu zyskali dobrą opinię autora. Przykładem jest Bogonosow – dyrektor służby geodezyjnej w Bamako, mąż osoby J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 6. J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 117. 49 Ibidem, s. 140–143. 50 Ibidem, s. 144–145. 47 48 �Opowieści znad Nigru... 277 określanej kpiarsko przez miejscowych Europejczyków mianem „księżniczki”. Para ta zdołała bowiem zniechęcić do siebie absolutnie wszystkich, snując intrygi i krzywdząc tych, którzy nie chcieli się podporządkować narzuconym przez nich stosunkom i układom51. Mocna pozycja tego człowieka była efektem osobistej, zdaniem niektórych, protekcji, natomiast miejscowi Rosjanie byli przez niego traktowani w sposób szczególny. Otóż Giżycki wspomina, że podczas jednej z rozmów prowadzonych w gronie miejscowych urzędników i pracowników kolonialnych poruszono problem wydanego przez Bogonosowa zakazu porozumiewania się przez rosyjskich emigrantów w języku rosyjskim nawet podczas zupełnie prywatnych spotkań. Oto przytoczony przez autora komentarz jednego z rosyjskich lekarzy: Przyjmują nas, wychodźców rosyjskich, bo, primo, nie mogą dostać Francuzów za te marne pieniądze, jakie nam płacą, a secundo Bogonosow, oczko w głowie pana Blafier, dawno by był w szpitalu albo na cmentarzu, gdyby stosował do Francuzów swoje brutalne metody. My cierpimy, bo nie mamy wyboru. Pan wie, że we Francji pracy nie dostaniemy z wyjątkiem szoferowania na taksówkach, roznoszenia żelaziwa i zamiatania hal po fabrykach paryskich, albo tańczenia na Montmartre „lezginki”52 z nożami w pyskach53. Natomiast wśród Francuzów Giżycki wskazuje zaledwie kilka osób, które jego zdaniem były warte uwagi i znajomości. Są to na przykład: Pan Ruyché – wysoki urzędnik kolonialny, który mógł51 Ponadto Giżycki i inni mieli wiele do powiedzenia na temat zasad moralnych państwa Bogonosow. Zob. J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 48–61. 52 „Lezginka” to tradycyjny ludowy taniec pochodzenia kaukaskiego, o metrum 6/8. 53 J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 49. Po wybuchu rewolucji i po zakończeniu I wojny światowej bardzo wielu Rosjan wyemigrowało lub pozostało na zachodzie Europy. Wielu z nich zatrzymało się we Francji, a ich udziałem stały się wszelkie problemy spadające na uchodźców politycznych. �278 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska by, zdaniem Giżyckiego, świetnie sprawdzić się jako gubernator „[…] gdyby miał bardziej giętki kark”. Zdaniem podróżnika był to człowiek prawy, lojalny, inteligentny i dowcipny54. Kolejnym był pan Lalande – szef Biura Badań Geodezyjnych, dawny lotnik i kierowca samochodów wyścigowych. Człowiek zdystansowany do świata, nieprzejmujący się konwenansami i nieprzebierający w słowach, który okazał się niezwykle lojalnym przyjacielem, stawiając na szali swoją własną karierę w obronie jednego z lekarzy odsyłanego w wyniku intryg z kolonii55. Kolejnym „kolonjalem” wartym uwagi był zdaniem Giżyckiego Pan Dribaud – „[…] dyrektor olbrzymiej radiostacji i elektrowni, zdolny inżynier, poważny specjalista radjowy”. To w kontekście jego osoby podróżnik pisze: […] Więc jednak niezawsze Afryka podzwrotnikowa paczy charakter. Nawet pomimo długiej karjery kolonjalnej, można zachować równowagę duchową, zainteresowanie rzeczami leżącymi poza i ponad kwestjami rang, awansów, przywilejów służbowych i wszelkiego rodzaju „dodatków do poborów”56. Dodaje przy tym, że w gruncie rzeczy to nie pobyt w koloniach wypacza charakter. Ludzie są tacy, jacy są i jedynie specyficzne warunki te cechy charakteru uwypuklają. Pisze także, iż francuska opinia mówi, że „[…] «kolonjale» to narwańcy, fajtłapy, którzy we Francji zdechliby z głodu, lub podejrzane osobistości. Tak źle, na szczęście, nie jest. Są wyjątki, coraz to liczniejsze, które częściowo przynajmniej ratują dobrą sławę białych w kolonjach”57. Ibidem, s. 53. Ibidem, s. 54. 56 Ibidem. 57 Ibidem, s. 55. 54 55 �Opowieści znad Nigru... 279 4. Nadużycia finansowe Giżycki opisuje jednak w swoich opracowaniach całe rzesze ludzi o wątpliwych postawach moralnych, dorobkiewiczów, cwaniaków wykorzystujących stanowisko do własnych, głównie zarobkowych celów. Niekompetentnych, chciwych i niszczących tych, którzy nie chcieli podporządkować się panującym w koloniach „układom”. Znalazł się wśród nich między innymi pan Boussac, handlujący bawełną i posiadający wiele punktów skupu tego surowca oraz fabryczek oddzielających włókno od ziarna. Miał on zdaniem Giżyckiego „[…] potężne plecy w Paryżu, a naczelnicy okręgów słuchają, bo pan Boussak umie sypnąć frankami, gdy potrzeba”58. Była to ponoć tak wpływowa postać, że właściwie rządził w obszarze Boromo, a nawet i poza nim, bowiem było wiadomo, że niektórzy miejscowi urzędnicy mieli z nim powiązania finansowe59. Interesem „rodzinnym” o wątpliwej reputacji była spółka handlowa braci Beaumarchand60, którzy zrobili spory majątek na panującej w Paryżu modzie na futra z czarnych małp. Gdy moda przeminęła, mieli już „[…] trzy wielkie faktorie przy drodze przecinającej dwie kolonie” i własne ciężarówki, które woziły z portu sól, paciorki, perkale i przykłady „[…] wszelkiej tandety fabrykowanej specjalnie dla «dzikusów»”61. Dość obszernie pisze Giżycki o spotkanym w Wagadugu panu Dombrier: „[…] masywny bon vivant, z brzuchem smakosza, J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 72. Ibidem, s. 75. 60 Jeden z braci znany był pod imieniem „Żorża rogacza”, bowiem jego żona wróciła do metropolii z młodym urzędnikiem kończącym właśnie służbę w koloniach. Porównaj: J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 39. 61 Ibidem. 58 59 �280 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska przekrwioną cerą alkoholika i apoplektycznem karczydłem przekarmionego sangwinika, lubił dobrze zjeść, lepiej wypić, a przede wszystkim gardłować. […] Imponować kolonjalnym półinteligentom swą swadą, zastępującą nieraz z powodzeniem erudycję, i swym tupetem maskującym poważne braki wykształcenia”62. Był on delegatem „sąsiedniej kolonii” do Rady Kolonialnej, ale pełnił tę funkcję niedługo, bo ponoć posunął „już trochę zbyt daleko tradycyjne wykorzystywanie mandatu dla celów osobistych”63. Czytamy między innymi: […] pan delegat pragnął zrobić fortunę. W jakikolwiek sposób. Jakimikolwiek metodami, byle prędko. Ten pośpiech kilka już razy postawił go na granicy konfliktu z prawem. Nawet tak elastycznym, jak to, które się stosuje w kolonjach do białych, posiadających dobre plecy polityczne64. Była to rzeczywiście antypatyczna postać. Autor opowieści wkłada w jego usta także tyrady dotyczące konieczności sprowadzenia z Francji żandarmów, którzy powinni „wziąć negrów za pysk”65. Równie nieciekawą postacią był jego wspólnik – p. Bornait – współwłaściciel faktorii w Bobo-Dioulasso, o którym Giżycki pisał, że „[…] miał dwie pasje: małoletnie dziewczynki i pieniądze”66. W cytowanej rozmowie autor opisuje nadużycia, których dopuścił się on ponoć w Gabonie, przywłaszczając sobie pobory jednego z przedstawicieli swojej faktorii, ratując się tym samym z problemów finansowych. Ów przedstawiciel zginął zaatakowany na polowaniu przez bawoła. Niektórzy oskarżali Bornaita wprost, Ibidem, s. 13; G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 296. J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 13; G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 296. 64 J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 13. 65 Ibidem, s. 14. 66 Ibidem, s. 13. 62 63 �Opowieści znad Nigru... 281 ale ostatecznie nic mu nie udowodniono. Musiał jednak zamknąć faktorię i wyjechać z kraju67. Autor w swoich opowieściach podkreślał niekompetencję urzędników, wspominając też o wszechobecnym nepotyzmie i zwykłej zawiści, która decydowała o ludzkich losach. W Wagadugu działał w owym czasie pan Maes: […] młody urzędnik kontraktowy zarządu okręgu, którego trzymają tu głównie dlatego, że jego ojciec zmarł w kolonji na jakąś chorobę tropikalną…68. Natomiast administrator naczelny Bamako – pan Delouche – mówił ponoć jedynie o poborach, a do obecnej rangi doszedł, bo rozpoczął karierę w czasach, gdy awansowano automatycznie i wystarczył staż 20 lat spędzonych za biurkiem, żeby z „gryzipiórka” stać się administratorem69. To on właśnie przeniósł między innymi do Ségou młode małżeństwo Montsoliersów tylko dlatego, że wspomniany wcześniej przeze mnie pan Ruyche spotykał się z nimi towarzysko, unikając kontaktów z administratorem70. Nieudane nominacje nie omijały także armii. W miejscowości Hounde dowódcą załogi osady i cywilnym naczelnikiem okręgu, leżącego pośród „krnąbrnych plemion”, które ponoć mocno się dały we znaki francuskiej administracji, był słabeusz niepotrafiący podjąć żadnej decyzji: I to półtora nieszczęścia dowodzi murzyńską załogą w niepewnym kraju […]. Ten maminsynek ma pewnie dobre plecy – to grunt. Wobec tego inne kwalifikacje czy brak kwalifikacyj, ustępują na drugi, albo dziesiąty plan71. Giżycki wkłada tę wypowiedź w usta jednego z handlowców, ale można domniemywać, że sam jest podobnego zdania. J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 20; G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 300. J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 9. 69 Ibidem, s. 55. 70 Ibidem, s. 55. 71 J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 122. 67 68 �282 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska Przykłady takie można by mnożyć, ale podane opisy wystarczą, żeby pokazać, iż był to jak widać często nie tylko świat ludzi niekompetentnych, ale także świat rządzony osobistymi sympatiami i antypatiami, pełen zawiści i zwykłej zazdrości, w którym awans lub wydalenie z kolonii powodowane były nie efektami wykonywanej pracy, a intrygami, w których niemałą rolę odgrywały towarzyszki życia kolonizatorów. Wątkiem często przewijającym się przez narrację omawianych książek, w których powtarzają się podane powyżej osoby i nazwiska, są nadużycia finansowe i oszustwa handlowe, a także wykorzystywanie pracy miejscowych mieszkańców do własnych, prywatnych zysków. Pierwszy przykład dotyczy Georgesa („Żorża”) Beaumarchanda. Gdy dotarła do niego wiadomość, że komendant miejscowego okręgu nakazał wszystkim przywódcom murzyńskim znosić bawełnę pod swój dom, a nie do faktorii, handlowiec tak to skomentował: […] ubzdrał sobie, że my, kupcy, naciągamy murzynów i teraz sprzedaż ma się odbywać pod kontrolą urzędową. A w dodatku ten bolszewik ustalił pewną cenę minimalną, poniżej której żaden negr nie ma prawa sprzedać72. Znalazł jednak – jak się okazało – i na to sposób, bowiem przebrał się, wykorzystując sprzedawane w faktorii stare mundury, w ubiór kawaleryjski, postawił na zewnątrz faktorii wagę i „przejmował” tragarzy bawełny, udając komendanta i jego miejsce skupu73. Kolejną nieciekawą postacią był p. Rossé – handlarz i plantator znad jeziora Tingrella, który pobrał w europejskich sklepach AOF towar dla faktorii i spieniężył go syryjskim handlowcom, a następnie zapłacił pilniejsze długi i uciekł z Afryki. Jerzy Giżycki natrafił potem w gazecie paryskiej na in- 72 73 Ibidem, s. 41. Ibidem, s. 42; G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 259. �Opowieści znad Nigru... 283 formację, że handlarz założył w Paryżu biuro turystyki łowieckiej, zebrał od klientów pieniądze i zniknął z zebraną gotówką74. Ponieważ wspomniany już ustosunkowany pan Boussak skupywał na wielką skalę bawełnę, nakazano miejscowym mieszkańcom uprawiać tę roślinę kosztem upraw żywieniowych. Ponadto: „[…] przekupieni naczelnicy okręgów wyznaczają arbitralnie wysokie kontyngenty, które ma dostarczyć dane terytorjum”75. Efektem był oczywisty niedobór upraw roślin jadalnych i niedostatek rolników. Gdy w pewnym okręgu zbiory bawełny były zbyt niskie, rolnicy, aby uniknąć represji, dokupywali surowiec w sąsiedniej kolonii z wyraźną stratą finansową76. Rolnicy zmuszani byli do sprzedawania Boussakowi całego zbioru bawełny, a w zamian musieli u niego kupować towary sprowadzane z Francji, w tym imitacje bawełnianych samodziałów77. Świadome działania na szkodę miejscowej ludności były zdaniem Giżyckiego pow­ szechne. Giżycki podkreśla ponadto, że w swoich faktoriach Boussak – tak jak wielu innych handlowców – oszukiwał na wadze. Podróżnik opisuje, że jednym z najczęściej stosowanych metod było „trickowanie” mechanizmu wagi. Dotyczyło to wszelkich towarów, od masła karite po bawełnę. Autor cytuje tekst słynnej depeszy, jaką pan Huchard – uczciwy i broniący interesów miejscowych mieszkańców naczelnik okręgu Boromo – wysłał do gubernatora AOF: Panie Gubernatorze. Mam zaszczyt prosić o udzielenie mi nieograniczonego urlopu wypoczynkowego. Dziś rano ważyłem na wadze rządowej osiemdziesiąt pięć kilo. Dziś popołudniu, na wadze J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 112–113; G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 247. 75 J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 72. 76 Ibidem, s. 72. 77 Ibidem, s. 76. 74 �284 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska jednego z tutejszych handlarzy, ważyłem już tylko siedemdziesiąt kilo. Straciwszy piętnaście kilo w przeciągu kilku godzin, uważam się za najgroźniej chorego Europejczyka w kolonji78. Autor tej depeszy był ostatecznie niepopularny zarówno wśród handlowców, jak i urzędników: Ten zacny i prawy człowiek cierpiał nad wyzyskiwaniem murzynów przez nieuczciwych traderów uciekających się bez skrupułów do fałszywych wag i podobnie nieetycznych metod, i buntował się, nie bez racji, przeciw nadmiernie biurokratycznym nawykom administracji kolonialnej79. Jednak także ten uczciwy i dobrze opisywany przez Giżyckiego człowiek nie był w stanie przezwyciężyć miejscowych „układów”. Giżycki opisuje sytuację, gdy przejeżdżając przez teren podległy Huchardowi, zobaczył umęczonych Murzynów budujących drogę oraz: „tu i ówdzie czerwony fez «garda» dozorującego pracowników z nahajem w ręku i krótkim karabinkiem przerzuconym na rzemieniu przez ramię”. Po dotarciu do Boromo dowiedział się, że Huchard dostał taki rozkaz z Kudugu od naczelnika okręgu. Podobno Boussak skarżył się na stan miejscowych dróg, zrujnowawszy je najpierw przejazdami wielkich, bardzo ciężkich platform bawełny ciągnionych przez traktor80. Giżycki wspomina także, że w Bobo-Dioulasso jeden z handlowców chwalił się, iż nie płaci swoim „boyom” należności, bo nakłada na nich liczne kary pieniężne za najrozmaitsze przewinienia i odlicza je z wypłaty. Autor opatruje to uwagą, że nic dziwnego, iż Biali są okradani, skoro są zmuszeni do zatrudniania byłych więźniów, gdyż nikt inny nie chce podjąć się takiej pracy81. Kolejnym wątkiem pojawiającym się w omawianych tekstach są nadużycia pracowników administracji pobierających podarki Ibidem, s. 76. J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 114. 80 J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 73. 81 Ibidem, s. 14. 78 79 �Opowieści znad Nigru... 285 i żywność w odwiedzanych wioskach w formie darów, inkasując na to znaczne środki przeznaczone na objazdy terenowe. A jeśli nawet płacą, to śmiesznie niskie kwoty wynikające z ustalanych przez siebie stawek82. Giżycki porusza także sprawę istnienia „specjalnego rynku” przeznaczonego dla białych. Określa to jako: […] cyniczny wyzysk okolicznych murzynów, zmuszonych dostarczać na „rynek” administracyjny żywności, drzewa, węgla drzewnego i.t.d. za trzecią, czwartą, czy nawet piątą część ich wartości83. Podobnie krytycznie odnosi się do prac przymusowych, jakie w ramach obowiązującego prawa miejscowi mieszkańcy muszą wykonywać na rzecz administracji kolonii84. Jest to kolejne pole do nadużyć i wykorzystywania robotników do prywatnych celów. Przywołuje tu burmistrza Wagadugu, który wykorzystując więźniów i najemnych robotników, których wynagrodzenie ponoć defraudował, budował sklepy, składy i domy dla nowych towarzystw handlowych. Ponadto „organizował” przy pomocy presji wywieranej na miejscowych wodzach wiosek robotników, których wysyłał między innymi w zabójczy dla nich klimat Wybrzeża Kości Słoniowej85. Giżycki cytuje tu jednego ze swoich bliskich znajomych, który w kontekście tych poczynań wypowiadał się na temat „idjotów” działających w którejś z komisji parlamentarnych, dla których tego typu działania gubernatora są dowodem jego gospodarności i oszczędności86. Problem złego, czasem okrutnego i bezmyślnego traktowania miejscowej ludności był wielokrotnie poruszany na łamach wszystJ. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 124; 206. Ibidem, s. 125. 84 G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 304. 85 J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 114. 86 Ibidem, s. 126. 82 83 �286 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska kich trzech opracowań podróżnika. Jednym z wątków są podejmowane przez metropolię i jej urzędników oszczędności, narażające zdrowie i życie Afrykanów. Poruszając problematykę medyczną, autor pisał między innymi: […] służbę sanitarną, jako mało efektowną, traktuje się tu po macoszemu. […] A przecież powinna być najważniejsza, gdyż jedynem prawdziwem bogactwem tego kraju są tubylcy, bez których się tu nigdy do niczego nie dojdzie, jest ich zaś o wiele za mało. Dziesiątkuje je niesłychana śmiertelność dziecięca i różne choróbska, które z braku lekarzy próbują leczyć sami, po dawnemu, zamawianiami i okadzaniam. W Kamerunie, gdzie Francuzi mieli kilka razy mniej lekarzy i czarnych felczerów, aniżeli ich było za czasów niemieckich, śpiączka tak się rozpanoszyła, jak zresztą i we francuskiem Kongo, że aż Liga Narodów się tem zainteresowała i dopiero pod jej presją Francja, z bólem serca, musiała podnieść pobory lekarzy werbowanych do tej ciężkiej, niewdzięcznej i niebezpiecznej roboty i zorganizować jako tako walkę z tą klęską, trzebiącą ludność tubylczą87. Złe wynagrodzenia odbijały się na jakości kadry. Wiele do myślenia dają opisy działań medycznych lekarza o nazwisku Thomas, który zdecydował się na przyjazd do Afryki, licząc na lepsze możliwości kolekcjonerskie, bo był namiętnym zbieraczem znaczków88. Niewiele interesowały go natomiast sprawy zawodowe. Wstrząsający jest także casus lekarza wojskowego, który nie chciał leczyć za darmo, świadomie skazując ludzi (na przykład tubylców) na śmierć89. Wątek zabójczych oszczędności w zakresie służby zdrowia i tragicznych jego konPowyższy tekst autor zamieścił jako własną wypowiedź w przytaczanej dyskusji w Między morzem… na s. 51. Autor istoty problemu poszukuje w totalnym jego zdaniem braku higieny wśród Francuzów i wynikającej z niej niedbałości o zdrowie swoje i innych. Problematyce tej poświęcił także prawie cały rozdział książki Biali i Czarni…, s. 11–16. 88 J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 36–38; G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 227. 89 J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 193. 87 �Opowieści znad Nigru... 287 sekwencji przewija się we wszystkich trzech opracowaniach. Czasem jako fragment rozmowy, czasem opis tragicznych przypadków niekompetencji lekarskich lub braku pomocy medycznej na jakimś obszarze, czasami jako obszerny komentarz, uzupełniony powoływaniem się na innych autorów poruszających te kwestie w odniesieniu do kolonii francuskich90. 5. Zachowania nieetyczne Kolejnym wątkiem dotyczącym bezpośrednio także miejscowej ludności jest sprawa moralności „koloniali”. W książkach jest wiele opisów miejscowych kobiet będących stałymi towarzyszkami życia i matkami dzieci francuskich urzędników oraz uwag dotyczących powszechnych okazjonalnych kontaktów seksualnych Europejczyków z Afrykankami. Giżycki komentował także nadużycia, jakie towarzyszyły kontaktom „koloniali” z miejscową ludnością, wzajemnym powiązaniom, dwustronnym interesom itd.91 Podróżnik przytacza także przykłady zainteresowania żon urzędników walorami afrykańskich młodzieńców oraz wspomina o przypadkach gwałtów i wykorzystywania seksualnego młodych chłopców i dziewcząt92. Nadmienia także między innymi, że wspominany już „Żorż Rogacz”, pozbawiony stałego towarzystwa kobiety, zwykł zatrzymywać podczas swoich wędrówek dowolnie upatrzoną kobietę idącą skrajem drogi i zmuszać ją do czynności seksualnych93. Ibidem, s. 11–16, s. 51. Ibidem, s. 132–133. 92 Ibidem, s. 255; 278–279; 324; G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 275. 93 J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 39. 90 91 �288 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska Z kolei Rosjanin Nikołajew, dyrektor jednej z doświadczalnych plantacji, miał zwyczaj wybierania jako stałych towarzyszek dziewcząt przed inicjacją, bowiem starsze, poddane wyrzezaniu go nie interesowały, i który komentował to w sposób następujący: […] w Europie siedziałbym już dawno za kratkami. Jesteśmy jednak na szczęście w Afryce, gdzie nie ma głupich przepisów co do tego, kiedy mężczyzna ma prawo dopomóc dziewczynie do stania się kobietą94. Ponadto Giżycki opisuje też sytuację, w której serdecznie i szczerze rozbawiła tego człowieka tragedia, jaka spotkała jego służącego, muszącego obserwować patroszenie krokodyla, który był jego totemem i wiązał się z tabu polowania95. Giżycki podkreślał także absurd organizowania francuskich uroczystości państwowych obchodzonych w sytuacji kolonialnej. Opisuje groteskową sytuację, gdy administrator opowiadał o zdobyciu Bastylii przedstawicielom ludu Lobi, którym nakazano zostawić w buszu wszelką broń, a porządku pilnowali umieszczeni za węgłem domu uzbrojeni milicjanci, rekrutowani „pośród innych plemion”96. Pisarz boleje także nad poziomem intelektualnym i kulturalnym „kolonieli”. Zwraca między innymi uwagę na prymitywne rozrywki Francuzów, którzy na przykład z okazji święta państwowego (14 lipca) organizowali oprócz pokazów tanecznych konkursy piękności połączone z obmacywaniem kandydatek do tytułu miss. Wspomina także bawiące wyłącznie kolonizatorów zawody wspinania się Afrykanów po namydlonym palu lub wyciąganie przez nich zębami z miski wypełnionej mąką umieszczonych w nich monet97. J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 66. Ibidem, s. 70; G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 278. 96 Ibidem, s. 42. 97 J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 107. 94 95 �Opowieści znad Nigru... 289 Te zabawy powiązane były z powszechnie spotykanymi wówczas poglądami pełnymi etnocentryzmu i rasizmu. Postawy te znajdowały ujście także w innych sferach życia: stosowanym słownictwie, codziennym traktowaniu Afrykanów, w zdziwieniu i lekceważeniu, jakie było reakcją na informację o ludoznawczych zainteresowaniach Giżyckiego. Bardzo dobrym przykładem takich poglądów jest opowieść, którą uraczył Giżyckiego wielokrotnie już wspomniany Georges („Żorż”) Beaumarchand, chwalący stopień wytresowania pewnej czarnej małpy: […] nigdy się nie poniży do podania ręki negrowi. Ha, ha, ha, Tak, panie, to mądra bestja! Mądrzejsza od tego deputowanego, co tu był niedawno. Ten przed każdą murzynką zdejmował hełm w szarmanckim ukłonie: Madame… Madame… Ha, ha, ha… A do pierwszego lepszego parszywego negra mówił: „obywatelu”! Pan sobie wyobraża? Konaliśmy ze śmiechu. Dobrze jednak, że pan deputowany nie długo się tu obijał, boby tym czarnym małpom całkiem we łbach przewrócił98. Wspomniane zwierzę miało między innymi także zwyczaj straszenia dzieci niosących olej, które rzucając się do ucieczki tłukły naczynia z przenoszonym cennym płynem. Powszechne było także porównywanie Murzynów do zwierząt, głównie do wspomnianych powyżej małp. Giżycki opisuje także zabawę „kolonieli” polegającą na straszeniu klaksonem pieszych niosących towary i prowadzących juczne zwierzęta99. Sporo miejsca poświęca też przykładom najzwyklejszego znęcania się na Afrykanami i stosowania wobec nich siły100. Podróżnik zamieszcza w swoich opracowaniach także informacje dotyczące sądownictwa kolonialnego, przytaczając przyIbidem, s. 40. J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 218–219; G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 332. 100 J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 342; G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 274, 329. 98 99 �290 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska kłady licznych pomyłek i niesprawiedliwości, wynikających tak z braku rozeznania w miejscowym prawie zwyczajowym, jak i z braku znajomości języków tubylczych i korzystania z niekompetentnych tłumaczy101. Takie przykłady można by mnożyć. Zakończenie Oczywiście przytoczone opisy ukazujące patologię, przykłady niegospodarności, bezmyślności i nędzy moralnej102 nie są jedynymi wątkami omawianych książek. Autor opisuje w nich przecież swoje spotkania z Afrykanami, zwraca uwagę na ich kulturę, relacjonuje polowania, przygody przeżywane podczas spływu Nigrem, tańce i zabawy organizowane w wioskach z okazji przybycia podróżnych, a także wiele zabawnych sytuacji związanych ze stosunkami międzyludzkimi. Niemniej jednak zawarty w nich ogólny obraz Francuskiej Afryki Zachodniej – państwa kolonialnego, opartego na pracy miejscowej ludności rządzonej w sposób „bezpośredni” – jest przygnębiający i oceniany negatywnie. Może być przykładem wszystkich dobrze znanych i wielokrotnie opisywanych, krytykowanych i potępianych cech kolonializmu. Momentami można nawet odnieść wrażenie, że mamy do czynienia z tekstami zawierającymi wątki znane nam z opracowań pisanych w kontekście nurtów postkolonialnych103. Jednakże relacje te za101 Porównaj rozdział „Temida pod zwrotnikami”. J. Giżycki, Między morzem…, op. cit., s. 76–85. 102 W opracowaniach podawane są także przykłady zabójstw popełnianych przez Europejczyków i na Europejczykach oraz konfliktów i przemocy w rodzinie. Porównaj: J. Giżycki: Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 170; G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 235, 242, 261. 103 Edward Said, pisząc o cechach dyskursu kolonialnego, wymienia między innymi: przeświadczenie o naturalnej wyższości cywilizacji starego świata i prawie do zarządzania obszarami innych kontynentów, czy odmawianie miejscowym �Opowieści znad Nigru... 291 wierają także wiele wątków charakterystycznych dla dyskursu kolonialnego104: pewien dystans do opisywanej rzeczywistości, stosunek pewnej pobłażliwości dla swoistej „dziecinności” tubylców, z czym wiąże się przekonanie o potrzebie sprawowania nad nimi opieki i zagospodarowywania terytoriów zamorskich przez europejskie mocarstwa. Autor ma świadomość tymczasowości swojego pobytu w Afryce. Opisuje świat z perspektywy osoby „spoza” i z wyższej pozycji mieszkańca Europy. Musimy jednak pamiętać, że Jerzy Mikołaj Giżycki pisał swoje książki w latach 30. XX wieku. I chociaż był dość nietypowym dzieckiem swojej epoki, mającym krytyczne spojrzenie na kolonializm i kolonie, jednak przyjmował do wiadomości fakt ich istnienia i chyba nie wyobrażał sobie innej możliwości. Widział natomiast potrzebę przeprowadzenia reform zarządzania podległymi terytoriami: ich dofinansowania, przygotowania odpowiednich kadr i ukrócenia powszechnych nadużyć, w tym złego, nieludzkiego traktowania miejscowych mieszkańców. Jednocześnie uważał, że Afrykanie nie byli już w stanie sami przetrwać w ówczesnym świecie. Interesował się ich kulturą, opisując jej najprzeróżniejsze przejawy i utrwalając je w swoich fotografiach, było to jednak zainteresowanie ludoznawcy opisującego ludzi obcych. Momentami bardzo zmęczonego opisywaną i przeżywaną rzeczywistością. Było to także spojrzenie człowieka wrażliwego na krzywdę ludzi, ale ludzi odmiennych od niego i pozostających niewątpliwie poza obszarem głównego nurtu życia starego świata. mieszkańcom prawa do samostanowienia. Porównaj: E. Said, Orientalizm, Warszawa 2005. Dyskurs postkolonialny poprzez analizy najrozmaitszych form pisarskich wskazuje na zawarte w nich cechy charakterystyczne dla kolonializmu. A. Loomba, Kolonializm/postkolonializm, Poznań 2011. 104 Porównaj między innymi: M. Coetzee, Białe pisarstwo. O literackiej kulturze Afryki Południowej, Kraków 2009; M. L. Pratt, Imperialne spojrzenie. Pisarstwo podróżnicze a transkulturacja, Kraków 2011. �292 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska Kolonialną Francuską Afrykę Zachodnią Jerzy Mikołaj Giżycki oceniał bardzo krytycznie, ale nie podważał samej idei rządów europejskich na tym kontynencie. Postulował natomiast daleko idące reformy i renegocjacje terytorialne. Daje tym poglądom wyraz pod koniec książki Biali i Czarni…105, zadając pytanie o zasadność posiadania przez Francję tak rozległych obszarów kolonialnych. Sugeruje, że […] najprostsza sprawiedliwość […] nakazywałaby raczej podzielić się trochę z narodami, nie mogącemi wprawdzie pochwalić się takiemi masami złota, jak te, które leżą bezczynnie w podziemiach Banque de France, ale które posiadają natomiast rzeczy może cenniejsze: ludzi młodych duchem i jędrnych ciałem, którzy nie uważaliby pracy na egzotycznych terenach, dających tak wdzięczne pole dla męskiej energji i inicjatywy, za łamiące życie wygnanie106. Bibliografia Giżycki J., Biali i Czarni – fragmenty kolonialne, Warszawa 1934. Giżycki J., Między morzem a pustynią, Warszawa 1936. Giżycki J., Żegluga na Nigrze i Senegalu, „Morze” 1935, z. 12, s. 18–19. Giżycki J., cykl: Od Zatoki Gwinejskiej do Sahary, w: „Kurier Literacko-Naukowy” 1932: Afryka mówi, nr 14.03, s. 10; Pochodzenie Murzynów, nr 21.03, s. 10; Religia Murzynów, nr 04.04, s. 10; WieW pozostałych opracowaniach brak jest tak wyraźnych deklaracji. J. Giżycki, Biali i Czarni…, op. cit., s. 348. Warto jednak zaznaczyć, że Jerzy Mikołaj Giżycki nie piastował żadnej funkcji w działającej w Polsce Lidze Morskiej i Kolonialnej i polskie marzenia kolonialne skrytykował mocno w omawianych wspomnieniach. Natomiast w kilka lat po powrocie do kraju rozpoczął działalność dyplomatyczną, objąwszy stanowisko konsula tytularnego w Addis Abebie. Jednocześnie w znacznie późniejszych, nieopublikowanych wspomnieniach, Giżycki wyraźnie krytykuje pomysły kolonialne Polski międzywojennej. G. N. Ordon, op. cit., s. 355–356. 105 106 �Opowieści znad Nigru... 293 rzenia i przesądy, nr 11.04, s. 10; W kraju plemienia Habe, nr 18.04, s. 11. Giżycki J., cykl: Od Zatoki Gwinejskiej do Sahary, w: „Kurier Literacko-Naukowy” 1933: Łowy afrykańskie, nr 23.01, s. 10; Czarna Róża, nr 24.07, s. 8–9; Chwytanie żywcem krokodyla. Fragment z kolonii afrykańskich, nr 14.08, s. 8–9; Rybołówstwo u Murzynów, nr 20.11, s. 8–9. Giżycki J., cykl: Od Zatoki Gwinejskiej do Sahary, w: „Kurier Literacko-Naukowy” 1934: Bandyci afrykańscy, nr 21.05, s. 14. Iliffe J., Afrykanie. Dzieje kontynentu, Kraków 2011. Ndiaye B., Francaftique. Stosunki francusko-afrykańskie wczoraj i dziś, Olsztyn 2010. Loomba A., Kolonializm/postkolonializm, Poznań 2011. Said E. W., Orientalizm, Warszawa 2005. Styczyńska A., Rola Jerzego Giżyckiego w tworzeniu kolekcji afrykanistycznej Miejskiego Muzeum Etnograficznego w Łodzi, „Kronika Miasta Łodzi” 1992, z. 1, s. 131–138. Styczyńska A., Wyprawa Ferdynanda Ossendowskiego do Afryki Zachodniej we wspomnieniach jej uczestników, w: M. Głosek (red.), Archeologia i starożytnicy. Studia dedykowane prof. Andrzejowi Abramowiczowi w 70. rocznicę urodzin, Łódź 1997, s. 253–264. Więcek A., Kolonializm w Afryce i jego skutki – model brytyjski i model francuski, „Przegląd Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Społeczny” 2012, nr 4, s. 79–93. Vorbrich R., Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka. Koncepcje i postaci wspólnoty w dawnej i współczesnej Afryce, Poznań 2012. Opracowania nieopublikowane Nadolska-Styczyńska A., Jerzy Mikołaj Giżycki, w: Etnografowie i ludoznawcy polscy. Sylwetki, szkice biograficzne, t. 5 (w przygotowaniu). Ordon G. N., The Winding Trail (maszynopis), The Polish Library London, 576/RPS, obecny numer: MW 33. �294 Anna Nadolska-Styczyńska Tales from Niger. French West Africa in descriptions of Jerzy Giżycki Abstract Jerzy Mikołaj Giżycki was a Polish traveler, author, passionate ethnographer, photographer and a collector. In the 1920s he traveled across West Africa, working for the French Ministry of Colonies, describing and photographing various administrative and economic institutions of the AOF. The author discusses his depictions regarding these peregrinations, focusing on selected themes that show character and functioning of French West Africa. The materials bring an interesting yet joyless picture of the colonial reality, and at the same time show the author’s attitude to the events and phenomena he depicted. The article deliberately omits narrations regarding ethnic cultures paying special attention to the organization, economy and staff of the French colony. The article uses books written by Jerzy Mikołaj Giżycki, which were supplemented with the text of his unpublished memories. Keywords: French West Africa, Polish travelers, colonialism of the 1920s �� https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/69e5814c5c51bee944b8b0ecbcbe6c89.pdf 1cc04b53b4a90179e3530006cd8859de Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:6655 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Subject The topic of the resource Sudan - muzułmanie Islam Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:6221 Title A name given to the resource Bilad as-Sudan: rodzime kultury a islam Description An account of the resource pod red. Waldemara Cisło,Jarosława Różańskiego i Macieja Ząbka Bilad as-Sudan t.7, 214 s. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Cisło, Waldemar (red.) Różański, Jarosław (red.) Ząbek Maciej (red.) Language A language of the resource pol. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydawnictwo "Bernardinum" Type The nature or genre of the resource książka Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 7 Bilad as-Sudan Rodzime kultury a islam Bilad as-Sudan – Rodzime kultury a islam �Bilad as-Sudan Rodzime kultury a islam �Bilad as-Sudan pod red. Waldemara Cisło, Jarosława Różańskiego i Macieja Ząbka 1. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – kultury i migracje, Warszawa 2013. 2. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – napięcia i konflikty, Pelplin 2014. 3. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – dziedzictwo przeszłości, Pelplin 2015. 4. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – kultura i polityka, Pelplin 2016. 5. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – Polska a strefa Sudanu, Pelplin 2017. 6. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – Varia, Pelplin 2017. 7. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – Rodzime kultury a islam, Pelplin 2018. �Bilad as-Sudan Rodzime kultury a islam Praca pod redakcją Waldemara Cisło, Jarosława Różańskiego, Macieja Ząbka 2018 �Recenzenci: dr hab. Jacek Pawlik, prof. UWM dr hab. Wiesław Lizak (UW) Okładka: foto str. 1: Omdurman. Meczet. Foto: J. Różański OMI. foto str. 4: Krajobraz z północnego Kamerunu. Foto: A. Titone OMI. © Copyright by Jarosław Różański, 2018 Wydawnictwo „Bernardinum” Sp. z o.o. ul. Biskupa Dominika 11, 83-130 Pelplin tel. +48 58 536 17 57, fax +48 58 536 17 26 bernardinum@bernardinum.com.pl www.bernardinum.com.pl ISBN 978-83-8127-233-9 Skład, druk i oprawa Drukarnia Wydawnictwa „Bernardinum” Sp. z o.o., Pelplin �SPIS TREŚCI RYSZARD VORBRICH Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie. Wielokulturowość Wyspy Świętego Ludwika w kontekście historii etnicznej północnego Senegalu............... 7 JACEK ŁAPOTT Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju.......... 41 AGNIESZKA MADYS Tradycyjna kultura tuareska, islam i niepodległość............... 67 KRZYSZTOF RAK Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi, pierwsza osoba skazana przez Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny (ICC) za zbrodnie wojenne przeciwko światowemu dziedzictwu kulturowemu................................. 87 IZABELA WILL Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu – o pochodzeniu hausańskich gestów towarzyszących mowie........................................................ 109 JAROSŁAW RÓŻAŃSKI Ludność Bahr el Ghazal i okolic – dawny rezerwuar niewolników............................................ 137 �MACIEJ ZĄBEK Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie.....................................................161 KRYSTYNA KAMIŃSKA Religijność Afarów – symbiotyczny związek islamu z religiami tradycyjnymi........................................... 193 �RYSZARD VORBRICH KATEDRA I MECZET NA JEDNEJ STAŁY WYSPIE Wielokulturowość Wyspy Świętego Ludwika w kontekście historii etnicznej północnego Senegalu U ujścia wielkiej rzeki Senegal, na małej Wyspie Świętego Ludwika (Île Saint-Louis) wznoszą się dwie świątynie: katolicka katedra oraz meczet – Wielki Meczet (Grand Mosqée). Obie świątynie wzniesione na początku XIX w. symbolizują złożoną historię oraz wielokulturowy obraz tego skrawka Afryki. Aby nakreślić w miarę pełny obraz i genezę obecnej sytuacji miasta Saint-Louis i jego okolic, należy cofnąć się o kilkaset lat. Ziemie leżące u ujścia Senegalu mają strategiczne znaczenie. Rzeka Senegal (1080 km, z Bafing – 1640 km długości) to najdłuższy szlak wodny Afryki Zachodniej otwierający dostęp do wnętrza kontynentu. Zarazem w dolnym biegu, na przestrzeni 300 km, rzeka wyznacza granicę między strefą pustynną Afryki, przestrzenią kulturową świata arabsko-berberskiego a Afryką subsaharyjską, Sudanem – „krajem czarnych”1. Z obu stref od Prof. dr hab. Ryszard Vorbrich, pracownik Instytutu Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej, Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu. 1 Funkcji granicy i szlaku zarazem przypisuje się etymologię nazwy rzeki Senegal. Według różnych wersji ma ona pochodzić od berberskiego terminu sangui nughal – „nasza granica” bądź od wolofskiego – suñu gaal – „nasza piroga” (Boilat D. (abbé), Esquisses sénégalaises: physionomie du pays, peuplades, �8 Ryszard Vorbrich wieków przenikały przez rzekę towary oraz idee. Od z górą 500 lat region ten, od strony Atlantyku, stał się także areną kontaktu z trzecim komponentem kulturotwórczym – Europejczykami. W efekcie powstała w tym miejscu niepowtarzalna mieszanka kultur, języków i religii. Ziemie te zamieszkiwane były u progu II tysiąclecia po Chrystusie przez ludy z tak zwanej zachodniej grupy bantuidalnej. Tworzyli ją i tworzą do dzisiaj takie rolnicze ludy, jak: Wolof, Serer i (rybacy) Lebu2. Ich rozproszonymi sąsiadami byli pasterze Fulbe3. Od północy wspomniane ludy były stopniowo spychane (i penetrowane kulturowo) przez falę osadniczą tworzoną głównie przez Maurów – koczowników pochodzenia berbersko-arabskiego. Wspomniane ludy długo pozostawały na obrzeżu imperium Ghany. Po jej upadku (w XI w.) znalazły się na krótko pod wpływem fulbejskiego państwa Tekrur, aby od XIII w. funkcjonować na zachodnich peryferiach imperium Mali, którego wpływy były commerce, religions, passé et aenir, récits et legends, Paris 1853, s. 199). Teza ta jest obecnie podważana. 2 Należy zaznaczyć, iż wymienione ludy w tym okresie nie charakteryzowały się tożsamością etniczną, jaką mają ich współcześni potomkowie. Mówić można raczej o dynamicznych w przestrzeni fizycznej i społecznej segmentach rodowych, które budowały dopiero związki o zasięgu ponadlokalnym (por. R. Vorbrich, Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka. Koncepcje i postaci wspólnoty w dawnej i współczesnej Afryce, Poznań 2012, s. 61–77.) 3 Fulbeje (inne etnonimy: Peul, Fulanie) tworzą jednak grupę o niejasnej genezie (o rasowych wpływach kuszyckich lub nawet semickich), silnym poczuciu odrębności i szczególnej historii. Najczęściej wywodzi się ich z Sahary (z Nubii), skąd mieli przybyć w odległej przeszłości do Senegalu w poszukiwaniu pastwisk. W czasach historycznych (XI–XII w.) przyjęli tam islam i rozpoczęli wędrówkę ku wschodowi (jak sami mówią: ku Mekce). Współcześnie są oni rozrzuceni wyspowo (endoetnonim – Fulbe – l. poj. Pullo – oznacza „rozproszony”) na ogromnych przestrzeniach Sudanu, od Senegalu po Kamerun, a nawet Republikę Sudanu. �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 9 Mapa nr 1. Rodzime państwa ziem Senegalu [Źródło: D. Boilat, 1853: poza numeracją stron]. tu raczej nominalne. Po upadku Mali wykształciły (lub umocniły) się w tym regionie liczne drobne jednostki polityczne, które w literaturze przedmiotu zwykło się określać mianem królestw4. Do najważniejszych należały królestwa Dżolof (Dyolf, Jola, Jolof), Walo (Waalo, Wâlo, Woolo) i Kajor (Cayor). Relatywnie największym z tych państw było Dżolof. Z racji położenia – z dala od wybrzeża oceanu – nie odegrało ono jednak większej roli w tworzeniu obrazu kulturowego Saint-Louis i ziem sąsiednich (zob. mapa nr 1). Wspomniane królestwa nie miały w zasadzie profilu etnicznego, choć w większości wypadków tworzyli je lub współtworzyli Wolofowie. Kryterium etniczne jest tu jednak zwodnicze, bowiem w państwach tych następującym po sobie dynastiom przypisuje Choć bardziej adekwatne byłoby tu może pojęcie „wodzostwo” (R. Vorbrich, Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka…, op. cit., s. 159–204). 4 �10 Ryszard Vorbrich się odmienną afiliację etniczną (Monteil 1963). Państwa te pozostawały w skomplikowanych relacjach, co pewien czas popadając w zależność od sąsiadów, innym razem się z niej uwalniając. Chronologicznie pierwszą jednostką polityczną o scentralizowanej władzy politycznej, jaka uformowała się w dolnym biegu rzeki Senegal (po upadku Ghany i Tekrur), było królestwo Walo (w języku wolof – Waalo) obejmujące terytorium leżące w dolnym biegu rzeki Senegal, po obu strona granicy dzisiejszego Senegalu i Mauretanii. W nazwie królestwa można upatrywać też źródła etnonimu zaludniającej go grupy etnicznej – Wolof 5. Jego początków upatruje się w roku 1287, gdy półlegendarna postać – Ndiadiane Ndiaye – ustanowiła jednostkę polityczną niezależną od sąsiadów. Walo charakteryzowało się skomplikowanym systemem polityczno-społecznym, którego ślady odnajdujemy i dziś w kulturze współczesnych Wolofów. Występował tu wysoce sformalizowany i sztywny systemem kastowy. Stanowisko władcy, posiadającego tytuł brak, było dziedziczone w sposób pośredni (preferowanym dziedzicem tronu był zawsze syn siostry matki władcy) przez trzy matrylinearne rody wywodzące się z różnych grup etnicznych i zaangażowane w niekończące się walki dynastyczne. Te trzy naprzemiennie panujące linie dynastyczne to – wywodzący się z Sererów – ród Joos (Dyoos), pochodzący od Maurów – ród Lo- 5 Termin Waalo (Wâlo) odnosi się do terenów zalewowych dolnego biegu rzeki Senegal (Amadou i Monteil, 1964). Podczas gdy jego podwojenie – Waalo Waalo – jest też rodzajem endoetnonimu Wolofów (Wade A., Monteil V., Chronique du Wâlo Sénégalais 1186–1855, „Bulletin De L’Institut Français D’Afrique Noire”, t. 26 (3–4), 1964. Termin waalo można też łączyć z określeniem wadjor (waadyor) – oznaczającym ludzi z jałowego i czerwonego lądu” (Monteil V., Lat Dior, Damel du Kayor, et l’islamisation des Wolofs, „Archives de sociologie des religions” 1963, n°16, s. 78). �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 11 gar (Logres) oraz łączony z Fulbejami (lub Mande) ród Tedyek (Têedyek) (Histoire… bdw). Pluralizm linii dynastycznych królestwa Walo dobrze symbolizuje złożoną etnogenezę współczesnej grupy etnicznej Wolof. Wyjaśnia także łatwość budowy wielokulturowego społeczeństwa współczesnego Senegalu. Władca królestwa Walo nosił tytuł braka. Brak wyznaczał naczelników prowincji królestwa (kangan), rozdzielał ziemie (pod uprawę) wydzielone z domen królestwa. Prowadził również wojska na wojnę, co dawało mu prawo do jednej trzeciej łupu. Pojawiał się publicznie tylko na corocznym („pogańskim”) święcie gamu. Rzeczywista władza należała do rady zwanej Mbôôlôô lub Seb Ak Baor, w której dominowali trzej dygnitarze: 1. Dyogomay – mistrz wód – z pochodzenia Serer z rodu Ngom, 2. Dyawdin – władca ziemi – pochodzenia Peul z rodu Dyaw, 3. Malô – skarbnik. Wspomniane dygnitarskie rody (wraz z naczelnikami prowincji – kàngam) zaliczano do „szlachetnych” (garmi). Znajdowały się one u wierzchołka piramidy społecznej tworzącej się dopiero wspólnoty etnicznej Wolofów. Poniżej lokowali się ludzie wolni – gêêr. W ramach tej warstwy wyróżnić należy przede wszystkim tzw. dyaambur6. Byli to zwykli wieśniacy (baadolo), marabuci oraz grupa tzw. seriñ. Ci ostatni Dyaambur byli wolnymi ludźmi, ale nie szlachetnymi. Termin ten wywodzi się z dwóch wolowskich słów dyaam – „niewolnik” i buur – „król”. Jednak nie byli oni niewolnikami korony, których zwano dyaam-u Buur-i. W dzisiejszym Senegalu słowo dyaambur (ze skróconym u) oznacza człowieka poważnego, zaradnego, mieszczanina (le sens de bourgeois homme posé sérieux) (Monteil, op. cit., s. 89). 6 �12 Ryszard Vorbrich mieli status podobny do arabskiego szejka (cheik) – przywódcy duchowego, znawcy Koranu, mistrza7. Niżej w hierarchii ludzi wolnych stali „ludzie kasty” (nyênyoo). Byli to głównie ludzie „obcy”, osoby parające się nieczystymi zawodami: rzeźnicy, rzemieślnicy pracujący w metalu (kowale – teda) lub w skórze (rymarze – ude), a także tkacze. Do grona „wolnych” zaliczyć także należy griotów (gewel) – grupę o zamkniętym charakterze (zawód griota był dziedziczony) i ambiwalentnym statusie8. Podstawę piramidy społecznej Wolof tworzyli niewolnicy (dyaam), a także rekrutowani z tej grupy wojownicy (tyeddo), którzy stanowili główną siłę królestwa. Małżeństwa pomiędzy osobami należącymi do różnych kategorii społecznych były rzadkie. Zdarzało się, że posażny mężczyzna „wolno urodzony” poślubiał (swą) niewolnicę. Wówczas ich potomstwo kategoryzowano jako ludzi wolnych, lecz o niższym statusie, zwanych jam tara lub dom u tara (Brooks 1976: 20; Guy-Grand 1923: 228). Mieszkańcy królestwa długo opierali się islamizacji, pozostając przy rodzimych wierzeniach i praktykach religijnych9. Choć elity rządzące stopniowo przyjmowały islam, to pierwszy brak nawróWe współczesnym Senegalu tytuł Seriñ (Serigne) stosuje się w odniesieniu do przewodników duchowych i osób podziwianych. Na przykład tytuł Grand Serigne de Dakar przysługuje miejscowemu przywódcy ludu Lebu. Dodaje się go także przed imieniem mistrzów tradycyjnych sportów, np. senegalskich zapasów. 8 Grioci byli profesjonalnymi opowiadaczami spełniającymi też funkcje błaznów, heroldów, genealogów, muzykantów oraz płatnych pochlebców. Z tego powodu, choć o obniżonym statusie, byli pożądanym komponentem społeczeństwa, chętnie zapraszanym na uroczystości rodzinne lub „państwowe” (Alexandre P., Griot [w:] G. Balandier, J. Maquet (éds.), Dictionnaire des civilisation africaine, Paris: Hazan 1968). 9 W kontekście islamizacji należy tu wspomnieć, iż najwytrwalej opierali się jej Sererowie. Wskazuje się, że w etnonimie tej grupy kryje się termin wo7 �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 13 cił się dopiero w XIX w. Władcy Walo od XVII w. zawierali lukratywne traktaty z Francuzami, którzy założyli swoją faktorię na leżącej u ujścia rzeki Senegal wyspie N’Dar, bazie swej dalszej ekspansji kolonialnej wiodącej w górę rzeki10. Królestwo Walo, choć słabnące, dotrwało do połowy XIX w. Kres położył mu gubernator Saint-Louis – Luis Faidherbe, który włączył ziemie Walo w skład kolonii Senegal w roku 1856. Kolejnym organizmem politycznym tworzonym (współtworzonym) przez lud Wolof i stykającym się z ujściem rzeki Senegal było położone na południe od Walo królestwo Kajor. Pojawiło się ono na „kartach historii” (ustnej) w połowie XVI w., gdy uzyskało samodzielność, odłączając się od królestwa Dyolof. Za datę wyłonienia się nowego państwa uznaje się rok 1549, gdy po odmowie złożenia hołdu i po zwycięskiej bitwie pod Danki dotychczasowy wasal imperium Djolof – Dece Fu Njogu – uwolnił się od zwierzchnictwa władców tego państwa. Królestwo Kajoru obejmowało szeroki na kilkadziesiąt kilometrów pas wybrzeża Atlantyku, od ujścia rzeki Senegal na północy po Zielony Przylądek na południu. Struktura społeczna oraz struktura władzy królestwa Kajor były w wielu elementach zbieżne z wcześniej opisanym królestwem Walo11. Jego władcy tytułowali się terminem damel (wolof – dammel), co pierwsi Europejczycy przybyli w te strony (1455) tłumaczyli jako „pan”, „władca”, sugerując, że nie można go porównywać ze statusem „króla” (buur-ba) imperium Dyolof (Monlowski serare – oznaczający tyle co „oddzielony”, „rozdzielony” (od islamu) (Informacja uzyskana od dr. Moustafy Salla z UCAD w Dakarze). 10 Walo otrzymywało opłaty za każdy ładunek gumy arabskiej lub niewolników, który został wysłany na rzekę, w zamian za „ochronę” handlu. 11 Władcy wybierani byli w linii matrylinearnych rodów. Takich naprzemiennie panujących królewskich rodów było w sumie siedem, wywodzących się z różnych grup etnicznych: Mandingo, Soninke, Wolof i Tukulerów (Monteil, op. cit., s. 78–79). �14 Ryszard Vorbrich tei 1963: 77). Ale to właśnie władcy Kajoru, dzięki pośredniczeniu w kontaktach z Europejczykami, uzyskali samodzielność polityczną, a rządzone przez nich państwo wysunęło się na czoło państw wolowskich. Natomiast położone w głębi lądu Djolof uległo w XVI w. dezintegracji, nie mogąc już czerpać zysku z handlu z Europejczykami12. Władcy Kajoru mimo stopniowej, acz powolnej i powierzchowniej islamizacji tej części Afryki, długo pozostawali wierni tradycyjnym wierzeniom i zwyczajom kłócącym się z regułami ortodoksyjnego islamu. Mieli opinię pijaków. Islamizacja królestwa przybrała na sile i tempie w połowie XIX w., w obliczu nasilającej się ekspansji Francuzów i reakcji obronnej ze strony marabutów. Ostatni damelowie zginęli w walce z Francuzami (lub popełnili samobójstwo w desperacji) jako żarliwi muzułmanie (Monteil 1963). Królestwo dwukrotnie w XIX w. było podbijane przez oddziały francuskie. Pierwszy raz uległo im w roku 1868, aby uwolnić się zbrojnie od ich zwierzchnictwa w 1871 r. (korzystając z osłabienia Francji po wojnie francusko-pruskiej). Drugi raz Francuzi zajęli ziemie Kajoru w 1879 r. Ostatecznie królestwo uległo likwidacji w roku 1886, a jego ziemie w 1895 r. weszły w skład Francuskiej Afryki Zachodniej. W kontekście francuskiego podboju musimy naświetlić dzieje europejskiej obecności u ujścia Senegalu. Jako pierwszy dotarł do wybrzeża dzisiejszego Senegalu w roku 1445 Wenecjanin – Alvise Cadamosto (port. Alvide da Ca’ da Mosto) – w służbie portugalskiego króla. Jemu zawdzięczamy opis tutejszych stosunków politycznych i społecznych (Monteil 1963: 78). Natomiast pierw12 Resztki królestwa Djolof zostały w 1875 r. wchłonięte prze fulbejskie państwo – Futa Dżalon (Futa Djalon), aby po kilku latach zostać anektowane przez Francuską Afrykę Zachodnią (Ogot Bethwell A. (ed.), UNESCO Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, V, Paris, Berkeley 1999). �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 15 szym Europejczykiem, który wpłynął do estuarium Senegalu, był w 1446 r. portugalski żeglarz Benis Fernandes13. Od tego czasu strony te nawiedzali Portugalczycy, ale także Anglicy, Francuzi i Holendrzy. Kontakty te miały przez pierwsze 200 lat w zasadzie wymiar wyłącznie handlowy. Europejczycy ograniczali się do krótkich wizyt, prowadząc handel wymienny i nie tworzyli tu stałych osad lub faktorii. Pamięć o ich obecności pozostaje jednak żywa wśród zasiedziałych mieszkańców Saint-Louis, zwących się dumnie Saint-louisiennes14. Pierwszym Europejczykiem, który zbudował stałą siedzibę u ujścia rzeki Senegal (w roku 1638), był normandzki kupiec – Thomas Lambert (agent Compagnie du Cap-Vert et du Sénégal). Miejsce okazało się jednak nietrafione z uwagi na podtapianie wyspy w okresie sztormów i wylewów rzeki w porze deszczowej. Dlatego też już w roku 1643 Francuz Louis Caulier wzniósł nową faktorię na bezpieczniejszej (niezalewanej przez wodę) wyspie N’Dar15. Jemu jako pierwszemu przypisuje się też zanotowanie nazwy rzeki – Sanaga lub Senegal. Niektórzy autorzy sądzą, że gdy B. Fernandes wpłynął na wody rzeki, zapytał pierwszego napotkanego rybaka o jej nazwę. Ten, nie rozumiejąc pytania, wskazując na swoją łódź, odpowiedział mu suñu gaal – „moja piroga”. Stąd wziąć się miała nazwa Senegal (Boilat, op. cit., s. 199). 14 Tamtejsi rybacy pokazują turystom małą wysepkę – Bocos (położoną 3 km na południe od Wyspy Świętego Ludwika), na której, według przekazów ustnych, mieli obozować piersi żeglarze portugalscy. 15 Wolowska nazwa wyspy – N’Dar – pochodzi od słowa ndâ oznaczającego dzban z wypalanej gliny. Jest to metaforyczne określenie miejsca obfitującego w wodę pitną (Saint-Louis [Textes Centre de Recherches et de Documentations Sénégal (CRDS)], Saint-Louis 2007). Warto w tym miejscu zaznaczyć, że – według miejscowej legendy – pierwszą stałą osadę u ujścia Senegalu założył kilka pokoleń przed Francuzami Yammne Yalla, który przybył ze swoją żoną Ndyenne Foul Dyop (innymi członkami rodziny) z „kraju Walo (Ouli)”. Przybywszy nad brzeg rzeki, skosztował on jej wody i ocenił, że jest dobra. Rzekł wówczas do swoich: „tutaj będzie w przyszłości nasz ndâ”. Miało to miejsce na lewym brzegu rzeki, mniej więcej na wysokości wyspy N’Dar. Dzisiaj sięga tam południowa, peryferyjna dzielnica Saint-Louis. 13 �16 Ryszard Vorbrich W roku 1659 odkupił16 on od braka królestwa Walo17 wspomnianą wyspę. Roczna opłata za dzierżawę wyspy była zatem jedną z korzyści, jaką czerpali władcy królestwa Walo z obecności Europejczyków. Uzgodnioną ceną za wyspę była roczna danina w wymiarze: „trzy złote monety (gwinee), jedna trzecia miary18 szkarłatnej tkaniny, siedem długich stalowych prętów (rodzaj płacideł powszechnych w Afryce) oraz dziesięć litrów brandy” (Ile Saint-Louis 2007). Rok 1659 uznaje się za datę założenia miasta Saint-Louis. Początki osady były skromne. Powstała na wyspie ufortyfikowana faktoria – „comptoir du fort Saint-Louis” (nazwana tak na cześć Ludwika XIV), służyła rozwojowi handlu niewolnikami. Wybór nowej lokalizacji był uzasadniony położeniem wyspy pośrodku rzeki Senegal, opodal jej ujścia, wyspy chronionej od strony oceanu przez piaszczystą mierzeję zwaną Langue Barbare (świadectwo dawnego zasięgu osadnictwa Maurów). Pierwszą budowlę na tej wyspie określono w źródłach jako „ufortyfikowane mieszkanie” (habitation fortifiée). Wkrótce została ona otoczona innymi murowanymi budynkami, tworząc początki dwóch dzielnic: Kertian na południu i Loodo na północy od fortu. Fort przeżył Można tu dodać, że współczesne, rozbudowane miasto Saint-Louis ma charakter wyspiarski (obecnie, dzięki urbanizacji, ukryty), wzniesiono je na kompleksie geomorfologicznym składającym się z mnogości wysp i wysepek różnej wielkości. 16 Formalnie wydzierżawił – zgodnie z prawem zwyczajowym brak nie był bowiem właścicielem wyspy, ale w jego gestii leżało udostępnianie ziemi nowym osadnikom. 17 W praktyce w imieniu braka negocjacje po stronie afrykańskiej prowadził Jambar Diop – wódz wsi Sor (obecnie dzielnicy Saint-Louis położonej vis-à-vis niezamieszkałej wówczas wyspy N’Dar) (Saint-Louis…, op. cit.). 18 W oryginalnym tekście francuskim mowa jest o aulne – tradycyjnej jednostce miary równej czterem stopom (około 130 cm). �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 17 Il. 1: Fort Saint-Louis 1720 (Źródło: https://www.saintlouisdusenegal. com/decouverte-de-ndar-louis-caullier, dostęp: 15.09.2018 r.). kilka rozszerzeń (powiększeń, rozbudowy) w XVII i XVIII w. (zob. il. 1 i 2). Podłużną, płaską i piaszczystą wyspę (72 ha powierzchni, 2300 m długości i 300 m szerokości oraz 1,5 m wysokości n.p.m.), pokrytą w północnej części roślinnością wysokopienną, poddano z czasem całkowitej urbanizacji19. Po zniesieniu handlu niewolnikami na potrzeby rozwijającego się handlu gumą arabską i orzeszkami arachidowymi zbudowano wzdłuż brzegów wyspy doki i liczne magazyny. W roku 1820 dokonano pierwszego wyrównania budynków. W dalszych latach ukształtowała się regularna siatka ulic zachowana do dziś. W 1828 r. na miasto składało się prawie 200 stałych domów. Dziesięć lat później (1838) było już tam ponad 320 budynków z cegły (Ile Saint-Louis du Sénégal. Site inscrit sur la Liste du patrimoine mondial. Plan de Sauvegarde et de Mise en Valeur. Rapport de présentation, V. 1 Septembre 2007 (document UNESCO).) 19 �18 Ryszard Vorbrich Il. 2: Saint-Loui – początek XIX w. (Źródło: https://www.saintlouisdusenegal.com/saint-louis-senegal-capitale-politique/, dostęp: 12.10.2018 r.). Brzegi wyspy uregulowano i połączono (w XIX w.) mostami z lewym i prawym brzegiem rzeki20. Z czasem na lewym brzegu (a właściwie na mniejszych lub większych wysepkach) powstały na przełomie XIX i XX w. nowe dzielnice Saint-Louis, liczącego obecnie około 180 tys. mieszkańców (Ile Saint-Louis 2007)21. Nim do tego doszło fort Saint-Louis (a potem miasto o tej samej nazwie) był stopniowo zaludniany przez osadników pochodzenia europejskiego. Początkowo byli to głównie urzędnicy, kupcy lub wojskowi przebywający tu czasowo (po kilka lat) na służbie królewskiej lub kontraktach. Wielokrotnie fort i miasto (o mieście W latach 40. XIX w. na mierzei Langue Barbare, vis-à-vis wyspy, powstała wioska rybacka (obecnie dzielnica miasta) zwana N’Dar Tout. Rozpoczęła się urbanizacja lewego, bagnistego brzegu rzeki (wyspy Sor), gdzie powstała stacja linii kolejowej (zwanej: chemin de fer de l’arachide), dającej połączenie z wnętrzem kraju (w 1884 r. z Louga – 81 km, w roku 1901 z Dakarem – 278 km). 21 Za udostępnienie raportu UNESCO dziękuję jego współautorce – Suzanne Hirschi . 20 �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 19 możemy mówić od końca XVIII w.) przechodziło z rąk do rąk kolonialnych mocarstw – Francji i Wielkiej Brytanii. Krótkie (1758– 1779 oraz 1793–1816)22 epizody okupacji angielskiej (związane z wojnami toczonymi z Francją w Europie i Ameryce) przyczyniły się do wzbogacenia komponentu osadników europejskich o Anglików i Holendrów, co przy wcześniejszej obecności Portugalczyków stworzyło niezwykłą mozaikę kulturową miasta. Europejczycy od początku istnienia osady nie byli jedynymi mieszkańcami wyspy. Z czasem stali się tam mniejszością. Było to efektem naturalnych i rozbudowanych relacji ekonomicznych i społecznych z afrykańskim otoczeniem. Europejczycy handlowali z Afrykanami, płodzili dzieci z Afrykankami, a niekiedy żenili się z nimi. W ten sposób stale wzrastający komponent afrykański zaczął odciskać swe piętno na obrazie kulturowym miasta. Populacja Wyspy Świętego Ludwika zaczęła wzrastać dynamicznie w XVIII w. W roku 1764 Saint-Louis liczyło około 3000 mieszkańców. W 1785 r. mieszkało już tam 6000 osób, w tym 2400 Euroafrykanów oraz „wolnych czarnych”23 (Brooks 1976: 20). Dodać do tego należy podobną liczbę domowych niewolników (nie licząc około 1000 niewolników przetrzymywanych w lochach i oczekujących na transport, głównie do Ameryki) (Jones 2005: 30). Białych mieszkańców (Francuzów, w mniejszej liczbie Anglików, Holendrów i Portugalczyków było tam wówczas najwyżej kilkuset. Po odzyskaniu miasta przez Francuzów z rąk Anglików populacja miasta zaczęła dynamicznie wzrastać dzięki napływowi AfrykaOstatecznie Saint-Louis wróciło pod panowanie Francji w roku 1816 w wyniku ustaleń kongresu wiedeńskiego. 23 Dokładniejsze określenie liczby Euroafrykanów w tym czasie nie jest możliwe, ponieważ oficjalne raporty spisowe nie ujmowały konkretnych kategorii w zależności od rasy. Ponadto nieostry i płynny charakter mieszania się „krwi” oznaczał, że ludzie mogli wchodzić i wychodzić z kategorii w różnych czasach. 22 �20 Ryszard Vorbrich nów, którzy uzyskali tam zdecydowaną większość. W latach 30. XIX w. miasto liczyło już około 12 000 mieszkańców (La Grande Mosquée 2006). W 1900 r., gdy wraz z rozwojem kolonii i znaczną migracją „do-miejską” z „czarnego” interioru liczba mieszkańców Saint-Louis wzrosła do 20 000, populację Euroafrykanów (zwanych tu Métisses) szacowano na 2000 osób (Jones 2005: 30). Dzisiaj miasto Saint-Louis stanowi dobry przykład współistnienia wielu wzorów kulturowych. Obok kamienic i pomników pamiętających dominację francuską (zob. il. 3 i 5) żywa jest obecność żywiołu rodzimego, z wszechobecnym kultem muzułmańskich przywódców duchowych (zob. il. 4) Cofając się do przełomu XVIII i XIX w., mieszkańców ówczesnego Saint-Louis podzielić można na dwie podstawowe kategorie. Pierwszą tworzyli Europejczycy: oficerowie oraz żołnierze tamtejszych francuskich garnizonów, urzędnicy administracji kolonialnej, rezydenci – kupcy, pracownicy kompanii handlowych. Niektórzy z nich, zwłaszcza ci, którzy zdobyli swe fortuny w Senegalu, byli ludźmi o wybitnych cechach. Większość jednak – jak oceniają historycy – charakteryzowała się przeciętnymi umiejętnościami i niezbyt godnym pochwały charakterem. Zwłaszcza wśród żołnierzy spotkać można było „męty europejskiego społeczeństwa”, nierzadko z kryminalną przeszłością. Byli „rozpustni i chorzy, bardziej skłonni do przyjmowania wpływów cywilizacyjnych od Afrykanów niż do ich przekazywania” (Brooks 1976: 20). Drugą kategorię tworzyli Afrykanie i stale wzrastająca grupa Euroafrykanów. Grupa Afrykanów była niejednorodna pod względem pochodzenia i statusu. Pod względem etnicznym przeważali Wolof, byli też Lebu i Fulbe. Pod względem statusu (do chwili zniesienia niewolnictwa w połowie XIX w.) dzielili się na ludzi „wolnourodzonych”, potomków niewolników, wyzwoleńców oraz ludzi niewolnych. Wśród tych ostatnich rozróżnić należy „niewolników domowych” (co nie oznacza wcale jedynie służby domowej) �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 21 Il. 3:. XIX – wieczne budynki w centrum wyspy – 2018 r. (for. R. Vorbrich). oraz niewolników przeznaczonych na transport za ocean (ci ostatni przebywali zazwyczaj na wyspie tymczasowo, do czasu sformowania transportu). Osobną podkategorię stanowili grioci i członkowie kast „nieczystych” – np. rymarze itp. Dość liczną grupę Afrykanów żyjących w osadach francuskich w Afryce Zachodniej stanowili tzw. Grumetes (od grumetta – Anglicy). Termin ten pochodzi od słowa, którym określano chłopca okrętowego na europejskich statkach tej epoki. Nadawano je od XV w. Afrykanom zatrudnionym na europejskich statkach jako piloci i marynarze. Grumetes byli rekrutowani spośród żeglarskich ludów Zachodniej Afryki. W Saint-Louis byli zatrudniani jako szkutnicy, dokerzy, strażnicy niewolników. Posługiwali się za­ zwyczaj językiem grioulo („czarnym francuskim”), ubierali się �22 Ryszard Vorbrich Il. 4: Zakład fryzjerski z wizerunkiem Amadou Bamba – odnowiciela islamu w Senegalu – 2018 r. (fot. R. Vorbrich). w europejskim stylu i przyjmowali praktyki chrześcijańskie (Brooks 1976: 21, 27). W końcu grupę o specjalnym, niejasnym statusie, lecz kluczowym znaczeniu dla rozwoju nowych osad, stanowili ludzie mieszanego pochodzenia. Formalnie lokowano ich w kategorii „kolorowych”, ale w istocie nadawali często ton życiu społecznemu, będąc zwornikiem pomiędzy dwoma grupami rasowymi. Była to kategoria wewnętrznie zróżnicowana tak pod względem statusu ekonomicznego, jak i proporcji „krwi białej i czarnej”. Z punktu widzenia kryteriów genealogicznych i cech somatycznych rozpoznawano całą gamę wariantów i proporcji dziedziczenia cech „białych” lub „czarnych” rodziców (przodków) (zob. il. 6). �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 23 Il. 5: Pomnik gubernatora Saint-Louis (1854–1861 i 1863–1865) ulokowany w historycznym Centrum miasta – z dedykacją „Swojemu gubernatorowi L. Faidherbe wdzięczny Senegal 1886” – 2017 r. (fot. R. Vorbrich). �24 Ryszard Vorbrich Osoby „kolorowe” miały zasadniczo inny – niższy – status niż osobnicy uznawani za „białych” (Cornay 1863: 151). W tym kontekście godną szczególnej uwagi jest grupa społeczna, a właściwie grupa kobiet mieszanego pochodzenia – tzw. signares24. Fenomen subkultury signares upatrywać można w społecznej roli czarnych kobiet w życiu powstającej osady. Obie strony (czarne kobiety i biali mężczyźni) były dla siebie atrakcyjne nie tylko pod względem fizycznym, ale głównie społecznym i ekonomicznym. Stwarzało to dogodne warunki do współpracy i zawierania bliższych relacji o charakterze osobistym. Nie bez znaczenia były tu warunki klimatyczno-zdrowotne. Przybyszów z Europy cechowała mała odporność na choroby tropikalne, a wybrzeże Afryki Zachodniej miało opinię „grobu białego człowieka”25. O przeżyciu decydowała nie tylko naturalna odporność (mało odporni umierali na początku), ale także umiejętność zorganizowania sobie dogodnych warunków pobytu. Znalezienie domu dającego wytchnienie od spraw zawodowych i miejsce odpoczynku, a zwłaszcza kobiety, która doglądałaby tego domu, władała językiem mężczyzny, rozumiała jego potrzeby i przyzwyczajenia i mogła troszczyć się o niego w czasie choroby decydowało o utrzymaniu dobrego stanu fizycznego i psychicznego Europejczyka. Korzyści się potęgowały, gdy taka kobieta mogła zaoferować usługi domowej czeladzi (niewolników 24 Ich nazwa wywodzi się z portugalskiego senhoras, co można przetłumaczyć jako „damy„. Tworzyły ją kobiety będące owocem związków Europejczyków, początkowo Portugalczyków, później głównie Francuzów z kobietami Wolof, Lebu, Fulbe. 25 Malaria, dyzenteria, nie mówiąc już o żółtej febrze były słabo diagnozowane i jeszcze gorzej leczone. W latach 1780–1850 w pierwszym roku pobytu w Afryce umierało zwykle między 25 a 75% (!) świeżo przybyłych Europejczyków. Ci, którzy przeżyli pierwszy rok, mieli już 90% szans na przeżycie kolejnych lat (Curtin P. D., The Image of Africa; British Ideas and Action, 1780–1850, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1964, s. 71–87). �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 25 domowych) oraz pomoc w interesach, udostępniając swe kontakty i znajomość terenu. Od lat 30. XVIII w. władze kompanii zarządzającej Saint-Louis pozwalały na zawieranie związków małżeńskich z Afrykankami, pod warunkiem że dzieci zrodzone z tych związków dziedziczyły majątek po ojcach (Delcourt 1952: 124). Miało to zasadnicze konsekwencje dla formowania się signares jako ciągłej w czasie (reprodukującej się przez pokolenia)26 wspólnoty rasy, kultury i gospodarki. Sekret wzajemnej atrakcyjności partnerów krył się w formule czasowego małżeństwa – „na sposób krajowy” (à la mode du pays), który miał sankcję kościelną. Małżeństwa tego typu rozpowszechniły się jako środek zawiązywania sojuszy społecznych i ekonomicznych, stanowiły zarazem przestrzeń spełnienia ludzkich potrzeb i namiętności oraz przenikania wzorów kulturowych. Małżeństwo à la mode du pays różniły się od małżeństw chrześcijańskich i wolofskich tym, że związek kończył się nie tylko w wypadku śmierci małżonka, lecz także w następstwie trwałego odejścia mężczyzny z Senegalu (np. gdy kończył on swój kontrakt w Kompanii). W takich okolicznościach kobieta była zwolniona ze zobowiązań wynikających z umowy małżeńskiej i stawała się zdolna do zawarcia nowego małżeństwa à la mode du pays. W utrzymaniu swej swoistej pozycji społecznej pomagały signares szczególne cechy, które w skrócie określić można jako 26 Dziewczynki zrodzone w małżeństwach typu à la mode du pays były przygotowywane do zamążpójścia za białego i tworzyły kolejne generacje signares. Przed chłopcami (często wysyłanymi do Francji do szkół) rysowała się kariera kupca, wojskowego lub kapłana (Vorbrich R., Signares z Senegalu – rasa i płeć a kontakt kulturowy [w:] R. Vorbrich, A. Szymoszyn (red.), Ethnos et Potentia. Interdyscyplinarność w polskiej etnologii. W darze Profesorowi Aleksandrowi Posern-Zielińskiemu z okazji 70. urodzin i 40-lecia pracy zawodowej, Warszawa-Poznań 2013). �26 Ryszard Vorbrich partycypowanie w dwóch kulturach i wynikająca stąd zdolność posługiwania się różnymi kodami językowymi i kulturowymi oraz pośredniczenia pomiędzy odmiennymi grupami. W opisie subkultury signares dobrze ujawnia się wielokulturowy charakter miasta, gdzie żywioł europejski nie tylko stykał się z afrykańskim, ale gdzie wytworzyła się synteza obu cywilizacji27. W tym miejscu dochodzimy do tytułowych świątyń. Do lat 30. XIX w. w Saint-Louis nie było żadnej świątyni ani kościoła, ani meczetu. Jako pierwszy wybudowano kościół katolicki w roku 182828. Sytuacja zmieniła się po ustąpieniu Anglików w 1817 r. Nowe władze francuskie uznały, że „konieczne i pilne jest przekazanie mieszkańcom Saint-Louis i Gorée smaku i znaczenia życia religijnego, które od 1809 r. powoli tracili” (Catédrale 2006). W 1819 r. pełnomocnik króla Ludwika XVIII (Ludwika Stanisława 27 Znaczenie ekonomiczne signares podupadło wraz ze zniesieniem niewolnictwa w 1849 r. Ich sytuacja społeczna uległa też pogorszeniu wraz ze wzrostem populacji białych kobiet, które pod koniec XIX w. coraz liczniej osiedlały się w Saint-Louis i na terenie powiększającej się kolonii Senegal. Z czasem w ostatnich dekadach XIX w. subkultura signares przekształciła się w endogamiczną grupę społeczno-kulturową, tzw. Mieszańców – Métisses. Jako zasymilowani z kulturą francuską przechwycili oni na kilka pokoleń władzę samorządową w Saint-Louis. Z początkiem XX w., gdy pierwsi czarni wykształceni Senegalczycy zajęli ich miejsce, stracili znaczenie polityczne. Ale nie społeczne i ekonomiczne. Dzisiaj, rozsiani po całym Senegalu, tworzą swoistą endogamiczną grupę współtworzącą elitę kraju. Powiązani na wiele sposobów (rodzinnych i biznesowych) z Francją, pełnią ważne funkcje w życiu społecznym i gospodarczym. Stanowią istotny komponent społeczeństwa niepodległego państwa. Są wybitnymi przedsiębiorcami, naukowcami, doradcami prezydentów lub ambasadorami Senegalu na kilku kontynentach. 28 Do tego czasu chrześcijanie – mieszkańcy wyspy – musieli zadowolić się prowizorycznymi miejscami modlitwy wewnątrz fortu, w szpitalu wojskowym, a nawet – podczas angielskiej okupacji – w domach prywatnych. W latach okupacji Anglicy zabronili bowiem „obecności wszystkich kapłanów lub kapelanów i wszystkich innych wydarzeń kulturalnych” (Catédrale [Textes Centre de Recherches et de Documentations Sénégal (CRDS)], Saint-Louis 2006). �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 27 Ksawerego Burbona) Jacques-François Roger zalecił, aby „ustalić stan i potrzeby kolonii pod tym względem, aby mieć religię poprzez jego czyny zaszczycone jego przykładem i przez jego ministrów”. Sprawa ciągnęła się przez kilka lat. Dopiero w 1827 r. położono kamień węgielny pod budowę świątyni29. Powstanie katedry przypisuje się staraniom przełożonej Zgromadzenia Sióstr św. Józefa z Cluny – Anne Marie Javouhey, która po przybyciu do Saint-Louis w 1822 r. założyła w mieście sierociniec, który stał się szybko symbolem i stymulatorem rozwoju chrześcijańskiej wspólnoty w mieście. Kościół, z fasadą w stylu neoklasycystycznym, był jednym z pierwszych (i największym wówczas) budynkiem publicznym wzniesionym poza murami fortu. Został on ukończony i wyświęcony z wielką pompą w następnym roku (1828) (Catédrale 2006)30. Dla mieszkańców wyspy i administracji francuskiej stał się bowiem symbolem zmiany statusu Saint-Louis – z handlowej faktorii na miasto poświadczające trwałą obecność Francji na terytorium Senegalu31. Dzisiaj w niepodległym Senegalu (kraju o 95% większości muzułmańskiej), po tym jak większość chrześcijan opuściło miasto (Francuzi wrócili po 1960 r. w większości do Francji, a Métisses rozproszyli się po ojczyźnie przodków – Senegalu), W ołowianej tubie umieszczono m.in. następującą inskrypcję: „Colonie Française Sénégal et dépendances. Eglise de Saint-Louis 11 février 1827. S.M. Charles X étant roi de France. S.EXC.Le Comte Chabrol de Crouzon, Ministre de la marine et des colonies”. Za udostępnienie dokumentacji zespołu UNESCO ds. renowacji Saint-Louis dziękuję pani Zuzannie Hirschi. 30 Dokonano tego 4 lutego 1828 r. w dniu święta „jego wysokości Karola X (Burbona)”. 31 Składając kamień węgielny pod budowę katedry, administrator królewski (J.-F. Roger) dał wyraz tym opiniom, mówiąc, że nadszedł „czas, gdy prosta faktoria podniesiona została do rangi kolonii”, ponieważ: „kościoły są trwałymi rzeczami, zbudowanymi przez ludzi, którzy zamierzają osiedlić się, a nie być gośćmi przejściowymi” (Catédrale, dz. cyt.; Aïdara Abdoul Hadir, Saint-Louis du Sénégal d’hier à aujourd’hui, Brinon-sur-Sauldre 2004, s. 80). 29 �28 Ryszard Vorbrich katedra (najstarszy kościół katolicki w Afryce Zachodniej), choć trochę podniszczony, stanowi centrum życia religijnego i społecznego saintlouzjańskiej wspólnoty chrześcijan i symbol wielokulturowości miasta32. Na uroczystości z okazji przypadającego w marcu 2018 r. 200. rocznicy przybycia do Saint-Louis sióstr ze Zgromadzenia Sióstr św. Józefa z Cluny, mer Saint-Louis – Mansour Faye – podkreślił, że katedra w Saint-Louis jest świadectwem „współistnienia między chrześcijańskimi i muzułmańskimi społecznościami, cementem senegalskiego narodu”. Jako drugi przykład symbiozy dwóch religii mer podał Wielki Meczet z Saint-Louis, „którego minaret wyposażony w dzwon materializuje to piękne porozumienie między dwiema religiami” (Ndaw 2018). W tym miejscu doszliśmy do okoliczności powstania w Saint-Louis pierwszego meczetu. Jego zbudowanie nie było łatwe. Chociaż Saint-Louis niemal od zarania było miastem z muzułmańską większością, a ludności tej stale przybywało (w 1837 r. na 10 651 muzułmanów przypadało 1025 katolików), musieli oni czekać niemal 20 lat dłużej niż katolicy na wybudowanie swojej świątyni. Starania o jego wybudowanie rozpoczęły się już w latach 20. XIX w. Według tradycji ustnej muzułmanów z Saint-Louis jednym z głównych inicjatorów jego wzniesienia był El Hadj Omar Tall – przywódca religijny, uważany za spiritus movens szybkiej 32 W następnych latach i dekadach katedra była w niewielkim stopniu przebudowana. W 1867 r. dobudowano ganek wejściowy (le porche d’entrée) z dwoma kolumnami. W 1930 r. wstawiono witraże wykonane w Grenoble we Francji. W latach 70. XX w. położono w środku tynk z tzw. powłoki betonowej, co okazało się bardzo niefortunne, ponieważ zablokował on wilgoć w murach. W tym samym czasie wyłożono nową posadzkę z mozaiki z gresu. Obecnie stan katedry oceniany jest jako „bardzo zły” (wilgoć w murach sięga na ścianie wschodniej do wysokości 11 metrów. W kwietniu 2018 r. rozpoczęły się prace renowacyjne planowane na 15 miesięcy. Za udzielenie ww. informacji dziękuję pani Zuzannie Hirchi. �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 29 islamizacji Afryki Zachodniej w połowie XIX w. (La Grande Mosquée 2006, Cachene 2009)33. Według legendy El Hadj Omar Tall miał przybyć do Saint-Louis w 1825 r., aby wyznaczyć miejsce budowy przyszłego meczetu. Po ustaleniu kierunku Kaaba wskazał miejsce, w którym miała zostać wykopana studnia do celów ablucji. Wierni uważają, że woda z tej studni ma właściwości terapeutyczne (La Grande Mosquée 2006)34. Budowę meczetu rozpoczęto w 1838 r. (w roku ukończenia budowy katedry)35. Prace budowlane trwały, z przerwami, dziewięć lat. Budziły bowiem wiele kontrowersji wśród dominujących El Hadj Omar (Umar) Tall (1794/1797–1865) urodził się w Halwar, w regionie Futa Toro (na ziemiach dzisiejszego Senegalu). Pochodził z rodu przypisującego sobie pochodzenie od Ukba ibn Nafiego – towarzysza proroka Mahometa. Był twórcą efemerycznego (1861–1890), teokratycznego imperium Tukulerów obejmującego części terytorium dzisiejszej Gwinei, Senegalu i Mali, z silnymi wpływami w Senegalu. W młodości odbył pielgrzymkę do Mekki, gościł u wielu muzułmańskich władców Zachodniego i Środkowego Sudanu, a także na uniwersytecie al-Azhar w Kairze. Poruszony uniwersalistyczną ideologią islamu zmierzał do narzucenia „transcendentnego braterstwa” mieszkańcom zachodniego Sudanu. Po niepowodzeniach poniesionych w walce z Francuzami w dorzeczu rzeki Senegal w latach 50. XIX w. ruszył na wschód i opanował w latach 60. ziemie leżące w górnym biegu Nigru. Zginął w kraju Dogonów w roku 1865. Stworzone przez niego imperium, rządzone przez jego synów, zostało ostatecznie rozbite przez Francuzów w latach 1890–1893 (Chenet G., El Hadj Omar, La grande épopée des Toucouleurs, Paris 2009). 34 Opowieść o studni w Wielkim Meczecie w Saint-Louis ma wiele odpowiedników w Senegalu i w Gambii, gdzie wskazuje się studnie-relikwie wyznaczające legendarną trasę wędrówek El Hadj Omara (La Grande Mosquée du Nord, [Textes Centre de Recherches et de Documentations Sénégal (CRDS)], Saint-Louis 2006). 35 Inne źródła sugerują rok 1825 (Cantone C., A Mosque in a Mosque. Some Observations on the Rue Blanchot Mosque in Dakar & its Relation to Other Mosques in the Colonial Period, „Cahiers d’Études africaines” 2006, vol. 182, s. 363–387). 33 �30 Ryszard Vorbrich tu politycznie chrześcijan, zwłaszcza w środowisku Métisses36. W końcu jednak budowę ukończono w 1848 r. dzięki wsparciu finansowemu administracji kolonialnej. Meczet wzniesiono w północnej części wyspy, w tym czasie będącej poza obszarem zwartej zabudowy, co złagodziło opory części mieszkańców miasta (La Grande Mosquée 2006)37. Wielki Meczet w Saint-Louis można z łatwością pomylić z kościołem: dzwonnice zamieniają się w podwójne kwadratowe minarety, łuki na oknach i arkady na frontowej werandzie są zaostrzone (zamiast półokrągłe), a wieże są zwieńczone dwoma małymi kopułami38. Główna fasada (od strony południowej) tworzy swoisty perystyl z kolumnadą z przełamanymi łukami w stylu neogotyckim. Górną część ścian wieńczą karnisze i gzymsy zwieńczone zaokrągleniami i zaokrąglonymi blankami. Podobne elementy znalazły się na dwóch masywnych wieżach-minaretach. Właśnie w lewej (zachodniej) wieży umieszczono, obok zegara, wspomniany przez mera Saint-Louis, dzwon – na wzór dzwonów kościelnych. W XX w. (głównie w latach 1949–1956) budynek meczetu uległ wielu przeróbkom odejmującym detale niepasujące do muzułmańskiego stylu i dodającym mu dodatkowe funkcje użytkowe. Zlikwidowano m.in. balkony minaretów (i drewniane klatki schodowe do nich prowadzące) oraz balustrady z kutego żelaza, zastąpione konstrukcją z betonu. W związku z procesem pełnej 36 Jeden z przywódców tej grupy – Paul Holle – skarżył się wobec administracji na budowę meczetu: „Saint-Louis stał się domem bałwochwalstwa, ponieważ meczet przeciwko naszemu kościołowi dał Mahometanowi oficjalne poświęcenie” (La Grande Mosquée, op. cit.). 37 Legenda o studni w Wielkim Meczecie w Saint-Louis ma wiele odpowiedników w Senegalu i w Gambii, gdzie wskazuje się studnie-relikwie wyznaczające legendarną trasę wędrówek El Hadj Omara (La Grande Mosquée, op. cit.). 38 Takie porównania odnośnie do Grande Mosque często pojawiają się w analizach architektury sakralnej Afryki (Cantone, op. cit., s. 371). �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 31 Il. 6: Typy ludzi we francuskich koloniach w XVIII w. (Źródło: https://pl. pinterest.com/pin/64317100903198588/?lp=true, dostęp: 10.01.2018 r.). �32 Ryszard Vorbrich urbanizacji wyspy zbliżyły się do meczetu zabudowania, w tym: konsulaty Francji i Belgii, remiza straży pożarnej oraz Gaston Berger Cultural Center, częściowo go otaczając, co znacznie zmniejszyło wolną przestrzeń wokół budynku służącą wcześniej za miejsce zebrań wiernych. Współcześnie meczet robi wrażenie zaniedbanego, wręcz opuszczonego. Wąskimi uliczkami, z odległego o 1 km historycznego centrum miasta, docierają tu z rzadka i na chwilę tylko konne taksówki z zachodnimi turystami, którzy nawet nie wysiadają z pojazdu i – po zrobieniu obowiązkowych zdjęć – odjeżdżają. W roku 2017 rozpoczęły się prace renowacyjne przewidujące znaczną rozbudowę meczetu poprzez dodanie nowego (zachodniego) skrzydła i znaczne podwyższenie wież-minaretów. Obie świątynie wrosły w krajobraz miasta i stanowią ważne punkty odniesienia tożsamości saintluizjańskiej. Świadczy o tym oprawa corocznego, sięgającego XVIII w. święta Fanal. Podczas święta, mającego postać ulicznego karnawału, przez ulice miasta przetacza się kolorowy taneczny korowód. Grupy postaci przebranych w afrykańskie i europejskie stroje tańczą i śpiewają zarówno tańce afrykańskie, z tradycyjnym senegalskim ndawrabine (zob. il. 10) i nowoczesnym tanebeer, jak i te w stylu zachodnim (walc i tango). Punktem kulminacyjnym święta jest parada oświetlonych pojazdów – tzw. fanal39. Są to konstrukcje z drewna, metalu i papieru, wysokie na pięć (i więcej) metrów i osadzone na kolach40. Forma konstrukcji nawiązuje zwykle do dziedzictwa architektonicznego starego kolonialnego miasta. Są to zwykle odwzorowania katedry, Wielkiego Meczetu lub pałacu guberna- Wolowski termin fanal wywodzi się z kastylijskiego fanal – lub (i) z francuskiego fana (pl. fanaux) – oznaczającego latarnię, latarnię morską lub lampkę sygnalizacyjną. 40 Zamiast tradycyjnych latarni rozświetlają je od wewnątrz elektryczne żarówki pobierające prąd z akumulatorów samochodowych. 39 �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 33 Il 7: Katedra w Saint-Louis (Źródło: https://pl.pinterest.com/ pin/539376492862194425/, dostęp: 10.10.2018 r.). Il. 8: Grande Mosquée w Saint Louis – koniec XIX w. (Cantone 2006: 371). �34 Ryszard Vorbrich Il. 9: Minaret-dzwonnica Wielkiego Meczetu w Saint-Louis – 2017 r. (fot. R. Vorbrich). �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 35 Il. 10: Tradycyjny senegalski taniec ndawrabine wykonywany podczas parady Fanal – 31.12.2017 r. (fot. R. Vorbrich). tora41. Pojazdom towarzyszą kobiety przebrane w tradycyjne stroje signares (zob. il. 11). Geneza święta fanal sięga XVIII w., kiedy to signares, ubrane w najlepsze stroje i ozdobione klejnotami, udawały się w wieczór wigilijny na pasterkę. Towarzyszyła im służba (niewolnicy, pokojówki) niosąca latarnie (ulice miasta nie były wówczas oświetlone). Z czasem korowodom signares zaczęły towarzyszyć oświetlone latarniami powozy42. Jeszcze kilka, kilkanaście lat temu bywało ich kilka. Obecnie jest ich coraz mniej. W roku 2017 były zaledwie dwa. 42 Jak opowiadali mi potomkowie signares, wywiązała się wówczas swego rodzaju rywalizacja pomiędzy rodzinami signares o najładniej oświetlony pojazd. 41 �36 Ryszard Vorbrich Il. 11: Signares i fanal podczas parady – 31.12.2017 r. (fot. R. Vorbrich). �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 37 Dzisiaj wraz z laicyzacją Senegalu i znaczną redukcją liczby katolików w mieście (jest ich około 5%, a więc 9–10 tys.) święto zostało przeniesione z wieczoru wigilijnego43 na ostatni tydzień grudnia44. Ma to związek z komercjalizacją święta zgodnie z wymogami przemysłu turystycznego. Niemniej parada fanal pozostaje najlepszym świadectwem wielokulturowości Saint-Louis45. Bibliografia Aïdara Abdoul Hadir, Saint-Louis du Sénégal d’hier à aujourd’hui, Brinon-sur-Sauldre 2004. Alekxandre P., Griot [w:] G. Balandier, J. Maquet (éds.), Dictionnaire des civilisation africaine, Paris: Hazan 1968. Boilat D. (abbé), Esquisses sénégalaises: physionomie du pays, peuplades, commerce, religions, passé et aenir, récits et legends, Paris 1853. Brooks G. E. Jr., The Signares de Saint Louis and Gorée: Women Enterpreneurs in Eighteen-Century Senega [w:] Nacy J. Hafkin, Edna G. Bay (eds.), Women in Africa. Studies of social and economic change, Stratford: Stratford University Press 1976. Cantone C., A Mosque in a Mosque. Some Observations on the Rue Blanchot Mosque in Dakar & its Relation to Other Mosques in the Colonial Period, „Cahiers d’Études africaines” 2006, vol. 182. W wieczór wigilijny katolicy z całego miasta, w tym potomkowie signares, tłumnie przybywają do katedry na pasterkę. Jednak ani jej celebracja, ani następujące po niej spontaniczne spotkania towarzyskie (przed katedrą) nie nawiązują w formie do tradycji fanal. 44 W roku 2017 Fanal miał miejsce w noc sylwestrową. 45 Nie można na zakończenie pominąć polskiego epizodu w historii Saint-Louis. Na mapach miasta figuruje tzw. „port Polaków” (port Polonais). Ten mały port, a właściwie większa przystań (port nie został ukończony), znajduje się na mierzei Langue Barbare, dwa kilometry w dół rzeki od wyspy Saint-Louis. Port został zbudowany w latach 1975–1979 przez robotników i inżynierów z Gdańska. Okoliczni mieszkańcy życzliwe wspominają Polaków, a niektórzy z nich, starsi wiekiem (którzy pracowali z Polakami), mówią nieco po polsku. 43 �38 Ryszard Vorbrich Catédrale [Textes Centre de Recherches et de Documentations Sénégal (CRDS)], Saint-Louis 200646. Chenet G., El Hadj Omar, La grande épopée des Toucouleurs, Paris 2009. Cornay J. E., Anthropologie. Mémoire sur le métisme animal chez les espèces humaines: exposition des principes de physiometrie générale, Paris 1863. Curtin P. D., The Image of Africa; British Ideas and Action, 1780–1850, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1964. Delcourt A., La France et les Etablissemnt Francis Au Semegal entre 1713 et 1763, Dakar: IFAN 1952. Guy-Grand V. J., Dictionaire français-volof, Dakar 1923. Historie du Wâlo, https://yeewu.net/2017/06/03/histoire-du-walo/ (data pobrania: 02.10.2018 r.). Ile Saint-Louis du Sénégal. Site inscrit sur la Liste du patrimoine mondial. Plan de Sauvegarde et de Mise en Valeur. Rapport de présentation, V. 1 Septembre 2007 (document UNESCO). Jones H., From Mariage à la mode to Wedding at Town Hall: Marriage, Colonialism, and Mixted-Race Society in Nineteen-Century Senega, „International Journal of African Historical Studies” 2005, Vol. 38, Issue 1. La Grande Mosquée du Nord, [Textes Centre de Recherches et de Documentations Sénégal (CRDS)], Saint-Louis 2006. Monteil V., Lat Dior, Damel du Kayor, et l’islamisation des Wolofs, „Archives de sociologie des religions” (1963), n°16. Ndaw Maguette A., Sénégal: Congrégation des sœurs de Saint Joseph de Cluny – L’œuvre bicentenaire d’Anne Marie Javouhey célébrée „Le Solei” 2018, 14 mars 2018, https://fr.allafrica.com/stories/201803150506.html (dostęp: 11.10.2018 r.). Ogot Bethwell A. (ed.), UNESCO Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century, V, Paris, Berkeley 1999. Saint-Louis [Textes Centre de Recherches et de Documentations Sénégal (CRDS)], Saint-Louis 2007. Za udostępnienie tekstów CRDS dziękuję dyrektorce tej instytucji – pani Fatimie Fall. 46 �Katedra i meczet na jednej stały wyspie... 39 Vorbrich R., Plemienna i postplemienna Afryka. Koncepcje i postaci wspólnoty w dawnej i współczesnej Afryce, Poznań 2012. Vorbrich R., Signares z Senegalu – rasa i płeć a kontakt kulturowy [w:] R. Vorbrich, A. Szymoszyn (red.), Ethnos et Potentia. Interdyscyplinarność w polskiej etnologii. W darze Profesorowi Aleksandrowi Posern-Zielińskiemu z okazji 70. urodzin i 40-lecia pracy zawodowej, Warszawa-Poznań 2013. Wade A., Monteil V., Chronique du Wâlo Sénégalais 1186–1855, „Bulletin De L’Institut Français D’Afrique Noire” 1964, Seria B, Human Sciences, t. 26 (3–4). Cathedral and mosque on one island. Multiculturalism of the island of Saint-Louis in the context of the ethnic history of northern Senegal Summary St. Louis Island at the mouth of the Senegal River is a great example of multiculturalism. The article shows how, as a result of the French rule, on land inhabited by different African ethnic groups: Wolof, Serer, Fulbe (and others) appeared and consolidated the influence of European culture, brought by the Portuguese, French, English and Dutch. An expression of the overlap of various cultural influences, there is both the ritual of the city’s inhabitants (street fanal festival) and the coexistence of the Catholic cathedral and mosque (Grande Mosquée) for more than 180 years. Keywords: multiculturalism, Saint-Louis, Senegal, pre-colonial kingdoms of Senegal, French colonialism, church, mosque. ��JACEK ŁAPOTT DOGONOWIE VERSUS FULBE – MAŁA WOJNA W WIELKIM KRAJU Koczownicy… myślą o dawnych czasach… przed iskianu [osiedleniem]. Gdy smutek zacofania był błogosławieństwem. Melih Cevdet Anday Motto to mówi dużo o rzeczywistości kulturowej współczesnych pasterzy-koczowników. Ale czy wszystko i czy o wszystkich? Okazuje się, że współcześnie istnieją wcale niemałe grupy pasterzy, którzy poza marzeniami – jak powiedziałby klasyk – chcą siłą zawrócić bieg historii. Tak aktualnie postępują Fulbe (Fulbeje) z Mali1. Wystąpili zbrojnie przeciw Dogonom, z którymi sąsiadują od wieków. Straty w ludziach po obu stronach idą już w dziesiątki zabitych przedstawicieli obu grup2. Etnolog pracujący w terenie afrykańskim nie zawsze nadąża za szybko następującymi tam zmianami. Jeszcze kilka lat temu Dr hab. Jacek Łapott, prof. US, Instytut Historii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych, Uniwersytet Szczeciński Używam tutaj z całą świadomością spolszczonej nazwy Fulbe (Fulbeje) zaistniałej już na stałe w polskim obiegu naukowym. W strefie frankofońskiej grupa ta występuje zwykle pod nazwą Peul, a w strefie anglofońskiej pod nazwą Ful, Fulani. 2 Praca powstała w części w oparciu o doniesienia medialne między czerwcem a wrześniem 2018 r. 1 �42 Jacek Łapott południowe Mali, rejon masywu Bandiagara, był dla miejscowej ludności dosłownie „rajem na ziemi” – miejscem licznie odwiedzanym przez turystów. Stały dopływ pieniędzy związanych z tym zjawiskiem wydawał się trwały (z tendencją wzrostową) i nic nie wskazywało na jakiekolwiek zmiany. Jednak sytuacja na północy Mali, związana z rebelią tuareską w 2012 r., zmieniła diametralnie tę rzeczywistość3. Powstaje MNLA Mouvement National pour la Libération de l’Azawad (Narodowy Ruch na rzecz Wyzwolenia Azawadu), który 6 kwietnia 2012 r. ogłasza niepodległość tego regionu jako samodzielnego państwa. Następuje interwencja wojsk rządowych, sytuacja w całym Mali się destabilizuje. Turyści całkowicie zarzucili odwiedziny w tym rejonie. Jeszcze nie zdążono tak naprawdę zastanowić się, jak rozwiązać ten problem, a mamy już do czynienia ze zgoła z nową sytuacją – lokalną wojną domową. Z racji trwających aktualnie wyborów prezydenckich w Mali (lato 2018 r.) sytuacja ta zamiast przygasać, jest w dalszym ciągu „rozwojowa”. Wybory prezydenckie „przykryły” nieco doniesienia medialne na temat tego konfliktu i – być może – przyhamowały nieco próby jego rozwiązania. Do wyborów stanęło 24 kandydatów. Po pierwszej turze z 29 lipca 2018 r. pozostało dwóch – urzędujący prezydent oraz główny przedstawiciel opozycji (Ibrahim Boubacar Keita oraz Soumaila Cisse)4. Współczesne Mali to kraj cztery razy większy od Polski (ponad 1 240 000 km²) zamieszkały przez około 18 mln ludzi należących do co najmniej 20 grup etnicznych. Olbrzymia większość kraju, poza doliną rzeki Niger, znajduje się w strefie pustyni i Sahelu, jest dość trudno dostępna i niezbyt łatwa w zaprowadzeniu jakiejkolwiek administracji. Nic dziwnego, że w „procesie norma3 Nie była to pierwsza „rebelia” tuareska. Ta wcześniejsza, z lat 1990–1994, kosztowała życie ponad 1000 osób. 4 Po raz pierwszy konkurowali ze sobą podczas wyborów w 2013 r. �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 43 lizacyjnym”, związanym ze wspomnianymi niepodległościowymi żądaniami Tuaregów, wzięły udział na początku, obok rodzimej armii, wojska francuskie w ramach operacji „Serval” (rok 2013) oraz „Barkhane” (od 2014 r.). Następnie włączyły się misja ONZ – MINUSMA (Mission multidimensionnelle intégrée des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation au Mali – Wielozadaniowa Misja Integracyjna Narodów Zjednoczonych) oraz państwa grupy G5 Sahel (Mauretania, Mali, Niger, Burkina Faso i Czad). Pomimo podpisania w roku 2015 porozumienia pokojowego, duże części Mali są poza kontrolą tych wcale niemałych sił, a ataki co jakiś czas powtarzają się5. Trudno byłoby oddzielić sytuację w kraju Dogonów od tego, co się dzieje na północy Mali. Według powszechnej opinii, pomimo zaangażowania „sił stabilizacyjnych” liczących około 30 000 osób, nic nie zmierza do uspokojenia nastrojów. Tym bardziej że część funduszy, m.in. na uzbrojenie, siły separatystyczne otrzymują zarówno od przemytników narkotyków, jak i od przemytników ludzi chcących udać się do Europy. Nie od rzeczy jest także zaangażowanie się państw trzecich, m.in. Burkina Faso. Niedawno nie kto inny, jak prezydent Czadu Idriss Deby oskarżył przywódców tego kraju, mówiąc: Kiedy prezydent Blaise Compaoré spiskował przeciwko Mali, zapomniał o swoim kraju, Burkina Faso. A przysłowie afrykańskie przecież mówi: „W kopaniu dziury dla wroga musisz pamiętać, aby była szersza niż trzeba – na wypadek, gdybyś sam miał w nią też wpaść”6. Urzędujący do końca 2015 r. ten właśnie prezydent, według I. Deby’ego, wbrew rządowi Mali wspierał i zaopatrywał w broń m.in. członków wspomnianego W skład samej MINUSMA wchodzi 15 000 osób (12 169 żołnierzy, 1741 policjantów, 1180 cywili). 6 Źródło: http://www.malinet.net/flash-info/idriss-deby-a-propos-des-attaques-au-burkina-blaise-compaorelhomme-qui-allume-le-feu-et-qui-joue-aupompier/ (dostęp: 02.08.2018 r.). 5 �44 Jacek Łapott MNLA. Dziś podobne siły „destabilizacyjne” przekroczyły granice i można je znaleźć także w Burkina Faso. Wspierane z różnych źródeł istnienie tych paramilitarnych, a właściwie stricte militarnych grup sprawia, że zarówno ich idee polityczno-religijne, jak i kryminalne szybko przemieszczają się nie tylko między Mali i Burkina Faso, ale i Algierią, a także Nigrem. Niejaki „stan zawieszenia” bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego związany ze wspomnianymi wyborami prezydenckimi spowodował ostatnio falę konfliktów – tym razem etnicznych – między pasterzami Fulbe i rolnikami Dogonami (ostatnio także Bamana)7. Poza przyczynami mającymi podłoże ekonomiczne (swego rodzaju głód ziemi) dodatkowym istotnym aspektem jest nierównoprawne zaangażowanie religijne obu grup. Trudno bowiem nie zauważyć, że poważny wpływ na rozwój tej regionalnej sytuacji ma zarówno religia islamu, jak i jej przywódcy. M.in. za sprawą kaznodziei fulbejskiego – Amadou Koufa (a właściwie Amadou Diallo) – coraz więcej młodych Fulbejów wstępuje do grona organizacji terrorystycznych. Tenże Amadou Kouffa, przy wsparciu Tuarega Ijada Ad Ghali i trzech innych miejscowych radykałów muzułmańskich (Djamelem Okacha, Abu Hassane al-Ansarim i Abou Abderrahmanem El Senhadżim) zakładają w marcu 2017 r. interetniczną organizację Groupe de soutien à l’islam et aux musulmans (Grupa wsparcia dla islamu i muzułmanów)8. W trakcie ostatniego pobytu w Mali (luty 2018 r.) usłyszałem od Dogonów interesującą typologię miejscowych ruchów paramilitarnych. Dzielono je na: Ostatnio zaczyna się mówić o „somalizacji” sytuacji w Mali z racji „niezadowolenia” z działań rządu, także grupy Songhaj z Gao i gróźb odłączenia się i założenia własnego państwa. Zob. także opisane niżej deklaracje związku myśliwych Amasagou u Dogonów. 8 Inna sprawa, że historia genezy, trwania oraz znikania różnych miejscowych grup i ruchów militarnych i paramilitarnych (tylko w ciągu ostatnich 10 lat) to temat na oddzielną publikację. 7 �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 45 bandytów, terrorystów i dżihadystów (z dość płynnymi granicami), na dodatek walczącymi także między sobą. Jeśli dodać do tego rywalizację pomiędzy poszczególnymi grupami antyrządowymi i ich permanentne podziały, zmiany priorytetów i przywódców, widać wyraźnie, że sytuacja daleka jest jeszcze do stabilizacji. To rzutuje oczywiście na cały ten wielki kraj. Podczas mojego pierwszego pobytu w Mali (40 lat temu) w wioskach dogońskich trudno było znaleźć rodziny muzułmańskie. Współcześnie jest inaczej – muzułmanie to znaczący procent populacji. Duża część wyznawców ma niewielkie wyobrażenie o tej religii, nie znając ani języka arabskiego, ani tak naprawdę Koranu. Inni z kolei z gorliwością neofitów wyznają wszystkie najbardziej radykalne jej opcje. Z obserwacji w terenie można powiedzieć, że dotyczy to jednak obu opisywanych tutaj grup. Nic dziwnego, że ostatnio w Mali coraz częściej pojawiają się głosy nawołujące rząd do dokładniejszego uregulowania stosunków z siłami religijnymi, w tym wypadku muzułmańskimi. Pomimo powstania (na życzenie tych ostatnich) Ministerstwa Spraw Religijnych i Kultu wzajemne relacje dalekie są od poprawności. Decyzje ministerstwa są często ignorowane czy sabotowane przez poszczególne grupy. Jak twierdzą niektórzy zwolennicy zmian, w meczetach modli się 10 osób, a w tym samym czasie ostentacyjnie rozkłada się dywaniki do modlitwy na zewnątrz i blokuje drogi publiczne. Przywódcy muzułmańscy ze swojej strony coraz wyraźniej mówią, że mają prawo, a nawet obowiązek interweniować w wielkie debaty społeczne i angażować się w życie polityczne, w tym niekiedy wspierając określonego kandydata w wyborach lub przeciwstawiając się mu… Słabe i zdyskredytowane państwo malijskie nie ma legitymacji do konstruktywnej interwencji w sferze religijnej. Nie ma też środków… Zbyt radykalne działania mogłyby doprowadzić do stworzenia swego rodzaju nieformalnej i pozainstytucjonalnej sfery religijnej, nie podporządkowującej się nikomu. �46 Jacek Łapott Jak pisze dalej ten sam autor: Jeśli jednak państwo chce uregulować sferę religijną, zgodnie z polityką Ministerstwa Spraw Religijnych i Kultu, uznaną także przez inne podmioty życia politycznego i społecznego, działanie to powinno być zrobione (na początku) na minimalnym poziomie i winno polegać na umieszczeniu osób odpowiedzialnych w sercu tego religijnego procesu. Innymi słowy, partnerstwo między państwem a przywódcami religijnymi powinno stać się priorytetem. Bowiem tylko ograniczanie wypowiedzi szerzących nienawiść lub nietolerancję, ale także doskonalenie szkolenia imamów są punktami, które już dziś pozwolą na osiągnięcie konsensusu9. Dla Issy N’Diaye, wykładowcy na Uniwersytecie w Bamako, niezwykle ważne jest, aby przywódca religijny wiedział, jak zachować neutralność. Teren polityczny nie jest odpowiednim miejscem dla przywódców religijnych. Niektórzy naukowcy uważają, że rola duchownych musi koncentrować się na duchowości. Według nich ich wiarygodność została zakwestionowana, odkąd zaczęli mieszać się w politykę10. Trudno nie odnieść wrażenia, że głosy te ciągle są jeszcze odosobnione. Przed wyborami informacje z kraju Dogonów nie do końca się potwierdzały i nie były jednoznaczne. Raz mówiono o liczbie co najmniej 80 osób zabitych, innym razem o zabitych ponad 30 Dogonach i 8 Fulbe. Nie można było także sprawdzić, czy informacje te dotyczyły tego samego faktu czy kilku oddzielnych. Dogonowie mieliby się posługiwać tradycyjną bronią myśliwych (karabiny skałkowe), natomiast Fulbe takimiż karabinami oraz „bronią wojskową”. Kilka miesięcy później sytuacja tak się zaogniła, że spowodowała exodus kilku tysięcy Dogonów na płaskowyż, w okoli(dostęp: 17.07.2018 r.). Źródło: http://www.malinet.net/flash-info/pr-issa-ndiaye-les-religieuxne-sont-plus-credibles-pour-une-mediation-politique/ (dostęp: 12.09.2018 r.). 9 10 �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 47 ce miejscowości Sangha. Według mediów osiem najbardziej narażonych na ataki wiosek dogońskich zostało całkowicie opuszczonych11. Cytowane w tychże mediach wypowiedzi Dogonów takich jak Hama Dolo (właściciel hotelu w Sangha), są niepokojące, zwracając uwagę na inny problem: Mamy mało prosa, ziarno, które posialiśmy na polach, zostało zmyte przez deszcze lub zniszczone – lamentuje. Za dwa miesiące grozi nam głód! Państwo jest nieobecne... Sangha to rejon liczący 40 000 mieszkańców, a w okolicy nie ma nawet jednego oficera ochrony. Więc ludzie się boją, a do tego jesteśmy zaniepokojeni, ponieważ kończy się pora deszczowa [zbliża czas zbiorów – J. Ł.]. Tak więc wszyscy, którzy idą na pole, uzbrojeni są w karabiny, noże i kije, ponieważ moglibyśmy zostać zaatakowani... Jeśli ludzie z Sangha nie wrócą na pole tak szybko, jak to możliwe, cały rok upraw jest zagrożony12. Rodzi się pytanie, jaki jest powód tej sytuacji, a być może także pytanie o prawdziwą genezę konfliktu? Społeczność Dogonów – grupy etnicznej zamieszkującej na południu Mali, nieco poniżej tzw. Łuku Nigru – doświadczyła wielu zmian w czasie ostatniego ćwierćwiecza. Ten, zdawałoby się, typowy, kopieniaczy lud rolniczy z zachodniej Afryki spopularyzowany został właśnie przez wspomniane liczne grupy turystyczne (jeszcze w 2010 r. Mali odwiedzało około 200 000 osób), dzięki niecodziennemu usytuowaniu swoich wiosek na tzw. rumowisku masywu Bandiagara, ale i niecodziennej sztuce, tańcom masek i po części wiedzy kosmogonicznej. Rosnące przez co najmniej kilkanaście lat zainteresowanie turystów ich „oryginalną, tradycyjną kulturą” sprawiło, że dobrze wykorzystywali oni swoją „rentę geograficzną”, którą otrzymali w prezencie od natury. 11 Źródło: www.maliweb.net/non-classe/insecurite-dans-le-centre-du-malidetresse-a-sangha-face-au-flux-de-deplaces-2762247.html (dostęp: 17.06.2028 r.). 12 Ibidem. �48 Jacek Łapott Powstał swoisty przemysł, a przynajmniej manufaktura zajmująca się obsługą „obcych” odwiedzających kraj Dogonów. Prawie w każdej wiosce powstawały hotele i campementsy, restauracje, mniejsze i większe zrzeszenia przewodników oraz liczne tzw. artisanatsy – sklepiki oferujące „oryginalne” wytwory kultury dogońskiej. Obsługa 100 000 czy 200 000 osób wymagała zaangażowania całej armii osób zaspakajających ich potrzeby. Z uwagi na fakt, że pozostałe rejony Mali nie cieszyły się takim zainteresowaniem turystów (może poza Timbuktu) większość z nich trafiała do ojczyzny Dogonów. Kilkudniowa wycieczka kilkorga turystów z przewodnikiem sprawiała, że ten ostatni otrzymywał wynagrodzenie w wysokości miesięcznych zarobków miejscowego nauczyciela. Jeszcze większe zyski osiągali właściciele hoteli. Przy takiej liczbie turystów, przekraczającej częstokroć ilość stałych mieszkańców wioski (i to niezależnie od tego, czy była to pora deszczowa, czy sucha), wielu Dogonów partycypujących w tych zyskach zapomniało, że tak naprawdę są rolnikami i produkty niezbędne nie tylko dla utrzymania turystów, ale i własnej rodziny kupowało na targowisku. Z zainteresowania kulturą Dogonów i ich miejscem zamieszkania korzystali także bardziej operatywni przedstawiciele innych grup etnicznych – Bamana, Fulbe, Songhaj, Bozo, Tuaregowie, a nawet Mossi z Burkina Faso. Rzadkie, ale obecne w kulturze Dogonów małżeństwa mieszane sprawiły, że dzieci z tych małżeństw nabierały niejakich praw do dziedzi­czenia (m.in. ziemi) po swoich rodzicach. Bardziej operatywne z nich zakładają własne albo współpracują z różnorakimi biurami podróży organizującymi wycieczki do kraju Dogonów, a nawet budują hotele. Nie zawsze akceptowani przez tych ostatnich trzymają się razem (np. Bamana)13. W niektórych bardziej 13 Interesujące, że jeszcze kilka miesięcy temu, w lutym 2018 r., najbardziej popularnym twórcą sztuki dogońskiej w Sangha był młody Dogon wychowany w rodzinie Fulbe. �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 49 popularnych wsiach gros zysków trafiało do kieszeni tych z „obcych” plemion. Dogonowie słabo protestowali przeciwko tej sytuacji, wychodząc widocznie z założenia, że w przypadku kłótni przewodnicy zaczną omijać „protestujące” wioski, pozbawiając je całkowicie zysków. W tym miejscu przechodzimy do głównego tematu artykułu. Co się dzieje dziś w Mali, w kraju Dogonów? Skąd napady, walki i ofiary śmiertelne? Okazuje się, że masyw Bandiagara i jego okolice to nie tylko ojczyzna Dogonów, lecz także koczowniczego plemienia Fulbejów – hodowców bydła. Dogonowie jako grupa etniczna o niecodziennej, tradycyjnej kulturze byli wielokrotnie przedstawiani w literaturze polskiej i światowej. Mało jest popularniejszych społeczności afrykańskich niż oni. Jeśli chodzi o Fulbe, sytuacja nie jest równoprawna. Nie przekłada się to w ich wypadku na badania i literaturę chociażby w języku polskim. Nie pomaga w tym ich terytorialna diaspora rozciągająca się od Senegalu do Kamerunu. Można o nich przeczytać w szerszych historycznych publikacjach, natomiast źródłowych opracowań należałoby szukać w języku francuskim, jednak opracowana przez C. Sydou Bibliographie générale du monde peul w roku 1976 wymagałaby pilnego uzupełnienia14. Powstało bowiem sporo nowych opracowań – w większości jednak omawiających różne tematy cząstkowe, w różnych krajach. W Polsce z oddzielnych prac należałoby wymienić zapewne klasyczne już opracowanie T. Chwojki pt. Z badań nad problemem etnogenezy zachodnioafrykańskiego ludu Fulbe (Peuls, Fulani, Ful) czy Naiwni pasterze i piękne mleczarki. Stereotypowy obraz Fulanów w filmach hausanskich Iza­beli Will15. Ch. Seydou (red.), Bibliographie générale du monde peul, Niamey 1976. T. Chwojka, Z badań nad problemem etnogenezy zachodnioafrykańskiego ludu Fulbe (Peuls, Fulania, Ful) [w:] „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1970, t. 14, s. 534–574. Podane w tytule etnonimy tej grupy należą do tych najpopu14 15 �50 Jacek Łapott Konieczne jest więc krótkie resume ich kultury (szczególnie grupy żyjącej w Mali). Fulbe to współcześnie największa grupa pasterko-nomadyczna na świecie – ich populację w Afryce szacuje się na około 30 000 000–40 000 000 ludzi. Tradycyjnymi koczowniczymi pasterzami bydła do czasów nam współczesnych pozostała tylko ich trzecia część16. W Mali mieszka około 2 500 000 przedstawicieli tej grupy etnicznej17. Według klasycznych, książkowych pozycji etnologicznych kultura Fulbe charakteryzuje się określonymi cechami takimi jak: organizacja społeczno-polityczna o silnej władzy militarnej, struktura kastowa społeczeństwa, poczynając od arystokracji (tierno), poprzez kasty rzemieślnicze: kowali (wayoubé), złotników i wytwórców przedmiotów ze skóry (abarbé), wytwórców przedmiotów drewnianych (laobé), tkaczy (dyawambé), śpiewaków (mabbé), muzyków (wambabé), a nawet szkutników i rybaków (subaibé), aż po niewolników. Do uprawy ziemi wykorzystywano jeńców-niewolników (dimadio)18. Ogół Fulbe dzieli się na terenie Mali na trzy części: nomadów (zwanych Mbororo), półnomadów, ale i na ludność osiadłą. Problem, który tutaj poruszam, dotyczy w zasadzie dwóch pierwszych grup19. Podstawową jednostką administracyjną [Fulbe – J. Ł.] była osada (miszidi), Zespół kilku osad tworzy okręg (tekou). Ponadto wylarniejszych. I. Will, Naiwni pasterze i piękne mleczarki. Stereotypowy obraz Fulanów w filmach hausańskich [w:] J. Różański, H. Rubinkowska-Anioł (red.) Afryka między tradycją a współczesnością. Wybrane przykłady kontynuacji i zmian w języku, stylu życia, sztuce i religii, t. 2, Warszawa 2013, s. 89–100. 16 Interesujące, że T. Chwojka podaje za L. de Tressanem ich łączną liczbę (w 1953 r.) na około 5 mln (op. cit., s. 535). 17 Zarówno w tym przypadku, jak i przy szacunkach demograficznych innych populacji w Afryce dane są mocno „przybliżone” z racji braku wiarygodnych badań. 18 H. Bauman, D. Westerman, Les Peuples et les civilisations de l’Afrique, Paris 1962, s. 390. 19 Z racji jednak żywej do dziś tożsamości etnicznej zaangażowane są w nią – w mniejszym czy większym stopniu – wszystkie grupy. �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 51 stępowały prowincje (diwal), których wodzowie byli zmieniani co dwa lata. Było kilkanaście prowincji20. Rodziny Fulbe są do dziś patriarchalne, patrylokalne i patrylinearne. Podobnie jak w wypadku innych grup etnicznych, styl życia Fulbe reguluje kodeks zachowania znany jako pulaaku lub laawol, co dosłownie oznacza „ścieżki Fulani”. Jest on przekazywany przez każde kolejne pokolenie. Stanowi o wartościach moralnych Fulbe pozwalających im zachować nie tylko tożsamość, ale i granice oraz zmiany stylu życia. Notabene podobny system u Dogonów nosi nazwę dogo-tembu („to, co znalazł Dogon, przychodząc na świat”). Każdy Dogon rodząc się, wstępuje na „ścieżkę Dogonów” – dogo-ozu, znajdując na niej wspomniane dogo-tembu. Interesujące, że „prawdziwi” Dogonowie uważali Fulbe za „dzikusów” i nie dopuszczali możliwości małżeństwa z nimi. Negatywny stosunek osiadłych rolników do koczowników Fulbe (czy Fulani) można także zauważyć w innych regionach Afryki Zachodniej. Według I. Will: W hausańskim elementarzu Fulanin przedstawiany jest albo jako pasterz, albo jako myśliwy z łukiem, strzałami, kołczanem i torbą przewieszona przez ramię, nigdy jako emir, choć przecież wszyscy emirowie [opis dotyczy Nigerii – J. Ł.] pochodzą z fulańskich rodzin. Cytowany przez tę autorkę M. Hotowitz potwierdza podobną opinię na temat Fulanów wśród społeczności Manga na terenie Nigru. Manga patrzą na nich z pogardą, a ich negatywne opinie o pasterzach umacnia wiele stereotypów: Fulanie są brudni, udają muzułmanów, wielu z nich to złodzieje, ich kobiety są rozwiązłe i, co najgorsze, Fulanie zawsze przebywają w buszu, a busz kojarzony jest w Afryce Zachodniej z miejscem niebezpiecznym i z siedliskiem złych mocy21. R. Cornevin, s. 367 (cyt. za T. Chwojka, op. cit., s. 54). M. M. Hotowitz, Ethnic Boundary Maintenance among Pastoralists and Farmers in the Western Sudan (Niger) [w:] W. Irons, N. D. Hudson (red.), Perspectives on Nomadism, Leiden 1972, s. 113, cyt. za I. Will, Naiwni pasterze i piękne 20 21 �52 Jacek Łapott Niektórzy autorzy (m.in. W. E. A. Van Beek) zauważają jednak, że jedną z istotnych przyczyn zmian zachodzących współcześnie (ale także i w przeszłości) w sferze stosunków międzyetnicznych w kulturze Dogonów nie było stanowcze kroczenie ścieżką dogo-ozu, lecz wprost przeciwnie – ich swoista „spolegliwość” rozumiana jako „uległość” czy „podporządkowanie się komuś”, „jego poglądom czy wizji świata”22. Historia Dogonów nie potwierdza jednak tej tezy. W odległej przeszłości zbuntowali się oni (mówiąc w skrócie) władzy muzułmańskiej i opuścili swoją praojczyznę – kraj Mande. Także przez następne stulecia nie zawsze byli tylko atakowanymi przez sąsiednich koczowników, lecz często także sami ich atakowali. Przetrwali ze swoją oryginalną kulturą kilkaset lat, pomimo obecności wkoło wojowniczych sąsiadów. Mieli niewolników, których w przeszłości szukali wśród grup nomadów. Jednak wydarzenia z początków bieżącego wieku (ostatnie kilkanaście lat) doprowadziły w efekcie do niejakiej erozji tożsamości etnicznej, jak i swoistego relatywizmu kulturowego. W kontaktach z obcymi (turystami) pojawia się wiele opisów wydarzeń zmyślonych, opisywanych już w literaturze jako „tradycja wymyślona” (wynaleziona?) czy „pseudowydarzenia”23. To były pierwsze oznaki zaniku komunikacji wewnątrzkulturowej. „Prawdziwa” wiedza o tradycji i prawdzie historycznej szybko traciła na znaczeniu. mleczarki. Stereotypowy obraz Fulanów w filmach hausańskich [w:] J. Różański, H. Rubinkowska-Anioł (red.), Afryka między tradycją a współczesnością, t. 2, Wybrane przykłady kontynuacji i zmian w języku, stylu życia, sztuce i religii, Warszawa 2013, s. 90 i 98. 22 W. Van Beek, Dogon restitudied. A field evaluation of the work of Marcel Griaule, „Current Anthropology” 1991, t. 32 (2), s. 148. Tego rodzaju teza nawiązuje do niekończącej się od lat dyskusji na temat, czy to „M. Griaule był uczniem Dogonów, czy Dogoni byli jego uczniami”. 23 Więcej na ten temat zob. J. Urry, Spojrzenie turysty, Warszawa 2007, s. 23. �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 53 Wzajemne stosunki między obiema grupami etnicznymi (w tym wypadku Dogonami i Fulbe) mają także długą i złożoną historię – nie do końca jednak opisaną. Niektóre spektakularne kontakty są dobrze znane historykom. Nad innych została niejako opuszczona kurtyna milczenia. Wzajemne stosunki przez szereg lat były naznaczone piętnem agresji i napadu Fulbejów na kraj Dogonów – celem łapania i sprzedaży w niewolę jego mieszkańców. Czasami także ustanawiano ich w tym charakterze we własnych, fulbejskich wioskach. Nie były to małe ilości tej populacji, jeśli z czasem uzyskały nawet oddzielną nazwę – Rimaibé. Być może dzięki tym praktykom Dogonowie przez długi czas posiadali nawet etnonim zewnętrzny – Habbe (Niewolnicy). Budując swoje wioski na płaskowyżu Bandiagara oraz na narażonym w pierwszej kolejności na napady, tzw. rumowisku skał u jego podnóża, nadawali im obronny charakter. Stawały się nie do zdobycia przez konnych koczowników Fulbejów czy mających podobne zamiary Tuaregów (szczególnie wioski na zachodzie, w rejonie Piniari). Nic dziwnego, że Fulbe rozróżniają wyraźnie Dogonów z płaskowyżu i rumowisk skalnych, nazywając ich Habbe Haire, oraz Dogonów mieszkających na równinach – Humbebe. Kontakty te były jednak dwustronnie aktywne i nie zawsze Dogonowie byli tylko stroną broniącą się. Jak nadmienia M. Tymowski: Granicy wschodniej [państwa Fulbe – Dina – J. Ł.] bronił przed atakiem Mossich i Dogonów oraz ludów z Hombori – amiru Guro Malado24. W pierwszej połowie XIX w. weszli oni bowiem (formalnie) w skład państw Dina (Diina) ze stolicą w Hamdallahi (jedna z jego prowincji Dina – Hayre kończyła się na Hombori). Twórcą tego zapisanego w historii państwa Fulbe był Szeku Amadu (Sheeku Aamadu Hammadi Buuba) panujący w latach 1818–1844. J. C. Huet uważa, że to właśnie fulbejskie państwo 24 M. Tymowski, Historia Mali, Wrocław-Gdańsk 1979, s. 258. �54 Jacek Łapott Dina najmocniej odcisnęło się na współczesnej kulturze Dogonów, powodując wycofanie się ich w trudno dostępne rejony masywu Bandiagara25. Wtedy też po raz pierwszy zaistnieli wspomniani Rimaibé – niewolnicy Fulbe. W ich skład wchodzą, obok Dogonów, przedstawiciele innych sąsiednich grup etnicznych złapanych w niewolę – Bamana czy Bozo. Zwyczaj nie pozwalał Fulbejom uprawiać ziemi, stąd też konieczność posiadania do tej pracy niewolników. Wioski Rimaibé można i współcześnie spotkać na równinie Gondo okalającej masyw Bandiagara. System kast (szczególnie niewolnictwa) przetrwał do czasów administracji francuskiej. Dopiero w 1908 r. wydzierżawiono Rimaibé uprawianą ziemię, w zamian za część zbiorów26. Nie był to jednak ewenement. Niektórzy historycy zauważają, że: [jeszcze – J. Ł.] u progu okresu kolonialnego w wielu społecznościach zachodnioafrykańskich połowę (a nawet więcej) ludności stanowiły osoby o statusie „niewolnika”27. Jednak w takiej sytuacji następowała całkowita detrybalizacja podlegających jej niewolników28. Mój przewodnik po kraju Dogonów – Gadiolou Dolo – mówił: Ci, których porwano lub sprzedano w niewolę, nie wracali. To było niemożliwe. Ponieważ tak daleko ich wywozili, że nie mogli wrócić. Przestawali być Dogonami, stawali się inną rasą. Pomimo upływu ponad stu lat piętno niewolniczego pochodzenia (a co za tym idzie społecznego wykluczenia) dotyka do dziś wielu ich potomków. 25 J. C. Huet, Villages perché des Dogon du mali. Habitat, espace et société, Paris 1994, s. 95. 26 R. I. Roberts, Warriors, Marchant and Slaves. The State and Economy in the Middle Niger Valley 1700–1914, Stanford 1987, s. 196 (cyt. za J. C. Huet, op. cit., s. 90). 27 P. Curtin P., Afryka na północ od strefy leśnej w początkach ekspansji islamu [w:] P. Curtin, S. Feierman, L. Thompson, J. Vansina, Historia Afryki. Narody i cywilizacje, Gdańsk 2003, s. 125. 28 Ibidem, s. 125. �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 55 Władca Fulbe – Szeku Amadu w ciągu 26 lat rządów reformował swoje państwo pod każdym względem. Koczowniczy tryb życia Fulbe powodował, że dwukrotnie przechodzili oni w ciągu roku przez kraj Dogonów i jego okolice. Porę suchą spędzali na pograniczu Mali i w Burkina Faso, wokół stałych źródeł wody. Wraz z porą deszczową przesuwali się oni ze swoimi stadami na północ. Przechodząc dość chaotycznie przez ziemie sąsiadów, osiadłych rolników, co roku stwarzali sytuacje konfliktowe. Szacunkowe dane z lat 70. XIX w. mówią o wędrówce przez kraj Dogonów do rozległych pastwisk tzw. Wewnętrznej Delty Nigru. Brało w nich udział około 150 000–160 000 koczowników ze stadami liczącymi około 1 500 000 sztuk bydła, kóz i owiec. Przemarsz ten odbywa się zwykle na przełomie listopada i grudnia. Jego dzień był dobierany bardzo starannie. Decydował nie tylko stan trawy na pastwiskach, ale i poziom wody w Nigrze. To wspomniany Szeku Amadu postanowił zapanować nad tą coroczną migracją. Przemarsze takich ilości ludzi i zwierząt budziły sprzeciw nie tylko okolicznych rolników – Dogonów i Bamana. Niesnaski trwały także między poszczególnymi rodami Fulbejów pragnącymi jak najszybciej dotrzeć do terenów ze świeżą trawą. Szeku Amadu wymyślił system piętnastu tras dojścia (tzw. burti) do terenów obfitych w trawę. Każda burti związana była z jednym z wielkich rodów Fulbe. Bezpieczeństwo ludzi i stad było kolejnym wyzwaniem dla przywódcy państwa Dina. Umowy zawarte z Dogonami zażegnywały jednak wtedy większość konfliktów29. System ten funkcjonuje właściwie do dziś i znany jest we współczesnym Mali pod nazwą Trversée des Boeufs (w języku fulfulde – dewgal). Jeszcze 10 lat temu był jedną z atrakcji turystycznych tegoż regionu30. 29 Bydło przechodząc przez tereny Dogonów, pozostawiało nawóz używany przez rolników do nawożenia pól. 30 Jest lato 2018 r. Za kilka miesięcy zaczną się przygotowania do kolejnego dewgalu. Można być pewnym, że nie będzie on przebiegał bezkonfliktowo. �56 Jacek Łapott Wracając do historii – kilkadziesiąt lat później, w 1864 r., Dogonowie i Fulbeje kolejny raz zaistnieli na rodzimej arenie historii. Państwo Dina zostało podbite, a jego stolica Hamdallahi zdobyta przez El-Hadż Omar Talla, przywódcę państwa Tukulerów. Ci ostatni wywodzili się z terenów dzisiejszego Senegalu. Walczyli wpierw z „pogańskimi” Bamana, a następnie z Fulbejami i Tuaregami (zdobyto Timbuktu). Państwo to z czasem „rozciągnęło się” zbyt mocno i stało się mało efektywne w działaniu. Fulbeje, Tuaregowie i Bamana połączyli się i rozpoczęli ośmiomiesięczne oblężenie zdobytej wcześniej przez Tukulerów stolicy Fulbe – Hamdallahi. Omar Tall, szukając sojuszników, wysłał swojego bratanka Tidżaniego z prośbą o pomoc do Dogonów. Był to krok rozpaczy wymuszony przez sytuację, całkiem niezgodny z islamistycznymi hasłami El-Hadż Omara, Dogonowie byli bowiem animistami31. Dogonowie po długich deliberacjach zgromadzili niemałą siłę – 5000 wojowników-myśliwych. Zanim dotarli jednak do Hamdallahi okazało się, że El-Hadż Omar opuścił stolicę i skrył się w niedostępnych wąwozach Bandiagary. Według tradycji ustnej trafił do wioski Deguembéré, gdzie wysadził się w powietrze 12 lutego 1864 r. Pozostał jednak jego bratanek Tidżani, który m.in. przy pomocy Dogonów odparł zarówno Fulbejów, jak i Tuaregów i odzyskał władzę nad całym regionem Maciny32. Jest on do dziś wspominany wśród Dogonów jako sprzymierzeniec – nie był bowiem wojującym fundamentalistą i traktował ich jak ludzi wolnych. Przytoczenie tych historii wbrew pozorom ma istotne znaczenie przy próbie bliższego określenia nie tylko wzajemnych stosunków, jak i genezy współczesnego konfliktu między Dogonami a Fulbe. W Afryce z racji żywego funkcjonowania tradycji oralnej 31 32 M. Tymowski, op. cit., s. 272. Ibidem, s. 273. �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 57 tego rodzaju przekazy ustne są żywe i przekazywane z pokolenia na pokolenie, do czasów nam współczesnych. Historia sprzed 150 lat jest znana i powszechnie powtarzana przez obie strony konfliktu. W antropologii: określa się wojnę jako szczególny typ politycznych relacji między grupami, które stosują – lub grożą, że zastosują – śmiercionośną siłę przeciwko sobie, aby zrealizować swoje cele… Problemem utrudniającym próby stworzenia teorii wojny jest to, że niemal każdy czynnik, który był przedstawiany jako przyczyna wojny, może być również interpretowany jako jej efekt33. Podobnie jest z tym opisywanym niejako „na gorąco” konfliktem. Za jakiś czas, po spojrzeniu z dystansu, poznamy być może jego prawdziwa genezę? Swoiste „zawieszenie broni” zaistniałe w XX w., w pierwszym rzędzie dzięki administracji francuskiej, potem dzięki siłom niepodległego państwa Mali, a ostatnio także dzięki licznym odwiedzinom turystów i możliwością partycypowania w zyskach z tym związanych, skończyło się w 2012 r. Cele zaistniałej wtedy rebelii tuareskiej bliższe były koczowniczym, prawie w całości zislamizowanym Fulbe. Po kilkuletnim oczekiwaniu na zmianę sytuacji w kraju Dogonów zrozumieli oni, że trzeba „wziąć sprawy w swoje ręce”, a właściwie spojrzeć realnie na sytuację, która wytworzyła się w rejonie masywu Bandiagara. Okres „prosperity turystycznej” spowodował stabilizację gospodarczą, rozwój rodzimej infrastruktury oraz przypływ pomocy z ramienia organizacji pozarządowych. Populacje obu grup konfliktu stały się liczniejsze. Jednak wraz z brakiem turystów koniecznym było powrócenie do pracy na roli, a ilość chętnych Dogonów do przeniesienia się na równiny zwiększała się. Coraz trudniej było znaleźć pola pod uprawę. Cóż mieli powiedzieć pasterze? Przy zwiększonej popuS. Harrison, Wojna [w:] A. Barnard, J. Spencer (red.), Encyklopedia antropologii społeczno-kulturowej, Warszawa 2008, s. 647–648. 33 �58 Jacek Łapott lacji niezbędne było powiększenie nie tylko stad, ale i pól uprawnych oraz znalezienie nowych pastwisk dla bydła. Konflikty budziły także dostęp do stałych źródeł wody czy studni. Oglądając kraj Dogonów przed 40 laty, wędrując pieszo do wybranych wtedy do badań wiosek Yougo, przez cały dzień szliśmy przez niegościnny, pusty busz. Dziś na tej samej trasie powstało kilka wiosek, pola jednej z nich stykają się z polami drugiej, a cały teren poprzecinany jest ścieżkami dla pieszych i jednoosiowych charets’ów. Gdzie w takim razie jest tutaj miejsce dla pasterzy i ich zwierząt? Duża część Fulbe w Mali z trudem poddaje się różnym akcjom osiedleńczym. Żyją jakby marzeniami o przeszłym, idealnym świecie ich kultury (przytaczając kolejny raz motto). Czas się dla nich zatrzymał. Przypomina to nieco sytuację plemienia turkmeńskiego Ajdynły z Turcji opisaną przez Y. Kemala w Legendzie Tysiąca Byków34. Być może w tym podobieństwie można byłoby się doszukać jakiejś szerszej prawidłowości co do współczesnego postrzegania rzeczywistości przez nomadów? Z kolei przekonanie Dogonów, że „turyści będą zawsze” powodowało, że nie dostrzegali oni innych gromadzących się zagrożeń wewnętrznych. Poczynając od wspomnianego upadku autorytetów lokalnych, braku zainteresowania obejmowaniem funkcji tradycyjnych przywódców, a kończąc na pojawieniu się zupełnie „nowych autorytetów” zaistniałych za sprawą uzyskania przez nich wyższej pozycji materialnej (pieniędzy) czy z nadania politycznego lub religijnego. W dalszej kolejności prowadziło to do niejakiego osłabienia więzi społecznych, a nawet rodzinnych – pojawia się nieznana wcześniej nieuczciwość, migracje do ojczyzn „tych przywożących pieniądze turystów”, a w skali makroregionalnej czy państwowej – nepotyzm wielkorodzinny i plemienny. 34 Y. Kemal, Legenda Tysiąca Byków, Warszawa 1983. �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 59 Ponadto słabnie aktywność intelektualna, następuje szybszy rozpad rodziny, utylitarne traktowanie religii. Łatwo zauważyć także oznaki swego rodzaju wojującego, „nacjonalistycznego” trybalizmu. Działania licznych organizacji pomocowych powodują zanik rodzimej przedsiębiorczości i bezwolne oczekiwanie na kolejne „projekty”. Nie bez znaczenia jest także szybki wzrost demograficzny. Dzieci były zawsze dla społeczeństw afrykańskich zabezpieczeniem na starość. Nieznane są tutaj ubezpieczenia społeczne. Działania związane z niekontrolowanym przepływem idei w ramach tzw. globalizacji czy „otwarcia się na świat” sprawiły, że młodzi mieszkańcy Afryki częściej ulegają chęci opuszczenia własnej wioski. Dla ich rodziców ryzyko jest zbyt duże, dlatego większa ilość dzieci gwarantuje im, że mimo wszystko któreś z nich pozostanie i zaopiekuje się nimi na starość. Chciałbym tutaj przytoczyć niejako „prorocze” stwierdzenie J.-C. Hueta. Autor ten obserwując już w roku 1994 bezładne (czyt. niezorganizowane) migracje Dogonów na tereny równin wokół masywu Bandiagara, gdzie powstawały wcale niemałe wioski „bez ładu i składu”, stwierdził, że: niektóre miejsca zamieszkania przypominają wielką zbiorowość ludzką, bez wodza, zdezorientowaną i zdumioną brakiem autorytetów i władzy35. Zasięg tego rodzaju sytuacji cały czas się powiększa. Jednocześnie, co ważniejsze, nie sprzyja ona szybkiej konsolidacji mieszkańców w obliczu zagrożenia. Wszystkie przedstawione tutaj na gorąco uwagi wskazują dodatkowo na fakt, że współcześni mieszkańcy Afryki zagubili także gdzieś ważką cechę ich rodzimej kultury polegającą na rozwiązywaniu sporów poprzez dyskusję (dialog) i deliberację celem osiągnięcia zgodnego konsensusu. „Dzisiaj ma głos towarzysz 35 J.-C. Huet, op. cit., s. 165. �60 Jacek Łapott Mauzer” (czy może raczej Kałasznikow) – jak powiedziałby inny klasyk. W lipcu i sierpniu 2018 r. odbyły się w Mali wybory prezydenckie. Zwyciężył prezydent Ibrahim Boubacar Keita (zwany IBK). Poza sporadycznymi incydentami pierwsza i druga tura przeszły spokojnie. Potwierdził to także Cécile Kyenge – szef misji obserwacyjnej z ramienia Unii Europejskiej. Jak podały media, wybory odbywały się także w miejscach większych skupisk Malijczyków poza granicami ich kraju, np. w obozie dla uchodźców malijskich w Mbera, usytuowanym na terenie Mauretanii. Jako pierwsze z zadań, które chciałby realizować prezydent po wyborach, byłaby walka z korupcją. Bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne znalazło się na trzecim miejscu36. Nie rokowało to najlepiej dalszemu rozwojowi sytuacji na południu Mali, m.in. w kraju Dogonów. Tylko od 1 kwietnia do 31 maja 2018 r. konflikt między Fulbe i Dogonami w rejonie Mopti doprowadził do wewnętrznego przesiedlenia prawie 9000 osób. O niestabilnej sytuacji wewnętrznej w tym kraju świadczy fakt, że w tym samym czasie pojawiło się na terenie całego kraju 61 400 uchodźców wewnętrznych. Jak napomknął Mbaranga Gasarebwe (doradca sekretarza generalnego ONZ ds. bezpieczeństwa): Musimy podwoić nasze wysiłki, aby znaleźć trwałe rozwiązanie przyczyn tych chronicznych konfliktów. Od tego zależy przyszłość Mali i całego Sahelu… Społeczność humanitarna potwierdza swoje niezachwiane wsparcie dla władz malijskich, aby przezwyciężyć bratobójcze konflikty, które kosztowały życie już dziesiątki osób, w tym kobiet i dzieci. Według szacunków tylko w tym roku (2018) 4,3 miliona ludzi z Mali potrzebuje pomocy humanitarnej. Społeczności zajmujące się tą działalnością zaapelowały o 263 miliony dolarów, aby wesprzeć W przemówieniu inauguracyjnym po zaprzysiężeniu to zapewnienie pokoju w Mali znalazło się na miejscu pierwszym. 36 �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 61 1,6 miliona osób. Do tej pory udało się zgromadzić jedynie 94 miliony dolarów, czyli 36% z poszukiwanych funduszy37. Powtarzające się napady zbrojne po obu stronach spowodowały, że głos zabrały także dwa znane stowarzyszenia (obu skonfliktowanych grup) zajmujące się promocją ich kultury – Ginna Dogon oraz Pulaku Tabula. Oba wyraziły głębokie zaniepokojenie „pogarszaniem się klimatu społecznego w centralnym Mali”: W obliczu konieczności jak najszybszego przerwania obecnej spirali przemocy, stowarzyszenia Tabala Pulaaku i Ginna Dogon rozważają wspólne działania, w tym wysłanie wspólnej misji obu społeczności w celu uspokojenia sytuacji w zagrożonej strefie38. Z racji faktu, że przedstawiciele obu stron konfliktu stosują sprawdzoną metodę szybkiego przemieszczania się po zagrożonym terenie na motorowerach, wprowadzono zakaz używania tego rodzaju środka lokomocji. Zarządzenie awykonalne, podobnie jak próby „rozbrojenia” miejscowych myśliwych z tradycyjnej broni skałkowej (obecnej w każdej rodzinie). Działania sił państwowych nie zawsze prowadzą do stabilizacji sytuacji. Warto odnotować jedną z „oficjalnych” informacji: Stowarzyszenie Dana Amassagou [paramilitarne stowarzyszenie myśliwych Dogon – J. Ł.] informuje opinię krajową i międzynarodową, że po wczorajszej imprezie w Kani Kombole, podczas jego walnego zgromadzeniu pod przewodnictwem szefa sztabu ruchu, oddział żołnierzy malijskich przybyły na miejscu spotkania najpierw chciał odzyskać naszą broń, w obliczu odmowy – spalił nasze motocykle (ponad 300 motocykli). Żołnierze otworzyli także ogień z broni – na szczęście bez utraty ludzkiego życia po naszej stronie. W obliczu tej sytuacji postanoŹródło: http://www.malinet.net/alerte/nord-et-centre-du-mali-9-000personnes-deplacees-en-quelques-semaines/ (dostęp: 12.07.2018 r.). 38 Źródło: http://www.malinet.net/flash-info/conflits-au-centre-du-malitabital-pulaku-et-ginna-dogon-interpellent-le-gouvernement/ (dostęp: 05.07.2018 r.). 37 �62 Jacek Łapott wiliśmy wydalić każdego przedstawiciela państwa [władzy – J. Ł.] z kraju Dogonów. Nie chcemy dłużej obecności państwa na naszym terenie, co oznacza brak głosowania w wyborach prezydenckich. Jesteśmy zdeterminowani jednak, aby sprowadzić pokój do Kraju Dogonów39. Od początku roku 2018 Biuro ds. Praw Człowieka ONZ, dzięki działalności misji stabilizacyjnej ONZ w Mali (MINUSMA), udokumentowało 99 incydentów przemocy wśród lokalnych społeczności, które spowodowały śmierć co najmniej 289 cywilów. Siedemdziesiąt sześć takich incydentów – około 77% całości – miało miejsce w samym regionie Mopti [rejon zamieszkały przez Dogonów i Fulbe – J. Ł.], w tym 49 od 1 maja… Jesteśmy głęboko zaniepokojeni wzrostem przemocy, pomimo istnienia swoistej linii demarkacyjnych tych społeczności w regionie Mopti, w centralnym Mali – powiedział Rupert Colville, rzecznik Biura Wysokiego Komisarza ds. Praw Człowieka na konferencji prasowej w Genewie40. Sytuacja zamiast stabilizować się, tylko się zaognia. We wtorek 3 maja 2018 r. w regionie Mopti trwały starcia między cywilami z plemion Fulbe i Bamana (w miejscowości Koroguiri i Maleimana). Pierwsi to wspomniani pasterze, którzy twierdzą, że bronią swoich pastwisk, a drudzy, podobnie jak Dogonowie, to rolnicy, którzy bronią swojej ziemi. W wyniku starć zginęła rekordowa liczba osób – około 30 zabitych cywilów (według różnych źródeł). Podobnie jak w przypadku Dogonów, także tutaj do obrony Źródło: http://www.malinet.net/flash-info/centre-du-pays-plusieursmotos-des-chasseurs-dogons-brulees-par-une-patrouille-des-famas/ (dostęp: 19.07.2018 r.). 40 Źródło: http://www.malinet.net/flash-info/resurgence-des-violencescommunautaires-dans-la-region-de-mopti-la-minusma-recence-289-civils-tuesdepuis-janvier/ (dostęp: 19.07.2018 r.). 39 �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 63 powołano rodzime milicje41. Organizacja o charakterze milicyjno-militarnym na tym terenie, u Fulbe, to l’Alliance pour le Salut du Sahel (Przymierze na rzecz ratowania Sahelu). Z kolei inna organizacja Fulbe L’Alliance nationale pour la sauvegarde de l’identité peulh et la restauration de la justice (Narodowy sojusz za ochronę tożsamości Peul i przywrócenie sprawiedliwości) zaatakowała w połowie lipca 2018 r. obóz wojsk rządowych w Nampala, zabijając 10 osób i raniąc około 50. Według mediów napastnicy przybyli 12 ciężarówkami wraz z liczną grupą napastników na motocyklach42. 30 sierpnia 2018 r. nadeszły wreszcie dobre wiadomości – 36 wodzów Dogonów i 36 wodzów Fulbe spotkało się w Koro i podpisało porozumienia pokojowe. Zainicjowało je Le centre pour le dialogue humanitaire (HD). Porozumienie ma być rozpowszechnione wśród obu społeczności, które będą musiały wziąć na siebie odpowiedzialność za jego przestrzeganie43. Niestety po kilku tygodniach sytuacja znów się zmieniła. Porozumienie pokojowe spisane na papierze zdaje się być doskonałe. Na dziesięciu stronach ustanawia pokój pomiędzy społecznością Dogon i Fulbe. Wskazuje ono przyczyny i określa prawa i zasady korzystania z ziemi. Jednak odrzucają je wspomniane wyżej grupy paramilitarne u Dogonów – Dana Amassagou i fulbejska – Tabital Pulaaku. Przywódca tego ostatniego Abdoul Aziz Diallo wyjaśnia: Nie braliśmy udziału w negocjacjach. Chcemy więcej gwarancji dla naszych ludzi. 41 Źródło: http://www.malinet.net/flash-info/mali-le-bilan-des-tensionscommunautaires-salourdit-dans-la-region-de-mopti/ (dostęp: 18.07.2018 r.). 42 Źródło: http://www.malinet.net/alerte/attaque-de-nampala-lalliancenationale-pour-la-sauvegarde-de-lidentite-peulh-et-la-restauration-de-la-justicerevendique/ (dostęp: 17.07.2018 r.). 43 Źródło: http://www.malinet.net/editorial/mopti-36-chefs-de-villagesdogons-et-36-chefs-de-villages-peulhs-de-la-zone-de-koro-signent-un-accordpour-mettre-fin-aux-violences/ (dostęp: 30.08.2018 r.). �64 Jacek Łapott Zwłaszcza że ataki nadal trwają – w ostatni weekend zginęło znów pięciu Fulbe44. Wbrew deklaracjom sytuacja nie zmierza ku końcowi. Lista przyczyn tej „małej wojny” – zadawnionych i współczesnych – jest długa. Być może nawet się poszerza. Jest koniec września 2018 r. W Mali powstał rząd z 12 nowymi ministrami. Jedyna nadzieja, że –załatwiwszy wszystkie ważniejsze zobowiązania wyborcze – prezydentowi starczy czasu, aby pochylić się także nad tym ważkim problemem swego wielkiego kraju – wojną etniczną między Dogonami i Fulbe. Bibliografia Beek van W., Dogon restitudied. A field evaluation of the work of Marcel Griaule, „Current Anthropology” 1991, t. 32 (2). Seydou Ch. (red.), Bibliographie générale du monde peul, Niamey 1976. Bauman H., Westerman D., Les Peuples et les civilisations de l’Afrique, Paris 1962. Chwojka T., Z badań nad problemem etnogenezy zachodnioafrykanskiego ludu Fulbe (Peuls, Fulania, Ful), „Materiały Zachodniopomorskie” 1970, t. 14. Curtn P., Afryka na północ od strefy leśnej w początkach ekspansji islamu [w:] P. Curtin, S. Feierman, L. Thompson, J. Vansina, Historia Afryki Narody i cywilizacje, Gdańsk 2003. Huet J.-C., Villages perchés des Dogon du Mali. Habitat, espace et société, Paris 1994. Kemal Y., Legenda Tysiąca Byków, Warszawa 1983. Roberts R. I., Warriors, Marchant and Slaves. The State and Economy in the Middle Niger Valley 1700–1914, Stanford 1987. Tymowski M., Historia Mali, Wrocław-Gdańsk 1979. Źródło: http://www.malinet.net/flash-info/mali-les-difficultes-de-laccordde-paix-entre-dogons-et-peuls-de-koro/ (dostęp: 05.09.2018 r.). 44 �Dogonowie versus Fulbe – mała wojna w wielkim kraju 65 Urry J., Spojrzenie turysty, Warszawa 2007. Will I., Naiwni pasterze i piękne mleczarki. Stereotypowy obraz Fulanów w filmach hausanskich [w:] J. Różański, H. Rubinkowska-Anioł (red.), Afryka między tradycją a współczesnością. Wybrane przykłady kontynuacji i zmian w języku, stylu życia, sztuce i religii, t. 2, Warszawa 2013. Źródła internetowe www.malinet.net/flash-info/centre-du-pays-plusieurs-motos-deschasseurs-dogons-brulees-par-une-patrouille-des-famas/ (dostęp: 19.07.2018 r.). w w w. m a l i n e t . n e t / fl a s h - i n f o / r e s u r g e n c e - d e s - v i o l e n c e s communautaires-dans-la-region-de-mopti-la-minusma-recence289-civils-tues-depuis-janvier/ (dostęp: 19.07.2018 r.). w w w. m a l i n e t . n e t / fl a s h - i n f o / m a l i - l e - b i l a n - d e s - t e n s i o n s communautaires-salourdit-dans-la-region-de-mopti/ (dostęp: 18.07.2018 r.). www.malinet.net/alerte/nord-et-centre-du-mali-9-000-personnesdeplacees-en-quelques-semaines/ (dostęp: 12.07.2018 r.). www.malinet.net/flash-info/conflits-au-centre-du-mali-tabital-pulakuet-ginna-dogon-interpellent-le-gouvernement/ (dostęp: 05.07.2018 r.). www.malinet.net/alerte/mopti-des-morts-apres-des-affrontementsentre-milices-communautaires/ (dostęp: 28.06.2018 r.). www.maliweb.net/non-classe/insecurite-dans-le-centre-du-malidetresse-a-sangha-face-au-flux-de-deplaces-2762247.html (dostęp: 17.06.2018 r.). www.malinet.net/editorial/mopti-36-chefs-de-villages-dogons-et-36chefs-de-villages-peulhs-de-la-zone-de-koro-signent-un-accordpour-mettre-fin-aux-violences/ (dostęp: 30.08.2018 r.). http://www.malinet.net/flash-info/mali-les-difficultes-de-laccord-depaix-entre-dogons-et-peuls-de-koro/ (dostęp: 05.09.2018 r.). http://www.malinet.net/editorial/islam-et-politique-au-mali-entrerealite-et-fiction/ (dostęp: 17.07.2018 r.). �66 Jacek Łapott Dogon versus Fulbe – a small war in a great country Summary The fighting in north of Mali, which lasted from 2012, caused changes in everyday life not only of the people struggling for Independence. Lack of strong central authority led to the expansion of a certain anarchy to other areas of the country. In the south of Mali, in the Dogon country, this caused a complete disappearance of tourists visiting this area. Earlier, uncontrolled, numerous visits contributed to both the increase in affluence of local residents and the growth of its population. Both the Dogon and their nomadic neighbors, the Fulbe shepherds, looking for new lands for themselves, led to a conflict that consumed at least several hundred victims this year (2018) and caused the migration of several thousand refugees. On August 31, 2018 representatives of 36 Dogon leaders and 36 Fulbe signed a peace agreement in the town of Koro. However, everything points to the fact that the road to a real peace is still long. Keywords: Tribal war, traditional community, stabilization mission, Azwad, farmers Dogon, shepherds cattle Fulbe. �AGNIESZKA MADYS TRADYCYJNA KULTURA TUARESKA, ISLAM I NIEPODLEGŁOŚĆ Prace etnograficzne na temat Tuaregów w większości są francuskie. Ich zasobność jest stosunkowo duża, jednak zgodność pomiędzy nimi często niewielka. Wynika to z faktu, że charakteryzują one różne odłamy regionalne tuareskich grup, które różnią się pomiędzy sobą w wielu aspektach (np. obozowanie, hodowla zwierząt, wodopoje). J. Nicolaisen pisze: Literatura dotycząca Tuaregów jest nawet obszerna, jednak wiele z tych publikacji ma ograniczoną wartość1. W związku z tym społeczność tuareską ciężko usystematyzować i mówić o niej jako o całości. Niemniej jednak wiele cech pozostaje wspólnych dla całej populacji, a kultura tuareska w różnych krajach bytowania Tuaregów zazwyczaj jest dość spójna2. Tuaregowie to grupa etniczna, która charakteryzuje się złożonym składem i dzieli na szereg grup regionalnych, znanych pod różnymi nazwami, np. Kel Ajjer, Kel Hoggar, Kel Ahaggar. Tuaregowie są Berberami i zamieszkują obszar pięciu państw: Mali, Burkina Faso, Algierii, Libii i Nigru. Berberowie (Berberzy) to Agnieszka Madys, doktorantka, Uniwersytet Szczeciński 1 J. Nicolaisen, Ecology and Culture of the Pastoral Tuareg with particular reference to the Tuareg of Ahaggar and Ayr, Copenhagen 1963. 2 K. Moszyński, Ludy pasterskie, Kraków 1953, s. 179. �68 Agnieszka Madys grupa ludów chamito-semickich w Afryce Północnej (należą do niej m.in. Tuaregowie, Kabylowie) zamieszkująca tereny od Oceanu Atlantyckiego do Egiptu, licząca od 8 do 10 milionów ludności. Współcześnie dialekty języka berberskiego wypierane są przez język arabski3. Historia tuareska pokazuje, że Tuaregowie nigdy nie zjednoczyli się, by wspólnie walczyć przeciwko wrogom lub w imię innej słusznej sprawy. Bratobójcze walki, grabieże i napady raczej różniły poszczególne grupy regionalne, niż je scalały4. Początkowo nomadów utożsamiano z barbarzyńcami, którzy siali spustoszenie w osadach i miastach, a także na pustynnych szlakach, napadając na podróżników. S. Moussa pisał, że od XVIII w. w literaturze europejskiej dostrzec można rosnącą romantyzację postaci koczownika, który zaczął jawić się jako „dziki dżentelmen” – gościnny i honorowy. Idea koczownika, która rozwinęła się w drugiej połowie XVIII w., nie przedstawiała już nomada jako człowieka niebezpiecznego i wykluczonego ze społeczeństwa, a raczej jako osobę na początku procesu cywilizacyjnego5. W XVIII w. nastąpiło przewartościowanie, które spowodowało, że nomadów pozbawiono negatywnych cech. Nie byli oni postrzegani jako grabieżcy, a raczej jako przedstawiciele czystej, białej rasy. Jawili się także jako postaci oporu przeciwko tyranii, ludzie odważni i wojowniczy. E. Bernus podkreślał arystokratyczne pochodzenie Tuaregów. Przedstawiał ich jako szlachetnych odpowiedników walecznych rycerzy idealizowanego średnio­wiecza6. 3 M. Sajko (red.), Encyklopedia PWN, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa 2006, hasło: Berberowie. 4 A. Rybiński, Ręka w rękę, czyli rzecz o tuareskim dążeniu do jedności i własnego państwa, „Konteksty” 2012, nr 1–2, passim. 5 S. Moussa, Une peur vaiance: L’émergence du mythe bédouin chez les voyageurs francais du XVIIIe siécle [w:] J. Berchtold, M. Porret, La Peur au XVIIIe Siécle. Discours représentations, pratiques, Geneva 2004, s. 206. 6 E. Bernus, Touaregs nigériens. Unité culturelle et diversité régionale d’un peuple pasteur, Paris 1981. �Tradycyjna kultura tuareska, islam i niepodległość 69 Dane demograficzne na temat populacji Tuaregów mają niebagatelny wpływ na postrzeganie jej jako odrębnej całości. Brak dokładnych informacji oraz materiałów, w których liczebność ta byłaby precyzyjnie określona, nakazuje przyjąć li tylko pewien przybliżony szacunek. Niemniej jednak badania w kierunku zmian zachodzących w liczebności tuareskich plemion rzutują na ich postawy oraz społeczne wzorce zachowań. A. Rybiński w swojej rozprawie pisze i przyjmuje, iż na przełomie XIX i XX w. żyło około pięciu tysięcy Tuaregów, wyszczególniając następująco: ok. 3000 przedstawicieli ihaggaren (szlachta), imrad (wasale zajmujący się głównie pasterskim chowem zwierząt) i Isekkemaren (specjalna, istniejąca jedynie u Tuaregów Północnych grupa ludności wywodząca się od Arabów bądź Arabów i kobiet tuareskich, mająca status zbliżony do wasali), 2000 niewolników, 500 izeggaren (czarnoskórzy rolnicy uprawiający ziemię wydzierżawioną od Tuaregów) oraz kilku ineslemen (pobożni, wykształceni muzułmanie, osoby należące do rodów marabuckich). Ogromne rozproszenie ludności utrudniało zgromadzenie dokładniejszych danych7. Przyglądając się liczbom dotyczącym liczebności Tuaregów, zgromadzonym przez badaczy, widoczne są znaczne różnice w podawanych szacunkach. Rozbieżności takie wynikają z przyrostu demograficznego oraz innych dodatkowych czynników. Częstokroć bowiem do Tuaregów zaliczano także ich byłych czarnoskórych niewolników, którzy zasymilowali się z regionalnymi grupami i przejęli kulturę swoich panów. Skutkowało to różnicami w danych na temat liczebności. W Dictionnaire des peuples. Societes d’Amerique, d’Asie edt d’Oceanie, wydanym w 1998 r. w Paryżu, określono, że Tuaregowie liczą ponad 2 miliony osób. W 1998 r. również P. Pandolfi oszacował liczebność plemion tuareskich, określając ją na 1,5 miliona osób, z których znaczna 7 A. Rybiński, Tuaregowie z Sahary, Warszawa 2015, s. 13–15. �70 Agnieszka Madys większość zamieszkuje obszar Nigru (750 000 osób) oraz Mali (600 000 osób). Z uwagi na fakt, że geograficzne środowisko Tuaregów jest dwudzielne: z jednej strony zamieszkują oni suche regiony zachodniej Sahary, ubogie w roślinność i pastwiska, z drugiej zaś tereny południowe (Sahel), znacznie bogatsze w pastwiska, gęstość zaludnienia jest różna. Niemniej wspólnym elementem dla obydwu rodzajów terytoriów zamieszkiwanych przez plemiona tuareskie jest fakt, że gęstość zaludnienia wszędzie jest niewielka. Charakterystyczne jest również duże rozproszenie poszczególnych grup regionalnych. Tuaregów dzieli się generalnie na dwie grupy: Północnych (Saharyjskich) i Południowych. Wielkość lokalnych grup waha się od 20 do nawet 200 członków. Ze względu na to, że północne terytoria narażone są na częste okresy suszy i nie posiadają obfitej roślinności oraz zasobnych pastwisk, Tuaregowie Północni skupiają się w mniej licznych grupach. Według szacunków składają się one z około dziesięciu namiotów, czyli od 30 do 40 osób w jednej lokalnej grupie. Często w okresach suchych na obszarze występowania wód gromadzą się większe skupiska składające się z kilku grup lokalnych. Tuaregowie Południowi, zamieszkujący obszary o bogatszych pastwiskach, gromadzą się w grupach liczących nawet od 200 do 300 członków8. S. Biagetti szacuje liczebność populacji tuareskiej na 1,5 miliona, z czego zdecydowana większość zamieszkuje obszar Algierii, Nigru oraz Mali. Pozostała część w znacznym rozproszeniu żyje na terenie Burkina Faso oraz Libii. Inne kraje afrykańskie takie jak Sudan oraz Nigeria legitymują się niewielką liczebnością przedstawicieli społeczności tuareskiej. Południowo-zachodni Fazzan9 to obecnie zaledwie niewielki fragment terytorium zamieszkanego przez Tuaregów Kel Ajjer. Obejmuje on swoim za8 9 K. Moszyński, Ludy Pasterskie, Kraków 1953, s. 180–181. Fazzan to historyczna kraina w południowo-zachodniej Libii. �Tradycyjna kultura tuareska, islam i niepodległość 71 sięgiem oazę Ghat – miejsce ważne dla tej grupy. Tuaregowie Kel Ajjer oraz Kel Hoggar tworzą grupę Tuaregów Północnych. W skład grupy Kel Ajjer wchodzą plemiona Kel Tadrart, które stanowią jej drugorzędny składnik. Plemiona te zamieszkują obszar masywu Tassili n’Ajjer oraz Hoggaru. Tuareskie grupy żyjące na terenie sawanny określane są mianem Tuaregów Południowych10. Nazwa grupy stosowana w literaturze zgodnie z podejściem wielu badaczy pochodzi od imiesłowu „tarek” definiowanego jako „opuszczeni”. Opuszczenie to utożsamiane jest z naruszaniem zasad ściśle określonych przez islam. Zgodnie z tłumaczeniem Charlesa de Foucaulda nazwa „Tuareg” pochodzi od słowa „Targa”, geograficznego określenia obszaru nazwanego przez Arabów terenem Fazzanu. Jedno z prastarych tuareskich plemion – plemię Targa zamieszkiwało ten obszar już w VII w. Terminem „Targa” Arabowie określili całą zbiorowość zamieszkującą Fazzan11. Sami Tuaregowie określają siebie mianem „Keltamahak” oraz „Keltamachek”. Pierwsza nazwa dotyczy Tuaregów Północnych, druga Tuaregów Południowych12. Tuaregowie posługują się językiem tamachek. U Tuaregów Północnych określany jest on mianem tamahak, u Tuaregów Południowych tamachek – forma ta została uznana za ogólną w stosunku do określenia stosowanej w nazewnictwie tuareskiego języka, zważywszy na fakt, że posługujący się nim Tuaregowie Południowi stanowią aż 97% kompletnej populacji. Język tamachek należy do grupy języków berberskich. Większość Tuaregów Północnych (głównie mężczyźni) posługuje się także językiem arabskim. Wśród Tuaregów Południowych spotkać można takich, którzy posługują się językiem hausa oraz songhaj. Język arabski 10 S. Biagetti, Ethnoarcheology of the Kel Tadrart Tuareg. Pastoralism and Resilience in Central Sahara, New York 2014, s. 27. 11 A. Rybiński, Tuaregowie z Sahary, Warszawa 2015, s. 39. 12 Ibidem, s. 42. �72 Agnieszka Madys zważywszy na fakt, iż jest językiem Koranu, ma dla wszystkich Tuaregów niebagatelne znacznie. Tuaregowie, którzy uczęszczali do szkół, posługują się także językiem francuskim13. Tuaregowie dzielą się na kasty społeczne. Do głównych należą szlachta (Ihaggaren, Imajeren), wasale (Imrad lub Kel Ulli), kasta religijna (Ineslemen) oraz niewolnicy (Iklan). Terminy używane w literaturze zdają się odzwierciedlać rodzaj feudalnego ucisku, jaki Europejczycy w swoich wizjach mają na temat świata Tuaregów. S. Biagetti charakteryzując tuareskie kasty, w głównej mierze skupia się na wasalach, pisząc, że Kel Ulli dosłownie znaczy „mający kozy”. Wasale stanowią podstawę produkcji ekonomicznej w całym społeczeństwie Tuaregów. Zależność wasali od szlachty przejawia się w kilku aspektach. Po pierwsze szlachta zwana „mistrzami” gwarantuje swoim wasalom ochronę. Wasale natomiast rekompensują się formalnym podporządkowaniem zarówno politycznym, jak i finansowym, które przejawia się w formie licznych opłat na rzecz swoich panów14. J. Keenan oraz J. Nicolaisen w swoich dziełach podkreślają, że struktura społeczna opisywanej grupy zmieniała się od początku lat 20. XX w. Zaprzestanie działań wojennych w XIX w. na Saharze oraz nowe stosunki władzy w epoce kolonialnej, a także głód wczesnych lat 20. odcisnęły swe piętno na systemie społecznym. Faktycznie fundamentalna, czyli przedkolonialna równowaga sił pomiędzy szlachtą a wasalami uległa zasadniczej zmianie. J. Keenan twierdzi, że w latach 20. Kel Ulli (wasale) osiągnęli niemal całkowitą samowystarczalność ekonomiczną oraz polityczną. Według niego wielu wasali na północy zaczęło Ibidem, s. 47. S. Biagetti, Ethnoarcheology of the Kel Tadrart Tuareg. Pastoralism and Resilience in Central Sahara, New York 2014, s. 29. 13 14 �Tradycyjna kultura tuareska, islam i niepodległość 73 zdobywać coraz większą przewagę ekonomiczną, a nawet militarną nad pozostałymi kastami15. J. Keenan podkreśla fakt, że wasale uzyskali także prawo do posiadania wielbłądów oraz własnej broni. Klasa wasali posiadała najbardziej wyróżniające ją cechy wojowniczej klasy szlacheckiej. Rosnąca siła wasali w latach 20. przyczyniała się do organizacji przez nich handlu wielbłądami na masową skalę. Sprzyjało to ustanowieniu nowego, wyższego poziomu współpracy członków pomiędzy poszczególnymi obozami, tworząc silniejsze więzy rodzinne, co mogło również sprzyjać przechodzeniu od matrylinearnego systemu do patrylinearnego lub systemu mieszanego16. Wcześni podróżnicy i etnografowie w swoich publikacjach zazwyczaj podkreślają rolę kobiety w społeczeństwie Tuaregów17. Często przeceniają rolę matrylinearnego systemu zarówno w przekazywaniu bogactwa, jak i w wyborze miejsca zamieszkania. J. Nicolaisen pisze, że duża elastyczność systemu tuareskiego, mimo ogólnie przyjętych zasad, pozwala na wiele różnych zachowań, które winny być przestrzegane przez męża i żonę po ślubie. J. Keenan zwraca uwagę na fakt, że na przestrzeni stuleci wiele tych zasad uległo zmianom. Obecnie wyróżniamy u Tuaregów zarówno matrylinearny system, jak i patrylinearny. Niektóre obozy tuareskie, jak pisze S. Biagetti, funkcjonują zgodnie z system patrylinearnym. Przepisy Koranu stanowią, że w kwestiach inwentarza żywego preferuje się system patrylinearny, przy za­ chowaniu pewnych gwarantowanych kwot dla kobiety. Ponadto rzadko kiedy u Tuaregów mamy do czynienia z jedną regułą J. Keenan, The Tuareg: People of Ahaggar, London 1997. Ibidem. 17 L. Gardelle, Pasteurs Touaregs dans le Sahara Malien. Des sociétés nomades et des Etats, Paris 2010. 15 16 �74 Agnieszka Madys pochodzenia lub zamieszkania, zazwyczaj jest to cały kompleks praw18. Rodzina dla Tuaregów ma duże znaczenie. Przy idealnej sytuacji wspólne gospodarowanie odbywa się w ramach jednej, najczęściej trzypokoleniowej jednostki. Podział i wytyczenie zakresu obowiązków uzależnione jest od płci danego członka oraz od jego wieku. Wszystkie należące do najcięższych i najtrudniejszych prac wykonywane są przez niewolników. W pracach gospodarskich biorą udział także dzieci, jednak zakres ich obowiązków jest niewielki. Chłopcy, którzy ukończą piąty rok życia, mogą pomagać starszym mężczyznom w drobnych pracach w obozowisku. Starsi chłopcy trudnią się wypasem kóz i owiec, a także transportem wody. Młodzi chłopcy zajmują się zbieraniem drewna na opał oraz zbieractwem roślin jadalnych. Kobiety doskonalą się w pracach domowych. Specjalizują się w wykonywaniu przedmiotów codziennego użytku oraz w obróbce skór. Najstarszy mężczyzna dzięki swojemu doświadczeniu zarządza w kwestiach najważniejszych. Małe dziewczynki pomagają starszym kobietom w wykonywanych przez nie pracach, chłopcy zajmują się transportem wody, zbieractwem oraz wypasem kóz i owiec. Starsi chłopcy, którzy ukończą szesnasty rok życia, także podejmują prace poza obozowiskiem. Trudnią się handlem i łowiectwem. Mężczyźni zajmują się obroną obozowiska przed atakami innych grup regionalnych. Niewolnicy pomagają mężczyznom i wyręczają ich w wielu najcięższych pracach. Dorosłe kobiety, z pomocą dziewczynek, trudnią się pracami jedynie w obrębie obozowiska. Sporadycznie pracują poza jego obszarem, głównie zajmując się zbieractwem. Kobiety wykonują lżejsze prace, do których zaliczamy: produkcję serów i masła, plecionkarstwo, wykonywanie obuwia, lepienie S. Biagetti, Ethnoarcheology of the Kel Tadrart Tuareg. Pastoralism and Resilience in Central Sahara, New York 2014, s. 22. 18 �Tradycyjna kultura tuareska, islam i niepodległość 75 garnków, likwidowanie obozowiska oraz ponowne go rozbijanie, a także wszystkie prace domowe, pranie, gotowanie i utrzymywanie czystości w obozie. Nadzór nad pracami wykonywanymi przez kobiety sprawuje najstarsza z rodu, doświadczona kobieta (zwykle jest to żona wodza)19. W Mali główną religię stanowi islam, który wyznawany jest przez 90% ogółu mieszkańców. Wyznawców chrześcijaństwa jest około 1%, 9% stanowią wyznawcy innych religii. Zakres wolności religijnej w Mali jest stosunkowo duży. Kraj ten w większości jest muzułmański, ponieważ jego położenie historyczne sprawiło, że stał się on głównym źródłem kultury islamu w Afryce. Współcześnie swój udział w kształtowaniu się religii w Mali mają elity, które używają do tego swoich wpływów, m.in. dokonują zapłaty w zamian za publiczne modły w ich imieniu. Rząd malijski pozostaje na uboczu takich praktyk, nie wymierzając kar za ich stosowanie. Większość siedzib organizacji religijnych nie jest w żaden sposób blokowana przez rząd. Grupy religijne mogą się oficjalnie rejestrować, jednak proces ten nie jest łatwy. Ponadto formalna rejestracja nie przynosi samej grupie żadnych korzyści. Relacje pomiędzy wyznawcami poszczególnych religii zazwyczaj są pozytywne. Do sporadycznych napięć, a nawet przemocy dochodzi pomiędzy członkami sekt religijnych. Szczególnie sporne są kwestie, które dotyczą uznania pracy niewolniczej, ograniczania wolności kobiet czy narzucania pewnych postaw społecznych. Mimo dużej popularności islamu w Mali religie rdzenne nadal są praktykowane i wciąż dość powszechne. W wielu rodzinach znajdują się wyznawcy różnych religii. Często członkowie jednej rodziny legitymują się zupełnie odmiennymi praktykami religijnymi, szanując wzajemnie swoje przekonania w tej kwestii. 19 A. Rybiński, Tuaregowie z Sahary, op. cit., s. 152–154. �76 Agnieszka Madys Rząd Mali w stosunku do grup religijnych pozostaje obojętny. Historia Mali pokazuje jednak, że czasem grupy religijne używane były do stosowania nacisku na rząd w pewnych kwestiach. Jako przykład podać można naciski katolickich grup religijnych do przeprowadzenia przez rząd reform społecznych i gospodarczych. Rząd malijski od zawsze wrażliwy był na kwestie religijne i mimo jego świeckich orientacji istnieje specjalny komitet, który odpowiedzialny jest za przyjmowanie wkładu religijnego w wielu istotnych sprawach państwowych. W jego skład wchodzą przywódcy katoliccy, muzułmańscy i protestanccy. Rząd ma prawo do cenzurowania dokumentów, które zawierają negatywne opinie na temat którejkolwiek religii. W praktyce jednak rząd rzadko korzysta z tego przywileju. Misjonarze chrześcijańscy mają w Mali swobodę działań. Od wielu lat są bardzo aktywni zarówno w kwestiach edukacji, jak i opieki zdrowotnej20. Tuaregowie w świecie muzułmańskim stanowią wyjątkowy i niepowtarzalny układ kulturowy21. Wszyscy Tuaregowie, bez względu na lokalne zróżnicowanie między poszczególnymi grupami, są muzułmanami – sunnitami obrządku malikickiego. Sunnizm jest jednym z trzech głównych odłamów islamu (obok szyizmu i charydżyzmu). Sunnizm uznaje wszystkich kalifów do roku 1258 za prawowitych następców Mahometa. Sunnici dzielą się na cztery grupy wewnętrzne utożsamiane z czterema szkołami sunnickimi: szkołą hanaficką, szkołą szaficką, szkołą hanbalicką oraz uznawaną przez Tuaregów – szkołą malikicką. Wszystkie cztery szkoły obrządku sunnickiego uważane są za równie prawowierne. Szkoła malikicka wywodzi się od muzułmańskiego prawnika Malika ibn Anasa, który większość swojego życia spędził w Medynie. 20 Scott A. Merriman, Religion and the State An International Analysis of Roles and Relationships, California 2009, s. 229–230. 21 N. Wilk-Sobczak, Lud, w którym muzułmańskie kobiety mogą to, czego normalnie nie mogą, www.mediumpubliczne.pl (dostęp: 01.02.2016 r.). �Tradycyjna kultura tuareska, islam i niepodległość 77 Jego nauki spisane zostały w dziele Kitab al-Muwatta (Księga udeptanej ścieżki). System prawny oparł on na Koranie, selekcyjnie wybranych hadisach (opowieściach, które przytaczają wypowiedzi proroka Mahometa) oraz prawie zwyczajowym Medyny. W przypadku tematów, które wzbudzały największe kontrowersje, Malik wybierał twierdzenia umiarkowane i ogólnie akceptowane. Szkoła malikicka powstała w IX w. i ze względu na brak kontrowersji w prawach głoszonych przez Malika ibn Anasa uznała go za swojego eponima. Szkoła malikicka, jako jedyna ze wszystkich szkół sannickich, kieruje się zwyczajami mieszkańców Medyny z pierwszych lat istnienia islamu. Wyznawcy szkoły malikickiej zamieszkują Afrykę Północną i łącznie stanowią około 25% wszystkich ortodoksyjnych muzułmanów. Tuaregowie, którzy są muzułmanami, zachowali także wiele dawnych zwyczajów przedmuzułmańskich, a do islamu wprowadzili własne modyfikacje. Zjawisko asymilacji religii muzułmańskiej w Afryce doprowadziło do wykształcenia modelu niejednorodnego. W wielu przypadkach islam stanowi jedynie dodatek do mocno rozwiniętych rodzimych religii afrykańskich. W Afryce spotkać można bardzo ortodoksyjnych muzułmanów oraz ludy mocno zislamizowane. Szybkie rozprzestrzenianie się islamu w Afryce spowodowane jest faktem, że religia ta nie wywiera zbyt dużego wpływu na tradycyjny styl życia prowadzony przez afrykańskie ludy. Ponadto islam jest religią prostą i pozbawioną rozbudowanej (jak np. ma to miejsce w przypadku chrześcijaństwa) hierarchii duchowieństwa22. Islam objął swoim zasięgiem Saharę i jej mieszkańców w VII w. Napłynął wraz z kupcami, którzy propagowali jego praktyki. Badacze zwracają uwagę na fakt, że mieszkańcy Afryki pozostawali w silnym kontakcie z kupcami muzułmańskimi aż do XI w. Bar22 A. Zwoliński, Duchy Afryki, Kraków 2008. �78 Agnieszka Madys dzo szybko islam zaczął wywierać duży wpływ na tubylców i wierzenia miejscowe. Praktyki religijne zaczęły się zmieniać i otwierać na wpływy tej religii. Tradycyjne wierzenia wymieszały się z nurtem islamskim. Tuaregowie wierzyli w silnie uduchowiony świat, w którym Kel Esuf (ludzie próżni, ludzie pustki) uaktywniają się o zmroku i atakują ich dusze. W celu obrony przed zjawami nocy Tuaregowie noszą amulety ochronne. Tajemne jinns (dusze) – według wierzeń tuareskich – żyją wysoko w górach oraz na terenach opuszczonych przez ludzi. Tuaregowie wierzą w tehot (złe oko i złe usta), które posiadają cenne informacje i przekazują je dalej w zmienionej postaci. Tuaregowie, aby uniknąć przechwycenia informacji przez tehot, często pozostają skryci i mało wylewni. Skrywanie prywatnych spraw pozwala uniknąć pecha i ludzkiej zazdrości. Kiedyś moc ochronną przypisywano także chustom noszonym przez tuareskich mężczyzn, tzw. tagelmust. Szczelnie osłaniały one usta i nos, chroniąc tym samym przed wnikaniem złych duchów. Wróżbiarstwo także stanowiło istotny element życia duchowego Tuaregów. Używane było jako środek ochronny przez złymi mocami. Najczęściej praktykowane było przy użyciu luster, poprzez interpretację wnętrzności zwierzyny oraz kreślenie znaków ochronnych na piasku. Mimo silnych praktyk własnych Tuaregowie połączyli je z praktykami islamu, tworząc tym samym unikalny jego model. Szczególnie duże znaczenie dla Tuaregów mają zasady islamu, których praktykowanie pozwala uniknąć pecha i chroni przed złem. Modlenie się do Allaha wyłącznie w celu osiągnięcia korzyści, otrzymania czegoś lub zdobycia na własny użytek nie jest uznawane za szkodliwe i tym samym nie jest zakazane. Według Tuaregów Allah istnieje po to, aby pomagać swoim wyznawcom. Jego zadaniem jest opieka nad nimi. Dodatkowo przy użyciu pewnych zwrotów: Niech Prorok będzie błogosławiony, taka jest wola Proroka, Prorok jest litościwy czy chwała Prorokowi, można zachęcić go do pomocy. �Tradycyjna kultura tuareska, islam i niepodległość 79 Tuaregowie uważają, że modlenie się do Allaha, nawet przez osobę niewierzącą, nie jest szkodliwe i złe. Do Allaha bowiem może modlić się każdy, kto poczuje taką potrzebę. Tuaregowie sądzą, że aby przetrwać w trudnych warunkach Sahary, można zwracać się z prośbą o pomoc do różnych obrońców. Nie ma nic złego w chęci osiągnięcia sukcesu i otrzymania pomocy duchowej z różnych stron. Wszelkie środki fizyczne, kulturowe i duchowe, które mogą zagwarantować pomyślność przetrwania, są dopuszczalne do użycia. Każdy Tuareg może więc czerpać swoją siłę duchową z różnorakich tradycji i praktyk religijnych, nawet jeśli czasem nie jest ich typowym wyznawcą23. Wielu znamienitych uczonych islamu, m.in. czołowy filozof XIII w. Ibn Arabi, podkreślało fakt, że tyle jest na świecie dróg do Boga, ile istnieje ludzkich dusz. Aktualna sytuacja w Mali stanowi spuściznę burzliwej historii Sahelu. Wojna w Mali jest konfrontacją wielu jej uczestników i wielu sposobów praktykowania isla­ mu. Z jednej strony są to grupy dżihadystów, z drugiej Tuaregowie, którzy dążą do uzyskania niezależności, z trzeciej państwa takie jak Francja, Stany Zjednoczone, Algieria, Katar czy Libia, które od zawsze odgrywały znaczącą rolę w sprawach Tuaregów24. To pod sztandarem islamu w ciągu ostatniego półwiecza Tuaregowie wzniecili w Mali oraz sąsiadującym Nigrze kilka buntów zbrojnych. Ostatnia rewolta wybuchła w Mali w 2012 r. 17 stycznia 2012 r. Narodowy Ruch Wyzwolenia Azawadu25 ogłosił rozpoczęcie powstania narodowego. Na przełomie marca i kwietnia Thomas K. Seligman, Art of being Tuareg. Sahara nomads in a Modern World, Los Angeles 2006. 24 A. Chauprade, Les intéréts géopolitiques des acteurs de la crise du Mali [w:] J. Frémeaux, P. Evanno, A. Chauprade (red.), Menaces en Aftique du Nord et au Sahel et sécurité globale de l’Europe, Paris 2013. 25 Narodowy Ruch Wyzwolenia Azawadu to malijska organizacja polityczna-militarna Tuaregów. Jej głównym celem była walka o Azawad. 23 �80 Agnieszka Madys Tuaregowie wykorzystali wewnętrzne niepokoje w kraju i zorganizowali wojskowy pucz. Skutkiem tego udało im się opanować najważniejsze miasta na północy Mali. Istotną deklarację w historii Tuaregów stanowiło ogłoszenie niepodległości terenów określanych mianem Azawad26. Po wybuchu rewolty i ogłoszeniu niepodległości terytoriów Azawad o Tuaregach zrobiło się głośno. Pierwsze ataki w północnych obszarach Mali miały miejsce już w styczniu 2012 r. Wówczas nie było jeszcze pewności, kto jest za nie odpowiedzialny. Oskarżano blisko niezdefiniowanych islamistów. Luty i marzec to kontynuacja tuareskiej rewolty w Mali. Wojownikom udało się wyprzeć wojska rządowe z kolejnych miejscowości. Niektóre oddziały wycofały się aż do Algierii. Obserwatorzy wydarzeń komentowali, że rewolta tuareska z 2012 r. jest kompletnie inna niż poprzednie. Tuaregowie byli dobrze zorganizowani, dysponowali nowoczesną bronią (lepszą niż broń rządowa) oraz ciężkim uzbrojeniem. Dowódca powstania Bilal Ag Acherif był pułkownikiem w armii Kaddafiego. Broń pochodząca z libijskich magazynów zrewolucjonizowała tuareskie oddziały. W wojnie domowej w Libii brało udział wielu Tuaregów z Mali. Niektórzy udali się tam specjalnie, by walczyć. Jedni walczyli za Kaddafiego, innych skusiła obietnica wysokiego żołdu. W momencie gdy Kaddafi poniósł porażkę, tuarescy najemnicy powrócili do Mali, zabierając ze sobą z Libii broń, amunicję, pieniądze i doświadczenie27. Tuaregowie, którzy w 2012 r. wykorzystali zamieszanie w sferze politycznej w Mali, nie zdobyli żadnego sojusznika, który okazałby im wsparcie. Żadne sąsiadujące z Mali państwo nie popiera pomysłu wykrojenia niezależnego terytorium tuareskiego 26 Azawad objął swoim zasięgiem tereny usytuowane na północ od Timbuktu. Deklaracja niepodległości Azawadu została ogłoszona 6 kwietnia 2012 r. 27 F. A. Boyle, Destroying Libya and world order. The three-decade U.S. campaign to terminate the Qaddafi revolution, Atlanta 2013. �Tradycyjna kultura tuareska, islam i niepodległość 81 na północy kraju. W Nigrze, który zamieszkuje liczna mniejszość tuareska, powstanie niepodległego terytorium w Mali mogłoby zainicjować ruchy separatystyczne także w tym regionie. Strach przed rozszerzeniem się rebelii na skutek fali rewolt w Mali oraz wzrostu siły islamistów w tym regionie przyczynił się do pomysłu zbrojnej interwencji przeciwko Tuaregom28. Tuaregowie w Mali są podzieleni. Z jednej strony dążą do utrzymania niezależnego terytorium Azawadu, z drugiej zaś niektórzy z nich nie chcą już walczyć29. Dodatkowo swoje wpływy na północy Mali zaznacza Al-Kaida, która nie bierze pod uwagę tuareskich dążeń. Od wielu lat głównym celem jej działań jest obalenie świeckich rządów w Afryce oraz pełna islamizacja. Problem stanowi także organizacja malijskiej armii. Jest ona wewnętrznie podzielona i zdemoralizowana. Nie ma współpracy, która mogłaby zagwarantować zakończenie rebelii na północy kraju. Rząd malijski rozważa kwestię skorzystania z pomocy najemników pochodzących z plemion wrogich Tuaregom. Mogliby oni zasilić malijskie oddziały wojskowe. Potrzebne są jednak pieniądze na opłacenie ich usług. Pomocy mogłyby udzielić państwa sąsiednie lub Francja. Algieria, która pełni rolę regionalnego mocarstwa w Afryce, na razie nie jest zainteresowana takim finansowym wsparciem. Mimo porażek, jakie siły rządowe ponoszą w walce z rebeliantami, wydaje się, że szanse na osiągnięcie trwałej niepodległości przez Tuaregów są znikome. Spora część Tuaregów żyjących na północy Mali uważa, że ubogie ziemie i brak wsparcia politycznego uniemożliwia istnienie samodzielnego bytu państwowego. Wielu A. Robassa, J. Gordon IV, P. Chalk, A. K. Grant, K. Scott McMahon, S. Pezard, C. Reily, D. Ucko, R. Zimmerman, From Insurgency to Stability, vol. II, Santa Monica 2011. 29 Na podstawie wiadomości przekazanych przez Mohameda Marameda – szefa obozu dla uchodźców Mentao w Burkina Faso w trakcie rozmowy w październiku 2017 r. 28 �82 Agnieszka Madys Tuaregów obecnie zadowoliłoby się równoprawnym traktowaniem ze strony malijskich władz30. Karounga Sidibé, student University of Bamako (Uniwersytet Malijski) mówi, że Tuaregowie to społeczność malijska, która od lat zamieszkuje głównie północną część Mali. To trudny pustynny obszar na styku państw takich jak Algieria, Mauretania i Niger. Tuaregowie to wspólnota rasy białej, jednak ich cera zbliżona jest do arabskiej. Społeczność tuareska od kilku lat wykazuje w Mali bardzo dużą aktywność. Pytając, czy Tuaregowie przyczyniają się w znacznym stopniu do pogorszenia sytuacji w całym państwie malijskim, Karounga Sidibé odpowiedział, że tak i nie. Po pierwsze Tuaregowie w głównej mierze zamieszkują tylko północ Mali i to ten obszar stanowi miejsce buntów i rebelii. Od czasów ogłoszenia przez Tuaregów niepodległości północnych obszarów, aż do dziś, zagrożenie występuje wyłącznie na północy Mali. Karounga Sidibé mówi: Jednak z drugiej strony, jeśli głębiej się temu przyglądam, to uważam, że Tuaregowie wpłynęli na zatrzymanie ruchu turystycznego w całym Mali. Tuaregowie bardzo mocno przyczynili się do pogorszenia sytuacji gospodarczej mieszkańców Mali. Jako przykład mogę podać obszary zamieszkiwane przez Dogonów. Tam turystyka miała ogromne znaczenie. Teraz przez to, że na północy Mali jest niebezpiecznie, turyści nie chcą przyjeżdżać także do obszarów usytuowanych bardziej na południe. Jednak na uwadze mam fakt, że to nie cała społeczność tuareska walczy o niepodległość. Tuaregowie w tej kwestii, jak i wielu innych, są podzieleni. Nie można zatem obarczać winą całej grupy. Karounga Sidibé zwraca uwagę na to, że Tuaregowie nigdy nie mieli i nie będą mieli swojego własnego terytorium. To Mali jest jednostką terytorialną i tylko taka jednostka może istnieć jako odrębna. Nie ma potrzeby, żeby w ramach państwa malijskiego wydzielać jakieś niezależne ob30 L. Gardelle, op. cit., 2010. �Tradycyjna kultura tuareska, islam i niepodległość 83 szary. Mali ma swoją historię, socjologię, geografię, kulturę. Wszystko to pozwala tworzyć państwo. Nie wystarczy mieć silną tradycję kulturową i chęć posiadania własnego państwa. Tu chodzi o coś więcej – mówi Karounga Sidibé31. Islamiści, którzy penetrują północne obszary Mali, chcą przejąć kontrolę nad całym terenem. Szef obozu dla uchodźców tuareskich Mentao w Burkina Faso – Mohamed Maramed – twierdzi, że od kiedy na północy obecna jest Al-Kaida, nikt nie czuje się już bezpiecznie. Islamiści wprowadzają własne rządy i prześladują Tuaregów, zawłaszczając ich mienie. Szef obozu zwraca uwagę na fakt, że kiedyś Tuaregowie byli zgodni i wspólnie walczyli o swoje miejsce w Mali. Teraz, kiedy na północy kraju Al-Kaida prowadzi swoją działalność, stosując przymus, wielu Tuaregów nie chce już walczyć o niepodległość. Terroryści, którzy obecnie atakują muzułmańskich Tuaregów na północy, uważają, że żyją w zgodzie z prawem szariatu. W imię swojej złej religii zabijają niewinnych ludzi. Mohamed Maramed mówi: Religia terrorystów z północy Mali to nie jest islam. Terroryści nie respektują zasad Koranu. Oni spalili Koran. Walczą w imię swojej własnej religii32. Podczas badań terenowych prowadzonych w październiku 2017 r. przeprowadziłam także rozmowę z merem departamentu Pobé-Mengao, Cuefe Hubertem33. Mer wypowiedział się na temat aktualnej sytuacji Tuaregów w sąsiadującym z Mali Burkina Faso. Zwrócił uwagę na fakt, że przybyli oni do Burkina Faso, ponieważ u nich, w Mali, źle się działo. Problem był na tyle duży, że zdecyNa podstawie rozmowy prowadzonej z Karounga Sidibé, studentem z Bamako w styczniu 2018 r. 32 Słowa szefa obozu dla uchodźców tuareskich Mohameda Maramed na podstawie badań terenowych prowadzonych w październiku 2017 r. 33 Pobé-Mengao to miejscowość w Burkina Faso, w prowincji soum, w regionie Sahelu. Zamieszkana jest w przeważającej mierze przez Kurumbów, którzy w historii utworzyli wiele wodzostw. 31 �84 Agnieszka Madys dowali się opuścić swój kraj. W związku z napływem Tuaregów do Burkina Faso trzeba było wydzielić dla nich ziemię, którą mogliby użytkować i na której mogliby się swobodnie osiedlić. Mer uważa, że w chwili obecnej władze Burkina Faso powinny dążyć do tego, aby uchodźcy tuarescy z Mali mogli powrócić do swojego kraju. W Burkina Faso żyją oni w swojej własnej enklawie. Nigdy nie słyszałem ani nie widziałem, żeby jakiś Tuareg zrobił komuś krzywdę, zaatakował kogoś lub okradł – mówi mer Cuefe Hubert. Uchodźcy tuarescy, którzy zamieszkują obóz Mentao, nie odwiedzają sąsiednich wiosek. Rzadko wybierają się na lokalne targi i stragany. Tuaregowie dostają pomoc żywieniową w postaci mleka, herbaty, kukurydzy i ryżu. Mer mówi, że zdarza się tak, że Tuaregowie próbują sprzedać produkty żywnościowe, które otrzymali w ramach pomocy, żeby zarobić trochę pieniędzy. Między mieszkańcami Burkina Faso a uchodźcami tuareskimi nie występują żadne większe konflikty. Tuaregowie żyją we własnych grupach, są spokojni i nie wszczynają awantur. Mer Cuefe Hubert mówi dalej: To nie jest dobry czas, aby Tuaregowie żyli w Burkina Faso i nieustannie cieszyli się dobrami, które im dajemy. Oni musza zacząć żyć normalnie, pracować i zarabiać pieniądze. Tak już dalej być nie może. Aktualnie Tuaregowie bezustannie dyskutują o tym, że chcą stworzyć swoją własną, odrębną strefę. Mają nadzieję, że pomoże im w tym Francja. Dodatkowo duży problem stanowią ci Tuaregowie, którzy zostali wyposażeni przez Kaddafiego w broń. Oni mogą być naprawdę niebezpieczni. Czasem mam wrażenie, że w tuareskiej mentalności to my (mieszkańcy Burkina Faso czy Mali) jesteśmy ich niewolnikami. Tuaregowie chcieliby zawłaszczyć całe Mali tylko dla siebie. Mają w planie wprowadzić tam swoje rządy. To jest moja własna analiza obecnej sytuacji Tuaregów w Mali i Burkina Faso. Wiem jednak, że mam dużo racji. �Tradycyjna kultura tuareska, islam i niepodległość 85 Obecność Tuaregów w Burkina Faso trwa już wiele lat. Proklamacja niezależnego terytorium tuareskiego na północy Mali przyniosła wiele zmian zarówno dla samego Mali, jak i sąsiadującej z nim Burkina Faso. Zawirowania i niestabilna sytuacja na północy Mali ma wpływ na życie codzienne wielu jej mieszkańców. Trudna sytuacja Tuaregów, którzy z jednej strony postrzegani są jako uchodźcy z kraju, w którym źle się dzieje (Mali), z drugiej zaś jako terroryści, którzy opanowali północ państwa malijskiego, jest naprawdę trudna. Marzenia o stabilnej sytuacji w Mali zdają się być dzisiaj ważne zarówno dla samych Tuaregów, jak i pozostałych mieszkańców Mali i państw sąsiednich. Bibliografia Bernus E., Touaregs nigériens. Unité culturelle et diversité régionale d’un peuple pasteur, Paris 1981. Biagetti S., Ethnoarcheology of the Kel Tadrart Tuareg. Pastoralism and Resilience in Central Sahara, New York 2014. Boyle F. A., Destroying Libya and world order. The three-decade U.S. campaign to terminate the Qaddadfi revolution, Atlanta 2013. Chauprade A., Les intéréts géopolitiques des acteurs de la crise du Mali [w:] J. Frémeaux, P. Evanno, A. Chauprade (red.), Menaces en Aftique du Nord et au Sahel et sécurité globale de l’Europe, Paris 2013. Gardelle L., Pasteurs Touaregs dans le Sahara Malien. Des sociétés nomades et des Etats, Paris 2010. Keenan J., The Tuareg: People of Ahaggar, London 1977. Merriman A. Scott, Religion and the State An International Analysis of Roles and Relationships, California 2009. Moszyński K., Ludy pasterskie, Kraków 1953. Moussa S., Une peur vaiance: L’émergence du mythe bédouin chez les voyageurs francais du XVIIIe siécle [w:] J. Berchtold, M. Porret, La �86 Agnieszka Madys Peur au XVIIIe Siécle. Discours représentations, pratiques, Geneva 2004. Nicolaisen J., Ecology and Culture of the Pastoral Tuareg with particular reference to the Tuareg of Ahaggar and Ayr, Copenhagen 1963. Robassa A., Gordon J. IV, Chalk P., Grant A. K., McMahon Scott K., Pezard S., Reily C., Ucko D., Zimmerman R., From Insurgency to Stability, vol. II, Santa Monica 2011. Rybiński A., Ręka w rękę, czyli rzecz o tuareskim dążeniu do jedności i własnego państwa, „Konteksty” 2012, nr 1–2. Rybiński A, Tuaregowie z Sahary, Warszawa 2015. Sajko M. (red.) Encyklopedia PWN, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN 2006, hasło: Berberowie. Seligman Thomas K., Art of being Tuareg. Sahara nomads in a Modern World, Los Angeles, 2006. Zwoliński A., Duchy Afryki, WAM 2008. Wilk-Sobczak N., Lud, w którym muzułmańskie kobiety mogą to, czego normalnie nie mogą, www.mediumpubliczne.pl (dostęp: 01.02.2016 r.). Traditional Tuareg culture, islam and independence Summary Tuaregs live in five countries: Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Algieria and Libia. Once nomads were negatively persecuted. Later, this image has changed. Currently the Tuaregs are fighting for their rights in the north of Mali. Many Tuaregs are refugees. A large group of them live in a refugee camp in Burkina Faso. They receive help from Burkina Faso. However, the regional authorities believe that Tuaregs should return to Mali and work there and earn money. The matter is complicated by the presence Al Qaeda in Mali. Currently, the situation is dynamic and requires constant research. Keywords: Tuareg, Mali, islam, refugees. �KRZYSZTOF RAK AHMAD AL-FAQI AL-MAHDI, pierwsza osoba skazana przez Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny (ICC) za zbrodnie wojenne przeciwko światowemu dziedzictwu kulturowemu Wstęp Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny (z ang. International Criminal Court, ICC, pol. skrót MTK) w dniu 27 września 2016 r. wydał bezprecedensowy wyrok w sprawie Ahmada al-Faqi al-Mahdiego, skazując go na dziewięć lat więzienia za zbrodnię wojenną polegającą na celowym kierowaniu atakami na chronione obiekty dziedzictwa kutrowego. Wyrok zapadł za przestępstwa, których oskarżony dopuścił się w Republice Mali pomiędzy 30 czerwca a 11 lipca 2012 r. Sąd uznał go za jednego z inspiratorów i organizatorów działań, które doprowadziły do zniszczenia w Timbuktu dziesięciu obiektów, w tym dziewięciu wpisanych na listę światowego dziedzictwa UNESCO. Zaplanowanej i skoordynowanej destrukcji uległo dziewięć mauzoleów sufickich świętych oraz jeden zabytkowy meczet. Aktów wandalizmu dokonano na podstawie doktryny religijnej, obcej kulturowo mieszkańcom TimKrzysztof Rak, Instytut Archeologii, Uniwersytet Jagielloński �88 Krzysztof Rak buktu, którzy na swoim terenie praktykowali inny, bardziej liberalny odłam islamu. Radykalni islamiści uważali praktyki religijne lokalnej społeczności za bałwochwalcze. Dlatego, by je ukrócić, postanowili zdewastować budowle ściśle powiązane z przejawami tak pogardzanego przez nich życia religijnego. Jest to przełomowy wyrok w historii międzynarodowego sądownictwa, szczególnie ważny w kontekście wydarzeń politycznych na świecie, które miały miejsce w tamtym czasie. Timbuktu od 1988 r. znajduje się na prestiżowej Liście Światowego Dziedzictwa UNESCO. Wpis na tę listę został dokonany na mocy aż trzech z siedmiu kryteriów, jakie organizacja ta wytyczyła dla najbardziej wartościowych obiektów kulturalnych i przyrodniczych na świecie. Kryterium II, odnoszące się do dziedzictwa historycznego, za miejsca wymagające szczególnej ochrony międzynarodowej uznaje takie, które przedstawiają ważną wymianę ludzkich wartości na przestrzeni dziejów lub w obszarze danego regionu świata w zakresie rozwoju architektury lub technologii, w sztukach monumentalnych, urbanistyce lub projektowaniu krajobrazu. W tym ujęciu UNESCO uznało, iż meczety i święte miejsca Timbuktu odgrywają istotną rolę w rozprzestrzenianiu się islamu w Afryce. Natomiast kryterium IV głosi, iż szczególną ochroną powinno się obejmować przykłady typów bu­dowli, zespołów architektonicznych lub technologicznych albo krajobrazu ilustrujących ważny etap w historii ludzkości. Kryterium V charakteryzuje miejsca przedstawiające szczególny przykład tradycyjnego ludzkiego osadnictwa, zagospodarowania ziemi lub morza, reprezentatywny dla danej kultury albo ludzkiej interakcji ze środowiskiem, zwłaszcza jeśli stało się ono zagrożone wskutek nieodwracalnych zmian. Wpis na Listę Światowego Dziedzictwa Ludzkości UNESCO podkreśla, iż trzy meczety oraz liczne mauzolea są wspaniałymi świadkami usytuowania Timbuktu, jego ważnej roli jako centrum handlu, kultury duchowej na południowym �Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi, pierwsza osoba skazana... 89 transsaharyjskim szlaku kupieckim, z jego charakterystyczną zabudową wykonaną w tradycyjnych technikach budowlanych1. W ramach wpisu Timbuktu na Listę Światowego Dziedzictwa Ludzkości UNESCO ochroną prawną zostały objęte trzy wielkie meczety: Dżinguereber, Sankore, Sidi Yahia oraz szesnaście mauzoleów sufickich świętych mężów2. Droga ku zbrodni. Młodość i początki działalności al-Mahdiego Al-Mahdi pomimo mieszanego etnicznego pochodzenia od najmłodszych lat zżyty był ze sprawą „tuareską”. Przyszedł na świat w miejscowości Agoune oddalonej niespełna 100 km od Timbuktu. Dokładna data jego urodzenia nie jest znana, w trakcie ogłaszania wyroku deklarował, iż jest w wieku 40 lat [Fot. 1]. Fot. 1 Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi podczas rozprawy przed Międzynarodowym Trybunałem Karnym (źródło: MINUSMA). ICOMOS, World Heritage List No 119, Paris 1988. UNESCO, Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, Report of the world heritage committee, Twelfth session, Brasília 1988, http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0009/000927/092717eb.pdf. 1 2 �90 Krzysztof Rak Ojciec nauczał go Maliki – sannickiej doktryny szkoły prawa koranicznego. Jak sam opowiada, w wieku 12 lat znał dobrze nauki Koranu i stosownych do niego egzegez. Chciał zdobyć na tyle wysoki poziom wiedzy, który w przyszłości pozwoliłby mu zostać imamem3. W wyniku wojny domowej w Mali w 1993 r. opuścił kraj. Przez trzynaście lat krążył między obozami dla tuareskich uchodźców w Mauretanii, Libii i Algierii, z okazjonalnymi i krótkotrwałymi powrotami do Mali. Podczas pobytu w Libii w latach 1996–2001 kształcił się i skończył szkołę, ale pod fałszywym nazwiskiem, ponieważ nigdy nie był oficjalnie zarejestrowany w tym kraju. Z tym dyplomem i pod fałszywym imieniem zaciągnął się do armii libijskiej, która w tamtym czasie bardzo chętnie najmowała tuareskich ochotników. Służył w niej przez cztery lata i awansował do stopnia oficerskiego. Musiał zarabiać na utrzymanie rodziny, której część pozostała w obozach w Mauretanii. Przez cały ten czas nie przestawał czytać i zgłębiać na własną rękę nauk islamu4. Nie dostrzegając dalszych perspektyw w Libii i widząc realną stabilizację w kraju pochodzenia, Al-Mahdi postanowił wrócić do Mali i osiedlić się w Timbuktu w 2006 r., gdzie zaczął nauczać w meczetach. Zaraz po powrocie do miasta zetknął się z saudyjskimi organizacjami charytatywnymi i osobami nimi kierującymi. Tam poznał jednego z imamów, który namówił go na pielgrzymkę do Mekki. To w jej trakcie, będąc zafascynowany naukami wahabizmu, przyjął tę doktrynę islamu. W Timbuktu utworzył i kierował prywatną organizacją edukacyjną, która miała podnosić kwalifikacje nauczycieli Koranu. Ponadto czynnie udzielał się w kilku religijnych i kulturowych stowarzyszeniach młodzieżo3 A. Barrak, Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi: “I plead guilty”. „The UNESCO Courier” 2017, nr 3, s. 18–24. 4 Ibidem, s. 18–24. �Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi, pierwsza osoba skazana... 91 wych, które zajmowały się szeregiem działań, np. sprzątaniem ulic czy oddawaniem krwi. Nie mógł jednak liczyć na awans społeczny z powodu libijskiego dyplomu nieuznawanego przez fakt, iż nie był wystawiony na jego prawdziwe nazwisko. Dlatego też musiał zacząć formalną edukację od podstaw. Uczęszczał do Instytutu Pedagogicznego w Timbuktu, gdzie uzyskał świadectwo z psychologii wychowawczej, a następnie zdał egzamin urzędniczy. W końcu uzyskał stanowisko dyrektora szkoły we wschodniej części Timbuktu5. Taki względnie spokojny tryb życia prowadził do początków 2012 r., kiedy to ponownie wybuchły walki na północy kraju. Wtedy to dowiedział się, iż członkowie jego plemienia padli ofiarą prześladowań etnicznych ze strony mieszkańców Bamako. Zostali zaatakowani, pomimo iż urodzili się i wychowali w stolicy i nigdy nie mieszkali na północy kraju. Zdarzenia te były reakcją mieszkańców stolicy z grupy etnicznej Malinke na wieści o ponownym buncie Tuaregów6. Był to impuls dla al-Mahdiego, by ponownie opuścić kraj. Jak wiele osób tym czasie, na miejsce czasowego pobytu wybrał Algierię7. Polityczne tło wydarzeń w Mali w 2012 r. W połowie stycznia 2012 r. malijscy Tuaregowie wzniecili kolejny bunt przeciwko władzy rezydującej w Bamako. Systematycznie każdego tygodnia rebelianci przejmowali pod swoją konIbidem. L. Jacinto, Par peur des représailles, les Touareg de la capitale malienne prennent le large, France 24, https://www.france24.com/fr/20120411-mali-rebellion-independance-nord-peur-represailles-touaregs-bamako-fuite (dostęp: 11.04.2012 r.). 7 A. Barrak, op. cit., 2017, s. 18–24. 5 6 �92 Krzysztof Rak trolę kolejne miejscowości na północy Mali. Główną siłą polityczną prowadzącą walkę z oddziałami rządowymi był Narodowy Ruch Wyzwolenia Azawadu (fr. Mouvement National pour la Libération de l’Azawad – MNLA). W trakcie powstania zawarli strategiczny sojusz z radykalnymi islamistycznymi ugrupowaniami – Ansar ad-Din (co z arabskiego oznacza dosłownie „Obrońcy Wiary”, ‫ )الدين أنصار‬oraz Al-Ka’idą Islamskiego Maghrebu (AQIM) i silnie z nią powiązanym Ruchem na rzecz Jedności i Dżihadu w Afryce Zachodniej. Pomimo wspólnie prowadzonych walk cele MNLA znacząco różniły się od planów na przyszłość islamskich radykałów. MNLA chciało uniezależnić Azawad od Mali i stworzyć dla Tuaregów niepodległe państwo narodowe. Celem islamistów było natomiast wprowadzenie państwa wyznaniowego opartego na prawie szariatu na całym obszarze Republiki Mali. Tworzyło to bardzo kruchy sojusz, który po zwycięstwie rebelii i ogłoszeniu deklaracji niepodległości Azawadu, 5 kwietnia 2012 r., nie miał szans na przetrwanie. Nieuznawane na arenie międzynarodowej młode państwo już po dwóch miesiącach od faktycznego usamodzielnienia się od rządu w Bamako pogrążyło się w wojnie domowej. Pomimo przewagi liczebnej największe miasta regionu, czyli Timbuktu i Gao, w znacznej mierze były kontrolowane przez islamistów. Dawało im to przewagę w walkach. 27 czerwca padła kontrolowana przez MNLA stolica Azawadu, Kidal. Dwa tygodnie później Ansar ad-Din zdobyło Ansogo, ostatnie miasto zajmowane przez Narodowy Ruch Wyzwolenia Azawadu8. Tym oto sposobem olbrzymie połacie północnego Mali, odpowiadające powierzchnią niemal dwukrotności obszarowi Francji, przeszły pod kontrolę ugrupowań uznawanych przez kraje zachodnie za terrorystyczne. A. Miarka, Determinanty i przebieg konfliktu zbrojnego w Mali (2012–2013), „Chorzowskie Studia Polityczne” 2016, nr 11, s. 169–183. 8 �Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi, pierwsza osoba skazana... 93 Udział al-Mahdiego w zbrodni wojennej Timbuktu niemal od samego początku wybuchu powstania było pod silnym wpływem radykalnych grup islamistycznych. Kontrolę nad tym historycznym miastem oddziały wierne rządowi w Bamako straciły po zaciętych walkach 1 kwietnia. Pomimo iż to oddziały MNLA opanowały miasto, bardzo szybko, bo w przeciągu kilku dni, bojownicy Ansar ad-Dine i Al-Ka’idy Islamskiego Maghrebu przejęli nad nim realną kontrolę. Od tego czasu do stycznia 2013 r. radykałowie sprawowali władzę w Timbuktu, wprowadzając w życie prawo szarijatu. By skutecznie sprawować rządy, utworzyli cztery instytucje, które miały wprowadzać w życie hasła, które głosili. W tym celu powołano Trybunał Islamski, islamskie siły policyjne, komisję medialną (propagandy) oraz Hesbah – milicję obyczajową9. Po krótkim pobycie na emigracji, na wieść o sukcesach militarnych muzułmańskich fundamentalistów w Azawadzie, al-Mahdi w kwietniu powrócił w rodzinne strony. Był postrzegany przez dowódców bojowników w Timbuktu jako ekspert w sprawach religijnych. W tej dziedzinie został konsultantem Trybunału Islamskiego. Al-Mahdi był bardzo aktywny w organizacji administracji Ansar ad-Dine i AQIM. Prowadził Hesbah od momentu jego powstania w kwietniu 2012 do września 2012 r. Napisał też statut dotyczący roli i celów tej organizacji10. Wedle ustaleń Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego pod koniec czerwca 2012 r. Iyad Ag Ghaly, przywódca Ansar ad-Dine w porozumieniu z dwoma ważnymi członkami Al-Ka’idy Islam9 International Criminal Court, Situation in the Republic of Mali. The Prosecutor v. Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi. ICC-01/12-01/15, 2017a, s. 16–17. 10 Ibidem, s. 17. �94 Krzysztof Rak skiego Maghrebu – Abdallahem al-Chinguetti i Yahią Abou al-Hammanem – podjął decyzję o zniszczeniu mauzoleów sufickich świętych. Al-Mahdi, jako doradca naczelnika Timbuktu Abou Zeida, wyraził wówczas swoją opinię, że wszyscy islamscy prawnicy zgodzą się w kwestii, iż postawione konstrukcje nad grobami przeczą naukom Proroka, ale zaleca nieniszczenie mauzoleów, aby nie zaogniać relacji pomiędzy miejscową ludnością a nowymi władzami. Niemniej jednak Ag Ghaly wydał stanowcze polecenie zrealizowania zadania Abou Zeidzie, który z kolei przekazał je al-Mahdiemu jako szefowi Hesbah. Pomimo początkowych zastrzeżeń al-Mahdi po otrzymaniu instrukcji zgodził się przeprowadzić akcję. Napisał kazanie tłumaczące przyczyny niszczenia mauzoleów, które odczytano podczas piątkowej modlitwy w pierwszych dniach trwania operacji. Osobiście ustalił plan działania Fot. 2 Plan Timbuktu z najważniejszymi obiektami dziedzictwa kulturowego (źródło: UNESCO, CPI, Maps4news.com). �Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi, pierwsza osoba skazana... 95 i określił sekwencję, w której budynki miały być niszczone. Brał też bezpośredni udział w procesie destrukcji kilku obiektów11,12. Plan realizowany był w okresie od 30 czerwca do 11 lipca 2012 r. Dziesięć najważniejszych i najbardziej znanych miejsc w Timbuktu zostało zaatakowanych i zniszczonych przez bojówkarzy i al-Mahdiego z kierowanej przez niego organizacji Hesbah. Zdewastowano: mauzoleum Sidi Mahamuda Ben Omar Mohamed Aquit, mauzoleum Szejka Mohameda Mahmuda al-Arawaniego, mauzoleum Szejka Sidi Mokhtara Ben Sidi Muhammada Ben Szejka Alkabira, mauzoleum Alpha Moya, mauzoleum Szejka Sidi Ahmeda Ben Amar Arragadi, mauzoleum Szejka Muhammada El Mikki, mauzoleum Szejka Abdoula Kassima Attouaty’ego, mauzoleum Ahmeda Fulane’a, mauzoleum Bahabera Babadié. Ponad- Fot. 3 Milicjanci Hesbah w trakcie rozbiórki jednego z mauzoleów (źródło: materiał propagandowy Ansar ad-Din). Ibidem, s. 18–20. International Criminal Court, Summary of the Judgment and Sentence in the case of The Prosecutor v. Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi, 2016c, s. 4–5. 11 12 �96 Krzysztof Rak to uszkodzono ozdobne drzwi meczetu Sidi Yahia13,14 [Fot. 2]. Destrukcji dokonano ręcznymi narzędziami. Podczas fazy planowania al-Mahdi nie zezwolił na użycie buldożera i innego ciężkiego sprzętu, aby nie uszkodzić pochówków [Fot. 3]. W jego mniemaniu to same budowle i oddawanie czci przy nich było czymś złym, nie zaś pochowani tam mężowie. Wszystkie zaatakowane miejsca były obiektami zabytkowymi, które pełniły funkcję religijną oraz kulturową i nie posiadały żadnego strategicznego czy militarnego znaczenia. Doprowadzenie Al-Mahdiego przed Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny Okres istnienia samozwańczego islamistycznego państwa na terytorium Azawadu zakończył się wraz z powodzeniem francuskiej interwencji zbrojnej w Mali noszącej kryptonim „Operacja Serwal” (fr. Opération Serval). Do przełomu stycznia i lutego 2013 r. wszystkie większe miasta na północy kraju zostały wyzwolone spod władzy Ansar ad-Dine, Al-Ka’idy Islamskiego Maghrebu i innych pomniejszych ugrupowań będących ich sojusznikami. 28 stycznia 2013 r. wojska francuskie wyparły z Timbuktu radykalnych bojowników i przejęły kontrolę nad miastem. Już 2 lutego prezydent Francji przyleciał do Timbuktu, gdzie ogłosił zwycięstwo w wojnie w Mali15. Władze malijskie już w pierwszych miesiącach konfliktu uznały, iż zwrócą się do Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego o poInternational Criminal Court, op. cit., 2017a, s. 20–23. International Criminal Court, op. cit., 2016c, s. 5–7. 15 F. Hollande, Discours de François Hollande prononcé à Bamako,­ Ambassade de France à Bamako, 2013, https://ml.ambafrance.org/Discours-de-Francois-Hollande (dostęp: 02.02.2013 r.). 13 14 �Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi, pierwsza osoba skazana... 97 moc w ściganiu i sądzeniu potencjalnych sprawców popełnianych zbrodni wojennych. Decyzją rządu z 30 maja 2012 r. postanowiono przekazać sprawę do MTK. Oficjalne przekazanie prośby prokuratorowi MTK o wszczęcie dochodzenia nastąpiło 18 lipca tego samego roku podczas wizyty delegacji rządu malijskiego, na czele z ministrem sprawiedliwości Malickem Coulibaly16,17. W toku wstępnych badań Biuro Prokuratora MTK ustaliło, iż zaszły potencjalne zdarzenia o wystarczającej sile ciężkości, aby uzasadnić prowadzenie dalszych działań. Prokurator MTK, Fatou Bensouda, 16 stycznia 2013 r. formalnie wszczęła dochodzenie w sprawie rzekomych zbrodni popełnionych na terytorium Mali. Po skierowaniu przez państwo malijskie, jako sygnatariusza MTK, prośby o interwencję i oficjalnym otwarciu śledztwa prokuratura mogła prowadzić dochodzenie i ścigać każde przestępstwo podlegające jurysdykcji MTK popełnione na terytorium Mali od stycznia 2012 r. Prokurator Bensouda stwierdziła, że istnieją uzasadnione podstawy, by sądzić, że popełniono naruszenia prawa międzynarodowego w sześciu obszarach, w których MTK ma prerogatywy do ścigania osób dopuszczających się owych czynów. Precedensowym – obok morderstw, tortur, nielegalnych wyroków, grabieży i gwałtów – było uznanie, że penalizacji może zostać objęte celowe kierowanie ataków na obiekty podlegające ochronie18. Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi po opanowaniu Azawadu przez międzynarodową koalicję opuścił Timbuktu i przez pewien czas po16 M. Coulibaly, Renvoi de la situation au Mali, Lettre de renvoi par le Gouvernement du Mali, No 0076/MJ-SG, Bamako, le 13 JUL 2012. 17 Cour Pénale Internationale, Le Procureur, Mme Bensouda, commence un examen préliminaire sur la situation au Mali suite au renvoi de la situation par le Gouvernement de ce pays, „Bulletin d’information du Bureau du Procureur” 2012, 127, s. 1. 18 International Criminal Court, Situation in Mali, Article 53(1) Report, 2013. �98 Krzysztof Rak zostawał w ukryciu. Został namierzony i złapany w 2014 r. w Nigrze przez stacjonujące w tym kraju wojska francuskie. Jego aresztowania dokonano podczas przechwycenia całego konwoju dżihadystów19. Spędził w areszcie nigryjskim niemal rok, aż do momentu, kiedy to 18 września 2015 r. MTK wydał nakaz jego aresztowania i doprowadzenia do Hagi za zbrodnie wojenne. Po przekazaniu przez władze Nigru osiem dni później przeniesiono al-Mahdiego do aresztu Scheveningen w Holandii20. 17 grudnia 2015 r. Biuro Prokuratora MTK wniosło zarzuty zgodnie z art. 8 ust. 2 lit. e) ppkt (iv) Rzymskiego Statutu Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego21, który głosi, iż za zbrodnię wojenną uznawane jest zamierzone kierowanie ataków na budynki przezna­czone na cele religijne, edukacyjne, artystyczne, naukowe lub chary­tatywne, pomniki historyczne, szpitale oraz miejsca, gdzie gromadzeni są ranni i chorzy, pod warunkiem że nie są one celami wojskowymi22. Prokurator uznał, że oskarżony przez celowe kierowanie atakami na dziesięć budynków posiadających religijny i historyczny charakter w Timbuktu, w Mali, w okresie od 30 czerwca 2012 do 11 lipca 2012 r. spełnia warunki, by postawić go w stan oskar­żenia. 24 marca 2016 r. Izba Przygotowawcza MTK potwierdziła zarzut zbrodni wojennej przeciwko Ahmadowi al-Faqi al-Mahdiemu. Zobowiązała tym samym MTK do osądzenia al-Mahdiego przed komisją procesową. Izba uznała, że ​​przedstawione przez proku19 M. Simons, Prison Sentence Over Smashing of Shrines in Timbuktu: 9 Years, New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/28/world/europe/ahmad-al-faqi-al-mahdi-timbuktu-mali.html (dostęp: 27.09.2016 r.). 20 International Criminal Court, Situation in Mali: Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi surrendered to the ICC on charges of war crimes regarding the destruction of historical and religious monuments in Timbuktu, https://www.icc-cpi.int/Pages/ item.aspx?name=pr1154 (dostęp: 26.09.2015 r.). 21 International Criminal Court, Charge brought by the Prosecution against Ahmad AL FAQI AL MAHD, ICC-01/12–01/15, 2016b. 22 Dz. U. z 2003 r., nr 78, poz. 708, s. 5049. �Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi, pierwsza osoba skazana... 99 ratora dowody są wystarczające, aby uzasadnić przekonanie, że al-Mahdi, oprócz zarzutów postawionych wcześniej (art. 8 ust. 2 lit. e) ppkt (iv)), jest winny dodatkowo odpowiedzialności karnej, zgodnie z art. 25 ust. (3) lit. (a) (popełnienie i współsprawstwo zbrodni); art. 25 ust. (3) lit. (b) (nagabywanie i nakłanianie); art. 25 ust. (3) lit. (c) (pomocnictwo, współudział lub pomoc w inny sposób) lub art. 25 ust. (3) lit. (d) (wnoszenie wkładu w jakikolwiek inny sposób) Rzymskiego Statutu MTK23. Rozprawa Proces rozpoczął się 22 sierpnia 2016 r. Już podczas otwarcia w specjalnym oświadczeniu al-Mahdi przyznał się do wszystkich stawianych mu zarzutów. Już na etapie przygotowań do procesu współpracował z prokuraturą, szczegółowo relacjonując przebieg wydarzeń z przełomu czerwca i lipca 2012 r. w Timbuktu. Podczas przemowy przed sędziami MTK w pierwszych zdaniach wyraził skruchę i przeprosił zarówno lokalną społeczność i rodzinę oraz społeczność międzynarodową jako całość za to, jakie krzywdy wyrządził im swoim zachowaniem. Prosił o przebaczenie dziedziców pogrzebanych w mauzoleach świętych mężów. Powiedział, że był pod złym wpływem osób z Al-Ka’idy i Ansar ad-Din. Już na samym wstępie rozprawy uznał, że zaakceptuje wyrok i zdaje sobie sprawę z nieuchronności pobytu w więzieniu. Jak sam stwierdził, będzie miał nadzieję, że pobyt za kratami pozwoli mu wyzbyć się złych duchów, które go opanowały, a czas tam spędzony będzie wystarczający, by mieszkańcy Mali i ludzkość zdążyli mu przebaczyć. Podsumowując swoją wypowiedź, zaapelował do wszystkich International Criminal Court, Decision on the confirmation of charges against Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi, 2016a. 23 �100 Krzysztof Rak muzułmanów na świecie, aby nie angażowali się w przedsięwzięcia, których on się dopuścił24. Formalne postępowanie procesowe trwało zaledwie trzy dni z racji, iż al-Mahdi przyznał się do wszystkiego, co zarzucano mu w akcie oskarżenia i – w porozumieniu z adwokatem Maître Mohamed Aouini – zrezygnował z dalszych prób obrony, takich jak np. przesłuchania świadków obrony. Prokuratura zażądała kary od dziewięciu do jedenastu lat więzienia. Sąd w składzie sędziowskim złożonym z sędziego prowadzącego Raula C. Pangalangana, sędziego Antoine Kesia-Mbe Mindua i sędziego Bertrama Schmitta zadecydował, iż da sobie miesiąc na przeanalizowanie wszystkich dostępnych akt i ustalenie kształtu ostatecznego orzeczenia. Wyrok ogłoszono 27 września 2016 r. Sędziowie MTK uznali Ahmada al-Faqi al-Mahdiego za winnego zbrodni wojennej polegającej na atakowaniu historycznych i religijnych budynków w Timbuktu. Za ten czyn skazali go na dziewięć lat pozbawienia wolności. Na poczet kary zaliczono oskarżonemu czas, który spędził w areszcie od dnia wystawienia listu gończego (czyli od 18 września 2015 r.). W uzasadnieniu sąd stwierdził, że al-Mahdi był świadom sprawowanej kontroli nad atakami i był w pełni zaangażowany w ich wykonanie. Ponosił całkowitą odpowiedzialność za fazę wykonania ataku, nadzorując wszystkie operacje, używając członków Hesbah i określając kolejność, w której budynki miały być zniszczone. Dokonywał niezbędnych uzgodnień logistycznych i uzasadniał atak światowej opinii publicznej poprzez wywiady z mediami. Był również obecny na atakowanych stanowiskach, udzielając instrukcji i wsparcia moralnego i osobiście brał czynny udział akcie wandalizmu, który doprowadził do zniszczenia co najmniej pięciu obiektów25. 24 25 A. Al Mahdi, Declaration at the ICC, 2016. International Criminal Court, op. cit., 2016c, s. 1, 3–10. �Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi, pierwsza osoba skazana... 101 W określeniu wysokości wyroku dziewięciu lat pozbawienia wolności Trybunał wziął pod uwagę wagę i rodzaj przestępstwa, winę al-Mahdiego i ich indywidualne okoliczności. MTK zauważył również, że nawet jeśli z gruntu „poważne” zbrodnie przeciwko własności są generalnie mniej „ważne” niż zbrodnie przeciwko indywidualnym osobom, to zdewastowanie mauzoleów było na tyle znaczące, że pełniły one nie tylko funkcje religijne, ale miały także symboliczną i emocjonalną wartość dla mieszkańców Timbuktu. Mauzolea świętych i meczety były w tym mieście integralną częścią życia religijnego mieszkańców i stanowiły wspólne dziedzictwo dla całej społeczności. Co więcej, wszystkie obiekty, oprócz jednego, zostały wpisane na listę światowego dziedzictwa UNESCO. Sąd przy ustalaniu wyroku uwzględnił również kilka okoliczności łagodzących. Najważniejszą z nich jest niewątpliwie przyznanie się do winy i szczegółowe opisanie popełnianych czynów. Sąd uznał, iż takie wyznanie może przyczynić się do pokoju i pojednania w północnym Mali, łagodząc moralne cierpienie ofiar poprzez uznanie znaczenia zniszczenia. Kolejną przesłanką, która zadecydowała o łagodniejszym wymiarze kary, był fakt, iż współpraca z prokuratorem może skutkować potencjalnymi konsekwencjami dla bezpieczeństwa jego rodziny w Mali. Sędziowie również wzięli pod uwagę skruchę, którą al-Mahdi wyraził i docenili apel wzywający muzułmanów, aby nie angażowali się w podobne zachowania. Okolicznością łagodzącą była również początkowa opinia wygłoszona jeszcze przed rozpoczęciem akcji demolowania mauzoleów, iż nie powinno ich się rozbierać ze względu na okoliczną ludność przywiązaną do tych budowli. MTK wskazał również dobre zachowanie w areszcie jako rzecz godną odnotowania26. 26 Ibidem, s. 18. �102 Krzysztof Rak Konsekwencją wyroku skazującego była dodatkowa rozprawa dotycząca kwestii wypłaty reparacji za wyrządzone szkody. Odbyła się ona rok po rozpoczęciu właściwego procesu w dniu 17 sierpnia 2017 r. Sąd w tym przypadku zasądził odszkodowanie w wysokości 2,7 mln €. Ma to być forma indywidualnego i zbiorowego zadośćuczynienia dla społeczności Timbuktu za celowe kierowanie ataków na budynki religijne i historyczne w tym mieście. MTK zarządził odszkodowania za trzy kategorie szkód: zniszczenia zaatakowanych budynków historycznych i religijnych, konsekwencje strat ekonomicznych i szkody moralne. Zadośćuczynienia mają być kolektywne i służyć rekultywacji terenów dotkniętych przez działania al-Mahdiego. Sąd nakazał także indywidualne odszkodowania dla tych, których środki utrzymania zależały wyłącznie od zaatakowanych budynków i tych, których miejsca pochówku przodków zostały uszkodzone podczas ataku. Wypłatą pieniędzy i ich formą ma zająć się specjalny fundusz – Trust Funds for Victims27. Podsumowanie Wyrok wydany na Ahmada al-Faqi al-Mahdiego był przełomowy, ponieważ po raz pierwszy w swojej historii Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny skazał za przestępstwo umyślnego kierowania ataków na chronione dobra kultury. Stwarza to ważny precedens i przeciera szlaki pod przyszłe sprawy tego typu. Warto zaznaczyć, że prawo międzynarodowe już od dawna uznaje za niedopuszczalne agresje wobec dóbr kultury podczas działań zbrojnych28. International Criminal Court, Reparations Order, 2017b. P. Żarkowski, Ochrona dóbr kultury w czasie wojny w świetle prawa międzynarodowego, „Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe” 2016, 3, s. 157–171. 27 28 �Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi, pierwsza osoba skazana... 103 Jednym z pierwszych dokumentów we współczesnej historii, który reguluje kwestie dziedzictwa kulturowego podczas wojen, jest Konwencja Haska z roku 195429. Prawną możliwość ścigania tego typu przestępstw dał Rzymski Statut Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego z 1998 r., a dokładnie art. 8 ust. 2 lit. e) ppkt (iv). Wprost nazwał działania w tym zakresie „zbrodniami wojennymi”30. Kontekst polityczny, w jakim zapadał wyrok na al-Mahdim, także jest tu nie bez znaczenia. MTK postanowił ścigać i sądzić jednego z zaangażowanych radykalnych przywódców islamskich za ataki na obiekty kulturowe dokładnie w tym samym czasie, kiedy w innej części świata dokonywały się podobne wydarzenia. Równolegle z wydarzeniami w Hadze tzw. Państwo Islamskie działające na terytoriach Syrii i Iraku dokonywało spektakularnych aktów wandalizmu, równając z ziemią dosłownie całe stanowiska archeologiczne, takie jak np. Nimrud czy Niniwa. Dżihadyści z Bliskiego Wschodu dokładnie powielali schemat działań, jakie jeszcze kilka lat wcześniej działy się w Republice Mali. Kierowały nimi analogiczne religijne pobudki ideowe. Umiejętnie także rozgrywali kwestię propagandową, regularnie poprzez media wstrząsając światową opinią publiczną przekazami z dokonywanych aktów wandalizmu31. Równolegle UNESCO w reakcji na te zdarzenia próbowało odpowiedzieć działaniami w Mali. Gwałtownie zintensyfikowano prace nad odbudową zdewastowanego przez Dz. U. z 1957 r., nr 46, poz. 212, załącznik. Dz. U. z 2003 r., nr 78 poz. 708, s. 5048–5049. 31 Syria i Irak nie są sygnatariuszami Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego, dlatego też formalnie osoby popełniające zbrodnie wojenne, w tym osoby odpowiedzialne za akty wandalizmu na dobrach kultury, nie podlegają jurysdykcji Trybunału. Aby móc ewentualnie w przyszłości osądzić te osoby, konieczne byłoby powołanie odrębnego trybunału (np. na wzór tego do ścigania zbrodni wojennych popełnionych w dawnej Jugosławii). 29 30 �104 Krzysztof Rak islamistów dziedzictwa kulturowego w Timbuktu. Pod patronatem UNESCO rozpoczęto także kampanię w mediach społecznościowych #UnitedForHeritage32. W tej swoistej wojnie propagandowej osądzenie i skazanie al-Mahdiego oraz jego apel do muzułmanów, by nie powielali jego błędów dały społeczności międzynarodowej ważny pozytywny impuls. Miało też zapewne pokazać islamistom obecnie operującym na Bliskim Wschodzie, że nie mogą czuć się bezkarni, dokonując aktów wandalizmu na światowym dziedzictwie kulturowym. Al-Mahdi jest jedynym z przywódców przejętych w 2012 r. w Timbuktu, który trafił przed oblicze sądu. Większość osób odpowiedzialnych za dzieło zniszczenia mauzoleów, w tym dowódcy, którzy bezpośrednio zadecydowali o rozpoczęciu całej akcji, są jeszcze na wolności. Również mało prawdopodobne, by sprawa Ahmada al-Faqi al-Mahdiego zakończyła się na opisanym powyżej wyroku MTK. Należy pamiętać, że był on przywódcą milicji obyczajowej Hesbah, która oprócz aktów wandalizmu zajmowała się przede wszystkim prześladowaniami osób fizycznych. Często były to bardzo brutalne i krwawe działania. Należy się spodziewać, że al-Mahdi – jako lider organizacji – będzie musiał odpowiedzieć również za te zbrodnie. 4 lutego 2016 r. przy udziale wysokich rangą przedstawicieli UNESCO, rządu Republiki Mali oraz zagranicznego personelu dyplomatycznego odbyła się ceremonia konsekracji odbudowanych mauzoleów w Timbuktu. Wieńczyła ona dwuletnie dzieło rekonstrukcji zniszczonego dziedzictwa kulturowego. Większość prac przy odbudowie wykonała lokalna grupa murarzy przy zastosowania technik i surowców używanych w Timbuktu od poko32 K. Rak, Polityka UNESCO wobec destrukcji zabytków w Republice Mali przez ugrupowania skrajne [w:] A. Żukowski (red.), Terroryzm versus terror w Afryce. Aspekty historyczne, kulturowe, polityczne, społeczne, ekonomiczne i przekazu medialnego. �Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi, pierwsza osoba skazana... 105 leń. Obecna na miejscu ówczesna dyrektor generalna UNESCO, Irina Bokova, zwróciła uwagę, że dotrzymano obietnicy złożonej w czasie, gdy wydało się, iż sprawy idą w złym kierunku, gdyż społeczność międzynarodowa wcześniej czy później przywróci zniszczone monumenty33. Proces i ukaranie Ahmada al-Faqi al-Mahdiego były bez wątpienia przełomem w postrzeganiu i respektowaniu prawa międzynarodowego w zakresie ochrony światowego dziedzictwa. Należy żywić nadzieję, że spowoduje zmianę traktowania dóbr kultury podczas konfliktów zbrojnych. Do momentu wydania rzeczonego wyroku wszelkie akty wandalizmu zabytkowych, kulturowych i religijnych obiektów w powszechnej opinii uchodziły za czyny bezkarne. Należy żywić nadzieję, że opisywany tu proces nie będzie odosobnionym przypadkiem w historii, a społeczność międzynarodowa uzyska realne narzędzie do walki z tego rodzaju barbarzyńskimi praktykami. Bibliografia Barrak A., Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi: “I plead guilty”, „The UNESCO Courier” 2017, October-December nr 3. Cour Pénale Internationale, Le Procureur, Mme Bensouda, commence un examen préliminaire sur la situation au Mali suite au renvoi de la situation par le Gouvernement de ce pays, „Bulletin d’information du Bureau du Procureur” 2012, nr 127. Coulibaly M., 2012, Renvoi de la situation au Mali. Lettre de renvoi par le Gouvernement du Mali, No 0076/MJ-SG. Bamako, le 13 JUL 2012, źródło: https://www.icc-cpi.int/NR/rdonlyres/A245A47FBFD1-45B6-891C-3BCB5B173F57/0/ReferralLetterMali130712. pdf. 33 Ibidem. �106 Krzysztof Rak Dz. U. z 1957 r., nr 46, poz. 212, załącznik. Dz. U. z 2003 r., nr 78, poz. 708. Hollande F., Discours de François Hollande prononcé à Bamako. Ambassade de France à Bamako, https://ml.ambafrance.org/Discours-de-Francois-Hollande (dostęp: 02.02.2013 r.). International Criminal Court, Situation in Mali, Article 53(1) Report, https://www.icc-cpi.int/itemsDocuments/SASMaliArticle53_1PublicReportENG16Jan2013.pdf. International Criminal Court, Decision on the confirmation of charges against Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi, 2016a, https://www.icc-cpi.int/ CourtRecords/CR2016_02424.PDF. International Criminal Court, Charge brought by the Prosecution against Ahmad AL FAQI AL MAHDI, 2016b, https://www.icc-cpi.int/CourtRecords/CR2016_02424.PDF. International Criminal Court, Summary of the Judgment and Sentence in the case of The Prosecutor v. Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi, 2016c, https://www.icc-cpi.int/itemsDocuments/160926Al-MahdiSummary.pdf. International Criminal Court, Situation in the Republic of Mali. The Prosecutor v. Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi, 2017a, https://www.icc-cpi. int/CourtRecords/CR2017_06949.PDF. International Criminal Court, Reparations Order No.: ICC-01/12-01/15, 2017b, https://www.icc-cpi.int/CourtRecords/CR2017_05117. PDF. ICOMOS, World Heritage List No 119, Paris 1988. Jacinto L., Par peur des représailles, les Touareg de la capitale malienne prennent le large, France 24, 2012, https://www.france24.com/ fr/20120411-mali-rebellion-independance-nord-peurrepresailles-touaregs-bamako-fuite (dostęp: 11.04.2012 r.). Al Mahdi A., Declaration at the ICC, 2016, https://en.unesco.org/news/ ahmad-al-mahdi-was-first-and-last-wrongful-act-i-will-evercommit. Miarka A., Determinanty i przebieg konfliktu zbrojnego w Mali (2012– 2013), „Chorzowskie Studia Polityczne” 2016, nr 11. �Ahmad al-Faqi al-Mahdi, pierwsza osoba skazana... 107 UNESCO, Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, Report of the world heritage committee, Twelfth session, Brasília 1988, http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0009/000927/092717eb.pdf. Rak K., Polityka UNESCO wobec destrukcji zabytków w Republice Mali przez ugrupowania skrajne [w:] A. Żukowski (red.), Terroryzm versus terror w Afryce. Aspekty historyczne, kulturowe, polityczne, społeczne, ekonomiczne i przekazu medialnego. Simons M., Prison Sentence Over Smashing of Shrines in Timbuktu: 9 Years, „New York Times” 2016, https://www.nytimes. com/2016/09/28/world/europe/ahmad-al-faqi-al-mahdi-timbuktu-mali.html (dostęp: 27.09.2016 r.). Situation in Mali: Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi surrendered to the ICC on charges of war crimes regarding the destruction of historical and religious monuments in Timbuktu. International Criminal Court, https:// www.icc-cpi.int/Pages/item.aspx?name=pr1154 (dostęp: 26.09.2015 r.). Żarkowski P., Ochrona dóbr kultury w czasie wojny w świetle prawa międzynarodowego, „Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe” 2016, nr 3. Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi, the first person convicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes against world cultural heritage Summary Timbuktu is known as the City of 333 Saints. During its golden age in the 15th and 16th centuries, it was a centre for Islamic learning. However the site is viewed as idolatrous by Islamic extremists, the worshipping of mausoleums in Timbuktu and across Mali is part of a Sufi tradition in Islam. A religious scholar, Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi was the spiritual adviser of the Ansar Dine group, which attacked nine mausoleums and the Sidi Yahia mosque in Timbuktu when it seized the city along with a coalition of militant factions. As commander of the Hisba, �108 Krzysztof Rak the religious police, Al Mahdi was charged with ordering and overseeing the destruction of the shrines. For the first time, the International Criminal Court has put someone on trial for war crimes against cultural heritage. On September 27, 2016, the ICC rendered its judgment in the case Ahmad Al Faqi Al Mahdi, wherein the defendant was convicted of the war crime of intentionally directing attacks on protected cultural objects. Al Mahdi pled guilty to co-perpetrating attacks on protected objects pursuant to Article 8(2)(e)(iv) of the Rome Statute for his role in the attack on, and destruction of, ten mosques and mausoleums in Timbuktu. The Trial Chamber sentenced him to nine years in prison. Keywords: Mali, Timbuktu, International Criminal Court, Al Mahdi, UNESCO. �IZABELA WILL OD ZRUTYNIZOWANEJ CZYNNOŚCI DO SCHEMATU – O POCHODZENIU HAUSAŃSKICH GESTÓW TOWARZYSZĄCYCH MOWIE Hausańczycy są ludem zamieszkującym Afrykę Zachodnią, głównie północną Nigerię i południowy Niger. Przez setki lat wypracowywali swoje własne tradycje, zwyczaje i kulturę w dużym stopniu opartą na wartościach muzułmańskich. Obecnie określenie Hausańczycy nie ma wymiaru etnicznego. Przynależność do grupy określa wspólnota kulturowa, posługiwanie się językiem hausa i bycie muzułmaninem. Na tę ostatnią cechę chciałabym zwrócić szczególną uwagę, gdyż wiele z opisywanych w tym artykule gestów wiąże się w pewien sposób z islamem. Należy podkreślić, że religia ma dla Hausańczyków w dużej mierze wymiar społeczny. Bardzo ważne jest wspólne celebrowanie świąt religijnych czy codziennych praktyk. Udanie się na wspólną modlitwę w meczecie jest nie tylko czynnością religijną, ale i społeczną, a nawet towarzyską. Niektóre praktyki religijne wykonywane codzienne są bardzo mocno skonwencjonalizowane. Islam w szczeIzabela Will, afrykanistka, językoznawca; zainteresowania badawcze: język hausa, kultura Nigerii, gesty używane przez Hausańczyków. Uniwersytet Warszawski, Wydział Orientalistyczny, Katedra Języków i Kultur Afryki �110 Izabela Will gółach określa nie tylko to, w jaki sposób ma być wykonana ablucja, czy jedna z pięciu obowiązkowych modlitw dziennie, ale także zasady higieny, sposób dzielenia wspólnej przestrzeni czy ubierania się. Sprawia to, że czynności natury religijnej mieszają się z czynnościami codziennymi i rodzą pewną wspólnotę ruchową. Często powtarzana czynność staje się po pewnym czasie tak zrutynizowana, że niemal wypada z naszej świadomości. Przykładem może być prowadzenie samochodu czy uprawianie jakiejś dyscypliny sportu1. W badaniach nad gestami podkreśla się właśnie rolę rutyny czy często wykonywanych czynności w powstawaniu gestów. Jak przypuszcza Morris2, tzw. chwyt precyzji polegający na przyłożeniu kciuka do palca wskazującego może pochodzić od chwytania maleńkich obiektów takich jak ziarnka. Sam gest jest dość powszechnie używany w wielu kulturach3 i jako gest towarzyszący mowie odpowiada temu segmentowi wypowiedzi, który służy sprecyzowaniu informacji. Może odnosić się do jakiegoś szczegółu, do konkretu albo stanowić kontrast w stosunku do czegoś bardziej ogólnego4. Może też towarzyszyć próbie opisania sedna sprawy. Jeśli powtarzamy daną czynność (np. opisywanie jakiegoś pojęcia), to tym samym tworzymy schematy i programy ruchowe 1 A. L. Strauss, Continual Permutations of Action, Aldine de Gruyter, New York, 1993, s. 193. 2 D. Morris, Mensch mit dem wir leben. Ein Handbuch unseres Verhaltens, Droemer Knaur, München 1978, s. 80. 3 Użycie tego gestu w kulturze neapolitańskiej opisał A. Kendon (Gesture: Visible Action as Utterance, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2004, s. 245), a w kulturze polskiej J. Antas (Semantyczność ciała. Gesty jako znaki myślenia, Primum Verbum, Łódź 2013, s. 239–244). 4 A. Kendon, Gestures as illocutionary and discourse structure markers in Southern Italian conversation, „Journal of Pragmatics” 1995, t. 23 (3), s. 268. �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 111 dla tego pojęcia, a sama czynność staje się zrutynizowana5. Powstaje wtedy połączenie schematu pojęciowego ze schematem motorycznym i to połączenie niejednokrotnie obrazują gesty, przy czym nie jest to połączenie ścisłe. Schemat pojęciowy może być wyrażony przy pomocy różnych gestów – albo skonwencjonalizowanych, często powtarzanych przez różnych mówiących6, albo gestów wymyślanych na poczekaniu. Gesty są zatem schematami pewnych pojęć, a jednocześnie ich użycie wyzwala w umyśle mówiącego cały szereg skojarzeń związanych z danym pojęciem. Podsumowanie funkcji gestów najlepiej oddaje stwierdzenie, że „gesty aktywują, obrabiają, opakowują i odkrywają informację przestrzenno-motoryczną w procesie mówienia i myślenia. Te cztery funkcje wynikają z natury gestów do schematyzacji informacji7”. Wiele jest gestów wspólnych wszystkim ludziom, niezależnie od tego, skąd pochodzą i jakim językiem mówią, ale są też gesty charakterystyczne tylko dla danego regionu. Desmond Morris8, który wraz ze swoimi współpracownikami badał m.in. rozpozna5 F. Parrill, An Analysis of Theoretical Discourse about Multimodal Language [w:] Gesture and the Dynamic Dimension of Language: Essays in Honor of David McNeill, red. S. D. Duncan, J. Cassell i E. T. Levy, John Benjamins Publishing Company, Amsterdam/Philadelphia 2007, s. 88. 6 Takie skonwencjonalizowane gesty towarzyszące mowie nazywane są gestami powracającymi (ang. recurrent gestures), por. S. Ladewig, Recurrent gestures [w:] Body – Language – Communication. An international handbook on multimodality in human interaction, red. C. Müller, A. Cienki, E. Fricke, S. Ladewig, D. McNeill i S.Tessendorf, De Gruyter Mouton, Berlin 2014, s. 1558–1575. 7 S. Kita, M. W. Alibali, M. Chu, How Do Gestures Influence Thinking and Speaking? The Gesture-for-Conceptualization Hypothesis, manuskrypt z 2016 r. zaakceptowany do druku przez „Psychological Review”, dostępny na stronie http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/84187/23/WRAP-how-gestures-thinking-speaking-Kita-2017.pdf (dostęp: 25.10.2018 r.), s. 6. 8 D. Morris et al., Gestures: Their origins and distribution, Stein & Day, New York 1979. �112 Izabela Will walność konwencjonalnych gestów w południowych Włoszech, zauważył, że użycie gestów nie jest zbieżne z granicami językowymi czy kulturowymi. W swoim artykule skupię się na gestach używanych przez Hausańczyków zamieszkujących północną Nigerię. Opiszę kilka gestów, które – jak postaram się udowodnić – mają podłoże kulturowe. Wynikają ze sposobu wychowania, odebrania tradycyjnej edukacji czy codziennego powtarzania tych samych czynności związanych z obowiązkami religijnymi. Przed opisem każdego z gestów przybliżę konkretną czynność, która, jak mi się wydaje, mogła stać się podstawą gestu. Opis ten nie wyczerpuje repertuaru gestów hausańskich pochodzących od czynności codziennych, ogranicza się do czynności odnoszących się do religii muzułmańskiej. Za materiał badawczy posłużyły mi materiały wideo – zarówno własne, jak i dostępne na kanale YouTube. Są to przede wszystkim nagrania kazań, które odbyły się w różnych instytucjach publicznych Nigerii, nagrania wywiadów przeprowadzonych z gośćmi programów publicystycznych lub wystąpienia indywidualne na jakiś temat. Cechą wspólną wszystkich nagrań jest język hausa. Modlitwa Jednym z ważnych elementów codziennego życia muzułmanów jest modlitwa. W języku hausa są dwa terminy oznaczające modlitwę – oba zapożyczone z języka arabskiego: salla (ar. ṣalāt9) ‘jedna z pięciu obowiązkowych modlitw’ i addua (ar. du’ā) ‘modlitwa prywatna, dodatkowa’. Ta ostatnia – modlitwa prywatna Transkrypcję wyrazów arabskich podaję za J. Danecki, Podstawowe wiadomości o islamie, t. 2, Dialog, Warszawa 1998. 9 �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 113 – zwykle jest odmawiana po zakończeniu modlitwy obowiązkowej (salla). Może też towarzyszyć zakończeniu bądź rozpoczęciu publicznych czy rodzinnych uroczystości, kiedy to zgromadzeni proszą o pomyślność wydarzenia lub dziękują za jego przebieg. Addua nie jest tak skodyfikowana jak salla, można ją odmawiać w swoim własnym języku, prosząc Allaha o coś konkretnego10, ale można też posłużyć się jedną z wielu arabskich formuł, z których każda jest związana z jakimś rodzajem prośby. Podczas wykonywania addua ręce modlącego są zwykle ułożone na udach, wewnętrzna część dłoni skierowana jest w górę. Lekko zgięte palce sprawiają, że każda z dłoni tworzy niejako kształt miseczki (por. ilustracja nr 1). Ilustracja nr 1. Kobiety hausańskie w czasie odprawiania modlitwy addua na zakończenie spotkania zorganizowanego przez rektora Uniwersytetu Bayero w Kano, Nigeria (fot. I. Will) D. Morgan, Essential Islam: A Comprehensive Guide to Belief and Practice, Praeger, Santa Barbara/Denver/Oxford 2009, s. 70. 10 �114 Izabela Will Ten sam gest współtworzy wypowiedź, której narrator opowiada tym, jak to ludzie wykorzystują jego znajomych, by załatwić w sposób korzystny dla nich pewne sprawy. 1. Suna roƙon wasu mutane da suke kusa da ni: don Allah, in taimake su. Don Alla, a sayi gidansu. Don Allah! Suna roƙona ne. Suna roƙo don girman Allah in taimake su a makaranta a ɗauka ‘ya’yansu, don Allah. „Proszą ludzi, którzy są mi bliscy – proszę (dosł. na Allaha) – żeby im pomogli. Proszę! Niech kupią ich domy. Proszę! Tak mnie proszą. Proszą na wielkość Allaha, żeby im pomóc ze szkołą, żeby przyjąć ich dzieci. Proszę!” Ilustracja nr 2. Układanie rąk jak do modlitwy addua podczas mówienia o prośbie11 Autor wypowiedzi nie mówi o samej modlitwie, ale w cytowanym fragmencie pojawia się wiele słów, które współtowarzyszą też modlitwie: roƙo ‘prośba’, taimaka ‘pomagać’, don Allah ‘proszę’. To właśnie błagalny charakter wypowiedzi sprawia, że narrator 11 Salihu Lukman, Manufar Kafa Daarul-Hadeethis-Salafiyyah Zaria 2/3: Albani [online], YouTube, 6 lutego 2014 r., https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sJH41TcwfMA&t=1205s (dostęp: 11.05.2018 r.), minuty: 52:12–52:35. �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 115 zarówno intonacją, jak i nagromadzeniem słów kojarzonych z prośbą stara się naśladować zachowanie bohaterów, o których opowiada. Mimowolnie składa ręce do modlitwy i ten gest utrzymuje (czasem potrząsając dodatkowo dłońmi w górę i w dół dla większej ekspresji) niemal przez cały cytowany fragment wypowiedzi. Narrator nie wydaje się myśleć bezpośrednio o addua, ale skojarzenia z prośbą, wyartykułowane werbalnie, przenoszą się na jego zachowanie i aktywują dłonie do wykonania czynności towarzyszącej modlitwie. Ablucja Inna czynność powszechnie wykonywana przez Hausańczyków jest także związana z obowiązkami religijnymi. Każdą obowiązkową modlitwę powinna poprzedzać ablucja, czyli rytualne obmycie, które musi być wykonane w ściśle określony sposób. Ablucja zaczyna się od umycia rąk w określonej sekwencji – umycie najpierw prawej ręki, potem lewej, potem znów prawej. Po umyciu rąk następuje wypłukanie ust i wypowiedzenie intencji. Następnie modlący myje twarz, po czym musi ponownie umyć ręce od łokcia do końcówek palców. Podobnie jak poprzednio, powinien zacząć od umycia prawej dłoni i prawego przedramienia przy pomocy lewej ręki. Ablucja kończy się umyciem nóg12. Opisy ablucji różnią się nieznacznie w szczegółach. Kolejność dokonywania wszystkich czynności związanych z ablucją podaję za L. D. Yalwa, Yadda za ka yi alwala [w:] Hausar Baka: “Gani Ya Kori Ji.” (Language and Culture Videos for Elementary and Intermediate Hausa), A. Bature, R. G. Schuh, and R. Randell, 1998, http://aflang.linguistics.ucla.edu/hausarbaka/Video_Files/M113_supp_alwala.pdf (dostęp: 25.10.2018 r.). 12 �116 Izabela Will Ilustracja nr 3. Wykonywanie ablucji przed modlitwą na targu Kano, Nigeria (fot. I. Will). Nieprzypadkowo tak dużo czasu poświęcam na omówienie szczegółów ablucji, gdyż pragnę zwrócić uwagę na to, że w przeciwieństwie do wszelkich innych części ciała ręce myte są dwukrotnie i za każdym razem ich obmycie rozpoczyna się od ruchu lewą ręką, która obmywa prawą rękę. Taka sama sekwencja ruchów powtórzona jest w geście „umywania dłoni”13 polegającym na Por. I. Will, Niewerbalne sposoby wyrażania negacji w kulturze hausa, „Afryka” 2017, t. 45, s. 26. 13 �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 117 pocieraniu raz jednej, raz drugiej zewnętrznej części dłoni – od nasady do końcówek palców. Gest ten – jak przypuszczam – pochodzi właśnie od czynności wykonywania ablucji. Przemawia za tym kilka czynników. Po pierwsze podobnie jak w czasie ablucji, gest „umywania dłoni” jest zwykle powtarzany przez mówiącego kilkukrotnie, tzn. dłonie są „obmywane” naprzemiennie kilka razy. Najistotniejszym jednak czynnikiem jest to, że u dziewięciu z dziesięciu mówiących, u których zaobserwowałam ten gest, wykonywany jest on przy użyciu lewej dłoni. Jest to o tyle nietypowe, że większość narratorów to osoby praworęczne, co łatwo stwierdzić, obserwując ich pozostałe gesty wykonywane przede wszystkim przy pomocy ręki dominującej, czyli prawej. Jednak wykonywanie gestu „umywania dłoni” zaczynają od ręki lewej – czyli zgodnie z sekwencją obowiązującą podczas ablucji. Należy również wziąć pod uwagę fakt, że gesty mogą wywodzić się od zrytualizowanych czynności mających swoją kulturowo uwarunkowaną formę. Zwykłe mycie rąk jest wprawdzie czynnością powtarzalną, ale za każdym razem wykonywaną w nieco inny sposób, podczas gdy czynność mycia rąk podczas ablucji jest wysokim stopniu zrytualizowana, przez co łatwiej poddaje się schematyzacji. Ta schematyzacja widoczna jest nie tylko w formie gestu, która niekiedy zredukowana jest do delikatnego, trudno wręcz zauważalnego muśnięcia prawej dłoni lewą dłonią. Schematyzacja widoczna jest także na poziomie fraz współtowarzyszących gestowi, które właściwie nie odnoszą się bezpośrednio do czynności obmywania czy oczyszczenia, a jeśli już, to jest to oczyszczenie raczej duchowe niż fizyczne, np. �118 Izabela Will 2. ya kamata wannan addini a gyara shi a daidaita Tijaniyya, a daidaita Qadiriyya a daidaita sufiyya da makamantansu14 „trzeba tę religię oczyścić (dosł. zreperować), oczyścić Tidżaniję, Kadiriję i inne bractwa sufickie” Ilustracja nr 4. Wykonywanie gestu „umywania dłoni”15 Narrator mówi o oczyszczeniu religii z niektórych naleciałości obecnych jego zdaniem w bractwach sufickich mających swoich zwolenników w Nigerii północnej. Mówiąc o oczyszczeniu, a właściwie o naprawie (bo takie jest podstawowe znaczenie czasownika gyara) lub wyprostowaniu (o czym świadczy użycie czasownika daidaita), kilkakrotnie powtarza gest „umywania dłoni”, nie mając jednak na myśli fizycznego oczyszczenia. W opisanym przykładzie związek pomiędzy gestem a wyrażeniem językowym jest wciąż klarowny. Posługując się pojęciem metafory pojęciowej16, 14 Zarówno w tym, jak i w innych przykładach podkreślenie odnosi się do tego fragmentu wypowiedzi, w czasie którego wykonany jest gest. 15 I. Will, Kano, 2016, nagranie własne. 16 Pojęcie wprowadzone przez Georga Lakoffa i Marka Johnsona (zob. Metafory w naszym życiu, przeł. T. P. Krzeszowski, Warszawa, Aletheia). Metafora pojęciowa definiowana jest jako „relacja odwzorowująca elementy określonej domeny poznawczej w elementy innej domeny kognitywnej” (A. Gemel, Codzienność metafory w perspektywie kognitywistycznej Próba krytycznej analizy, „Nauki o wychowaniu. Studia interdyscyplinarne” 2016, t. 1, z. 2, s. 175. �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 119 możemy powiedzieć, że narrator traktuje religię jak konkretny obiekt, który można oczyścić, by doprowadzić go do stanu pierwotnego – stanu czystości. Jednak w wielu innych przypadkach użycie tego gestu może się wydawać już mniej zrozumiałe, zwłaszcza jeśli gestowi odpowiadają frazy zawierające negację czy kwantyfikator duk ‘wszyscy’, które nawet metaforycznie niewiele mają wspólnego z umywaniem czy oczyszczeniem. 3. ba na bukatar interest ɗin „nie potrzebuję tych odsetek” 4. ba su da ilmin addini „nic nie wiedzą (dosł. nie mają wiedzy) o religii” 5. Shi ke nan. Kin gama da shi „I tyle! Skończyłaś z nim.” 6. wannan ya sa kwanciyar hankali yana ganin babu komai „to powoduje spokój, on wie, że wszystko jest w porządku (dosł. nie ma nic)” 7. bara, kowace irin hanya ake yi „żebranie, jakkolwiek (dosł. każdy rodzaj sposobu) to robisz” 8. sai ki yi musu tambaya, duka tambayar da za ki iya yi a kan Tijaniyya „no i zadasz im pytanie, każde pytanie możesz im zadać na temat Tidżaniji” Powyższe przykłady ukazują kilka pojęć związanych z gestem „umywania dłoni”: zgodę (przykład nr 6), finalność/zakończenie (przykład nr 5), odrzucenie (przykład nr 3), nieistnienie (przykład nr 4) czy całkowitość (przykład nr 7 i 8). Aby zrozumieć zależność pomiędzy gestem, który obrazuje pewien schemat, a odnoszącymi się do niego pojęciami, należy sięgnąć do konkretnej czynności, od której gest się wywodzi. Rytualnego obmycia dokonuje się, aby oczyścić ciało, zmyć z niego cały brud fizyczny, ale też duchowy i doprowadzić do stanu czystości, który umożliwia odprawie- �120 Izabela Will nie modlitwy. Sam proces obmycia zakłada pozbycie się brudu, czyli odrzucenie tego, co nieczyste (stąd odrzucenie) i osiągnięcie czystości, czyli doprowadzenie do takiego stanu, z którego będziemy zadowoleni (stąd akceptacja). Brudu pozbywamy się całkowicie, tak by osiągnąć czystość idealną17 (stąd wyrażenie całości, całkowitości). Czynność obmycia jest procesem telicznym, mającym swój początek i koniec, zmierzającym do osiągnięcia zamierzonego efektu (stąd pojęcie zakończenia). Różnorodność pojęć odnoszących się do gestu „umywania dłoni” pokazuje zarówno wysoki stopień jego schematyzacji, jak i to, jak wiele informacji można zawrzeć w jednym ruchu rąk. Pisanie i czytanie Tradycja edukacji religijnej, obecna od wieków w północnej Nigerii, jest nadal żywa. Większość dzieci uczęszcza do szkoły koranicznej, gdzie uczy się pisania i czytania Koranu, a wiele z nich kontynuuje naukę w szkole muzułmańskiej18. Nauka czytania i pisania w alfabecie arabskim często od trzeciego lub czwartego roku życia wywiera przemożny wpływ na sposób myślenia, zachowania i mówienia, a tym samym na gestykulację. Przykładem może być wypowiedź na temat zawartości jednej z sur koranicznych. Mówiąc o surze, narrator pokazuje niejako stronę Koranu 17 O tym, jak ważne jest dokładne i całkowite obmycie poszczególnych części ciała może świadczyć istnienie w języku hausa słowa lam’a oznaczającego suchą plamkę, która została na obmywanych częściach ciała, a która sprawia, że ablucja jest nieważna. 18 W szkole muzułmańskiej zwanej islamiyya dzieci lub młodzież uczą się arabskiego i wiedzy o islamie. Obecnie większość szkół muzułmańskich łączy w sobie elementy tradycyjnej szkoły muzułmańskiej ze szkołą typu zachodniego. �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 121 i przebiega po tej wyobrażonej przez siebie stronie ręką od prawego górnego rogu do lewego dolnego. 9. a cikin sura ta Lukuman, tun daga aya sha biyu zuwa ta sha tara „w surze Lukman, od wersu dwunastego do dziewiętnastego” Ilustracja nr 5. Pokazywanie wyimaginowanej strony Koranu od prawego górnego rogu do lewego dolnego19 Powyższy przykład idealnie ilustruje zasadę, która powszechnie znana jest w badaniach nad gestami, a która mówi, że myślenie o danym pojęciu zakłada zmysłową i motoryczną symulację cech związanych z tym pojęciem, nawet jeśli przejaw tego pojęcia jest nieobecny w najbliższej przestrzeni20. Narrator, myśląc o Koranie, do tego stopnia „widzi” rozłożoną przed nim księgę, że podnosi wzrok na początek wyimaginowanej strony i pokazuje zamieszczony na niej tekst pisany w alfabecie arabskim od prawej do lewej. Gest jednoznacznie dowodzi, że mówiący wyobraża Sunnah TV Nigeria, Sheikh Muhammad Bin Uthman (Tambayoyi da Amsa 2) [online video clip], YouTube, 24 marca 2014 r., https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=Rxn18NMvivA (dostęp: 11.05.2018 r.), minuty: 13:08–13:12. 20 A. B. Hostetter, Mind in motion: the gesture as simulated action framework, University of Wisconsin-Madison 2008, str. 7. 19 �122 Izabela Will sobie oryginalną wersję Koranu. Z uwagi na tradycyjne wykształcenie – z taką wersją zapewne zazwyczaj miał do czynienia – suma jego doświadczeń przenosi się na sferę gestyczną. Podobna sytuacja ma miejsce w innej wypowiedzi, w której narrator opowiada o organizacji terrorystycznej Boko Haram pochodzącej z północnej Nigerii. Zaczyna swoje wyjaśnienia od podania właściwej nazwy organizacji. Jako że oryginalna nazwa jest utworzona w języku arabskim, mówca właśnie w tym języku ją cytuje. W momencie gdy wymienia poszczególne człony nazwy organizacji, a jest ich aż pięć, przenosi dłonie odcinkami z prawej strony na lewą, niejako obrazując usytuowanie poszczególnych wyrazów w arabskiej nazwie. Kiedy myśli i mówi o nazwie, ma przed oczyma jej zapis w alfabecie arabskim, czyli od prawej do lewej i jego dłonie za tym wyobrażonym napisem podążają. 10. Cikakken suna shi ne jama’atul izalatul bid’ah wa’ikhamat al-sunna „właściwa nazwa to: jama’atul izalatul bid’ah wa’ikhamat al-sunna” Ilustracja nr 6. Pokazywanie poszczególnych części napisu arabskiego21 21 I. Will, Kano, 2016, nagranie własne. �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 123 Zauważmy, że opisane powyżej gesty nie naśladują czynności czytania czy pisania w takim rozumieniu, jak gesty opisane w poprzednich sekcjach naśladują czynność proszenia czy mycia. Nie mają jednej ściśle ustalonej formy, a łączy je ruch rąk od prawej do lewej strony. Wydaje się, że właśnie ten kierunek jest już na tyle zeschematyzowany, że niekoniecznie odnosi się do wypowiedzi mówiącej o czymś, co ma związek z tekstem pisanym po arabsku. Dowodem mogą być wypowiedzi tych samych narratorów, którzy opowiadając o upływie czasu albo o następstwie wydarzeń w czasie, również pokazują odcinek biegnący od prawej do lewej. W przykładzie 11 narrator mówi o upływie czasu po śmierci proroka Mahometa i ten upływ pokazuje, przenosząc obie dłonie z prawej strony na lewą. 11. da abin ya faru, bayan manzon Allah ya bar duniya bayan shekara ashirin da zuwa talatin „kiedy to się wydarzyło, było to dwadzieścia czy trzydzieści lat po śmierci proroka” Ilustracja nr 7. Pokazywanie upływu czasu na osi od prawej do lewej22 22 Izabela Will, Kano, 2016, nagranie własne. �124 Izabela Will Inny narrator, mówiąc o systemie edukacji obowiązującym w zakładanej przez niego instytucji, pokazuje, jak będzie się zmieniał pobyt dzieci w szkole (z systemu codziennego przychodzenia do szkoły na system szkoły z internatem), począwszy od czwartej klasy wzwyż. Ten zakres czasowy odmierzany nauką w poszczególnych klasach pokazuje właśnie ruchem ręki od prawej do lewej. Prawa ręka narratora wyznacza strefę graniczną – czwartą klasę – i pozostaje na stole w tej samej pozycji, podczas gdy lewa dłoń przesuwa się energicznym ruchem w lewą stronę, a potem lekko w górę, by pokazać odcinek czasu od czwartej klasy wzwyż. 12. daga primary three suna gamawa four, zai zama boarding ne „po trzeciej klasie kończą czwartą i wtedy [szkoła] staje się szkołą z internatem” Ilustracja nr 8. Pokazywanie kolejnych stadiów edukacji szkolnej na osi od prawej do lewej23 23 Manufar Kafa..., op. cit., minuty: 1:00:59–1:01:01. �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 125 Warto w tym miejscu podkreślić, że pokazywanie upływu czasu na osi od prawej do lewej ma wśród użytkowników języka hausa charakter marginalny. Mówiący zwykle pokazują upływ czasu na osi od lewej do prawej lub od siebie na zewnątrz, ale powyższe przykłady mogą świadczyć o alternatywnym sposobie ukazywania relacji czasowych wynikającym z częstego obcowania z pismem arabskim. Wydaje się, że kierunek – od prawej do lewej – ma również wpływ na sposób wyliczania na palcach. W niemal całej Afryce Subsaharyjskiej wyliczanie zaczyna się od małego palca, a kończy na kciuku. Ten sposób wyliczania widoczny jest w gestach towarzyszących mowie. Rzadko kiedy jednak takie wyliczanie na palcach odnosi się w warstwie werbalnej do liczenia. Zwykle jest to wymienianie obiektów należących do tej samej kategorii (np. imiona czy nazwy miejsc), powiązanych ze sobą czynności czy kolejnych punktów wypowiedzi. Mówiący może albo chwytać jedną ręką palce drugiej ręki i w ten sposób odnosić się do wymienianych przez siebie elementów, albo zginać lub wyprostowywać palce jednej ręki (bez pomocy drugiej ręki). Różnorodne sposoby wykorzystywania palców do wyliczania pokazują ilustracje 9–11. �126 Izabela Will 13. abu na ɗaya ke nan „to po pierwsze” Ilustracja nr 9. Wyliczanie na palcach poprzez prostowanie kolejnych palców lewej ręki począwszy od najmniejszego24 14. sai ta zo gida ta zama baiwarki, ta zama baiwar mijinki, ta zama baiwar ‘ya’yanki „tak więc przyszła do domu i stała się twoją niewolnicą, stała się niewolnicą twojego męża, stała się niewolnicą twoich dzieci” 24 Mujallar Matashiya, Kallon fim din ilimin jima’i don mallake miji ya halatta inji malama Zahra’u Umar [online], YouTube 11 marca 2018 r., https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=ed4QWB3eZ8U (dostęp: 26.10.2018 r.), minuty: 3:41–3:42. �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 127 Ilustracja nr 10. Wyliczanie na palcach poprzez zginanie przy pomocy kciuka kolejnych palców lewej ręki począwszy od najmniejszego25 15. Idan na ce iskanci ina nufin ko ya yi lalata da ke ko ya yi shaye-shaye da ke ko ya koya miki yadda ake shaye-shaye ko ya koya miki yanda ake yawo ko ya koya miki yadda ake zuwa party „Jeśli mówię rozwiązłość, to mam na myśli, że próbował cię wykorzystać albo pił z tobą, albo cię nauczył, jak pić, albo nauczył cię, jak się szwendać po mieście, albo nauczył cię chodzić na imprezy” 25 Salihu Lukman, Wasiyyar Matan Aure: Shaikh Albani Zaria. [online], YouTube, 3 sierpnia 2015 r., https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=adG1NnT5_qI (dostęp: 11.05.2018 r.), minuty: 38:14–38:19. �128 Izabela Will Ilustracja nr 11. Wyliczanie na palcach poprzez chwytanie kolejnych palców lewej ręki począwszy od najmniejszego26 Uwagę obserwatora może przykuć fakt, że wyliczanie zawsze odbywa się na lewej ręce. Jest to dość naturalne w przypadku, gdy prawa ręka chwyta palce lewej ręki; ręka prawa, dominująca wyznacza poszczególne elementy, a ręka lewa służy niejako za narzędzie, rodzaj liczydła, na którym odliczane są kolejne paciorki. Zastanawiający jest jednak fakt, że w przypadku, gdy odliczanie odbywa się na jednej ręce, jest to również ręka lewa. Analogia panafrykańska nie wchodzi tu już w rachubę. Kiedy obserwujemy np. użytkownika języka khosa uczącego na kanale YouTube27 liczenia w swoim języku, widzimy, że wymieniając kolejne cyfry, podnosi palce prawej ręki, poczynając od najmniejszego, a kończąc na kciuku (ilustracja 12). Zakiza TV Arewa, Iskanci na da dadi [online], YouTube, 18 stycznia 2018 r., https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dGDj0iK2ufs (dostęp: 18.09.2018 r.), minuty: 0:56–1:04. 27 XhosaKhaya, Lesson 5: Counting 1 – 10 in Xhosa [online], YouTube, 4 kwietnia 2011 r.,, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ch8f2Jk2jgk (dostęp: 19.10.2018 r.). 26 �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 129 Ilustracja nr 12. Wyliczanie na palcach poprzez prostowanie kolejnych palców prawej ręki począwszy od najmniejszego28 O ile sposób liczenia – od kciuka lub od najmniejszego palca – jest uwarunkowany kulturowo, o tyle użycie do tego celu ręki lewej lub prawej zależy zwykle od uwarunkowań fizjonomicznych, czyli od tego, która z rąk jest dominująca. Jednak wszyscy narratorzy, u których zaobserwowałam gest wyliczania, używali lewej ręki, pomimo że byli praworęczni. Jednym z możliwych wyjaśnień takiego stanu rzeczy jest wspomniany schemat „początek z prawej”, tak widoczny w gestach nawiązujących do pisania, czytania i upływu czasu. Większość gestykulujących, wyliczając na palcach, trzyma wewnętrzną część dłoni w swoim kierunku. Wyliczając od małego palca, zaczynają tym samym wyliczanie od prawej strony. Potwierdzeniem hipotezy o tym, że wyliczanie powinno się rozpocząć od prawej strony, są gesty wykonane przez jednego z narratorów. Sama wypowiedź dotyczy towarzyszy proroka, których imiona narrator wymienia (przykład 16), dotykając kciukiem lewej dłoni kolejnych palców lewej ręki (od najmniejszego do wskazującego). Dłoń mówiącego zwrócona jest w jego stronę (por. ilustracja 13). 28 Ibidem, minuty: 0:46–0:48. �130 Izabela Will 16. kamar Abubakar, Omar, Usman, Ali „tak jak Abubakar, Omar, Osman i Ali” Ilustracja nr 13. Wyliczanie na palcach poprzez dotykanie kciukiem kolejnych palców lewej ręki począwszy od najmniejszego29 Chwilę później narrator, trzymając nadal cztery palce wyprostowane, odwraca dłoń tyłem do siebie i wypowiadając frazę waɗannan duk komai „ci wszyscy” (przykład 17), przeciąga prawą dłonią po palcach lewej dłoni w tę i z powrotem, dając do zrozumienia, że mówi o tych czerech osobach (por. ilustracja nr 14). Następnie ponownie wymienia imiona towarzyszy proroka i gestem wyliczania pokazuje ich na palcach. Tym razem jednak wyliczanie zaczyna nie od małego palca, ale od palca wskazującego znajdującego się po prawej stronie odwróconej dłoni i kontynuuje odliczanie kolejnych towarzyszy proroka od prawej do lewej (ilustracja nr 15). 29 Sunnah TV Nigeria, Sheikh Aminu Ibrahim Daurawa (Gudumawar Sahabban Annabi) [online], YouTube, 25 listopada 2014 r., https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=_RtK6-dXdBk (dostęp: 11.05.2018 r.), minuty: 31:22–31:25. �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 131 17. waɗannan duk komai – jahilcinka ko rashin karatunka – in dai an ce Abubakar, Umar, Usman, Ali, ka san shabbai ne „ci wszyscy – czy jesteś ignorantem czy niepiśmiennym – to jak mówią: Abubakar, Umar, Usman, Ali, to wiesz, że to towarzysze proroka” Ilustracja nr 14. Dotykanie wyciągniętych czterech palców celem podkreślenia, że narrator mówi o wszystkich czterech towarzyszach proroka, do których odnoszą się wyprostowane palce30 Ilustracja nr 15. Wyliczanie na palcach począwszy od palca wskazującego lewej ręki; kierunek wyliczania od prawej do lewej31 30 31 Ibidem, minuty: 31:26–31:28. Ibidem, minuty: 31:29–31:32. �132 Izabela Will Podsumowanie Gesty towarzyszące mowie wiele mówią nie tylko o charakterze czy temperamencie człowieka, ale również o kręgu kulturowym, z którego pochodzi. Większość gestów towarzyszących wypowiedzi wykonywana jest nieświadomie, a nawet jeśli mówiący spojrzy na wyciągnięte przed sobą palce czy dłoń, to zupełnie nie zastanawia się nad tym, od którego palca zacząć wyliczanie albo w jaki sposób pokazać stronę zapisaną pismem arabskim, bo jest to czynność tak często przez niego powtarzana, że dłonie wykonują ją w sposób automatyczny. Gruntowna analiza poszczególnych ruchów rąk pozwala zaobserwować pewne regularności w ich wykonywaniu, ale też podobieństwa pomiędzy niektórymi gestami a wykonywanymi codziennie czynnościami. W artykule pokazane są zarówno gesty skonwencjonalizowane (gest modlitewny, gest „umywania dłoni”, gest wyliczania) powtarzane przez wielu mówiących w podobny sposób, jak i gesty tworzone ad hoc (pokazanie strony koranicznej), ale mające swoje umotywowanie w codziennym doświadczeniu religijno-kulturowym. To doświadczenie prowadzi do powstania schematów ruchowo-pojęciowych, które wyrażane są w gestach32. Im częściej używany jest dany schemat ruchowo-pojęciowy, tym mniej czytelny jest jego związek z czynnością, od której pochodzi. Z czynności czytania i pisania po arabsku pozostaje jedynie schemat „początek z prawej” wyrażany przy pokazywaniu upływu czasu od prawej do lewej lub przy rozpoczynaniu liczenia od małego palca lewej ręki. Gest obrazujący czynność mycia rąk 32 Por. A. Załazińska, Schematy myśli wyrażane w gestach: gesty metaforyczne obrazujące abstrakcyjne relacje i zasoby podmiotu mówiącego, Universitas, Kraków 2001. �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 133 podczas ablucji rzadko kiedy współgra z wypowiedzią na temat mycia czy czyszczenia, a jeśli już w jakiś sposób się do samej idei oczyszczania odnosi, to jest to raczej oczyszczanie duszy czy umysłu niż ciała (np. przebaczanie komuś czy poprawianie czegoś). Znacznie częściej wyobraża schemat zakończenia, całości czy odrzucenia. Warto podkreślić, że dany schemat ruchowo-pojęciowy jest mocno powiązany z kulturą, z której człowiek się wywodzi, z codziennym doświadczeniem fizycznym, ale niekoniecznie z językiem, którym człowiek się posługuje. Hausańczycy mówiący po angielsku nie przestają używać charakterystycznych dla siebie gestów. Bibliografia Antas J., Semantyczność ciała. Gesty jako znaki myślenia, Primum Verbum, Łódź 2013. Danecki J., Podstawowe wiadomości o islamie, t. 2, Dialog, Warszawa 1998. Gemel A., Codzienność metafory w perspektywie kognitywistycznej. Próba krytycznej analizy, „Nauki o wychowaniu. Studia Interdyscyplinarne” 2016, t. 1, z. 2. Hostetter A. B., Mind in motion: the gesture as simulated action framework, University of Wisconsin-Madison 2008. Kendon A., Gestures as illocutionary and discourse structure markers in Southern Italian conversation, “Journal of Pragmatics” 1995, t. 23, z. 3. Kendon A., Gesture: Visible Action as Utterance, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 2004. Kita S., Alibali M. W., Chu M., How Do Gestures Influence Thinking and Speaking? The Gesture-for-Conceptualization Hypothesis, manuskrypt z 2016 r. zaakceptowany do druku przez „Psychological �134 Izabela Will Review”, dostępny na: http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/84187/23/ WRAP-how-gestures-thinking-speaking-Kita-2017.pdf (dostęp: 25.10.2018 r.). Ladewig S., Recurrent gestures [w:] Body – Language – Communication. An international handbook on multimodality in human interaction, red. C. Müller, A. Cienki, E. Fricke, S. Ladewig, D. McNeill i S Tessendorf, Berlin, De Gruyter Mouton 2014. Lakoff G. i Johnson M., Metafory w naszym życiu, przeł. T. P. Krzeszowski, Aletheia, Warszawa 2010. Morgan D., Essential Islam: A Comprehensive Guide to Belief and Practice, Santa Barbara/Denver/Oxford, Praeger. Morris D., Mensch mit dem wir leben. Ein Handbuch unseres Verhaltens. Droemer Knaur, München 1978. Morris D. et al., Gestures: Their origins and distribution, Stein & Day, New York 1979. Mujallar M., Kallon fim din ilimin jima’i don mallake miji ya halatta inji malama Zahra’u Umar [online], YouTube 11 marca 2018 r., https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ed4QWB3eZ8U. Parrill F., An Analysis of Theoretical Discourse about Multimodal Language [w:] Gesture and the Dynamic Dimension of Language: Essays in Honor of David McNeill, red. S. D. Duncan, J. Cassell i E. T. Levy, Amsterdam/Philadelphia, John Benjamins Publishing Company 2007. Salihu L., Manufar Kafa Daarul-Hadeethis-Salafiyyah Zaria 2/3: Albani [online], YouTube, 6 lutego 2014 r., https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=sJH41TcwfMA&t=1205s. Salihu L., Wasiyyar Matan Aure: Shaikh Albani Zaria. [online], YouTube, 3 sierpnia 2015 r., https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=adG1NnT5_qI. Strauss A. L., Continual Permutations of Action, Aldine de Gruyter, New York 1993. Sunnah TV Nigeria, Sheikh Muhammad Bin Uthman (Tambayoyi da Amsa 2) [online video clip], YouTube, 24 marca 2014 r., https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=Rxn18NMvivA. �Od zrutynizowanej czynności do schematu... 135 Sunnah TV Nigeria, Sheikh Aminu Ibrahim Daurawa (Gudumawar Sahabban Annabi) [online], YouTube, 25 listopada 2014 r., https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=_RtK6-dXdBk. Will I., Niewerbalne sposoby wyrażania negacji w kulturze hausa, „Afryka” 2017, t. 45. XhosaKhaya, Lesson 5: Counting 1 – 10 in Xhosa [online], YouTube, 4 kwietnia 2011 r., [przeglądane 19.10.2018 r.], dostęp z: https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=ch8f2Jk2jgk. Yalwa L. D., Yadda za ka yi alwala, [w:] Hausar Baka: „Gani Ya Kori Ji” (Language and Culture Videos for Elementary and Intermediate Hausa), A. Bature, R. G. Schuh, and R. Randell, 1998, http:// aflang.linguistics.ucla.edu/hausarbaka/Video_Files/M113_ supp_alwala.pdf. Zakiza TV Arewa, Iskanci na da dadi [online], YouTube, 18 stycznia 2018 r., https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dGDj0iK2ufs. Załazińska A., Schematy myśli wyrażane w gestach: gesty metaforyczne obrazujące abstrakcyjne relacje i zasoby podmiotu mówiącego, Universitas, Kraków 2001. From routinized action to schema – tracing the origin of Hausa co-speech gestures Summary Hausa people live in Western Africa, mainly in the northern part of Nigeria and the southern part of Niger. One of the predominant features of their identity is Islam. Certain aspects of ritual or routinized actions connected with Muslim religion or education are used on daily bases. It is claimed that these actions gave rise to sensorimotor schemas connected with certain notions. The schemas are represented in gestures. Three examples of routinized actions were taken into consideration: the action of praying, the action of washing off the hands during ablution and the action of reading and writing in Arabic script. The action of palms turned up during prayers (addua) gave rise to co-speech gesture used when discussing the issue of request. The “hand washing” gesture �136 Izabela Will co-occurs with the utterances referring to contamination, rejection, totality, finality or non-existence. The action of reading and writing in Arabic could possibly gave rise to the schema “the beginning is the right side” which is represented in gestures indicating the Arabic script but also passing of time. The same schema could possibly influence the way of performing counting gestures. The counting starts from the small finger of the left hand (the palm is directed towards the speaker), i.e. from right to left. Keywords: ablution, co-speech gestures, counting gestures, Hausa, Islam, northern Nigeria, routinized actions, sensorimotor schema �JAROSŁAW RÓŻAŃSKI NIGRYCI Z BAHR EL GHAZAL I EKWATORII – DAWNY REZERWUAR NIEWOLNIKÓW Dzisiejszy Sudan Południowy zamieszkuje ok. 200 miejscowych ludów, wyodrębnianych na podstawie różnic językowych. Dzieli się je na trzy podstawowe grupy: Nilotów (m.in. Dinka i Nuer), Nilo-Chamitów oraz ludy sudańskie (nigryckie), zamieszkujące na zachód od Nilu, wzdłuż działu wodnego Kongo – Bahr el Ghazal. Są to dwa główne duże obszary historyczno-geograficzne, wyróżniane w dawnym południowym Sudanie: Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatoria. Omawiając w swoim klasycznym dziele ludy nigryckie, Charles G. Seligman podkreśla, iż „cechy fizyczne odróżniają ich zarówno od Nilotów, jak i od sąsiadów, od strony południowej, mówiących językami bantu. Są oni stosunkowo niskiego wzrostu, o głowach średniodługich, zdecydowanie nigryckich rysach twarzy i – chociaż są to wyjątki – o skórze, która jest ciemna, bardziej czerwonobrązowa niż »czarna«. Ich cechy kulturowe są łatwiejsze do oceny w zestawieniu z cechami Nilotów”1. Wśród tych cech wyróżniających wymienia m.in. uprawę roli, która stanowi ich Jarosław Różański OMI, prof. zw. dr hab., Instytut Dialogu Kultury i Religii, Wydział Teologiczny UKSW w Warszawie 1 C.G. Seligman, Ludy Afryki, przeł. E. Promińska, Warszawa 1972, s. 95. �138 Jarosław Różański Mapa 1. Rozmieszczenie poszczególnych grup Nigrytów. H. Baumann, D. Westermann, Les peuples et les civilisations de l’Afrique suivi de les langues et l’éducation. Traduction française par H. Homburger, Paris 1948, s. 291. �Nigryci z Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatorii... 139 główne zajęcie obok hodowli drobiu. Nie hodują też oni bydła. „Mężczyźni noszą przepaski na biodrach lub skórzany ubiór, niekiedy nawet w rodzaju spodni. Włosy zaplecione w sznureczki wiszące po bokach czaszki, często z wypracowanymi »pomponami« na końcach każdego warkoczyka. Kapelusze wyplatane z trawy, dekorowane niekiedy pękiem piór kogucich. Kobiety (ubrane typowo) noszą pęk świeżych liści zawieszonych z przodu i z tyłu na sznurze opasującym Foto 1: R. Buchta. Mężczyzna Azande. talię, niekiedy mają też fartu- Domena publiczna. chy” 2. Mówią oni językami z grupy wschodniej Adamawy, rodziny kongo-kordofańskiej. Do tej grupy ludów wschodnionigryckich należą takie plemiona jak Azande (Zande, Niam-Niam), którzy żyją na pograniczu Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej, Demokratycznej Republiki Konga i w sąsiednich regionach Sudanu (fot. 1). Zasadniczo dzielą się na dwie grupy: wschodnią – Avungara (Yungara), której nazwa pochodzi od nazwy rządzącego rodu, oraz zachodnią – Bandja (Abandija), której nazwa w rzeczywistości również określa rządzący ród. Z Azande blisko powiązanych kulturowo jest wiele innych ludów, jak np. Makaraka (Adio, Iddio), zamieszkujący w Ekwatorii, na wschód od Azande-Avungara, Babukur (Abuguru) żyjących na północny wschód od Azande na 2 Tamże, s. 96. �140 Jarosław Różański Foto 2: R. Buchta. Mężczyzna Azan- Foto 3: R. Buchta. Mężczyzna Madi. de-Makaraka. Domena publiczna. Domena publiczna. południowych krańcach Sudanu, Mundu (Mondu) osiadłych na pograniczu Sudanu i Demokratycznej Republiki Konga, Sere (Abire, Siri) i Kara z Bahr el Ghazal (fot. 2). Do tej grupy nigryckich plemion środkowo-wschodniego Sudanu zaliczyć trzeba także m.in. Bongo, Jur, Ndogo, Bai, Bviri, Gollo, Aja, Binga z Bahr el Ghazal czy też Moro, Madi, Keliku (Kaliko), Avukaya i Mundu z Ekwatorii (fot. 3). �Nigryci z Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatorii... 141 Migracje ludów sudańskich Niektórzy badacze pierwsze migracje ludów sudańskich na tereny dzisiejszego Sudanu Południowego datują na XVI w., w którym ich pierwsza fala miała przybyć z północnego wschodu. Nieco później z północy napłynęły takie ludy jak Abarambo, Madi, Mundu i Sere. Z północnego zachodu, być może z regionu dzisiejszego Czadu, przybyli przodkowie Azande, którzy podporządkowali sobie żyjącą tu wcześniej ludność. Kolejne ich fale napływały sukcesywnie w XVI, XVII i XVIII w. W XVIII w. Azande, znani jako Ambamu, żyli nad brzegiem rzeki Mbomu, która stanowi część dzisiejszej granicy między Republiką Środkowoafrykańską a Demokratyczną Republiką Konga. Ambamu byli zdominowani przez wodzowski klan Avungara, który przewodził w walce z sąsiednimi grupami. Te ich podboje zaprowadziły Azande na tereny Sudanu Południowego. Niektóre z podbitych przez nich grup zachowały własne języki, ale większość z nich uważa się dzisiaj za Azande. Dlatego też członkowie ludu Azande wyróżniają w swoim społeczeństwie trzy różne grupy. Pierwsza to wspominani Avungara, którzy przewodzili pozostałym w podboju terytoriów. Druga to Ambamu, którzy składają się z klanów wspierających niegdyś Avungara i byli ich partnerami we wczesnych zwycięstwach. Dla pozostałej części populacji istnieje określenie Auro. Władza jest w rękach Avungara. Jak zauważa Charles G. Seligman, „na czele plemienia, którego terytorium jest zazwyczaj ograniczone w sposób naturalny rzekami, stoi wódz naczelny. Podlegają mu jego bracia i synowie zarządzający poszczególnymi prowincjami oraz inni członkowie plemienia, odgrywający w razie potrzeby rolę zastępców dowódców”3 (fot. 4). 3 Tamże, s. 98. �142 Jarosław Różański Foto 4: R. Buchta. Broń rzutna Azande. Domena publiczna. Podbijając inne ludy, Azande tworzyli wiele mniejszych lub większych państw, które rozpadały się po dłuższym lub krótszym czasie. Na ich miejscu z kolei powstawały nowe państwa. Azande nigdy jednak nie utworzyli jednego państwa4. Ta inwazja wojowniczych Azande bardzo mocno naznaczyła historię okolicznych ludów (fot. 5). Przykładem tego jest chociażby historia grupy etnicznej zwanej Adio (l. poj. Dio), bardzo często określanej jako Makaraka. Wywodzi się ona od Azande, a konkretnie od dużej grupy wojowników, którzy w XVIII i XIX w. pod dowództwem wodza Gbudwe napadali na tereny Mundu, Moru, Pojulo i Kakwa. 4 1971. E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Azande. History and Political Institutions, Oxford �Nigryci z Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatorii... 143 Foto 5: R. Buchta. Wojownicy Azande. Domena publiczna. Ludy te żyły w okolicach Maridi, Mundri i Yei. Moro, Mundu i Pojullo zjednoczyli się w walce i pokonali główne siły wroga, zmuszając go do wycofania się i izolacji. Pokonani wojownicy utworzyli nowa grupę etniczną Makaraka, będącą de facto mieszanką kilku grup etnicznych. Obecnie Makaraka mieszkają wzdłuż drogi z Yei do Maridi (fot. 6). Wspomniani wcześniej Mundu osiedleni są obecnie w okolicach Ras Wullu, Maridi i Ibba w Sudanie oraz na przygranicznych terenach Demokratycznej Republiki Konga. Prawdopodobnie przybyli do dzisiejszych siedzib z terenów Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej w XVIII w. Byli oni skonfliktowani �144 Jarosław Różański Foto 6: R. Buchta. Wojownik Makaraka. Domena publiczna. z Azande, pomimo dużego podobieństwa kulturowego5. Sere natomiast przybyli do obecnych swoich siedzib znad rzeki Mbomu. Zamieszkują oni na terenach między Deim Zubier i Wau, głównie w okolicach Deim Idris, Deim Arbabi, Kayango i Mboro. Sere, chociaż kulturowo związani także z Azande prowadzili z nimi długie wojny, o których mówią chociażby ich przekazy ustne6. W okolicach Maridi i Yei – w pasie lasów tropikalnych – mieszkaC.G. Seligman, B.Z. Seligman, Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan, London 1932; S. Santandrea, A Tribal History of the Western Bahr el Ghazal, Bologna 1964. 6 C.G. Seligman, B.Z. Seligman, dz. cyt.; S. Santandrea, dz. cyt.; tenże, Ethnogeography of Bahr el Ghazal, Bologna 1981. 5 �Nigryci z Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatorii... 145 ją Avukaya7. Avukaya mówią językiem bardzo zbliżonym do języka Azande8. Według Jana Czekanowskiego w historii tego regionu ekspansja ludów Azande miała decydujące znaczenie. Spowodowała ona rozproszenie autochtonów basenu Uele, którzy należeli do grupy plemion Mundu. Napór, skierowany wzdłuż Uele ku wschodowi, spowodował ich migracje, wskutek których plemiona te pojawiły się w basenie Bili9. Najazdy Azande sprawiły, iż wiele ludów sudańskich przetoczyło się falami nad dorzeczem Uele, wypychając przed sobą inne ludy niemal we wszystkich kierunkach i tworząc w konsekwencji wielkie zamieszanie etniczne na zachodnim brzegu Nilu. I tak na przykład Moru zostali odcięci od swoich krewnych Madi i Lugbwara właśnie przez inwazje Azande. Świadomość długiej wędrówki tkwi mocno w tradycji ustnej Moru. Twierdzą oni, iż pochodzą z Afryki Zachodniej, ale nie ma w tych tradycjach niczego, co mówiłoby, w jaki sposób dotarli na swoje obecne siedliska. Jednak bardzo wyraźnie w ich zbiorowej pamięci pozostają ataki Azande, które doprowadziły Moru na wzgórze w pobliżu Lui. Dzisiaj Moru mieszkają głównie w okolicach Mundri, 7 Avukaya po sudańskiej stronie granicy liczy około 50 000 osób, zamieszkałych w małych wioskach lub samotnych osiedlach. Por. E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, oracles and Magic among the Azande, Oxford 1937; E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Non-Dinka peoples of Amadi and Rumbek Districts, „Sudan Notes and Records” (1937), vol. XX, cz. I, s. 156–158; P. M. Larken, Impressions of the Azande, „Sudan Notes and Records” (1930), Vol. XIII, CZ. I, s. 99–115; C.G. Seligman, B.Z. Seligman, dz. cyt. 8 E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Witchcraft, oracles and Magic among the Azande, dz.cyt.; tenże, The Non-Dinka peoples of Amadi and Rumbek Districts, dz.cyt., s. 156–158; P. M. Larken, Impressions of the Azande, „Sudan Notes and Records” (1930), vol. XIII, cz. I, s. 99–115; C.G. Seligman, B.Z. Seligman, dz. cyt. 9 Por. J. Czekanowski, Forschungen im Nil – Kongo – Zwischengebiet, t. II, Leipzig 1924, s. 21–237; J. Bar, Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego (1908-1909), w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – Polska a strefa Sudanu, Pelplin 2017, s. 149. �146 Jarosław Różański Amadi, Lui, Jambo, Maridi i Kotobi10. Madi natomiast zamieszkują obszary na południowy zachód od miasta Torit oraz na terenie Ugandy, gdzie ich osadnictwo koncentruje się w okolicach Moyo i Adjumani11. Osadnictwo Lugbwara koncentruje się na południe od Yei. W wyniku najazdów Azande i arabskich handlarzy niewolnikami w XIX w. zmniejszyła się znacznie liczebność Bongo, którzy dzisiaj zamieszkują głównie okolice Tonj, ale ich małe grupy znajdują się także w pobliżu Joa-Luo, Balanda i w Wau w Bahr el Ghazal12. Jur (Beli i Modo) uważają, że przybyli z terenów dzisiejszej Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej razem z Bongo. Tereny Beli rozciągają się dzisiaj od Bahr Gel do Wulu, a następnie Billing. Modo mieszkają w okolicach Mvolo, Bogri, Woko i Bahr Girindi Yirola. Będąc myśliwymi, podążali wzdłuż lasów na południowy wschód13. Swe pochodzenie z terenów dzisiejszej Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej wywodzą także Banda. To duża grupa etniczna, którą tworzą m.in. klany Dukpu, Wundu, Junguru, Vedere (Nvedere), Govvoro, Buru, Wasa, Waddy, Tangbagu i Togbo. Odróżniają się od siebie dialektami. Zamieszkują w Raga, Mangaya, Sopo i Deim Zubier i okolicach, jak również we wschodniej części Republiki Język Moru jest powiązany z językiem Madi, Avukaya, Lugbwara, Keliku i Lulubo. Ich populacja liczy ok. 80 000 – 100 000. Szerzej o Moru: E. E. EvansPritchard, Non-Dinka peoples of Amadi and Rumbek, dz.cyt., s. 56–158; C.G. Seligman, B.Z. Seligman, dz. cyt. 11 C. G. Seligman, B.Z. Seligman, dz. cyt.; R. Nzita, Mbaga Niwampa, Peoples and cultures of Uganda, Kampala 1998, s. 143–146. 12 E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Bongo, „Sudan Notes and Records” (1929), vol. XII, cz. I, s. 1–61; C.G. Seligman, B.Z. Seligman, dz. cyt. 13 E. E. Evans-Pritchard, Non-Dinka Peoples of Amadi and Rumbek, dz.cyt., s. 156–158; R.O. Collins, Land beyond the Rivers, the Southern Sudan, 1898 – 1918, New Haven–London, 1971. 10 �Nigryci z Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatorii... 147 Środkowoafrykańskiej14. Spokrewniona językowo i kulturowo z Banda jest grupa etniczna Gbaya (Aja, Kresh). Mieszkają oni w pobliżu Banda. Ich stare siedziby znajdowały się w Gbotu, na północny zachód od Naki. Migrowali oni podobnie jak Banda15. Z terenów dzisiejszej Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej przed Azande uciekali także Mundu. Dzisiaj Mundu zasiedlają okolice Maridi w zachodniej części Ekwatorii. Ich migracje sięgają XVIII w.16 Gospodarka i organizacja społeczna ludów sudańskich Wspomniane ludy sudańskie to z reguły społeczności rolnicze. Rolnicy uprawiają na własne potrzeby m.in. maniok, kukurydzę, sorgo, fasolę, pochrzyn, ryż i słodkie ziemniaki. Mundu, którzy głównie są rolnikami, wykorzystują także bogactwa leśne. Są także biegli w wytopie żelaza i kowalstwie, produkując żelazne siekiery, włócznie i motyki. Mundu to również zręczni rzeźbiarze i rzemieślnicy. Dużo uwagi poświęcają plecionkarstwu i sitarstwu. Bongo także zajmują się hutnictwem i produkcją wyrobów żelaznych, ale też hodują zwierzęta domowe oraz zajmują się rybołówstwem. Bongo ponadto są zręcznymi rzeźbiarzami w drewnie, a także sporo czasu poświęcają plecionkarstwu, wyrabiając sita do filtrowania piwa, kosze do przenoszenia rzeczy, kosze do łowienia ryb itp. Jur (Beli i Modo) są także rolnikami, ale ponadto hodują kozy, owce i nieco bydła (pod wpływem pasterskich Dinka). Zajmują się również pszczelarstwem. Moru udoskonalili S. Santandrea, A tribal history of the Bahr el Ghazal, Bologna 1964; tenże, Ethno-geography of Bahr el Ghazal, Bologna 1981. 15 Tenże, A tribal history of the Bahr el Ghazal, dz. cyt.; tenże, Ethno-geography of Bahr el Ghazal, dz. cyt.; C.G., Seligman, B.Z. Seligman, dz. cyt. 16 S. Santandrea, A Tribal History of the Western Bahr el Ghazal, dz. cyt. 14 �148 Jarosław Różański sztukę robienia łuków, strzał i włóczni jako narzędzi wojennych i myśliwskich. Pod względem organizacji organizacji politycznej omawiane ludy opisywane były przez Europejczyków jako klasyczny przykład segmentarnego typu organizacji społecznej, w ramach którego dane etnosy, podzielone były na plemiona a plemiona dzieliły się na mniejsze segmenty terytorialne. Jednak pod wpływem konfliktów z Azande wytwarzały one bardziej scentralizowane systemy społeczno-polityczne, jak np. Mundu, którzy mieli własnych wodzów na wzór Azande. Ludy te przywiązane są także do tradycyjnych religii, chociaż wielu przyjęło też chrześcijaństwo lub islam. Azande wierzą w wszechpotężnego Boga (Mboli). Mają także w tradycji ogromny szacunek dla przodków. Jur (Beli i Modo) wierzą w Boga Stwórcę (Boko’ba). Bóg Stwórca nie jest szczęśliwy, gdy ludzie przelewają krew – czy to ludzi, czy zwierząt. Dlatego też w tych przypadkach praktykowane są rytuały oczyszczające (tokpa). Sere także wierzą w Najwyższą Istotę i mają cześć dla zmarłych krewnych. Istnienie Istoty Najwyższej (Dungbali) potwierdzają także wierzenia Ndogo i innych grup etnicznych. Foto 7: R. Buchta. Tradycyjny uzdrowiciel Azande. Domena publiczna. �Nigryci z Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatorii... 149 Wierzenia Azande obejmują również silne przekonanie o istnieniu i mocy czarownictwa. Znają także instytucję sadów bożych (ordalia). Podobnie jest u Mundu, Bongo, Ndogo17, Keliko18, Moru i u innych (fot. 7). Początki wypraw po niewolników Pisząc o historii ludów omawianego tu regionu, trzeba dodać, iż niezmiernie ucierpiały one w wyniku handlu niewolnikami, których ogromne rzesze pochodziły właśnie stąd. Niewolników uprowadzano co najmniej od XVII w. Według Hermanna Baumanna i Diedricha Westermanna w wyniku łowów na niewolników ogromne obszary, głównie na wschodzie, zostały całkowicie wyludnione. Ataki te nasiliły się na początku XVII w. wraz z pojawieniem się sułtanatu Darfuru (Dar Fur). Ziemie na południe od sułtanatu Darfur nazwano „Dar Fertit” – „Krajem Niewolników”19. Od strony południowo-zachodniej mieszkańcy Dar Fertit znajdo17 Ndogo stanowią małą grupę etniczną zajmującą osady Buvalo, Ngotongo, Abushakka, Dumbe, Yomo, Fei, Bisellio i Mboro. Ich język jest bardzo zbliżony do języka Sere, Bai i Bviri, co może sugerować ich wspólne pochodzenie. Ndogo uważają, że ich przodkowie pochodzą znad rzeki Kpango. Ich pierwsza migracja na północ była spowodowana wielkim głodem, ale już następna najazdami Azande. Por. C.G. Seligman, B.Z. Seligman, dz. cyt.; S. Santandrea, A Tribal History of the Western Bahr el Ghazal, dz. cyt.; tenże, Ethno-geography of Bahr el Ghazal, dz. cyt. 18 Keliko zamieszkują w okolicach Wudabi, Iwotoka, aMorobo i Bazia. Przybyli w te okolice w XVIII w. pod naporem Azande. Ich język zbliżony jest do Moru i Madi. Por. R.O. Collins, Land Beyond the Rivers: Southern Sudan, 1898 – 1918, New Haven 1971. 19 Kraj Niewolników zamieszkiwała była ludność nie Fur, nie arabska, ani nawet nilocka (Dinka). Por H. Baumann, D. Westermann, Les peuples et les civilisations de l’Afrique suivi de les langues et l’éducation. Traduction française par H. Homburger, Paris 1948, s. 289–290. �150 Jarosław Różański wali się pod presją wspominanego wyżej systematycznego najazdu wodzów Azande. Ataki te związane były także z uprowadzaniem niewolników, których następnie odsprzedawano kupcom arabskim z północy20. Ten handel rozwijał się, gdyż niewolnictwo było podstawą życia społecznego i gospodarczego muzułmańskich krajów Afryki i Bliskiego Wschodu. Handel niewolnikami dostarczał pracowników, dawał żołnierzy wojsku, kobiety haremom, a w razie potrzeby także urzędników państwowych. Była to główna pozycja „eksportowa” z terenów Dar Fertit. Handlem tym zajmowali się arabscy kupcy dżellaba21. Głębokie przeobrażenia w życiu społecznym i gospodarczym Sudanu rozpoczęły się w 1920 r., wraz zajęciem Dongoli, a w następnym roku Sennaru i Kordofanu przez Muhammada Alego, rządcę Egiptu. Chartum, założony w 1822 roku u zbiegu dwóch Nilów, stał się rezydencją gubernatora generalnego Sudanu i zarazem głownym rynkiem handlowym. Kupcy chartumscy bardzo szybko bogacili się właśnie dzięki handlowi niewolnikami i kością słoniową. Te dwa towary były przedmiotem stale rosnącego popytu. Niezwykły rozwój handlu kością słoniową był spowodowany wielką popularnością gry w bilard w Europie i Ameryce. Uważano, iż najlepsze bile są właśnie z tego rzadkiego materiału, którego żaden inny nie mógł go zastąpić. Początkowo, w latach 1820–1840, handel niewolnikami na nowo podbitym Południu był prowadzony przez rząd i jego lokalnych przedstawicieli. Został on zainicjowany przez Muhammada Alego, który chciał stworzyć w swej armii czarne pułki. Ten eksperyment ostatecznie nie powiódł się, ale jego urzędnicy z administracji państwowej raz nauczeni, nadal angażowali się w handel 20 Por. Ph. Curtin, S. Feierman, L. Thompson, J. Vansina, Historia Afryki. Narody i cywilizacje, przekład M. Jannasz, wstęp W. Jagielski, konsultacja naukowa prof. dr hab. B. Nowak, Gdańsk 2003, s. 528–530; R. O. Collins, dz. cyt., s. 219. 21 Zwani tak od ich ulubionego stroju. �Nigryci z Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatorii... 151 niewolnikami, który okazał się bardzo owocny. Organizowano trzy roczne wyprawy na niewolników: jedną prowadzoną na terenach od Kordofanu do kraju Nuba, drugą od Sennaru do granicy z Etiopią, i trzecią od Chartumu do Białego Nilu. Oprócz tych trzech oficjalnych wypraw miejscowi wodzowie co najmniej dwa razy w roku przeprowadzali własne ekspedycje niewolnicze. Aby dać wyobrażenie o opłacalności tych operacji, wystarczy powiedzieć, że podczas zimy na przełomie 1838 i 1939 r. jedna tylko rządowa wyprawa do Kordofanu zaowocowała sprowadzeniem pięciu tysięcy niewolników, wysłanych następnie do kopalni złota w Egipcie. O skutkach tych wypraw mówi chociażby Joseph Ohrwalder, prowadzący pracę misyjną na tych terenach: „Liczba mieszkańców, niegdyś znaczna, dosięga obecnie zaledwie 50 000. Plemię Baggara, rozproszone na nizinach miedzy górami, i Arabowie przez łowy na niewolników zdziesiątkowali Nubańczyków i zmusili resztę do ucieczki w góry, gdzie pod obroną naturalnych warowni pędzi ona nędzny żywot”22. W 1840 r. rozpoczął się czas działalności prywatnych kupców, europejskich i arabskich, zainteresowanych najpierw handlem kością słoniową, a wkrótce potem bardziej intratnym handlem niewolnikami. W latach 50. i 60. XIX wieku powstały wyspecjalizowane w tym procederze firmy handlowe. Co roku setki łodzi opuszczały Chartum udając się do kraju Szylluków, Dinka i innych. Sprowadzano tłumy niewolników, zwłaszcza kobiet i młodych mężczyzn. Handel ten był w praktyce pozbawiony kontroli. J. Ohrwalder, Przygody i opowiadania misyonarza w Sudanie Egipskim, podług J. Ohrwaldera opracował K. Król, Warszawa 1896, s. 9. Por. także: J. Różański, Mahdi i mahdija a misjonarze i misje katolickie w relacji kombonianina Josefa Ohrwaldera, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Sudan – wojna, polityka, uchodźcy, Pelplin 2016, s. 95–143. 22 �152 Jarosław Różański Państwo Zubeira Paszy Rząd egipski stopniowo zmonopolizował handel niewolnikami w północnym Sudanie. Zachęcało to coraz bardziej wielu kupców do ekspansji handlowej na tereny południowe, znajdujące się poza kontrolą państwa egipskiego. Tę ekspansję ułatwiało otwarcie dla żeglugi – we wczesnych latach 40. XIX w. – wód Nilu Białego. Wykorzystało to wielu kuców europejskich i północnosudańskich, rozpoczynając prawdziwą ekspansję na tereny położone bardziej na południe. Ziemią zupełnie pozbawioną kontroli i jeszcze bardziej obiecującą niż Dar Fertit był Bahr el Ghazal. Te ogromne tereny były bogate w zboża, kość słoniową, strusie pióra, a szczególnie w potencjalnych, łatwych do pozyskania niewolników. Handlarze niewolników z Chartumu dość szybko zdominowali cały ten region, łącząc siłę militarną z zawieraniem szeregu sojuszy politycznych. Oni też stworzyli system małych, ufortyfikowanych osiedli zwanych zeriba23. Sławę najbardziej znanego w Sudanie łowcy i handlarza niewolników w tym regionie zyskał Zubeir Pasza (Zubayr Rahma Mansur). Po raz pierwszy przybył on do Bahr el Ghazal w 1856 r. W kręgu jego zainteresowań byli niewolnicy, jak również kość słoniowa, strusie pióra i guma arabska. Te ostatnie traktowane były w Europie jako znak luksusu. Jednakże bardzo szybko Zubeir doszedł do wniosku – podobnie jak inni kupcy – że największe zyski można było osiągnąć, handlując niewolnikami. O jego praktykach tak pisał Rudolf Carl von Slatin (Slatin Basza), egipski namiestnik Darfuru: „Przede wszytskiem uzbrajano pewną, dość znaczną liczbę tubylców. Na czele takiej gromady wkraczano na obce terytoria, zabierano przemocą niewolników i zaopa23 Słowo arabskie oznaczające „osłonięte osiedle”. �Nigryci z Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatorii... 153 trywano się w wielkie ilości kości słoniowej. Tak robili wszyscy, tak też postępował Ziber, który ani lepszym, ani gorszym nie był od innych. Jedną wszakże posiadał on zaletę wielką: miał wolę niezłomną, i ta zaprowadziła go na wyżyny. Wpływ Zibera rósł coraz więcej, stał się też z biegiem czasu jednym z najpotężniejszych mocarzy finansowych w Sudanie”24. W 1865 r. jego oddziały zbroj- Foto 8: Zubeir Pasza. Domena publiczna. ne, złożone z niewolników, pokonały miejscowego wodza z okolic Deim Zubeir25 i w ten sposób przejął on kontrolę nad tym małym terytorium. Był to jednak ważny punkt strategiczny na szlaku handlowym, wiodącym z północy na południe (z Dar Fertit na ziemie Azande) oraz szlaku wschód-zachód (do Nilu przez Wau, Meshra el-Rek, Rumbek i Shambe). Ta lokalizacja i miejscowa siła, jaką stworzył Zubeir, pozwoliła mu na rozbudowanie jego potęgi. On sam tak mówi o tym: „Ze swojej stolicy, Bayu, którą odtąd nazywałem Dem (zeriba) Zubeir, stworzyłem swój ośrodek. Stałem się królem i ludzie gromadzili się ze wszystkich stron, by 24 Slatin Basza, Przez Sudan ogniem i mieczem, tłum. W. Trąmpczyński, t. 1, Warszawa 1901, s. 27. 25 Deim Zubayr (z arabskiego „Daim az-Zubayr” – „Obóz Zubeira” znajduje się w zachodniej części kraju Bahr El Ghazal, około 70 km od granicy z Republiką Środkowoafrykańską. Ze względu na różne transliteracje z języka arabskiego nazwy składników są również zapisane w różnych kombinacjach: Dem, Dehm, Deym, Dam, Daym lub Daim i Zubair, Zubayr, Zoubair, Zoubeir, Zoubayr, Zobeir, Ziber, Zebehr lub Zubier. �154 Jarosław Różański zaangażować się w moją służbę. Sprowadziłem broń, zebrałem silną armię i rządziłem krajem zgodnie z Księgą i Sunną, wprowadziłem prawa, aby przynieść cywilizację; i rozszerzyć stosunki handlowe” (fot. 8)26. Jednak jego wzniosłe słowa nie mają udokumentowania w faktach. Handel niewolnikami, który prowadził Zubeir, miał bardzo duże rozmiary, o wiele większe niż handel prowadzony przez innych łowców niewolników i kupców tak w przeszłości, jak i w czasach jemu współczesnych. Według Georga Schweinfurtha sprzedawał on kupcom z północnego Sudanu około 1800 niewolników w jednym tylko roku27. Powszechnie przyjmuje się, że w obecnym Sudanie Południowym w ciągu czternastu lat zniewolono wówczas około 400 000 ludzi, nie licząc wielu tysięcy zabitych z powodu stawianego oporu28. Deim Zubeir stał się stolicą handlu niewolnikami w tej części Sudanu. W okresie świetności Zubeir sprawował władzę nad 30 zeribami. W 1871 r. kontrolował on większość rejonu Bahr el Ghazal, a także część terenów dzisiejszej Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej i Czadu W tym właśnie roku odwiedził go w Deim Zubeir – pierwszy Europejczyk, pionier botaniki i etnolog Georg Schweinfurth. Stwierdził on, że jest to miasteczko liczące wiele tysięcy ludzi, w tym żołnierzy z armii Zubeira. Nie wszyscy niewolnicy byli sprzedawani na północ. Georg Schweinfurth stwierdził, że widział cztery klasy niewolników, poddanych „niewiarygodnej degradacji i okrucieństwu”: dorośli mężczyźni służyli jako żołnierze; chłopcy w wieku od siedmiu do dziesięciu lat nosili broń i amunicję; kobiety przechodziły „jak pieniądze Cyt. za: J.C. Zeltner, Les pays du Tchad dans la tourmente: 1880-1903, Paris 1988, s. 25. 27 G. Schweinfurth, The heart of Africa, trans. by E.E. Frewer, t. 2, London 1873, s. 366. 28 T. McKulka, A Shared Struggle: People & Cultures of South Sudan, Juba 2013, s. 69. 26 �Nigryci z Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatorii... 155 z rąk do rąk” jako żony, konkubiny i służba domowa; oraz kobiety i mężczyźni zajmujący się pracą na roli i opieką nad zwierzętami29. Zubeir budował swoją lokalną potęgę, opierając się na wyszkolonych z niewolników żołnierzach, znanych jako bazinguers30. To właśnie tym elitarnym wojownikom Zubeir zawdzięczał swój sukces. Baron von Oppenheim, doradca ambasady niemieckiej w Kairze, który zobaczył ich w walce, tak ich portretuje: „Ich odwaga jest sławna... Jest tak, że bazinger jest najemnikiem w prawdziwym sensie tego słowa. Walczy o tego, kto daje mu chleb, ale po tym, jak zostanie pokonany, schwytany, jeśli może mieć nadzieją na dalsze życie z żonami lub pochwycić nowe kobiety i nowy łup, idzie na służbę wroga” (fot. 9)31. Foto 9: R. Buchta. Bazinguers. Domena publiczna. Por. Jackson H. C., Black Ivory and White, or the story of El Zubeir Pasha, Slaver and Sultan, as told by himself, Oxford 1913, s. 109. 30 Słowo o niejasnym pochodzeniu. Prawdopodobnie z języka gbaya, oznacza „pieszy żołnierz”. Wywodzili się oni głownie z ludów mieszkających na ziemiach Górnego Nilu, m.in. Dinka i Szylluk. 31 M. Oppenheim, Rabah et la region du lac Tchad, trad. Pascal, N’Djamena 1971, s. 3. 29 �156 Jarosław Różański W 1873 r. osmańscy władcy Sudanu uznali potęgę Zubeira i nadali mu tytuł gubernatora zarządzającego Bahr el Ghazal. Już jako gubernator w 1874 r. podbił on sułtanat Darfuru. Jego potęga niepokoiła władze w Kairze. Ponadto od 1863 r., od czasu objęcia władzy w Kairze przez Ismaila, zaczęły obowiązywać dekrety ogłoszone przez jego poprzedników, dotyczące zniesienia handlu niewolnikami. Wicekról nie był motywowany osobistymi przekonaniami. On sam miał wielu niewolników. Ale rząd angielski, pod presją opinii publicznej, nie zadowalał się już doradzaniem zniesienia handlu niewolnikami, a zażądał tego. Dlatego w czerwcu 1864 r. utworzono w Sudanie polowe siły policyjne, które przechwytywały wszystkie łodzie i sprawdzały ich ładunek (fot. 10). W 1876 r. Zubeir został wezwany przez kedywa do Kairu. Tam zatrzymano go najpierw na czas nieokreślony, a następnie odesłano do Konstantynopola. Władzę nad armią i ziemiami Zubeira Paszy przejął jego syn Suleiman. On też zmienił nazwę nieoficjal- Foto 10: C.R. Watson, The sorrow and hope of the Egyptian Sudan, Philadelphia 1913, s. 53. �Nigryci z Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatorii... 157 nej stolicy państwa stworzonego przez ojca z Deim Zubeir na Deim Suleiman. W tym czasie narastało niezadowolenie sudańskich handlarzy niewolnikami z powodu zniesienia niewolnictwa, zakazu handlu niewolnikami oraz wysokich podatków nałożonych przez rząd w Chartumie. Sulejman wykorzystał to niezadowolenie i w 1877 r. zbuntował się, wypowiadając posłuszeństwo władzom w Chartumie. W 1878 i 1879 r. jego wojska zostały jednak szybko pokonane przez armię egipską pod dowództwem Romolo Gessiego. Sam Suleiman poddał się, ale mimo to został stracony. Polski fotograf Ryszard Buchta, który w listopadzie 1879 r. odwiedził Romolo Gessiego w Deim Suleiman, w liście do Georga Schweinfurtha napisał, że miejscowi sojusznicy Gessiego nie ścigali handlarzy niewolników, lecz ich zabijali bez litości. W ten sposób setki dżellaba poniosły śmierć32. Na początku 1884 r., prawie rok przed upadkiem Chartumu, armia Mahdiego pokonała turecko-egipskie siły w Bahr el Ghazal. Władza mahdystów na tym terenie trwała do 1892 r. Nad częścią dawnego państwa Zubeira władze przejęli najpierw Belgowie z terenu Wolnego Państwa Konga, a następnie Francuzi z terenów dzisiejszej Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej. Po incydencie w Faszodzie i traktacie francusko-egipskim z 1899 r. tereny Bahr el Ghazal znalazły się w granicach anglo-egipskiego Sudanu33. W tym samym czasie i długo później handel niewolnikami w Bahr el Ghazal trwał nadal, ponieważ był on źródłem znacznych dochodów. Jednak jego skala została mocno ograniczona. R. Buchta, Briefe an Dr. G. Schweinfurth, Deim Suleiman (Siber), 25. November 1879, w: G. Schweinfurth, Briefe aus Egypten, „Oesterreichische Monatsschrift für den Orient” (1880) nr 3, s. 48. 33 Por. D. Bates, The Fashoda Incident of 1898: Encounter on the Nile, Oxford 1984. 32 �158 Jarosław Różański Bibliografia Bar J., Strefa Sudanu w badaniach Jana Czekanowskiego (1908-1909), w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Bilad as-Sudan – Polska a strefa Sudanu, Pelplin 2017, s. 139–167. Bates D., The Fashoda Incident of 1898: Encounter on the Nile, Oxford 1984. Baumann H., Westermann D., Les peuples et les civilisations de l’Afrique suivi de les langues et l’éducation. Traduction française par H. Homburger, Paris 1948. Buchta R., Briefe an Dr. G. Schweinfurth, Deim Suleiman (Siber), 25. November 1879, w: G. Schweinfurth, Briefe aus Egypten, „Oesterreichische Monatsschrift für den Orient” (1880) nr 3, s. 46–50 [list R. Buchty: s. 48–50]. Collins R.O., Land beyond the Rivers, the Southern Sudan, 1898 – 1918, New Haven-London 1971. Curtin Ph., Feierman S., Thompson L., Vansina J., Historia Afryki. Narody i cywilizacje. Przekład M. Jannasz. Wstęp W. Jagielski. Konsultacja naukowa prof. dr hab. B. Nowak, Gdańsk 2003. Czekanowski J., Forschungen im Nil - Kongo – Zwischengebiet, t. II, Leipzig 1924. Evans-Pritchard E. E., Non-Dinka peoples of Amadi and Rumbek, „Sudan Notes and Records” (1937), vol. XX, s. 56–158. Evans-Pritchard E. E., The Azande. History and Political Institutions, Oxford 1971. Evans-Pritchard E. E., The Bongo, „Sudan Notes and Records” (1929) vol. XII, cz I. 1929, s. 1–61. Evans-Pritchard E. E., The Non-Dinka peoples of Amadi and Rumbek Districts, „Sudan Notes and Records” (1937), vol. XX, cz. I, s. 156 –158. Evans-Pritchard E. E., Witchcraft, oracles and Magic among the Azande, Oxford 1937. Jackson H. C., Black Ivory and White, or the story of El Zubeir Pasha, Slaver and Sultan, as told by himself, Oxford 1913. �Nigryci z Bahr el Ghazal i Ekwatorii... 159 Larken P. M., Impressions of the Azande, „Sudan Notes and Records” (1930) vol. XIII, cz. I, s. 99–115. McKulka T., A Shared Struggle: People & Cultures of South Sudan, Juba 2013. Nzita R., Mbaga Niwampa, Peoples and cultures of Uganda, Kampala 1998. Ohrwalder J., Przygody i opowiadania misyonarza w Sudanie Egipskim. Podług J. Ohrwaldera opracował K. Król, Warszawa 1896. Oppenheim M., Rabah et la region du lac Tchad, trad. Pascal, N’Djamena 1971. Różański J., Mahdi i mahdija a misjonarze i misje katolickie w relacji kombonianina Josefa Ohrwaldera, w: W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek (red.), Sudan – wojna, polityka, uchodźcy, Pelplin 2016, s. 95–143. Santandrea S., A tribal history of the Bahr el Ghazal, Bologna, 1964. Santandrea S., Ethno-geography of Bahr el Ghazal, Bologna 1981. Santandrea S., A Tribal History of the Western Bahr el Ghazal, Bologna 1964. Santandrea S., Ethno-geography of Bahr el Ghazal, Bologna 1981. Schweinfurth G., The heart of Africa, trans. by E.E. Frewer, t. 2, London 1873. Seligman C.G., Ludy Afryki, przeł. E. Promińska, Warszawa 1972. Seligman C.G., Seligman B.Z., Pagan Tribes of the Nilotic Sudan, London 1932. Slatin Basza, Przez Sudan ogniem i mieczem, tłum. W. Trąmpczyński, t. 1, Warszawa 1901. Watson C.R., The sorrow and hope of the Egyptian Sudan, Philadelphia 1913. Zeltner J.C., Les pays du Tchad dans la tourmente: 1880-1903, Paris 1988. �160 Jarosław Różański Nigrites from Bahr el Ghazal and Ekwatoria – former slave reservoir Today’s South Sudan is inhabited by about 200 local ethnic groups. From them one can differentiate a group of Sudanese (Nigrian) peoples, living west of the Nile, along the water area of Congo – Bahr el-Ghazal. These are two large historical-geographical areas, distinguished in the former southern Sudan: Bahr el-Ghazal and Ekwatoria. The Sudanese people were coming into these areas in successive migratory waves connected with the wars against Azande and numerous slavers-hunters. When Egypt took control over Sudan, in the first half of the 19th century, slave trade was monopolized by the new administration. However, private slave-hunters “competed” with them. Among the “famous” slave-hunters, Zubeir Pasha (Zubayr Rahma Mansur) gained the greatest fame and importance. He created local military forces with the capital in Deim Zubayr. After his collapse, slave trade in Bahr el-Ghazal and Ekwatoria was significantly reduced. Keywords: Nigrites from South Sudan, Bahr el Ghazal, Ekwatoria, Azande, Bandja, Makaraka, Mundu Sere, Bongo, Jur, Ndogo, Bai, Bviri, Gollo, Aja, Moro, Madi, Keliku, Avukaya, Mundu, Deim Zubeir, Zubeir Pasha, Zubayr Rahma Mansur �MACIEJ ZĄBEK PRZEMIANY I HISTORYCZNE KONTEKSTY SYSTEMU PRAWA W SUDANIE Artykuł omawia historyczną ewolucję systemu prawa w Sudanie począwszy od XVI stulecia aż po ostatnie poprawki w konstytucji tego kraju wprowadzone w styczniu 2015 r. Pokazuje różne źródła, na których się ono opiera, poczynając od prawa zwyczajowego, osmańsko-egipskiego, brytyjskiego, mahdystów po nowoczesne ustawodawstwo egipskie z próbami aplikacji w powyższe systemy religijnego prawa opartego na Koranie i Sunnie Proroka. Po 1989 r. przez cały okres autorytarnych rządów pod przewodnictwem Omara al-Baszira szariat wyraźnie umocnił swą pozycję w sudańskim społeczeństwie i państwie, aczkolwiek do dziś Sudan nie stał się w pełni republiką islamską, a tendencje do omijania lub odchodzenia od tego sytemu nadal są wyraźne. Dr hab. Maciej Ząbek, prof. UW, dyrektor Instytutu Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, kierownik Zakładu Badań Etnicznych i Międzykulturowych w Instytucie Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego �162 Maciej Ząbek Od Sułtanatu Sennaru do Mahdiji Sułtanat Fundż (1504–1820), państwo położone w widłach Białego i Błękitnego Nilu, zwane również od swojej stolicy Sułtanatem Sennaru było pierwszym muzułmańskim i afro-arabskim imperium na terenie dzisiejszego Sudanu. Powstało na gruzach królestw chrześcijańskiej Nubii (Alodii i Nobatii). W pewnym sensie stanowiło kolebkę współczesnego państwa i narodu sudańskiego. Jego powstanie poprzedziły trwające już od VII w. migracje uchodzących z Egiptu arabskich kupców i plemion pasterskich wyznających islam1, które stopniowo przyczyniły się do upowszechnienia się języka arabskiego nad środkowym Nilem oraz do prawie całkowitego wyparcia wcześniej zaszczepionego tu chrześcijaństwa2. Za panowania pierwszego historycznego władcy Fundżu Amara Dunqasa (1504–1534) – aż do osmańsko-egipskiego podboju – stosowana wówczas jurysdykcja prawdopodobnie odznaczała się współistnieniem lokalnego prawa zwyczajowego i szariatu. Prawa karnego islamu nie stosowano, a w każdym razie nie ma to żadnych dowodów. Było ono zapewne w całości domeną lokalnych zwyczajów3. Islam i jego prawo z uwagi jednak na rozkwit handlu z Sennaru na szlakach do Egiptu i do arabskich portów Morza Czerwonego (głównie Sawakinu4) oraz na zachód do sułtanatu 1 H. A. MacMichael, A History of the Arabs in the Sudan, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1922. 2 P. M. Holt, Fundj [in:] Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition, Vol. II, Brill, Leiden 1997, s. 943–945, 121–125. 3 R. S. O’Fahey, M. I. Abu Salim, Land in Dar Fur, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1983, s. 9. 4 Sawakin od 1517 r. był w rękach Osmanów. J. S. Trimingham, Islam in the Sudan, Frank Cass & CO. LTD., London 1965. �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 163 Darfuru (1640–1916) miał tendencje z biegiem czasu do coraz silniejszego umacniania swoich wpływów5. Sułtani Fundżu pozwalali na swobodną imigrację Arabów i osiedlanie się w Sennarze prawoznawców muzułmańskich oraz członków bractw sufickich, którzy nawracali na islam miejscową ludność6. W latach 1820–1821 sułtanat Sennaru podbiła armia osmańskiego namiestnika Egiptu Muhammada Alego. W latach następnych Osmano-Egipcjanie kontynuowali podboje na południe i zachód od tego państwa. Proces ten w dużej mierze zakończył się wraz z podbojem w 1874 r. sułtanatu Darfuru. Pod rządami osmańsko-egipskimi po raz pierwszy na mapie politycznej Afryki pojawiła się jednostka geopolityczna o nazwie Sudan w granicach zbliżonych do współczesnych (z okresu przed oderwaniem się od niego Sudanu Południowego). Sudan od tej pory przez 60 lat związany był bezpośrednio z Egiptem, funkcjonując razem z nim w ramach Imperium Osmańskiego7. Na czele jego rządu stał gubernator egipski (hikimdar). Nową stolicę, którą nazwano Chartum, ustanowiono u zbiegu Białego i Błękitnego Nilu. Po raz pierwszy nad środkowym Nilem stworzono scentralizowany i hierarchiczny system administracyjny i sądowniczy (sądów lokalnych i okręgowych) z możliwością odwoływania się do naczelnego sądu w Chartumie (Majlis’umum al-Sudan). Decyzje tego ostatniego były zatwierdzane przez najwyższy organ sądowy Themajlis al-ahkam w Kairze. Niewątpliwie w tym okresie nastąpiło umoc5 J. Spaulding, The evolution of Islamic judiciary in Sinnar, „International Journal of African Historical Studies”, 1977, nr 10, s. 408–426. 6 O. G. S. Crawford, The Fung Kingdom of Sennar, „Annales d’Ethiopie”, Volume 1, année 1955, s. 157–159. 7 Sudańczycy ten okres swojej historii (1821–1881) nazywają Turkija, a rządzących w nim cudzoziemców „Turkami”, niezależnie od ich faktycznej przynależności etnicznej. R. Hill, Egypt in the Sudan 1820–1881, Oxford University Press for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, London 1959. �164 Maciej Ząbek nienie się islamu i języka arabskiego. Niemniej nie jest do końca jasne, do jakiego stopnia przestrzegano stosowania prawa muzułmańskiego (archiwa z tego okresu zostały spalone przez mahdystów). Zapewne w pewnym zakresie stosowano szariat umiarkowanej sunnickiej gałęzi hanafickiej (oficjalnej szkoły islamu państwa Osmanów) uwzględniający m.in. prawo do opierania się na zwyczaju (adat) w przypadkach nieuwzględnionych w Koranie i własnej opinii prawnika. Na prowincji administrowano przeważnie nadal zgodnie z prawem zwyczajowym8. Dopiero od 1850 r. w ramach reform sułtana Abdulmecida tzw. okresu tanzimatu (naprawy), obejmującego całe Imperium Osmańskie, wprowadzono nowe elementy prawa świeckiego oparte na wzorach zachod­ nich9. Zniesiono wówczas, przynajmniej oficjalnie, niewolnictwo (w 1863 r.), pogłówne oraz zrównano w prawie muzułmanów i niemuzułmanów. W Egipcie jednak – i tym samym w Sudanie – rozpoczął się okres wpływów Wielkiej Brytanii wypierającej stopniowo wpływy osmańskie. W tym momencie Sudan wchodził już powoli na drogę „nowoczesności”, ale i zarazem kolonialnej podległości. Sądy szariackie istniały nadal, ale ich kompetencje zostały ograniczone do prawa rodzinnego oraz do kwestii dotyczących praw do ziemi. W 1881 r. wybuchło antyegipskie – a ostatecznie antybrytyjskie – powstanie, na czele którego stanął Muhammad Ahmad, który ogłosił się mahdim Boga (tzn. zbawcą), wzywając do dżihadu, aby wyzwolić Sudan od władzy „niewiernych” i ciemiężców (chodziło o podatki) oraz przywrócenia czystości islamu z czasów Proroka Mahometa. W 1885 r. jego zwolennicy utworzyli państwo 8 Z. Mustafa, The common law in the Sudan: An account of the ‘justice, equity and good conscience’ provision. Clarendon Press, Oxford 1971, s. 37. 9 C. Fluehr-Lobban, Islamic law and society in the Sudan, Frank Cass, London 1987, s. 30. �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 165 z siedzibą w Omdurmanie10. Wszystkie prawa i wyroki z okresu egipsko-osmańskiego unieważniono. W państwie Mahdiego i jego następcy kalifa Abdullahiego jedynymi źródłami prawa miały być Koran i Sunna w jego – często responsywnej – interpretacji, zwykle sprzecznej z tradycyjnymi sunnickimi szkołami prawa. Tak więc na przykład zniesiono zwyczajowe prawo zadośćuczynienia (diya), a prawo odwetu (qisas) stało się obowiązkowe. Na picie alkoholu i palenie nałożono bardziej surowe kary niż dotychczas. Zaprzestano odwoływać się do fiqh (islamskiego orzecznictwa), a pozycja muzułmańskich uczonych prawników (alimów) została osłabiona11. Głoszono idee ascetyzmu, wprowadzono nie tylko zakaz żucia tytoniu (tombaku) i picia lokalnego piwa (merissy), ale także używania amuletów (hidżab), praktykowania magii, muzyki, procesji, wyprawiania świąt z okazji obrzezania i zawarcia małżeństwa, pielgrzymek do grobowców świętych oraz zadekretowano obowiązek noszenia stroju zakrywającego całe ciało. Wprowadzone daniny wychodziły teoretycznie od zakatu (ofiary dla biednych), choć w praktyce były nadal zbierane administracyjnie jako pogłówne, nierzadko w postaci bezpośrednich konfiskat. Interwencja brytyjsko-egipska rozpoczęta w 1896 r., zakończona ostatecznie sukcesem w 1899 r., położyła kres istnieniu państwu mahdystów. Sudan od tego momentu formalnie stał się egipsko-brytyjskim kondominium (drugą Turkija), w którym urzędy były obsadzone zazwyczaj przez Egipcjan, ale strategiczna władza należała do Brytyjczyków, którzy przystąpili do odbudowy systemu prawnego wzorowanego na własnym kolonialnym Sudańczycy okres rządów mahdystów (1881–1898) nazywają Mahdija. Holt P. M., The Mahdist State of the Sudan 1881–1898, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1970. 11 O. Köndgen, Das islamisierte Strafrecht des Sudan: Von seiner Einführung 1983 bis Juli 1992, Deutsches Orient-Institut, Hamburg 1992, s. 16–18. 10 �166 Maciej Ząbek ustawodawstwie anglo-indyjskim oraz na egipskim prawie wojskowym, którego źródłem z kolei była armia brytyjska12. Pierwszy Kodeks Karny został ogłoszony jeszcze w 1899 r. W egipsko-brytyjskim kondominium (1899–1955) Brytyjczycy obiecali jednak w niektórych aspektach poszanowanie prawa islamskiego13. W 1902 r. wprowadzono muzułmańskie regulacje procedur sądowych. Utworzone sądy szariackie, które sądziły zgodnie z założeniami prawa muzułmańskiego w sprawach cywilnych oraz dotyczących fundacji islamskich (wakf). Sędziowie muzułmańscy (kadi), których powoływano najczęściej spośród Egipcjan, wydawali orzeczenia (manszurat) zawierające interpretacje zasad prawnych szariatu14. Sudańczyków na stanowiska sędziowskie i administracyjne zaczęto dopuszczać dopiero po roku 192215. Zalegalizowano jednak działalność szejchów sufickich i miejscowych uczonych (alimów) prawa muzułmańskiego. W 1912 r. otwarto w Omdurmanie instytut kształcący alimów, będący filią słynnego uniwersytetu islamskiego Al-Azhar (Dżāmiʻat al-Azhar) w Kairze. Zezwolono także na budowę i remont mecze- S. M. A. Salman, Lay tribunals in the Sudan: An historical and socio-legal analysis, „Journal of Legal Pluralism” 1983, nr 21, s. 66. 13 S. M. A. Salman 1983, op. cit., s. 66. 14 J. M. Otto (red.), Sharia Incorporated. A Comparative Overview of the Legal Systems of Twelve Muslim Countries in Past and Present, Leiden University Press, Leiden 2010. 15 Rząd brytyjski w 1922 r. ogłosił niepodległość Egiptu, co oznaczało zerwanie więzi z Imperium Osmańskim. Oznaczało to stopniową sudanizację administracji kraju i zastępowanie Egipcjan Sudańczykami. Był to praktyczny koniec dwuwładzy w kondominium, choć jej pozory w postaci flagi egipskiej zawieszanej razem z brytyjską zostały zachowane. 12 �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 167 tów oraz pielgrzymki do Mekki (hadż)16. Próbowano jednak obniżyć rangę sądów szariackich, zwłaszcza po 1929 r., poprzez przekazanie jurysdykcji w sprawach cywilnych sądom krajowym. Mimo to sądy szariackie istniały przez cały okres istnienia kondominium17, współistniejąc z brytyjskim common law i lokalnym prawem zwyczajowym, którym posługiwali się naczelnicy plemienni. W sprawach karnych administratorzy prowincji i gubernatorzy mieli dużą swobodę działania. To samo przestępstwo mogło być jednak inaczej osądzone przez naczelników (omda i nazyr) w muzułmańskich plemionach pasterskich, inaczej wśród pogańskich grup etnicznych z Południa i inaczej wśród arabskiej ludności miast18. Naczelnicy plemienni, zgodnie z polityką tzw. rządów pośrednich, na swoim terenie byli najwyższymi sędziami i odpowiadali za pobór podatków. Po 1923 r. powstają pierwsze organizacje polityczne tworzone przez Sudańczyków, które w okresie II wojny światowej zaczęły przekształcać się w ruchy nacjonalistyczne. Po zamachu stanu dokonanym w 1952 r. w Egipcie przez płk. Gamala Abdel Nasera nastąpiło w Sudanie nasilenie się ruchów niepodległościowych. W kwietniu uchwalono Konstytucję Samorządową, a w styczniu 1954 r. zdecydowano, że w okresie trzech lat Sudańczycy podejmą decyzję o niezależności lub unii z Egiptem. Ostatecznie przeważyły w Sudanie nastroje antyegipskie i w grudniu 1955 r. parlament Sudanu jednomyślnie zagłosował za niepodległością. Rządy brytyjski i egipski zostały zmuszone do uznania tej decyzji i 1 stycznia 1956 r. ogłoszono niepodległość Sudanu. 16 Daly, M. W., Sudan [in:] Encyclopaedia of Islam, New Edition, Volume IX, Brill, Leiden 1997, s. 746. 17 J. M. Otto, 2010, op. cit. 18 O. Köndgen 1992, op. cit., s. 19. �168 Maciej Ząbek W postkolonialnym Sudanie w okresie 1956–1985 Po ogłoszeniu przez Sudan niepodległości już miesiąc później przyjęto pierwszą Tymczasową Konstytucję (al-dastuur) gwarantującą system rządów wielopartyjnych, parlamentarnych z wolnymi wyborami. Uchwalenie ostatecznej konstytucji odłożono na okres późniejszy. W międzyczasie dyskurs elit politycznych w Sudanie na temat systemu prawnego, jaki ma obowiązywać w kraju, zdominowany był przez trzy opcje. Postmahdystowska partia Umma, proegipska partia unionistyczna19, Bracia Muzułmanie oraz niektórzy przywódcy innych bractw sufickich opowiadali się za prawem szariatu skodyfikowanym w przyszłej konstytucji20. Socjaliści i nacjonaliści sudańscy, tj. obóz Naserystów, Baasistów i innych arabskich nacjonalistów opowiadał się za egiptyzacją systemu prawnego, na wzór socjalistycznych państw arabskich (Egiptu i Syrii) i usunięciem dotychczasowego brytyjskiego dziedzictwa prawnego. Większość natomiast świeckich inteligentów i absolwentów Wydziału Prawa Uniwersytetu w Chartumie o poglądach prozachodnich, lewicowych i liberalnych popierała tylko korektę istniejącego już systemu postkolonialnego, odrzucając postulat zastąpienia go przez prawodawstwo islamskie lub egipskie21. W sudańskiej rzeczywistości politycznej dominowali jednak od początku zwolennicy republiki islamskiej. Chartum, według Partia nazywała się wówczas Aszigga, później wielokrotnie zmieniała nazwę. Zapleczem jej było jednak zawsze bractwo sufickie chatmijja (inaczej zwane także mirghanija). 20 P. N. Kok, Conflict over laws in the Sudan: From pluralism to monolithicism, in H. Bleuchot, C. Delmet & D. Hopwood (eds.), Sudan: History, identity, ideology, Reading: Ithaca Press 1991, s. 240. 21 O. Köndgen 1992, op. cit., s. 19–21, Kok 1991: 237–243. 19 �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 169 nich, miał być stolicą scentralizowanego systemu rządów z arabskim jako oficjalnym językiem i islamem jako religią narodową22. Chrześcijanom godzono się przyznać wszystkie prawa przewidziane przez szariat (tj. status ludzi tolerowanych – zimmi). Dyskryminacja rasowa lub religijna miała zostać wykluczona, choć w praktyce status zimmi dla chrześcijan ją właśnie zakładał. W okresie pięciu lat Sudan miał być w pełni muzułmański. Nie osiągnięto jednak narodowego konsensusu w sprawie ostatecznej wersji konstytucji, a jej projekt nie został nawet ogłoszony. Ostatecznie kryzys ekonomiczny, zamieszki na Południu oraz problemy w stosunkach z Egiptem przyspieszyły interwencję wojska i przejęcie w listopadzie 1958 r. władzy przez gen. Ibrahima Abbuda, który stopniowo zaczął wcielać w życie plany zwolenników republiki islamskiej, podejmując przede wszystkim próbę ponownej islamizacji Południa, co doprowadziło do wybuchu pierwszej długotrwałej wojny domowej23. Kryzys polityczny w kraju spowodował falę demonstracji ludności cywilnej na Północy, w wyniku czego Abbud ostatecznie zrezygnował ze stanowiska prezydenta. Doszło do powołania Rządu Przejściowego i krótkiego okresu (1964–1969) ponownych rządów parlamentarnych. Impas w sprawie przyjęcia nowej konstytucji ciągnął się jednak przez lata, podobnie jak wojna na Południu. Od grudnia 1967 r. pracowała Komisja Konstytucyjna, która wypracowała kompromisowy projekt, w którym Sudan miał być „demokratyczną, socjalistyczną republiką pod ochroną islamu”, z islamem jako religią państwową. Głównym źródłem prawa miał być szariat, P. N. Kok, La transition permanente (analyse des constitutions et du syste`me juridique soudanais de 1956 a` 1988), in M. Lavergne, Le Soudan Contemporain, Khartala, Paris 1989, s. 439. 23 G. Warburg, Islam, sectarianism and politics in Sudan since the Mahdiyya, Hurst, London 2003, s. 144. 22 �170 Maciej Ząbek a prawo stosowane miało być nie sprzeczne z Koranem24, w dodatku z prezydentem muzułmaninem. Projekt ten został zasadniczo poparty przez dominujące na sudańskiej scenie politycznej ugrupowania. Z powodu jednak kryzysu rządowego w maju 1969 r. doszło do kolejnego wojskowego zamachu stanu pod dowództwem płk. Dżafara Nimeiriego, który uniemożliwił ratyfikację tego projektu. Nowo utworzony rząd miał charakter socjalistyczny, wspierany przez trudną koalicję Naserystów i Baasistów wraz z komunistami. Nimeiri zakazał działalności partii politycznych i uchylił konstytucję przejściową. Rozprawił się również w 1970 r. z postmahdystami (ansarami z partii Umma), bombardując ich symboliczną twierdzę na wyspie Aba na Nilu w pobliżu Kosti (miejsce nauczania Muhammada Ahmada-Mahdiego). Zabito wówczas wnuka Mahdiego imama al-Hadiego, a jego bratanek Sadiq al-Mahdi uciekł do Libii, gdzie wraz z Hasanem at-Turabim (przywódcą sudańskich Braci Muzułmańskich) i Szarifem al-Hindim (przywódcą Partii Demokratycznej) założyli antynimeirowski, koalicyjny „Front Narodowy”. Nieporozumienia między Nimeirim a komunistami dotyczące stworzenia systemu jednopartyjnego i związanej z nim walki o władzę doprowadziły do rozłamu między nimi. Konsekwencją tego była podjęta z ich strony próba puczu w lipcu 1971 r. Władze zarówno Egiptu, jak i Libii, obawiając się tego rodzaju rządów w Sudanie, interweniowały, ratując Nimeirego. W konsekwencji tych wydarzeń polityka rządu sudańskiego stała się na pewien czas bardziej zachowawcza, a część systemu prawnego stała się nieokreślona. W 1971 r. przyjęto nowy kodeks prawa cywilnego w dużym stopniu skopiowany z egipskiego kodeksu prawa cywil- 24 P. N. Kok 1989, op. cit., s. 443–444. �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 171 nego z 1949 r., którego źródłem były zachodnie wzory prawa25. Na podobnej zasadzie w 1972 r. opracowano projekty kodeksów prawa karnego i handlowego. W międzyczasie udało się Nimeiremu podpisać w Addis Abebie pokój z rebeliantami z Południa. Porozumienie pokojowe przewidywało autonomiczny rząd regionalny na Południu i zostało przyjęte wraz z ustawą o samorządzie Południa. W maju 1973 r. po siedemnastu latach od ogłoszenia niepodległości i siedmiu miesiącach prac ogłoszono wreszcie stałą konstytucję. Uznano w niej oficjalnie istnienie w Sudanie chrześcijaństwa wraz z innymi religiami rodzimymi. Podkreślono w niej także autonomiczny status Południa. Źródłem prawa ustalono w niej zarówno szariat, jak i prawo zwyczajowe. Paradoksalnie, przynajmniej z zachodniego punktu widzenia, sukcesy te były możliwe tylko w sytuacji braku demokracji i obowiązującego zakazu działalności partii politycznych. W 1974 r. rząd opracował nowy pakiet ustaw wraz z kodeksem karnym, wycofując te przyjęte dwa lata wcześniej26. Wiele z nich było adaptacją do sudańskich warunków prawa angielskiego z włączeniem precedensów sudańskich bez elementów opartych o szariat. Zwolennicy islamizacji prawa w Sudanie nie ustawali jednak w wysiłkach, a Nimeiri – szukając zaplecza politycznego dla siebie – coraz częściej ich popierał. W latach 70. powstają w Sudanie nowe instytucje, jak np. „Afrykańskie Centrum Islamskie”, „Festiwal Świętego Koranu” i inne tego typu. W międzyczasie większość Braci Muzułmańskich na czele z Hasanem Abd Allahem at-Turabim doszła do wniosku, że postawienie na Nimeirego będzie najlepszą z możliwych opcji i od tego momentu zaczęli obejmować stanowiska w strukturach rządowych. W sierpniu 1977 r. at-Turabi objął przewodnictwo komisji do przeglądu ustawodaw25 26 S. H. Amin, Middle East legal systems, Royston, Glasgow 1985, s. 334. O. Köndgen 1992, op. cit., s. 22. �172 Maciej Ząbek stwa sudańskiego pod kątem jego zgodności z szariatem, a następnie dołączył do komisji recenzującej nową konstytucję27. W pierwszej opracował projekt ustawy zakazującej lichwy (riba) i spożywania alkoholu, a także przygotował projekt podatku opartego na zakat. Rząd założył także kilka prospołecznych banków islamskich, w których obowiązywał zakaz pobierania odsetek. W 1979 r. at-Turabi mianowany został ministrem sprawiedliwości, co niezwykle umocniło wpływy islamskich fundamentalistów w rządzie. W latach 70. i wczesnych 80. sytuacja polityczna i gospodarcza uległa jednak pogorszeniu z uwagi na posuchę w strefie Sahelu i inflację pieniądza. Wiarygodność reżimu Nimeirego została poważnie osłabiona. Powrót do polityki islamizacyjnej powodował problemy na Południu. W dodatku inwestycje rozwojowe obiecane w ramach umowy z Addis Abeby nie były realizowane. W dalszym ciągu nie doszło też do rozpoczęcia wydobycia i sprzedaży ropy naftowej. Z drugiej strony polityczna dominacja przedstawicieli grupy etnicznej Dinka w Zgroma­dzeniu Regionalnym Południa oraz korupcja i skandale wśród polityków i urzędników z tej grupy budziły niezadowolenie przed­stawicieli innych grup etnicznych. Stąd w 1981 r. Nimeiri je rozwiązał, rozpisując nowe wybory, które jednak nie zmieniły sytuacji. Wszystko to sprawiło, że we wrześniu 1983 r. dekretem prezydenckim przyjęto pierwsze ustawy islamistyczne. Najważniejsze z nich były: ustawy o postępowaniu cywilnym, handlu, kodeksie karnym, dowodach procesowych, sądach, promocji cnoty i podatku zakat28. Warto zauważyć, że niektóre przepisy tzw. prawa wrześniowego, jak określano w prowadzenie elementów szariatu w Sudanie, były w konflikcie z dotychczasowym tradyIbidem, s. 35–36. A. Layish and G. R. Warburg, The Reinstatement of Islamic law in Sudan under Numayri, Brill, Leiden 2003. 27 28 �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 173 cyjnym islamskim orzecznictwem (fiqh). Stanowiły one w gruncie rzeczy eklektyczny zbiór przepisów z różnych szkół prawa muzułmańskiego nastawionych na zaostrzenie ewentualnych sankcji karnych. Ograniczono na przykład możliwość łagodzenia kar poprzez powoływanie się na szubha (wątpliwości prawne) oraz możliwość przyjmowania zeznań świadków nieprzewidzianych w Koranie. W dodatku zaostrzono kary za przestępstwa polityczne. Nic więc dziwnego, że nowy kodeks karny uznany został za instrument nacisku na opozycję polityczną i odrzucony przez większość Sudańczyków bez względu na ich przynależność religijną. Autor „prawa wrześniowego” – islamski intelektualista dr Hasan Abd Allah at-Turabi – wzorem egipskich Braci Muzułmanów był zwolennikiem modernistycznego nurtu w islamie, wychodzącego poza dotychczasowe szkoły prawa żądającego otwarcia bram idżtihadu (czyli możliwości nowej interpretacji Koranu i Tradycji Proroka), odrzucającego dotychczasowe dziedzictwo prawne. Już wcześniej opowiadał się przeciwko ślepemu naśladowaniu dawnych prawoznawców (fukaha) i uczonych prawników (alimów), przekonując do adaptacji szariatu do współczesności w duchu politycznego islamu, w którym właśnie islam miał stanowić podstawę nowoczesnego państwa. Na Północy przeciwko „prawu wrześniowemu” wystąpił szeroki sojusz partii politycznych i związków zawodowych. Dekrety prezydenckie odrzuciła nie tylko Sudańska Rada Kościołów i liberalni muzułmanie, lecz także konserwatywna partia Umma, która potępiła je jako nieislamskie, przeciwne kobietom, ogólnie represyjne i niszczące jedność kraju. Sędziowie poddani kilkukrotnym przymusowym szkoleniom także protestowali. Co więcej, złożono kilka skarg konstytucyjnych z powodu dyskryminacji kobiet i niemuzułmanów. Jednym z najgłośniejszych krytyków wprowadzenia szariatu w tej formie był znany muzułmański in- �174 Maciej Ząbek telektualista Mahmud Muhammad Taha Ustaz, duchowy przywódca reformistycznego Bractwa Republikańskiego. Krytykował niekonstytucyjność wprowadzonego prawa i liczne sprzeczności z fiqh. Został aresztowany z uwagi na stworzenie zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa państwa, jednak w toku procesu apelacyjnego oskarżono go dodatkowo o apostazję. W związku z tym został skazany na śmierć przez powieszenie w 1985 r., mając wówczas 76 lat29. Jego śmierć wzbudziła dość powszechne oburzenie, tym bardziej że sąd, który wydał wyrok, nie był kompetentny w sprawach apostazji, a według szariatu nie skazuje się na karę śmierci osób powyżej 70. roku życia30. W dodatku katastrofa posuchy, masowa migracja ludności wiejskiej do miast i towarzysząca temu wszystkiemu pogarszająca się sytuacja gospodarcza spowodowały, że w kwietniu 1985 r. doszło w Chartumie do fali strajków i demonstracji ulicznych. Tymczasem na Południu nowe prawo zakazujące np. picia alkoholu i przewidujące za ten czyn karę chłosty oznaczało wznowienie wojny. Jeszcze w 1983 r. zbuntował się garnizon wojskowy stacjonujący w Bor, przekształcając się w Armię Wyzwolenia Sudanu (SPLA). Wydarzenia te doprowadziły ostatecznie do rozłamu między Nimeirim a at-Turabim. Wiosną 1985 r. wszyscy Bracia Muzułmanie zostali zwolnieni z zajmowanych przez nich stanowisk rządowych i osadzeni w więzieniu w Darfurze. Wśród nich był także prezydent Zgromadzenia Ludowego i jeden z sędziów, którzy pomogli skazać Mahmuda Taha. Braci Muzułmanów jednak nie udało się wyeliminować z polityki. Skazanie ich 200 przedstawicieli potrafili obrócić na swoją korzyść, przedstawiając się jako ofiary reżimu, przygotowując się do nowej gry o władzę. 29 J. Rogalski, Die Republikanischen Bru¨der im Sudan: Ein Beitrag zur Ideologiegeschichte des Islam in der Gegenwart, Freie Universita¨t Berlin, M. A. Thesis, Berlin 1990, s. 39–51. 30 Wyrok ten został z tych powodów pośmiertnie unieważniony (w 1986 r.). �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 175 Nimeiri natomiast musiał radzić sobie z wojną na Południu, jak i totalną opozycją na Północy, co doprowadziło go do ogłoszenia w kwietniu 1985 r. stanu wyjątkowego. Przeciwstawiając się oporowi ze strony dotychczasowych sędziów na czele z sędziami Sądu Najwyższego, utworzył konkurencyjny system nowych sądów powszechnych obsadzonych często przez ludzi bez dostatecznego wykształcenia prawniczego, które procedowały w oparciu o „prawo wrześniowe”. Doprowadziło to do ustawodawstwa naruszającego dotychczasową świecką konstytucję z 1973 r. Wybór przez Nimeirego reform w duchu modernistycznego, politycznego (inaczej fundamentalistycznego) islamu sprawił, że zmuszony był brnąć dalej tą drogą. Przygotował nowy projekt ustawy zasadniczej, której artykuł 1 uznawał szariat za jedyne źródło prawodawstwa, wykluczając w ten sposób udział w nim prawa zwyczajowego. Południe miało stracić swoją autonomię, rola parlamentu narodowego miała zostać zredukowana zgodnie z tradycją arabską do rady konsultacyjnej (Madżlis al-szura) bez możliwości stanowienia prawa, a sam – jako prezydent – miał otrzymać dożywotnio tytuł „przywódcy wiernych” (qa’id al-mu`minin) odpowiedzialnego tylko przed zależną od niego radą. Nic dziwnego, że projekt ten spotkał się z totalną opozycją. Kiedy w dodatku zniósł subsydia na chleb i paliwo, partie polityczne, związki zawodowe i różne stowarzyszenia utworzyły szeroką koalicję żądającą jego rezygnacji. Nimeiri nie docenił zagrożenia dla jego rządów i w końcu marca wyjechał do USA na rozmowy z prezydentem Reganem. W czasie jego nieobecności wybuchły zamieszki, które przekształciły się w strajk generalny. Pogłębiający się chaos w państwie doprowadził do interwencji ze strony wojska z ministrem obrony i generalnym dowódcą sił zbrojnych gen. Abdelem Rahmanem Suwar al-Dahabem, który ustanowił Nową Tymczasową Radę Wojskową, przejmując władzę w państwie w kwietniu 1985 r. Rada uchyliła konstytucję z 1973 r., �176 Maciej Ząbek zakazała działalności partii Nimeirego – Sudańskiej Unii Socjalistycznej (SSU) – i przywróciła tzw. Tymczasową Konstytucję z 1956 r., gwarantując w ten sposób ponownie religijną wolność, pluralizm polityczny i rozdział władzy wykonawczej od ustawodawczej i sądowniczej. Ponad 40 partii politycznych szybko powróciło do działania. Przywrócenie Tymczasowej Konstytucji z 1956 r. nie oznaczało automatycznego cofnięcia „prawa wrześniowego”. Kluczowi ministrowie w Tymczasowej Radzie Wojskowej byli jego gorącymi zwolennikami. Obowiązywało więc ono nadal, skazani na jego podstawie przebywali w więzieniu, stosowano karę chłosty i amputacje, skazywano na karę śmierci przez ukrzyżowanie. Hasan at-Turabi został zwolniony z więzienia, założył nową partię (Narodowy Front Islamski – NIF), sojusz Braci Muzułmańskich, sufi, przywódców plemiennych, alimów i byłych oficerów wojskowych i rozpoczął walkę o utrzymanie prawa, którego był autorem. Opór wobec islamizacji w Sudanie tłumaczył wpływami Zachodu albo spiskami marksistów. Tymczasowa Rada Wojskowa nie opanowała też problemów nękających Sudan, w tym wojny na Południu, która rozpętywała się na dobre. W tej sytuacji po roku sprawowania rządów przekazał ich ster w ręce gabinetu cywilnego, na którego czele stanął przywódca partii Umma Sadiq al-Mahdi. W maju 1986 r. zorganizowano wolne wybory, które wygrały tradycyjnie największe ugrupowania sudańskie post-mahdyści (Umma) i oparta na bractwie Chatmiji Demokratyczna Partia Unionistów Mirhaniego. Narodowy Front Islamski otrzymał tylko 28 miejsc w 232 osobowym parlamencie. Ponownie rozpoczęły się dyskusje nad systemem prawa, jaki ma obowiązywać w Sudanie. Sadiq al-Mahdi wznowił próby poszukiwania islamskiej alternatywy dla szariatu w formie zaproponowanej przez at-Turabiego. Wywołało to ostrą krytykę ze strony Izby Adwokackiej i Su- �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 177 dańskiej Rady Kościołów. Tymczasem do koalicji rządowej dołączył Narodowy Front Islamski (NIF) pod warunkiem wprowadzenia ustawodawstwa islamskiego. Hasan at-Turabi został ministrem sprawiedliwości i prokuratorem generalnym i przedłożył nowy projekt kodeksu karnego. Decydujący wpływ na zastosowanie określonej kary miała mieć nie tyle tożsamość sprawcy (muzułmanin, niemuzułmanin), ale miejsce popełnienia przestępstwa (na Północy czy Południu). Kary na Południu za te same przestępstwa o charakterze obyczajowym miały być obniżone. Nawet mieszkający tam muzułmanie mogli cieszyć się napojami alkoholowymi31. W parlamencie jednak wezwano do rewizji projektu. W 1989 r. sformowano nowy gabinet rządowy, w którym Umma utworzyła koalicje jedynie z NIF. At-Turabi został tym razem ministrem spraw zagranicznych. Nowemu rządowi udało się zawrzeć w kwietniu 1989 r. z SPLA krótkotrwałe zawieszenie broni wynegocjowane wcześniej przez al-Mirghaniego w Addis Abebie. W połowie czerwca rząd al-Mahdiego zapowiedział, że prawa szariatu zostaną ostatecznie zniesione, a w lipcu jego delegacja spotka się z przedstawicielami SPLA w celu wynegocjowania ostatecznych warunków pokojowych. Armia sudańska oraz działacze NIF nie byli jednak wówczas gotowi na pokój. Zapowiedzi te tylko przyspieszyły jej interwencję. W nocy z 29 na 30 kwietnia 1989 r. zakończyła ona krótki okres rządów parlamentarnych. Wojskowi pod dowództwem weterana I wojny z Południem gen. Omara Hasana al-Baszira utworzyli tzw. Radę Dowództwa Ocalenia Narodowego (RCC), wprowadzając stan wyjątkowy. Parlament został rozwiązany, liderzy polityczni aresztowani (w tym at-Turabi), a działalność partii politycznych i związków zawodowych zakazana. Wkrótce się jednak okazało, że przewrót nie mógł się odbyć bez poparcia at-Tu31 O. Köndgen 1992, op. cit., s. 70–71. �178 Maciej Ząbek rabiego i jego zaplecza politycznego. Około 14 tys. dotychczasowych urzędników państwowych zostało zwolnionych i zastąpionych działaczami Narodowego Frontu Islamskiego32. Czystka objęła szczególnie resorty edukacji i sądownictwa. Ponad 60% wszystkich sędziów zostało zwolnionych, w szczególności tych pochodzących z Południa oraz kobiet pełniących tę funkcję33. Język arabski stał się podstawowym językiem nauczania, który wykluczał studentów z Południa i skłonił wielu wykładowców do opuszczenia kraju, co powodowało przez szereg lat niedobór kadry nauczycielskiej. System prawny w Sudanie od 1989 r. Prawo muzułmańskie, które ze współczesnymi systemami prawnymi Zachodu jest słabo kompatybilne, odróżnia się przede wszystkim tym, że posiada dwa zasadnicze kryteria osądzania w zależności od rodzaju naruszonego prawa, a każde z nich zawiera jeszcze dwa składniki, które określają sposób karania w zależności od rodzaju przestępstwa. Pierwsze to kryteria określane mianem hudud i ta’zir stosowane wobec przestępstw łamiących normy danej społeczności, drugie kisas i dija naruszające prawo jednostek. Przy czym składnik hudud zawiera te przestępstwa, które zostały określone w Koranie (cudzołóstwo, picie wina, kradzież, rozbój, fałszywe oskarżenie, rebelia, odstępstwo od wiary oraz bluźnierstwo), jak również sposób ich ukarania34. W przeciLesch, A. M., The Sudan: Contested national identities, Indiana University Press, Bloomington/Indianapolis 1998, s. 134. 33 L. J. Lauro & P. A. Samuelson, Toward pluralism in Sudan: A traditionalist approach, „Harvard International Law Journal” 1996, nr 37 (1), s. 10. 34 Według Ustawy Karnej z roku 1991 groziło przykładowo: za napad z użyciem broni (art. 168/1) – kara śmierci (przez dekapitację lub ukrzyżowanie) lub amputacja prawej dłoni i lewej stopy, za poważne kradzieże (art. 170 i art. 32 �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 179 wieństwie do nich naruszenia prawa z kryterium ta’zir dotyczą z zasady tylko drobnych przestępstw czy wykroczeń nieokreślonych w Koranie, karanych znacznie łagodniej, najczęściej grzywną lub więzieniem zgodnie z obowiązującym kodeksem karnym określonym przez ustawodawcę. W przypadku występków naruszających prawa jednostek celem prawa koranicznego jest nie tyle ukaranie winnego (jak w systemach zachodnich), lecz zaspokojenie poszkodowanemu poczucia zwycięstwa sprawiedliwości. Stąd prawo muzułmańskie przyznaje ofierze lub jej krewnym prawo do sprawiedliwego odwetu (kisas), umożliwiając ukaranie sprawcy w taki sposób, aby kara miała związek symboliczny z czynem, zgodnie ze starożytnym prawem talionu „oko za oko…”. Metody karania, podobnie jak w przypadku hudud, koncentrują się na ciele przestępcy będącym głównym celem represji karnej. Przewidują one amputację dłoni i stóp, wieszanie, krzyżowanie, piętnowanie, biczowanie itp.35 Z drugiej strony islam moralnie promuje tych, którzy winowajcom przebaczają i ograniczają się do prawa odpłaty (dija) rozumianego jako prawo do zadośćuczynienia, polegającego zwykle na rekompensacie finansowej (stawki określa obecnie ustawodawca) za wyrządzone straty, nawet w przypadkach związanych z utratą życia. W lipcu 1989 r. teoretycznie zakończył się okres prób pogodzenia prawa muzułmańskiego z panującymi zwyczajami i prawem, którego źródła tkwią w zachodniej tradycji prawnej. Wypracowanie w tej kwestii kompromisu zakończyło się niepowodzeniem. 171/1) – amputacja prawej dłoni, apostazja (art. 126) karana była śmiercią itp. Artykuł 38 (1) stwierdza, że wykonanie kary hudud powinno być wyłączone spod stosowania prawa łaski. 35 Według art. 28 (3) tejże ustawy w przypadku np. morderstwa karą sprawiedliwą powinna być śmierć przez powieszenie oraz, jeśli sąd uzna za stosowne, powinna być wykonana w taki sam sposób, w jaki oskarżony o przestępstwo śmierć spowodował. �180 Maciej Ząbek W styczniu 1991 r. przywódcy zawieszonych partii politycznych ogłosili w Egipcie utworzenie „rządu na wygnaniu”. Tymczasem reżim wszczął na nowo wojnę na Południu i zbudował równoległy system sądów podlegających ścisłej kontroli władzy wykonawczej. Składał się on z sądów ds. Bezpieczeństwa i Porządku Publicznego36. Studentów z Południa praktycznie wykluczono z dostępu do zawodów prawniczych. Zmieniono też dotychczasowy kodeks karny. Miał ponownie obowiązywać w całym kraju i mieć zastosowanie również wobec ludności niemuzułmańskiej, także uchodźców. Zawierał pełen zakres przestępstw wynikających z naru­szenia praw społeczności, tj. z zakresu hudud, kar zawartych w Koranie i Sunnie, obejmując po raz pierwszy kary za odstępstwo od wiary i bluźnierstwo. Wprowadzono też nowy podział administracyjny i nową legislację dotyczącą porządku publicznego oraz ogłoszono, że podstawą systemu prawnego w Sudanie będzie szariat. W październiku 1993 r. Rada Ocalenia Narodowego podjęła decyzję o samorozwiązaniu, mianując jednocześnie swego przewodniczącego na prezydenta Sudanu. Po okresie bezpośrednich rządów wojskowych wrócono formalnie do parlamentaryzmu i cywilnego sprawowania władzy, choć faktycznie spoczywa ona nadal w ręku prezydenta gen. Omara Hassana al-Baszira. W 1998 r. prezydent założył wraz z Hasanem at-Turabim partię Kongresu Narodowego (NCP), która z założenia miała stanowić główne ugrupowanie wspierające rząd oraz poddał pod referendum projekt nowej konstytucji, która weszła w życie 1 lipca 1998 r. Konstytucja z 1998 r. za źródło prawa uznawała przede wszystkim prawo muzułmańskie i konsensus narodowy osiągany w drodze referendum, a także inne prawa niesprzeczne z szariatem, w tym prawo zwyczajowe. Nie było jednak jasne, jaką rolę odgryA. M. Abdelmoula, The „fundamentalist” agenda for human rights: The Sudan and Algeria, „Arab Studies Quarterly” 1996, nr 18 (1), s. 17. 36 �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 181 wają inne źródła w odniesieniu do szariatu. Podkreślono w niej m.in., że nie można wymierzyć kary śmierci nieletniemu, kobiecie w ciąży i karmiącej do dwóch lat oraz osobie, która skończyła 70 lat życia. Al-Baszir pozostawał głową państwa, szefem rządu i naczelnym dowódcą sił zbrojnych. Poza tym odpowiedzialny był również za stosunki zagraniczne, sądownictwo i moralność publiczną. Władza ustawodawcza spoczywała w rękach zarówno rządu, jak i dwuizbowego parlamentu, ale wymiar sprawiedliwości miał być odpowiedzialny przed prezydentem, któremu przysługiwało prawo mianowania sędziego głównego i jego zastępców. Sudan miał być republiką federalną złożoną z 18 stanów (welayat) członkowskich, z własnymi regionalnymi rządami i stojącymi na ich czele gubernatorami powoływanymi przez prezy­denta z grona osób wybranych przez rady (madżlis) lokalne. W artykule pierwszym napisano, że Sudan jest wielorasowym, wieloetnicznym i wielojęzycznym państwem, w którym jednak islam jest religią większości, a język arabski językiem urzędowym. Tak więc de jure islam nie został tu uznany za religię państwową. Władza ustawodawcza oficjalnie przyjęła strukturę legislatywy demokratycznej, nie podważając przy tym ogólnych zasad prawa koranicznego i Boga jako jego twórcy. Parlament oparty na tradycji arabskiej zasięgania rady (medżlis as-szura) wybierany miał być spośród przedstawicieli wspomnianej partii rządzącej NCP. Składał się z izby niższej, czyli Zgromadzenia Narodowego (al-Madżlis al-Watani) i Rady Stanów (Madżlis al-Welayat). Członkowie pierwszej byli mianowani przez rząd i zatwierdzani w wyborach powszechnych. Natomiast do Rady Stanów członkowie wybierani byli pośrednio przez legislatury stanowe. Od 1993 r. odbywały się też wybory prezydenckie, w których Omar al-Baszir, jak dotąd zawsze zwyciężał ogromną przewagą głosów. Tymczasem w maju 1999 r. at-Turabi wynegocjował tajny sojusz z Sadikiem al-Mahdi w Genewie w celu dokonania zmian w rzą- �182 Maciej Ząbek dzie i pozbycia się al-Baszira i innych generałów przy władzy. W tym celu at-Turabi, jako przewodniczący parlamentu, zainicjował stworzenie opozycji wobec al-Baszira, którego jeden ze złożonych przez niego wniosków został odrzucony. al-Baszira uprzedził jednak dalsze ruchy at-Turabiego, rozwiązując parlament i wprowadzając stan wyjątkowy. At-Turabiemu nie pomogła także próba nawiązania koalicji z Garangiem, którą podjął w lutym 2001 r. Został zatrzymany w areszcie domowym do października 2003 r., który następnie dwukrotnie mu przedłużano aż do czerwca 2005 r. W maju 2004 r. rządowi udało się wynegocjować w Naivasha w Kenii zawieszenie broni z Południem. Stało się to możliwe, gdy SPLM polityczne przedstawicielstwo SPLA zgodziło się, aby szariat nadal obowiązywał w Chartumie pod warunkiem gwarancji bezpieczeństwa dla niemuzułmanów. Decyzja ta w konsekwencji spowodowała kolejne reformy prawa mające na celu zdemokratyzować do pewnego stopnia obowiązujący w kraju ustrój polityczny z uwagi na istniejące jeszcze wówczas nadzieje na podtrzymanie jedności kraju. Wypracowano kolejną tymczasową konstytucję pogłębiającą przynajmniej formalnie demokratyzację systemu. Tymczasowa Konstytucja z 2005 r. była oparta w dużym stopniu na poprzedniej z roku 199837. Zawarła ona jednak postanowienia o podziale władzy z Sudanem Południowym i ustanowienie izby wyższej reprezentującej całe państwo. Podkreślono w niej różnorodność kulturową, językową, rasową i etniczną kraju oraz jego demokratyczny i wielopartyjny charakter. W północnych stanach źródłem prawa miał być nadal szariat. Sudan nie był jed- The Interim National Constitution of the Republic of the Sudan, chapter I, 1(1) i 5(1), www.refworld.org (lipiec 2014 r.). 37 �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 183 nak w niej definiowany jako republika islamska, a islam jako religia państwowa38. Przyznano też prawo do obywatelstwa każdemu, kto urodził się w Sudanie i kogo chociaż jeden z rodziców był Sudańczykiem. Ponadto pozycja prezydenta pozostała – w porównaniu z konstytucją z 1998 r. – w praktyce nienaruszona, poza tym, że wprowadzono stanowisko drugiego wiceprezydenta. Dopuszczono jednak po raz pierwszy od 24 lat do wyborów wielopartyjnych. Przedstawiciele partii politycznych (zarejestrowano 52 legalnie działające partie) mają obecnie prawo do posiadania swojej reprezentacji w parlamencie, choć nie mają realnych szans na zwycięstwo. Skrajnie większościowy system przeliczania głosów zakłada w praktyce koncentrację władzy wykonawczej na poziomie centralnym w rękach partii zwycięskiej, co oznacza w rzeczywistości dominację partii rządzącej. Wybrani parlamentarzyści w ogromnej większości należą do rządzącego Kongresu Narodowego39. Pozostali zaś reprezentują sojusznicze, współpracujące z rządem partie polityczne, choć w liczbie tylko symbolicznej. Konstytucja przewiduje jednak prawo obywateli do wyborów, udziału w życiu politycznym i pokojowej zmiany rządu. Ustrój polityczny Republiki Sudanu (Dżamhariyat as-Sudan) od 2005 r. zaczął być określany przez niektórych politologów jako republikański model demokracji konsocjonalnej. Celem tak działającego ustroju, zgodnie z założeniami konsocjonalizmu i duchem prawa muzułmańskiego, ma być zapewnienie stabilizacji, niedopuszczenie do rywalizacji międzypartyjnej oraz utrzymanie „harmonii rasowej M. Böckenförde, The Sudanese interim constitution of 2005 in B. Krawietz & H. Reifeld (eds.), Islam and the Rule of Law: Between Shari´a and Secularization, Konrad-Adenauer-Foundation, St. Augustin and Berlin 2008, s. 85. 39 Po wyborach w 2010 r. posiadali np. 316 miejsc w 450-osobowym parlamencie, przy czym 8 miejsc było nieobsadzonych. 38 �184 Maciej Ząbek i kulturowej w tym tolerancji religijnej”, tak jak to zapisano jeszcze w poprzedniej konstytucji40. Ustrój ten z punktu widzenia władz i prorządowych elit sudańskich sprawdza się w tym sensie, że w pierwszych wielopartyjnych wyborach w 2010 r. Omar Hasan Ahmad al-Baszir ponownie zwyciężył i to z wynikiem 68,24% oddanych na niego głosów. Wybory te jednak zbojkotowało kilka partii opozycyjnych, a według obserwatorów międzynarodowych odnotowano w ich trakcie próby zastraszania i groźby przemocy, a proces liczenia głosów nie był wystarczająco przejrzyście zorganizowany41. Z perspektywy zachodniej wybory te, choć były krokiem w dobrym kierunku, nie spełniły jeszcze standardów międzynarodowych, a Sudan w dalszym ciągu pozostał państwem autorytarnym, w którym skuteczna władza polityczna należy do prezydenta al-Baszira, względnie wiceprezydenta Alego Osmana Taha i kilku jego najbliższych współpracowników z rządzącej Partii Kongresu Narodowego (NCP). Z punktu widzenia przedstawicieli elit fundamentalnego islamu pełen pluralizm idei i wielość partii politycznych zagraża jedności muzułmańskiej (ummie), prowadząc do dzielenia jej szeregów i niezgody (fitna). Dlatego argumentują, że demokracja i prawa człowieka dla islamu nie są najważniejsze. Pytają retorycznie: Czyż Prorok nie mówił, że „jeden rok krzywd jest lepszy niż godzina kłótni”? Niezgoda, ich zdaniem, prowadzi do odstępstw od wiary, wyzwalania się różnicy, a ta rujnuje i jest źródłem politeizmu (szirk) oraz przyczyną współczesnego pogaństwa, tj. odejścia od monoteizmu. Najlepszym tego dowodem jest, według aktywistów NCP, sytuacja społeczna na postchrześcijańskim ZaConstitution of the Republic of Sudan, 1 July 1998, art. 1. 2013 Country Reports on Human Right Pratices – Sudan, “Annual Reports”, US Department of State, 27 Feb. 2014, section 3 (refworld.org/country, lipiec 2014 r.). 40 41 �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 185 chodzie. Dlatego, jak twierdzą radykałowie muzułmańscy, nie ma dla niej miejsca w Sudanie, gdyż w islamie nie ma miejsca dla koncepcji państwa laickiego, oddzielonego od wiary (imaan)42. Sudan Południowy miał mieć własne nieszariackie ustawodawstwo. Jedynie Południowcy, którzy mieszkali w Chartumie, czy w ogóle na Północy, mieli podlegać także prawu muzułmańskiemu. W przypadku samego Chartumu Konstytucja Tymczasowa z 2005 r. wprowadziła jednak grupę pięciu przepisów (Art. 154–158) chroniących mieszkających tam chrześcijan. Tak np. artykuł 156 poza wezwaniem do praktykowania tolerancji w odniesieniu do różnych kultur, religii i tradycji stwierdza, że: „Jurysdykcja sądów w sprawie nakładania kar na niemuzułmanów powinna przestrzegać ustanowionej od dawna zasady szariatu, że niemuzułmanie nie podlegają artykułom obowiązującym tylko muzułmanów i kary w nich przewidziane będą wobec nich umarzane. Tego typu ochrony nie mają już niemuzułmanie mieszkający poza Chartumem43. Konstytucja Tymczasowa z 2005 r. daje teoretycznie możliwość wybrania na prezydenta niemuzułmanina. Głosi wolność religijną, choć podkreśla, że tylko niemuzułmanin może nawrócić się na islam, a w przypadku muzułmanina apostazja jest karana śmiercią (art. 126). Gwarantuje również równe prawa mężczyzn i kobiet w obszarze prawa obywatelskiego, politycznego, społecznego, kulturalnego i gospodarczego (art. 32), co jest jednak sprzeczne z sudańskim ustawodawstwem niższego szczebla i prawem zwyczajowym dotyczącym np. prawa rodzinnego i dziedziczenia. Hayder Ibrahim Ali, Civil Society and Democratization in Arab Countries with Special Reference to the Sudan, “Islamic Area Studies, Working Paper Series”, nr 12, Islamic Area Studies Project, Tokyo 1999, s. 10–11. 43 The Interim National Constitution of the Republic of the Sudan, www.refworld.org (lipiec 2014 r.). 42 �186 Maciej Ząbek Prawo rodzinne i spadkowe opiera się w Sudanie głównie na szkole hanafickiej. W konstytucji wprowadzono jednak rozwiązania także z pozostałych trzech szkół sunnickich, w szczególności szkoły malikickiej. Omówienie go w tym miejscu przekracza ramy niniejszego artykułu. Wspomnę tylko, że zrobiono wyjątek dla członków plemion niemuzułmańskich, którzy podlegają w tym względzie prawu zwyczajowemu (urfi), choć prawa kobiet nie są tu zabezpieczone, tak jak w prawie muzułmańskim, gdzie umowa małżeńska zobowiązuje męża do zapłaty pewnej sumy pieniędzy (mahr) żonie i jest ona uprawniona do otrzymania alimentów od męża od momentu zawarcia ważnej umowy małżeńskiej. Prawo karne jest identyczne jak w kodeksie z 1988 r., z wyjątkiem kilku poprawek. Zgodnie z Koranem wyróżnia ono sześć czynów jako „przestępstwa hudud”: picie alkoholu, nielegalne stosunki seksualne, niesprawdzone oskarżenia o bezprawne stosunki seksualne, bandytyzm, kradzież i apostazję. Warto też wspomnieć, że w listopadzie 1991 r. al-Baszir wydał komplet dyrektyw w sprawie konsumpcji alkoholu, prostytucji i aktów obscenicznych oraz moralności publicznej. Zobowiązują one m.in. do noszenia strojów muzułmańskich w urzędach państwowych, szkołach i uniwersytetach, a także zakazują tańców kobiet z mężczyznami oraz nakazują segregację płci w transporcie publicznym itp. W prawie gospodarczym i finansowym, podobnie jak w poprzedniej konstytucji, kluczowe jest ustanowienie banków islamskich, które pierwsze pojawiły się w Sudanie dopiero pod koniec lat 70. wraz z Faisal Islamic Bank of Sudan (FIBS). Bankom tym przyznano duże ulgi podatkowe i możliwość transferu zagranicznych walut. Zyski wspomnianego banku szybko wzrosły do 21 milionów funtów sudańskich, umożliwiając wypłatę udziałowcom 25% zwrotu z inwestycji. Bezprecedensowy sukces FIBS doprowadził do ustanowienia innych banków islamskich powiązanych zwykle z głównymi ugrupowaniami politycznymi. Tak np. Tada- �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 187 mon Islamic Bank miał m.in. silne związki z ugrupowaniem Braci Muzułmanów. Tylko partia Umma nie prowadziła własnego banku. Podsumowując, referendum w sprawie samostanowienia Południa zakończyło się decyzją na korzyść separacji Południa. W dniu 9 lipca 2011 r. Republika Południowego Sudanu ogłosiła niepodległość z własną tymczasową konstytucją. Na Północy jednak Tymczasowa Konstytucja z 2005 r. nie została zmieniona. W styczniu 2015 r. wprowadzono do niej jedynie poprawki dające pre­ zydentowi Omarowi al-Baszirowi dodatkowe uprawnienia do mianowania i odwoływania wyższych urzędników, a także poszerzające rolę służb wywiadowczych. Poprawki dały też prezydentowi prawo do mianowania i odwoływania gubernatorów prowincji, jak również tych urzędników, którzy mają inne wyższe stanowiska konstytucyjne, sądowe, wojskowe, policyjne i w służbach bezpieczeństwa. Wielu sudańskich parlamentarzystów sprzeciwiło się im, twierdząc, że łamią one federalizm republiki zapisany w konstytucji. Zaistniała poza tym duża niepewność co do ochrony mniejszości niemuzułmańskich przed skutkami działania prawa muzułmańskiego. Niemniej pozycja prezydenta, jak i całego systemu prawa w Sudanie opartego na szariacie, wydaje się jak dotychczas nienaruszalna. Prawo muzułmańskie prawdopodobnie długo utrzyma swoją niekwestionowaną pozycję w systemie prawa w Sudanie44. Zmiana polityki wobec USA przyczyniła się w październiku 2017 r. do częściowego zniesienia dotychczasowych sankcji i rozpoczęcia współpracy gospodarczej z niektórymi krajami Zachodu, w tym z Polską. Pierwsze wybory parlamentarne i prezydenckie, które 44 J. M. Otto (ed.), Sharia Incorporated. A Comparative Overview of the Legal Systems of Twelve Muslim Countries in Past and Present, Leiden University Press, Leiden 2010. �188 Maciej Ząbek odbyły się w Sudanie po secesji Południa, wygrał ponownie (na kolejną pięcioletnią kadencję) Omar al-Baszir i jego partia Kongresu Narodowego, uzyskując ponad 94% oddanych głosów. Do jego zwycięstwa przyczyniła się zapewne jeszcze niska frekwencja i bojkot wyborów przez opozycję niewierzącą w ich uczciwość. 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Layish A., The Mahdi’s legal methodology as a mechanism for adapting the Shari’a in the Sudan to political and social purposes, „Revue des Mondes Musulmans et de la Méditerranée”, 2000. Layish A. and G. R. Warburg, The Reinstatement of Islamic law in Sudan under Numayri, Brill, Leiden, 2003. Lesch A. M., The Sudan: Contested national identities, Indiana University Press. Bloomington/Indianapolis 1998. MacMichael H. A., A History of the Arabs in the Sudan, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1922. �190 Maciej Ząbek Makec J. W., The customary law of the Dinka, St. George Printing Press, Khartoum 1986. Mustafa Z., The common law in the Sudan: An account of the ‘justice, equity and good conscience’ provision, Clarendon Press, Oxford 1971. O’Fahey R. S., Abu Salim M. I., Land in Dar Fur, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1983. Otto J. M. (red.), Sharia Incorporated. A Comparative Overview of the Legal Systems of Twelve Muslim Countries in Past and Present, Leiden University Press, Leiden 2010. Rogalski J., Die Republikanischen Bru¨der im Sudan: Ein Beitrag zur Ideologiegeschichte des Islam in der Gegenwart. Freie Universitat Berlin, M. A. Thesis, Berlin 1990. Salman S. M. A., Lay tribunals in the Sudan: An historical and socio-legal analysis, „Journal of Legal Pluralism” 1983, nr 21. Spaulding J., The evolution of Islamic judiciary in Sinnar, „International Journal of African Historical Studies” 1977, nr 10. Trimingham J. S., Islam in the Sudan, Frank Cass & CO. LTD., London 1965. Sudanow, Keeping up appearances, February, 1992. Warburg G. R., The Shari´a in Sudan: Implementation and repercussions 1983–1989, „Middle East Journal” 1990, nr 44. Warburg G. R., Islam, sectarianism and politics in Sudan since the Mahdiyya, Hurst, London 2003. Transformations and historical contexts of the legal system in the Sudan Summary The article discusses the evolution of the legal system in the Sudan from the 16th century to the final amendments to the countries’ constitution introduced in January 2015. It shows the various sources on which it is based, from customary law, Ottoman-Egyptian law, British colonial law, the Mahdist state and modern Egyptian law with constant attempts �Przemiany i historyczne konteksty systemu prawa w Sudanie 191 to apply to the Sharia’h , religious law based on the Koran and Sunni of the Prophet, into that system. This last source of law after 1989, throughout all period of authoritarian rule, led by Omar al-Bashir clearly strengthened its position in the Sudanese law system, although to this day Sudan has not yet become an Islamic Republic and the tendencies to depart from this system are still clear. Keywords: Sudan, law, constitution, Sharia’h. ��KRYSTYNA KAMIŃSKA RELIGIJNOŚĆ AFARÓW – SYMBIOTYCZNY ZWIĄZEK ISLAMU Z RELIGIAMI TRADYCYJNYMI Wstęp Afarowie to pasterski, koczowniczy lud zamieszkujący od wieków rejon tzw. Rogu Afryki. Ich rdzenne ziemie ograniczała z jednej strony linia brzegowa Morza Czerwonego, biegnąca od półwyspu Bôri wzdłuż Zatoki Tadżura, od zachodu zaś linia masywu wyżynnego Bôri-Awash, a na południu Awash Tadżura. Szlaki wędrówek Afarów obejmują obszar szacowany na około 150 tys. km2, który jest postrzegany przez nich jako rdzenne ziemie rozpościerające się od północno-wschodnich terenów Erytrei po zachodnie rubieże Etiopii i od północnych obszarów Dżibuti, aż po południowo-wschodnią jej granicę Etiopii z Somalią. Współcześnie społeczność Afarów szacowana jest na około 500–600 tys. ludzi. Krystyna Kamińska, doktorantka Stacjonarnych Studiów Doktoranckich Nauk o Kulturze, Uniwersytet Wrocławski. Zainteresowania: Afryka – obszar dawnych kolonii francuskich – historia i współczesność �194 Krystyna Kamińska Prowadzone od lat badania archeologiczne wiążą rdzenne tereny Afarów z rejonem istotnym dla początków dziejów ewolucji człowieka1. Ważniejszy od czasów prehistorycznych (w kontekście artykułu) jest jednak związek ich losu z ludnością kuszycką. W swoim micie etnogenetycznym Afarowie odwołują się bowiem do wspólnego pochodzenia z inną ludnością kuszycką. Kuszanie jako grupa ludów zamieszkujących w przeszłości Afrykę Wschodnią i uważana za rdzenną ludność tego regionu2 wywarła ogromny wpływ na kulturę Afarów. Znalazło to swoje odzwierciedlenie w pradawnych wierzeniach Afarów, w tym także w kultach astralnych i agrarnych. Ich ślady odnaleźć można m.in. w istniejącym kulcie lunarnym, w którym doszło do personifikacji księżyca, a który nadal jest obecny we współczesnych praktykach religijnych, chociaż od kilku wieków Afarowie są wyznawcami religii Mahometa. Wpływ islamu na życie rdzennej ludności w tym regionie Afryki zaczął znacząco wzrastać począwszy od XII w. W związku z tym konwersja Afarów na islam w tamtym czasie była nieunikniona (pośrednio wynikała ona też z obawy przed uznaniem ich przez Arabów – jako innowierców – za niewolników). Jednak religijność Afarów nie może być rozpatrywana tylko w kontekście islamu, bo wpływ ich tradycyjnych wierzeń był na tyle silny, że trwale odcisnął swoje piętno w sferze ich duchowości. Nakładające się na siebie jednorodne warstwy rodzimych wierzeń nie do końca (współcześnie) znane, rozpoznane i opisane, a splecione z elementami judaizmu, głęboko zakorzenionego w północnej Afryce od czasów starożytnych, i niektórymi wątkami chrześcijaństwa, które odegrało znaczącą rolę zwłaszcza na obszarze dzisiejszej 1 W rejonie Kotliny Danakilskiej odkryto jedne z najstarszych ludzkich szczątków Austrolopithecus Afarensis datowane na 3,2 mln lat. 2 Najstarsze ślady obecności Kuszanów oraz odnalezione artefakty ich kultury datowane są na IX–VIII w. p.n.e. �Religijność Afarów – symbiotyczny związek islamu... 195 Etiopii (między III a XI w.), tworzą swoisty konglomerat wyznaniowy Afarów, ujęty zwierzchnimi ramami religii islamu. Afarowie – rys historyczny Miano Afar (l. mn. Afarowie) pochodzi prawdopodobnie od przydomka nadanego im przez sąsiadujące z nimi grupy etniczne, w czasie gdy przemieszczali się z wyżyn południowo-wschodniej Etiopii w stronę pustyni Danakali. Wysuwane są także inne hipotezy pochodzenia tej nazwy. Być może nazwę „afar” nadano początkowo językowi, którym od pokoleń posługiwali się Afarowie, niezależnie od wewnętrznego podziału. W związku z tym wszystkie osoby mówiące w języku afar zaczęto nazywać także Afar, zamiast wcześniejszych określeń Ankala czy Abla używanych m.in. na Półwyspie Arabskim3. Jedna z hipotez głosi, że Afarowie zamieszkiwali początkowo na ziemiach leżących po obu stronach Morza Czerwonego. Z czasem mieli zostać stamtąd przepędzeni, a historię ich wyparcia z tamtych terenów odnaleźć można w ich dawnych opowieściach, co mogłoby zapewne stanowić podstawę jej arabskiego rodowodu4. Inna z kolei hipoteza zakłada, że nazwa Afar pochodzi z języka semickiego i została nadana przodkom Afarów wraz z ich przemieszczaniem się od północy wzdłuż Morza Czerwonego5. Jeszcze inna hipoteza – najbardziej prawdopodobna – podtrzymuje semickie pochodzenie nazwy Afar, wywodząc je od słowa Afra (oznaczającego). Być może na przełomie VII i VIII w. została ona utrwalona dzięki Arabom. Brakuje jednak na to pisemnego dowodu, bo miano Afar w tym czasie nigdy nie A. Coubba, Les Afar. De la préhistoire à la fin du XV siècle, Paris 2004 s. 128. Ibidem, s. 128. 5 A.Yayyo, L’ histoire culturelle du peuple Afar, article dactylogrphiié, non daté (Arbre généalogique de Haral-Maahis, s. 699). 3 4 �196 Krystyna Kamińska pojawiło się ani piśmiennictwie arabskim, ani w kronikach abisyńskich. Natomiast wiadomo na podstawie arabskich zapisów, że w XIII w. wśród nich – na określenie Afarów – funkcjonowała nazwa Dankalowie. Z kolei odmienna nazwa na lud Afarów była używana przez Abisyńczyków. Początkowo, już od XII w., nazywano ich Adalowie. Nadana im nazwa pochodziła od jednego z afarskich sułtanatów (Adal). Niekiedy nazwa Adal rozciągana była jeszcze na sąsiadujące z Afarami inne etnie. Określenie Adal przetrwało do czasów nam współczesnych i nadal bywa używane. Kuszyckie korzenie Afarów jako rdzennych mieszkańców ziem w Rogu Afryki nie były i nadal nie są podważane, lecz w ich rodowodzie doszukać się można zarówno śladów pochodzenia z ludów Bantu, jak i Arabów6. Rysopis Afara (Adala) poczyniony przez Ibn’ Abd az. Zāhira7 opisywał osobnika o ciemnej (lecz nie czarnej), ogorzałej skórze oraz długich lub krótko obciętych włosach, których długość informowała o jego wieku (im młodszy, tym włosy dłuższe). W zależności od przebycia ceremoniału przejścia na twarzy widoczne były symboliczne nacięcia. W przeszłości kobiety Afarów czerniły sobie dziąsła – ciemne wnętrze ust było oznaka piękna, tak jak ciemne wargi ust. Podobnie zanikł, wraz z przyjęciem islamu, zwyczaj golenia głowy przez kobiety-wdowy na znak żałoby po śmierci męża. Zwyczajem, który rozpowszechnił się od XIV w. (a wzmianki o nim pojawiały się jeszcze w XX w.), była ceremonia wywłaszczenia. Wciąż natomiast funkcjonują wierzenia o przeobrażaniu się w postać zwierzęcia (buta), która wiąże się z określonym ceremoniałem, podobnie jak rytuały przejścia. Na trwałe na kartach historii Afarowie pojawili się w czasach rozwijającego się w Afryce niewolnictwa. Arabowie, którzy trud6 7 A. Coubba, op. cit., s. 119–120. Mémoires géographiques et historiques, tome II, 1811, s. 267–273. �Religijność Afarów – symbiotyczny związek islamu... 197 nili się wówczas tym procederem, pozostawali w bliskich stosunkach z Afarami (zachowały się zapiski je dokumentujące), bo na ich właśnie terytorium krzyżowały się drogi, którymi przemieszczały się karawany wiodące niewolników z głębi kontynentu do portów na wybrzeżu Morza Czerwonego. Handel niewolnikami nie tylko zintensyfikował kontakty Afarów z Arabami, ale też bezpośrednio przyczynił się do konwersji na islam tych pierwszych. Nie miał jednak większego wpływu na zmianę ich trybu życia. Już przed wiekami Afarowie zajmowali się wypasem udomowionego bydła i hodowlą wielbłądów. Jedynie nomadzi z okolic jeziora Asal trudnili się także pozyskiwaniem soli, zaopatrując w nią większość ludności zamieszkałej w tym rejonie Afryki. Jednak już w XIII w. świat Afarów zaczął ulegać podziałom wewnętrznym. Afarowie nigdy nie stanowili jednorodnej grupy pod względem etnicznym. Byli bowiem od dawien dawna podzieleni na dwie wspólnoty: Adohyamaras, czyli „ludzi białych” i Assahyamaras określanych jako „ludzie czerwoni”, lecz ich rozróżnienie nie wynikało ani z odmienności kulturowych, ani religijnych. Zarówno jedni, jak i drudzy posługiwali się językiem afarskim, wywodzącym się z rodziny języków chamicko-semickich8. Natomiast przypisanie kolorystyczne do „białych” lub „czerwonych” Afarów miało swoje historyczne odniesienie do barwy ziemi, z którą identyfikowano każdą ze społeczności, a opartą na wytyczonych trasach ich wędrówek. Adohyamaras przemieszczali się po (białych) piaskach pustyni Dankali, natomiast Assahyamaras po żyznej (czerwonej) ziemi masywu Musa Ali. Dlatego w hierarchii społecznej przedstawiciele Assahyamaras zawsze stali wyżej niż członkowie grupy Adohyamaras9. 8 Dopiero w 1976 r. stworzono podstawy zapisu graficznego języka afarskiego opartego na alfabecie łacińskim. 9 Ph. Oberlé, P. Hugot, Histoire de Djiboutti, Paris-Dakar 1985, s. 35. �198 Krystyna Kamińska Podobnie jak w sąsiadujących z Afarami grupach etnicznych powstające struktury protopaństwowe, np. na obszarze dzisiejszej Abisynii, spowodowały także polityczny rozłam w ich wspólnocie. Wzdłuż doliny Awash i na Przedgórzu Abisyńskim powstały afarskie sułtanaty Ankaala, Adal, Mora, Gabala i Dooba. Wyznaczenie ich granic stało się z czasem przyczyną licznych konfliktów w tym rejonie Afryki, co zaowocowało wielowiekowymi waśniami i walkami z innymi etniami koczowniczymi. Na powstałe na tym podłożu animozje nałożyły się z czasem również kwestie religijne związane z ekspansją świata islamu i chrześcijaństwa. Przez kolejne wieki życie Afarów naznaczyły waśnie religijne wynikające ze zmieniających się układów politycznych, powstające pod wpływem dążeń ówczesnych władców do usankcjonowania dominacji wybranej przez nich religii. Tym samym rdzenne ziemie Afarów stawały się teatrem ciągłego otwartego konfliktu na podłożu religijnym. Przez kilka stuleci Afarowie, którzy przeszli na islam, prowadzili wojny „religijne” z chrześcijańską Abisynią10. Nie przeszkadzało to jednak Afarom w prowadzeniu z Abisynią przez cały ten czas intensywnej wymiany handlowej, rzadko też dochodziło między Afarami a władcami Abisynii do bezpośrednich sporów terytorialnych. Przez cały czas istniał natomiast konflikt z przedstawicielami etni somalijskiej, wśród której spory z Issami11 – wspólnotą bez10 Chrześcijaństwo na obszarze obecnej Etiopii ma długą, wielowiekową tradycję. Stało się bowiem tamtejszą religią państwową w IV w., jeszcze w czasach istnienia Królestwa Aksum. Najbliższy etiopskiemu chrześcijaństwu był kościół koptyjski, którego korzenie sięgają początków formowania się chrześcijaństwa jako religii. Jednak izolacja etiopskich wyznawców chrześcijaństwa i jego specyficzne zamknięcie wewnątrz wszechogarniającego ten region Afryki islamu przyczyniły się nie tylko do różnic liturgicznych, lecz także odcisnęły piętno na wyznawanych podstawach wiary w kościele etiopskim. 11 Wspólnota Issów jest wewnętrznie bardziej zróżnicowana niż Afarowie. Dzieli się m.in. na dwie mniejsze grupy etniczne: Abgal i Delol, w których wy- �Religijność Afarów – symbiotyczny związek islamu... 199 pośrednią graniczącą z ziemiami Afarów – ogniskowały się na zapewnieniu dostępności i prawa do wyłączności do pastwisk leżących na rdzennym afarskim terytorium. Zarówno jedni, jak i drudzy postrzegali i ciągle postrzegają właśnie siebie za odwiecznych mieszkańców tej części kontynentu i na tej postawie przypisują sobie wynikające z tego prawo do ziemi. Jednak od­mienności wynikające z innego rodowodu etnicznego u tych – wiodących podobny, koczowniczy tryb życia wspólnot – odegrały istotną rolę nie tylko w ich historii, ale i we wzroście wzajemnych animozji i waśni. Afarów i Issów dzieli wszystko: inne korzenie etniczne, inne struktury społeczne i odmienne przypisanie kulturowe, wreszcie język. Pierwsi posługują się językiem afarskim, drudzy natomiast somalijskim12. Jednak przede wszystkim różni ich podejście do własnych pastwisk, bowiem – w przeciwieństwie do Afarów – nomadyzm Issów cechuje charakterystyczny dla wspólnot o rodowodzie somalijskim brak przypisania do konkretnych terenów wypasu. Zgodnie z ich tradycją mogą oni bez przeszkód wypasać swoje stada na ziemiach innych wspólnot etnicznych. To swoiste pojmowanie granic, a zwłaszcza terenów pogranicznych, u Issów było zarzewiem odwiecznych wojen z Afarami i nadal pozostaje jedną z przyczyn już współczesnych konfliktów między tymi dwoma grupami etnicznymi. stępują dalsze podziały. Każda z nich ma autonomię w zakresie samostanowienia w obrębie danej wspólnoty. P. Oberlé, P. Hugo, op. cit., s, 39. 12 Oba języki nie miały aż do XX w. swojej formy graficznej. W 1972 r. stworzono podstawy zapisu graficznego dla języka somalijskiego w oparciu o alfabet łaciński, podobne działania podjęto w 1976 r. w odniesieniu do języka afarskiego. �200 Krystyna Kamińska Polityczne próby politycznej stabilizacji Afarów w XIX i XX w. Aż do połowy XIX w. większość konfliktów zbrojnych toczonych przez Afarów z Issami dotyczyła prawa do zachowania wyłączności w odniesieniu do (rdzennych) ziem. Niczego nie zmienił w tym zakresie kolonializm i unifikacja zapoczątkowana przez Francuzów. Wręcz przeciwnie, doprowadziło to do jeszcze silniejszego skonfliktowania Afarów z etnią somalijską. Francja wytyczając bowiem granice własnej kolonii w 1884 r. (obejmującej obszar dzisiejszego Dżibuti), podzieliła terytorium Afarów na część do niej przynależną, resztę zaś ziem Afarów pozostawiono w 1896 r. Etiopii oraz Erytrei – powstałej w 1890 r. kolonii włoskiej. Jak­kolwiek regulacje prawne (delimitacja) podzieliły terytorium Afarów, to jednak nie wpłynęła na ich wewnętrzne rozbicie. Żyli przecież w granicach trzech różnych organizmów państwowych. Zainicjowana natomiast w latach 60. XX w. dekolonizacja Afryki, w tym utworzenie niepodległego Dżibuti oraz narastający separatyzm Afarów, na który w dużej mierze miała znaczący wpływ ówczesna polityka Etiopii (wraz z obraniem przez nią drogi ku nacjonalizacji kraju w duchu komunistycznym), stanowiły impuls do afarskiego powstania zbrojnego. Etiopia przeprowadzając szereg reform i dążąc do szybkiej modernizacji kraju – wbrew tradycji i negatywnemu nastawieniu do stałego osadnictwa nomadów, których terytoria znalazły się w jej obrębie – niejako zmusiła tamtejszych Afarów do podjęcia działań w celu utworzenia suwerennego państwa. Aktywność Etiopii modernizującej kraj wręcz skazywała Afarów na wyrzeczenie się koczowniczego trybu życia i porzucenie własnej tradycji, będącej osnową ich kulturowego �Religijność Afarów – symbiotyczny związek islamu... 201 świata13. Podjęte działania zamieniły dawną samowystarczalność Afarów na uzależnienie od żywnościowej polityki rządu, co skutkowało przeobrażeniami w sferze nie tylko kulturowej, ale także społecznej14. Powstanie Narodowego Ruchu Wyzwolenia Afarów (Afar National Liberation Movement) miało temu przeciwdziałać. Naturalną konsekwencją polityki Etiopii oraz rosnącego antagonizmu Afarów i Issów w Dżibutii, w połączeniu z dążeniami secesyjnymi w Erytrei, było zespolenie się Afarów ze wszystkich ich terenów położonych na obszarze każdego z tych państw. Narodowy Ruch Wyzwolenia Afarów zmierzający początkowo do powstania autonomicznego regionu Afarów zaczął się z czasem radykalizować, a jego przedstawiciele zaczęli głosić ideę powołania do życia suwerennego państwa Afarów na obszarach, które zamieszkiwali od wieków. Konflikt zbrojny, który wybuchł na pograniczu Etiopii i Dżibuti, był konsekwencją powszechnej wśród Afarów tendencji do urzeczywistnienia tej idei, która była też przyczyną wybuchu wojny domowej w 1991 r. w Dżibuti. Struktura społeczna Afarów oraz ich świat kultury Afarów cechuje hierarchicznie ukształtowana struktura społeczna oparta na specyficznych organizmach zwierzchnich, określanych mianem sułtanatu, z zachowaniem rozgraniczenia ze względu na podział na społeczność Assahyamaras i Adohyamaras. 13 M. Jackowska-Uwadizu, Społeczeństwo Afarów wobec modernizacji Etiopii [w:] K. Górak-Sosnowska, J. Jurewicz (red.), Kulturowe uwarunkowania rozwoju w Azji i Afryce, Wydawnictwo Ibidem, Łódź 2010, s. 75–88. 14 M. Jackowska-Uwadizu, op. cit., s. 75–88. �202 Krystyna Kamińska L’Aoussa15 to jeden z najstarszych sułtanatów, którego ziemie leżą na obszarze dzisiejszej Etiopii, a zamieszkałe są głównie przez ludność należącą do Assahyamaras. Natomiast Afarowie zamieszkujący na obszarze Republiki Dżibuti to tzw. Adohyamaras, którzy tworzą odrębne wspólnoty w ramach sułtanatu Tadżura, dawnego sułtanatu Gobaad oraz sułtanatu Raheita. Sułtanat Tadżura, w ramach którego występują społeczności: Adali, Hassoba, Ablé, Airolasso, Songo, Goda i Maanditta jest jednocześnie największym i najliczniejszym w Dżibuti. Z kolei dawny sułtanat Gobaad – będący obecnie częścią sułtanatu L’Aoussa – istniejący niegdyś na obszarze Dżibuti zamieszkują wspólnoty: Debné i Adorassoul. Przedstawiciele obu wspólnot, chociaż nominalnie pozbawieni władzy przez zwierzchność sułtanatu L’Aoussa, nadal odgrywają istotną rolę wśród Afarów. Ostatnie z rodów (a zarazem grupy etniczne): Bassoma, Konycly-boura i Badoita-mela tworzą sułtanat Raheita, którego rdzenne terytoria są położone i w Dżibuti, i w Etiopii. Każdy sułtanat skupia w swoich ramach pomniejsze grupy etniczne. Każda z nich przynależy do jednego z 19 najważniejszych rodów afarskich16. Ród wraz ze współtworzącą go wspólnotą traktowany jest jako „właściciel” pewnego obszaru ziem, przypisanego wspólnocie Afarów na mocy prawa zwyczajowego. W obrębie każdego z 19 rodów wszystkie pomniejsze wspólnoty afarskie zobligowane są do respektowania zarówno przypisania do hierarchii społecznej wynikającego z urodzenia, jak i do odwiecznej tradycji koczowniczego życia oraz przestrzegania ram prawa zwyczajowego. Dobrowolna podległość w ramach sułtanatu wynika z tradycji Afarów, która dzieli ich życie na czas pokoju lub czas wojny. W tym kontekście funkcjonowanie wspólnot 15 Sułtanat L’Aoussa grupuje przedstawicieli wspólnot etnicznych: Oloto-k-Madima, Gombar, Ablissa, Oloto-k-Modaito, Wandaba, Galaela i Adkalto. P. Oberlé, P. Huget, op. cit., s. 35. 16 P. Oberlé, P. Hugo, op. cit., s. 35–36. �Religijność Afarów – symbiotyczny związek islamu... 203 rodowych w strukturach sułtanatu naznaczało ich teraźniejszość nie tylko granicami władzy, ale i tradycją ich niepisanego prawa. Sułtanat jako organizm polityczny przede wszystkim był gwarantem dobrobytu, bo zapewniał z jednej strony obronę pokoju, jednocząc Afarów wiodących koczowniczy (niezależny) tryb życia przeciwko agresorom, z drugiej zaś stał na straży, a zarazem sprawował pieczę nad trybutami należnymi Afarom od sąsiednich, pomniejszych grup etnicznych. Nadzorował też pobór myta nie tyle za możliwość przekroczenia jego granic, ile za zapewnienie cudzoziemcom bezpieczeństwa na podległym mu terytorium. Na podstawie kroniki wojennej autorstwa D’Amda Syôn z XIV w. wiadomo, że przywódca Sułtanatu Adal pobierał także należności trybutowe od innych sułtanatów. Niemożność zapłaty doprowadziła m.in. do zaniku samodzielności, a przez to i władzy Sułtanatu Ankaala17. Sułtanaty upadały też wraz z utratą przynależących doń ziem. W czasach wczesnego kolonializmu przyczyną zmierzchu afarskiego Sułtanatu Tadżura była właśnie sprzedaż przynależnych mu ziem Francji, jednak praprzyczyną jego zaniku jego były wcześniejsze wojny z Abisynią na tle religijnym i działania podejmowane przez sułtanat w celu niedopuszczenia do powrotu na te ziemie chrześcijaństwa, ponieważ konwersja na islam zapewniała zarówno bezpieczeństwo ze strony Arabów, jak i pośrednie zyski z handlu niewolnikami. Ogromną rolę w życiu Afarów (niezależnie od ich przypisania do danego rodu i doświadczanego poczucia wolności, jakie daje nomadyzm) odgrywa specyficzna struktura społeczno-prawna nosząca nazwę Fi’ma, która może skutecznie interweniować w wielu dziedzinach ich codziennego życia. Od urodzenia aż do śmier17 Nie wiadomo, jak dokładnie funkcjonowały sułtanaty w okresie średniowiecza i w wiekach późniejszych, ponieważ informacje o ich strukturze wewnętrznej pochodzą głównie z okresu kolonialnego, gdy przyszłe państwa kolonialne zaczynały zawierać z przywódcami sułtanatów odrębne umowy. �204 Krystyna Kamińska ci Afarowie podporządkowują się społeczności lokalnej, do której przynależą, to jednak Fi’ma dookreśla dokładnie świat wartości, któremu nikt się nie przeciwstawia. Ta odwieczna tradycja i związane z nią niepisane prawa zakreślają ramy afarskiej kultury. Wydarzenia rodzinne takie jak narodziny, zawarcie małżeństwa czy śmierć były i nadal są obwarowane określonym rytuałem przekazywanym z pokolenia na pokolenie, takim jak np. pradawny zwyczaj, by małżonkowie pochodzili ze spokrewnionych ze sobą rodzin. Ponadto zaślubiny mogły się odbywać jedynie dwa razy do roku, kiedy „gwiazda czarna” i „gwiazda czerwona” ukażą się razem na niebie. Po ślubie zaś młoda para musiała przez określony czas zamieszkiwać u rodziców żony. Dopiero po narodzinach pierwszego dziecka, czyli co najmniej po upływie kilku miesięcy, małżonkowie mogli rozpocząć samodzielne życie. Nawet wtedy, gdy małżonek przeniósł się do większej osady czy – począwszy od XIX w. – do miasta, by utrzymać rodzinę, był nadal zobowiązany do przestrzegania tego rytuału i pozostawienia żony w domu rodziców18. Religia w życiu Afarów Tradycyjne wierzenia W sposób pośredni Fi’ma wpływa także na religijność Afarów. Wielowiekowa tradycja ma osadzenie w ich dawnych wierzeniach, chociaż niektóre z pradawnych zwyczajów dawno zanikły, inne powoli ulegają zapomnieniu wraz ze zmianami w poszczególnych aspektach życia zapoczątkowanymi w okresie kolonialnym. Sys18 Być może właśnie w tak długim okresie usamodzielniania się młodych ludzi i konieczności zamieszkiwania małżonków z rodziną żony tkwiła przyczyna niskiego przyrostu naturalnego wśród Afarów. �Religijność Afarów – symbiotyczny związek islamu... 205 tem dawnych wierzeń z przekazów oralnych (niezależnie od agregowanych elementów wczesnego judaizmu, a potem islamu i chrześcijaństwa) został trwałe wpisany nie tylko w charakter postrzegania rzeczywistości, ale także odcisnął piętno na praktykach religijnych. Tradycja ta pokryła afarski islam dawną kosmogonią. Pradawne przedmioty kulturowe, np. święty bęben (dinkaara’) nadal są obecne w ceremoniach religijnych19. Sakralizacja tego instrumentu (lub instrumentów) zawiera w sobie silne znamiona symboliczne, wypełnia go aura posiadacza władzy. Życie religijne dawnych Afarów i odziedziczone po przodkach bóstwa wyznaczały ramy ich duchowości w świecie politeistycznym. Jego animistyczne korzenie wiązały się z jednej strony z kultem astralnym, w którym istotną rolę odgrywał księżyc, którego personifikacja (jedno z ważniejszych ciał niebieskich) wpływała szczególnie na ludzki los, z drugiej zaś ze światem dawnych rozlicznych bóstw (np. Waako, Goyta czy Yaabe), do których należało pełnienie różnych funkcji. W życiu Afarów miała znaczenie nie tylko adoracja księżyca, lecz także słońca. Wydaje się jednak, że kult lunarny prawdopodobnie zdominował pozostałe wymiary kultu astralnego utożsamianego z innymi ciałami niebieskimi. Przedislamski świat wierzeń Afarów był także silnie osadzony na kulcie natury. Powiązanie przez Afarów życia ludzkiego ze światem fauny i flory, funkcjonującego za sprawą wierzeń trochę na pograniczu magii, oznaczało dla nich uzależnienie własnego losu z jednej strony od sił natury, które wpływały na wegetację roślin, z drugiej natomiast od zwierząt, wokół których ogniskowało się ich życie, które to z kolei nadawały sens istnieniu samych Afarów, a obcowanie z nimi chroniło przed „złem”. Według wierzeń Afarów każde zwierzę posiadało własne bóstwo opiekuńcze (ginni). Strach przed nim – jego złymi mocami w świecie ukrytym 19 A. Coubba, op. cit., s. 141. �206 Krystyna Kamińska przed człowiekiem – powodował, że zwierzętom oddawano cześć (jako bóstwom agrarnym), by w ten sposób zapobiec ukrytej groźbie20. Zwierzęta w życiu Afarów zarówno „kontrolowały” prawość ich życia, jak i miały moc uzdrawiającą. Dotykając zwierzęcia, nie tylko zapobiegano chorobie, ale starano się też ją uleczyć. Natomiast w tradycji dawnych afarskich wierzeń nie do końca jeszcze rozpoznano istotę kultu zmarłych (diyaara), który był częścią ich świata duchowego. Jego współczesnym świadectwem są tzw. kopce nagrobne. Tworzenie miejsc pochówku i osłanianie ich warstwą kamieni to jeszcze jedna z niezbadanych do końca tajemnic kultury afarskiej. Po dekompozycji (rozczłonkowaniu) ciała zmarłego zakopywano je w ziemi. Z czasem usypany stożek przybierał kształt okrągłego kopca, który pokrywano warstwami kamieni. Klasyczne kopce noszą nazwę waydal21. Konstruowanie charakterystycznych budowli kamiennych układających się na kształt małej piramidy przetrwało wieki. Tradycja tworzenia kopców nagrobnych zanikła prawdopodobnie dopiero w latach 50. XX w. Być może prowadzone współcześnie prace archeologiczne pozwolą lepiej poznać ten wycinek afarskich wierzeń i wyjaśnić nie tylko ich osadzenie w kulturze, ale i rolę, jaką odgrywało w niej grzebanie. Wpływ judaizmu i chrześcijaństwa na dawne wierzenia Judaizm nie był dla Afarów religią całkowicie obcą czy nieznaną. Jego ślady można odnaleźć w niektórych dawnych praktykach religijnych. W Sułtanacie Tadżura od stuleci znany jest rytuał „poświęcania morza” (baddi maskiin), który kultywowany jest przez tamtejszych afarskich rybaków. Czarny byk składany w ofie20 21 Ibidem, s. 144. Ibidem, s. 57–58. �Religijność Afarów – symbiotyczny związek islamu... 207 rze morzu ma ich bronić przed gniewem żywiołu, objawiającym się pod postacią burz i sztormów. Krew zabitego byka musi powoli sączyć się do morskich wód. Natomiast fragmenty jego ciała, jak nakazuje zwyczaj, dzieli się na części. W celach ochronnych jedną z nich dotyka się czoła dziecka, inną zaś umieszcza się nad drzwiami chaty. Ten obyczaj przypomina niektóre praktyki żydowskie, mające swoje odniesienie w Biblii (siedem plag trapiących naród Izraelitów). W zwyczajach tych brak jest jakiejkolwiek możliwości ich przypisania do islamu czy do świata kultury arabskiej22. Chrześcijaństwo, podobnie jak judaizm, również wpłynęło na świat kultury Afarów. Przez prawie siedem wieków (od III do X) było przecież obecne także w ich otoczeniu. Żarliwość chrześcijańska w nawracaniu na wiarę Chrystusa przerastała jednak możliwości absorbcji przez ludność, która daleka była od monoteizmu religijnego w niektórych rejonach Afryki. Niektóre nie do końca rozpoznane epizody z dawnej historii Afarów wskazują, że ich konwersja na islam w późniejszych wiekach nie była z góry przesądzona. Chrześcijaństwo głęboko zakorzenione w tamtych czasach wśród ludności zamieszkującej dawniej obszar Abisynii także odcisnęło swoje piętno na ówczesnych wierzeniach Afarów. Niektóre sułtanaty afarskie nie opowiedziały się jednoznacznie za islamem, a ich ludność pozostała podzielona między wyznawców chrześcijaństwa i muzułmanów (np. w sułtanacie grupującym Afarów ze wspólnoty Dooba tworzące się zręby religii monoteistycznej pozostawały w zawieszeniu między chrześcijaństwem a islamem23). Ścieranie się obu tych religii, zwłaszcza do wieku IX włącznie, było przyczyną licznych wojen o podłożu religijnym, w które zaangażowani byli przedstawiciele afarskich sułtanatów. 22 23 Ibidem, s. 147. Ibidem, s. 208. �208 Krystyna Kamińska Islamizacja Afarów Datujące się już od X w. liczne kontakty z Arabami przybywającymi głównie z Półwyspu Arabskiego, m.in. obszaru dzisiejszego Jemenu, sprzyjały rozpowszechnianiu się wśród Afarów religii Mahometa. Jednak na pojawienie się islamu wśród Afarów i na jego upowszechnienie miało wpływ kilka czynników natury nie tylko religijnej. Dlaczego zatem islam zawładnął duchowością Afarów? Przede wszystkim przesłanie Mahometa bliższe było ich tradycyjnemu życiu. Bytność w meczecie nomadowie mogli zastąpić w czasie swoich wędrówek modlitwą, w której kilkukrotnie w ciągu dnia mogli oddawać cześć Allahowi. W przeciwieństwie do wymagań narzucanych przez chrześcijaństwo, które dominowało na obszarze Abisynii, absorbcji islamu sprzyjały także prostsze reguły postępowania oraz łatwość w przestrzeganiu niektórych zakazów. Jednak to nie względy religijne były przyczyną, która przechyliła szalę przy decyzji Afarów o konwersji na islam. Istotniejsze były względy ekonomiczne oraz poczucie bezpieczeństwa. Islam jako wyznanie Arabów, będących w tej części Afryki ludnością napływową, a których pojawienie się jednocześnie było związane z rozkwitem handlu niewolnikami, którym dotknięta została wówczas Afryka, stał się dla Afarów religią pierwszego wyboru. To przecież głównie Arabowie zajmowali się handlem, ciągnąc z tego procederu ogromne na one czasy zyski. Niewolnicy przewijający się w ogromnej liczbie przez afrykańskie porty u wybrzeży Morza Czerwonego i Oceanu Indyjskiego byli podstawą dobrobytu i wzrostu gospodarczego tych terenów. Niektóre z tych portów powstały na ziemiach Afarów, ponadto krzyżowały się tam także trakty, którymi podążały karawany niewolników. Dla Afarów ciągłe kontakty z Arabami oznaczały nie tylko bogacenie się poszczególnych rodów, ale także poważne �Religijność Afarów – symbiotyczny związek islamu... 209 zagrożenie ich wolności, bo każdy, kto nie był wyznawcą islamu, mógł łatwo stać się niewolnikiem. Przyjęcie islamu pozwalało więc mieć pewność, że nie podzieli się w przyszłości losu niewolnika, który dla Arabów jako istota niewierna nie miał żadnych praw, a wart był tyle, ile wynosił zysk z jego sprzedaży. Dodatkowo trakty handlowe przebiegające również przez terytorium Afarów począwszy od X w. przyczyniły się z czasem do tego, że pośredniczyli oni w wymianie handlowej między Egiptem a Abisynią, czerpiąc także profity z handlu solą wydobywaną przez niektóre afarskie rody. W efekcie Dankalowie z północy, Adalowie oraz Afarowie, zamieszkali w obrębie sułtanatu Tadżura, stali się bardzo szybko wyznawcami nowej wiary24. Zakończenie Islam wybierany przez Afarów na ich religię wchłonął również dawne wierzenia. Jednak jeszcze dziś w ich praktykach religijnych można odnaleźć wiele pozostałości dawnej sfery sacrum czy kosmogonii. Afarowie od stuleci byli głęboko osadzeni w lokalnych wierzeniach i pozostawali także pod wpływem wybranych elementów religijnych wynikających z ich kulturowego przypisania do Kuszytów. W życiu nomadów, w którym historia nigdy nie była utrwalona w formie piśmiennej, a dzieje przekazywano ustnie z pokolenia na pokolenie, trudno wyznaczać nawet hipotetyczny czas, kiedy przeobrażenia w sferze wierzeń religijnych zacho­dziły. Nadal niewiele wiadomo na temat życia duchowego dawnych Afarów. Nieliczne publikacje ciągle pozostawiają wiele pytań bez odpowiedzi. Echa dawnych praktyk kultowych i dawnego świata animistycznych wierzeń są ciągle widoczne w tekstach odwołu24 Ibidem, s. 151. �210 Krystyna Kamińska jących się do dawnych przekazów, legend czy tabu. Jednak wiedzę o początkach afarskiej tradycji religijnej można jedynie „odtwarzać” w zakresie możliwym dzięki komparatystyce, posiłkując się udokumentowanymi zmianami występującymi również w innym obszarze Afryki. I chociaż konwersja na islam dokonywała się powoli pomiędzy VIII a XV w., będąc wypadkową ówczesnych realiów historycznych, to była ona na tyle trwała, że obecnie 98% Afarów to sunnici25. Bibliografia Yayyo A, L’ histoire culturelle du peuple Afar, article dactylogrphiié, bdw. Bartnicki A., Walka o Morze Czerwone 1527–1868, Warszawa 1993. Coubba A., Les Afar. De la préhistoire à la fin du XV siècle, Paris 2004. Dilleyta A. M., Les Afars: la fin du nomadisme, 2015. www.politique-africaine.com/numeros/pdf/034051.pdf. (dostęp: 10.10.2018 r.). Hartleb-Wroczyńska D., Kolonializm w Rogu Afryki [w:] J. Mantel-Niećko, M. Ząbek (red.), Róg Afryki. Historia i współczesność, Warszawa 1999. Jackowska-Uwadizu M., Społeczeństwo Afarów wobec modernizacji Etiopii [w:] K. Górak-Sosnowska, J. Jurewicz (red.), Kulturowe uwarunkowania rozwoju w Azji i Afryce, Wydawnictwo Ibidem, Łódź 2010. Mémoires géographiques et historiques, t. 2, 1811. Oberlé Ph., Hugot P., Histoire de Djiboutti, Paris–Dakar 1985. Rouaud A., Par une histoire des Arabes de Djibouti 1896–1997, „Cahiers d’ études africaines” 1997, volume 37, no 146. Do rozłamu w świecie islamu doszło po śmierci Mahometa w 632 r. Szyici bronili prawa do dziedzictwa Mahometa (kalifatu) jego prawowitym następcom – córce Fatimie i zięciowi Alemu oraz ich potomkom, natomiast ich przeciwnicy – sunnici – uznali, że ich duchowym przywódcą nie musi być osoba spokrewniona z Mahometem. 25 �Religijność Afarów – symbiotyczny związek islamu... 211 The religiousness of the Afar people – symbiotical relation of islam with traditional religions Summary For centuries the territories of now Ethiopia, Djibouti and Eritrea have been inhabited by the Afar people – the indigenous people of this region of Africa – leading the nomadic lifestyle. The areas populated by them (comprising c. 150,000 km2) spread form the north-east regions of Eritrea through western parts of Ethiopia to the borders with Somalia. The Afar people are the descendants of the Cushitic peoples. They never constituted a homogeneous community either ethnically or politically. They establish some specific communes based on hierarchically formed social structures respecting the ancient tradition and the eternal common law. The element consolidating the whole ethnic group is most importantly the Afar language and religion (a variation of Islam including the vital component of primary animism.) The contacts with the Arabs, dating back to 10th century, have favoured the propagation of Islam among the Afar people, even though their religious practices have been and still are heavily influenced by the former beliefs. Keywords: Africa, Afar people, islam, traditional religions. ��7 Bilad as-Sudan Rodzime kultury a islam Bilad as-Sudan – Rodzime kultury a islam � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/b2079fd3bb68b3526ece6eae934c6347.pdf 9562627e4c68e7d7fd425a5972aefc48 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5010 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource grafitti Zadrożyńska, Anna antropologia miasta street art sztuka uliczna - aspekt antropolgiczny Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4647 Title A name given to the resource Kilka uwag o zmienionych sytuacjach i kontekstach Grafitti/ Antropolog wobec współczesności Description An account of the resource tom w darze Profesor Annie Zadrożyńskiej Antropolog wobec współczesności pod red. Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.366-378 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Czapiga, Małgorzata Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Małgorzata Czapiga Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UJ Graffiti. Kilka uwag o zmienionych sytuacjach i kontekstach SCENA 1 : D a c h j e d n e g o z w i e ż o w c ó w . R a c z k u j ą c y c h ł o p i e c zbliża się d o krawędzi płaskiego d a c h u , c i ą g n ą c za s o b ą na s z n u r k u s a m o c h o d z i k - c i ę ż a r ó w k ę . SCENA 2: M e t a l o w e , szare, odrapane d r z w i t y l n e g o wyjścia b u d y n k u o n i e w i a d o m y m p r z e z n a c z e n i u z w i e ń c z ą c ą je p o d m u r ó w k ą . N a p o r o ś n i ę t y m kłączami b e t o n o w y m s z e ś c i a n i e p r o f i l d z i e w c z y n k i , s i e d z ą c e j na skraju s t o p n i a , p a t r z ą c e j p r z e d siebie. SCENA 3: Pusta, cicha k l a t k a s c h o d o w a . R o z c h o d z ą c e się o d starości d r e w n i a n e f r a m u ­ g i w białej ścianie z płatami o d c h o d z ą c e j f a r b y D z i e w c z y n k a z w a r k o c z y k a m i związa­ n y m i wstążkami w s p i n a się na palcach, b y s i ę g n ą ć p a l c e m w s k a z u j ą c y m d o włącznika w i n d y O b o k niej o t w a r t e d r z w i o b n a ż a j ą c e z i e j ą c e szarością d w a p u s t e s z y b y w i n d y Czarne zastygłe plamy postaci, unieruchomione w swoich pozach. Opisane sytuacje nie są, jak można by przypuszczać, scenopisem sztuki teatralnej, lecz stanowią próbę opisania zjawiska, obok którego trudno przejść obojętnie. Wszystkie trzy postaci t o graffiti powstałe na murach Czarnobyla opuszczonego po katastrofie w w y n i k u awarii reaktora w 1986 r. Czarne sylwetki dzieci i dorosłych, przypominające cienie zostawiane przez ludzkie postaci na ścianach budynków, a w przestrzeni 30-kilometrowej strzeżonej Strefy, która d o niedawna była 50-tysięcznym miastem, pełnym ludzi żyjących w sąsiedztwie elektrowni atomowej, tak¬ że na domu kultury, placach zabaw, ścianach kin, przedszkoli, bibliotek, hali sporto¬ wej, basenu, w parkach i wesołym miasteczku, zyskują zupełnie nowe, nieoczeki¬ wane znaczenia. W wyludnionym mieście-widmie graffiti postaci odgrywających swój niemy teatr zmuszają d o refleksji. Strefa jawi się jako coś nienaturalnego i wbrew zdrowemu rozsądkowi. Czarnobyl, powołany d o istnienia z założeniem gromadze¬ nia ludzi i stanowienia przestrzeni wspólnoty, przypomina teraz miasto z koszmaru - pustynny senny labirynt, w którym nie można odnaleźć drogi. Niepokojąca jest wszechogarniająca cisza, nieobecność, pustka, która b y w a na o g ó ł u t o ż s a m i a n a ze ś m i e r c i ą a l b o z n i e i s t n i e n i e m . W t e n s p o s ó b p r z y p i s u ¬ je się jej rolę d r u g i e j strony, z a p r z e c z e n i a życia, a n a w e t jego j e d y n e j sensownej f o r m y - ż y c i a s p o ł e c z n e g o . Pustka sama w s o b i e n i e istnieje, m o ż e b y ć z d e f i n i o w a n a j e d y n i e 366 �Graffiti. Kilka uwag o zmienionych sytuacjach i kontekstach negatywnie, jako p r z e c i w i e ń s t w o tego, c z y m nie jest. Przez swoją n i e o k r e ś l o n o ś ć i n i e o p i s y w a l n o ś ć z y s k u j e a s p e k t y nadnaturalne, n i c z y m Bóg, k t ó r e g o w e d ł u g n i e k t ó r y c h o p i s a ć m o ż n a c o n a j w y ż e j słowami t a k i m i , jak p r z e p a ś ć , s a m o t n o ś ć , cisza, n i e o b e c ­ n o ś ć , k t ó r e t o określenia kojarzą się p r z e d e w s z y s t k i m z pustką ( K o c i a t k i e w i c z , K o ­ stera 1997, s. 8 1 ) . Strefa zyskuje konotacje śmiertelnej krainy z jednej strony przez nieobecność i pustkę, a z drugiej przez historię miejsca, w którym czas nie płynie — wszystko zo­ stało zatrzymane: buciki dzieci w przedszkolu stoją, jak stały, poukładane równiutko w rzędach małych szafek, pociągi wstrzymane w środku trasy, porzucone barki, bu­ dynki przystrojone propagandowymi symbolami wciąż czekające na majowe świę­ to, które już nigdy nie nadejdzie. Jedynym przejawem egzystencji wydaje się teatr cieni — szablonowe graffiti wprowadzone na ściany bloków, mieszkań, magazynów, życie toczące się mimo wszystko, w przestrzeni śmierci i zatrzymanym czasie. Przykład graffiti z Czarnobyla i Prypeci — miast, które otoczono drutem kolczastym i odcięto od reszty świata — nie byłby może tak w y m o w n y i szokujący, gdyby nie szczególna przestrzeń, w której można je oglądać. Właściwie przecież rysunki te nie są przeznaczone do oglądania, bo do Strefy, oficjalnie nadal uznawanej za teren silnie skażony promieniowaniem, wchodzą tylko mężczyźni pracujący przy roz- 367 �Małgorzata Czapiga biórce starego reaktora oraz, nielegalnie, amatorzy - poszukiwacze przygód. T y m większa jest ekspresja obrazów, które w pustce nie mogą znaleźć swoich od¬ biorców, są autoteliczne i nieme, jak miasta po katastrofie. Być może lekcja tych graffiti jest tak dramatyczna również dlatego, że w dzisiej­ szym urbanistycznym krajobrazie przechodzień często przesuwa wzrokiem po mi¬ janych obiektach, coraz rzadziej naprawdę je dostrzega. Dlatego też graffiti wtopi¬ ło się w codzienność kolejnych dni i przestało być zauważalne, a w każdym razie: czytane. A j e d n a k w i d z e n i e jest n a j b a r d z i e j ludzką, aktywną i o t w a r t ą r e a k c j ą na u n a o c z n i a j ą c ą się p r z e s t r z e ń miasta. [ . . . ] R z e c z z a t e m raczej w t y m , że w i d z e n i e w y p i e r a n e b y w a c z ę s t o w m o d e r n i s t y c z n e j p r z e s t r z e n i m i e j s k i e j p r z e z p a t r z e n i e i spoglądanie. Pa­ t r z e n i e t o c z y n n o ś ć a u t o m a t y c z n a , nie w y m a g a j ą c a s z c z e g ó l n e j a k t y w n o ś c i i s k u p i e ­ nia u w a g i . S p o g l ą d a n i e jest nieuważne i o m y l n e . J e d n o i d r u g i e p o z b a w i o n e t r o s k i o p o c h ł a n i a j ą c ą je p r z e s t r z e ń . T e n b r a k o d p o w i e d z i a l n o ś c i m o ż e m y o d c z y t a ć jako swoistą o b r o n ę p r z e d n a d m i a r e m w i z u a l n y c h w r a ż e ń (Rewers 1997, s. 46) Graffiti w znanej do dziś postaci pojawiło się na murach polskich miast w latach 90. X X w., nie było jednak czymś radykalnie nowym, lecz wyrastało ze zjawisk wcześniejszych. Napisy, inskrypcje, rysunki, szablony naścienne to przecież jedna z form małego sabotażu podczas I I wojny światowej. W marcu 1942 r. ogłoszono konkurs na znak patriotyczny, który mógłby być rozpowszechniany, aby podtrzy¬ mać na duchu społeczeństwo i przeciwdziałać propagandzie hitlerowskiej. Konkurs wygrała studentka tajnego Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, a jej projekt to znana d o dziś i rozpoznawana „kotwica" - znak Polski Walczącej. Kotwicę malowano na mu¬ rach, słupach ogłoszeniowych i elektrycznych, na przystankach tramwajów i zna¬ nych pomnikach. Początkowo używano trudnej do usunięcia farby smołowej i pędz¬ la, ostatecznie stworzono szablon i pieczątkę, ułatwiające pracę harcerzom, którzy zostali wyznaczeni do prowadzenia akcji (zob. Welker 2000). Czasem, w którym przeprowadzano podobne akcje, choć może bez tak bardzo charakterystycznych i rozpoznawanych do dzisiaj znaków, był oczywiście okres PRL-u, kiedy walka z władzą ludową przejawiała się również w podobnej formie ak¬ tywności: wypisywaniu na murach haseł „konkurencyjnych", polemicznych i pamfletowych wobec plakatów i sloganów propagandowych. Znaczące były nie tylko same napisy czy szablony, ale mówiące były także ślady pozostałe po ich zniszcze¬ niu przez opresyjne władze. K i e d y p o l i c j a zamalowywała g r a f f i t i Solidarności, zostawiała b e z k s z t a ł t n e p l a m y na m u ­ rach. Po d o m a l o w a n i u k i l k u d o d a t k o w y c h p l a m y te p r z y p o m i n a ł y k r a s n o l u d k i - jak g d y b y z g o d n i e z myślą H e g l a teza i a n t y t e z a prowadziły d o s y n t e z y [ . . . ] F r y d r y c h nazwał t o m a l a r s t w e m t a k t y c z n y m . C h c i a ł z a c h ę c i ć s p o ł e c z e ń s t w o d o s a m o d z i e l n e ­ g o t w o r z e n i a napisów i z m i e n i ć p o p r z e z t o s z a t ę g r a f i c z n ą miasta. M i a ł o t o w efekcie p r o w a d z i ć d o „totalnej surrealistycznej r e w o l u c j i s p o ł e c z n e j " (Paczoska 2 0 0 8 , s. 8 1 ) . 368 �Graffiti. Kilka uwag o zmienionych sytuacjach i kontekstach O analogicznej sytuacji znaczenia „nieobecnego" wspomina Richard Shusterman, przytaczając opowiadanie berlińskiego pisarza Kurta Tucholsky'ego Plamy. O p i s u j e o n p l a m y n i e o b e c n e g o k o l o r u na b r ą z o w y m g r a n i t o w y m murze b y ł e j akade¬ m i i w o j s k o w e j na D o r o t h e n s t r a s s e w d z i e l n i c y M i t t e . Te „ n i e k o ń c z ą c e s i ę " l i s t y ofiar W i e l k i e j W o j n y , listy, k t ó r e o b r ó c i ł y się w p r o c h i stały się n i e o b e c n e , t a k samo jak w y m i e n i a n e p r z e z nie ofiary, lecz p o z o s t a ł y u p i o r n i e w i d o c z n e dzięki białym pla¬ m o m , s y m b o l e m c z a r n y c h w s p o m n i e ń o g o r z k i e j p o r a ż c e ( S h u s t e r m a n 2 0 0 7 , s. 149). Zamalowywane przez policję napisy zostawiane przez członków Pomarańczo¬ wej Alternatywy czy Solidarności być może nie mają w sobie aż tyle dramatyzmu, co te z Mitte, ale w obu przypadkach są wyraźniej obecne przez swoją nieobecność właśnie. Ślad pozostaje zapisem pamięci - ekspresywnie nacechowanym anarchicz¬ nym gestem. Polskie graffiti, wykorzystując kontestatorski potencjał nielegalnego malowania ścian, rodziło się zatem w czasie zniewolenia, stanowiło głos buntu i dawało pod¬ stawy do tworzenia wspólnoty, z którą można by się utożsamiać. Sprzyjały temu okresy przełomów, przewartościowań, budzenia się świadomości. Jednocześnie wią¬ zało się z zachowaniami nieformalnych grup młodych ludzi ze szkół, osiedli, którzy stanowili zróżnicowaną, lecz p o d wieloma względami w miarę spójną subkulturę. Zjawisko w Polsce miało zatem inne przyczyny niż w Stanach Zjednoczonych, gdzie wypracowano te formy ekspresji, które przyjąć się miały także w Polsce. W Stanach Zjednoczonych zaistnienie graffiti było nierozerwalnie związane z muzyką hiphopową. Połączył je topos walki z opresorami i poczucie alienacji wo¬ bec zewnętrznej, oficjalnej władzy Oba zjawiska powstawały od lat 70. X X w. , naj­ pierw na przedmieściach Nowego Jorku, żeby potem objąć całe Stany przenieść się do Europy, a ostatecznie w najdalsze zakątki świata . Najpodatniejszym gruntem dla amerykańskiego graffiti były getta mniejszości etnicznych Bronksu i Brooklynu. 1 2 T e r m i n „ g e t t o " z o s t a ł u ż y t y p o raz p i e r w s z y w 1516 r. w W e n e c j i na o z n a c z e n i e spec­ jalnej d z i e l n i c y w k t ó r e j Ż y d z i z o s t a l i p r z y m u s o w o o d s e p a r o w a n i i g d z i e k a z a n o i m m i e s z k a ć . O f i c j a l n e z a m y k a n i e Ż y d ó w w s p e c j a l n y c h d z i e l n i c a c h stało się p o w s z e c h ­ ną praktyką w t y c h miastach c h r z e ś c i j a ń s k i e j E u r o p y k t ó r e p o s i a d a ł y z n a c z n ą p o p u ­ lację ż y d o w s k ą , zaś t e r m i n „ g e t t o " przyjął się jako o g ó l n a nazwa t a k i c h miejsc ( S h u s t e r m a n 2 0 0 7 , s. 4 6 ) . 1 W t y m czasie na r y n k u amerykańskim pojawiły się pisaki w o d o o d p o r n e , które pozwalały na t w o r z e n i e najpierw tagów - podpisów grafficiarzy a p o t e m bardziej skomplikowanych rysunków. Technika szybko się rozwijała, powstawały coraz t o nowe style w g r a f f i t i - bubble style czy wide style. O s t a t e c z n i e z a c z ę t o rysować całe o b r a z y - przyczyniło się d o tego z pewnością pojawienie się spra­ y ó w z k o l o r o w y m i farbami i różnorodnymi końcówkami, dających nieograniczone możliwości. 2 Dziś graffiti t w o r z y się także w najodleglejszych rejonach A m e r y k i Południowej, A z j i i A f r y k i . D o r o b e k najsłynniejszych writerów zebrany został w albumie Świat graffiti. Sztuka ulicy z pięciu kontynen­ tów (Gane 2008). 369 �Małgorzata Czapiga Znaczenie terminu szybko się rozszerzyło i stało się właściwie synonimem prze­ strzeni alienowanej, odseparowanej, naznaczonej piętnem obcości, izolacji i stra­ chu. Gettami zaczęto nazywać przedmieścia wielkich metropolii, zamieszkiwanych przez przedstawicieli mniejszości rasowych bądź etnicznych. T u właśnie swoje korzenie ma graffiti. W języku hiphopowców i writerów — twórców graffiti, częściej pojawia się jednak określenie hood — dzielnica. Identyfikacja z własną dzielnicą jest silniejsza niż rasowa czy narodowa, choć często się one pokrywały Społeczność nie organizuje się tu wokół tradycyjnego domu — wydającego się jedynym w przestrzeni miejskiej miejscem uporządkowanym i skupiającym wartości (a więc miejscem jako takim), nad którym mieszkańcy mają władzę i jednocześnie wokół którego, jako punktu centralnego, organizują swe życie. W nowej sytuacji teren wspólnoty obej¬ muje dzielnicę i ulicę, na której toczy się życie. U l i c a , a nie d o m , jest m i e j s c e m , g d z i e nawiązuje się n a j w i ę c e j k o n t a k t ó w . W y n i k a t o p r z e d e w s z y s t k i m z tego, ż e c z ę s t o w i e l o d z i e t n e r o d z i n y ż y j ą c e w g e t t a c h miały d o d y s p o z y c j i małe mieszkania: n a t u r a l n y m ś r o d o w i s k i e m dla d o r a s t a j ą c y c h d z i e c i b y ł y t e r e n y p o z a d o m e m . T a k w i ę c ulica odgrywała rolę p i e r w s z e g o d o m u , p o d c z a s g d y z n a c z e n i e w ł a ś c i w e g o d o m u r o d z i n n e g o jest m a r g i n a l i z o w a n e ( P i e k a r s k a - D u r a j 2 0 0 8 , s. 179). Jedyną wartością zachowaną z pola semantycznego domu pozostaje instytucja i autorytet matki. Getta kierują się własną polityką i zasadami, odrzucają znaczenie domu jako podstawowego waloru, świętością pozostaje jednak matka jako uosobie¬ nie wartości i poczucia ładu w znaczeniu przestrzennym, ale także i czasowym — jako organizator losu jednostki. N i e przeszkadza to oczywiście zaistnieniu zjawisk z ka­ tegorii Black English, czyli rytualnych obelg w angielszczyźnie Murzynów amery¬ kańskich i generalnie brutalizacji języka. Nastoletni czarni chłopcy uprawiają pew¬ ną formę „mowy ulicznej", związanej z rodzajem b i t w y słownej — tzw. dozens. Są to zbiorowe, męskie zajęcia podejmowane dla zabawy, które angażują publiczność i polegają na mówieniu obraźliwych rzeczy o słuchającym, ale bez rzeczywistego zamiaru obrażenia go (Wierzbicka 1997). W bitwach tych często pojawiają się obel¬ gi dotyczące matek, ale mogą one wystąpić tylko w takim kontekście. Przeludnione, małe mieszkanka w obskurnych dzielnicach, gdzie powszedniość wyznacza bieda, zwalczające się gangi i narkotyki powszechniejsze niż woda, to obraz, który niedługo potem mogliśmy spotkać już w większych miastach Europy Zachodniej. Przykładem niech będzie Francja, w której problem różnorodności etnicznej i wielokulturowości szybko stał się udziałem przedmieść nazwanych przez prezydenta Francois Mitteranda „dzielnicami bez duszy": Jakie n a d z i e j e m o ż e m i e ć m ł o d y człowiek, k t ó r y p r z y c h o d z i na świat w d z i e l n i c y b e z d u s z y dorasta w o h y d n y m b l o k u , o t o c z o n y s z a r y m i m u r a m i w s z a r y m p e j z a ż u na c a ł e szare ż y c i e ? C o ma myśleć o społeczeństwie, k t ó r e w o l i o d w r a c a ć o d niego w z r o k , a i n ­ terweniuje, g d y w y p a d a się na coś o b u r z y ć albo czegoś zabronić? (za: K r a c o ń 2008, s. 6 ) . 370 �Graffiti. Kilka uwag o zmienionych sytuacjach i kontekstach Młodzi ludzie, mimo pesymistycznej perspektywy „szarego życia", nie poddają się ostatecznie tej wizji przegranych i wykluczonych; grupa ta odnalazła w swojej izolacji poczucie dumy i szacunku - paradoksalnie czerpie je z tych samych źródeł, które uznano za godne pogardy. Z ową dialektyką d u m y i w s t y d u powiązana jest d i a l e k t y k a w z a j e m n e g o w y k l u c z e n i a , p o l e g a j ą c a na t y m , ż e w y k l u c z o n a , p r z e ś l a d o w a n a m n i e j s z o ś ć u m a c n i a się dzięki te¬ mu, ż e c h l u b i się s w o i m w y k l u c z e n i e m o r a z c z y s t o ś c i ą e t n i c z n ą , jaką t o w y k l u c z e n i e g w a r a n t u j e , i w z a j e m n i e w y k l u c z a d o m i n u j ą c ą w i ę k s z o ś ć jako w p e w n y m sensie g o r ­ szą, n i e b e z p i e c z n ą i n i e g o d n ą przyjęcia, tak samo jak w i ę k s z o ś ć wykluczyła ją - i z p o ­ d o b n y c h p o w o d ó w ( S h u s t e r m a n 2 0 0 7 , s. 4 7 ) . Duma owa znalazła skuteczne narzędzia ekspresji w postaci graffiti i hip-hopu, jako środków ekspresji umożliwiających wykrzyczenie własnych problemów, ci꿬 kiej sytuacji, ale też swojej wyższości nad pogardzaną „resztą" - w przypadku Sta­ nów Zjednoczonych: rasistowską klasą białych. W Polsce przeważa raczej postawa antysystemowa - szczególnie widoczna w czasach PRL-u, ale także później, w latach 90. X X w. Grupami dominującymi, przeciw którym zwracają się kontestatorzy reprezentujący różne systemy wartości, są „oni": w hasłach graffiti były to przede wszystkim władze państwowe („Dosyć burdelu PRL-u", „Komuno wróć. D o Mosk¬ w y " - Gregorewicz, Waloch 1991), szkolne (jeśli graffiti pojawiało się na terenie szkoły albo w jej pobliżu), wojsko („Fuck the army!") i duchowieństwo („Księża na Księżyc"), a więc to, co mieści się w kulturze oficjalnej, w swobodnie definiowanym establishmencie. Niechęć wyrażana w graffiti dotyczyła też przedstawicieli innych subkultur - nie oszczędzano przede wszystkim skinów („Zabij skina, zgwałć mu żonę, miejsce w niebie zapewnione", „Jeszcze Polska nie skinęła, Punki my żyjemy"). Podobnie jednak graffiti lat 90. i późniejsze skupiło się przede wszystkim na przed¬ mieściach i na dużych osiedlach - blokowiskach, gdzie poczucie odizolowania i anonimowości dawało się odczuć ze szczególną intensywnością. T u narodziło się analogiczne poczucie dumy, np. przejawiające się podkreślaniem, że wychowało się „na (Nowej) H u c i e " - nie w Krakowie, i tęsknota za wspólnotą, przełamującą ano¬ nimowość wyznaczoną przez socjalistyczny t y p przestrzeni wielkomiejskiej. Poczucie, d o ś w i a d c z e n i e , r ó w n i e ż p o t o c z n e myślenie, w s z y s t k o p o d p o w i a d a , ż e po¬ t r z e b u j e m y c z e g o ś , co nie p o z w o l i nam się r o z t o p i ć w a n o n i m o w e j masie. Potrze¬ b u j e m y p o c z u c i a o d r ę b n o ś c i w g r a n i c a c h miasta, w k t ó r y m mieszkamy. Przestrzeń, w k t ó r e j się w y c h o w u j e m y jest p r z e c i e ż z n a c z n i e mniejsza. M i j a k i l k a a l b o n a w e t kilkanaście lat naszego życia, z a n i m z a c z n i e m y p o z n a w a ć m i a s t o jako c a ł o ś ć . T o d z i e l n i c e i osiedla są naszą pierwszą małą o j c z y z n ą . P o s z c z e g ó l n e d z i e l n i c e nie są dla nas a n o n i m o w e , o b o j ę t n e . I c h n a z w y c o ś z n a c z ą . N a w e t jeśli i c h nie z n a m y m a m y na i c h t e m a t p e w n e w y o b r a ż e n i a . Jedne są s y n o n i m e m n i e s p o t y k a n y c h luksusów, inne krainą zamieszkałą p r z e z s m o k i i l u d o ż e r c ó w - i te przekonania w jakimś s t o p n i u p r z e n o s z ą się na i c h m i e s z k a ń c ó w . M i e s z a n k a s t e r e o t y p ó w i w s p o m n i e ń nasze p r y w a t n e narracje o m i e ś c i e ( P a r a f i a n o w i c z 2 0 0 8 , s. 4 1 ) . 371 tworzy �Małgorzata Czapiga Potrzeba porządkowania przestrzeni i naznaczania jej przez własne w niej uczestnictwo, a równocześnie uporczywe poszukiwanie wspólnoty podobnych d o siebie - niekoniecznie równych p o d względem fizycznym, psychicznym czy inte­ lektualnym - jest doświadczeniem pożądanym: o t o co dawało się odczytać z dzia­ łań odbieranych jako chuligańskie niszczenie wspólnej własności, tzn. budynków czy małej architektury miejskiej. Wobec pustki anonimowej przestrzeni dramatyczne musi być poszukiwanie p o ­ czucia wspólnotowości, w wersji najpełniejszej objęte przez Turnera określeniem communitas (Turner 1974). Jest ono chyba stale obecne w początkach tworzenia graf­ fiti. Człowiek żyjący w strukturze układów prawnych, politycznych, społecznych, w których odgrywa coraz t o nowe role, tęskni w gruncie rzeczy za communitas - od¬ najdując ją w pielgrzymkach do miejsc świętych, w festiwalach, w meczach piłkar¬ skich. Wspólnota graffiti (grafficiarzy tych, którzy potrafią czytać inskrypcje czy tagi) byłaby analogicznym konstruktem, w którym dojść do głosu mogła krytyka nie­ sprawiedliwości, poniżenia, a równocześnie tęsknota za wyjściem z samotności. Piotr Kowalski, analizując pojawiające się pod koniec lat 80. ubiegłego wieku i n ­ skrypcje w przestrzeniach współczesnego życia, pisze o tworzeniu się takich wspól­ not wśród dzieci zostawiających swoje napisy na ławkach szkolnych, w toaletach, na murach. W r a d o s n y m akcie kreślenia na ścianach, c h o d n i k a c h , ławkach z n a j d u j e ona [działal­ n o ś ć d z i e c i - M . C . ] u r o d ę t w ó r c z e g o i n s t y n k t u , s p o n t a n i c z n o ś c i , lekkość i b e z t r o s k ę w a d z e n i a się z o p o r e m t w o r z y w a [ . . . ] . W t y m p o c z y n a n i u t k w i j e d n a k t a k ż e i egzys­ tencjalna p o t r z e b a - d z i e c i o w y m g e s t e m „zawłaszczają" p r z e s t r z e ń . [ . . . ] G e s t „ma­ l o w a n i a " jest w i ę c b l i s k i o p a n o w a n i a świata, jakie d o k o n u j e się w r a m a c h t z w . s y n k r e t y z m u magicznego. [ . . . ] M a j ą one r ó w n i e ż w a l o r i n t e g r a t y w n y : p o r z ą d k o w a n i e prze¬ s t r z e n i jest w y k ł a d n i k i e m k o n s t y t u o w a n i a się g r u p y ( w s p ó ł t w ó r c y z n a j ą c y k o d y ) , ustalania i c h h i e r a r c h i i , jak t e ż i c h w e w n ę t r z n y c h l i n i i d e m a r k a c y j n y c h (gesty p r z y j ę ­ cia i w y k l u c z e n i a ) ( K o w a l s k i 1993, s. 8 5 - 8 6 ) . Graffiti, choćby z racji swojego anarchicznego charakteru, było związane z łama¬ niem tabu, dlatego często posługiwano się wewnątrz grupy tworzącej dane napisy czy rysunki zakazanymi formami. Język tajemny zapewniał szansę na budowanie jedności grupy Jeśli napisy dotyczyły wyznań miłosnych - tylko zorientowani wie­ dzieli, k t o komu wyznaje miłość, jeśli inskrypcja obrażała nauczyciela - dzieci uży­ wały raczej „ksywek" nadawanych belfrom, jeśli obrażano władzę - często odwoły¬ wano się d o pseudonimów, znaków charakterystycznych, rzadko stosowano całe nazwiska czy nazwy partii. Łamanie tabu łączyło się czasem z podkreśleniem eks¬ presji przez użycie wulgaryzmu czy słów powszechnie uważanych za niestosowne, ale służyło to stwarzaniu pewnej emocjonalnej aury - wulgaryzmy nie oznaczają w ta¬ kich przypadkach swoich leksykalnych desygnatów, lecz są często elementem ko¬ munikacyjnej gry inkluzji i ekskluzji. Dziwić zatem muszą radykalne opinie t y p u : 372 �Graffiti. Kilka uwag o zmienionych sytuacjach i kontekstach „Graffitierzy mają skłonności nacjonalistyczne i są ksenofobami". I dalej: „Wyrazem bezsilności, rozgoryczenia są wyrażenia obsceniczne i wulgaryzmy oraz licznie zgro­ madzone seksualizmy" (Stępień, Żakowska 2005, s. 186 i 190). Zaskakujący jest już sam termin używany przez autorki - „graffitierzy" - który brzmi nieswojo i chyba zbyt poważnie, żeby nie powiedzieć „majestatycznie"; ob¬ serwacje poczynione później są jednak równie zagadkowe i zbyt jednoznacznie, ar¬ bitralnie klasyfikujące. Być może wynika to z pytania, które często zadawane jest w dyskursie publicznym - czy graffiti to sztuka czy wandalizm - na które w prze¬ ważającej części odpowiada się jednak: wandalizm. Jak pisze Halina Zgółkowa: Z j a w i s k o g r a f f i t i jest b a r d z o c z ę s t o p r z e d m i o t e m refleksji p u b l i c y s t y c z n e j , z reguły na­ cechowanej e m o c j a m i , t a k i m i jak n i e c h ę ć , sprzeciw, oburzenie, w najlepszym w y p a d k u zaś p o t r a k t o w a n i e t y c h napisów jako c z e g o ś e g z o t y c z n e g o ( Z g ó ł k o w a 2 0 0 5 , s. 2 4 4 ) . C h o ć środki wyrazu writerów bywają niekiedy nieporadne, innym razem wulgarne czy po prostu szokujące, graffiti jest dziś jednak nadal przejawem oswajania prze¬ strzeni i szukania wspólnoty w świecie, w którym już tak naprawdę wszystko wolno, każdy może być t y m , k i m chce. Warunki, w których można było zyskać wolność, przynosiły nie wyzwolenie, lecz raczej konieczność dokonywania wyborów w świe¬ cie naznaczonym kryzysem wartości, w trudnych warunkach ekonomicznych i t d . Wolność w połączeniu z zasadami political correctness może jedynie prowadzić do p o ­ głębiania poczucia samotności (Baudrillard 1998, s. 126). N a j g ł ę b s z ą i n a j m n i e j u l e c z a l n ą z d o l e g l i w o ś c i t e g o życia, jak p o w i a d a A l f H a r n b o r g , jest „ s z a m o t a n i e się m i ę d z y t ę s k n o t ą za communitas, żądzą b y c i a c z ę ś c i ą c z e g o ś po¬ t ę ż n i e j s z e g o o d ułomnej jaźni, a strachem p r z e d utratą jestestwa" - szamotanie się b e z ­ skuteczne, k o ń c z ą c e się z reguły o d k r y c i e m , ż e w o l n o ś ć b e z w s p ó l n o t y równa się szaleństwu, a w s p ó l n o t a b e z w o l n o ś c i jest niewolą ( B a u m a n 1997, s. 147). Pytanie o to, czy graffiti jest wandalizmem czy sztuką, jest źle postawione, bo ono może być i jednym, i drugim. Graffiti przez to, że cechuje je anonimowość, a co za t y m idzie - bezkarność tekstu, który jest oderwany od nadawcy w poczuciu wol¬ ności ekspresji posługuje się często wulgaryzmami, ale ma też pokazać i wzmocnić negację ładu społecznego, kulturowego czy politycznego i bunt wobec niego, ale pra¬ wie nigdy nie wiąże się z nihilizmem, a stanowi raczę próbę rozwiązania problemu. * Nowoczesne graffiti ma już blisko pół wieku i jak każda forma kontestacyjnej eks¬ presji, pewna postać komunikacji i tworzenia, zaczyna stopniowo stawać się klasy¬ ką: choć wciąż bywa częścią działań wynikających z młodzieńczego buntu i anar¬ chicznych gestów, to jednocześnie niektóre prace są akceptowane i poszukiwane, wolne od destrukcyjnych intencji i wpisują się w panoramę współczesnej sztuki. Z a 373 �Małgorzata Czapiga legalizowane i pożądane jako towar, coraz częściej bywa oceniane w kategoriach arcydzielności i stanowi przedmiot zabiegów marszandów. Wkomponowuje się w d z i ­ siejszą przestrzeń miejską i nie razi już swoją obecnością zarówno w N o w y m Jorku, jak i N o w e j Hucie. Okazuje się, że j e d n o s t k a w s p o ł e c z e ń s t w i e m a s o w y m musi w c o r a z w i ę k s z y m s t o p n i u p o l e g a ć na samej sobie, ma d o d y s p o z y c j i c o r a z m n i e j w s p ó l n o t c z y i n s t y t u c j i , w k t ó r y c h o d n a j ­ d u j e t o ż s a m o ś ć i w a r t o ś c i jej b l i s k i e oraz posiada c o r a z mniejsze o m o r a l n i e w ł a ś c i w y c h s p o s o b a c h życia, d z i e j e się tak, p o n i e w a ż wyobrażenie społeczeństwo masowe, ze w z g l ę d u na p r o c e s y k t ó r e je u f o r m o w a ł y nie m o ż e d o s t a r c z y ć p o d s t a w trwałego ładu s p o ł e c z n e g o i h a r m o n i i m o r a l n e j ( S t r i n a t i 1998, s. 19). Dodatkowo globalizacja przyczyniła się znacząco do rozwoju lokalnych ruchów kulturowych, do „glokalizacji", a dzięki mediom cyfrowym to, co atrakcyjne, a na­ wet buntownicze, mogło być powielane w niezliczonych wersjach i w różnych miejs­ cach globalnej wioski. Graffiti przestało być niszową, awangardową sztuką ulicy Mieszkaniec miasta przyzwyczaił się do jego obecności, a sami twórcy porzucili już tagowanie (umieszczanie własnych podpisów) na rzecz tworzenia indywidualnych wrzutów (mniejszych rysunków) czy murali (wielkoformatowych obrazów), którymi nie rządzi już w pierwszej kolejności potrzeba formowania trwałych wspólnot. Poza t y m często tworzenie takich wypowiedzi przestaje być anarchizującą i nielegalną działalnością, a spotyka się z życzliwym przyjęciem, a nawet niekiedy sponsoringiem ze strony władz miejskich. Coraz częściej tworzone są graffiti takie jak to w Krakowie, przy al. Powstańców Śląskich - nazwane Silva Rerum. Mural długości 90 m i wysokości 5 m jest największym na świecie projektem o charakterze historycznym. Stworzono go w 2007 r. w ramach obchodów jubileuszu 750-lecia lokacji miasta. Projekt graficzny obrazu został opraco­ wany przez studenta Akademii Sztuk Pięknych w Krakowie, Jerzego Rojkowskiego „Impasa", i skonsultowany z miejscowymi historykami. D o wykonania go zaproszono czo­ łowych polskich artystów graffiti. W pracy przedstawiającej 1000-letnią historię Kra¬ kowa uwzględniono zdobycze krakowskiej sztuki zdobniczej, odwzorowano przemia¬ ny formy w kaligrafii, typografii, grafice, architekturze i malarstwie (Całkowska 2007). Na to, że graffiti zaczęło przybierać nowe formy wpłynęło kilka czynników: z jed­ nej strony zaostrzenie prawa, prywatyzacja przestrzeni publicznej, z drugiej - co w y ­ daje się najistotniejsze - komercjalizacja samej sztuki ulicy (zob. Biskupski 2008). Na pierwszym planie sytuuje się jednak funkcja estetyczna graffiti i innych przeja¬ wów street-artu, które charakteryzuje „przede wszystkim zabawa formą, dokładne pro¬ jektowanie działań oraz zawarte explicite wątki krytyczne" (Biskupski 2007, s. 169). I choć graffiti w założeniu miało wyprowadzić sztukę na ulicę - pomysł znany z ruchów awangardowych np. futurystów, artystów sztuki ziemi spod znaku Rober­ ta Smithsona czy brytyjskiego ruchu community arts - ostatecznie... trafiło do gale­ rii i muzeów! 374 �Graffiti. Kilka uwag o zmienionych sytuacjach i kontekstach W s p ó ł c z e s n e malowidła uliczne, p o z o s t a w i o n e na m u r a c h z n a k i , a u t o g r a f y hasła, r y ­ s u n k i stają się p r z e d m i o t e m specjalnie d o tego c e l u o r g a n i z o w a n y c h w y s t a w i k o ­ l e k c j i . S t a j ą się t e m a t e m o b s z e r n y c h k a t a l o g ó w , s p o r ó w o a r t y s t y c z n ą w a r t o ś ć . Ta w s p ó ł c z e s n a m o d a na kontestującą s z t u k ę awangardową, u t o ż s a m i e n i e n i e m a l w s z y s t ­ k i e g o ze sztuką, nie p o z w a l a już na p r o s t e o d d z i e l e n i e g r u b ą linią tego, c o „wysokie", o d tego, c o „niskie", tego, co na u l i c y o d tego, c o w g a l e r i i ( C i a r k a 1990, s. 3 3 ) . Jednym z pierwszych (dość wczesnych) przykładów może tu być wystawa m o ­ nachijskiego muzeum życia codziennego i kultury ludowej - Alltag und Volkskultur, dokumentująca zjawiska z przestrzeni miejskiej, w t y m graffiti, której owocem był album Das Graffiti-Lexikon. Wand-Kunst von A bis Z (Krauzer 1986). Dzisiejsze graffiti jest dzieckiem kultury popularnej, która ma prawdziwą war­ tość artystyczną, a przy t y m służy pewnym celom społecznym: jest nastawiona na komunikowanie wartości o p o z y c y j n y c h w o b e c systemu d y s t r y b u c j i władzy w kultu¬ rze, p o d e j m o w a n i e k r y t y k i p ó ź n e j n o w o c z e s n o ś c i oraz g o s p o d a r k i k a p i t a l i s t y c z n e j w warunkach prywatyzacji i monopolizacji środków komunikacji (mediów i innych n o ś n i k ó w ) (Żakowski 2 0 0 6 , s. 7 4 ) . Przy t y m jednak współczesne graffiti zwraca na siebie uwagę nie tylko wielkim kunsztem i krytyczną postawą, ale również dużą dawką dystansu i humoru. Jeden z czołowych przedstawicieli dzisiejszej sceny graffiti, nieznany z imienia i nazwiska Banksy którego dzieła można oglądać w Londynie, N o w y m Jorku, ale też na jego stronie internetowej (www.banksyyco.uk), bardzo dosadnie krytykuje np. pokolenie konsumpcyjne - jedna z prac przedstawia typową współczesną rodzinę, której człon­ kowie z prawą ręką na sercu, w skupieniu oddają hołd naciągniętej na maszt fladze: jednorazowej, plastikowej torbie Tesco. Na innym rysunku Banksy wykorzystuje malarski cytat - to scena opłakiwania, gdy kobiety p o d krzyżem, z dramatycznie wyciągniętymi rękami rozpaczają, patrząc na mękę Chrystusa. Na graffiti brakuje krzyża i Chrystusa, a kobiety załamują ręce, patrząc na napis: „Sale ends today". Prace Banksy'ego spotykamy na ulicach. Ale też na aukcjach w domu Sotheby's osiągają ponoć ceny kilkudziesięciu tysięcy funtów, a wśród nabywców są celebrities (Biskupski 2008, s. 175). Polscy writerzy prawdopodobnie nie odnoszą tak spektaku¬ larnych sukcesów, jakie przypadły w udziale brytyjskiemu grafficiarzowi, ale częs¬ to pracują dziś w dużych koncernach reklamowych i firmach zajmujących się grafiką komputerową, tworzą za pieniądze własne dzieła dla przyjemności swojej i innych. Część wychodzi oczywiście na ulicę, bo widzimy nowo powstałe wrzuty w których jednak nadrzędną jest już funkcja estetyczna. Ja p o k a z u j ę , a o n i t o widzą. W r a z z daną r z e c z ą widzą m n i e jako tego, k t o p o z w a l a i m ją o g l ą d a ć . Podziwiając ją, podziwiają mnie. Miratio, k t ó r a o d n o s i się d o tego, c o w a r t e oglądania, p r z e m i e n i a się w admiratio, k t ó r a o d n o s i się d o tego, k t o ją ma i k t o ją p o k a z u j e . [ . . . ] To, co w y t w o r z y l i ś m y w s p ó ł z a w o d n i c z y ze s o b ą - p o d o b n i e jak m y 375 �Małgorzata Czapiga sami — o p r z y c i ą g n i ę c i e u w a g i . R z e c z y rywalizują o o p t y c z n e z a i n t e r e s o w a n i e , a m y r o b i m y t o samo za i c h p o m o c ą ( S o m m e r 2 0 0 3 , s. 67—69). Coraz częściej grafficiarze nie muszą już nielegalnie malować pociągów czy zbierać się po zmroku, żeby zostawić swój piece — wrzut (od ang. masterpiece — arcy­ dzieło) na murze sąsiedniego budynku, gdyż powstają takie inicjatywy jak te podej­ mowane przez warszawskie stowarzyszenie M i a s t o M o j e A w N i m , polegające na wygospodarowywaniu przestrzeni d o legalnego malowania. W dzisiejszej przestrzeni postindustrialnej nie sposób już ulec zdziwieniu, szo­ kowi czy oburzeniu na w i d o k graffiti. Przez lata wrosło ono w nasze życie i staliśmy się wobec niego raczej bierną publicznością niż aktywną społecznością. Nadmierna semiotyzacja przestrzeni miejskiej doprowadziła paradoksalnie do jej odsemantycznienia. Naszą obojętną akceptację mogą złamać już tylko gesty, rzeczy, obrazy szczególne, o wyjątkowym ładunku emocjonalnym i znaczeniowym. Takimi właśnie są ludzie-cienie ze Strefy Rysunki majaczące na murach świadczą o dramatycznej próbie przywrócenia życia na t y m pustynnym obszarze — próbie za wszelką cenę i mimo wszystko. Chcą być świadectwem — t o t u kiedyś toczyły się normalne rozmowy pracowano, odpoczywano. W opuszczonym mieście zniszczo­ nym przez katastrofę - notabene jej sprawcami byli ci, którzy wcześniej stworzyli miasto dla ludzi - komunikacja nie jest możliwa, bo nie ma nikogo, k t o zastanawiałby się nad przesła¬ niem malowanych postaci. Być może właśnie dlatego, że w ci¬ szy opuszczonych przestrzeni graffiti zdają się d o nikogo nie mówić, ich milczenie jest tak tra¬ giczne i pełne sensu. Zupełnie inaczej niż to, co widuje się na murach, pociągach, małej archi¬ tekturze - w kakofonii napisów i kolorów nie słychać już nicze¬ go ważnego. G r a f f i t i w C z a r n o b y l u , f o t . K . Biliński 376 �Graffiti. Kilka uwag o zmienionych sytuacjach i kontekstach Bibliografia Baudrillard J. 1998 Ameryka, Warszawa Bauman Z . 1997 Wśród nas nieznajomych - czyli o obcych w (po)nowoczesnym mieście, w: Pisanie miasta - czytanie miasta, red. A . Zeidler-Janiszewska, Poznań, s. 145-158 Biskupski Ł. 2008 Graffiti i street-art.: na pograniczu sztuki publicznej i ruchu alternatywnego, „Przegląd Kulturoznawczy", nr 1(4), s. 163-180 Całkowska A. 2007 Największe graffiti powstaje w Krakowie, „Gazeta.pl Kraków", 21 maja http://miasta.gazeta.pl/krakow/1,35823,4150804.html (dostęp 28.04.2009) Ciarka R. 1990 Napisy na murach i etnografia współczesnego miasta, „Konteksty Polska Sztuka Ludowa", nr 2, s. 3 3 - 3 4 Gane N . 2008 Świat graffiti. Sztuka ulicy z pięciu kontynentów, Warszawa Gregorewicz R., Waloch J. 1991 Polskie mury. Graffiti: sztuka czy wandalizm, Toruń Kociatkiewicz J., Kostera M . 1997 Antropologia pustych przestrzeni, w: Pisanie miasta - czytanie miasta, red. A. Z e i dler-Janiszewska, Poznań, s. 7 3 - 8 2 Kracoń E. 2008 „Dzielnice bez duszy"-filmowy obraz przedmieścia, „Kultura Miasta. Miasto w K u l ­ turze", nr 2/3(2), s. 6-13 Krauzer P. 1986 Das Graffiti-Lexikon. Wand-Kunst von A bis Z, Wilhelm Heyne Verlag, München Kowalski P. 1993 Samotność i wspólnota. Inskrypcje w przestrzeniach współczesnego życia, Opole Paczoska K.E. 2008 Pomarańczowy karnawał we Wrocławiu, „Kultura Miasta. Miasto w Kulturze", nr 2/3(2), s. 79-88 Parafianowicz W. 2008 Zizkov, Praga 3. W poszukiwaniu lokalnej wspólnoty, „Kultura Miasta. Miasto w Kulturze", nr 2/3(2), s. 41-45 377 �Małgorzata Czapiga Piekarska-Duraj Ł. 2008 ZBronksu do Nowej Huty - początki hip-hopu w Polsce, w : Tworzenie i odtwarzanie kultury, red. G. Kubica, M . Lubaś, Kraków Rewers E. 1997 Ekran miejski, w : Pisanie miasta - czytanie miasta, red. A. Zeidler-Janiszewska, Poznań, s. 41—50 Sommer M . 2003 Zbieranie, Warszawa Stępień A., Żakowska M . 2005 Obraz współczesnej rzeczywistości w graffiti, w : Humanista wobec tradycji i współ­ czesności. Prace z etnolingwistyki i logopedii, red. S. Wasiuta, M . Wójcicka, L u b ­ lin, s. 181—191 Shusterman R. 2007 O sztuce i życiu. Od poetyki hip-hopu do filozofii somatycznej, Wrocław Strinati D. 1998 Turner 1974 Welker 2000 Wprowadzenie do kultury popularnej, Poznań V The Ritual Process Structure and Anti-Structure, Harmondsworth L. Symbolika znaków Polski Walczącej 1939-1989, Toruń Wierzbicka A . 1997 Akty i gatunki mowy w różnych językach i kulturach, w: Język umysł, kultura, War¬ szawa, s. 228—269 Zgółkowa H . 2005 Agresja na murze, czyli o tekstach graffiti, „Język a Kultura", t. 17, Wrocław, s. 243—250 Żakowski M . 2006 Street-art i indywidualizacja. W stronę tożsamości awangardowej, „Kultura Popular¬ na", nr 2, s. 71—79 378 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/52bd28a585f65236a2a5696011969421.pdf 06946db2dfcbdb41ca8c77b5d8495fb1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5468 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource pogranicze polsko-czeskie Śląsk Cieszyński - tożsamość kulturowa Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5085 Title A name given to the resource Współczesna poezja Śląska Cieszyńskiego a tożsamość pogranicza polsko-czeskiego/ Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego Description An account of the resource Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego; pod red. Haliny Rusek,Agnieszki Pieńczak i Jacka Szczyrbowskiego, s.277-288 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Czerwińska, Anita Language A language of the resource pol ang. cz. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Cieszynie Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text CZĘŚĆ 4 TWÓRCZOŚĆ LITERACKA NA ŚLĄSKU CIESZYŃSKIM ��Anita Czerwińska Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach (studia doktoranckie) Gimnazjum nr 3 w Cieszynie Współczesna poezja Śląska Cieszyńskiego a tożsamość pogranicza polsko-czeskiego Realizm literatury i tak zwany realizm etnograficzny dzieli przepaść, aczkolwiek niewątpliwie treści literackie i antropologiczne wzajemnie się przenikają; wytyczona granica, wskazująca teren fikcji oraz antropologiczny akademizm, zaciera się i staje się czysto symboliczna1. Nauki nie sposób jednoznacznie zdefiniować jako takiej formy praktyki kulturowej, która posiada wyłączność na treść, nie istnieje bowiem problem naukowy, który nie byłby w jakimś momencie poruszany przez literaturę. Zarówno literatura jak i nauka zaspokajają uniwersalne ludzkie pragnienie, aby być kimś innym, żyć inaczej, wejść w świat, którego człowiek nigdy być może nie zazna, ale z którego mimo to, albo właśnie dlatego, nie rezygnuje2. Poeci zadają sobie pytanie o własną tożsamość – dzieje się tak dlatego, że nie zgadzają się z tym jak się ich postrzega, ale również i z tym, kim sami są jako osobowości twórcze, a więc wrażliwe na różnorodności tkwiące w świecie3. Nasilenie mechanizmów destabilizacji tożsamości w wyniku procesów globalizacji jeszcze bardziej wzmaga wśród ludzi pióra potrzebę zmierzenia się z kwestią własnej tożsamości. Ich aktywność charakteryzuje się dwubiegunowością, z jednej strony przez fakt istnienia muszą uczestniczyć w rytmie i rutynie narzucanej im przez otoczenie, z drugiej zaś żyją w tym samym czasie również we własnych światach, tworząc je próbują udostępnić innym ich wymiary w dyskursie wiersza4. Poeci pogranicza stanowią szczególną grupę, odmienną już przez rodzaj ich aktywności, co więcej wewnętrznie podzieloną, ze względu na specyfikę terenu, na którym żyją i tworzą. 1 W. J. Bursza: Różnorodność i tożsamość. Antropologia jako kulturowa refleksyjność. Poznań 2002, s. 179, 180. 2 Tamże, s. 180. 3 I. S. Fiut: Kulturowa tożsamość poetów. Prezentacje i analizy. Kraków 2008, s. 101. 4 Tamże, s. 101. �278 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Współczesna działalność literacka na Śląsku Cieszyńskim kształtuje się zarówno na Zaolziu5, jak i w polskiej części tego regionu. Po lewej stronie Olzy od roku 1947 funkcjonuje Polski Związek Kulturalno-Oświatowy w Czechosłowacji, a w jego ramach działała do 1993 roku Sekcja Literacko-Artystyczna, która nadała działalności literackiej regionu wymiar zorganizowany. W 1990 roku powołano Samodzielne Zrzeszenie Literatów Polskich w Republice Czeskiej6. Natomiast po prawej stronie Olzy7, twórczość literacka była wspierana dzięki inicjatywom „Głosu Ziemi Cieszyńskiej”, „Pamiętnika Cieszyńskiego”, „Rocznika Cieszyńskiego”, wielki wpływ na zaktywizowanie mieszkańców Śląska Cieszyńskiego miała również działalność nauczycielskiego ruchu literackiego przy Związku Nauczycielstwa Polskiego, klubu literackiego Nadolzie, powstałego przy Zarządzie Głównym Macierzy Ziemi Cieszyńskiej oraz Stowarzyszenia Cieszyńskiej Młodzieży Twórczej8. Wszystkie te organizacje mają znaczenie w kształtowaniu tożsamości mieszkańców pogranicza polsko-czeskiego; wspierając rozwój wiedzy o kulturze regionu, umożliwiają budowanie poczucia łączności pomiędzy twórcami, a tym samym wzmagają poziom identyfikacji ze swoim regionem. Poezja współczesna tworzona na ziemi cieszyńskiej ukazuje swoistą relację pomiędzy obszarem pochodzenia i zamieszkania, a obrazem świata poetyckiego ukształtowanego przez twórców pogranicza. Zagadnienie tożsamości ujawnia się na kilku podstawowych płaszczyznach, ilustrując wymiar identyfikacji twórczości Śląska Cieszyńskiego z obszarem, na którym powstaje. Te aspekty to tożsamość przestrzenna, podejmująca problem granicy, miasta, domu oraz kulturowa rozpatrującą potoczną wiedzę o korzeniach i dziejach własnej społeczności: języku, religii, historii. Twórczość Śląska Cieszyńskiego odmalowuje wewnętrzny szkielet poetyckiego postrzegania zagadnienia tożsamości oraz odsłania wymiar identyfikacji z miejscem urodzenia i zamieszkania, które będąc granicą odmiennych kultur tworzy mimo różnorodności spójną całość. Porusza problem przynależności grupowej, kategoryzowania świata społecznego na swoich i obcych, według określonych kryteriów wartościujących. Analizując poczucie identyfikacji grupy lokalnej, należy rozpatrzyć podstawowe wymiary kulturowe właściwe tej społeczności. W warunkach, w których jakaś konkretna zbiorowość sama siebie rozpoznaje jako całość w odniesieniu do określonego obszaru, mamy do czynienia z dwoistą rolą przestrzeni: raz skupiającą, raz symboliczną, polegającą na wyobrażeniu już dokonanego skupienia. Dlatego właśnie w procesach identy5 Zaolziem określa się teren sięgający od Bogumina do Jabłonkowa i od Czeskiego Cieszyna do Frydku. Nazwany tak w połowie lat 20. XX wieku z perspektywy polskiego brzegu granicznej Olzy. B. Sabath: Strofy sercem pisane. Cieszyn w poezji polskiej w XIX, XX i XXI stuleciu. Szkice. Bibliografia. Cieszyn 2008, s. 71. 6 W ramach aktywności rozpowszechniania twórczości lokalnej na Zaolziu z powodzeniem organizowano Konkursy Jednego Wiersza, istniało również wsparcie prasy lokalnej, między innymi miesięcznika „Zwrot”, element wspierający stanowiła działalność Grupy Literackiej 63. Zob. L. Miękina: Polska twórczość literacka po1918 roku. W: Śląsk Cieszyński. Środowisko naturalne. Zarys dziejów. Zarys kultury materialnej i duchowej. Red. W. Sosna. Cieszyn 2001, s. 323-324. 7 Oprócz Cieszyna, aktywne literacko były również inne miejscowości Śląska Cieszyńskiego: w Mnichu funkcjonował Klub Młodych Exodus, od 1987 roku działała Grupa Twórcza Strumień przy Miejsko-Gminnym Ośrodku Kultury w Strumieniu oraz w Wiśle Grupa Twórców Wiślanie. Zob. L. Miękina: Polska twórczość literacka…, s. 323-331. 8 Tamże, s. 331. �Anita Czerwińska: Współczesna poezja Śląska Cieszyńskiego a tożsamość pogranicza polsko-czeskiego 279 fikacji społecznej zbiorowość przez określenie swego stosunku do przestrzeni określa się nie tylko sama dla siebie, ale tworzy też swój wizerunek w relacji do innych9. Poezja Śląska Cieszyńskiego, budując obraz tożsamości na poziomie przestrzennym, podejmuje zagadnienie granicy, której postrzeganie jest dwojakie, od akceptacji podziału świata znanego podmiotowi lirycznemu, po negowanie zasadności jej istnienia. W pierwszym wymiarze odmienność przestrzeni podzielonej granicą wydaje się często pozorna, gdyż podmioty liryczne w wierszach utożsamiają się ze specyfiką obszaru przygranicznego, wartościując dodatnio możliwość funkcjonowania w zróżnicowanym kulturowo środowisku. Pisze o tym w swoim wierszu, finalista międzynarodowego Konkursu Jednego Wiersza zorganizowanego w 2001 roku przez Bibliotekę Miejską w Cieszynie, poeta – Rafał Świc: po drugiej stronie granicy jak po drugiej stronie lustra są nasze odbicia10. Poezja Śląska Cieszyńskiego utożsamia dwie oddzielone granicą kultury, dowodząc, że różnice pomiędzy nimi są pozorne, wobec istniejącego wszędzie piękna świata. Jak dowodzi Jan Kubisz11: A duch mój z twoim połączył się biegiem I leci witać swych braci rodzonych Ze wspólnej matki, chociaż rozłączonych12. Podmiot liryczny przyjmuje w wierszach podwójną rolę: bohatera funkcjonującego na poziomie uczuć, więzi rodzinnych, który nie dostrzega „graniczności” terenów, na których żyje, oraz obserwatora świadomego podziału znanego świata i wywołanych przez to barier. Fakt istnienia granicy zostaje potwierdzony poprzez naturalny podział miasta na dwie części za sprawą rzeki Olzy, co w pewnym wymiarze usprawiedliwia jego istnienie. Przekonuje o tym utwór zaolziańskiego poety Wilhelma Przeczka13, Ucieszne miasteczka za pomocą lingwistycznego żartu: 9 P. Pellegrino: Rozwój przestrzenny, tożsamość kulturowa, stosunek innych i przemiany terytorium regionalnego; prezentacja metody badań. W: Przestrzeń znacząca. Studia socjologiczne. Red. J. Wódz. Katowice 1989, s. 64. 10 R. Świc: Po drugiej stronie granicy. W: Ziemia cieszyńska wierszem malowana. Zbiór utworów poetyckich laureatów międzynarodowych konkursów organizowanych przez Bibliotekę Miejską w Cieszynie w latach 2001-2004. Oprac. J. Kula, M. Strządała. Cieszyn 2004, s. 9. 11 Jan Kubisz – urodził się w gospodarstwie w centrum wsi „na Bartkowicach”. W 1868 roku ukończył Seminarium Nauczycielskie w Cieszynie, a następnie pracował jako nauczyciel w Gnojniku i był działaczem społecznym Czytelni Ludowej w Cieszynie. Swój pierwszy tomik poezji zatytułowany Niezapominajka wydał w 1882 roku, a jego słynny wiersz Do Olzy (bardziej znany pod tytułem Płyniesz Olzo) stał się hymnem Śląska Cieszyńskiego, w szczególności Zaolzia. Zob. „Kalendarz Cieszyński 1990”. Cieszyn 1989, s. 3. 12 J. Kubisz: Olza, „Kalendarz Cieszyński 1990”. Cieszyn 1989, s. 3. 13 Wilhelm Przeczek - urodzony w 1936 roku w Karwinie, nauczyciel, poeta, pisarz i dramaturg, publicysta, tłumacz z literatury czeskiej i słowackiej. Po odbyciu studiów pedagogicznych w Ostrawie i politologicznych w Pradze uczył w polskich szkołach zaolziańskich, �280 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví rzeka rżnie miasto na dwie odrąbane połówki podmiotem została uciecha na drugiej stronie dodali przymiotnik14. Podmiot liryczny podkreśla widoczną odrębność obu części miasta, akcentując różnice spowodowane naturalną granicą jaką stanowi rzeka. Zaobserwowana odrębność jest definitywna, występuje bowiem już na poziomie nazewniczym, dzieląc miasto położone w obszarze przygranicznym. Wśród utworów pogranicza polsko-czeskiego istnienie granicy wywołuje również uczucia sprzeciwu. Przykładem mogą być pełne goryczy słowa pochodzącej z Karwiny poetki zaolziańskiej Renaty Putzlacher15: Zawsze za Olzą wiecznie z tyłu na miejscu za-ostatnim16. Podmiot postrzega swoją sytuację autochtona, zamieszkującego tereny zaolziańskie, jako pozycję gorszą. Odczuwa dyskomfort z powodu usytuowania na miejscu za-ostanim, nie rezygnuje jednak z zajmowanej pozycji w strukturze lokalnej społeczności. Uczucie dyskryminacji nie stanowi przeszkody w utożsamianiu się z obiema stronami polikulturowego świata. Identyfikacja ze światem naznaczonym stygmatem granicy obecna jest również w wierszu Ruty Kornelii Lissowskiej17, która w apostrofie do rzeki przywołuje sytuację mieszkańca pogranicza: Uczyniono cię Olzo granicą nieprzebyta byłaś i obca, a przecież za rzeką została rodzina serca granic nie znają18. publikując równocześnie w prasie na Zaolziu i w Polsce. Wydał szereg tomików poetyckich (Czarna calizna, Wpisane w Beskid, Szumne podszepty), redagował również kilka zbiorków zaolziańskich. Zob. L. Miękina, Polska twórczość literacka..., s. 312. 14 W. Przeczek: Ucieszne miasteczka. W: Szumne podszepty. Katowice 1982, s. 87. 15 Renata Putzlacher - poetka, urodzona w 1966 roku w Karwinie, mieszkająca i pracująca w Czeskim Cieszynie jako kierownik literacki Sceny Polskiej Teatru Cieszyńskiego. Wydała tomiki poetyckie Bunt włosów, Próba identyfikacji, Małgorzata poszukuje Mistrza. Zob. L. Miękina, Polska twórczość literacka..., s. 314-315. 16 R. Putzlacher: Od autorki. W: Tejże: Ziemia albo-albo. Karwina 1993, s. 13. 17 Ruta Kornelia Lissowska – urodzona w 1941 roku w Cieszynie. Zadebiutowała w „Nadolziu” w 1992 roku, zdobyła wyróżnienia w konkursach literackich, konkursie Kolęd i Pastorałek, IV Ogólnopolskim Konkursie Literackim O dzban czarnoleskiego miodu. Wydała własne tomiki poezji: Przebudzenie, Radość istnienia. Zob. „Nadolzie”. Kom. red. J. Z. Sarama Wojnar, A. Więzik, A. Kawulok, D. Barski. Cieszyn 1992, s. 47. 18 R. K. Lissowska: Rzeko moja. W: Tejże: Radość istnienia. Cieszyn 1999, s. 37. �Anita Czerwińska: Współczesna poezja Śląska Cieszyńskiego a tożsamość pogranicza polsko-czeskiego 281 Akceptacja świata podzielonego rzeką na dwie części stanowi dla podmiotu lirycznego konieczność wynikającą z biegu historii, na który podmiot nie ma wpływu, o czym świadczy nieosobowa forma czasownika uczyniono cię. Istnienie rzeki jawi się w utworze jako przeszkoda, ustanowiona przez zewnętrzne siły, które nie uwzględniają odczuć mieszkańców. Jednocześnie utwór obrazuje pewien rodzaj niezgody na zaistniałą sytuację, będącej wyparciem istnienia granicy, gdyż sfera emocjonalna – określona tu symbolicznie jako serce, nie może zostać uproszczona do terytorialnych podziałów. Podmiot ustala istnienie granicy jako faktu utrwalonego wielowiekową tradycją, nie akceptuje jednak podziału doznawanych uczuć, które nie funkcjonują w porządku przestrzennym tylko emocjonalnym. Kolejnym wyznacznikiem tożsamości człowieka danego okręgu jest relacja do miejsca zamieszkania – tereny pogranicza polsko-czeskiego to tereny małych miasteczek, mających swoją symbolikę. Jak dowodzi Grzegorz Odoj, w polskim krajobrazie szczególne miejsce zajmują małe miasteczka, ich mieszkańcy powiązani wielopokoleniową współpracą i współistnieniem, zachowują znamiona społeczności ceniącej sobie własną tradycję i miejscową swojskość19. O mentalności mieszkańca społeczności lokalnej pisze Renata Putzlacher: To jednak ja dziewczyna z małego miasteczka z nabytym instynktem ukrywania się […] Heroina kiepskich romansideł okrytych w filozoficzne płaszczyki20. Podmiot liryczny przez kilkakrotne anaforyczne powtórzenie w wierszu zwrotu to jednak ja, w wyraźny sposób akcentuje swoją tożsamość, przynależność społeczną do małego miasteczka. Poprzez wszystko co czyni, co mówi podkreśla osadzenie w swoim mieście pułapce, to jednak nie jest pułapka z przymusu, to pułapka z wyboru. Powiązanie sfer przeszłej, teraźniejszej i przyszłej służy w wierszu Czeski Cieszyn Europa Środkowa podkreśleniu więzi podmiotu lirycznego z miastem-przeznaczeniem: Powinnam uzmysłowić sobie że nieprzypadkowo moi przodkowie wybrali właśnie to miasto […] A moi następcy będą absolutnie pewni że właśnie to miasto było im sądzone21. Miasteczko jawi się zatem jako forma niewielkiej społeczności lokalnej o silnie zarysowanym poziomie identyfikacji, wyrażającym się poczuciem więzi wewnętrznej, przywiązaniem do miejsca pochodzenia, form życia społecznego i kul19 G. Odoj: Tożsamość kulturowa społeczności małomiasteczkowej. Katowice 2007, s. 7. 20 R. Putzlacher: Próba identyfikacji. W: Tejże: Próba identyfikacji. Ostrawa 1990, s. 4. 21 R. Putzlacher: Czeski Cieszyn Europa Środkowa. W: Tejże: Małgorzata poszukuje Mistrza. Czeski Cieszyn 1996, s. 38. �282 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví turalnego22. Poeci podkreślają kwestię bycia tożsamym, uświadomienia sobie na ile pozostają w zgodzie z samym sobą, ale i z innymi ludźmi, jak również ze społeczeństwem lub środowiskiem, w których to światach są zawsze w pewnym stopniu zakorzenieni23. Dla mieszkańców małego miasta zwarte przestrzennie, zgrupowanie niewielkiej liczby budowli na niewielkim terytorium pozwala na ściślejsze aniżeli w środowisku wielkomiejskim połączenie zbiorowych doświadczeń z zajmowaną przestrzenią. Jest to dla tej społeczności przestrzeń dobrze znana, przyswojona, własna, dlatego jest ona nasycona wartościami, do których mieszkańcy mają bardzo silny, emocjonalny stosunek24. Niemałe znaczenie dla pozytywnej oceny miejsca zamieszkania ma jego wygląd zewnętrzny, o którym decydują porządek i estetyka. Są to oprócz czynników bytowych, znaczące uwarunkowania jednostkowej i społecznej identyfikacji z miastem25. Poezja Śląska Cieszyńskiego afirmuje miasteczka tych terenów, podkreślając piękno architektury, specyfikę krajobrazu oraz wyjątkowość swojego regionu. Jednym z wielu panegirycznych utworów ku czci miast pogranicza polsko-czeskiego jest utwór Dariusza Barskiego26, Tryptyk cieszyński, w którym zostaje opisane piękno zabytków miasta: Wieża Piastowska […] Na wzgórzu ponad miastem skąd wzrok dotyka krawędzi wieża niczym nadzieja bierze na ramiona gdy serce masz pokaleczone27. W europejskim kręgu kulturowym tradycyjna architektura miejska posiada cechy uporządkowanej i funkcjonalnej przestrzeni, wyróżnia się w niej zwarta racjonalnie rozplanowana strefa centralna28. Do tego porządku nawiązuje Barski, budując obraz miasta opartego o jego trzy największe zabytki. Wiersz ten stanowi przykład utworów pogranicza afirmujących uroki miasta, będącego niejako materialnym dowodem wartości regionu w którym żyją i tworzą. Kolejnym elementem, funkcjonującym w ramach przestrzennego postrzegania Śląska Cieszyńskiego jest dla poetów dom. Pojęcie domu rozumiane jest szerzej, w perspektywie miejsca zamieszkania, pochodzenia – oznacza on wtedy określoną przestrzeń. Z bardziej bezpośredniego punktu widzenia postrzegane jest jako dom rodzinny – konkretny, przywoływany w lirycznych wspomnieniach, zawsze będący częścią małej ojczyzny, osadzony w kontekście regionu, który podmiot liryczny za- 22 G. Odoj: Tożsamość kulturowa..., s. 7. 23 I. S. Fiut: Kulturowa tożsamość poetów…, s. 102. 24 G. Odoj: Tożsamość kulturowa …, s. 171. 25 Tamże, s. 129. 26 Dariusz Barski – poeta urodzony w 1967 roku w Cieszynie. Publikował w Sekcji Nauczycieli Literatów ZNP, w antologii Ziemia cieszyńska wierszem malowana, wydał własne tomiki wierszy, był członkiem grupy literackiej Nadolzie. „Nadolzie”. Kom. red. J. Z. Sarama Wojnar, A. Więzik, A. Kawulok, D. Barski. Cieszyn 1992, s. 40. 27 D. Barski: Tryptyk cieszyński. W: Ziemia cieszyńska wierszem..., s. 18. 28 G. Odoj: Tożsamość kulturowa …, s. 171. �Anita Czerwińska: Współczesna poezja Śląska Cieszyńskiego a tożsamość pogranicza polsko-czeskiego 283 mieszkuje. O domu-ojczyźnie pisze Adolf Dostal29, w wierszu zatytułowanym Bliski krajobraz: Są słowa proste: Śląsk, Beskidy, Olza, […] Jest słowo proste: dom lecz kiedy dodasz rodzinny staje się tak miłe i ciepłe30. Dom zatem oznacza dla autora przestrzeń znajomą, poczucie tożsamości z ziemią ojczystą jest w tych utworach niezwykle podkreślone, poezja przybiera charakter osobistego wyznania. Ja liryczne postrzega dom jako siedzibę własnej rodziny, poddaje ten obraz idealizacji, zabieg ów dostrzec można w utworze Jana Brody31 zatytułowanym Przez rodzinną wieś: Przejeżdżam przez rodzinną wieś gdziem ujrzał świat przed laty gdzie stał nad młynką stary dom okryty snopków płatem32. Dom w tym utworze zostaje wyidealizowany, upływający czas czyni zeń magiczną fantasmagorię. Poeta przywołuje obrazy z dzieciństwa, jawiące mu się jako najwspanialsze momenty życia, opis miejsc pochodzenia osadza dom w znanej scenerii – z którą podmiot w pełni się identyfikuje. Elementy przestrzenne, utożsamiane przez twórców pogranicza polsko-czeskiego z ojczyzną takie jak granica, miasto, dom – wszystkie one budują obraz poety pogranicza, człowieka przywiązanego do miejsca, w którym mieszka i tworzy, dostrzegającego jego różnorodność i utożsamiającego się z nim. W sferze tożsamości kulturowej poeci również podejmują dyskurs, analizując pojęcia tradycji, języka oraz wiedzy o przeszłości i własnych korzeniach. Starają się ustosunkować do rzeczywistości pełnej zmian, znaleźć pozycję, z której ich postrzeganie świata będzie miało walory uniwersalne. Istotnym problemem poruszanym w twórczości Śląska Cieszyńskiego jest zagadnienie języka, współwystępowania dwujęzyczności wśród ludzi pogranicza. Poeci czują się predestynowani do podejmowania zagadnienia języka jako elementu budujące29 Adolf Dostal (1941-1963) – poeta, urodził się w Karwinie w rodzinie górniczej, kształcił się w Liceum Pedagogicznym w Cieszynie. Zginął tragicznie na zaporze cierlickiej. Za życia publikował wiersze w prasie na Zaolziu i w Polsce. Zob. L. Miękina: Polska twórczość literacka..., s. 311. 30 A. Dostal: Bliski krajobraz. W: Słowa i krajobrazy. Antologia poetów zaolziańskich. Red. B. S. Kunda. Katowice 1980, s. 32. 31 Jan Broda – urodzony w 1911 roku w Drogomyślu. Ukończył seminarium nauczycielskie w Ostrzeszowie. Ogłosił kilkaset artykułów o tematyce historycznej i etnograficznej, utwory sceniczne, opowiadania, gawędy oraz wiersze. „Nadolzie”. Kom. red. J. Z. Sarama Wojnar, A. Więzik, A. Kawulok, D. Barski, Cieszyn 1992, s. 34. 32 J. Broda: Przez rodzinną wieś. W: „Nadolzie”..., s. 34. �284 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví go tożsamość kulturową, stanowi on bowiem ich narzędzie twórcze. Z jednej strony z poezji twórców pogranicza wyłania się zagadnienie zamierania polskiego języka za Olzą, które wyzwala u poetów uczucie goryczy, wiąże się bowiem z groźbą zamierania kultury polskiej, prowadzi do wewnętrznego zubożenia mieszkańców, zaniku identyfikacji z regionem. Pisze o tym Zbigniew Machej33: Za granicą, w zachodniej części miasta tam, gdzie starcze głosy zawodzą jeszcze Polska nie zginęła, dziecięce głosy nucą kde domow můj34. Utwór ten porusza ważny problem tożsamości, relację między kimś swoim a obcym, język staje się wyznacznikiem „swojskości”, decyduje o miejscu zajmowanym w lokalnej społeczności. „Swojskość” reprezentuje tu ludność zaolziańska kultywująca polskie tradycje, element obcy stanowią jednostki społeczne nie podejmujące próby kultywowania polskiej kultury. Z drugiej strony w poezji Śląska Cieszyńskiego widoczne jest współwystępowanie wielu kultur, afirmacja zróżnicowania jako elementu swoistego dla tego regionu, o czym przekonuje Renata Putzlacher: Lokalna Wieża Babel stała tu od zawsze35. Lokalna wieża Babel stanowi nawiązanie do wielokulturowości terenu pogranicza, zamieszkiwanego od wieków przez Polaków, Czechów, Słowaków, a także ludność niemiecką oraz żydowską36. Jej istnienie nie dziwi, nie zastanawia – jest prostym stwierdzeniem. Akceptacja współwystępowania odmiennych kultur stanowi element krajobrazu kulturowego, jak wieża Piastowska wbudowana jest w krajobraz Cieszyna, tak lokalna wieża Babel znajduje tam swoje miejsce. Epitet lokalna, obrazuje utożsamienie się podmiotu lirycznego z miejscem pochodzenia i zamieszkania. Cytat podkreśla identyfikację z różnorodnością, która stanowi specyfikę tego regionu. Analizując kwestię postrzegania języka, jako elementu tożsamości w liryce powstałej na Śląsku Cieszyńskim, nie sposób nie zauważyć zaniku tradycji pisania utworów gwarą. W XX i XXI wieku wiersze pisane gwarą stanowią jedynie niewielki odsetek dzieł tworzonych przez poetów pogranicza polsko-czeskiego, trudno ocenić tego przyczynę. Może stanowić to symptom wskazujący na zanik identyfikacji z regionem, jednak z drugiej strony posługiwanie się literacką polszczyzną umożliwia uniwersalizację tematów podejmowanych przez poetów lokalnych. Problem tożsamości wyrasta w tym świetle na zagadnienie godne ukazania w szerszym, uniwersalnym kontekście. 33 Zbigniew Machej – urodzony w 1958 roku w Cieszynie. Nauczyciel, dziennikarz i animator kultury, studiował polonistykę i religioznawstwo w Krakowie. Pełnił obowiązki sekretarza redakcji „Głosu Ziemi Cieszyńskiej”. Przez szereg lat był dyrektorem Ośrodka Kultury Polskiej w Pradze. Wydał tomiki poezji: Smakosze, kochankowie, płatni mordercy, Wiersze dla moich przyjaciół, Trzeci brzeg. Zob. L. Miękina: Polska twórczość literacka ..., s. 322. 34 Z. Machej: Cieszyn, Europa Środkowa . W: Tegoż: Trzeci brzeg. Kraków 1992, s. 27. 35 R. Putzlacher: Czeski Cieszyn Europa Środkowa …, s. 38. 36 B. Sabath: Strofy sercem pisane..., s. 71. �Anita Czerwińska: Współczesna poezja Śląska Cieszyńskiego a tożsamość pogranicza polsko-czeskiego 285 Wielowyznaniowość, głęboka religijność, afirmacja pracy, to również wyznaczniki budujące tożsamość ludzi pogranicza, ukazywane w utworach poetyckich jako niepodważalna wartość oraz element identyfikujący mieszkańców Śląska Cieszyńskiego. W szeregu utworów lirycznych ziemia cieszyńska określana jest jako efekt idealnego zamysłu niebieskiego: Ziemio Cieszyńska Z uśmiechu boga jesteś Dlategoś taka piękna Z marzenia jego powstała37. Niezwykłość tego regionu potwierdzona zostaje również w utworze Jana Pyszko38, który wyraźnie akcentuje bezkonfliktowość religijną ziemi cieszyńskiej, będącą chlubą tego terenu, wyznacznikiem tożsamości. Podmiot w bezpośredni sposób zwraca się do niej w apostroficznym zwrocie: Ziemio czarnego złota […] osobliwości kultury etnicznej ekumenii39. Ekumenizm staje się hasłem charakteryzującym Śląsk Cieszyński, jedną z jego niezaprzeczalnych wartości, decydującą o specyfice tego miejsca. Duma z wielowyznaniowości oraz szerokiej akceptacji tego zjawiska staje się tematem szeregu panegirycznych utworów o pograniczu polsko-czeskim. Równie mocno o tożsamości poezji pogranicza świadczą liczne nawiązania do tradycji regionu, jego bogatej historii. W współczesnej poezji regionu odnaleźć można wiele utworów podejmujących zagadnienie wyjątkowości ziemi cieszyńskiej jako bastionu polskości oraz podkreślenie heroizmu jej mieszkańców. Przykładem może być utwór Jana Pyszko Do Nawsia, w którym autor wychwala odwagę i waleczność przeszłych pokoleń mieszkańców: Ni wojny ni dyktatury Nawsia nie złamały pozostali wierni sobie i ziemi40. Podejmując temat tradycji i nastawienia do historii pogranicza, pełen wiary obraz w przyszłe pokolenia przedstawia również Jan Kubisz w utworze Nad Olzą: 37 I. E. Suchy: Ziemio Cieszyńska, „Nadolzie”..., s. 12. 38 Jan Pyszko (1925-2008) – urodzony w Nawsiu, koło Jabłonkowa. Pedagog polskiego szkolnictwa, tłumacz. Wydał tomiki: Żarna, Strzałą zieloną po…, Kamyki światła. Zob. J. Pyszko: Kamyki światła. Nawsie 2005, s. 66. 39 J. Pyszko: Do ziemi. W: Tegoż: Kamyki światła. Nawsie 2005, s. 11. 40 J. Pyszko: Do Nawsia, Kamyki światła. Nawsie 2005, s. 13. �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 286 Wnuk usłyszy w fal twych szumie Przodków swoich dzieje, I usiądzie nad twym brzegiem dumać nad przeszłością – I żyć będzie dla swej ziemi czynem i miłością!41. Wiersz ten wyraża profetyczne przekonanie o kultywowaniu przez przyszłe pokolenia pamięci o przeszłości. Pewność takiego postępowania wynika dla podmiotu lirycznego z niezaprzeczalnej wartości ziemi cieszyńskiej. Jeżeli spojrzeć na etapy egzystencjalnego penetrowania świata w utworach poetyckich pogranicza polsko-czeskiego, to na pierwszy plan wysuwa się zdystansowanie podmiotu lirycznego oraz przeciwstawienie mu przemijającego i współczesnego świata. To zdystansowanie wyraża się w poezji po obu stronach Olzy poprzez próbę postrzegania specyficznych aspektów funkcjonowania na pograniczu kultur. Odwołując się do charakterystycznych motywów budujących tożsamość przestrzenną i kulturową jak: dom, miasto, granica, język, tradycja oraz religia, poezja stara się stworzyć obraz świata, w którym czytelnik dostrzeże różnorodność i bogactwo Śląska Cieszyńskiego. W twórczości pogranicza dostrzec można sposób postrzegania regionu, polegający na afirmacji jego piękna, ale i świadomości istniejących różnic pomiędzy przedstawicielami odrębnych kultur – co jednak urasta do wymiaru wartości. Utwory liryczne przekonują, że pojęcie tożsamości nie jest zagadnieniem jednowymiarowym; uwidoczniają istniejące problemy w odnalezieniu właściwej pozycji mówienia o sobie jako o człowieku dwóch kultur, jednak nie negują tego stanu rzeczy. Bycie członkiem tej społeczności jest dla nich oczywistością, problem stanowi jedynie sposób pojmowania tego uczestnictwa w kulturze pogranicza, jako mieszkaniec, ale również jako poeta. Relacja swój – obcy nie jest relacją Polak – Czech, a jedynie zestawieniem postaci dostrzegającej wielokulturowość regionu, a obojętnej na te wartości. Poezja Śląska Cieszyńskiego stanowiąc świadectwo tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego, obrazuje aktywny i świadomy stosunek twórczości lokalnej tych terenów do własnej wewnętrznie zróżnicowanej, a zarazem niezwykle spójnej, kultury. Poezja lokalna podkreśla wartość kultury pogranicza, co stanowi świadectwo identyfikacji z regionem. Bibliografia: Barski D.: Tryptyk cieszyński. W: Ziemia cieszyńska wierszem malowana. Zbiór utworów poetyckich laureatów międzynarodowych konkursów organizowanych przez Bibliotekę Miejską w Cieszynie w latach 2001-2004. Oprac. J. Kula, M. Strządała. Cieszyn 2004, s. 18 Broda J.: Przez rodzinną wieś. W: „Nadolzie”. Kom. red. J. Z. Sarama Wojnar, A. Więzik, A. Kawulok, D. Barski, Cieszyn 1992, s. 34 Bursza W.J.: Różnorodność i tożsamość. Antropologia jako kulturowa refleksyjność. Poznań 2002 Dostal A.: Bliski krajobraz. W: Słowa i krajobrazy. Antologia poetów zaolziańskich. Red. B. S. Kunda. Katowice 1980, s. 31-62 Fiut I. S.: Kulturowa tożsamość poetów. Prezentacje i analizy. Kraków 2008 41 J. Kubisz: Nad Olzą. W: Tegoż: Z niwy śląskiej. Lwów 1902, s. 97-98. �Anita Czerwińska: Współczesna poezja Śląska Cieszyńskiego a tożsamość pogranicza polsko-czeskiego 287 Kadłubiec K.D.: Uwarunkowania cieszyńskiej kultury ludowej. Czeski Cieszyn 1987 Kubisz J.: Olza, „Kalendarz Cieszyński 1990”. Cieszyn 1989, s. 3 Kubisz J.: Nad Olzą. W: Z niwy śląskiej. Lwów 1902, s. 97-98 Lissowska R. K.: Rzeko moja. W: Tejże: Radość istnienia. Cieszyn 1999, s. 37 Machej Z.: Cieszyn, Europa Środkowa. W: Tegoż: Trzeci brzeg. Kraków 1992, s. 27 Miękina L.: Polska twórczość literacka po1918 roku. W: Śląsk Cieszyński. Środowisko naturalne. Zarys dziejów. Zarys kultury materialnej i duchowej. Red. W. Sosna. Cieszyn 2001, s. 297-334 „Nadolzie”. Kom. red. J. Z. Sarama Wojnar, A. Więzik, A. Kawulok, D. Barski. Cieszyn 1992 „Nadolzie”. Kom. red. J. Z. Sarama Wojnar, A.Więzik, K. Feber, T. Waszut. Cieszyn 1994 Odoj G.: Tożsamość kulturowa społeczności małomiasteczkowej. Katowice 2007 Pellegrino P.: Rozwój przestrzenny, tożsamość kulturowa, stosunek innych i przemiany terytorium regionalnego; prezentacja metody badań. W: Przestrzeń znacząca. Studia socjologiczne. Red. J. Wódz. Katowice 1989, s. 42-69 Przeczek W.: Ucieszne miasteczka. W: Tegoż: Szumne podszepty. Katowice 1982, s. 87 Putzlacher R: Czeski Cieszyn Europa Środkowa. W: Tejże: Małgorzata poszukuje mistrza. Czeski Cieszyn 1996, s. 38 Putzlacher R.: Małgorzata poszukuje Mistrza. Czeski Cieszyn 1996 Putzlacher R.: Próba identyfikacji. W: Tejże: Próba identyfikacji. Ostrawa 1990, s. 4 Putzlacher R.: Od autorki. W: Tejże: Ziemia albo-albo. Karwina 1993, s. 13 Pyszko J.: Do Nawsia. W: Tegoż: Kamyki światła. Nawsie 2005, s. 13 Pyszko J.: Do ziemi. W: Tegoż: Kamyki światła. Nawsie 2005, s. 11 Pyszko J.: Kamyki światła. Nawsie 2005 Sabath B.: Strofy sercem pisane. Cieszyn w poezji polskiej w XIX, XX i XXI stuleciu. Szkice. Bibliografia. Cieszyn 2008 Suchy I. E.: Ziemio Cieszyńska. W: „Nadolzie”. Kom. red. J. Z. Sarama Wojnar, A. Więzik, K. Feber, T. Waszut. Cieszyn 1994, s. 12 Świc R.: Po drugiej stronie granicy. W: Ziemia cieszyńska wierszem malowana. Zbiór utworów poetyckich laureatów międzynarodowych konkursów organizowanych przez Bibliotekę Miejską w Cieszynie w latach 2001-2004. Oprac. J. Kula, M. Strządała. Cieszyn 2004, s. 8 Shrnutí Současná poezie na území Těšínského Slezska a identita polsko-českého pohraničí Článek akcentuje existenci problému identity v poezii, vzniklé na území Těšínského Slezska, která se projevuje v několika základních úrovních, přičemž představuje rozměr identifikace literárních úspěchů s prostorem, na kterém vznikají. Tvorba v pohraničí líčí vnitřní skelet poetického vnímání problematiky identity, a odhaluje rozměr ztotožnění se s místem narození a bydlištěm, které pokud jsou hranicí různých kultur i přes různorodost tvoří jeden konzistentní celek. Popisuje problémy skupinové příslušnosti, kategorizování společenského světa na svoje a cizí, podle ustálených zhodnocujících kritérií. Pokud se odvoláváme se na charakteristické motivy vytvářející prostorovou a kulturní identitu jako dům, město, hranice, jazyk, tradice a náboženství, poezie se snaží ukázat národnostní různorodost a bohatství Těšínského �288 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Slezska. V tvořivosti pohraničí je možno spatřit způsob vnímání regionu, spočívající v afirmaci jeho krásy, ale také vědomí existujících kulturních rozdílů narůstajících jednak do rozměru hodnot, svědčících o specifickém charakteru tohoto území. Summary Modern poetry of Cieszyn Silesia and the identity of the Polish-Czech borderland The study emphasizes the existence of the issue of identity in poetic works written in Cieszyn Silesia. This identity issue is manifested in several basic platforms, which seems to illustrate the dimension of identification of literary performance with the area in which it comes to being. Borderland creation depicts the inner outline of poetic perception of identity and uncovers the dimension of identification with the birthplace and dwelling place, which form the border between different cultures. However, despite their differentiation, they constitute a coherent entity. Poetic works also touch the problem of belonging to a group, the categorization of the world into the own and the alien, according to particular evaluative criteria. By referring to characteristic motifs which build spatial and cultural identity (such as: home, town, border, language, tradition and religion), poetry shows the diversity and wealth of Cieszyn Silesia. What seems to be easy to notice in borderland creation is the way in which the region is perceived – the way consisting in the affirmation of beauty but also in the awareness of cultural differences, the way which finally gets the rank of value and confirms the specificity of this area. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/81210c0f14267991ced526770ae731a3.pdf 99b56e7cb5291ace46bf2a195fdb3416 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5471 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource Śląsk Cieszyński - dziedzictwo kulturowe Śląsk Cieszyński - twórczość ludowa Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5088 Title A name given to the resource Wspólczesna twórczość samorodna w procesie kształtowania tożsamości/ Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego Description An account of the resource Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego; pod red. Haliny Rusek,Agnieszki Pieńczak i Jacka Szczyrbowskiego s., 319-331 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Czerwińska, Kinga Language A language of the resource pol ang. cz. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Cieszynie Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text CZĘŚĆ 5 TWÓRCZOŚĆ ARTYSTYCZNA, FOLKLOR I OBRZĘDOWOŚĆ ZIEMI CIESZYŃSKIEJ ��Kinga Czerwińska Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Współczesna twórczość samorodna w procesie kształtowania tożsamości. Przykład Śląska Cieszyńskiego Pojęcie tożsamości jest obecnie „niezbędnym, a może nawet zasadniczym narzędziem pojęciowym w analizie sytuacji człowieka w społeczeństwie współczesnym i próbach wyjaśnienia bądź zrozumienia kluczowych fenomenów społecznych naszych czasów”1. Dynamika zmian otaczającej nas rzeczywistości oraz doświadczanie odmiennych wzorów kultury będące synonimem współczesności, wymuszają refleksje nad samym sobą i własnym miejscem w świecie. Kulturowy eklektyzm przynosi destabilizację, zwłaszcza wśród młodego pokolenia, które potrzebuje trwałych fundamentów stanowiących o formowaniu ich samoidentyfikacji. Proces ten nie należy do łatwych. Z jednej strony bowiem obserwujemy tendencję ujednolicenia kultury poprzez massmedia, globalizm, ekonomiczną i kulturalną homogenizację. Równocześnie, po drugiej stronie coraz intensywniej odradza się regionalizm, któremu często towarzyszy izolacjonizm lokalny i ksenofobia, wynikające z zagrożenia własnego orbis interior. Każdy rodzaj relacji zachodzących pomiędzy jednostkami, buduje poczucie przynależności do wybranej społeczności i odrębności od innych, i staje się gruntem dla kształtowania identyfikacji na poziomie jednostki i grupy. Poszukiwanie jej wyznaczników odbywa się na płaszczyznach: państwowej, etnicznej, regionalnej, kulturowej, religijnej, a nawet seksualnej2. Jednostka bowiem z jednej strony poszukuje „unikal1 Z. Bokszański: Tożsamość, interakcja, grupa. Tożsamość jednostki w perspektywie teorii socjologicznej. Łódź 1989, s. 6. 2 Na gruncie nauk humanistycznych, a zwłaszcza psychologii, socjologii czy etnologii problematyka tożsamości jest obecnie jednym z podstawowych zagadnień badawczych. Pisze o tym wielokrotnie W. J. Burszta. Zob. tegoż: Antropologia kultury. Poznań 1998; Asteriks w Disneylandzie. Zapiski antropologiczne. Poznań 2001; Różnorodność i tożsamość. Antropologia jako kulturowa refleksyjność. Poznań 2004 i inne. �320 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví ności” własnej osoby, z drugiej zaś poczucia podobieństwa i przynależności do określonej grupy i kategorii społecznej w ramach aktualnie żyjącego pokolenia oraz jego przeszłości, przekonania o wspólnocie i ciągłości czasu i przestrzeni3. Wśród wielu płaszczyzn kształtowania się tożsamości, za najważniejszą przyjmuje się płaszczyznę kulturową, historycznie uwarunkowaną oraz zachowującą istnienie i ciągłość zbiorowości. Tożsamość tę wyznaczają: 1) elementy dziedzictwa, nawet całkowicie lub częściowo zdezaktualizowane, 2) rodzaj, proporcje i ustrukturowanie składowych elementów danej kultury zarówno ze względu na odrębności wyróżników kulturowych, jak i na osiągnięty poziom powszechników społeczno-ekonomicznych i cywilizacyjnych wewnątrz danej kultury, 3) kontekst zewnętrzny równorzędnych czy nierównorzędnych kontaktów z innymi kulturami, występujących w różnym natężeniu w przeszłości i teraźniejszości4. Zasób dziedzictwa kulturowego staje się zatem swoistym rdzeniem wokół, którego kształtuje się tożsamość jednostki i grupy5. Stopień jego zachowania i tradycyjności, formy jego przekazu, jak i recepcja jego treści wyraża stosunek do własnej kultury, a co za tym idzie intensywność identyfikacji jednostki czy grupy. Świadomość tożsamości kulturowej wiązać się będzie przeto z poczuciem przynależności do własnej społeczności, z identyfikowaniem się z tą społecznością, z jej specyficzną kulturą i wspólną historią, z określonym terytorium, które się wspólnie zamieszkuje, równocześnie z poczuciem wyraźnej odrębności w stosunku do innych grup6. Mając na uwadze powyższe założenia, zamierzam poddać analizie znaczenie twórczości samorodnej w kształtowaniu tożsamości mieszkańców Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Postaram się wykazać, iż aktywność twórcza oparta na tradycyjnych kanonach ideowo – warsztatowych oraz twórczość nieprofesjonalna, inspirowana miejscowym środowiskiem przyrodniczym i kulturowym, ma istotny wkład w budowaniu tożsamości grupowej – społecznej, ale i jednostkowej. Manifestacja własnej, lokalnej twórczości i jej powszechna recepcja proces ten umacnia, co ma ogromne znaczenie zwłaszcza w przestrzeni pogranicza. Tu bowiem intensywność procesów, o których pisałam wyżej nabiera innego wymiaru. Pogranicza stanowią miejsca kontaktu rozmaitych grup ludzkich, charakteryzujących się odmiennymi tradycjami kulturowymi, systemami wartości, różnymi językami czy dialektami, czasem także odmiennym wyznaniem7. Grupy społeczne, wchodzące ze sobą w kontakt, prowadzą intensywną wymianę odmiennych wartości i wzorów kultury. Halina Rusek pisze, że: „Członkowie społecz3 L. Dyczewski: Kultura polska w procesie przemian. Lublin 1995, s. 67-70. 4 K. Kwaśniewski: Tożsamość kulturowa. W: Słownik etnologiczny. Terminy ogólne. Red. Z. Staszczak. Warszawa – Poznań 1987, s. 351-352. 5 Zob. M. Wieruszewska: Tożsamość kulturowa jako wartość i czynnik konstytutywny społeczności lokalnej. W: Społeczności lokalne. Teraźniejszość i przyszłość. Red. B. Jałowiecki, B. Sowa, P. Dudkiewicz. Warszawa 1989, s. 310. 6 G. Odoj: Tożsamość kulturowa społeczności małomiasteczkowej. Katowice 2007, s. 23. 7 R. Kantor: Pogranicze jako narodowy obszar kulturowy. W: Społeczno-cywilizacyjny wymiar edukacji. Red. Z. Jasiński. Opole 1996, s. 113. �Kinga Czerwińska: Współczesna twórczość samorodna w procesie kształtowania tożsamości. ... 321 ności pogranicza nieustannie funkcjonują w sytuacji kontaktu i konfrontacji z jakimiś „innymi”, przekraczając nieustannie granice odrębności etniczno-kulturowej swojej grupy”8. Ludzie pogranicza są zatem uczestnikami konfrontacji w wymiarze etnicznym, regionalnym, kulturowym czy religijnym, które kształtują ich postawy9. To zaś proces budowania tożsamości czyni znacznie trudniejszym. Śląsk Cieszyński ukształtował swą kulturową specyfikę pogranicza, pozostając w bezpośrednim kontakcie z Małopolską (a w szczególności Żywiecczyzną), ze Śląskiem Górnym i Opawskim, szerzej Morawami, Czechami i Słowacją. Geograficzne usytuowanie regionu i jego lokacja u wrót Bramy Morawskiej oraz wynikająca z niej niełatwa historia, mobilność i niejednorodność osadnicza (polska, niemiecka, czeska, żydowska, wałaska), różna przynależność państwowa (Śląsk Cieszyński był częścią Polski, Czech i Monarchii Austrowęgierskiej), czy wreszcie rozdzielenie Macierzy w 1920 roku i włączenie jej do dwóch aparatów państwowych: Polski i Czechosłowacji, zadecydowały o specyfice śląskocieszyńskiego dziedzictwa kulturowego. Niemałe znaczenie w tym procesie miała również heterogeniczność wyznaniowa. Zasadniczym elementem decydującym o odrębności kulturowego dziedzictwa regionu była tradycyjna kultura ludowa10. Wśród wielu jej przejawów, na szczególną uwagę zasługuje aktywność artystyczna, która pozostaje współcześnie bodaj najbardziej reprezentacyjną i żywotną jej częścią. Wypracowane przez setki lat, formy kultury artystycznej stały się wyznacznikiem regionu, jednym z głównych determinantów identyfikacji kulturowej. Zamiłowanie do piękna i estetyki było równocześnie pretekstem do manifestacji własnej przynależności społecznej, religijnej i etnicznej, zasygnalizowania odrębności grupy. Jej wartość polegała również na tym, że „...scalała grupę, wyróżniała, informowała, dawała poczucie więzi z przeszłością”11, co miało niebagatelne znaczenie w procesie budowania tożsamości. O charakterze artystycznych treści i środków wyrazu kształtujących się w granicach regionu, a nie rzadko i wsi, zdecydowały takie czynniki, jak izolacjonizm tradycyjnej kultury chłopskiej oraz jej samowystarczalność12. Czynniki te zaważyły na wyodrębnieniu się swoistego dla danego obszaru, zespołu ideowo-formalnego, który operował przede wszystkim elementami rodzimymi, lokalnymi, ale i twórczą adaptacją motywów zaczerpniętych ze sztuki elitarnej, mieszczańskiej oraz elementów obcych etnicznie. Ludowe „dzieła” odzwierciedlały pragnienia twórców i ich odbiorców, ale równocześnie stanowiły „…ogniwa nieskończonego łańcucha twórczości wielu pokoleń, wielu lat i niekiedy wielu krajów”13. W formowaniu ludowej kultury artystycznej najważniejszy okazał się okres przypadający na wiek XIX i początek wieku XX. Następujące wówczas gruntowne 8 H. Rusek: Tożsamość pogranicza. Wprowadzenie. W: Pogranicza kulturowe i etniczne w Polsce. Red. Z. Kłodnicki, H. Rusek. Wrocław 2003, s. 9. 9 Zob. A. Szyfer: Ludzie pogranicza. Kulturowe uwarunkowania osobowości. Poznań 2003. 10 Zob. K. D. Kadłubiec: Uwarunkowania cieszyńskiej kultury ludowej. Czeski Cieszyn 1987. 11 A. Jackowski: Sztuka ludowa. W: Etnografia Polski przemiany kultury ludowej. Red. M. Biernacka, M. Frankowska, W. Paprocka. T. 2. Wrocław, Warszawa, Kraków, Gdańsk, Łódź 1981, s. 190. 12 L. Stomma: Determinanty polskiej kultury ludowej w XIX wieku. „Polska Sztuka Ludowa” 1979, nr 3, s. 131- 142. 13 E. Frankowski: Sztuka ludu polskiego. Monografie artystyczne. T. XVII. Warszawa 1928, s. 5. �322 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví zmiany polityczno-ekonomiczne, takie jak: uwłaszczenie, budzenie się świadomości klasowej, czy wreszcie intensywne uprzemysłowienie, znacznie wpłynęły na jej kondycję. Dla wielu jej przejawów rozpoczął się proces bujnego rozwoju, dla innych powolnego zaniku. Proces ten pogłębił się po II wojnie światowej. Pod wpływem silnej urbanizacji, industrializacji i zmian ustrojowych kultura ludowa, a więc rdzeń dziedzictwa kulturowego, uległa rozpadowi. Postępujące przeobrażenia uczyniły również dawną, tradycyjną sztukę ludową rozdziałem zamkniętym, należącym do historii. Zmiany dotknęły nawet obszary hermetyczne na dynamikę przemian, o szczególnie silnie rozwiniętym poczuciu wartości własnego dziedzictwa, które Ryszard Kantor, za Józefem Bursztą nazywa „spichlerzami kultury”14. Wśród nich znalazła się także znaczna część ziemi cieszyńskiej – Beskid Śląski. Jedynie dzięki stymulowanej „od góry” opieki nad tą wyjątkową aktywnością artystyczną, udało się zachować wybrane jej przejawy15. Finansowe i merytoryczne wsparcie oraz działalność aktywizująca prowadzona przez miejscowe samorządy, muzea czy regionalne oddziały Cepelii, były zachętą do kontynuacji, a w wielu wypadkach pobudzenia aktywności twórczej. Zmiany jakie dotknęły artystyczną kulturę wsi dotyczyły zarówno cech formalno -ideowych, jak i funkcji oraz wartości, jakie reprezentowała. Zalewająca fala wyrobów produkcji fabrycznej zgodnych z lansowaną przez miasta modą, bezpowrotnie wyparła ze wsi sprzęty, zdobnictwo wnętrz czy tradycyjny strój, który stał się z rzadka noszonym kostiumem. Otwarcie się ku nowym wzorom, zdeprecjonowało dawną twórczość ludową i pozbawiło jej wartości materialnej i użytkowej. Walory artystyczne oraz kulturowe zyskały jednak uznanie poza rodzimym środowiskiem, a potrzebę kontynuowania kanonu sztuki tradycyjnej uznano za najważniejszy przejaw kultury regionalnej i narodowej. Równocześnie obok istnienia twórczości „w stylu ludowym”, rozwijała się w środowisku wiejskim twórczość formalnie i treściowo znacznie odbiegająca od tradycyjnego kanonu sztuki ludowej. Twórcy, którzy nabyli swe umiejętności, poczucie i konwencje estetyki, w czasach kiedy sztuka ludowa była „żywa”, zetknęli się z odmienną rzeczywistością kulturową, która stała się dla nich nową inspiracją artystyczną. Tym sposobem sztuka, nazywana „ludową”, zbliżyła się do twórczości określanej terminem sztuki nieprofesjonalnej, amatorskiej czy naiwnej, kształtowanej jedynie inwencją i pasją twórcy16. Dlatego analizując współcześnie aktywność plastyczną wsi, często potocznie określaną sztuką ludową, uznałam za zasadne, wprowadzenie pojęcia twórczości samorodnej, którą rozumiem jako: „…naturalną potrzebę tworzenia człowieka nie przygotowanego profesjonalnie do prac twórczych”17. Termin ten bowiem trafniej obrazuje zjawisko, które przedstawiam w niniejszym artykule. O współczesnym postrzeganiu i rozwoju samorodnej twórczości Śląska Cieszyńskiego, a szerzej kulturowego dziedzictwa w Polsce, zdecydowały w dużej mierze rów14 R. Kantor: Istota i siła tradycji. W: Bogaci tradycją. Kontynuacja i zmiana w kulturze współczesnej wsi. Red. R. Kantor. Kielce 1996, s. 9-19. 15 Mowa tu przede wszystkim o takich gałęziach sztuki ludowej jak: haft, koronka oraz rzeźba. 16 Zob. A. Jackowski: Sztuka zwana naiwną. Warszawa 1995. 17 Za: I. Butmanowicz-Dębicka: Obcy wśród swoich. Społeczne podłoże twórczości samorodnej. W: Ogród spustoszony. Kontynuacja i zmiana w kulturze współczesnej wsi. Red. R. Kantor, W. Kołodziej. Kraków 1995, s. 45. �Kinga Czerwińska: Współczesna twórczość samorodna w procesie kształtowania tożsamości. ... 323 nież wydarzenia końca XX wieku: przemiany ustrojowe oraz akces do Unii Europejskiej. Zmiany te przyniosły obawę i lęki przed utratą kultury polskiej, zanikiem jej narodowej odrębności i ujednoliceniem z kulturą europejską czy światową. Starania te okazały się przedwczesne, i jak da się zauważyć błędne. Pomimo, że zcentralizowana, „odgórnie” prowadzona opieka nad tradycyjną i amatorsko uprawianą twórczością po 1990 roku utraciła impet, nie wpłynęło to na zanik tej twórczej aktywności. Wręcz przeciwnie, artystyczna kreacja, czerpiąca inspiracje ze „sztuki ludowej” czy wprost ją kontynuująca oraz amatorska, wolna od tradycyjnych kanonów, staje się coraz popularniejsza. Kulturowe tradycje, w tym interesująca nas tu twórczość samorodna cieszy się coraz większym zainteresowaniem i aprobatą społeczną. Dość powszechne uznanie dziedzictwa kulturowego za niezastąpiony element decydujący o tożsamości kulturowej czy narodowej, zrodziło wiele projektów związanych z zachowaniem schedy przodków. Cenne są zwłaszcza inicjatywy indywidualne, jak zakładanie stowarzyszeń, galerii, organizowanie plenerów, ale również te o charakterze instytucjonalnym, prowadzone przez muzea czy ośrodki kultury18. Różnorodną aktywność podejmowaną na tym polu można sklasyfikować następująco: - zakładanie lub reaktywowanie zespołów folklorystycznych, kapel ludowych, grup śpiewaczych, - rekonstruowanie dawnych zwyczajów oraz obrzędowości, - organizowanie wystaw i kiermaszów twórczości plastycznej, - zakładanie prywatnych muzeów, izb regionalnych, galerii, m.in. Izba Regionalna w Cisownicy, Chlebowa Chata w Górkach Wielkich, Galeria „u Niedźwiedzia” w Wiśle, - organizowanie konkursów i warsztatów, gdzie można poznać tradycyjne umiejętności związane m.in. z szyciem czy zdobnictwem strojów ludowych. W tą działalność wpisuje się przede wszystkim cieszyński Zamek Sztuki i Przedsiębiorczości i organizowany przezeń cykl imprez pod wspólnym tytułem Skarby z cieszyńskiej trówły, - wydawanie różnych rodzajów publikacji: broszur, przewodników, książek popularnonaukowych, w tym także tomików wierszy i opowiadań gwarowych. Na szczególną uwagę zasługują tu dwa programy regionalne, które swym zasięgiem obejmują region całego Śląska Cieszyńskiego, nie zważając na granicę państwową, co dla rozdzielonego przez lata regionu, ma znaczenie priorytetowe. Są to np.: 1) Greenways: program tzw. zielonych korytarzy, który powstał z inicjatywy Euroregionu Śląsk Cieszyński i Stowarzyszenia Rozwoju i Współpracy Regionalnej Olza w Cieszynie. Projekt ten zainicjowany i wprowadzony w Środkowej Europie, a współcześnie popularny na całym świecie, polega na wyznaczeniu szlaków przyrodniczokulturowych wiodących po szczególnie atrakcyjnych miejscach związanych z tradycją i historią regionów. Szlak biegnący przez Śląsk Cieszyński jest częścią zielonego korytarza biegnącego z Wiednia do Krakowa. Na trasie, w gminie Goleszów, wyznaczono punkt, w którym funkcjonuje ekomuzeum stroju cieszyńskiego, gdzie można z bliska przyjrzeć się, jak powstają według dawnych wzorów wybrane części tradycyjnej odzieży, np. żywotek lub czepiec. W przyszłości planuje się także uruchomienie ekomuzeum koniakowskiej koronki w Trójwsi oraz ekomuzeum tradycyjnej architektury w Jastrzębiu Zdroju. 18 Współcześnie głównym koordynatorem wspierania rozwoju lokalnej twórczości jest Regionalny Ośrodek Kultury w Bielsku-Białej, którego dyrektorem jest Leszek Miłoszewski. �324 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 2) Tradycyjnie piękne: to część większego projektu Polsko-Czeska Akademia Ginących Zawodów, w ramach którego powstał Szlak Tradycyjnego Rzemiosła19, obejmujący: 21 miejscowości po polskiej i czeskiej stronie Śląska Cieszyńskiego, 34 osoby zajmujące się rękodziełem, 2 osoby zajmujące się kuchnią regionalną, 3 izby regionalne, 2 muzea oraz 2 galerie. W wyznaczonych miejscach można spotkać, poznać i zobaczyć zachowane i pielęgnowane tradycje regionu, w tym przede wszystkim te związane z rzemiosłem, rękodziełem i twórczością samorodną. Tak różnorodna aktywność przynosi nowe perspektywy w propagowaniu i zachowaniu miejscowej tradycji i specyfiki twórczej. Rosnąca popularność zaowocowała wieloma równolegle występującymi artystycznymi formami, które można ująć w następujące kategorie: 1. „dzieła” utrzymane w tradycyjnym kanonie formalnym i warsztatowym. Dawny wymiar kanonu ideowo-technicznego zachowała głównie twórczość reprezentująca dziedzictwo regionu, jak np. strój ludowy oraz ta, będąca lokalną pamiątką. Wierność dawnym artystycznym formom jest konieczna, bo twórczość taka „z góry” przeznaczana jest dla odbiorcy spoza własnego środowiska, i w potocznym rozumieniu stanowi właśnie miejscową „sztukę ludową”. Przypada jej nader ważna rola – utrzymanie unikatowej wartości kultury lokalnej. 2. adaptacje dawnych wzorów do potrzeb współczesnych (np. tzw. smycze do telefonów komórkowych z beskidzkim haftem krzyżykowym, stringi czy etui na telefon z koniakowskiej koronki), 3. indywidualne, artystyczne wybory i aktywność o charakterze sztuki amatorskiej czy nawet akademickiej. Biorąc pod uwagę ograniczony charakter niniejszej publikacji bliżej omówię tylko wybrane przejawy śląskocieszyńskiej twórczej aktywności, wśród których znajdują się rzeźba i malarstwo20. W dyscyplinach tych znajdziemy zarówno wymiar sztuki dawnej, jak i nowoczesnej, wolnej od ludowych reguł. Często w tradycyjnym kręgu pozostają cechy formalne i tematyka prac, choć jej pierwotny, sakralny wymiar traci znaczenie. Obok kanonicznego zespołu wątków, którym przewodzi Chrystus Frasobliwy czy Matka Boska, nierzadko pojawiają się rozbudowane, wielopostaciowe przedstawienia „opowiadające” biblijne i hagiograficzne przypowieści, np. Ostatnia Wieczerza. Często autorzy nadają im regionalny charakter, który uzyskują przez dodanie miejscowych, tradycyjnych strojów czy rekwizytów. Równolegle do tematyki sakralnej, twórców frapuje świat profanum, w którym poszukują inspiracji dla swych prac. Heterogeniczność wyznaniowa, laicyzacja życia, etos pracy oraz tutejsze środowisko – naturalne i kulturowe, stały się czynnikami warunkującymi treść plastycznych przedstawień powstających po obu stronach, rozdzielonego Olzą, Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Sceny z życia dawnej, zwłaszcza góralskiej wsi, dokumentujące dawne zajęcia w domu, zagrodzie i polu, tradycyjne odzienie czy góralska kapela, a także pejzaże pozostają istotnym świadectwem przemawiającym za wspólnotą ziem cieszyńskich. Ekumena góralskiej tematyki, z jednej strony decyduje o specyfice śląskocieszyńskiej plastyki, z drugiej, co jest ważne dla zaolziańskich 19 Zob. szerzej: www.tradycyjniepiekne.pl 20 Zob. K. Czerwińska: Sztuka ludowa na Śląsku Cieszyńskim. Między tradycją a innowacją. Katowice 2009. �Kinga Czerwińska: Współczesna twórczość samorodna w procesie kształtowania tożsamości. ... 325 twórców, zapewnia o łączności z polskością i trwaniu przy jej tradycji21. Podkreślenia godny jest tu fakt, co dla naszych rozważań jest szczególnie ważne, że artystyczna pasja stała się środkiem umożliwiającym „zatrzymanie” uciekającego czasu, utrwalanie dziedzictwa regionu, zwłaszcza zaś tych jego elementów, które giną bezpowrotnie. Odnaleziona w sztuce możliwość dokumentacji: życia, codzienności, „minionych lat dzieciństwa i tego co głęboko przeżyte”, jego rudymentarną cechą czyni realizm. Wśród licznych przejawów aktywności twórczej na szczególną uwagę zasługują umiejętności związane z rekonstrukcją stroju i jego zdobnictwa. Strój ludowy należał bowiem do głównych wyznaczników odrębności regionu, stanowiących współcześnie bodaj najbardziej reprezentacyjny element tradycyjnej kultury lokalnej22. Na terenie Śląska Cieszyńskiego do dnia dzisiejszego swą żywotność zachował strój zwany cieszyńskim oraz strój górali śląskich. Podobnie jak cała artystyczna twórczość wsi, strój opierał się o dawne formy, narzędzia i miejscowe surowce. Był wyrazem potrzeb życia codziennego społeczności miejscowej, a doskonalony przez lata wzór, dostrzegalny zarówno w swym bogactwie, jak i ubóstwie form, dany dla całej rodziny, wsi, parafii, regionu stał się jej symbolem, wyrażającym „…wspólne poczucie o pięknie, przyzwyczajenia i sposoby techniczne”23. Powojenne przemiany społeczno-obyczajowe i wyzwolenie się z autorytetów starszego pokolenia, spowodowało odrzucenie tradycyjnej roli stroju ludowego, jaką pełnił w kulturowej strukturze wsi. Strój ludowy stał się kostiumem. Jego główna rola miała charakter reprezentatywny, wyrażała przynależność regionalną, ale i narodową. Strój ubierano na ważne uroczystości rodzinne, religijne, ale przede wszystkim państwowe, tj. dożynki. Drugim torem funkcjonowania stroju ludowego okazała się jego kreacja jako rekwizytu scenicznego, świetlicowego. Wymogi estradowe i realia aktywności zespołów folklorystycznych pozbawiły jednak strój ludowy autentyczności, co często wyrażało się w ujednoliceniu form czy przesadnie rozbudowanym zdobnictwie. Po latach regresu, kiedy strój funkcjonował jedynie jako ideologiczny i sceniczny rekwizyt, od lat 90. XX wieku obserwujemy jego renesans. Powszechne stało się zamawianie stroju ludowego, którego rekonstrukcje dokonuje się w oparciu o ciągle żywą wśród starszego pokolenia wiedzę o tradycyjnym odzieniu oraz fachową literaturę. Pomocne stają się etnograficzne monografie, które w ostatnich latach ukazują się często, a nawet spontanicznie z inicjatywny lokalnych miłośników regionu24. Wzrasta też świadomość jego wartości (nie tylko materialnej) i walorów estetycznych. Na powrót modne stało się zakładanie regionalnego stroju na ważne uroczystości: państwowe, rodzinne czy religijne (tj. Pierwsza Komunia lub Konfirmacja, procesje Bożego Ciała), czy chociażby samo posiadanie go25. 21 Myślę tu o takich twórcach jak A. Szpyrc, B. Procner czy P. Kufa. 22 Szerzej zob. K. Czerwińska: Współczesny strój ludowy – kulturowy relikt czy żywa tradycji? W: Tradycja a współczesność. Folklor – Język – Kultura. Oświata i kultura na Podbeskidziu. T. V. Red. D. Czubala, M. Miczka-Pajestka. Bielsko – Biała 2009, s. 87-94. 23 J. Orynżyna: O sztukę ludową. Pamiętnik pracy. Warszawa 1965. 24 W sukurs tym zapotrzebowaniom idzie działalność Fundacji Braci Golec, a zwłaszcza zainicjowany cykl albumów o strojach noszonych w Karpatach. Wśród nich znalazł się strój górali śląskich, a strój cieszyński jest w przygotowaniu. 25 Zdarza się, że studenci cieszyńskiej etnologii ubierają stój ludowy na obronę prac magisterskich. �326 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Wzrost zapotrzebowania na tradycyjny strój, zwłaszcza za sprawą licznie powstających zespołów folklorystycznych, sprawił, że coraz więcej osób wraca do dawnych technik kroju, szycia i zdobień. Na przeszkodzie nie stoją nawet wysokie koszty, jakie trzeba pokryć za kompletny strój. Zamawia się go u zawodowych krawcowych, koronkarek i hafciarek w Koniakowie, Wiśle, Goleszowie, Cieszynie, a nawet w Zakopanem, wszędzie tam gdzie przetrwała tradycja o dawnym odzieniu. Nieodzowną rolę zajmują tu osoby starsze, którym strój ludowy pozostał żywo w pamięci. Przy rekonstrukcji dba się o jego autentyczność, nie tylko sięgając po dawne kształty i wzory, ale i (o ile to możliwe) tkaniny. Powraca się do ich postaci z okresu przełomu wieków i początku XX, z którego pochodzi najwięcej zachowanych eksponatów muzealnych oraz dokumentacji fotograficznej. Konieczność zachowania autentyczności i wierność tradycji potwierdzają słowa jednej z kobiet zajmujących się wyszyciami: Tradycje rodzinne i kulturę regionalną Śląska Cieszyńskiego trzeba podtrzymywać, bo to jest coś wspaniałego, coś co wyróżnia nas od innych i co trzeba pokazać młodemu pokoleniu26. Zainteresowanie strojem ludowym oraz rosnąca potrzeba jego posiadania, sprzyja żywotności dawnych technik zdobniczych, tj. jubilerstwo (zwłaszcza technika filigranu, kontynuowana w pracowniach Franciszka Pieczonki w Cieszynie oraz Kazimierza Wawrzyka w Ustroniu), hafciarstwo oraz koronczarstwo. Umiejętności te przez lata, „oderwały się” od stroju ludowego, rozwijając się w samodzielne dziedziny aktywności twórczej. Oczywiście szczególną pozycję zajmują tu: koniakowska koronka oraz beskidzki haft krzyżykowy i haft na żywotkach – czyli gorsetach sukni cieszyńskich, które przez lata stały się symbolem tradycji regionu. Kompilacja dawnych, tradycyjnych technik i wzorów z nowatorskimi rozwiązaniami formy i funkcji, czyni je atrakcyjnymi nośnikami lokalnych wartości. Proces budowania tożsamości opartej o tradycje przodków zależny jest od postawy, jaką reprezentują członkowie społeczności. Im bardziej dziedzictwo kulturowe odbierane jest jako wartość, tym większa jego rola jako „rdzenia”, wokół którego kształtuje się samoidentyfikacja. Wartościowanie własnej kultury rozpoczyna się w domu rodzinnym, gdzie „wchodzi w krew”. Z czasem, kiedy staje się integralną częścią własnego orbis interior, przeradza się w poczucie odpowiedzialności za zachowanie kulturowej schedy przodków. Pozytywny stosunek do lokalnej tradycji i aktywna postawa zmierzająca do jego ochrony, rodzi poczucie bycia „ogniwem pokoleniowego łańcucha”, zwłaszcza kiedy najstarsze generacje odchodzą. Obowiązkiem staje się zachowanie ciągłości wspólnej kultury, obrona dawnych treści przed zapomnieniem, nieudolną stylizacją czy niewłaściwą interpretacją. Nabyta wiedza i ukształtowana w duchu tradycyjnych wzorców postawa życiowa, nie pozwala na bierne akceptowanie obcych przejawów kultury masowej, przy równoczesnym deprecjonowaniu własnych. Jedna z moich informatorek argumentuje swoją działalność następująco: Jak mi kiedyś w kościele chłop powiedział: coś się tak po góralsku oblykła, a byłach ubrano w suknię cieszyńską, to mnie takie nerwy wzięły. Jak chłop stela może nie poznać cieszyńskiego stroju! Musiałach cosik z tym zrobić27. 26 Wypowiedź z badań własnych, Goleszów 2009. 27 Badania własne, Zebrzydowice 2009. �Kinga Czerwińska: Współczesna twórczość samorodna w procesie kształtowania tożsamości. ... 327 Konfrontacja z osobami o całkowitej ignorancji i braku wiedzy o lokalnym dziedzictwie, staje się impulsem do działania: założenia zespołów folklorystycznych, izb regionalnych, rekonstrukcji dawnych zwyczajów, itp. Ta różnorodna, bogata aktywność służy oczywiście popularyzowaniu kultury własnej, czego rezultatem w wielu przypadkach jest budowanie postawy wartościującej wśród młodzieży i dzieci. Dodatkowym, nad wyraz istotnym czynnikiem jest tu również fakt, iż tego typu aktywność integruje środowisko, scala generacje, co ma znaczenie zarówno dla ludzi starych, jak i najmłodszego pokolenia28. W wielu wypadkach sposobem na eksponowanie tożsamości kulturowo-regionalnej jest aktywna postawa twórców. W niej wyrażają więź z tradycją miejscową czy w szerszym wymiarze narodową29. To miłośnicy własnego regionu, którzy w swoim życiu poświęcili wiele dla utrwalania dawnych zwyczajów, czy odrębności ukochanej „małej ojczyzny”. Często twórczość artystyczną łączą z rolą animatora miejscowej kultury. Doskonałym przykładem jest tu twórczość Polaków z Zaolzia, dla których aktywność artystyczna to wyraz ich kulturowej przynależności do Macierzy, podtrzymywanie polskości, wspólnego śląskocieszyńskiego dziedzictwa. Pozwala na to konwencja „sztuki ludowej” czy inspiracja przyrodą, wspólną niegdyś dla tych terenów. Jeden z twórców tak argumentuje swoją postawę: (...) Rzeźba to udokumentowanie i utożsamienie się z góralszczyzną, próba utrzymania i kontynuacji tradycji. Gdybym mieszkał w mieście, może byłbym nowoczesnym rencistą, wysiadywałbym na kanapie, oglądałbym mecze albo nie wiem co jeszcze. Ja tak jakoś od dawna czuję zamiłowanie do sztuki (...) lubię pisać, rysować, rzeźbić, wykonywać czynności, które są związane z moimi korzeniami. Byłem, jestem i będę Góralem30. Aktywny charakter postawy, o której tu wspominam jest bezpośrednim wynikiem stosunków międzyludzkich występujących zwłaszcza na pograniczach. Działanie nakierowane jest tu na podnoszenie rangi kultury własnej w wymiarze lokalnym – regionalnym – narodowym, przy równoczesnym szacunku dla odmienności. Aktywność taka koncentruje się na poszukiwaniu zarówno dialogu wewnątrzkulturowego, jak i międzykulturowego, który formuje osobowość i tożsamość. Wyznacznikiem takiej postawy jest „głód” poznania mechanizmów rządzących kulturą własną i kulturami „innych”31. Doświadczanie wielokulturowości, szczególnie intensywne na pograniczach przynosi nieustanne pytania dotyczące kształtowania tożsamości. W dużym stopniu, jak próbowałam wykazać, proces ten zależy od żywotności kulturowego dziedzictwa regionu. Świadomość „własnych korzeni”, dostrzeżenie aksjologicznego wymiaru kultury lokalnej i identyfikowanie się z nią, stanowi rudymentarną podstawę tego procesu. Aktywne kultywowanie tradycji (również poprzez działalność artystyczną), umożliwia zachować jej ciągłość. Poznanie wybranych elementów dziedzictwa kulturowego pozwala doświadczać schedy naszych przodków, ich tradycji i kultury. 28 Myślę tu np. o działalności w gminie Ochaby. Zob. www.ochaby.pl 29 Szerzej zob. K. Czerwińska: Współczesna twórczość samorodna – studium artysty. W: Aktywność kulturalna i postawy twórcze społeczności lokalnych pogranicza. „Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne”. Red. I. Bukowska-Floreńska. T. 7. Katowice 2003, s. 149-157. 30 Badania własne, Dolna Łomna 2004. 31 A. Szyfer: Ludzie pogranicza…, s. 93-98. �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 328 Wiedza taka jest niezbędna, kształtuje bowiem wartościujący stosunek do środowiska macierzystego oraz umożliwia identyfikację z kulturą lokalną, a szerzej – kulturą narodową. Równocześnie buduje postawy otwarte na zrozumienie innych kultur, postawy wolne od takich zagrożeń, jak ksenofobia czy nacjonalizm. Z drugiej strony daje również możliwość kreowania dialogu, w którym dawne elementy kultury przodków, ścierają się z wyzwaniami współczesności. Nowa „jakość”, w której łączą się pierwiastki o charakterze globalnym, z tym co oryginalne, własne, staje się wyznacznikiem etnoidentyfikacyjnym, bezpośrednio kształtuje dynamiczny proces budowania tożsamości. Bibliografia: Bokszański Z.: Tożsamość, interakcja, grupa. Tożsamość jednostki w perspektywie teorii socjologicznej. Łódź 1989 Butmanowicz-Dębicka I.: Obcy wśród swoich. Społeczne podłoże twórczości samorodnej. W: Ogród spustoszony. Kontynuacja i zmiana w kulturze współczesnej wsi. Red. R. Kantor, W. Kołodziej. Kraków 1995, s. 41-49 Czerwińska K.: Sztuka ludowa na Śląsku Cieszyńskim. Między tradycją a innowacją. Katowice 2009 Czerwińska K.: Współczesny strój ludowy – kulturowy relikt czy żywa tradycji? W: Tradycja a współczesność. Folklor – Język – Kultura. Oświata i kultura na Podbeskidziu. T. 5. Red. D. Czubala, M. Miczka-Pajestka. Bielsko-Biała 2009, s. 87-94 Czerwińska K.: Współczesna twórczość samorodna – studium artysty. W: Aktywność kulturalna i postawy twórcze społeczności lokalnych pogranicza. „Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne”.T. 7. Red. I. Bukowska-Floreńska. Katowice 2003, s. 149-157 Dyczewski L.: Kultura polska w procesie przemian. Lublin 1995 Frankowski E.: Sztuka ludu polskiego. Monografie artystyczne. T. 17. Warszawa 1928 Jackowski A.: Sztuka ludowa. W: Etnografia Polski przemiany kultury ludowej. Red. M. Biernacka, M. Frankowska, W. Paprocka. T. 2. Wrocław, Warszawa, Kraków, Gdańsk, Łódź 1981, s. 189-241 Jackowski A.: Sztuka zwana naiwną. Warszawa 1995 Kadłubiec K.D.: Uwarunkowania cieszyńskiej kultury ludowej. Czeski Cieszyn 1987 Kantor R.: Istota i siła tradycji. W: Bogaci tradycją. Kontynuacja i zmiana w kulturze współczesnej wsi. Red. R. Kantor. Kielce 1996, s. 9-19 Kantor R.: Pogranicze jako narodowy obszar kulturowy. W: Społeczno-cywilizacyjny wymiar edukacji. Red. Z. Jasiński. Opole 1996, s. 112-116 Kwaśniewski K.: Tożsamość kulturowa. W: Słownik etnologiczny. Terminy ogólne. Red. Z. Staszczak. Warszawa – Poznań 1987, s. 351-352 Odoj G.: Tożsamość kulturowa społeczności małomiasteczkowej. Katowice 2007 Orynżyna J.: O sztukę ludową. Pamiętnik pracy. Warszawa 1965 Rusek H.: Tożsamość pogranicza. Wprowadzenie. W: Pogranicza kulturowe i etniczne w Polsce. Red. Z. Kłodnicki, H. Rusek. Wrocław 2003, s. 7-9 Stomma L.: Determinanty polskiej kultury ludowej w XIX wieku, „Polska Sztuka Ludowa” 1979, nr 3, s. 131-142 �Kinga Czerwińska: Współczesna twórczość samorodna w procesie kształtowania tożsamości. ... 329 Szyfer A.: Ludzie pogranicza. Kulturowe uwarunkowania osobowości. Poznań 2003 Wieruszewska M.: Tożsamość kulturowa jako wartość i czynnik konstytutywny społeczności lokalnej. W: Społeczności lokalne. Teraźniejszość i przyszłość. Red. B. Jałowiecki, B. Sowa, P. Dudkiewicz. Warszawa 1989, s. 302-324 Shrnutí Současná spontánní tvorba v procesu formování identity. Příklad Těšínského Slezska. Dynamika změn obklopující nás reality a zkušenosti odlišných kulturních vzorů, které stanoví synonymum naší doby, vynucují reflexe nad samým sebou a vlastním místem ve světě. Kulturní eklekticizmus přináší destabilizaci, zejména mezi mladou generací, která potřebuje trvalé základy vymezující formování jejich svébytnosti. Tento proces nepatří k lehkým. Z jedné strany totiž pozorujeme tendenci sjednocování kultury prostřednictvím masmédií, globalizaci, ekonomickou a kulturní homogenizaci. Současně, z druhé strany, stále intenzivněji se obrozuje regionalismus, který je často doprovázen lokální izolací a xenofobií, vyplývající z ohrožení vlastního orbis interior. V předmětném textu se autorka pokouší odpovědět na otázku jakou úlohu plní spontánní tvorba při formování postojů členů místních (lokálních) společností. Jev spontánní tvorby, kterou autorka chápe jako současné lidové umění a neprofesionální umění [i když zde je třeba zdůraznit, že nejde o jevy totožné], má v místní kultuře, a v širším – národním pojetí - značný význam. Můžeme ji vnímat, na jedné straně jako turistickou abstrakci, památku z ÚLUV (Ústředí lidové umělecké tvorby), a na druhé straně jako stále živý projev regionálních tradic uměleckého i národního charakteru. Tato tvorba má zcela jistě velký význam – vytvářet specifický charakter místní kultury, jakož i zachovávat její unikátnost před náporem nivelujícím rozdíly, globalizací. Aktivity založené na tradičních ideově-odborných zásadách, jakož i novátorská tvorba inspirována místním přírodním a kulturním prostředím, má totiž podstatný vliv na vytváření nejen skupinové, ale také individuální identity. Manifestace vlastní [místní] tvorby i její široká recepce, tento proces umocňuje, což má nesmírný význam zejména v oblasti pohraničí, jakým je Těšínské Slezsko. Summary Contemporary natural artistic creation in the process of identity shaping - the case of Cieszyn Silesia The dynamics of changes in the surrounding reality and the experience of different cultural models (which have become a synonym of modern times) necessitate reflection upon one’s own self and one’s own place in the world. Cultural eclecticism brings about destabilization, especially among the young, who need long-lasting foundations which determine their selfidentification. This process does not seem to be easy. On one hand, a tendency can be observed of unifying the culture through mass media, globalization, economic and cultural homogenization. At the same time, on the other hand, regionalism is reborn, frequently along with local isolationism and xenophobia as a result of the threat to the own orbis interior. This article is an attempt at answering the question concerning the role of natural artistic creation in shaping attitudes of local community members. �330 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví The phenomenon of natural artistic creation is understood by the author as contemporary folk art and non-professional art, although it should be emphasized that these terms do not mean identically the same. Natural creation plays a significant role in the local and, more broadly, national culture. It can be viewed both as a tourist attraction, a folk souvenir, and as a symptom of unceasingly lively regional tradition, which ranks as an artistic and national value. Obviously, this artistic creation has an important role – it should create the specificity of local culture and preserve its uniqueness in the face of globalization pressures which seem to level differences. The activeness based on traditional ideological and technical canons and the innovative creation inspired by local natural and cultural environment contribute substantially to shaping both the group and individual identity. This process is enhanced by the presentation of the own (local) art creation and its broad reception, which cannot be underestimated, especially in borderland areas, such as Cieszyn Silesia. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/62dc647a31aa99a3d2de0131fd964902.pdf 4cd9c116c8de95e79727a322a355e73a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5027 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource interenet - aspekt etnograficzny społeczności internetowe Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4663 Title A name given to the resource Internetowe (re)konstrukcje rzeczywistości społeczno-kulturowej / Homo interneticus: etnograficzne wędrówki w głąb sieci Description An account of the resource Etnograficzne wędrówki w głąb sieci Homo interneticus; ; pod red.Ewy Jagiełło i Pawła Schmidta s.98-106 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Deredas, Anna Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydawnictwo Portalu Wiedza i Edukacja Type The nature or genre of the resource e-book Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 98 Anna Deredas — Internetowe (re)konstrukcje rzeczywistości społeczno-kulturowej. Przykład czaterii Anna Deredas UNIWERSYTET ŁÓDZKI Internetowe (re)konstrukcje rzeczywistości społeczno-kulturowej. Przykład czaterii I nternet jest przestrzenią informacyjną. Jest to fakt powszechnie znany i akcepto­ wany. Szeroki i szybki dostęp do informacji zapewniają wyszukiwarki interne­ towe, w tym najbardziej znana i najczęściej używana wyszukiwarka Google. „Zgooglowanie" dowolnego hasła trwa dosłownie kilka sekund i daje tysiące wyni­ ków, w postaci adresów stron WWW, na których szukane wyrażenie się znajduje. Rzetelność tych informacji stoi jednak pod znakiem zapytania. Każdy z użytkowni­ ków Internetu podobnie jak może korzystać z zawartych w nim informacji, tak samo może je tam umieszczać. Często pojawiają się więc informacje uprzednio nie zwe¬ ryfikowane czy po prostu nieprawdziwe. Nie zmienia to jednak faktu, że dostęp do wiedzy o życiu innych ludzi jest łatwiejszy niż kiedykolwiek. Autorskie strony, blogi, portale społecznościowe takie jak Nasza-klasa.pl czy Facebook.com pozwalają po­ stronnym obserwatorom na poznanie życia innych ludzi, bez wchodzenia z nimi w inter¬ akcję. Może pojawić się zatem przekonanie, że zjawiska internetowe są nam dane bezpośrednio i do ich poznania wystarczy bierna obserwacja. Internet jest również przestrzenią komunikacji międzyludzkiej. Komunikatory takie jak gadu-gadu czy skype, fora internetowe, czaty pozwalają ludziom oddalo¬ nym od siebie o tysiące kilometrów na rozmowę w czasie rzeczywistym. Gadu-gadu, skype i inne tego typu oprogramowanie wykorzystywane są do rozmów najczęściej przez ludzi już znających się. Fora internetowe czy czaty natomiast pozwalają na za¬ warcie nowych znajomości. Często tworzą się grupy tak zwanych stałych bywalców, którzy stają się społecznością takiego forum lub czata. Zdarza się nawet, że znajo¬ mości zawarte w Internecie wychodzą poza jego kontekst i ludzie ci spotykają się w tak zwanym realu. Nasuwa się tu pytanie, czy możemy poznać i zrozumieć me¬ chanizmy funkcjonowania społeczności czatów i forów tylko za pomocą biernej ob¬ serwacji wypowiedzi ich uczestników. Spróbuję odpowiedzieć na tak postawiony problem przedstawiając sposób funkcjonowania grupy ludzi spotykających się na czacie, której byłam członkiem. �Anna Deredas - Internetowe (re)konstrukcje rzeczywistości społeczno-kulturowej. Przykład czaterii 98 Czym zatem jest czat? CHAT - (czat) (ang.pogawędka) infor. Rozmowa między dwoma użytkownikami komputera (za pomocą modemu i klawiatury) polegająca na naprzemiennym wpisywaniu tekstu przesyłanego do komputera rozmówcy i wyświetlanego na ekranie jego monitora. (Słownik Wyrazów Obcych 2002) Czaty, czyli takie miejsca rozmów, znajdują się na różnych portalach na przykład: Wp.pl, Onet.pl czy Interia.pl. Są też całe portale, które są czatami na przykład: Czat.pl, Twojczat.pl. Grupa, o której będę mówiła, spotykała się na czacie na portalu Interia.pl. Czat ten wyróżnia się spośród innych tym, że posiada własną nazwę CZATeria (jak można się domyślić jest to połączenie słów „czat" i „interia"). Na strukturę CZATerii składają się pokoje tematyczne, zebrane w poszczególne ka­ tegorie. Dzięki dużej liczbie pokoi tematycznych, użytkownicy CZATeri mogą wybrać pokój zgodny z ich zainteresowaniami, w którym mają możliwość spotkać ludzi o po¬ dobnych poglądach. Pokój Fantastyka, w którym spotykała się interesująca mnie grupa, był zatem przez twórców CZATerii przeznaczony dla osób interesujących się szeroko rozumianymi fantastyką i fantasy. Grupa która spotykała się na Fantastyce składała się z około dwudziestu stałych bywalców. Dla większości z nich powodem odwiedzenia tego pokoju była tematyka związana z jego nazwą. Każda z tych osób czytała literaturę fantasy lub grała w Role Play Games. Czat był dla nich jednym ze sposobów na po¬ szerzenie kręgu znajomych, z którymi łączyły wspólne zainteresowania. Aby zalogować się na jakiegokolwiek czata, trzeba sobie wybrać nick (imię pod którym się funkcjonuje na czacie). Może to być prawdziwe imię czy nazwisko, jed­ nak takie przypadki są niezwykle rzadkie. Może to być zbiór przypadkowych liter, lub dowolnie wymyślona czy zapożyczona z książki, filmu i tym podobna nazwa włas¬ na. Po wybraniu nicka można się zalogować do wybranego pokoju. Po kilkurazowych odwiedzinach w pokoju osoba przestawała być anonimowa i nieznana. Była rozpoznawana przez innych bywalców danego pokoju, a z czasem sama stawała się jego stałym bywalcem. W tym miejscu mogłabym podać nicki osób wchodzących w skład grupy stałych bywalców Fantastyki. Zdecydowałam się jednak tego nie robić. Przede wszystkim trzeba pamiętać, że nick jest czymś w rodzaju imienia i nazwiska. Pod nim kryje się prawdziwa osoba. Konkretny nick jest przypisany do konkretnej osoby i dzięki niemu jest ona rozpoznawalna. Podanie zatem nicków bez zgody osób je noszących jest tak samo nieetyczne, jak podanie bez zgody badanych ich danych osobowych. Zapytałam zatem CZATerian odwiedzających Fantastykę o to, czy wy¬ rażają zgodę na umieszczenie ich nicków w niniejszym tekście. Większość zgodziła się bez oporów, tylko dwie osoby były temu przeciwne. W pierwszym odruchu po¬ myślałam, że przy wymienianiu nicków te dwa zwyczajnie pominę. Doszłam jednak do wniosku, że jak wypiszę pozostałe nicki, identyfikacja tych dwóch osób, zważyw¬ szy na ogromne zasoby Internetu, będzie dość prosta. Dlatego nie zdecydowałam się na umieszczanie tych informacji. Z tych samych powodów nie podaję cezury czaso¬ wej, w jakiej funkcjonowała interesująca mnie tutaj grupa. Osoby stanowiące w danym okresie grupę stałych bywalców któregoś z pokoi CZATerii tworzyły niepisany zbiór reguł, do którego, oprócz CZATykiety (reguł obo¬ wiązujących wszystkich CZATerian), każdy nowy bywalec pokoju musiał się dosto¬ sować, aby zostać zaakceptowanym. Na Fantastyce jedną z nich był zakaz kopio¬ wania cudzych ustawień, czyli kolorów nicka i czcionki oraz stylu czcionki. W standar­ dzie był czarny nick, czarna czcionka, bez pogrubień, podkreśleń czy kursywy. Zmie¬ niając te ustawienia, wybierając kolor i styl, wybierało się wygląd, po którym dana �Anna Deredas — Internetowe (re)konstrukcje rzeczywistości społeczno-kulturowej. Przykład czaterii 100 osoba była rozpoznawalna. Wtedy nawet jak któryś z użytkowników wszedł na Fan¬ tastykę pod innym nickiem, a zachował swoje ustawienia, był rozpoznawany przez członków grupy jako osoba znana im pod jego pierwszym nickiem. Przez postron¬ nego obserwatora mogła taka osoba zostać odebrana jako ktoś zupełnie nowy. CZATykieta wymuszała zatem od nowego bywalca pokoju wybór takich ustawień, z jakich nikt jeszcze nie korzystał, albo pozostanie przy ustawieniach standardowych. Cechą wyróżniającą pokój Fantastyka od innych był specyficzny styl prowadze¬ nia rozmów przez jego bywalców. Dość często w trakcie spotkań w pokoju docho¬ dziło do odgrywania różnych sytuacji mających miejsce w świecie realnym. Pokój wtedy stawał się pubem, dyskoteką, parkiem, mieszkaniem, a użytkownicy rozma¬ wiali ze sobą tak, jakby rzeczywiście znajdowali się w takim miejscu. Taki rodzaj roz¬ mów charakteryzuje użytkowników Internetu grających za jego pomocą w RPG. Prawdopodobnie stąd schemat takiej gry został przeniesiony przez bywalców Fan¬ tastyki na ich rozmowy. Ten styl konwersacji cechuje używanie nawiasów „< >" dla wyrażenia mowy niewerbalnej, gestów, czyli tego wszystkiego, czego w czasie na¬ szych spotkań internetowych nie widać, a co jest niezwykle istotne w trakcie komu¬ nikacji (na przykład: <szepcze do ucha>, <krztusi się>, <zachodzi od tyłu i zakrywa oczy rekami>). Krótko mówiąc, jest to dodatkowy opis swoich zachowań, wzboga¬ cający przekaz zawarty w lakonicznie często zapisanej wypowiedzi. Większość użyt¬ kowników czatów używa specyficznego dla tego rodzaju komunikacji języka i zwią¬ zanych z nim symboli lub znaków. Przede wszytkim posługuje się emotami (skrót od emotikon). Emotikony najczęściej stosuje się po to, aby w obrazowy sposób okazać emocje. Są to różnego rodzaju buźki wskazujące na stan emocjonalny danej osoby. Mogą one wyrażać radość, smutek, złość, zawstydzenie, szczęście i inne. Dzięki temu można odnieść wrażenie, że widzi się twarz danej osoby. Emotybędąc symbolami o charakterze piktogramów często są dla użytkownika czata bardziej czytelne niż tekst, rozmowy bez nich są dla niego wręcz nie do wyobrażenia. Bywalcy Fantastyki mieli również swoje inne „wyróżniki językowe" zmieniające przyjęte w języku lite¬ rackim zasady pisowni i ortografii. Przede wszystkim używali wielu zdrobnień za po­ mocą litery „q": neteq, czateq. Zdrabniane były również nicki przez dodanie na końcu litery „ś". Często stosowano zamiast „w", „f" na przykład „cmok f polika". Natomiast na potwierdzenie czegoś nie mówiono, „tak" czy „no" tylko „niop". Jednak najbar¬ dziej charakterystyczne dla tej grupy było słowko „re". Używała go osoba, która na pewien czas opuściła pokój i po powrocie, zastawszy te same osoby, w ten sposób się z nimi witała, nawiązując do wcześniejszych wypowiedzi. Drugim przypadkiem użycia tego słowa był moment, kiedy nie wylogowując się z czata, ktoś odchodził od komputera na jakiś czas, a potem wracając tym słowem zaznaczał swoją obecność. Zawsze wtedy ktoś dopowiadał takiej osobie również „re". Bardzo szybko zostało to skojarzone z pewną piosenką, której fragment brzmi: „Była sobie żabka mała, re re ,kum kum". Stąd na powitanie „re" padała odpowiedź „qm" i odwrotnie, bo oba te słówka były używane zamiennie w tym samym kontekście. Tworzenie swoistych charakterystycznych tylko dla danej grupy zwrotów językowych jest dość po¬ wszechne, ponieważ język: [...] przede wszystkim dotyczy [...] rzeczywistości doświadczanej całkowicie świa­ domie, rzeczywistości zdominowanej przez motyw pragmatyczny (to znaczy przez ze­ spół znaczeń odnoszących się bezpośrednio do aktualnych albo przyszłych działań), dzielonej z innymi i przyjmowanej bez zastrzeżeń. Jakkolwiek językiem można się posługiwać w odniesieniu do różnych rzeczywistości [...] Jako system znaków język ma �Anna Deredas - Internetowe (re)konstrukcje rzeczywistości społeczno-kulturowej. Przykład czaterii 101 cechę obiektywności. Natykam się na język jako na zewnętrzną wobec mnie sferę fak¬ tów i w rezultacie stawia mnie to w sytuacji przymusowej. Język zmusza mnie do pod­ porządkowania się jego wzorcom. Mówiąc po angielsku nie mogę stosować niemieckiej składni; jeśli chcę się porozumieć poza obrębem mojej rodziny, nie mogę używać słów wynalezionych przez mojego trzyletniego syna; muszę brać pod uwagę panujące stan­ dardy mowy stosowanej w różnych okolicznościach, nawet jeżeli wolałbym moją pry­ watną „niestosowną". (Berger, Luckmann 1983: 74) Nie powinno więc dziwić tworzenie nowych wzorów językowych w świetle nowej jakości, jaką jest czat. Aby móc się porozumieć z jego bywalcami, z uczestnikami te¬ go konkretnego świata, trzeba było dostosować się do wymogów komunikacyjnych jego „mieszkańców". Dlatego wszyscy CZATerianie używają emotikon, buziek, oraz różnego rodzaju skrótów, bo opisują one ich świat, ponadto są do niego przypisane - uka¬ zują jego odmienność od innych, podobnych światów. Bywalcy Fantastyki, w trakcie spotkań w realu, często używali języka CZATerii, przenosząc ów specyficzny dla ko¬ munikacji w świecie Internetu sposób porozumiewania się na opis rzeczywistych doś¬ wiadczeń „rzeczywistego" świata. Rzeczą naturalną było mówienie sobie po nicku, chociaż wszyscy wiedzieli, jak kto ma na imię. Na czacie najpierw poznaje się nicki, potem imiona, dlatego są one ważniejsze, to one mówią, z kim mamy do czynienia. Zwroty „qm" i „re" również były używane na spotkaniach w realu. Prowadziło to do zabawnych sytuacji, kiedy osoba wracająca z toalety w pizzerii powiedziała „re" a gru¬ pa chórem odpowiedziała jej „qm". Personel i inni klienci zawsze mieli wtedy bardzo zaskoczone miny. Używanie zwrotów zrozumiałych tylko w obrębie tej grupy spra­ wiło, że wytworzyła się bardzo silna więź między jej członkami, ponieważ: Występowanie pewnych konstrukcji językowych, których używanie jest często wręcz zalecane przez netykietę, pozwala wnioskować o wartościach podzielanych przez badaną zbiorowość. Używanie określonego języka może także mieć na celu za¬ znaczenie grupowej odrębności lub manifestację „stopnia wtajemniczenia". (Mazurek 2003: 106) Nawet miejsce spotkań, czyli pokój Fantastyka, okazało się czymś co spaja tę grupę. Dlatego jej nazwa została pieszczotliwie zdrobniona „fantę". Zastanawiające może być to, że przestrzeń w której spotykają się użytkownicy nazywa się pokojem. Dlaczego? Pokój jest pomieszczeniem ograniczonym czterema ścianami, oknami i drzwiami. Do pokoju nie da się wejść, ani z niego wyjść niezauważonym, jeżeli ktoś jest w środku. Ludzie znajdujący się w pokoju - czy tego chcą czy nie - prze¬ bywają w swoim towarzystwie, niezależnie od tego, czy ze sobą rozmawiają, czy mil­ czą. Tak samo jest na czacie. Są tu drzwi - rolę ich pełni krzyżyk umożliwiający wy­ jście z pokoju, oknami są ekrany rozmów: ogólny i prywatny, a ścianami ikony i banery, ograniczające widok ekranu rozmowy. Do tego przyjście każdego użytkownika jest widoczne wszystkim, dzięki pojawiającej się informacji: -przychodzi: (nick), tak samo wyjście: -odchodzi: (nick). Ludzie znajdujący się w wirtualnym pokoju, również przebywają w swoim towarzystwie, o czym łatwo się przekonać, patrząc na listę nicków umieszczonych jeden pod drugim w prawym ekranie, obok ekranu ogól¬ nego. Dochodzi do tego jeszcze fakt, że pokój jako pomieszczenie realnie istniejące najczęściej kojarzy się z domem. Owszem sąjeszcze na przykład pokoje hotelowe, ale dla moich rozważań ma to zdecydowanie drugorzędne znaczenie. Twierdząc, że pokój jest pomieszczeniem umieszczonym w domu, myślę o domu w szerokim znacze¬ niu, czyli takim w którym to oprócz wolnostojącego budynku zamieszkałego przez �Anna Deredas - Internetowe (re)konstrukcje rzeczywistości społeczno-kulturowej. Przykład czaterii 102 jedną rodzinę, domem można nazwać też mieszkanie w bloku czy kamienicy. A dom: Dom jest miejscem intymnym. Myślimy o domu jak o swoim miejscu, ale zachwy¬ cające obszary przeszłości przywołuje nie cały dom - budynek, na który można tylko pat¬ rzeć - ale jego części i wyposażenie, to, czego możemy dotknąć, co ma również zapach: strych i piwnica, kominek i wielkie okno, ukryte zakątki, taboret, złocone lustro, nad¬ łamana muszla. (Tuan 1987: 183) Dom jest przytulnym, przyjaznym miejscem, wywołującym pozytywne skojarze¬ nia. W domu może być wiele pokoi, a w nich drobiazgi, mniejsze lub większe, które przywołują niesamowite wspomnienia. Myśląc w ten sposób CZATerię można nazwać domem z wieloma pokojami, w których czatujący ludzie czują się, jak u siebie w domu! W domu, którym wyposażeniem i częściami, mającymi dla nich ogromne znaczenie jest: sama nazwa pokoju, ludzie, kolor nicka, używane emotikony, charakterystyczne zwroty, czyli to wszystko co pozwala stwierdzić, że to jest moje miejsce. Rozmowy na fancie przebiegały w dwojaki sposób. Po pierwsze rozmawialiśmy na pokoju ogólnym, gdzie każdy mógł się włączyć do rozmowy i gdzie toczyła się główna dyskusja. Po drugie rozmawialiśmy naprivie. Tutaj mogły się spotkać dwie osoby i to tylko za obustronną zgodą, a nikt inny nie miał wglądu w tę rozmowę. To na privie CZATerianie poznawali się nawzajem. Tam właśnie toczyły się najważniejsze rozmowy. Odkrywaliśmy wtedy prawdziwych ludzi stojących za nickami, a rozmowa ta przebie¬ gała zazwyczaj znacznie spokojniej niż na ogóle. Można się było wyciszyć i porozma¬ wiać na spokojnie we dwójkę. Zresztą na priv się też nie chodziło z każdym. Osobiście uważam, że priv stał się takim swoistym miejscem intymnym, gdzie można się było otworzyć przed i na drugą osobę, po dość krótkiej i pobieżnej znajomości. Intymność między ludźmi nie wymaga znajomości szczegółów życia drugiej osoby; powstaje w chwilach prawdziwego wyczulenia i wymiany. Każda taka intymna wy¬ miana następuje w jakimś miejscu, które wpływa na jakość spotkania. Jest tyleż in¬ tymnych miejsc, ile okazji, w których ludzie wchodzą w prawdziwy kontakt. (Tuan:1987: 179) My, jako użytkownicy czata twierdziliśmy, że ten nasz kontakt jest jak najpraw¬ dziwszy, a CZATeria jest naszym drugim domem. A po co jest dom? Dom jest do mieszkania. Więc czemu użytkownicy czata nie mogliby zostać jego mieszkańcami? Skoro padło stwierdzenie, że Fantastyka jest naszym miasteczkiem, a jej bywalcy przez spędzanie tam tylu godzin dziennie jego mieszkańcami. Wydaje mi się, że to jest tak jak z używaniem języka antropomorfizującego w stosunku do zwierząt. Po prostu używamy pojęć już nam znanych do określenia, nazwania nowo powstałych zjawisk społecznych czy kulturowych. Kulturowa rzeczywistość składa się - twierdzą jej badacze - z wielu zjawisk we¬ wnątrz stale zmieniających się i tworzących nowe konfiguracje, które, odrzucając i od­ nawiając znaczenia, dostosowują się do nowych kontekstów. W wyniku tego powstają, obok zjawisk starych, wypracowanych przez wcześniejsze pokolenia, coraz to inne, a sta¬ łe sensy mieszają się z nowymi... (Karpińska 2004:141) Dlatego uważam, że można użytkowników czata nazwać jego mieszkańcami. W celu wzmocnienia więzi między bywalcami Fantastyki, zostały stworzone więzy wirtualnego �Anna Deredas - Internetowe (re)konstrukcje rzeczywistości społeczno-kulturowej. Przykład czaterii 103 pokrewieństwa. W ten sposób, przez stworzenie fantowej rodziny, nastąpiła hermetyzacja grupy. Zaczęło się, od realnie istniejących związków, to znaczy związków ludzi, którzy poznali się na czacie i stwierdzili, że będą razem. Często bywało, że sporo czasu byli wirtualna parą, zanim spotkali się w realu. Jeśli na skutek wzajemnego (w odnie¬ sieniu do całej wspólnoty Fantastyki) porozumienia powstawała jakaś para, to byli także wirtualni rodzice. Rodzice mieli dzieci i w ten sposób ktoś - znów poprzez wir¬ tualne ustalenia - stawał się synem, córką, siostrą czy szwagrem. Zrobił się w końcu z tych powiązań całkiem solidny „węzeł gordyjski", niemożliwy do zaistnienia w świe¬ cie realnym. Niektórzy byli zarówno swym ojcem, jak i synem, ale to nikomu nie prze¬ szkadzało. Interesujące jest to, że fantowa rodzina trwała, nawet jak już związki się rozpadły. Jak nastąpiła zmiana partnerów, co było dość częstą praktyką, to po prostu po¬ jawiała się kolejna żona czy kolejny mąż. Organizowane były nawet śluby na czacie. Był ksiądz, panna młoda i pan młody, którzy wchodzili pod Nickami, na przykład: panna_mloda_(nick), pan_mlody_(nick), ksiądz(nick). Odtwarzana była cała cere¬ monia, włącznie z sakramentalnym tak, z błogosławieństwem i oczywiście weselem. Z czasem niektórzy użytkownicy zwracali się do siebie używając stopni pokrewień¬ stwa. W ten sposób dla jednej osoby ktoś mógł być ojcem, dla innej bratem, a dla kolej¬ nej prawnukiem. Sieć tych powiązań stawała się coraz bardziej złożona i skompliko¬ wana - nie do rozwiązania dla obserwatora z zewnątrz (zdarzało się zresztą, że sami się w tym gubiliśmy). Organizowaliśmy sobie również urodziny. Jak ktoś dowiedział się, że inna osoba ma urodziny, to natychmiast w temacie (wiodąca informacja na samej górze okna rozmowy) pojawiała się informacja, kto i ile kończy lat, dzięki czemu wieść bardzo szybko się rozchodziła. Jak tylko jubilat zjawiał się w pokoju, była organizowa¬ na dla niego wirtualna impreza urodzinowa. Obowiązkowo był emotikonkowy tort, wi¬ no, piwo, śpiewaliśmy sto lat, były tańce, muzyka i śpiewy. Zachowywaliśmy się tak, jak na normalnym przyjęciu. Wchodząc do pokoju, trzeba było się od razu przywitać ze wszystkimi. I jak zjawiła się już większa grupa, pojawiał się <tort>, oczywiście so¬ lenizant musiał zdmuchnąć świeczki, myśląc przy tym życzenie. Dawaliśmy mu chwi¬ lę, on stwierdzał <myślę życzenie, dmucham> i na przykład stwierdzaliśmy, że nie udało mu się wszystkich świeczek zdmuchnąć i mu pomagaliśmy <dmuch>, po czym było jedzenie tortu, śmiechy, śpiewy i popijanie. Może się to wydawać dziwne, ale taki sposób imprezowania, był dla nas jak najbardziej realny mimo, iż tylko o tym pisa¬ liśmy. To się działo naprawdę, czuliśmy swoje towarzystwo, które było jak najbardziej rzeczywiste, ponieważ zachowania były identyczne jak te w rzeczywistości off-line. Ta¬ kie zachowania wzmacniały nasze poczucie łączącej nas więzi. Zasadniczą rolę w procesie tworzenia społeczności wirtualnej odgrywa poczucie przynależności do grupy - w wymiarze fizycznym ludzi tych łączy jedynie dostęp do serwera, jednak nie można wykluczyć faktu, że sami członkowie tych cyber-wspólnot odczuwają silną więź grupową. (Błaszczyk 2001: 77) W świetle powyższych słów przypuszczam, że stworzenie wirtualnej rodziny, po¬ wołanie do życia miasteczka Fantastyka, nazywanie siebie jego mieszkańcami i wy¬ tworzenie zrozumiałych nam tylko zwrotów stało się dla nas uprawomocnieniem, potwierdzeniem tego, że łączy nas jakaś więź, że jesteśmy grupą. Każda nowa osoba, która chciała wejść do grupy przechodziła mały test. Na jej pierwsze pytania w stylu: „cześć!, skąd jesteś?", lub „jak masz na imię?", „ile masz lat?" padały odpowiedzi: „zza węgła", „z Merkurego", „z Żółtej podwodnej", „z kątowni" i tym podobne. Jeżeli osoba się nie obrażała, tylko zaczęła rozmawiać dalej normalnie, lub wybuchała �Anna Deredas - Internetowe (re)konstrukcje rzeczywistości społeczno-kulturowej. Przykład czaterii 104 śmiechem, to było w porządku, znajomość się nawiązywało. W innym wypadku taka osoba była ignorowana, szczególnie jak ciągle domagała się informacji odnoszących się do świata spoza CZATerii. Był to swego rodzaju test sprawdzający, czy osoba na­ daje się do grupy - jeśli przeszła go pozytywnie, zostawała dopuszczona do grupy, wciągnięta w system pokrewieństwa. W przeciwnym razie była odrzucana. Tak jak za­ wsze odrzucaliśmy osoby, które się awanturowały i prowokowały kłótnie. Można to porównać do spotkań w knajpie ze znajomymi, gdzie ktoś obcy się dosiądzie i zrobi awanturę. Wtedy na taką osobę, która używała wulgaryzmów, były dwa sposoby: albo dawaliśmy jej ignora, albo wzywaliśmy admina (osobę administrującą stroną WWW i czatem), aby dał bana (karne wylogowanie ze strony). Na takie nieprzyjemne jed­ nostki mówiliśmy, że to na pewno „onetowcy", czyli użytkownicy czata na portalu Onet. Przez niektórych CZATerian czat na Onecie jest uważany na gorszy, nudniejszy, gdzie ludziom nie zależy na zawieraniu bliższych znajomości. Do tego wygląd ich okien miał prostą grafikę, gdzie wszystko wydawało się takie jakieś szare, stonowane. Za to na CZATerii miał czcionki do wyboru i mnóstwo jasnych, żywych, nie tak przyga¬ szonych, jak na innych czatach, kolorów. Do tego można sobie wybrać styl czcionki i na dokładkę kolor nicka. O ile sam dobór symboli określających własną obecność na czacie był próbą kreacji indywidualnej osobowości wirtualnej, o tyle podkreślanie możliwości takiej kreacji w aspekcie dyskredytowania „wrogiego" czata można przy¬ równać do kreacji poczucia odrębności od użytkowników innych czatów, a przez to do samookreślenia siebie w kontekście bycia uczestnikiem konkretnej rzeczywistości. Jak zaznaczył Zbigniew Benedyktowicz, [...] odpowiedź na pytanie, „kim jestem?", zawarta jest w obrazie obcych - jest możliwa dzięki Innym, jest refleksem obrazu Innych. W tym sensie proces identyfikacji jest częścią procesu komunikacji. Odpowiedź przychodzi niejako z zewnątrz. Samorozpoznanie, odkrywanie swej identyczności, tożsamości zawdzięczamy innym. Po­ czucie własnej identyczności jest rezultatem konfrontacji, porównania z innymi. (Benedyktowicz 2000: 37-38) „Swoimi" są tutaj użytkownicy CZATeri, „obcymi" zaś użytkownicy wszystkich in¬ nych czatów. My CZATerianie - jak sami siebie nazywaliśmy, przeciwstawialiśmy swój wizerunek, wizerunkowi tych innych. To my mamy lepsza grafikę, ładniejsze okna, lepszą kolorystykę. Na CZATerii jest różnokolorowo, wesoło, a nie szaro i ciemno. Za¬ chowanie związane z innymi użytkownikami czata, reakcje na osoby zaśmiecające ekran czyfloodujące okazały się takie same, jak na ludzi obcych, czy działających w opozy¬ cji do przyjętego przez nas systemu wartości w rzeczywistości realnej. Reasumując CZATeria, a właściwie pokój Fantastyka, to ludzie, którzy choć po¬ czątkowo się nie znali, po pewnym czasie stali się przyjaciółmi lub co najmniej dobrymi znajomymi. Tym, co nas wyróżniało, była dość specyficzna przestrzeń, w której się kontaktowaliśmy, czyli Internet. Na początku dla nas, jako nowych użytkowników czata, była to całkowicie nowa jakość, którą trzeba było poznać, oswoić, do której na¬ leżało się przystosować. Najłatwiej jest to osiągnąć używając znanych określeń na opi¬ sanie nowych zjawisk. I tak się stało w naszym przypadku: miejsce rozmów zostało nazwane pokojem, cała CZATeria domem, natomiast użytkownicy sąsiadującymi ze sobą mieszkańcami. W ten sposób przestrzeń ta została oswojona i stała się dla nas miejs¬ cem częstych spotkań. Dzięki intensywności tych kontaktów stworzyliśmy silnie po¬ wiązaną grupę, wręcz fikcyjną rodzinę, która to jeszcze bardziej podkreślała łączące nas więzi. Jednakże mieliśmy świadomość swojej odrębności, bo doskonale potrafiliśmy się �Anna Deredas — Internetowe (re)konstrukcje rzeczywistości społeczno-kulturowej. Przykład czaterii 105 odróżnić od innych użytkowników czatów. Dzieliliśmy ich na „swoich" i „obcych", i tak jak w realu zmieniało się to w zależności od sytuacji, od kontekstu. Do tego po¬ sługiwaliśmy się swoistym, własnym językiem, który również odróżniał nas od przy¬ słowiowych „innych". W ten oto sposób stworzyliśmy swój własny świat „fantastyki". Zachowywaliśmy się w nim i reagowaliśmy na pewne sytuacje, tak jak to robiliśmy w „normalnym" świecie, czyli w realu. Sądzę, że nazywanie nowych jakości znanymi już nazwami oraz zachowanie, myślenie i postrzeganie rzeczywistości wirtualnej w spo¬ sób charakterystyczny dla życia codziennego, miało na celu urealnienie tej wirtualnej rzeczywistości, które uprawomocniało podejmowane w niej działania i dawało możli¬ wość funkcjonowania według znanych już wzorów zachowań, mimo nowego sposo¬ bu komunikacji. Dlaczego tak się dzieje wyjaśnia Sherry Turkle: Rzeczywistość kontratakuje. Ludzie, którzy wiodą równoległe życie w Internecie, są tak czy inaczej ograniczeni przez swoje pragnienia, troski i śmiertelność swojego fi­ zycznego ,ja". (Turkle 1995: 267, za Castells 2003: 137-138) Dlatego w Internecie ludzie reagują tak samo, jak w rzeczywistości. Dzięki ta¬ kiemu oswojeniu wytworzyło się poczucie bezpieczeństwa, stabilności, swojskości, normalności w tym tak specyficznym, obcym, wręcz abstrakcyjnym świecie jakim jest Internet. Jednakże, wbrew pozorom, było w nim coś rzeczywistego, realnego, dzięki czemu mogliśmy upodobnić ten cybernetyczny świat do świata poza kom¬ puterowego, tego znanego i najbardziej dla ludzi rzeczywistego. Tym czymś były na¬ sze odczucia, a właściwie rzeczywiste odczuwanie wyobrażonej wspólnoty. Wiedzie¬ liśmy, że tworzymy silnie związaną grupę, mimo dość specyficznej przestrzeni, w któ¬ rej się wytworzyła. Dlatego też chcieliśmy tę przestrzeń przybliżyć, oswoić, upodob¬ nić do przestrzeni znanej za świata realnego. Przybliżenie specyfiki grupy CZATerian spotykającej się w pokoju Fantastyka przy¬ szło mi z pewną łatwością, ponieważ przez długi okres byłam członkiem tej społecz¬ ności. Uczestnictwo w jej życiu, współtworzenie zasad, wejście w system relacji spra¬ wiło, że znałam to wszystko od środka, od miejsca w którym powstawało. Nie było miejsca na niedopowiedzenia czy niezrozumienie. Zupełnie inaczej wyglądałaby sy¬ tuacja, gdybym była postronnym obserwatorem z zewnątrz, nie wchodzącym w inte¬ rakcje z badanymi. Owszem, miałabym dostęp do wszystkich wypowiedzi z pokoju ogólnego. Mogłabym archiwizować wszystkie rozmowy i z czasem na pewno wiele spraw stałoby się jasnych. Jednak miałabym kontakt tylko z tym, co jest dane wszyst¬ kim. Umknęłoby mi to, co najważniejsze - prawdziwi ludzie. W trakcie rozmów na cza­ cie użytkownicy poznają się głównie na privach i tu są zawierane przyjaźnie. Na privie nowa osoba poznaje zasady funkcjonowania grupy, tutaj zadaje pytania i otrzymuje od¬ powiedzi. Zatem bierna obserwacja, podglądanie nie daje całkowitego obrazu funk¬ cjonowania takiej grupy. Jedyne pełne współuczestnictwo w jej życiu w internecie jak i poza nim pozwala na poznanie i zrozumienie. Pocieszające zatem jest to, że nawet w internecie są miejsca, gdzie nie wszystko jest oczywiste, dane bezpośrednio. �Anna Deredas - Internetowe (re)konstrukcje rzeczywistości społeczno-kulturowej. Przykład czaterii 106 Literatura: Benedyktowicz Z., Portrety „obcego": Od stereotypu do symbolu, Wydawnictwo UJ, Kraków 2000. Berger P. L., Luckmann T., Społeczne tworzenie rzeczywistości, PIW, Warszawa 1983. Błaszczyk A., Przestrzeń w wymiarze wirtualnym, [w:] Przestrzenie, miejsca, węd­ rówki. Kategoria przestrzeni w badaniach kulturowych i literackich, red. P. Ko­ walski, Uniwersytet Opolski, Opolskie Towarzystwo Przyjaciół Nauk, Opole 2001, s. 69-78. Castells M . , Galaktyka Internetu. Refleksje nad Internetem, biznesem i społeczeń­ stwem. Dom Wydawniczy Rebus, Poznań 2003. Karpińska G. E., Sąsiedzi to bliscy inaczej. Rzecz o wspólnotowości w kamienicy czyn­ szowej, [w:] Codzienne i niecodzienne. O wspólnotowości w realiach dzisiejszej Łodzi, red, Karpińska G. E., „Łódzkie Studia Etnograficzne", t. 43, 2004, s.141-169. Mazurek P., Internetowa grupa dyskusyjna, Kultura i Społeczeństwo, rok XLVII nr 1, 2003. Słownik wyrazów obcych, PWN, Warszawa 2002. Tuan Y-F., Przestrzeń i miejsce, PIW, Warszawa 1987. Źródła internetowe: www.interia.pl � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/271cadc6c9ccc58cc117e56e481ef3ce.pdf 6b78bf99edef17259e48f926e6ca38c4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5465 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource Cieszyn - tolerancja wyznaniowa tolerancja wyznaniowa Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5082 Title A name given to the resource Tolerancja w obliczu odmienności wyznaniowej na przykładzie mieszkańców Cieszyna i Czeskiego Cieszyna / Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego Description An account of the resource Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego; pod red. Haliny Rusek,Agnieszki Pieńczak i Jacka Szczyrbowskiego, s.236-247 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Diakowska, Edyta Language A language of the resource pol ang. cz. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Cieszynie Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Edyta Diakowska Pracownia Polskiego Atlasu Etnograficznego w Cieszynie Tolerancja w obliczu odmienności wyznaniowej na przykładzie mieszkańców Cieszyna i Czeskiego Cieszyna W niniejszym artykule poruszono temat zróżnicowania wyznaniowego mieszkańców Cieszyna. Pokazano w nim obecną sytuację religijną miasta oraz relacje zachodzące pomiędzy przedstawicielami różnych współwystępujących na tym terenie wyznań. W celu zbadania tego zagadnienia posłużyła autorska ankieta zawierająca 25 pytań, zarówno zamkniętych (kilka wariantów wyboru), jak i otwartych, w których ankietowani mieli możliwość wyrażenia własnego zdania. Artykuł jest wynikiem analizy tychże badań. Poruszając kwestie tolerancji religijnej, uważam za kluczowe przybliżenie wpierw losów historycznych Śląska Cieszyńskiego, które miały zasadniczy wpływ na kształtowanie się tolerancji wśród mieszkańców. Tło historyczne zróżnicowania wyznaniowego na Śląsku Cieszyńskim Początki chrześcijaństwa w Cieszynie wiążą się z powstaniem grodu na Górze Zamkowej w końcu X wieku. Natomiast w historii Śląska Cieszyńskiego, w średniowieczu i początkach nowożytnych, można pod względem religijnym zaobserwować trzy wyraźnie różniące się od siebie etapy. Pierwszy z nich trwał do początków XVI wieku, kiedy to praktycznie jedyną funkcjonującą religią był katolicyzm. Po okresie przejściowym, w połowie XVI wieku zwyciężył luteranizm, zaś po roku 1610, po przejściu na katolicyzm księcia Adama Wacława, nastąpił powrót katolicyzmu, jakkolwiek za rządów ostatnich Piastów w formie jeszcze dość ograniczonej1. 1 I. Panic: Ziemia Cieszyńska w czasach piastowskich (X-XII wiek). W: Śląsk Cieszyński. Środowisko naturalne, Zarys dziejów. Zarys kultury materialnej i duchowej. Red. W. Sosna. Cieszyn 2001, s. 134. �Edyta Diakowska: Tolerancja w obliczu odmienności wyznaniowej 237 Na Śląsku Cieszyńskim reformacja wywarła silny wpływ na ukształtowanie się języka narodowego. Początkowo językiem kancelarii książęcej był język łaciński; w drugiej połowie XIV wieku zaczęto wystawiać dokumenty także w języku niemieckim. Od wojen husyckich w XV wieku kancelaria książęca zaczęła używać języka czeskiego, który stał się także głównym językiem sądów, co trwało do XVII wieku. Kancelaria zniemczonych ostatnich Piastów cieszyńskich coraz częściej stosowała język niemiecki. Natomiast ludność wiejska i ludność niższych warstw w miastach posługiwała się od wieków w większości dialektem języka polskiego, który na zachodnich ziemiach Księstwa Cieszyńskiego stykał się z dialektem morawskim języka czeskiego. Polskim językiem władała również większość szlachty, posługując się nim nawet w urzędach. Reformacja wprowadziła język narodowy do nabożeństw, przyczyniając się w ten sposób do rozwoju języka polskiego na Śląsku Cieszyńskim2. Początki Reformacji na ziemi cieszyńskiej sięgają lat 20. XVI wieku, kiedy to ks. Marcin Luter rozpoczął reformę Kościoła. Jego nauka natrafiła tu na korzystne stosunki społeczne, odpowiadała bowiem oczekiwaniom i mentalności mieszkańców Księstwa. Ówczesny władca piastowski z dynastii Piastów Kazimierz II oraz następujący po nim regent morawski hetman ziemski Jan z Persteinu, luteranin, swoją przyzwalającą postawą spowodowali zainteresowanie „tanią religią” (zwolnienie z wielu obowiązkowych ciężarów na rzecz Kościoła), zarówno przez szlachtę, mieszczan, jak i chłopów3. Polska była krajem tolerancji religijnej, często innowiercy znajdowali tu schronienie, jednak większość społeczeństwa pozostawała wierna Kościołowi katolickiemu. Na Śląsku Cieszyńskim książęta umacniali ruch reformacyjny, zabezpieczając w Księstwie przodującą pozycję wyznaniu augsburskiemu. Jednak trwało to tylko do 1610 roku, bowiem rola Księstwa zaczęła się zmniejszać i w związku z tym książęta, jak przedtem byli protektorami luteranizmu, tak teraz z kolei zaczęli przechodzić na katolicyzm i stawali się obrońcami Kościoła. W 1545 roku władzę przejął prawowity władca książę Wacław III Adam, który z własnej woli przyjął nauki reformatora, i od tego momentu protestantyzm staje się wyznaniem panującym w Księstwie Cieszyńskim. Następnie książę usunął z miasta dominikanów, franciszkanów oraz duchownych, którzy nie chcieli mu się podporządkować, a kościoły zostały przejęte przez ewangelików. W kościele parafialnym odprawiano nabożeństwa i głoszono kazania w językach słowiańskich, w dominikańskim po niemiecku4. W 1610 roku syn i następca Wacława III, Adam Wacław porzucił wiarę ojca i przeszedł na katolicyzm. Okoliczności tego kroku wiąże się na ogół z planami awansu Adama Wacława na dworze cesarskim. W niedalekiej Opawie armia cesarska zmusiła tamtejszych ewangelików do kapitulacji i narzuciła miastu niezwykle surowe restrykcje, jednak na Śląsku Cieszyńskim w owym czasie tego rodzaju wydarzenia nie miały miejsca. Przeciwnie, większość pobliskich wielkich feudałów wyznawała religię ewangelicką, toteż zmiana wyznania pociągnęła za sobą izolację księcia5. Po tej zmianie wyznania duchowni ewangeliccy musieli opuścić miasto, kościół parafialny objęli z powrotem księża katoliccy, drugi kościół zwrócono dominikanom. 2 3 4 5 J. Kuś: Z dziejów kościelnych ziemi cieszyńskiej. Kraków 1983, s. 10. E. Gajdacz, J. Pustelnik: Kościół Ewangelicki w Cieszynie. Cieszyn 2009, s. 6. J. Spyra: Via Sacra. Kościoły i klasztory w Cieszynie i Czeskim Cieszynie. Cieszyn 2008, s. 5-6. I. Panic: Ziemia Cieszyńska w czasach piastowskich (X-XII wiek). W: Śląsk Cieszyński …, s. 135. �238 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví W czasie wojny trzydziestoletniej (1618-1648) Cieszyn był wielokrotnie zajmowany przez różnowiercze wojska, na przemian też zmieniały się warunki bytu obu społeczności wierzących. Ogłoszone w 1629 roku przez księżną piastowską Elżbietę Lukrecję rozporządzenie pozbawiło innowierców wszelkich praw, nie było jednak do końca przestrzegane. Jej zgon w 1653 roku zakończył czasy panowania piastowskiego na tym terenie, następnie pociągnął za sobą przepadek ziem księstwa na rzecz Habsburgów, którzy odtąd stali się ich bezpośrednimi panami. Jak we wszystkich podległych sobie krajach dominującą cechą polityki Habsburgów na Śląsku Cieszyńskim było dążenie do rządów absolutnych oraz utrzymania i wzmocnienia pozycji religii katolickiej. Ich działania doprowadziły do szybkiej rekatolizacji miasta, podobnie jak Skoczowa, Strumienia, Jabłonkowa i Frysztatu. Początkowo walkę z protestantyzmem prowadzono przy pomocy duchowieństwa świeckiego i urzędników cesarskich, od 1670 roku ponownie zaczęli działać w Cieszynie Jezuici6. Z ich też polecenia rozpoczęta została na wielką skalę akcja rekatolizacyjna. Już w 1654 roku ewangelicy zostali pozbawieni wszystkich świątyń. Przemoc i inne represje spowodowały, mimo przypisania do ziemi, ucieczkę wielu rodzin w bardziej ustronne miejsca lub poza granice Księstwa, a osoby, które nie opuściły swoich domów, a chciały trwać w swoich przekonaniach, musiały to czynić potajemnie. Posiadanie jakichkolwiek druków protestanckich, sprowadzanych m.in. z Polski, było karane. Kościoły były zastępowane przez odludne miejsca – „leśne świątynie” (m.in. przy „Kamieniu” na Równicy), gdzie gromadzono się na potajemnych nabożeństwach. Niespodziewaną odmianę losu przyniosło zakończenie tzw. wojny północnej. W wyniku pertraktacji we Wrocławiu, cesarz wydał tzw. Reces egzekucyjny, zezwalający na wybudowanie sześciu nowych kościołów „z łaski”, w pobliżu następujących miast: Milicz, Kożuchów, Żagań, Jelenia Góra, Kamienna Góra i Cieszyn. Pierwotnie budowa tych kościołów była obwarowana pewnymi ograniczeniami. Musiały stać poza murami miasta, poza głównych traktem, nie mogły być murowane i przypominać wyglądem świątyń. Nie mogły tez posiadać wież z dzwonnicą – dlatego też do cieszyńskiego kościoła dobudowano wieżę dopiero w 1750 roku, po uzyskaniu specjalnego pozwolenia. Był to jedyny Kościół ewangelicki na Śląsku Cieszyńskim i w okolicach. Dopiero po 1781 roku pozwolono na budowę świątyń w innych, większych skupiskach ewangelików. Tendencje reformatorskie w państwie austriackim nasiliły się po objęciu samodzielnej władzy przez Józefa II. W 1781 roku wydał patent o zniesieniu poddaństwa osobistego. W tym samym roku wydał również Patent Tolerancyjny dla Żydów, tak że w końcu XVIII wieku urządzili oni w Cieszynie pierwszy, wspólny dom modlitwy. Patent poszerzał zakres dostępnych zajęć Żydom, choć ograniczał ilość mieszkających tu rodzin żydowskich. Najważniejszym z aktów prawnych Józefa II okazał się Patent Tolerancyjny dla protestantów w Austrii wydany także w 1781 roku (na Śląsku Austriackim w 1782 roku). To on dał kres kontrreformacji na Śląsku Cieszyńskim. Katolicyzm pozostał nadal religią państwową, ale wyznanie protestanckie zostało oficjalnie uznane przez władze państwowe. W 1827 roku 90% mieszkańców Cieszyna 6 J. Spyra: Śląsk Cieszyński pod rządami Habsburgów (1653-1848). W: Śląsk Cieszyński. Środowisko naturalne, Zarys dziejów. Zarys kultury materialnej i duchowej. Red. W. Sosna. Cieszyn 2001, s. 146. �Edyta Diakowska: Tolerancja w obliczu odmienności wyznaniowej 239 było katolikami (5500 na 6075)7. W miejscowościach gdzie żyło ponad 100 rodzin lub 500 wyznawców protestantyzmu, mogli oni postawić domy modlitwy (początkowo bez wież i dzwonów) oraz mogli zakładać szkoły8. Faktyczne równouprawnienie katolików i ewangelików nastąpiło dopiero w wyniku przebiegu Wiosny Ludów. Miało to miejsce w 1849 roku, kiedy zagwarantowano innowiercom pełne prawa obywatelskie i wolność wyznania. Już od Wiosny Ludów, a w szczególności po 1861 roku znaczna ilość ewangelików przystąpiła do pracy nad zaktywizowaniem polskiego życia narodowego. Ewangelicy tutejsi stanowili w 80% ludność polską. Z chwilą zakończenia I wojny światowej uczestniczyli i wspierali te ugrupowania społeczno-polityczne, które dążyły do włączenia Księstwa Cieszyńskiego do odrodzonej Polski. Dane liczbowe z powszechnego spisu austriackiego wykazują, iż w 1910 roku w Cieszynie zamieszkiwało 15.138 katolików (67,3% ogółu mieszkańców) oraz 5.174 ewangelików (27,6% ogółu mieszkańców). Wyznawcy judaizmu stanowili natomiast 9,4 % ogółu populacji miasta, co dawało liczbę 2.112 wiernych. Byli zrzeszeni w żydowskiej gminie wyznaniowej z własnym rabinem. Poza synagogą gminną działała synagoga ortodoksyjna oraz kilka prywatnych domów modlitwy. Oprócz wyznawców ww. religii chrześcijańskich przed I wojną światową w Cieszynie zamieszkiwało 65 osób deklarujących się jako będących innego wyznania. Konflikt zbrojny czesko-polski w 1919 roku i późniejsze przetargi o ziemię cieszyńską znalazły w końcu formalne rozwiązanie w postaci uchwały Rady Ambasadorów w Paryżu, w wyniku której dawne Księstwo Cieszyńskie zostało w 1920 roku podzielone pomiędzy Polskę i Czechosłowację. Po podziale miasta sytuacja poszczególnych Kościołów uległa dużej zmianie. Władze czechosłowackie doprowadziły do powołania osobnej parafii katolickiej dla Czeskiego Cieszyna przy kościele Serca Jezusowego. Reszta miasta pozostała w ramach diecezji wrocławskiej, która w 1925 roku. wraz z całym polskim Śląskiem Cieszyńskim została włączona do nowo utworzonej diecezji śląskiej. Kościół Jezusowy pozostał duchowym i organizacyjnym centrum parafii ewangelickiej w polskiej części Cieszyna, natomiast wyznawcy protestantyzmu w Czeskim Cieszynie podzielili się na trzy kościoły. Połączenie obu części miasta w 1938 roku wpłynęło także na sytuację poszczególnych Kościołów, zmiany administracyjne nie były jednak trwałe. Wiernych i duchownych obu wyznań połączył wspólny los w czasach okupacji hitlerowskiej, kilku księży katolickich z terenu Cieszyna straciło życie w hitlerowskich obozach, innych wysiedlono. Niemcy zniszczyli prawie całą cieszyńską wspólnotę żydowską9. W pierwszych latach po II wojnie światowej Kościół ewangelicki w ówczesnej Czechosłowacji musiał ostro walczyć o swój byt, istniały bowiem silne tendencje odgórne połączenia Kościoła z Czeskobraterskim Kościołem Ewangelickim bez odpowiednio zagwarantowanych praw autonomicznych. W gruncie rzeczy chodziło o złamanie polskiego charakteru Kościoła ewangelickiego na Zaolziu. Trudnym okresem dla Kościołów obu wyznań były też lata 1945–1953, kiedy musiały działać pod ścisłym nadzorem tajnej policji oraz władz komunistycznych. Także 7 J. Spyra: Via Sacra …, s. 11. 8 J. Spyra: Śląsk Cieszyński pod rządami Habsburgów (1653-1848). W: Śląsk Cieszyński. .., s. 154. 9 J. Spyra: Via Sacra ..., s. 16. �240 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví w późniejszych latach działalność kościołów, zwłaszcza katolickiego, była ograniczana na każdym polu. Cieszyński zbór ewangelicki, skupiony wokół Kościoła Jezusowego, jest największą parafią Kościoła ewangelicko-augsburskiego w Polsce. Liczy ok. 7 tysięcy wiernych, obok Cieszyna należy do niego kilkanaście okolicznych wsi. Obecnie po polskiej stronie miasta funkcjonują następujące wyznania religijne: Kościół Rzymskokatolicki, Kościół Ewangelicko-Augsburski, Kościół Zielonoświątkowy – Zbór „Elim” w Cieszynie, Kościół Wolnych Chrześcijan, Kościół Adwentystów Dnia Siódmego, Kościół Chrześcijan Baptystów, Kościół Chrześcijan Wiary Ewangelicznej, Świadkowie Jehowy. Natomiast po czeskiej stronie: Kościół Rzymskokatolicki, Kościół Ewangelicko-Augsburski, Husyci, Kościół Zielonoświątkowy, Kościół Czeskobraterski, Świadkowie Jehowy, Buddyzm Diamentowej Drogi10. Współczesne zróżnicowanie wyznaniowe mieszkańców Cieszyna – analiza badań Przedstawione powyżej etapy kształtowania się wieloreligijności na Śląsku Cieszyńskim mają swoje odzwierciedlenie w otaczającej rzeczywistości dnia codziennego. Burzliwe nieraz losy współwystępowania obok siebie dwóch dużych religii chrześcijańskich mają swoje pozostałości w postawie mieszkańców Cieszyna, ich podejściu oraz wzajemnym stosunku do siebie jako przedstawicieli różnych wyznań. Obecny dualizm religijny tego terenu wynika z faktu wielowiekowego funkcjonowania różnych wyznań. Analizując historię rozwoju religijności widzimy, iż już od początku XVI mamy tutaj do czynienia z dualizmem wyznaniowym. Nawet w czasach kontrreformacji, kiedy to protestanci byli prześladowani a jawne wyznawanie ich religii było zabronione, trwali przy swoich przekonaniach, nie poddając się rekatolizacji. Oba wyznania funkcjonowały więc obok siebie. Po wielu zawirowaniach dziejowych, głównie na skutek zmian politycznych, ów dualizm wyznaniowy Cieszyna zachował się do chwili obecnej. Dodatkowo do dwóch głównie tu występujących religii chrześcijańskich dołączyło sporo pomniejszych odłamów. Pod względem swobody wyznawanych religii Cieszyn wydaje się być miejscem zupełnie wyjątkowym, z czego nawet niektórzy mieszkańcy nie zdają sobie sprawy. A wszystko za sprawą doświadczeń minionych wieków. Mieszkańcy Cieszyna nauczyli się tolerancji religijnej w stosunku do przedstawicieli innych wyznań, gdyż są wychowani w otoczeniu innowierców, mają z nimi kontakt od najwcześniejszych lat, często są to również członkowie rodzin mieszanych wyznaniowo – o zrozumienie i tolerancję nie jest tu trudno. Na tolerancję religijną wśród mieszkańców obu części Cieszyna wpływają różne czynniki zewnętrzne. Jednym ze współcześnie istotniejszych jest ich wiek, przy czym młodsze pokolenie wykazuje przejawy znacznie większej tolerancji niż pokolenie ich rodziców czy dziadków. Ale to już znak czasu. Nie odmawiam w tym przypadku tolerancji starszym generacjom, zwracam jedynie uwagę na to, iż kwestie wyznaniowe były dla nich nieco ważniejsze niż dla młodego pokolenia, bardziej podatnego na innowacje i otwartego na nowoczesne wzorce i nowy styl życia. 10 Zob: www.wikipedia.org/wiki/Protestantyzm_na_%C5%9Al%C4%85sku_Cieszy%C5%84skim; http://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cieszyn;www.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C5%9Al%C4%85ski_Ko%C5%9Bci%C3%B3%C5%82_Ewangelicki_Augsburskiego_Wyznania �Edyta Diakowska: Tolerancja w obliczu odmienności wyznaniowej 241 W założeniu tego wystąpienia potraktowano Cieszyn jako jedno miasto, nie różnicując go na polską i czeską część. Przy takim wyborze kierowano się losami historycznymi miasta oraz tym, iż wszyscy ankietowani zadeklarowali przynależność do narodowości polskiej (bez względu na miejsce zamieszkania). Jest to zapewne pozostałość czasów, kiedy Cieszyn był miastem jednorodnym państwowo. Jedyny podział, jaki tutaj zastosowano dotyczy wyznania mieszkańców. Celem badań było ukazanie wzajemnego stosunku do siebie ludności katolickiej i ewangelickiej oraz relacji panujących pomiędzy nimi. Badania przeprowadzono w styczniu i w lutym 2010 roku zarówno po polskiej, jak i czeskiej stronie miasta, wśród osób narodowości polskiej, głównie wyznania katolickiego i ewangelickiego11. Narzędziem badawczym stała się ankieta, której głównym założeniem było ukazanie współczesnego obrazu sytuacji wyznaniowej Cieszyna poprzez sprawdzenie stanu świadomości mieszkańców miasta o przedstawicielach innych wyznań oraz zaobserwowaniu zachodzących pomiędzy nimi relacji. W badaniach uczestniczyło 66 osób, w wieku od 20 do 60 roku życia. Blisko połowa (48%) ankietowanych zdeklarowała się jako katolicy, 45% jako ewangelicy; resztę stanowili wyznawcy innych religii (3%). Połowę informatorów stanowiły kobiety. Największą grupę badanych stanowiły osoby młode w wieku 25-30 lat (47%), nieco mniej w wieku 20-25 lat (27%). Znacznie mniej było osób w wieku 35-40 (12%) oraz w przedziale wiekowym 55-60 lat (9%); najmniejszą grupę stanowili przedstawiciele średniego pokolenia, w przedziale wiekowym 45-50 lat (5%). Analiza przeprowadzonych badań Na wstępie analizy wyników badań przyjrzymy się wzajemnym relacjom panującym pomiędzy przedstawicielami poszczególnych wyznań w Cieszynie oraz ich stosunku do siebie nawzajem. Osoby ankietowane deklarujące się jako wierzący i praktykujący katolicy, pochodzący z tradycyjnych rodzin, w których rodzice są (lub byli) katolikami, zgodnie podkreślają, iż wzajemny stosunek katolików do ewangelików (i vice versa) jest pozytywny, w najgorszym przypadku obojętny. Cieszyńscy katolicy uważają, iż z dwóch omawianych religii, bardziej ortodoksyjna i zamknięta na innowacje jest właśnie religia katolicka, a jako kolejne podają wyznanie mojżeszowe i Świadków Jehowy. Na pytanie, czy kiedykolwiek myśleli o zmianie swojego wyznania i przepisaniu się do innego Kościoła, w większości podali odpowiedź przeczącą, jedynie pojedyncze osoby zakładały taką możliwość. Jako potencjalny wybór wyznaniowy podano „religie wschodu, jako bardziej zdrowe”12, aczkolwiek w tym przypadku jest to zapewne bardziej utożsamiane ze stylem życia niż z głębokimi przekonaniami wewnętrznymi. O wzajemnej tolerancji może świadczyć również przekonanie ankietowanych o tym, iż pomiędzy poszczególnymi wyznaniami nie istnieje rywalizacja, a co za tym idzie ich wyznawcy nie są napiętnowani, dyskryminowani czy gorzej traktowani ze wzglę11 W przyszłości być może warto będzie przeprowadzić te same badania wśród ludności deklarującej swą przynależność narodową do innej narodowości niż polska. Porównanie tych wyników dałoby zapewne interesujące wnioski. 12 Kobieta, katolik, Czeski Cieszyn, 30-35 lat. �242 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví du na swoją przynależność religijną. Podstawę takiej tolerancji badani upatrują głównie w uwarunkowaniach historycznych tego regionu, w wielokulturowości, a także odrębnych tradycjach. Cieszyn jest miejscem bardzo tolerancyjnym dla wyznawców nowych ruchów religijnych, gdyż występuje tu wielokulturowość (kobieta, katolik, Czeski Cieszyn, 30-35 lat). Funkcjonowanie wieloreligijności na Śląsku Cieszyńskim jest uwarunkowane podłożem historycznym oraz stosunkowo dużą liczbą protestantów, a także występowaniem innych związków wyznaniowych (kobieta, katolik, Cieszyn, 20-25 lat). Badani podkreślają ponadto, że w ich przekonaniu mieszkańcy Cieszyna (Śląska Cieszyńskiego) są bardziej tolerancyjni dla wyznawców innych religii niż mieszkańcy innych części kraju. Tolerancja ta wykracza poza relacje katolicy-ewangelicy i rozciąga się również na przedstawicieli innych religii (nie tylko chrześcijańskich). Uważają również, że w codziennych kontaktach wyznanie nie ma znaczenia – przy wyborze znajomych oraz partnerów życiowych nie kierują się tymi kryteriami. Badane osoby zakładają hipotetyczną możliwość posiadania we własnej rodzinie innowierców, twierdząc, że jest im to obojętne. Jako przykłady podają najczęściej ewangelików i prawosławnych. Indagowani często we własnych rodzinach posiadają wyznawców innych religii i uważają to za czynnik wzbogacający wzajemne relacje, na zasadzie przenikania i poznania innych zwyczajów. W żaden sposób ten fakt nie przeszkadza im we wzajemnych relacjach rodzinnych. Mój mąż jest ateistą, nie ma to wpływu na nasze relacje (kobieta, katolik, Czeski Cieszyn, 30-35 lat). Mój szwagier jest osobą o wyznaniu prawosławnym. Nie przeszkadza nam to we wzajemnych kontaktach (kobieta, katolik, Czeski Cieszyn, 30-35 lat). Mam w rodzinie przedstawiciela wyznania prawosławnego. Jeżeli chodzi o nasze relacje i wzajemne wpływy to są to kontakty pozytywne. Prowadzące do wzajemnego wzbogacania i poznania inności (kobieta, katolik, Cieszyn, 20-25 lat). Sami ankietowani nie doświadczyli ze strony przedstawicieli innych religii żadnych przejawów dyskryminacji czy napiętnowania ze względu na własne wyznanie. Przyjmują jednak, w pewnych okolicznościach, możliwość utrudnienia wzajemnych relacji ze względu na odmienność religijną. Podkreślają jednocześnie, że takich spornych sytuacji można uniknąć przy założeniu, że osoby różnych wyznań będą tolerancyjne dla odmienności. Mieszkańcy uważają się za osoby tolerancyjne w stosunku do innowierców tego terenu. Jednak w zależności od wyznawanej religii występuje spadek zaufania do np. wyznawców Islamu, czy wyznawców „takich religii, w których kobieta jest traktowana przedmiotowo, w której jej prawa są ograniczone”13. Uważają, że Śląsk Cieszyński/Cieszyn jest miejscem specyficznym w skali kraju dającym możliwość 13 Kobieta, katolik, Cieszyn, 50-55 lat. �Edyta Diakowska: Tolerancja w obliczu odmienności wyznaniowej 243 występowania wieloreligijności opartej na tolerancji wynikającej z wielokulturowości miasta i regionu oraz z dziejów historycznych. Tolerancja, a przede wszystkim otwartość mieszkańców Śląska Cieszyńskiego może wynikać z chęci poszukiwanie nowych rzeczy, a także z przesłanek historycznych (kobieta, katolik, Czeski Cieszyn, 30-35 lat). Mają świadomość występowania różnych wyznań i wspólnot wyznaniowych, takich jak: (po polskiej stronie) Kościół Zielonoświątkowy, Świadkowie Jehowy, Wolni Chrześcijanie oraz (po stronie czeskiej) buddyści, Świadkowie Jehowy, oraz kilka wspólnot wyznaniowych znanych ankietowanym tylko z nazw potocznych, są to: Sabatyści, Zieloni, Czescy Bracia oraz Husyci. Badani katolicy wykazują się znaczną tolerancją w stosunku do nich, swój stosunek określają jako pozytywny (po polskiej stronie), poza skrajnymi sytuacjami, w których przedstawiciele innych wyznań są zbyt „nachalni” i próbują przekonywać do swoich poglądów lub obojętny, neutralny (po stronie czeskiej), póki nikomu nie szkodzą. Następnie polscy katolicy twierdzą, iż bardziej otwarte na zmiany są Kościoły znajdujące się po czeskiej stronie, ze względu na fakt większego odpolitycznienia. Analogicznie stwierdzają katolicy z czeskiej strony, argumentując, że tamtejsze Kościoły „mniej wymagają od swoich wiernych”14. Katolicy zauważają więc spadek religijności po obu stronach Olzy, szczególnie wśród ludzi młodych. Jako przyczyny tego stanu podają konsumpcyjny tryb współczesnego życia, materializm, a także ogólne zmiany światopoglądu wśród młodych, obecnie bardziej otwartych na nowe technologie i podatnych na nowe wzorce kulturowe, które niekoniecznie wiążą się z religijnością. Ogólne zmiany obyczajowości, poglądów młodych ludzi, ich otwarcie na nowe ideologie, ciekawość, większy dostęp do mediów, a tym samym informacji oraz ich przepływu. Zjawisko ponowoczesności, które niesie ze sobą więcej wzorców i modeli życia, wcześniej niedostępnych dla młodzieży (kobieta, katolik, Cieszyn, 20-25 lat). Przyjrzymy się teraz analizowanemu zagadnieniu z punktu widzenia wyznawców ewangelickich. Czy z ich strony kwestia religijności i tolerancji przedstawia się tak samo? Różnice pojawiają się jednak już na samym początku. Wprawdzie ankietowani deklarują swoją przynależność do Kościoła ewangelicko-augsburskiego, podobnie jak katolicy uważają się za osoby wierzące, jednak procent takich odpowiedzi jest już odczuwalnie niższy niż w przypadku katolików (blisko 20%). Ankietowani ci mają problem z jednogłośnym określeniem swojego stosunku do własnej wiary lub pojawiają się nawet odpowiedzi przeczące (określają się jako niewierzący). Ma to swoje konsekwencje w podejściu do praktykowania religii. Cieszyńscy ewangelicy w najlepszym przypadku deklarują, iż „czasami” biorą udział w nabożeństwach lub stwierdzają wprost, iż nie uczęszczają do kościoła. Odmiennie przedstawia się kwestia wyznania rodziców badanych ewangelików (u katolików mieliśmy do czynienia z tradycyjną katolicką rodziną, gdzie oboje rodziców jest tego wyznania, katolickie są też dzieci). Większość ankietowanych ewangelików pochodzi z rodzin mieszanych wyznaniowo, w których każde z rodziców jest innego wyznania, są również tradycyjne 14 Mężczyzna, katolik, Czeski Cieszyn, 55-60 lat. �244 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví rodziny ewangelickie. Różnice postępują dalej: ewangelicy uważają, że stosunek katolików jest do nich raczej obojętny, analogicznie jak ich stosunek do katolików. Tutaj już pojawiają się odpowiedzi bardziej nacechowane emocjonalnie i nie tak neutralne. Ewangelicy twierdzą, że ich stosunek do katolików jest pozytywny, jednak ci drudzy uważają inaczej. Stosunek ewangelików do katolików – gdzieś między pozytywny a obojętny, nie spotkałem się z negatywnym stosunkiem (mężczyzna, ewangelik, Czeski Cieszyn, 25-30 lat). Incydentalnie stwierdzają, iż stosunek ten (ewangelików do katolików) jest negatywny. Podobnie jak ludność ewangelicka, tak i katolicka twierdzi, że z obu analizowanych wyznań bardziej ortodoksyjna i ograniczona na zmiany jest religia katolicka. W przypadku wychowywania się w rodzinach niejednolitych wyznaniowo pojawia się możliwość zmiany wyznania przez dziecko na rzecz religii jednego z rodziców. Rzeczą często spotykaną w Cieszynie jest zawieranie małżeństw mieszanych. W momencie pojawienia się dziecka należy zadeklarować je do któregoś z Kościołów. Nie opiera się to na przymusie, bardziej na wzajemnej umowie pomiędzy małżonkami. Jeszcze w latach 80. i 90. ubiegłego stulecia istniał jednak (nieformalny) zwyczaj przypisywania dziecka do Kościoła katolickiego. W tym zakresie ewangelicy wydają się być religijnie mniej zaborczy, jak zresztą sami jednogłośnie twierdzą. Dzieci wychowywane w rodzinach mieszanych, początkowo bez prawa wyboru, w dorosłym życiu mogą jednak dokonać takiego świadomego wyboru. Zdecydowanie też cechują się większą od innych tolerancją religijną. W przypadku poczucia tożsamości religijnej, w przeciwieństwie do katolików, ewangelicy odczuwają przejawy pewnej niesprawiedliwości i postaw krzywdzących. Jest to szczególnie zauważalne w przypadku młodszego pokolenia, które osobiście doświadczało takich przejawów w życiu codziennym, np. podczas naboru uczniów do szkół katolickich. Ewangelicy nie mogą się zapisać do katolickiej podstawówki, gimnazjum i liceum, wymagane jest zdeklarowanie się na uczęszczanie na religię katolicką, a do szkoły ewangelickiej mogą chodzić wszyscy bez względu na wyznanie (kobieta, ewangelik, Cieszyn, 20-25 lat). Szkoły katolickie nie przyjmują uczniów innych wyznań i religii, w przeciwieństwie do szkół ewangelickich (mężczyzna, ewangelik, Cieszyn, 20-25 lat). Badani oceniają Cieszyn, jak i Śląsk Cieszyński jako miejsca szczególnych możliwości rozwoju dla różnych wyznań, gdzie tolerancja jest wyższa aniżeli w innych częściach kraju. Podobnie jak katoliccy mieszkańcy jako powody wieloreligijności podają uwarunkowania historyczne, wielowiekową tolerancję, a także inne kwestie. Ludzie nie oceniają drugiego człowieka przez pryzmat jego wyznania, tylko za jego charakter (kobieta, ewangelik, Cieszyn, 20-25 lat). �Edyta Diakowska: Tolerancja w obliczu odmienności wyznaniowej 245 Dlatego też w codziennych relacjach wyznanie nie ma dla nich żadnego znaczenia, a przedstawiciele innych religii są przez nich samych traktowani tak samo, neutralnie, czyli obojętna jest ich przynależność religijna. Dokonując również wyboru znajomych czy partnerów życiowych ewangelicy cieszyńscy nie kierują się względami religijnymi, traktując je jako kwestie drugoplanowe. Może wynikać to z faktu, iż większość ankietowanych posiada we własnych rodzinach wyznawców innych religii. Są to przeważnie katolicy, członkowie najbliższej rodziny, z którymi kontakt jest najsilniejszy (najczęściej jedno z rodziców lub współmałżonek). Wiadomo więc, iż wyznanie nie ma w tym wypadku najmniejszego wpływu na relacje pomiędzy zainteresowanymi osobami. Jednak ankietowani, jako wyznawcy religii ewangelicko-augsburskiej, i jednocześnie przedstawiciele mniejszości wyznaniowej spotkali się z przejawami napiętnowania i dyskryminacji ze względu na swoje wyznanie. Bardziej błahym przykładem może być dyskomfortowa sytuacja znalezienia się w grupie, w której jest się jedynym przedstawicielem konkretnego wyznania. Byłam na kolonii, gdzie nie było żadnego ewangelika i ludzie dziwnie się na mnie patrzyli (kobieta, ewangelik, Cieszyn, 20-25 lat). Znacznie bardziej kontrowersyjny jest przykład utrudniania i komplikacji ze strony księdza katolickiego w przypadku, kiedy osoba wyznania ewangelickiego chciała pełnić obowiązki osoby chrzestnej dla katolickiego dziecka spotkała się z pewnymi nieprzyjemnościami. W momencie, gdy jako ewangeliczka chciałam zostać chrzestną katolickiego dziecka, bez łapówki się nie obyło (kobieta, ewangelik, Cieszyn, 20-25 lat). Powyższą wypowiedź można uznać za kontrowersyjną, ale i takie oblicza cieszyńskich Kościołów są znane informatorom. Młodzi ludzie wyznania ewangelickiego zakładają więc w pewnych okolicznościach możliwość utrudnienia kontaktów międzyludzkich ze względu na wyznanie, inaczej przedstawiciele starszego pokolenia. Badani ze wszystkich grup wiekowych zgodnie określają siebie jako osoby tolerancyjne, w szczególnych przypadkach mające tylko pewne zastrzeżenia, nie tyle do przedstawicieli innych wyznań, co do zasad funkcjonowania ich społeczności (przykład Świadków Jehowy czy Adwentystów). Również Śląsk Cieszyński uważają za region w skali kraju bardziej sprzyjający tolerancji religijnej, co argumentują uwarunkowaniami historycznymi, granicą państwową oraz charakterem ludzi pogranicza, przyzwyczajonych do różnych przejawów „inności”, też religijnej. Ewangeliccy mieszkańcy mają świadomość występowania w mieście różnych Kościołów i grup wyznaniowych, jako sobie znane wymieniają: Adwentystów Dnia Siódmego, Kościół Zielonoświątkowy oraz Świadków Jehowy. Natomiast swój stosunek do przedstawicieli powyższych wyznań oceniają jako pozytywny lub obojętny/neutralny. Oceniając funkcjonowanie Kościołów po obu stronach Olzy ankietowani zarówno z polskiego, jak i czeskiego Cieszyna lepszą opinię wystawiają tym znajdującym się po stronie czeskiej. Argumentując to m.in. tym, iż Kościoły po czeskiej stronie uległy większemu zeświecczeniu, w związku z czym mniej rygorystycznie podchodzą do swoich wiernych. Może właśnie w tym rozluźnieniu stosunków �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 246 należy doszukiwać się przyczyn spadku religijności wśród ludzi młodych, szczególnie po stronie czeskiej. Jako przyczyny spadku religijności wśród młodzieży ankietowani podają spadek atrakcyjności Kościołów, które dla ludzi młodych nie są interesujące, gdyż niczym ich nie przyciągają. Również istotna jest tutaj kwestia podejścia rodziców, którzy zaczynają przywiązywać coraz mniejszą wagę do religijności dzieci, a te wolą poświęcić czas na inne, bardziej interesujące (w ich przekonaniu) zajęcia. Wśród ankietowanych znalazły się również przykłady osób zdeklarowanych jako ateiści. Ich poglądy i ocena stosunków panujących pomiędzy przedstawicielami poszczególnych wyznań nie różnią się szczególnie wyraźnie od poglądów katolików i ewangelików. Cechują się postawą bardziej nihilistyczną, świadczącą o tym, iż wyznanie i kwestie religijne nie mają dla nich większego znaczenia. W przypadku znajomych nie zwracam uwagi na wyznanie. Jeżeli chodzi o partnera, to uważam, że wzajemne zrozumienie w tej sprawie jest bardzo istotne. Obojętne jakie było by owo wyznanie, byle było tolerancyjne. W stosunku do wyznawców innych wyznań występujących w Cieszynie: nie ma to dla mnie żadnego znaczenia, o ile nie propagują go zbyt „natrętnie” (mężczyzna, ateista, Czeski Cieszyn, 20-25 lat). Podsumowując analizowany materiał można stwierdzić, iż mieszkańcy Cieszyna są zdecydowanie tolerancyjni w stosunku do przedstawicieli innych wyznań (innych niż swoje). W życiu codziennym i we wzajemnych kontaktach wyznanie nie odgrywa najmniejszej roli. Tolerancję tę upatrują w wielokulturowości i różnorodności tego terenu oraz w jego specyficznych losach historycznych. Wielowiekowe współistnienie na tym terenie dwóch dużych religii chrześcijańskich (oraz kilku pomniejszych) było możliwe dzięki determinacji i wzajemnej wyrozumiałości mieszkańców tego terenu. Jego specyfikę wykorzystali także wyznawcy innych religii czy nowych ruchów religijnych, którzy na tym podatnym gruncie mogli zakładać własne zbory, świątynie czy domy modlitwy. Nic nie wskazuje na to, ażeby sytuacja ta, odnośnie specyficzności i tolerancji Cieszyna miała się zmienić. Bibliografia: Chlebowczyk J.: Cieszyńskie szkice historyczne. Kiedy sól była droższa od złota i krwi. Katowice 1984 Gajdacz E., Pustelnik J.: Kościół Ewangelicki w Cieszynie. Cieszyn 2009 Kuś J.: Z dziejów kościelnych ziemi cieszyńskiej. Kraków 1983 Panic I.: Ziemia Cieszyńska w czasach piastowskich (X-XII wiek). W: Śląsk Cieszyński. Środowisko naturalne, Zarys dziejów. Zarys kultury materialnej i duchowej. Red. W. Sosna. Cieszyn 2001, s. 121-144 Spyra J.: Śląsk Cieszyński pod rządami Habsburgów (1653-1848). W: Śląsk Cieszyński. Środowisko naturalne, Zarys dziejów. Zarys kultury materialnej i duchowej. Red. W. Sosna. Cieszyn 2001, s. 145-165 Spyra J.: Via Sacra. Kościoły i klasztory w Cieszynie i Czeskim Cieszynie. Cieszyn 2008 �Edyta Diakowska: Tolerancja w obliczu odmienności wyznaniowej 247 Źródła: www.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cieszyn www.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C5%9Al%C4%85ski_Ko%C5%9Bci%C3%B3%C5%82_Ewangelicki_Augsburskiego_Wyznania www.wikipedia.org/wiki/Protestantyzm_na_%C5%9Al%C4%85sku_Cieszy%C5%84skim Shrnutí Tolerance z hlediska náboženské různorodostí na příkladu obyvatel Cieszyna a Českého Těšína Článek začíná přiblížením geneze náboženské diferenciace na území Těšínského Slezska. Na pozadí historických událostí se rodí, nejednou velmi bouřlivé osudy zdejších obyvatel, kteří v průběhu staletí několikrát měli do činění se změnou vyznání, které momentálně vládlo v Těšínském Knížectví. Avšak díky jejich odhodlanosti, dokonce v podmínkách utajení zůstávali věrni svému vyznání, a nepodléhali donucení. Na území Těšínského Slezska se vytvořila náboženská tolerance, která podle samotných zdejších obyvatel je něčím specifickým a odlišujícím Cieszyn ve srovnání s jinými regiony Polska. Rovněž samotní občané Cieszyna se považují za více tolerantní než občané jiných částí Polska. Ke zpracování této problematiky posloužily vlastní výzkumy, prováděné po obou stranách řeky Olše, mezi lidmi polského původu, deklarujících se jako katolíci a evangelíci. Tyto výzkumy se týkaly především náboženské diferenciace občanů města. Bylo analyzováno, jakým způsobem představitelé jednotlivých vyznání vnímají jedince jiných vyznání, jaké jsou mezi nimi vztahy a nakolik důležité jsou pro dotazované otázky náboženství v každodenním životě. Summary Tolerance in the face of religious differentiation – the case of the residents of Cieszyn and Czech Cieszyn The article begins with introducing the origin of religious differentiation in Cieszyn Silesia. Against the background of historical events, quite violent vicissitudes of its inhabitants are outlined – over the centuries, people in the Duchy of Cieszyn have undergone changes of the dominant religion several times. However, owing to their determination, they did not succumb to the constraint and secretly kept to their faith. Cieszyn Silesia has become an area where religious tolerance has been shaped, which in the opinion of the residents is a specific feature, distinguishing this place from other regions of Poland. The inhabitants of Cieszyn also consider themselves to be more tolerant than other Poles. The research into the issue was based on the author’s own studies, conducted on both sides of the Olza River, among people of Polish origin who declare being mainly Catholics and Evangelicals. The studies dealt with the current religious diversification of the inhabitants of Cieszyn. The analyses were carried out of the ways in which the worshippers of other denominations are perceived by the representatives of particular churches, of their mutual relationships and of the significance of religious issues in everyday life. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/fcd93ee91afe22b3e99f1a0cb01985a2.pdf d9e65e3829e924f91365a7c3eff51081 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. 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Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5002 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource Zadrożyńska, Anna kazirodztwo - aspekt medialny kazirodztwo - aspekt antropologiczny tabu Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4639 Title A name given to the resource Przekraczanie granic tabu / Antropolog wobec współczesności Description An account of the resource tom w darze Profesor Annie Zadrożyńskiej Antropolog wobec współczesności pod red. Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.207-226 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Drozd-Piasecka, Mirosława Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Mirosława Drozd-Piasecka Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN Przekraczanie granic tabu Wprowadzenie D o napisania tego tekstu skłonił mnie piękny jubileusz pracy naukowej mojej pier­ wszej opiekunki akademickiej i przyjaciółki, Pani Profesor Anny Zadrożyńskiej. Te­ matu i inspiracji dostarczyła mi zaś lektura Piętna Ervinga Goffmana, uważającego, że zjawiska anomii, dewiacji, wszelkie ingresje społecznych kanonów i norm są zna­ komitym polem do wręcz klinicznej obserwacji procesów społecznych. Przedmiotem moich rozważań jest szeroko opisywany i komentowany w środ¬ kach masowego przekazu przypadek ujawnienia wykorzystywania seksualnego i wię¬ zienia własnej córki przez mieszkańca wsi pod Siemiatyczami. Zanim przejdę do antropologicznej analizy materiałów, głównie zamieszczanych w dziennikach „Ga­ zeta W y b o r c z a " i „Rzeczpospolita", przybliżę merytoryczny kontekst tego zja¬ wiska, które klasyfikuję w obrębie tabu. Termin „tabu" określa klasyczną kategorię etnologiczną. Została ona rozpozna¬ na i opisana już u zarania dziejów tej dyscypliny w latach 80. i 90. X I X w., a w trak¬ cie kolejnych lat badań była naświetlana, poszerzana oraz uściślana z coraz liczniej¬ szych punktów widzenia. Prace nad tabu prowadzili najwybitniejsi przedstawiciele światowej etnologii . Jego zakres rozumiano szerzej (odnosząc go do zakazów wszel­ kiego rodzaju) i węziej (do zakazów w poszczególnych dziedzinach kultury np. za­ bójstwa i kazirodztwa, Freud), kazirodztwa (Lévi-Strauss) lub też w powiązaniu z innymi prawami i normami. Jednak zawsze znaczyło ono szacunek dla wartości ważnych społecznie, a nawet było uważane „za decydujący moment w przejściu ga­ tunku ludzkiego ze stanu natury do stanu kultury" (Buchowski, 1987, s. 344). 1 Ostatnio w nauce podkreśla się, że tabu dotyczy: r z e c z y w y j ą t k o w y c h , n i e n o r m a l n y c h , f o r m p o ś r e d n i c h m i ę d z y d w o m a stanami o d p o ­ w i e d n i o sklasyfikowanego p r z e z c z ł o w i e k a Universum, 1 podzielających cechy dwóch W t y m miejscu przytoczę, w porządku c h r o n o l o g i c z n y m , najbardziej znane nazwiska uczonych, którzy wnieśli największy wkład w badanie tego zjawiska k u l t u r o w e g o : James G. Frazer, R o b e r t R. M a r e t t , Z y g m u n t Freud, A l f r e d R. R a d c l i f f - B r o w n , Franz B. Steiner, E d m u n d Leach, M a r y Douglas, Claude Lévi-Strauss, M e y e r Fortes. 207 �Mirosława Drozd-Piasecka odrębnych kategorii (sacrum i profanum, n a d p r z y r o d z o n e g o i ziemskiego), g a t u n ­ ków, f o r m , a t a k ż e r z e c z y n i e n a z w a n y c h , nieuporządkowanych i „ p o m i e s z a n y c h " [ . . . ] służy w i ę c zarazem jako n a r z ę d z i e p o r z ą d k o w a n i a p o j ę ć o ś w i e c i e ( B u c h o w s k i 1987, s. 3 4 4 ) . 2 Problem kazirodztwa niejednokrotnie podejmował w swoich badaniach Bro­ nisław Malinowski (Malinowski 1980, s. 97-606; 1987). Było ono dla niego jednym z kardynalnych zakazów społecznych . W badanej przez niego społeczności melanezyjskiej ojciec nie podlegał ograniczeniom egzogamicznym, bowiem nie był krew¬ nym swoich dzieci. Jednak obcowania ojca z córką bardzo surowo zabraniano, a „wykrycie kazirodztwa sprowadziłoby niechybną śmierć na winowajców, którą musieliby zadać sami sobie przez popełnienie samobójstwa w taki sposób, jak tego wymagał zwyczaj" (Malinowski 1987, s. 600) . Malinowski formułuje hipotezę, że: „Potężne tabu wzmacnia prawdopodobnie pokusę do kazirodztwa przez ten pociąg, jaki zakazany owoc zawsze wywoływał, wywołuje i będzie wywoływać u istoty ludzkiej" (1987, s. 605) . 3 4 5 Odwołam się jeszcze do zaproponowanej przez Malinowskiego wykładni kultu¬ rowej tego zjawiska: K a z i r o d z t w o jako n o r m a l n y s p o s ó b z a c h o w a n i a nie m o ż e i s t n i e ć w ś r ó d l u d z i , g d y ż nie d o p o g o d z e n i a jest z ż y c i e m r o d z i n n y m i z d e z o r g a n i z o w a ł o b y j e g o n a j b a r d z i e j f u n d a m e n t a l n e zasady ( M a l i n o w s k i 1987, s. 186). M u s i b y ć zakazane, [ . . . ] jest o n o nie d o p o g o d z e n i a z u s t a n o w i e n i e m p i e r w s z y c h p o d s t a w k u l t u r y . W k a ż d y m r o d z a j u c y w i l i z a c j i , w k t ó r y m z w y c z a j , m o r a l n o ś ć i p r a w o z e z w o l i ł y b y na k a z i r o d z t w o , r o d z i ­ na n i e m o g ł a b y nadal i s t n i e ć ( M a l i n o w s k i 1987, s. 185). R o z p a d ł a b y się i nastąpił c a ł ­ k o w i t y s p o ł e c z n y chaos i b r a k m o ż l i w o ś c i k o n t y n u o w a n i a t r a d y c j i k u l t u r o w e j [ . . . ] . P o d s t a w o w y w z ó r w s z y s t k i c h w i ę z ó w s p o ł e c z n y c h , n o r m a l n y stosunek d z i e c k a d o m a t k i i ojca z o s t a ł b y z n i s z c z o n y ( M a l i n o w s k i 1987, s. 186). Ż a d n e s p o ł e c z e ń s t w o n i e m o ż e i s t n i e ć w t a k i c h w a r u n k a c h ( M a l i n o w s k i 1987, s. 185). I n s t y n k t seksu musi z o ­ 6 s t a ć w y e l i m i n o w a n y ze s t r u k t u r y w s z y s t k i c h t y c h s e n t y m e n t ó w [ . . . ] jest n a j t r u d n i e j ¬ szy d o k o n t r o l i [ . ] Pokusa k a z i r o d z t w a została w i ę c w p r o w a d z o n a p r z e z kulturę, p r z e z k o n i e c z n o ś ć u s t a n o w i e n i a trwałych, z o r g a n i z o w a n y c h p o s t a w [ . ] w e wszyst¬ k i c h s p o ł e c z e ń s t w a c h l u d z k i c h p r z y p o m o c y jednej z n a j w a ż n i e j s z y c h 2 We współczesnej e t n o l o g i i polskiej obszerne s t u d i u m o tabu w i e r z e n i o w y c h związanych z antro­ pologią symboliczną napisał Jerzy Sławomir Wasilewski (2010 3 i najpo- [1989]). D o t y c z y ł on egzogamii, c z y l i zakazów seksualnego obcowania i małżeństwa w o b r ę b i e tego sa¬ mego klanu totemicznego, poddziału klanu, a jeszcze surowszych wobec dwojga ludzi mających wspól¬ ne pochodzenie genealogiczne. 4 Postępowanie takie miało zaniknąć wraz z napływem misjonarzy i urzędników rządowych. 5 Uważał on, że w rozwiązaniu tego p r o b l e m u m o ż e być, d o pewnego stopnia, p o m o c n a psycho¬ analiza. 6 „Alternatywny t y p kultury, z którego w y k l u c z o n e jest k a z i r o d z t w o , jest jedynie z g o d n y z istnie­ niem organizacji społecznej i k u l t u r y " ( M a l i n o w s k i 1987, s. 185). 208 �Przekraczanie granic tabu w s z e c h n i e j s z y c h n o r m . N a w e t wówczas, jak t o u k a z a l i nam p s y c h o a n a l i t y c y , tabu k a ­ z i r o d z t w a straszy c z ł o w i e k a p r z e z c a ł e ż y c i e ( M a l i n o w s k i 1987, s. 186) . 7 Według Claude'a Lévi-Straussa: Z a k a z k a z i r o d z t w a jest [.. J . n o r m ą w y z n a c z a j ą c ą k a ż d e m u m ę ż c z y ź n i e z b i ó r k o b i e t , z k t ó r y m i nie w o l n o m u z a w r z e ć m a ł ż e ń s t w a ani m i e ć s t o s u n k ó w seksualnych [ . . . ] , n o r m a ta jest u n i w e r s a l n a ; nie z n a m y ani j e d n e g o s p o ł e c z e ń s t w a , w k t ó r y m b y ona nie o b o w i ą z y w a ł a ( L é v i - S t r a u s s 1970, s. 5 2 4 ) . Generalny problem dotyczący zakazu kazirodztwa polega na ustaleniu - pisze Lé­ vi-Strauss za Marcelem Maussem - „jakie głębokie i powszechne przyczyny sprawia­ ją, że we wszystkich społeczeństwach i wszystkich epokach istnieje jakaś reglamenta­ cja stosunków między płciami" (Lévi-Strauss 1970, s. 526). Zdaniem tego uczonego: Z a k a z k a z i r o d z t w a nie ma ani ź r ó d e ł c z y s t o k u l t u r o w y c h , ani ź r ó d e ł c z y s t o n a t u r a l ­ n y c h ; nie jest t a k ż e m i e s z a n k ą r ó ż n o r a k i c h s k ł a d n i k ó w c z ę ś c i o w o z a p o ż y c z o n y c h o d n a t u r y a c z ę ś c i o w o - o d k u l t u r y S t a n o w i o n p o d s t a w o w e p o s u n i ę c i e , dzięki k t ó r e m u , p r z e z które, a z w ł a s z c z a w k t ó r y m d o k o n u j e się p r z e j ś c i e o d n a t u r y d o k u l t u r y [ . ] stanowi więź między istnieniem b i o l o g i c z n y m i istnieniem społecznym człowieka [ . ] o g r a n i c z a się d o u t w i e r d z e n i a w d z i e d z i n i e i s t o t n e j dla p r z e ż y c i a g r u p y wyż¬ s z o ś c i tego, co s p o ł e c z n e , n a d t y m , c o naturalne; tego, c o z b i o r o w e , n a d t y m , co i n d y ­ w i d u a l n e ; o r g a n i z a c j i n a d p r z y p a d k o w o ś c i ą [ . . . ] . „zakaz k a z i r o d z t w a jest nie t y l e n o r m ą , k t ó r a zabrania ż e n i ć się z matką, siostrą l u b córką, ile n o r m ą , k t ó r a k a ż e o d ¬ d a ć m a t k ę , s i o s t r ę l u b c ó r k ę komuś i n n e m u . Jest o n w swej i s t o c i e n a k a z e m o f i a r o w y ­ w a n i a d a r ó w " [ . . . ] k a z i r o d z t w o nie jest p r z e s t ę p s t w e m p r z e c i w naturze, lecz p r z e c i w społeczeństwu, p o w o d u j e b o w i e m nieuchronnie, g d y zaczyna występować często, z e r w a n i e więzi s p o ł e c z n e j , p o n i e w a ż p o p e ł n i e n i e g o p r z e r y w a p r o c e s w y m i a n y k o b i ­ et, dzięki k t ó r e m u s p o ł e c z e ń s t w o r e p r o d u k u j e n i e u s t a n n i e swój b y t ( L é v i - S t r a u s s 1970, s. 526, 529, 531). Wydarzenie Rekonstrukcja wydarzeń została sporządzona na podstawie doniesień obu dzienni­ ków z kilku kolejnych d n i . W y p o w i e d z i poszczególnych dziennikarzy niejedno¬ krotnie znamionowało zaangażowanie emocjonalne przejawiające się w nadużywaniu przymiotników w opisach i ocenie zaistniałych wypadków. Będę starała się sprowa­ dzić je do poziomu rzeczowej narracji i tylko w nielicznych przypadkach, uzasad¬ nionych rozważaniami natury antropologicznej, przywoływać wypowiedzi reporte¬ rów nacechowane emocjami. Gazety odnotowały że we wtorek 2 września 2008 r. d o komendy Policji w Sie­ miatyczach przyszła 21-letnia kobieta (Alicja B.) z matką (Teresą B.), mieszkanka 7 W i e l e „zwyczajów, idei i wzorów społecznych narzuconych mężczyźnie przez kulturę jest w y ­ raźnie związana z jego wartością dla rodziny, z jego użytecznością dla gatunku" (Malinowski 1987, s. 188). 209 �Mirosława Drozd-Piasecka pobliskiej wsi Grodzisko. Powodem jej przybycia było doniesienie na własnego ojca (45-letniego Krzysztofa B.), że: „przez ostatnie 6 lat więził ją, groził śmiercią, wielo­ krotnie gwałcił" („Rzeczpospolita", 09.09.08, s. 1). Urodziła mu dwóch chłopców, jeden obecnie ma dwa i pół roku, drugi - półtora. Starszego we Wrocławiu, młod­ szego w Siemiatyczach (Rz. 09.09.08, s. 1). Przy obu porodach towarzyszył jej oj¬ ciec, który przedtem przygotowywał ją d o odpowiedzi na ewentualne pytania i ka¬ zał mówić, że ojciec dzieci jest nieznany „Pod jego presją zostawiła dzieci w szpitalu i zrzekła się do nich praw" (Rz. 09.09.08, s. 4) rodzicielskich, przekazując maluchy do adopcji („Gazeta Wyborcza", 09.09.08, s. 4). Zeznania obu kobiet w komendzie (określane jako rozmowa - G W 09.09.08, s. 4, Rz. 09.09.08, s. 1) trwały kilka godzin. Wynikało z nich, że ojciec zgwałcił ją pierw­ szy raz, kiedy skończyła 14 lat. Potem wielokrotnie zmuszał ją do współżycia, zamy¬ kał na wiele dni w pokoju i zabierał klamkę. Kobieta nie była jednak przetrzymy¬ wana w zamknięciu przez cały czas. Chodziła do szkoły Skończyła gimnazjum p o d Wrocławiem. Mieszkali wówczas w Pasikurowicach, niewielkiej wsi p o d Wrocła­ wiem, gdzie Krzysztof. B. miał warsztat samochodowy Kiedy zbankrutował, jeździł do pracy za granicę, a następnie zlikwidował warsztat i całą rodziną przenieśli się w 2006 r. d o Grodziska p o d Siemiatyczami, w jego rodzinne strony Po relacji Alicji i jej matki funkcjonariusze pojechali na wieś, by aresztować K r z y ­ sztofa B. N i e było go w domu. Policja zarządziła ogólnokrajowe poszukiwania. Z a ­ trzymany został dopiero trzy dni później, w piątek, w Siedlcach. Prawdopodobnie chciał uciec do Włoch. Na podstawie zeznań obu kobiet Krzysztof B. został aresz¬ towany na trzy miesiące, na wniosek sądu w Siemiatyczach, p o d zarzutem gwałtów, w t y m na małoletniej córce, gróźb, rozboju, więzienia własnej córki „ze szczególnym udręczeniem" ( G W 09.09.08, s. 4). G d y b y potwierdziły się zarzuty rozboju, grozi¬ łoby mu 15 lat więzienia. Według nieoficjalnych danych podczas przesłuchań Krzy¬ sztof B. tłumaczył, że to on jest ofiarą Alicji, która miała go prowokować i zmuszać do odbywania z nią stosunków seksualnych. „Kiedy chciał się przeciwstawić, groziła mu, że zgłosi na policji, iż została przez niego zgwałcona" ( G W 09.09.08, s. 4). Zanim obie kobiety zgłosiły się na policję, Krzysztof B. zmusił córkę do wspól¬ nego wyjazdu do Belgii, gdzie znalazł pracę. W Brukseli też miał gwałcić Alicję. Zde¬ cydowała się uciec. Wróciła do Polski i schroniła u swojego chłopaka we wsi M i e r z y nówka, skąd została przez ojca zabrana ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4; Rz. 09.09.08, s. 1). 8 Prokurator rejonowy w Siemiatyczach, Mirosław Zoch, mówił: „W nocy ojciec wyważył drzwi domu, wpadł do środka, sterroryzował mężczyznę siekierą, a córkę wywlókł z łóżka i wywiózł do swojej matki. Towarzyszyli mu dwaj mężczyźni, którzy potem pilnowali dziewczynę" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4). Jednym z nich był brat Krzysztofa B., któremu również postawiono zarzuty ale nie został aresztowany „Prokuratura przesłuchała też w charakterze świadka Teresę B. - matkę Alicji. Jeżeli 8 C h ł o p a k A l i c j i wiedział o gwałtach, ale ani ich, ani napadu nie zgłosił p o l i c j i . 210 �Przekraczanie granic tabu zajdzie potrzeba, skierujemy sprawę do sądu rodzinnego i nieletnich pod kątem zbadania wykonywania przez nią władzy rodzicielskiej" (Rz. 09.09.08, s. 1). Rów¬ nocześnie policja szukała dwójki dzieci, które Alicja miała urodzić Po złożeniu zeznań kobiety wróciły do domu. Nigdzie nie pracowały „bo mąż i oj¬ ciec na to nie pozwalał". Policja zaoferowała i m pomoc psychologiczną, gmina i są¬ siedzi pomoc rzeczową. Dotąd obie deklarowały chęć pozostania we wsi, podjęcia pracy oraz rozpoczęcia „życia na nowo", ale jednocześnie bały się rozprawy w są¬ dzie, gdzie trzeba będzie „z nim stanąć twarzą w twarz" ( G W 09.09.08, s. 4) . Alicja miała twierdzić, że po ujawnieniu faktów policji czuje się silniejsza psychicznie ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4). 9 W tym samym czasie dziennik „Fakt" opublikował drastyczne wyznanie dziewczy­ ny Opatrzył je zdjęciem z podpisem: „Spowiedź córki bestii z Podlasia. Gwałcił mnie mój ojciec" . Sprawę opisują światowe media. Zarówno brytyjska bulwarówka „The Sun", jak i poważne serwisy C N N i BBC mają jedno skojarzenie: z Austriakiem Josefem Fritzlem, który przez 24 lata więził w piwnicy i gwałcił córkę (Rz. 10.09.08, s. 6; G W 10.09.08, s. 4). 10 Reakcje Po tych doniesieniach prasowych różne środowiska społeczne, głosami dziennika¬ rzy zaczęły zadawać liczne pytania, na które nie zawsze od razu znajdowano odpo¬ wiedzi. Podstawowe z nich to: Dlaczego Alicja wcześniej nie krzyczała, że dzieje się jej krzywda? Dlaczego nie reagowała matka, najbliżsi, sąsiedzi, autorytety lokalne i powołane do takich spraw instytucje? Na pierwsze z nich A l i c j a nie chciała odpowiadać. Wyjaśniła, że zdecydowa­ ła się w końcu pójść na policję, „bo coś w niej pękło", długo o t y m myślała, że tak nie można żyć. Ojciec „powiedział, że stracimy życie, jeśli to ujrzy światło dzienne" ( G W 09.09.08, s. 4). W przetrwaniu pomagały jej książki z biblioteki w Grodzisku i muzyka discopolowa. W odpowiedzi na drugie pytanie m a t k a (Teresa B.) mówi: „Nie mogłyśmy nic zrobić, bo mąż nie opuszczał nas na krok. Cały czas był w domu. Terroryzował nas" (Rz. 09.09.08, s. 1). Zeznaje w wywiadach, że od dawna wiedziała o wszystkim, że córka była dwa razy w ciąży z jej mężem, a dzieci, które urodziła, zostały w szpitalu, nie interesowała się dalej ich losem. Reagować nie mogła, bo obie były zastraszane, że jeśli prawda wyjdzie na jaw, to stracą życie. N i e wiedząc, co robić, po prostu po9 Te informacje nie są w pełni dokładne, b o w i e m relacje medialne pełne są nieścisłości i r o z ­ bieżności. 10 O b u r z y ł o t o psychologów. Z d a n i e m jednego z nich: „Media p o w i n n y dać święty spokój tej d z i e w c z y n i e ! Bo pokazując ją w t a k i m kontekście, dają jej wyraźny sygnał: jesteś ważna t y l k o dlatego, że cię z g w a ł c o n o [ . . . ] . Z a kilka d n i tej sprawy w mediach nie będzie. A l e d z i e w c z y n a straci szansę na kontakt ze zdrową częścią swojej o s o b o w o ś c i . T o samo d o t y c z y jej 11-letniego brata. M a m nadzieję, że nie p r z e c z y t a m jego wyznań, że słyszał, jak ojciec gwałcił jego siostrę" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4 ) . 211 �Mirosława Drozd-Piasecka godziła się z t y m . Na policję poszły dlatego, że „tego było już po prostu za dużo. Córka nie mogła tego nerwowo i psychicznie wytrzymać" (Rz. 09.09.08, s. 4). Za¬ chowanie to, określane przez śledczych słowami: „nie sprostała roli matki", jest tłuma¬ czone „syndromem sztokholmskim", kiedy poszkodowani uzależniają się psychicznie od oprawcy do tego stopnia, że zaczynają mu nawet pomagać. Zatem na wiele py¬ tań w tej sprawie będą musieli odpowiedzieć psychologowie ( G W 09.09.08, s. 4). S p e c j a l i ś c i , psycholodzy i seksuolodzy uważali „że gehennę kobiety można było zakończyć wcześniej. Jednym z powodów, dla których takie sprawy mogą trwać, jest ludzka obojętność. Sąsiedzi, rodzina, wreszcie lekarze odbierający poród musieli coś niepokojącego zauważyć. Zawsze, gdy są podejrzenia, że dochodzi do wykorzystywania seksualnego, powinniśmy, nawet anonimowo, zawia¬ domić policję" (Rz. 09.09.08, s. lub ludzi zajmujących się przemocą domową - z ośrodków pomocy społecznej czy centrów pomocy rodzinie. Zwracali również uwagę na funkcjonujący u nas stereotyp „nie mówić nikomu, co się dzieje w domu", który zakorzenił się również w niektórych, głównie katolickich, mediach nawołujących, żeby wszystkie problemy rozwiązywać w rodzinie ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4; Rz. 10.09.08, s. 6). Potwierdza to komentowana krytycznie przez „Gazetę Wybor¬ czą" publikacja zamieszczona w „Naszym Dzienniku" . 12 Psycholog, Agnieszka Widera-Wysoczyńska z Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, za¬ stanawiała się: „Może milczenie matki wynikało także z poczucia winy, że nie zgło¬ siła sprawy organom ścigania" (Rz. 10.09.08, s. 6), bowiem i m dłużej trwa wykorzy­ stywanie, „tym trudniej potem przyznać się do wiedzy na ten temat" (Rz. 10.09.08, s. 6). Przy t y m zawsze jest jakiś powód złamania zmowy milczenia. Praktyka psy¬ chologiczna wskazuje jednak, że „typowym zachowaniem matki w rodzinie kazi- 11 Psychologowie udzielali też i n f o r m a c j i t e c h n i c z n y c h o s y m p t o m a c h molestowania d z i e c i w rodzinie. Pisali, że można uchwycić kilka cech charakterystycznych kazirodczego w y k o r z y s t y w a n i a dziecka, m . i n . częste z m i a n y miejsca zamieszkania, oddalenie o d dalszej rodziny. W t y m k o n k r e t n y m p r z y p a d k u „ o b e c n o ś ć ojca p r z y p o r o d z i e i w czasie w i z y t u ginekologa, b ę d ą c e rzadkością w p o l s k i m społeczeństwie,- porzucenie nauki po gimnazjum, podczas g d y obowiązek szkolny w Polsce jest do 18 ro­ k u życia" ( G W 09.09.08, s. 4 ) . Pedagodzy zwracali uwagę, że „dziwne" zachowania d z i e w c z y n y mo¬ gło być przez otoczenie tłumaczone zmianami organizmu w okresie dojrzewania. 12 D o t y c z y ona recenzji książki Grzegorza Kasdepkego p t . Mam prawo! Czyli nieomal wszystko, co powinniście wiedzieć o prawach dziecka, a nie macie kogo zapytać, która ma trafić d o kanonu lektur klas I V - V I szkoły p o d s t a w o w e j . A u t o r k a recenzji stara się wykazać, że w i e d z a zawarta w tej publikacji daje dzie­ c i o m „wolność do zła". „»Takie książki zaburzają rozwój psychoseksualny dzieci [ . . . ] dowiadują się one, że mogą zostać sprzedane, uprowadzone za granicę, albo wykorzystane seksualnie«. [ . . . ] A u t o r ­ ka tekstu jest z d u m i o n a , że książka omawia art. 34 k o n w e n c j i praw dziecka, który b r z m i : » N i k t nie m o ż e wykorzystywać cię seksualnie«. »Po co zwracać uwagę d z i e c i na dewiacje seksualne? C z y prob¬ lematyka seksualności - w d o d a t k u m o c n o zaburzonej - jest n o r m a l n y m kręgiem zainteresowań uczniów szkoły podstawowej? [ . . . ] p o d e j m o w a n i e t a k i c h t e m a t ó w jest niedopuszczalne i m o ż e być niebezpieczne«. C z y bardziej niebezpieczne niż to, co się działo w Siemiatyczach?" - pyta z kolei publicystka „Gazety W y b o r c z e j " ( G W 15.09.06, s. 2). 212 �Przekraczanie granic tabu rodczej jest wyłączenie się. Matka nie chce wiedzieć, że coś dzieje się jej dziecku, być może się boi, bo sama jest ofiarą przemocy. Czasem nawet sama przekonuje dziecko, że nie powinno nic mówić: bo nie będziemy mieli gdzie mieszkać, bo się nie utrzymamy" ( G W 09.09.08, s. 4). Psycholog z Fundacji Dzieci Niczyje, Maria Keller-Hamela, tłumaczyła, że prawdopodobnie zadziałał w t y m przypadku „powta¬ rzający się schemat" wychowania matki w patriarchalnej rodzinie podporządko¬ wanej silnemu ojcu . 13 Potwierdzał tę diagnozę seksuolog Stanisław Dulka w dzienniku „Metro". Uza¬ sadniając psychologiczną postawę matki Alicji, powiedział m.in.: M i a ł e m d o c z y n i e n i a z w i e l o m a p o d o b n y m i p r z y p a d k a m i i n i g d y nie z d a r z y ł o się, że¬ b y matka n i e wiedziała, c o się d z i e j e w s y p i a l n i córki. M a t k i wiedzą, ale tolerują. Cza¬ sami w y g o d n i e j i m p r z y m y k a ć o k o na to, c o r o b i mąż [ . . . ] . Z n a m p r z y p a d k i , że m a t k i same podsuwały córki s w o i m m ę ż o m [ . . . ] . Potrafiły usprawiedliwiać k a z i r o d z t w o - b o t o b y ł s p o s ó b na i c h agresję a l b o z a t r z y m a n i e i c h w d o m u . . . W m a w i a ł y sobie, ż e sko¬ r o mąż nie bije, t o c ó r c e nie dzieje się aż taka k r z y w d a . [ . ] A k c e p t o w a ł y k a z i r o d z t w o , b o b y ł y przekonane ż e najważniejsza jest r o d z i n a i dla u t r z y m a n i a jej r a z e m czasem trzeba c o ś p o ś w i ę c i ć . W t y m w y p a d k u c ó r k ę . M a t k a A l i c j i podkreślała, ż e musiała się t r o s z c z y ć o jej m ł o d s z e g o brata, a o j c i e c b y ł j e d y n y m ż y w i c i e l e m r o d z i n y P r o s z ę t e ż p a m i ę t a ć , że u nas k a z i r o d z t w o t o o g r o m n e tabu. W i e l e r o d z i n w o l i , ż e b y już [ . . . ] o j ­ ciec sypiał z córką, niż ż e b y t e n sekret w y s z e d ł na j a w " ( „ M e t r o " , 1 2 - 1 4 . 0 9 . 0 8 , s. 9 ) . M i e s z k a ń c y d o l n o ś l ą s k i e j w s i P a s i k u r o w i c e , jak utrzymują: „do­ skonale pamiętają rodzinę B., ale niechętnie o niej opowiadają [ . . . ] oni z nikim się nie przyjaźnili, rzadko wychodzili do wioski, a i do nich prawie nikt nie zaglądał. 13 „Zawsze była uczona, że ma słuchać głowy r o d z i n y która jest w d o m u najważniejsza. W e włas­ n y m małżeństwie t e ż jest bierna, zależna, czuje się słaba. A jej mąż podsyca tę słabość. [ . . . ] Systema¬ t y c z n i e obniża jej poczucie wartości. Powtarza jej, że jest śmieciem, że na nic dobrego nie zasługuje. O g r a n i c z a k o n t a k t y ze światem [ . . . ] Uzależnia ekonomicznie. K o b i e t a nie zechce odejść, bo jest przekonana, że sobie nie p o r a d z i . Bo k t o naprawi zlew, k t o przyniesie pieniądze? Tymczasem mąż kreuje się na wszechmocnego. Mówi, że ma z n a j o m y c h w p o l i c j i , prokuraturze, nawet w mediach. M a t k a b o i się konsekwencji ujawnienia sprawy. Jest przekonana, że g d y powie, będzie jeszcze gorzej. I w m a w i a sobie, że przecież nie ma idealnych mężów. N i e k t ó r z y piją codziennie, a jej t y l k o o d świę¬ ta [ . . . ] g o d z i się na gwałcenie własnego dziecka, jest przekonana, że nie ma wyjścia, więc oddala o d siebie tę prawdę [ . . . ] . W o l i stawać po stronie silniejszego, c z y l i męża, w t e d y wydaje jej się, że p r o b ­ lemu nie ma. [ . . . ] Staje się jego wspólnikiem, czuje się współodpowiedzialna za to, co się stało, że w którymś m o m e n c i e zawiodła jako matka i żona. A l e sama jest ofiarą i t o redukuje jej poczucie winy: C h r o n i p o z y t y w n y wizerunek swojej rodziny. Panicznie b o i się jej rozpadu, bo w y c h o w a n o ją tak, że rodzina ma być raz na całe życie, że trzeba nieść swój krzyż. Bywa, że ma poczucie ulgi, b o nie musi już zaspokajać seksualnych potrzeb męża [ . . . ] Spotkałam się też z t a k i m p r z y p a d k i e m , że matka p r o ­ wadziła pijanego męża d o łóżka córki, bo t y l k o ona potrafiła go uspokoić" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4 ) . N i e chroni swojego dziecka, b o „może co innego r o z u m i e przez ochronę. D l a niektórych ochrona t o t y l k o zapewnienie d z i e c k u dachu nad głową i jedzenia. [ . . . ] A l e t e ż bardzo c z ę s t o matka czuje złość na córkę. [ . . . ] Bo nie w i d z i w niej córki, ale kobietę, konkurentkę, która zabiera jej m ę ż c z y z n ę . Zwłasz­ cza g d y mąż zaczyna ją zaniedbywać, a córkę obsypuje prezentami" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4 ) . 213 �Mirosława Drozd-Piasecka Z y l i jak niewidzialni. [ . . . ] Ich dawny d o m stoi na uboczu, przy polnej drodze" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4). Krzysztof B. przed przeprowadzką na Podlasie popadł w długi, a jego mały warsz¬ tat samochodowy zbankrutował. Dawni sąsiedzi twierdzą, że policja często go od¬ wiedzała, ale nie z powodów rodzinnych. „Ponoć na lewo auta robił. O n w ogóle taki cwaniaczek był. Miał taką gębę, że » c o t o nie ja!«. We wsi na na Krzysztofa B. mó­ wili »Scigany« albo »Dezerter« , bo w młodości uciekł z wojska i ukrywał się w domu przyszłej żony. Był jedynym żywicielem czteroosobowej rodziny" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4), która nie korzystała ze świadczeń społecznych. Według sąsiadów wolał, „żeby baby w domu siedziały: Wychodziły tylko co d o sklepu po zakupy" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4). Alicja zakończyła edukację na gimnazjum . Dziewczyna i jej brat byli bardzo skryci, nawet zahukani. „Ktoś głośniej krzyknął, t o aż się kulili" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4). Kiedy sprawa wyszła na jaw, bowiem napisały o niej gazety, mieszkańcy wiedzieli, o kogo chodzi. „Bo coś z nimi było nie tak, tylko nie wiedzieliśmy co. O n pijany nie chodził. Czyści byli, zadbani. G d y b y t o była typowa patologia, toby się człowiek mógł domyślać. A tak?" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4). 14 S ą s i e d z i z G r o d z i s k a byli wzburzeni doniesieniami medialnymi. Mówili, że to dramat, że przeżyli szok. „Zeby chociaż tego drania porządnie za to ukarali" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4). Twierdzili, że niczego nie zauważyli, żeby córka była w ciąży: też nie. „Rodzina niby normalna, ale ten ojciec jakiś taki b y ł . . . " (Rz. 09.09.08, s. 4). Przyjechał d o Grodziska „z żoną, córką i synem zamieszkał na końcu wsi. Pracował dorywczo, czasem pomagał blacharzom w warsztatach samochodowych. Czasem do sklepu przychodził sam, czasem zakupy robiła żona [ . . . ] . D o alkoholu go nie ciąg­ nęło" (Rz. 09.09.08, s. 1). Po dłuższej dyskusji niektórzy jednak przyznają, że coś podejrzewali, „bo niby po co ojciec córkę codziennie o godz. 21 d o lasu prowadził? - pytała jedna z kobiet" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4). W ł a d z e i a u t o r y t e t y l o k a l n e wobec możliwych zarzutów zaniedbania swo¬ ich obowiązków przyjmują a priori postawę pełną rezerwy, a nawet obronną. Za¬ stępca sołtysa mówił, że znał mężczyznę przelotnie. Spokojny był, ale nie miał tutaj przyjaciół. Wymiana zdań między nimi kończyła się na „dzień dobry". Podobnie konstatuje wójt Grodziska (gminy): rodzina ta t o typowi przyjezdni, którzy nie u t r z y m y w a l i z b y t w i e l u k o n t a k t ó w z sąsiadami [ . . . ] . Z a i n t e r e s o w a ł o nas to, ż e n i g d z i e n i e pracują, n i e zgłaszają się p o zasiłek, a p r z e c i e ż z c z e g o ś muszą ż y ć [ . . . ] . 14 Wicedyrektorka szkoły w Siedlcu, gdzie uczyła się Alicja, twierdziła, że była „przeciętna jak wiele. Spokojna, małomówna [ . . . ] . D z i e w c z y n k a nie wagarowała i nie sprawiała kłopotów w y c h o w a w c z y c h . Chodziła t e ż na zajęcia wyrównawcze. [ . . . ] miała kłopoty z nauką [ . . . ] w y c h o w a w c z y n i chodziła nawet do nich d o domu, żeby ją poduczyć matematyki [ . . . ] nic niepokojącego nie zauważyła. [ . . . ] Pamięta, że matka kontaktowała się ze szkołą, ale sporadycznie" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4 ) . M o w a jest t u o okresie g i m n a ­ zjum, a d o pierwszego gwałtu doszło, g d y dziewczyna miała 14 lat, czyli p o d koniec gimnazjum, a zatem to, co się działo w rodzinie, mogło być jeszcze nieuchwytne dla szkoły Potem Alicja przerwała naukę. 214 �Przekraczanie granic tabu N i e p o k o j ą c e sygnały [ . ] d o c h o d z i ł y o d p e w n e g o czasu d o p r a c o w n i k ó w miejs¬ c o w e g o ośrodka p o m o c y s p o ł e c z n e j (Rz. 09.09.08, s. 1). Ich syn p r z y c h o d z i ł d o szkoły zaniedbany brakowało m u przyborów, w i ę c zaczęliśmy m u p o m a g a ć (Rz. 09.09.08, s. 4 ) . Podczas w i z y t y w i c h d o m u p r a c o w n i k socjalny nabrał p o d e j r z e ń , ż e w tej r o d z i n i e m o ż e dziać się c o ś n i e d o b r e g o (Rz. 0 9 . 0 9 . 0 8 , s. 1). K i l k a razy sugerował córce, b y p o ­ rozmawiała z policją. D ł u g o nie dawała się przekonać, ale w i d a ć w k o ń c u się odważyła (Rz. 0 9 . 0 9 . 0 8 , s. 4 ) . N a u c z y c i e l e przypominają sobie, że drugi poród Alicji zbiegł się w czasie z kłopotami w szkole jej młodszego brata, Janka, który wówczas był agresywny, zdarzały mu się drobne kradzieże, nie potrafił się zintegrować z klasą, miał słabe oceny. Dyrektorka szkoły, do której chodzi Janek, przyznała, że: na p o c z ą t k u r o k u szkolnego dowiedziała się, że w r o d z i n i e B. są jakieś p r o b l e m y . Mieszkańcy Mierzynówki słyszeli awantury. C h ł o p i e c nie miał p o t r z e b n y c h p o d r ę c z n i k ó w . Porozmawiałam z n i m i p o raz pierwszy, o d k ą d g o z n a m , w y z n a ł c o ś z ł e g o o s w o i c h r o d z i c a c h . Powiedział, ż e t a t o chce i c h o p u ś c i ć . Był w y r a ź n i e z m a r t w i o n y ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4 ) . K s i ą d z Marek Laszuk (z zespołu szkół w Grodzisku), który znał Janka, a spora¬ dycznie widywał też Alicję i jej matkę, tłumaczył, że uważa, iż to delikatna sfera ży¬ cia, w którą ingerencja może być źle odebrana - a nie miał podstaw, aby interwenio­ wać. Kategorycznie stwierdził: „niczego nie podejrzewałem" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4). L e k a r z e , którzy odbierali w Siemiatyczach kolejny poród z kazirodczego związ­ ku, utrzymywali, że „nic nie wskazywało na patologię. [ . . . ] Alicja zgłosiła się do iz­ by przyjęć z bólami porodowymi. Przyszła z matką i ojcem" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4). W z a c h o w a n i u p a c j e n t k i i jej r o d z i c ó w lekarze nie zauważyli n i c n i e p o k o j ą c e g o . - N i e o d p o w i a d a ł a k o n k r e t n i e na p y t a n i a [ . ] . Powiedziała [ . ] ż e zna t y l k o imię ojca dzie¬ cka, [ . . . ] ale nie w e r y f i k o w a l i , c z y mówi prawdę, t y l k o c z u w a l i n a d prawidłowym p r z e b i e g i e m p o r o d u . L e k a r z t o nie p o l i c j a n t (Rz. 10.09.08, s. 6 ) . Z w y w i a d u m e d y c z n e g o d o w i e d z i e l i ś m y się o p o p r z e d n i e j ciąży. Podali, ż e d z i e c k o z m a r ł o w p i e r w s z y m t y g o d n i u życia z p o w o d u w a d y serca [ . . . ] . W czasie c i ą ż y nie badała się i n i e c h o d z i ł a na w i z y t y k o n t r o l n e , ale p o r ó d p r z e b i e g ł d o b r z e , d z i e c k o i matka byli z d r o w i . [ . ] M a t k a zrzekła się o d r a z u p r a w d o dziecka, p o d p i s u j ą c o d p o w i e d n i d o k u m e n t . Jako p o w ó d podała, że nie ma na jego u t r z y m a n i e . Poprosiła o u m i e s z c z e n i e n o w o r o d k a w d o m u d z i e c k a ( G W 10.09.08, s. 4 ) . Sąsiedzi i autorytety lokalne nie reagowali. M i m o że plotkowano o kłopotach tej rodziny i coś podejrzewał opiekun społeczny milczeli, ponieważ, jak utrzymują psy­ cholodzy: „Ludzie nie chcą dostrzegać kłopotów sąsiadów, nie chcą się angażować w ich problemy, bo w wielu przypadkach wstydliwe konflikty rodzinne dotyczą ich samych" (Rz. 10.09.08, s. 6). Ojciec przeprowadzkami próbował zacierać ślady 215 �Mirosława Drozd-Piasecka przestępstwa. Sąsiedzi się zmieniali, mogli więc niczego nie zauważyć. Tym bardziej że wygląd ani zachowanie sprawców takich przestępstw nie są odrażające. W r ę c z przeciwnie, cechuje ich zawsze ponadprzeciętna u m i e j ę t n o ś ć w y w i e r a n i a wpływu na i n n y c h [ . ] m o ż e p r z e k o n a ć i n n y c h , ż e t o dzie¬ c i ę c y w y m y s ł a l b o z e m s t a n a s t o l a t k i . [ . ] P o t r a f i w m ó w i ć d z i e c k u , że tak musi b y ć , ż e c o k o l w i e k o n o z r o b i , n i c się n i e z m i e n i a l b o b ę d z i e jeszcze g o r z e j , ż e r o z b i j e o n o r o d z i n ę [ . . . ] ż e w s z ę d z i e je z n a j d z i e [ . . . ] . O f i a r a t a k i e g o c z ł o w i e k a n i c nie mówi, b o sama siebie o b w i n i a za w s z y s t k o , c o się d z i e j e ( G W 0 9 . 0 9 . 0 8 , s. 4 ) . Z w r o t w zainteresowaniach prasy losami Alicji i jej rodziny wywołała reakcja p r e z e s a R a d y M i n i s t r ó w , Donalda Tuska. Spowodowała ona dyskusję, w któ¬ rej uczestniczyli politycy wszystkich opcji, wybitne autorytety prawne, medyczne i społeczne. Premier na temat molestowania córki przez ojca powiedział w wywia¬ dzie dla T V N 24, że jest świadomy tego, iż jego zdanie spotka się z krytyką organi¬ zacji broniących praw obywatelskich, ale: „nie sądzę, by wobec takich indywiduów można było stosować nazwę człowiek". I dalej: „chciałbym, by w Polsce wprowadzo¬ no kastrację chemiczną nie na życzenie, ale jako element wyroku" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 2). Tę bardzo emocjonalną wypowiedź cytowały wszystkie media. To stanowisko premiera zbiegło się z oczekiwaniami społecznymi, poczuciem sprawiedliwości zwykłych obywateli. Popularność PO wzrosła od razu o 10 proc. ( G W 26.09.08, s. 8) . C o więcej, spowodowało porozumienie ponad podziałami partyj­ nymi - za kastracją pedofilów byli przedstawiciele wszystkich ugrupowań politycz­ nych. W opinii Przemysława Gosiewskiego pozwoli ona na „trwałe wyeliminowanie zagrożenia ze strony pedofilów" ( G W 26.09.08, s. 8), bowiem „ciągle mówi się o pra­ wach przestępców. A gdzie prawa ofiar? Gdzie bezpieczeństwo i zdrowie dzieci? Mamy prawo stosować środki, które zabezpieczą społeczeństwo" ( G W 19.09.08, s. 1). 15 O wystąpieniu premiera f e l i e t o n i ś c i , d z i e n n i k a r z e pisali różnie . Jego wypowiedź odwróciła ich uwagę od samego zbrodniczego faktu i przeniosła ją na 16 15 O g ł o s z o n a przez „Gazetę W y b o r c z ą " ankieta mająca odpowiedzieć na pytanie „Co zrobić z pe¬ dofilami?" dała następujące w y n i k i : p r z y m u s o w o kastrować fizycznie (wycinać jądra) - 33 proc.,- p r z y ­ musowo kastrować chemicznie (zmuszać do brania leków) - 24 proc., karać tylko więzieniem - 15 proc., b e z t e r m i n o w o zamykać w szpitalach p s y c h i a t r y c z n y c h - 13 proc.,- dać wybór: kastracja chemiczna al­ bo więzienie - 8 proc. (PBS D G A dla „Gazety", badanie telefoniczne 12 września, próba reprezentatyw­ na 500 o s ó b ) ( G W 13-14.09.08, s. 2). Z n a c z ą c e , że za fizyczną kastracją opowiedziało się aż 40 proc. mężczyzn wśród których najwięcej było osób z wykształceniem średnim oraz ludzi młodych do 24. ro¬ k u życia. 16 P i o t r Pacewicz uważał np., że: „premier poleciał t a b l o i d e m " , podczas g d y mógł wykorzystać tę sytuację do edukacji społeczeństwa, np. zaapelować, b y obywatele ujawniali takie p r z y p a d k i , b y z n i k ­ nęła zasłona w s t y d u , która sprawia, że k o b i e t y cierpią w milczeniu. A l e „dużo lepiej sprzedają się wrzask oburzenia i odbieranie człowieczeństwa bestii w ludzkiej skórze". Premiera poparł wicepre¬ mier G r z e g o r z Schetyna, który powiedział, że jego z d a n i e m konsekwencje p o w i n n a ponieść również matka A l i c j i . Z d a n i e m Pacewicza wicepremier p o w i n i e n przeczytać wstrząsający w y w i a d w „Fakcie" 216 �Przekraczanie granic tabu pole dyskusji oraz polemik formalno-prawnych, medycznych i politycznych. Po¬ wstały podstawowe problemy definicyjne: K t o to jest pedofil? K i m są pedofile? Lekarze s e k s u o l o d z y byli zgodni, że jest to osoba dotknięta parafilią, czyli odczu­ wająca pociąg seksualny do dzieci. Wśród skazanych za przestępstwa seksualne w o ­ bec dzieci około 10 proc. stanowią pedofile. Dla reszty dziecko było zastępczym obiektem seksualnym z racji jego uległości i łatwości wykorzystania - mówił A n ¬ drzej Depko, wiceprezes Polskiego Towarzystwa M e d y c y n y Seksualnej: 17 N i e p o r o z u m i e n i e m jest m ó w i e n i e o n a d m i e r n y m p o p ę d z i e s p o w o d o w a n y m w y s o ¬ k i m p o z i o m e m h o r m o n ó w p ł c i o w y c h . P r z y c z y n ą p e d o f i l i i n a j c z ę ś c i e j jest b o w i e m p s y c h i k a , a s p r a w c a m i c z y n ó w p e d o f i l n y c h m o g ą b y ć r ó w n i e ż m a j ą c y za n i s k i p o p ę d , t y l e ż e długo nierealizowany. T o są p r o b l e m y zaburzonej o s o b o w o ś c i , a nie h o r m o n ó w , k t ó r e trzeba l e c z y ć m e t o d a m i p s y c h o t e r a p e u t y c z n y m i , czasem t e ż p s y c h i a t r y c z n y ­ m i . B l o k o w a n i e h o r m o n ó w m o ż e b y ć u ż y t e c z n e d o o b n i ż e n i a napięcia, ale t y l k o w t e ¬ dy, k i e d y j e d n o c z e ś n i e c z ł o w i e k p o d d a j e się d o b r o w o l n i e p s y c h o t e r a p i i . Jeżeli nie b ę d z i e miał ś w i a d o m o ś c i , ż e p o s t ę p u j e źle, i c h ę c i p o p r a w y - g d y t y l k o p r z e s t a n i e b r a ć leki, p o w r ó c i d o s w o j e g o p r o c e d e r u . O g r a n i c z e n i e się d o p o d a w a n i a środka blo¬ k u j ą c e g o p r o d u k c j ę t e s t o s t e r o n u w s y t u a c j i , g d y c z ł o w i e k jest p o z b a w i o n y w o l n o ś c i i nie ma w p o b l i ż u d z i e c i , na k t ó r y c h m ó g ł b y r e a l i z o w a ć swój p o p ę d , nie jest n a w e t p ó ł ś r o d k i e m ( G W 2 6 . 0 9 . 0 8 , s. 9 ) . Taka wykładnia rodziła kolejne pytania natury medyczno-prawnej, w których pierwiastek etyczny odgrywał rolę pierwszoplanową. Koncentrowały się one na za¬ kresie dopuszczalności stosowania, zgodnego z prawem i etyką lekarską, leczenia przymusowego, czyli bez przyzwolenia pacjenta (w t y m przypadku kastracji chemicznej) oraz rozważaniach, na ile taka terapia jest karą, a na ile zabiegiem lecz¬ niczym. Wypowiadały się na ten temat najwybitniejsze autorytety z Teresą B. Jej spowiedź odsłania, jak powstawał p a t o l o g i c z n y układ kazirodczej rodziny,- jego szan­ taże, pychę („jesteście moją własnością"), bicie żony („uderzył mnie w twarz", „rzucił mną o ścianę"), córki („pasem, nawet g d y była z n i m w ciąży"), syna,- bierność sąsiadów ( G W 11.09.08, s. 2). M o n i k a O l e j n i k , dworując sobie z kolegi, ripostowała: „Piotr Pacewicz wraz z całą Polską zamarł, kie¬ d y premier zaproponował w p r o w a d z e n i e »kastracji c h e m i c z n e j « dla pedofilów. » T o straszne«, pre¬ mier demokratycznego kraju mówi »kreatura« i »indywiduum« o gwałcicielu córki i w y k l u c z a go z grona l u d z i . [ . . . ] Pacewicz [ . . . ] jest p r z e c i w n i k i e m tak surowej kary dla pedofilów, bo przecież oni mają t e ż prawa" ( G W 12.09.08, s. 24). Redaktor Pacewicz rozczula się nad losem Teresy B. „Z prze­ jęciem przeczytał w » F a k c i e « jej w y z n a n i a [ . . . ] . Szkoda tylko, że nie mówi, że wtedy, k i e d y jej mąż gwałcił córkę, oglądała sobie telewizję. [ . . . ] M o ż n a się dziwić, dlaczego Pacewicza oburza, iż wice¬ premier Schetyna powiedział, że matka p o w i n n a ponieść odpowiedzialność. T o nie są sporadyczne p r z y p a d k i , panie redaktorze. D l a t e g o m o ż e w a r t o potrząsnąć nie t y l k o ojcami gwałcicielami, pedofi¬ lami, ale całym społeczeństwem i r o d z i n a m i , żeby nie ukrywały z b r o d n i w o b e c własnych d z i e c i [ . ] potrząsnąć dziennikarzami, żeby w imię taniej sensacji nie pokazywali t w a r z y d z i e w c z y n y która i tak już ma s t y g m a t " ( G W 12.09.08, s. 24). 17 Sprawa p e d o f i l i i wróciła z całą ostrością na łamy prasy w następnym r o k u (2009). T y m razem bezpośrednim p o w o d e m było aresztowanie przez Szwajcarów reżysera Romana Polańskiego, które¬ mu prokuratura amerykańska postawiła zarzut uprawiania seksu z nieletnią. 217 �Mirosława Drozd-Piasecka Joanna Meder, p s y c h i a t r a z Instytutu Psychiatrii i Neurologii w Warszawie, była zdania, że przepisy nie mogą zmusić lekarzy do przymusowego podania środka blokującego popęd, bo o konieczności jego zastosowania decydują lekarze, a nie ko¬ deks karny ( G W 26.09.08, s. 9). Lekarz jest bowiem od leczenia. N i e poda pacjen­ towi preparatu, który staje się środkiem represji, a nie lekiem. I w dodatku może za¬ szkodzić. Wszelkie terapie są podejmowane dla dobra pacjenta . 18 Zbigniew Lew-Starowicz, krajowy konsultant w zakresie seksuologii, przyznał, że jako lekarz sam miałby moralne opory przed aplikowaniem komuś takiego środka bez jego zgody Podawanie preparatów chemicznych bez jednoczesnego stosowania psychoterapii nie jest bowiem zgodne z zasadami sztuki lekarskiej, czasowo pozba¬ wia możliwości płodzenia, a więc okalecza. Chociaż zastrzegał, że gdyby miał d o czynienia z osobą, co do której ma pewność, że jeśli wyjdzie na wolność, to będzie stanowić stałe zagrożenie, bo nie jest w stanie zapanować nad swoim patologicz¬ nym popędem, to jego opór mógłby osłabnąć ( G W 12.09.08, s. 9). Dyskusja zaczęła się od przypadku „potwora z Siemiatycz", ale - zdaniem Lwa-Starowicza - akurat on raczej nie byłby zakwalifikowany do takiej terapii, choćby dlatego, że nie jest re¬ cydywistą. „Nie można też wykluczyć, że pod presją opinii publicznej dochodzi¬ łoby do nadużyć w orzekaniu o przymusowej kastracji, tak jak to się dzieje np. przy ubezwłasnowolnieniach" ( G W 12.09.08, s. 9). Opinie p r a w n i k ó w zwracały uwagę, że podstawowym problemem jest to, że polskie prawo i standardy międzynarodowe zakazują leczenia kogokolwiek wbrew jego w o l i . Rodziło to pytania natury legislacyjnej o zakres i formalne stosowanie przymusu. Według byłego prezesa Trybunału Konstytucyjnego i współtwórcy kon¬ wencji bioetycznej Rady Europy prof. Marka Safjana: 19 Jeżeli uznajemy, ż e w p r z y p a d k u „kastracji" f a r m a k o l o g i c z n e j c h o d z i o o b r o n ę społe¬ c z e ń s t w a p r z e d j e d n o s t k ą , t o w t e n s p o s ó b m o ż n a r o z p o c z ą ć dyskusję n a d s t o s o w a ­ n i e m k a r y śmierci c z y t o r t u r ( G W 11.09.08, s. 4) skoro u z n a m y za l e c z e n i e p o z b a w i a ¬ nie p o p ę d u seksualnego, t o dlaczego nie s t o s o w a ć w o b e c a g r e s y w n y c h p r z e s t ę p c ó w l o b o t o m i i ? ( G W 19.09.08, s. 7) L e c z e n i e nie m o ż e s ł u ż y ć d o b r u s p o ł e c z e ń s t w a . Z a w s z e musi s ł u ż y ć leczonej osobie. Inaczej w r ó c i m y np. d o p r z y m u s o w e j steryliza¬ cji o s ó b c h o r y c h p s y c h i c z n i e , k t ó r ą jeszcze w latach 70. s t o s o w a n o w S z w e c j i (GW 19.09.08, s. 1). W tej s y t u a c j i p o w s t a j e p y t a n i e , c z y r z e c z y w i ś c i e m a m y d o c z y n i e n i a z l e c z e n i e m , c z y m o ż e już z karą c i e l e s n ą ? T o b y ł o b y złamanie p o d s t a w o w y c h p r a w p r z y s ł u g u j ą c y c h k a ż d e m u człowiekowi n i e z a l e ż n i e o d tego, jak b a r d z o złe c z y n y po¬ p e ł n i ł ( G W 19.09.08, s. 4 ) . 18 Poza t y m żaden lekarz nie zaryzykuje „ciągania po sądach" za s p o w o d o w a n i e uszczerbku na z d r o w i u ( G W 26.09.08, s. 9 ) . 19 Z wyjątkiem c h o r o b y psychicznej, upośledzenia umysłowego lub też np. u t r a t y przytomności, k i e d y t o c h o r y nie m o ż e wyrazić na leczenie zgody. Ponadto terapia bez z g o d y zainteresowanego musi mieć na celu wyłącznie d o b r o pacjenta, a nie jego r o d z i n y czy otoczenia. Żaden przepis polskiego prawa karnego nie pozwala na podanie p r z e m o c ą środka, który nie służyłby r a t o w a n i u z d r o w i a czy życia ( G W 19.09.08, s. 1). 218 �Przekraczanie granic tabu Odmiennego zdania był Andrzej Rzepliński, sędzia Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. Były członek zarządu Helsińskiej Fundacji Praw Człowieka uważał, że dobro dziecka jest zawsze ważniejsze od przestępcy (Rz. 11.09.08, s. 2). W przypadku pedofilii re¬ cydywistów kastracja farmakologiczna lub trwałe odcięcie od społeczeństwa są je¬ dynymi skutecznymi metodami zapobiegania tego rodzaju patologii. Skazany do¬ konuje w y b o r u : albo godzi się na bardzo „długą odsiadkę", albo wychodzi szybciej za cenę kastracji (Rz. 11.09.08, s. 2; G W 12.09.08) . 20 Zwolennik przymusowej kastracji chemicznej, r z e c z n i k p r a w o b y w a t e l s k i c h Janusz Kochanowski, uważał, że polskie prawo już dziś ją dopuszcza, bowiem: A r t . 72. K o d e k s u k a r n e g o s t a n o w i , ż e z a w i e s z a j ą c w y k o n a n i e kary, sąd m o ż e z o b o ¬ w i ą z a ć skazanego d o szeregu z a c h o w a ń , np. d o p o d d a n i a się l e c z e n i u , oddziaływaniu t e r a p e u t y c z n e m u o r a z i n n e m u s t o s o w n e m u p o s t ę p o w a n i u w okresie próby. T o ze¬ zwala na n a ł o ż e n i e p r z e z sąd o b o w i ą z k u zażywania p e w n y c h ś r o d k ó w , k t ó r y c h dzia¬ łanie określamy p o t o c z n i e m i a n e m k a s t r a c j i f a r m a k o l o g i c z n e j ( G W 12.09.08, s. 9 ) . Zresztą przymusowo kastruje się chemicznie w wielu krajach i w Polsce też moż¬ na - dodaje. M i n i s t e r s p r a w i e d l i w o ś c i Z b i g n i e w Ćwiąkalski podkreślał, że kwestią dyskusyjną pozostaje, czy kastracja chemiczna jest okaleczeniem ( G W 11.09.08; Rz. 11.09.08). Należy dyskutować jedynie nad farmakologiczną formą redukcji po¬ pędu płciowego u skazanych pedofilów. Możliwe jest już podawanie im środków „na siłę z zastosowaniem przymusu bezpośredniego w trybie przewidzianym dla osób chorych psychicznie" ( G W 26.09.08, s. 8). Jednak nie przyjmiemy rozwiązania, któ­ re naruszyłoby przepisy UE, standardy i konwencje międzynarodowe. Okaleczenie jest sprzeczne z prawem polskim , a art. 156 kodeksu karnego za przestępstwo uzna¬ je pozbawienie człowieka możliwości płodzenia. I dodał, że już dziś jest przepis 21 20 Z d a n i e m profesora Rzeplińskiego należy również dokładnie przeanalizować doświadczenia duń­ skie z lat 70. N a j p i e r w zastosowano tam kastrację farmakologiczną, a później l o b o t o m i ę . O k a z a ł o się b o w i e m , że t o nie narządy płciowe, lecz mózg o d p o w i a d a za popęd seksualny. Z a t e m sama kastracja nie wystarczy, żeby powstrzymać pedofila recydywistę przed krzywdzeniem dzieci (Rz. 11.09.08, s. 2). 21 Konstytucja RP w art. 40 zakazuje poddawania ludzi t o r t u r o m oraz okrutnemu, nieludzkiemu lub poniżającemu t r a k t o w a n i u i karaniu. U ż y c i e środków c h e m i c z n y c h dla osiągnięcia zamierzonych skutków represyjnych mieściłoby się w granicach pojęcia „kara cielesna". Wyobrażamy ją sobie c z ę s t o jako o b c i ę c i e ręki. Napiętnowanie r o z p a l o n y m żelazem, biczowanie, kastrację za p o m o c ą skalpela itp. U s t a w o w e w p r o w a d z e n i e kastracji chemicznej jako jednej z kar m o g ł o b y doprowadzić do jej sprzecz¬ ności z konstytucją. Dlatego p o l i t y c y P O t w i e r d z i l i , że być m o ż e trzeba będzie zmienić konstytucję. W związku z t y m Piotr W i n c z o r e k (prawnik konstytucjonalista) pyta: „co z konwencją o ochronie praw człowieka i p o d s t a w o w y c h wolności, której Polska jest stroną i która zawiera p o d o b n e (art. 3) posta­ nowienie? [ . . . ] G d y b y jednak [ . . . ] ustawowe wprowadzanie kary kastracji środkami c h e m i c z n y m i sta­ ło się dopuszczalne, t o dopuszczalne byłoby również stosowanie i n n y c h p o d o b n y c h kar. N i e wątpię, że części naszych o b y w a t e l i bardzo b y się t o spodobało, zwłaszcza g d y b y kary takie w y k o n y w a n o publicznie, ale c z y tego właśnie Platforma O b y w a t e l s k a chce naprawdę?" (Rz. 15.09.08, s. 15). 219 �Mirosława Drozd-Piasecka w kodeksie karnym mówiący, że skazanego za przestępstwo seksualne, u którego biegli stwierdzili „zakłócenie czynności psychicznych o podłożu seksualnym, można bezterminowo umieścić w zamkniętym zakładzie leczniczym" ( G W 12.09.08, s. 9). „Zresztą ostatecznie o konieczności przymusowego podawania tego czy innego le¬ ku będą decydować lekarze. To jest ich odpowiedzialność. M y tylko formułujemy odpowiednie p r z e p i s y " ( G W 19.09.08, s. 1, 4). Zatem, jak uważał Andrzej Rzepliński, przystąpić do zmiany prawa można dopiero potem, a nie p o d wpływem emocji związanych z ostatnią tragedią w Siemiatyczach. Kolejnym, sygnalizowanym już wcześniej pytaniem medycznym, ale i etycznym i prawnym zarazem, było ustalenie: w jakim stopniu kastracja chemiczna jest me¬ todą leczniczą, a w jakim karą, metodą represyjną? Ze słów premiera Donalda Tus¬ ka wynikało, że pedofile nie są w istocie ludźmi i nie zasługują na ludzkie potrak¬ towanie, zatem chodziło o ich ukaranie, i to jak najdotkliwsze, a nie oddziaływanie terapeutyczne podjęte z nadzieją skutecznego wyleczenia. Jeśli chemiczną kas¬ trację traktować nie jako procedurę medyczną, ale jako element kary, to pojawia się inny problem: czy można wprowadzać karę upośledzenia normalnego funkcjono¬ wania organizmu? Na związane z t y m pytania odpowiedź powinni dać specjaliści z dziedziny medycyny i farmakologii. „Dopiero po nich głos mogą zabrać prawni¬ cy" - mówił konstytucjonalista Piotr Winczorek (Rz. 15.09.08, s. 15). 22 Część mediów dowodziła, że jeśli słowa premiera o przymusie rozumieć tak, „jak to się dziś w świecie rozumie", to wystarczy - jak zrobili to ostatnio Brytyjczy¬ cy - wprowadzić „chemiczną kastrację", oprócz działań psychoterapeutycznych, jako standardową terapię przestępców seksualnych. N i e trzeba zmieniać konstytucji ani konwencji międzynarodowych. Po co więc stwarzać problemy, skoro są prostsze i równie skuteczne środki ochrony społeczeństwa? Premierowi nie chodziło zatem o ochronę potencjalnych ofiar, ale o zemstę (co sugerowały tabloidy rzucając hasło: „Wykastrujmy potwora"), mimo że „potwór z Siemiatycz" nie kwalifikowałby się d o „chemicznej kastracji" p o d przymusem. Z pewnością potrafi on kontrolować swój popęd, tylko nie chce. Dla takich jest więzienie, a nie leczenie. A poza t y m Krzysz¬ tof B. zagraża głównie córce, więc skuteczniejszym środkiem będzie zakaz zbli¬ żania się do niej ( G W 13-14.09.08, s. 2). 22 Poseł M a r e k Balicki (SdPL - N o w a L e w i c a ) , były minister zdrowia, z z a w o d u psychiatra, razem z posłami D e m o k r a t y c z n e g o Koła Poselskiego oraz profesorami prawa M a r i a n e m Filarem i Janem W i dackim skierowali stosowną interpelację d o premiera ( G W 19.09.08, s. 1). Uzasadniali ponadto, że przymus bezpośredni oznacza praktycznie, że k i l k u sanitariuszy unieruchamia d e l i k w e n t a i podaje mu zastrzyk. Jeśli przyjąć, że zagrażał z d r o w i u i n n y c h , t o można d o w o d z i ć , że kastracja chemiczna jest taką właśnie „niezbędną czynnością leczniczą" - tłumaczy Balicki. A l e jako lekarz nie zgadzał się z ta­ ką interpretacją. Poza t y m jaki sens ma podawanie na siłę „kastrującego" środka osobie, która i tak jest uwięziona i nikomu nie zagraża? T o nie leczenie, t y l k o kara, a lekarze nie są o d w y m i e r z a n i a kar ( G W 19.09.08, s. 1). 220 �Przekraczanie granic tabu Jednoznacznie oceniła stanowisko premiera Magdalena Środa, e t y k z Uniwer­ sytetu Warszawskiego: „Prymitywna zemsta, a nie kara" (Rz. 11.09.08) . Pomysłu na to, jak wprowadzić do prawa polskiego przymusową kastrację che¬ miczną, tak aby była zgodna z konstytucją i standardami międzynarodowymi, na ra¬ zie nie było. W y p o w i e d z i i podpowiedzi natomiast - niezliczone. Poszukując roz¬ wiązań, wysuwano przykłady innych krajów, mające świadczyć o tym, że społeczeń¬ stwa bez wątpienia akceptują tego rodzaju walkę z pedofilią . Odnotowywano, że kastracja chemiczna jest programem eksperymentalnym w terapii przestępców se¬ ksualnych w wielu krajach (np. Francji, Szwecji czy Włoszech), ale najczęściej pod¬ czas odbywania kary i zawsze za zgodą skazanego. Jej kontynuacja bywa też czynni¬ kiem, od którego zależy zwolnienie warunkowe. 23 24 Podnoszono, że popularniejszym sposobem kontrolowania przestępców seksual¬ nych są elektroniczne obroże pozwalające policji monitorować miejsce pobytu ska¬ zanego. W północnoamerykańskim stanie Luizjana np. sąd może nakazać noszenie takich obroży dożywotnio. Były też propozycje tworzenia jawnych komputerowych rejestrów, by każdy mógł sprawdzić, czy w jego okolicy mieszka recydywista skazy¬ wany za przestępstwa seksualne . W Wielkiej Brytanii i Francji istnieją państwowe rejestry przestępców seksualnych, ale dostęp do nich mają tylko organa ścigania i w y ­ miar sprawiedliwości. W 2000 i 2001 r. brytyjska bulwarówka „News of the W o r l d " opublikowała zdjęcia i nazwiska skazanych za pedofilię. Dwie osoby z listy popeł25 23 Kontynuując, powiedziała: „jestem p r z e c i w k o kastracji, nawet w jej najbardziej humanitarnej, farmakologicznej formie, tak jak jestem p r z e c i w k o karze śmierci, t o r t u r o m , chłoście, d y b o m i obcina­ niu kawałków ciała za mniejsze lub większe przestępstwa. Być m o ż e te f o r m y kary są skuteczne, w i d o ­ wiskowe i zwiększają p o z i o m sympatii dla jej propagatorów, ale są nieludzkie. Okrucieństwo, m o r d , gwałt, molestowanie zasługują na surową karę i z psychologicznego p u n k t u w i d z e n i a potrzeba kary proporcjonalnej d o z b r o d n i jest zrozumiała, ale nie z p u n k t u w i d z e n i a standardów naszej c y w i l i z a c j i ! T o myślenie p r y m i t y w n e , w kategoriach Kodeksu Hammurabiego. C z y chcielibyśmy, aby państwo dys­ ponowało t a k i m i karami? Sadzę, ze n i k t poważny nie chciałby żyć w t a k i m państwie. Pan premier też nie, po co więc wygłasza takie głupstwa? G d y b y rzeczywiście pomysł kastracji pedofilów udało mu się zrealizować, trzeba b y wykastrować znaczną c z ę ś ć męskiej p o p u l a c j i . Bo pedofilów, w m e d y c z ­ n y m sensie tego słowa, m o ż e nie jest z b y t w i e l u , ale osób molestujących własne d z i e c i - sporo. Tylko m y o t y m niewiele wiemy: C y w i l i z o w a n e państwo dysponuje narzędziami p o l i t y c z n y m i , p r a w n y m i , a zwłaszcza e d u k a c y j n y m i i nie musi uciekać się do kastracji" (Rz. 11.09.08, s. 2). 24 W H i s z p a n i i premier José Luis Zapatero przedstawił projekt reformy prawa karnego, w którym „sędziowie skazujący terrorystów oraz pedofilów o p r ó c z kar bezwzględnego więzienia będą m o g l i orzekać d o d a t k o w o aż 20 lat ograniczenia wolności po o d b y c i u kary. C z y l i skazani za takie przestępstwa będą musieli stale zgłaszać się na policję, nosić urządzenia pozwalające śledzić ich miejsce p o b y t u . Pedofile zaś mogą być poddawani farmakologicznej, c h o ć - d o b r o w o l n e j , kastracji. [ . . . ] D l a pedofilów oraz rozpowszechniających pornografię dziecięcą ma powstać specjalny rejestr kryminalny, tak żeby w i n n i m o g l i być natychmiast i d e n t y f i k o w a n i i b y nie m o g l i być z a t r u d n i a n i d o pracy z dziećmi i nie¬ l e t n i m i " ( G W 12.09.08, s. 11). 25 W różnych krajach były pomysły aby wprowadzić je p r z y m u s o w o (np. w 2005 r. domagała się tego szwedzka policja), ale je zarzucono. Takie prawo jako p i e r w s z y wprowadził stan N e w Jersey W 1998 r. sąd najwyższy S t a n ó w Z j e d n o c z o n y c h uznał je za zgodne z konstytucją. 221 �Mirosława Drozd-Piasecka niły w wyniku jej opublikowania samobójstwo. Podobną akcję przeprowadziła włos­ ka gazeta „Libero" ( G W 10.09.08, s. 2). Zdaniem opozycji zapowiedź premiera o wprowadzeniu przymusowej kastracji chemicznej przestępców seksualnych to niezwykle skuteczny zabieg PR-owski, wyłącznie chwyt propagandowy, który nie spełni ani roli leczniczej, ani prewencyj¬ nej ( G W 26.09.08, s. 9). Ta deklaracja wywołała kakofonię wypowiedzi urzędników starających się dostosować do „woli politycznej" szefa rządu. Istotą tej woli było po¬ kazanie, że premier jest z narodem przeciw zwyrodnialcom. Premier zrobił wraże¬ nie, „wstrzelił się w nastrój chwili". Zyskał satysfakcję elektoratu, uwierzono mu, że zrobi się porządek ze zboczeńcami (Rz. 13-14.09.2008, s. 13). Teraz jego urzędnicy zamiast ustalić z nim, co to znaczy „przymusowa", opowiadają, „co i m ślina na język przyniesie" . Były też wypowiedzi specjalistów jednoznacznie wskazujące na nie¬ kompetencje i pochopne, „emocjonalne" lub propagandowe zaangażowanie się pre¬ miera w artykułowaniu takiego stanowiska. 26 W związku z toczącą się dyskusją byli prezesi Trybunału Konstytucyjnego: M a ­ rek Safjan, Jerzy Stępień, Andrzej Z o l l , wystosowali list do premiera. Uznali w nim za absolutnie niezbędne przypomnienie kilku podstawowych tez odnoszących się do najważniejszych standardów prawnych przemilczanych lub deformowanych w d y ­ skusji publicznej. Uważali, że spowoduje to wysoce negatywne konsekwencje dla kształtowania się świadomości prawnej obywateli, kierunku debaty a być może - już w nieodległej przyszłości - również dla działań ustawodawczych państwa. Przy¬ pomnieli wykładnię i istotę tzw. praw podstawowych , ich uniwersalny charakter. Podkreślili: 27 N i k t nie m o ż e b y ć p o z b a w i o n y o c h r o n y s w y c h p r a w p o d s t a w o w y c h - b e z w z g l ę d u na to, k i m jest [ . . . ] jak w i e l k i e p o t ę p i e n i e w y w o ł u j e jego z a c h o w a n i e w p o w s z e c h n e j opinii publicznej [ . . . ] . Każda nawet z p o z o r u niewielka i ograniczona do absolutnych wyjątków relatywizacja standardów praw człowieka oznacza w istocie zakwestiono¬ w a n i e całej f i l o z o f i i o c h r o n n e j p r a w u n i w e r s a l n y c h , na k t ó r e j jest z b u d o w a n a nasza w s p ó ł c z e s n a d e m o k r a t y c z n a k u l t u r a p r a w n a i p o l i t y c z n a . S t a n o w i ć b ę d z i e t a k ż e syg¬ nał dla p e w n e j c z ę ś c i s p o ł e c z e ń s t w a d o d o m a g a n i a się c o r a z b a r d z i e j d r a s t y c z n y c h ś r o d k ó w represji i dążenia d o p o d p o r z ą d k o w a n i a i n t e r e s o w i państwa i s p o ł e c z e ń s t w a w s z e l k i c h p r a w j e d n o s t k i ( G W 15.09.08, s. 5 ) . W zakończeniu zwrócili się z prośbą d o premiera: 26 Szef gabinetu premiera Sławomir N o w a k powiedział w Radiu Z E T , że rząd w t y m celu z m i e n i konstytucję i prawo międzynarodowe. A minister z d r o w i a Ewa Kopacz - że premier już kilka g o d z i n o d wyrażenia swojej w o l i co do kastracji dostał o d p o w i e d n i projekt ustawy. W t y m samym czasie m i ­ nister sprawiedliwości informuje, że p r o j e k t u nie ma, bo trwają prace studyjne. 2 7 W szczególności prawo d o : poszanowania p r z y r o d z o n e j i nienaruszalnej godności, d o życia, d o ochrony integralności cielesnej, d o decydowania o samym sobie, ale także p r a w o d o rzetelnego sądu i do respektowania i n n y c h f u n d a m e n t a l n y c h gwarancji proceduralnych. 222 �Przekraczanie granic tabu o z a j ę c i e j e d n o z n a c z n e g o s t a n o w i s k a p o t w i e r d z a j ą c e g o w o l ę i z d e c y d o w a n i e rządu RP aby k o n t y n u o w a ć d o t y c h c z a s o w ą linię p o s t ę p o w a n i a w sprawach o c h r o n y p o d s t a ­ w o w y c h p r a w c z ł o w i e k a ( G W 15.09.08, s. 5 ) . Po kilkudniowej dyskusji spowodowanej wystąpieniem Donalda Tuska prze­ wodniczący klubu PO Zbigniew Chlebowski oznajmił, że rząd nie wprowadzi przy­ musowej kastracji jako kary dla pedofilów. T y m samym media straciły zainteresowa­ nie kazirodczym przypadkiem, którego ofiarą była Alicja B. Po kilkunastu miesią­ cach sprawa ustawy o pedofilii i jej karalności wróciła na łamy prasy ale t y m razem w kontekście dyskusji o samym akcie prawnym jej dotyczącym. Uważam, że sprawa powinna stanowić przedmiot odrębnego zainteresowania antropologów. Uwagi końcowe Przedstawiony materiał można interpretować z kilku stron naukowego poznania, adekwatnie do zainteresowań różnych dyscyplin (np. społecznych, humanistycznych, medycznych), biorąc także p o d uwagę zastosowania praktyczne, aplikacyjne. Pod¬ stawowe wątki, które t u się pojawiają, t o : - - Medyczne zidentyfikowanie, określenie oraz propozycje leczenia kazirodztwa ze wskazaniem wszystkich (również społecznych i kulturowych) „za" i „przeciw" każdej z form podejmowanych terapii. Umiejscowienie kazirodztwa w polskim i międzynarodowym prawie c y w i l n y m , karnym oraz kodeksie etycznym . Współczesne media. Rola ich języka i sposobów obrazowania w kształtowaniu ocen, norm, postaw (dodatkowo stymulowanych tendencją mediów do przed¬ stawiania sensacji), dotyczących zdarzeń bezpośrednio relacjonowanych i inter¬ pretowanych (w t y m przypadku kazirodztwa). Dodać należy, że terminowi „kazirodztwo" poświęcone są osobne portale internetowe, serwisy informacyjne i komentarze. Podobnych sytuacji jest t u opisywanych wiele. C o więcej, dominu­ ją wśród nich relacje nie z dużych miast, ale ze wsi i małych miasteczek, co już sa¬ mo w sobie jest znakomitym polem do analiz i interpretacji antropologicznych. 28 - - Z punktu widzenia antropologii społecznej i kulturowej można się zastanawiać, na ile wartości i normy w zakresie kazirodztwa, o których pisali Bronisław M a l i ­ nowski i Claude Lévi-Strauss, są aktualne, trwałe, uniwersalne. Odnosząc je do analizowanej rodziny i społeczności lokalnej, można rozważać okoliczności i wa¬ runki zmienności owych n o r m , a także zróżnicowanych postaw. - Przedstawiony przypadek można rozpatrywać jako strukturę złożoną z określo¬ nych wątków i elementów, z których każdy można odnieść do założeń oraz metodologii konkretnych prądów postmodernistycznej i wcześniejszej antropo- 28 N a l e ż y t u pamiętać, że wiąże się z t y m także p r o b l e m p r z e m o c y w rodzinie, jej p r z y c z y n oraz skutków psychologicznych, społecznych (w t y m legislacyjnych), k u l t u r o w y c h . 223 �Mirosława Drozd-Piasecka logii kulturowej oraz interpretować zgodnie z nimi. M a m t u na myśli m.in: kon­ cepcję interakcji społecznych Ervinga Goffmana, którą można zastosować d o interpretacji relacji Alicji B. z całym jej otoczeniem, pamiętając o perspektywie piętna i wykluczenia. Łączy się z nią perspektywa pozytywnych i negatywnych grup odniesienia Theodora M . Newcomba (1962), Manforda H . Kuhna (1972) lub Marka Ziółkowskiego (1981). Podobne podejście badawcze można by zas¬ tosować do sytuacji ojca Alicji. - Można także spojrzeć na problem z punktu widzenia wywodzących się od teorii Emila Durkheima koncepcji patologii, anomii, dewiacji społecznej czy alienacji lub transgresji w ujęciu Michaiła Bachtina. - Odrębna analiza to socjologiczno-antropologiczne spojrzenie na władzę, biorą¬ ce za punkt wyjścia np. ustalenia Maxa Webera. Przytoczyłam kilka tylko propozycji możliwych analiz zaistniałego wydarzenia. Jest ich oczywiście znacznie więcej. Uważam, że wszystkie one przybliżają nas d o poznania i zrozumienie współcześnie zachodzących procesów społecznych i ich konsekwencji. Bibliografia Buchowski M . 1987 hasło „tabu", w: Słownik etnologiczny. Terminy podstawowe, red. Z . Staszczak, Warszawa-Poznań Goffman E. 2007 Piętno. Rozważania o zranionej tożsamości, Gdańsk Kuhn M . H . 1972 The reference group reconsidered, w: Symbolic Interaction. A Reader in Social Psycho¬ logy, red. J. Manis, B. Meltzer, Boston Lévi-Strauss C. 1970 Antropologia strukturalna, Warszawa Malinowski B. 1987 1980 Seks i stłumienie w społeczności dzikich oraz inne studia o płci, rodzinie i stosunkach pokrewieństwa, w : Dzieła, t. 6, Warszawa Życie seksualne dzikich w północno-zachodniej Melanezji, w: Dzieła, t. 2, Warsza¬ wa Newcomb T M . 1962 Kształtowanie postaw jako funkcja grup odniesienia, w: Zagadnienia psychologii spo¬ łecznej, red. A. Malewski, Warszawa 224 �Przekraczanie granic tabu Wasilewski J.S. 2010 Tabu, Warszawa Ziółkowski M . 1981 Znaczenie - interakcja - rozumienie. Studium z symbolicznego interakcjonizmu i socjo­ logii fenomenologicznej jako wersji socjologii humanistycznej, Warszawa Źródła „Gazeta Wyborcza" Ćwiąkalski Z . 19.09.2008 Kastracja - leczenie, a może kara?, ze Z b i g n i e w e m Ćwiąkalskim rozmawia Ewa Siedlecka, nr 220, s. 7 Depko A. 26.09.2008 Przymus kastracji nie ma sensu, z Andrzejem Depką rozmawia Ewa Sied¬ lecka, nr 226, s. 9 ES 11.09.2008 Chemiczna kastracja pozostaje tylko hasłem, nr 213, s. 4 12.09.2008 PO w potrzasku kastracji, nr 214, s. 9 Grochal R. 15.09.2008 Po kilkudniowej dyskusji rząd już wie, kogo kastrować, nr 216, s. 5 Keller-Hamela M . 10.09.2008 KrzysztofB. z Siemiatycz to nie „polski Josef Tritzl", z Marią Keller-Hamelą rozmawia D o m i n i k Uhlig, nr 212, s. 4 Klimowicz J. 09.09.2008 Mówił: mam do niej prawo, nr 211, s. 1 Klimowicz J., Czajkowska A . 10.09.2008 AlicjaB chce uciec od piekła, nr 212, s.4 Klimowicz J., Więcko W 09.09.2008 Sześć lat piekła AlicjiB., nr 211, s. 4 Lew-Starowicz Z . 12.09.2008 Kastracja leczy czy kaleczy, ze Zbigniewem Lwem-Starowiczem rozma­ wia Ewa Siedlecka, nr 214, s. 9 Olejnik M . 12.09.2008 Litościwy Pacewicz, nr 214, s. 24 Pacewicz P. 11.09.2008 TabloidTusk, nr 213, s. 2 225 �Mirosława Drozd-Piasecka Siedlecka E. 10.09.2008 Tusk: kastrować pedofilów, nr 212, s. 2 13-14.09.2008 Kastracyjne pomieszanie, czyli ile przymusu w przymusie, nr 215, s. 2 19.09.2008 Przodownicy kastracji, nr 220, s. 1 26.09.2008 PiSprzelicytowuje PO: pedofilia do konstytucji, nr 226, s. 8 Stasiński M . 12.09.2008 Hiszpania też dyskutuje o kastrowaniu pedofilów, nr 214, s. 11 Uhlig D 15.09.2008 „Nasz Dziennik" chroni polską rodzinę przed prawdą o molestowaniu, nr 216, s. 2 Zmarzlik J. 09.09.2008 Ojciec w takiej rodzinie może pozornie robić dobre wrażenie, z Jolantą Zmarzlik rozmawia D m i n i k Uhlig, nr 211, s. 4 „Rzeczpospolita" Bravo P. 13.09.2008 Kastracja języka, nr 8116, s. 13 Nieśpiał T 09.09.2008 Przez sześć lat więził i gwałcił własną córkę, nr 8112, s. 1 09.09.2008 Podlasie zszokowane tragedią, nr 8112, s. 4 10.09.2008 Boimy się dostrzegać kłopoty sąsiadów, nr 8113, s. 6 Nieśpiał T , G m y z C. 10.09.2008 Dlaczego nikt jej nie pomógł, nr 8113, s. 6 Subotić M . 11.09.2008 Przymusowa kastracja pedofilów tylko lekami?, nr 8114, s. 4 Środa M . , Rzepliński A . 11.09.2008 Czy należy kastrować pedofilów, nr 8114, s. 2 Winczorek P 15.09.2008 Osobliwe pomysły Platformy, nr 8117, s. 15 226 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/ee6b1542c13176ba71d9e28e10cfe19c.pdf 604bf052d6b2ddfa7c2be13f27063bca Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. 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Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.413-420 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dudzińska, Krystyna Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Spis publikacji prof. Anny Zadrożyńskiej 2010 Kury same muszą dostać skrzydeł (rozmowa Edyty Błaszczak z Anną Zadrożyńską), ro", nr 1773, 18.02.2010 „Met­ 2007 Ochroniarze z bożej łaski, w: W co wierzymy?, red. W Pawluczuk, Oficyna Wydawnicza „Stopka", Łomża, s. 6 1 - 7 1 From Birth to Death, w: Kolekcja Muzyki 2006 Ludowej Polskiego Radia Od narodzin do śmierci, w: Kolekcja Muzyki Antropolog jedzie na wieś(rozmowa Ludowej Polskiego Radia, s. 1-9 Amandy Krzyworzeki z prof. Anną Zadrożyńską), „(op.cit.,) maszyna interpretacyjna", nr 6(33), s. 6 - 7 2005 (red.) Horyzonty antropologii kultury. Tom w darze dla Profesor Zofii Sokolewicz, współ­ redaktor: J.S. Wasilewski, Instytut Etnologii i A n t r o p o l o g i i Kulturowej U W i W y d a w n i c t w o D i G , Warszawa Przedmowa, w: Horyzonty antropologii kultury. Tom w darze dla Profesor Zofii Sokolewicz, red. J.S. Wasilewski i A. Zadrożyńska, Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej U W i W y d a w n i c t w o D i G , Warszawa, s. 7-12 Przedmowa, w: Łańcuch tradycji. Teksty wybrane, współautor: D. Zamojska, wybór: L. Mróz i A . Zadrożyńska, W y d a w n i c t w a Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warsza¬ wa, s. 9-21 2004 Damy i galanci. O polskich zwyczajach towarzyskich, W y d a w n i c t w o Książkowe „Twój Styl", Warszawa 413 �Spis publikacji prof. Anny Zadrożyńskiej Cham w grafie, w: Kultura polityczna Polaków, red. B. Gołębiowski, Oficyna W y d a w n i ­ cza „Stopka", Warszawa, s. 377-386 Jacek Olędzki 1933-2004, „Lud", T L X X X V I I I , s. 414-416 2003 Zielnik świętowań polskich, współpraca: K. Braun, W y d a w n i c t w o Książkowe „Twój Styl", Warszawa W poszukiwaniu codzienności, w: Życie codzienne Polaków na przełomie XX i XXI wieku, red. R. Sulima, Oficyna Wydawnicza „Stopka", Warszawa, s. 157-166 2002 (red.) Ludowe obrzędy i podania. Etnograficzne i folklorystyczne studia porównawcze wsi pol­ skiej i macedońskiej, Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej U W , Warszawa Świętowania polskie. Przewodnik po tradycji, W y d a w n i c t w o Książkowe „Twój Styl", Warszawa hasło encyklopedyczne: Cezaria Anna Baudouin de Courtenay-Ehrenkreutz-Jędrzejewiczowa (1885—1967), w : Etnografowie i ludoznawcy polscy Sylwetki, szkice biograficzne, red. E. Fryś-Pietraszkowa, A . Kowalska-Lewicka, A. Spiss, współautor: D. Zamojska, W y d a w n i c t w o Naukowe D W N / Oddział Polskiego Towarzystwa Ludoznawczego w Krakowie, s. 3 - 7 Obrzędy rodzinne, w : Ludowe obrzędy i podania. Etnograficzne i folklorystyczne studia porów­ nawcze wsi polskiej i macedońskiej, red. A . Zadrożyńska, Instytut Etnologii i A n t r o p o ­ logii Kulturowej U W , Warszawa, s. 13-151 Wstęp do wydania polskiego, w: Ludowe obrzędy i podania. Etnograficzne i folklorystyczne stu¬ dia porównawcze wsi polskiej i macedońskiej, red. A. Zadrożyńska, Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej U W , Warszawa, s. 7-11 2001 Targowisko różności. Spojrzenie na kulturę współczesną, W y d a w n i c t w o Książkowe „Twój Styl", Warszawa 2000 Światy, zaświaty. O tradycji świętowań w Polsce, W y d a w n i c t w o Książkowe „Twój Styl", Warszawa 414 �Spis publikacji prof. Anny Zadrożyńskiej 1998 (artykuł konferencyjny) European Christian Culture. Cultural anthropology approach, w: Ethnology and Anthropology at the Time of Transformation. Poland at the 14th Congress of the 7UAES, Polish Academy of Sciences (PAN), s. 57-60 . (rec.) Dyskretny prezes wielkiej korporacji, „Nowe Książki", nr 6, s. 70-71 (rec.) Od zmarłych ważniejsi żywi, „Nowe Książki", nr 4, s. 41-42 (rec.) Odwrotna strona prawdy, „Nowe Książki", nr 1, s. 62-63 1997 Tradycje świąt dorocznych, W y d a w n i c t w o Dolnośląskie, Wrocław Reflections on modern culture studies, „Zbornik Filozofskog Fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu. Seria A, Istorijske Nauke", T X I X , s. 165-170 (rec.) Stań, kto przechodzisz, „Nowe Książki", nr 4, s. 11-12 1996 Krótki szkic o chamstwie, „Etnografia Polska", T X L , nr 1-2, s. 19-28 1995 [Ana Zadrożinska], Semejni obredi: sporedbena monografija na polskite sela Pjentki i Twarogi i makedonskoto selo Jablanica, Muzej na Makedonija, Archeoloszki, etnoloszki i Istoriski-Skopje / Katedra po etnologija i kulturoloszka antropologija, Warszawa, Skopje 1992 Homo ludens, w: Homo ludens. Człowiek i zabawa (katalog wystawy), Państwowe M u ­ zeum Etnograficzne w Warszawie, Warszawa, s. 7-11 Ludzie i przestrzeń domowa - przyczynek do antropologii schronienia, w : Dom we współczesnej Polsce. Szkice, red. I Łukasiewicz, A. Siciński, Wrocław, s. 35-41 5 1991 Antropologiczne problemy kultury współczesnej, „Etnografia Polska", T X X X V , z. 1, s. 21-30 1990 (tłum.) Emile Durkheim, Elementarne formy życia religijnego: system totemiczny w Australii, 415 �Spis publikacji prof. Anny Zadrożyńskiej [oryg. Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse. Le système totémicjue en Australie, w y d . 1912], Państwowe W y d a w n i c t w o Naukowe, Warszawa Od tłumacza, w: Émile Durkheim, Elementarne formy życia religijnego, Państwowe W y ­ dawnictwo Naukowe, Warszawa, s. X L I - X L V I Rys etnograficzny Ziemi Bialsko-Podlaskiej. Prace nad etnograficzną monografią wsi Choroszczynka, w: Z nieznanej przeszłości Białej i Podlasia, oprac. nauk. T Wasilewski, T Kraw­ czuk, Podlaskie Towarzystwo Społeczno-Kulturalne, Biała Podlaska, s. 241-260 1988 Powtarzać czas początku, cz. I I : O polskiej tradycji obrzędów ludzkiego życia, W y d a w n i ­ ctwo Spółdzielcze, Warszawa Reflections on modern culture study, w : Poland at the i2th Congress of Anthropological and Ethno¬ logical Sciences, red. S. Szynkiewicz, Ossolineum, Wrocław-Warszawa, s. 41-49 Związek końca i początku, „Zycie Warszawy", R. 44, nr 77, s. 4 1987 Tradycja i współczesność w obrzędach wsi okolic Kołbieli, „Rocznik Mazowiecki", T 9, s. 3 9 - 5 4 1986 Powtarzać czas początku, cz. I : O świętowaniu świąt dorocznych w Polsce, W y d a w n i c t w o Spółdzielcze, Warszawa Kultura tradycyjna i współczesna kultura robotnicza, w: Wokół tradycji kultury robotniczej w Polsce, red. A. Zarnowska, Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy Warszawa, s. 50-80 1985 Założenie badań nad mitologią narodową, „Etnografia Polska", T X X I X , z. 1, s. 41-44 1983 Homo faber i homo ludens. Etnologiczny szkic o pracy w kulturach tradycyjnej współczesnej, Państwowe W y d a w n i c t w o Naukowe, Warszawa Homo faber i homo ludens. Próba modelowego ujęcia kultur tradycyjnej i współczesnej, „Etnografia Polska", T X X V I I , z. 2, s. 151-166 416 �Spis publikacji prof. Anny Zadrożyńskiej Zasady eskimoskiego systemu klasyfikacji ludzi, „Etnografia Polska", T X X V I I , z. 1, s. 235-351 1981 Etnologiczne problemy seksuologii. Symbolika płci w kulturach różnych ludów, w: Seksuologia kulturowa, red. K. Imieliński, Państwowe W y d a w n i c t w o Naukowe, Warszawa, s. 172-218 (tłum.) I . Kon, Historyczno-etnograficzne aspektyseksuologii, w : Seksuologia kulturowa, red. K. Imieliński, Państwowe W y d a w n i c t w o Naukowe, Warszawa, s. 126-170 1978 Działalność Katedry Etnologii UW po JJ wojnie światowej, w: Podręcznik etnografii polskiej, red. A. Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa, s. 17-17 Etnografia (informacyjne wskazówki do wstępnej obserwacji terenowej), w: Poradnik do badań terenowych środowiska geograficznego, red. J. Kondracki, Ciechanów, s. 329-358 Ludzie z igloo, „Kontynenty", nr 8, s. 20-23 The value system in the traditional and in the contemporaneus model of marriage in Polish villages, „Ethnologia Polona", T 4, s. 93-104 1976 Wyrzeczysko. O świętowaniu w Polsce, współautorzy: J. Olędzki, T Ciołek, Ludowa Spółdzielnia Wydawnicza, Warszawa (red. nauk.) A. Czekalińska, L. Jakubowska, M . Jasiczek, G. Prewencka, Motywy zawierania małżeństw a system wartościowania. Analiza materiałów ze wsi Wólka Zamkowa, woj. białostockie, „Etnografia Polska" , T X X , z. 2, s. 201-214 1974 Zawarcie małżeństwa. Analiza Warszawskiego, Warszawa systemu wartościowania, Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu 1973 The Motives and Evaluations of Marriage in Contemporary Polish Rural Communities, w: Poland at the 9th International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, Wrocław-Warszawa, s. 159-166 417 �Spis publikacji prof. Anny Zadrożyńskiej 1970 Fenomenoloska koncepcija kulture, „Kultura. Casopis za teoriju o socjologiju kulture i medija", s. 6 8 - 7 4 Irlandia - dwa państwa, dwa narody, „Etnografia Polska", T XIV, z. 2, s. 197-205 Irlandzka kultura narodowa: zespół zanikających s. 123-137 treści, „Etnografia Polska", T XIV, z.1, Nowa dziedzina deficytowa - etnografia Europy, „Etnografia Polska", T X I V z. 2, s. 207-214 1969 Podłoże separatyzmu kulturowego w Irlandii, „Etnografia Polska", T X I I I , z. 2, s. 97-114 (tłum.) Denise Paulme-Schaeffner, Kobieta w rodzinie [oryg. Femmes d'Afrique Noire, Paris-The Hague 1960, s. 12-22], w: Etnologia. Wybór tekstów, red. Z . Sokolewicz, Państwowe W y d a w n i c t w o Naukowe, Warszawa, s. 138-152 (tłum.) A r n o l d van Gennep, Obrzędy przejścia [oryg. Les Rites de Passage, Paris 1909, s. 182-203], w : Etnologia. Wybór tekstów, red. Z . Sokolewicz, Państwowe W y d a w n i c t w o Naukowe, Warszawa, s. 122-137 (tłum.) Roger Bastide, Relikty religii afrykańskich [oryg. Les Religions africanes au Brésil, Paris 1960, s. 175-189], w: Etnologia. Wybór tekstów, red. Z . Sokolewicz, Państwowe W y d a w n i c t w o Naukowe, Warszawa, s. 182-199 (tłum.) Claude Lévi-Strauss, Sonata dobrych manier [oryg. Le Cru et le Cuit, Paris 1964, s. 89-116], w : Etnologia. Wybór tekstów, red. Z . Sokolewicz, Państwowe W y d a w n i c t w o Naukowe, Warszawa, s. 232-264 (tłum.) André Leroi-Gourhan, Środowisko i technika [oryg. Milieu et Techniques, Paris 1945, s. 352-367], w: Etnologia. Wybór tekstów, red. Z . Sokolewicz, Państwowe W y d a w n i c t w o Naukowe, Warszawa, s. 38-51 1968 Fenomenologiczna koncepcja historii i kultury. Zastosowanie w polskich badaniach etno¬ graficznych, T X I I r. 1968, s. 15-28 1967 (rec.) Maria Brandon-Abini, Midi vivnt. Peuple et culture en Italie du Sud. Paris 1964, Presses Universitaires de France, „Etnografia Polska", T X I , s. 5 5 3 - 5 5 7 418 �Spis publikacji prof. Anny Zadrożyńskiej Materiały do studiów nad genezą teatru. Przegląd hipotez. Koncepcja A.D. Awdiejewa, „Etno­ grafia Polska", T X I , s. 196-210 Ze studiów nad tradycyjnym ubiorem ludowym w rejonie Ciechanowca na Podlasiu, „Rocznik Białostocki", T 8, s. 337-358 1965 (rec.) Jean-Michel Quilcher, La tradition populaire de danse en Basse - Bretagne, Paris 1963, „Etnografia Polska", T. IX, s. 594-599 Realizacja problemów węzłowych - opracowania tematów badawczych - niepublikowane 1999 Problem węzłowy. Teoretyczne założenia badań nad mitologią narodową, opracowanie p r o b ­ lemu węzłowego, m-pis, ss. 7 (archiwum I E i A K U W , nr 135) Problem węzłowy 11.1 Finansowanie: Ministerstwo Nauki, Szkolnictwa Wyższego i Techniki Edycja I 1976-1980 Temat: Polska kultura narodowa, jej tendencje rozwojowe i percepcja Problem węzłowy 11.1. grupa V. Kierownik tematu badawczego 02: „Praca' - „nie-praca" i system wartościowania. Interpretacja zjawisk obyczajowych kultury współczesnej sfery ludyczno-rekreacyjnej Opracowania - materiały przechowywane w archiwum I E i A K U W (nr 136) 1. „Praca' - „nie-praca' jako znaki w kulturach tradycyjnej i współczesnej, m-pis, ss. 3 2. „Praca" - „nie-praca" i tradycja rekreacyjno-ludyczna, m-pis, ss. 18 3. Kultura - plan badań i realizacja tematu, m-pis, ss. 10 4. „Praca" - „nie-praca" i system wartościowania. Interpretacja zjawisk obyczajowych kultury współczesnej (sfery rekreacyjno-ludycznej), m-pis, ss. 10 5. Praca. Znak w kulturze tradycyjnej i współczesnej. Komunikat o opracowaniu: Homo faber i homo ludens. Etnologiczny szkic o pracy w kulturach tradycyjnej i współczesnej, m-pis, ss. 3 6. Homo faber i homo ludens. Etnologiczny szkic o pracy w kulturze, m-pis, ss. 3 419 �Spis publikacji prof. Anny Zadrożyńskiej 7. Kategorie pracy, czasu wolnego, rekreacji i święta w społeczności żyrardowskiej, ss. 24 m-pis, 8. Statystyczna charakterystyka próby pracowników FSO, m-pis, ss. 7 9. Zwyczaj i obyczaj w tradycji rekreacyjno-ludycznej, założenia badawcze, m-pis, ss. 7 10. Projekt kwestionariusza, ustawienie problemowe, m-pis, ss. 3 11. Kwestionariusz, ss. 2 12. Podział święta ze względu instytucje, m-pis, ss. 9 Pozostałe prace Analiza pojęć: praca, czas wolny, rekreacja w społeczności żyrardowskiej, opracowanie prob­ lemu węzłowego Światopoglądowe podstawy wspólnoty wiejskiej, opracowanie problemu węzłowego Tradycje ludyczne w społeczności w Żyrardowie, problem węzłowy 11.1.v.2 Dawne i współczesne formy obrzędowe, opracowanie naukowe Edycja I I 1981-1985 Temat: Kultura, środowisko, folklor grupa Mit, obrzęd, wierzenia Kierownik podtematu 03b Kultura pracy w teorii historii kultury narodowej i mitologizacja pracy we współczesnym społeczeństwie Mitologia opracowała K r y s t y n a Dudzińska 420 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/a9042caa70574bb8f39c2404d3fc69ad.pdf 328bb1f00f8d0092e457d9f7139d8f49 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5457 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource społeczeństwo obywatelskie Śląsk Cieszyński - społeczeństwo obywatelskie Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5074 Title A name given to the resource Społeczno-kulturowe zjawiska funkcjonowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego i postaw obywatelskich na Śląsku Cieszyńskim / Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego Description An account of the resource Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego; pod red. Haliny Rusek,Agnieszki Pieńczak i Jacka Szczyrbowskiego, s.149-156 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dyczek, Berenika Language A language of the resource pol ang. cz. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Cieszynie Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Berenika Dyczek Uniwersytet Wrocławski Instytut Socjologii Społeczno-kulturowe zjawiska warunkujące funkcjonowanie społeczeństwa obywatelskiego i postaw obywatelskich na Śląsku Cieszyńskim W istocie, jednostki ludzkie w przeważającej większości nigdy nawet nie podejrzewają istnienia niezliczonych znaczeń – naukowych, artystycznych, moralnych, politycznych, ekonomicznych – a obszar rzeczywistości społecznej, której znaczeń jednostka nie zna, nawet jeśli zauważy jej zewnętrzne oznaki, jest dla niej w praktycznym doświadczeniu równie niedostępny, jak druga strona księżyca1 Florian Znaniecki Z badań socjologicznych wynika, że w Polsce 13,2% populacji należy do organizacji pozarządowych, z czego tylko 5% pełni jakieś funkcje2. Natomiast w powiecie cieszyńskim 18,9% badanych deklarowało taką przynależność, z czego 14,3% jest aktywnych w organizacjach pozarządowych, przy czym w gminie Chybie było to aż 43,3% kobiet, a w Zebrzydowicach 37,9 % mężczyzn3. 1 F. Znaniecki: Chłop polski w Europie i Ameryce. T. 3: Pamiętnik imigranta. Warszawa 1976, s. 18. 2 Źródło: Diagnoza społeczna 2009, s. 265. 3 Źródło: Badanie ankietowe w ramach projektu CieszLab (marzec 2009). �150 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Warto – w kontekście tych danych – zastanowić się nad przyczynami funkcjono­ wania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego na Śląsku Cieszyńskim. Jak sami autorzy projektu CieszLab (marzec 2009) zauważają większa liczba osób zaangażowanych w działalność organizacji III sektora4 w powiecie cieszyńskim jest z jednej strony przejawem skuteczności procesów budowy społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, z drugiej elementem korzystnie wpływającym na jakość życia na poziomie lokalnym. Członkostwo w organizacjach pozarządowych to nie tylko działanie, ale i postawa życiowa. Osoby należące do NGO [organizacja pozarządowa, skrót pochodzi od ang. Non-Governmental Organization] lepiej dostrzegają możliwości efektywnego, wspólnego działania na rzecz lokalnych wspólnot, w których żyją. Ponadto osoby te są częściej przekonane o możliwości wywierania realnego wpływu na władze lokalne5 . Pojawia się więc pytanie o przyczyny tego zjawiska. Dlaczego kondycja społeczeństwa zamieszkującego powiat cieszyński różni się tak bardzo od sytuacji społeczeństwa w Polsce? Z raportu wynika, że w tym regionie powstało znacznie więcej organizacji pozarządowych niż w analogicznych rejonach w Polsce. Wydaje się, że odpowiedzi na to pytanie należy szukać w społeczno-kulturowych uwarunkowaniach, w jakich egzystują mieszkańcy tego regionu, a także w specyficznych właściwościach ludzi zamieszkujących Śląsk Cieszyński, czyli ludzi pogranicza. Związane jest to z ontologicznymi założeniami pogranicza, które odnajdują swoją empiryczną weryfikację. Jak zauważa Zbigniew Kurcz pogranicze to przede wszystkim obszar, który istnieje realnie, a jego granice są granicami komunikujących się ludzi. Natomiast na tym terenie żyje człowiek pogranicza, który posiada zupełnie inne cechy niż człowiek z centrum. Jest zwykle bardziej otwarty lub krytyczny wobec obcych, bardziej przywiązany lub obojętny do wartości własnej grupy narodowej (...) bardziej zaradny i przedsiębiorczy6 i co szczególnie ważne w przypadku Śląska Cieszyńskiego jest on bardziej innowacyjny i skłonny do akceptacji idei i nowinek (...) szczególnie wówczas, gdy dostrzega ich pozytywne konsekwencje dla siebie. Obserwując procentowy rozkład profili działalności społecznej, autorzy projektu CieszLab zwracają uwagę na tzw. edukację nieformalną, która odbywa się w ramach uczestniczenia w działalności III sektora. Ten rodzaj działalności pozwala w dużym stopniu na zdobycie wielu kluczowych umiejętności osobom w różnym wieku <<poza murami szkoły>>7. 4 Pojęcie III sektora w rozumieniu Szackiego jest częścią systemu społecznego, a w badaniach empirycznych utożsamia się je ze społeczeństwem obywatelskim. Trzeci sektor tworzą prywatne organizacje, działające społecznie, czyli organizacje pozarządowe. Cel ich funkcjonowania jest publiczny, natomiast podmioty, które tworzą te organizacje są prywatne. 5 Diagnoza kondycji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w powiecie cieszyńskim. Raport 2009, s. 15 (cyt. za A. Baczko, A. Ogrocka: Wolontariat, filantropia i 1%. Raport z badań. Stowarzyszenie Klon-Jawor. Warszawa 2008, s. 78-79 (cytowane dalej jako CieszLab). 6 Z. Kurcz: Przedmiot socjologii pogranicza w świetle polskich doświadczeń. W: Polskie pogranicza w procesie przemian. T. 1. Red. Z. Kurcz. Wałbrzych 2008, s. 20. 7 CieszLab, s. 13. �Berenika Dyczek: Społeczno-kulturowe zjawiska... 151 Wyniki badań wskazują8, że najczęstszym rodzajem aktywności będą: nauka, edukacja, oświata, wychowanie (47%), na drugim miejscu znajduje się upowszechnienie kultury fizycznej i sportu (41%), trzecia w kolejności plasuje się kultura, sztuka, ochrona dóbr kultury i tradycji (37%). W tym kontekście można przypuszczać, że działalność pozarządowa uczy – obok socjalizacji odbywającej się w domach i szkole – przystosowania do funkcjonowania w życiu społecznym, a także zmniejsza różnice wynikające ze stratyfikacji społecznej. Według autorów badania CieszLab respondenci, którzy zadeklarowali udział w działalności NGO, charakteryzują się wyjątkowymi zainteresowaniami i angażują się w przedsięwzięcia twórcze9. Z danych wynika, że niepowtarzalne umiejętności członków takich organizacji to np: zdolności organizacyjne, umiejętność nawiązywania kontaktów z instytucjami publicznymi. Jeśli chodzi o specyficzne umiejętności to podawano m.in.: zdolności aktorskie, literackie, poetyckie, teatralne, muzyczne itp.10. Warto tutaj zwrócić uwagę na badania Anny Szyfer, dotyczące kształtowania się i funkcjonowania osobowości pogranicza. Pojęcie osobowości pogranicza będzie przydatne przy analizie funkcjonowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, a co za tym idzie postaw obywatelskich Cieszyniaków, które to wynikają z ogólniejszego typu twórczej postawy. Autorka wyróżnia trzy rodzaje możliwych postaw: typ pasywny – bierny, trwający i aktywny11. Typ aktywny, który najbardziej będzie nas tu interesował, zaobserwowany został już przez Thomasa i Znanieckiego, i opisany został przez nich w pracy pt. Chłop polski w Europie i Ameryce, autorzy nazwali go typem twórczym. Według nich typ ten można scharakteryzować w ten sposób: Zdolność przystosowania się do nowych sytuacji i rozmaitość zainteresowania idą w parze za trwałością działania, wyższą niż stabilność, którą może dać tradycja; dzieje się tak wtedy, gdy jednostka buduje swoje życie nie na zasadzie niezmienności swej sfery wartości społecznych, lecz na chęci przeobrażenia i rozszerzenia jej według pewnych powziętych zamierzeń. Mogą one być czysto intelektualne lub estetyczne – w tym wypadku jednostka szuka nowych sytuacji, aby je określić celem poszerzenia i doskonalenia swojej wiedzy lub estetycznej interpretacji oraz oceny: jej zamierzenia mogą mieć charakter „praktyczny” w jakimkolwiek znaczeniu tego słowa – hedonistycznym, ekonomicznym, politycznym, naukowym, religijnym – jednostka szuka wtedy nowych układów, aby rozszerzyć władanie nad swym środowiskiem, dostosować do swych celów stale rosnącą sferę rzeczywistości społecznej. Mówimy wtedy, że jest to jednostka twórcza12. Anna Szyfer, wychodząc właśnie od klasyfikacji Thomasa i Znanieckiego, wydziela następnie trzy podtypy aktywne, których wspólną cechą jest przymus działania: 1. Aktywność – nazwijmy ją ponadnarodową, kulturową, etniczną, przejawia się tu w działaniu prowadzącym do zachowania własnego status quo, także elementów dziedzictwa kulturowego. Ale jest to już działanie świadome i celowe wypływające z postawy refleksyjnej. Respondentami takiej postawy są 8 9 10 11 12 Źródło: Badanie ankietowe w ramach projektu CieszLab (maj/czerwiec) 2009. CieszLab, s. 21. Źródło: badanie ankietowe w ramach projektu CieszLab (maj/czerwiec) 2009. A. Szyfer: Ludzie pogranicza. Kulturowe uwarunkowania osobowości. Poznań 2005, s. 97. F. Znaniecki: Chłop polski w Europie... s. 21-22. �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 152 najczęściej nauczyciele i księża (różnych wyznań), ale też i chłopi, często realizujący się w twórczości ludowej i pamiętnikarstwie. Akceptujący i kultywujący równolegle treści kultury narodowej, ale tolerancyjni dla <<inności>>. 2. Aktywność prowadzącą do akceptacji inności i postaw otwartości na inność grup współżyjących w zbiorowości terytorialnej i prezentujących inne światy kulturowe. Również pewne przyzwolenie na zapożyczenia. Tu działaniu towarzyszy zawsze refleksja oraz tolerancja. 3. Aktywność prowadząca do zmiany dotychczasowego status quo, zmiany statusu społecznego objawiająca się w tendencji przechodzenia z kultury tradycyjnej i gwary w kierunku kultury ogólnonarodowej, w wypadku przynależności do grupy mniejszościowej przejmowanie postaw typowych dla kultury większościowej (typowej dla danego pogranicza)13. Jednakże tylko trzecia z nich cechuje się aktywnością, prowadzącą do jakiejkolwiek zmiany i to ona odpowiadałaby typowi twórczemu Znanieckiego. Anna Szyfer, badając różne pogranicza m.in. pogranicza południowe: polsko-czeskie (Cieszyń) i polsko-słowackie (Orawa), oraz pogranicze wschodnie polsko-białoruskie; zwraca uwagę na wyjątkową intensyfikację postaw aktywnych na Śląsku Cieszyńskim. Autorka analizując osobowości Cieszyniaków, w sposób jakościowy14, korzystając z biografii konkretnych osób, m.in. stwierdza: pewna kobieta urodzona w 1923 roku w rodzinie chłopskiej całą swoją aktywność skupiła na działalności kulturalnej w licznych organizacjach społecznych, podkreślając czynny udział mieszkańców wsi w organizowanych imprezach i silną więź między nimi15. Inna respondentka zadeklarowała, że swój czas wolny poświęciła na aktywność w wiejskim zespole teatralnym, później została członkiem Towarzystwa Hodowli Kwiatów w Cieszynie16. Charakteryzując region pogranicza, jakim jest Śląsk Cieszyński, Anna Szyfer zwraca uwagę na uwikłania polityczne i historyczne, które doprowadziły do antagonizmów polsko-czeskich, ale dla kształtowania postaw ludności tego regionu ważniejsze są inne kwestie, szczególnie rozwinięta wyjątkowo wcześnie oświata, która okazała się najwcześniejsza na polskich wsiach, sięgająca XVIII wieku. I to oświata w języku polskim (...) Szkoły ludowe, a wcześniej szkoły parafialne (tak protestanckie, jak i katolickie) miały tu swój ogromny wkład w kształtowanie osobowości, były specyficznym typem <<świata>> oświaty. Po podziale Śląska Cieszyńskiego na Zaolziu pozostały polskie szkoły ludowe, które funkcjonują nadal w nieco zmniejszonej liczbie17. W wynikach innych badań przeprowadzonych nieco wcześniej przez Wojciecha Sitka mieszkańcy Cieszyna poproszeni o wymienienie tradycji, zwyczajów i obyczajów typowo śląskich wymieniają: 13 14 15 16 17 A. Szyfer: Ludzie pogranicza …, s. 97-98. Analiza biograficzna. A. Szyfer: Ludzie pogranicza …, s. 105. Tamże, s. 106. Tamże, s. 127. �Berenika Dyczek: Społeczno-kulturowe zjawiska... 153 Amatorską działalność teatralną, festyny Macierzy Ziemi Cieszyńskiej, zapraszanie na wesela, topienie kukły wiosną, amatorską działalność artystyczną – kiedyś w Cieszynie było aż 7 chórów, cubaszki – rwanie pierza na śląskiej wsi, śpiewy, babski comber, potańcówki dla młodych, chodzenie ze święconym, oczepiny panny młodej, wspólne świniobicie18. Z powyższych opisów można wywnioskować, że nie jest przypadkiem tak liczne uczestnictwo Cieszyniaków w organizacjach pozarządowych, gdyż duch uczestniczenia w różnych grupach był u nich zaszczepiony już dużo wcześniej. Nie jest również bez znaczenia fakt, że ludzi pogranicza coraz częściej nazywa się ludźmi o „trzeciej tożsamości”19, to znaczy takiej, która została ukształtowana przez dwie strony księżyca. Dzieje się tak, gdyż członkowie społeczności pogranicza nieustannie funkcjonują w sytuacji kontaktu i konfrontacji z jakimś „innym”, przekraczając nieustannie granice odrębności etniczno-kulturowej swojej grupy20. Dzięki temu nabywają różnego rodzaju umiejętności oraz kompetencje kulturowe, dzięki którym potrafią postrzegać odmienność w innym świetle. Podobne idee w myśleniu nad postawami społeczności starał się wyrazić Florian Znaniecki w Ludziach teraźniejszych a cywilizacji przyszłości. Zwracał uwagę w tej pracy na odmienność jednostek, które zostały wychowywane w innych kręgach społecznych niż później pełniły role społeczne i które charakteryzowały się twórczymi zdolnościami do przekształcania systemów kulturowych. Zwrócił również uwagę na niebezpieczeństwo takich postaw, ponieważ powodują one czasami więcej zniszczenia w społeczeństwie niż budowania oraz na nieumiejętność współpracy tych jednostek dla dobra organizacji i grup. Dlatego według niego: Muszą powstać ludzie, zdobywający rozmach twórczy i samodzielność społeczną bez buntu przeciw ustalonym porządkom i bez łamania norm, wiążących ich ze środowiskiem, ludzie dla których by twórcze działanie było działaniem kulturalnie normalnym, zgodnym z obiektywnym porządkiem tych systemów, w których biorą udział; ludzie u których by samodzielność wobec kręgów społecznych była od początku społecznie normalna, ugruntowana w samej strukturze tych kręgów, w których wzrastają i żyją. Słowem, musi zaistnieć nowy typ normalności życiowej, oparty na nie zachowywaniu gotowych systemów kulturowych i przystosowaniu się osobistym do środowiska ludzi przystosowanych, lecz na tworzeniu nowych systemów kulturalnych i samodzielności osobistej w środowisku ludzi samodzielnych21. Tak opisany nowy typ człowieka wydaje się być prototypem członka społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Zwłaszcza że w dalszej części tekstu Znaniecki podkreśla, że taki człowiek zdaje sobie sprawę, że jego działania twórcze należą do części działań całego społeczeństwa i bez tego społeczeństwa jego własne zadania nie mogą być zrealizowane. Człowiek taki 18 W. Sitek: Śląsk – samospełniająca się prognoza? W: Kultura i Struktura. Problemy integracji i polaryzacji różnych grup społecznych na Śląsku. Red. W. Sitek. Wrocław 1992, s. 13. 19 H. Rusek: Tożsamość pogranicza. Wprowadzenie. W: Pogranicza kulturowe i etniczne w Polsce. Red. Z. Kłodnicki, H. Rusek. Wrocław 2003, s. 9. 20 H. Rusek: Tożsamość pogranicza …, s. 9. 21 F. Znaniecki: Ludzie teraźniejsi a cywilizacja przyszłości. Warszawa 1974, s. 346. �154 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví w każdym systemie kulturalnym szuka i znajduje ważność wewnętrzną, każdą produkcyjną czynność kulturalną uważa za godną poparcia. Odmawia ważności tylko przeczeniom, przeciwstawia się tylko niszczeniu22. Znaniecki zauważa, że w działaniach twórczych jednostek niezmiernie ważna jest współpraca ludzi w grupach czy organizacjach, która nie może istnieć bez wiary w sens takiej działalności. Wydaje się, że ta charakterystyka obywatela przyszłości Znanieckiego przylega do postawy twórczej obecnych społeczników, zamieszkujących Śląsk Cieszyński i nie tylko. Jest ona wynikiem szacunku dla tradycji, a równocześnie związana jest z potrzebą tworzenia nowych wartości, które wyzwala nowa zglobalizowana rzeczywistość. Przedstawione powyżej myśli są niczym innym, jak definiowaniem współczesnego społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Jak zauważa Wnuk-Lipiński to już Arystoteles rozwinął początki idei obywatelskiej czyli specyficznych zbiorowości, których członkowie nie tylko mają na względzie coś więcej niż tylko indywidualne zabiegi o przetrwanie, ale także chcą, mogą i mają coś do powiedzenia na temat funkcjonowania owej zbiorowości23. A przecież społeczeństwo obywatelskie nie może istnieć bez podmiotowości społecznej, która nierozerwalnie wiąże się z wykraczaniem działań człowieka poza struktury społeczne, a równocześnie braniem za nie odpowiedzialności. Abstrahując od dyskusji ontologicznych na temat pojęcia – społeczeństwo obywatelskie – nie można się nie zgodzić z tym, że „każde działanie aktora społecznego jest syntezą (...) dwóch porządków podmiotowego i strukturalnego”24, a empirycznym wymiarem funkcjonowania społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, obojętnie jakby je definiować jest trzeci sektor25. Wracając do specyfiki Śląska Cieszyńskiego, gdzie jak się wydaje, możemy odnaleźć dużo więcej postaw prospołecznych niż ogólnie w Polsce, do czego przekonują dane statystyczne, tu oczywiście przydałyby się do tego pogłębione badania dotyczące postaw. Na pewno jednym z czynników kształtujących je jest różnorodność religijna. Śląsk Cieszyński należy do jednych z najbardziej heterogenicznych pod względem wyznaniowym terenów. Na tym skrawku ziemi ostoję swobód wyznania znaleźli Żydzi, a od XVI wieku protestanci i inne mniejszości religijne. Ta różnorodność wyznaniowa wyrażała się również w sztuce ludowej tego regionu26. Różnorodność religijna byłaby więc jednym z czynników nie tylko tolerancji religijnej, ale także postrzegania rzeczywistości jako obszaru niejednorodnego, skomplikowanego, umożliwiającego widzenie życia społecznego w niejednolitej perspektywie. Zwraca na to uwagę Halina Rusek, która zaznacza, że od kiedy Max Weber opisał związki między etyką protestancką a kapitalizmem „często zwraca się uwagę na pozytywną obecność protestantyzmu na Śląsku Cieszyńskim i jego wpływu na specy22 F. Znaniecki: Ludzie teraźniejsi …, s. 352. 23 E. Wnuk-Lipiński: Socjologia życia publicznego. Warszawa 2008, s. 118. 24 Tamże, s. 94. 25 Tamże, s. 120. 26 K. Czerwińska: Sztuka ludowa na pograniczach kulturowych i etnicznych. Przykład Śląska Cieszyńskiego – problemy badawcze. W: Pogranicza kulturowe i etniczne w Polsce…, s. 155. �Berenika Dyczek: Społeczno-kulturowe zjawiska... 155 ficzną tożsamość jego mieszkańców”27. To zjawisko koegzystencji społecznej różnych wyznań rozszerza wiedzę mieszkańców Śląska Cieszyńskiego o sobie samych i równocześnie wyzwala działania twórcze, niekoniecznie związane z życiem religijnym, w różnych obszarach życia społecznego. Innym czynnikiem, wpływającym na postawy prospołeczne ludności Śląska Cieszyńskiego, wydają się być wpływy działań oświatowych, zapoczątkowanych w XVII i XIX stuleciu. Dzięki nim na tym obszarze nie było analfabetyzmu, przy czym inne regiony Polski w tym samym czasie wykazywały pod tym względem zapóźnienie. Region ten w chwili obecnej może poszczycić się nawet istnieniem wyższych uczelni, co wydatnie sprzyja aktywnym postawom młodzieży studiujacej. Aktywność artystyczna, naukowa i sportowa wybitnych osobowości pochodzących lub mieszkających w tym regionie jest powszechnie znana. Są oni inspiracją dla organizacji pozarządowych, które swoją działalność wzbogacają o ich twórcze dokonania. Tożsamość kulturowa, która wiąże się z utrwalaniem postaw twórczych, obecna jest przede wszystkim w amatorskich grupach teatralnych, w różnych zespołach folklorystycznych oraz organizacjach społeczno kulturalnych28. Bibliografia: Bukowska-Floreńska I.: Kultura tradycyjna a tożsamość kulturowa społeczności pogranicza. „Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne”. T. 1: Śląsk Cieszyński a inne pogranicza w badaniach nad tożsamości etniczną, narodową i regionalną. Red. I. BukowskaFloreńska. Katowice 1997, s. 154-158 Czerwińska K.: Sztuka ludowa na pograniczach kulturowych i etnicznych. Przykład Śląska Cieszyńskiego – problemy badawcze. W: Pogranicza kulturowe i etniczne w Polsce. Red. Z. Kłodnicki, H. Rusek. Wrocław 2003, s. 153-158 Kurcz Z.: Przedmiot socjologii pogranicza w świetle polskich doświadczeń. W: Polskie pogranicza w procesie przemian. T. 1. Red. Z. Kurcz. Wałbrzych 2008, s. 19-27 Rusek H.: Dylematy tożsamości miasta na granicy Cieszyn: Czeski Cieszyn. W: Polskie pogranicza w procesie przemian. T. 1. Red. Z. Kurcz. Wałbrzych 2008, s. 163-175 Rusek H.: Tożsamość pogranicza. Wprowadzenie. W: Pogranicza kulturowe i etniczne w Polsce. Red. Z. Kłodnicki, H. Rusek. Wrocław 2003, s. 7-10 Sitek W.: Śląsk – samospełniająca się prognoza? W: Kultura i Struktura. Problemy integracji i polaryzacji różnych grup społecznych na Śląsku. Red. W. Sitek. Wrocław 1992, s. 5-24 Szyfer A.: Ludzie pogranicza. Kulturowe uwarunkowania osobowości. Poznań 2005 Wnuk-Lipiński E.: Socjologia życia publicznego. Warszawa 2008 Znaniecki F.: Chłop polski w Europie i Ameryce. T. 3: Pamiętnik imigranta. Warszawa 1976 Znaniecki F.: Ludzie teraźniejsi a cywilizacja przyszłości. Warszawa 1974 27 H. Rusek: Dylematy tożsamości miasta na granicy Cieszyn: Czeski Cieszyn. W: Polskie pogranicza w procesie przemian. T. 1. Red. Z. Kurcz. Wałbrzych 2008, s. 16. 28 I. Bukowska-Floreńska: Kultura tradycyjna a tożsamość kulturowa społeczności pogranicza. „Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne”. T. 1: Śląsk Cieszyński a inne pogranicza w badaniach nad tożsamości etniczną, narodową i regionalną. Red. I. Bukowska-Floreńska. Katowice 1997, s. 155. �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 156 Źródła internetowe: Diagnoza społeczna 2009. Źródło: www.diagnoza.com Diagnoza kondycji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w powiecie cieszyńskim. Raport 2009. Wyniki badań przeprowadzone przez SWIG Delta Partner z Cieszyna. Źródło: www.wiadomosci.ngo.pl/files/wiadomosci.ngo.pl/public/filespublic/2009/20090921123025_CieszLab_RAPORT_FINVER.pdf Shrnutí Společensko-kulturní jevy podmiňující fungování občanské společnosti a občanských postojů na území Těšínského Slezska Autorka se pozastavuje nad příčinami fungování občanské společnosti na území Těšínského Slezska. Opíraje se o výsledky projektu CieszLab se pokouší zjistit, proč kondice společnosti obývající cieszyňský okres se tak velmi liší od společnosti v Polsku. Charakter pohraničí těchto území nepochybně přispívá vzniklé situaci. Náboženská různorodost je jedním z faktorů nejen náboženské tolerance, ale také vnímání skutečnosti jako nejednorodého, komplikovaného území, které umožňuje vidět společenský život v nesourodé perspektivě. Jiným faktorem, ovlivňujícím prospolečenské postoje občanů území Těšínského Slezska, se jeví být vlivy osvětových aktivit, jejichž vznik zaznamenáváme v XVII. a XIX. století. Summary Socio-cultural phenomena which determine functioning of civil society and civil attitudes in Cieszyn Silesia The author explores the reasons of functioning of the civil society in Cieszyn Silesia. Taking into account the data provided by the “CieszLab” project, she makes an attempt to learn why the condition of the society living in Cieszyn district is so much different from the situation of the remaining society in Poland. Undoubtedly, the borderland character of this area is of crucial significance in this situation. Religious diversification is not only a factor of religious tolerance, but also of perceiving the reality as a heterogeneous and complex space which introduces a non-uniform perspective in viewing social life. What seems to be another determinant influencing pro-social attitudes of the inhabitants of Cieszyn Silesia is the impact of educational actions initiated in the 17th and 19th century. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/351d38276546c7321290fe58bd01ef12.pdf 7b6416ed9a54e7c04f63de6840f7c7b9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:6630 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2016 Subject The topic of the resource bolszewizm rewolucja przemoc wspólpraca dar socjalizm Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:6198 Title A name given to the resource Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu = Démocratie et critique du bolchevisme / Laboratorium kultury Description An account of the resource Laboratorium kultury 5 (2016) Marcel Mauss, Red. Dobrosława Wężowicz-Ziółkowska, Emilia Wieczorkowska s.43-67 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Dzimira, Sylvain Pisarek, Adam ( red. nacz.) Language A language of the resource pol., franc. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available grupakulturalna.pl Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach Type The nature or genre of the resource czas. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 5 Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) 2016 http://www.laboratoriumkultury.us.edu.pl tytuł artykułu: Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać bez masakry[Démocratie et critique du bolchevisme. Qu’il faut savoir s’opposer sans se massacre] autor / autorzy: Sylvain Dzimira źródło: „Laboratorium Kultury” 5 (2016), s. 43–67 wersja pdf: http://www.laboratoriumkultury.us.edu.pl/pdf/LK-2016-3_dzimira.pdf afiliacja autora / autorów: Université Paris-Est Créteil Val de Marne słowa klucze: bolszewizm, rewolucja, przemoc, współpraca, dar, socjalizm abstrakt: (na początku artykułu) article title: Democracy and critique of Bolshevism. How to express objection without massacre author / authors: Sylvain Dzimira source: „Laboratorium Kultury” 5 (2016), pp. 43–67 pdf version: http://www.laboratoriumkultury.us.edu.pl/pdf/LK-2016-3_ dzimira.pdf institutional affiliation: Université Paris-Est Créteil Val de Marne keywords: bolshevism, revolution, violence, cooperation, gift, socialism summary: (at the end of the article) 42 �Sylvain Dzimira Université Paris-Est Créteil Val de Marne Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać bez masakry [Démocratie et critique du bolchevisme. Qu’il faut savoir s’opposer sans se massacre] Rozdział książki: Sylvain Dzimira, Marcel Mauss: savant et politique, Editions La Découverte/ M.A.U.S.S., Paris 2007 w tłumaczeniu Eweliny Pępiak. Abstrakt Rozdział książki Sylvaina Dzimiry porusza temat ideologicznego podziału pomiędzy demokratycznym socjalizmem, po którego stronie autor się opowiada, oraz brutalną walką o władzę wewnątrz komunistycznej frakcji francuskiej partii socjalistycznej w 1920 r. W tomie zatytułowanym Ecrits Politiques udało się zebrać wszystkie eseje polityczne Maussa, dzięki czemu Dzimira rzucił światło na aktywizm Maussa. Słowa klucze: bolszewizm, rewolucja, przemoc, współpraca, dar, socjalizm K iedy bolszewicy i ci, którzy przyłączyli się do ich (względnego) sukcesu w Rosji zaczęli nabierać na sile w ruchu socjalistycznej Międzynarodówki, Marcel Mauss dokonał krytyki propagowanej przez nich przemocy i ortodoksji, w praktyce oznaczających pogardę dla zasad demokracji. 43 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) Nikt nigdy nie zarzuci mi, że jestem bolszewikiem – pisze na łamach „L’Humanité”, gdzie zaczynają oni również coraz częściej zabierać głos – oznaczałoby to zdradę wobec samego siebie. Obrona bolszewizmu byłaby zaprzeczeniem ideału życia skromnego, które poświęciłem, poza moim zawodem i nauką, niestrudzonej obronie ideałów republiki w wydaniu francuskim i postępowi socjalizmu, nieprzerwanej aktywizacji ruchu robotniczego1. Po rozłamie w obrębie Partii2 w 1920 r. i podziale na frakcję komunistyczną, sprzyjającą dyktaturze proletariatu, zainspirowaną i umocnioną wydarzeniami w Rosji oraz odłam określany jako reformistyczny i demokratyczny, Mauss zaciera ręce: Teraz kiedy poświęciwszy wewnętrzny spokój naszej partii zyskaliśmy ład, wolność, Republikę i postęp społeczny, nie grozi nam etykietka bolszewików przypinana przez burżuazyjnych wrogów naszych ideałów3. Poza bolszewizmem, potępia on wszystkie formy rządów i wszystkie doktryny antydemokratyczne. W 1924 r., kiedy demokracja w Niemczech broni się jeszcze przed hitleryzmem, Mauss wyraża optymizm: „Teoretycy przemocy i antyparlamentaryzmu, bolszewicy i faszyści, ci od Mussoliniego i ci od Lenina, ci od Daudeta i ci od Hitlera, skończą na teoretyzowaniu.”4 Jest socjalistą, a jego socjalizm jest głęboko demokratyczny. Nigdy nie rozstanie się on z tymi poglądami. Jako student w Bordeaux należał co prawda do POF, partii guesdistowskiej5, następnie do POSR6, lecz w 1928 r. pisał, że co najmniej od 1895 r. nie sprzyjał jej poglądom i już wtedy kierował się w stronę ruchu syndykalistycznego i kooperatywnego, przyciągającego anarchistów zaangażowanych w walkę o wolność7. Tymczasem, nie bez znaczenia jest przypomnienie dzisiaj, kiedy mamy już za sobą doświadczenia totalitaryzmów socjalistycznych XX w., że projekt socjalistyczny, projekt marksistowski został stworzony w duchu demokratycznym. Dla Maussa, już w jego młodości, socjalizm i demokracja to dwie 1 M. Mauss, Przed kongresem. Podwójne pytanie, grudzień 1920, w: M. Mauss, Ecrits politiques. Textes réunis et présentés par Marcel Fournier, Paris Fayard 1997, s. 364. Wszystkie kolejne przywołania pism Marcela Maussa pochodzą z powyższego zbioru pism [tłumaczenia polskie cytatów i tytułów poszczególnych pism – E.P.] 2 [SFIO – Section Française de l’Internationale Ouvrière: Oddział Francuski Międzynarodówki Robotniczej, powstały w 1905 r. w wyniku fuzji poprzednich socjalistycznych partii Francji – przyp. tłum.]. 3 M. Mauss, Do Moskwy, 15 stycznia 1921, s. 379. 4 M. Mauss, Demokracja socjalistyczna, 6 maja 1924, s. 685. 5 [ Jules Guesde – zwolennik socjalizmu walczącego, oponent Jeana Jaurèsa – przyp. tłum.] 6 [Partii Ouvrier Socialiste Révolutionnaire – Rewolucyjna Socjalistyczna Partia Robotników – przyp. tłum.] 7 M. Mauss, Portrety, ok. 1928, s. 740. 44 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… „koncepcje”, które się wzajemnie uzupełniają. Prawdziwy socjalizm może być tylko demokratyczny, a demokracja realizuje się poprzez socjalizm. Ściślej rzecz biorąc, młody Mauss demokrację postrzega jako ideał nieosiągalny. Należy wręcz dodać, że w 1903 r. ocenia socjalizm jako drogę ku ideałowi demokratycznemu8. W 1924 r., w którym ukazał się Szkic o darze, jego inny tekst, zatytułowany Demokracja socjalistyczna opublikowany w magazynie „Le Populaire”, potwierdza tę identyfikację demokracji i socjalizmu. Konstatując triumf znacznej części partii socjalistycznych w Europie, Mauss pisze: Socjaldemokraci mogą sobie pogratulować. Poprzez tę grupę rozumiem tu tych, którzy podążając śladami Jeana Jaurèsa, nigdy nie brali pod uwagę rozdziału socjalizmu i demokracji, dla których demokracja jest niezbędnym elementem socjalizmu, a socjalizm warunkiem trwałości i sukcesu demokracji9. W istocie, Jean Jaurès był dla Maussa uosobieniem socjalizmu demokratycznego i o nim też Mauss pisał, iż jest on symbolem demokraty, republikanina, obrońcy praw, socjalisty, a nie proletariatczyka. I nikt bardziej niż on nie potępiał przemocy, tyranii jakiejkolwiek klasy społecznej, terroru w jakiejkolwiek formie i jakiejkolwiek próby zamachu na praworządność10. W tym samym artykule Mauss potępia „potężne kłamstwo” komunistów w Moskwie, którzy nazywają się socjalistami. Pacyfistyczny ideał Maussa również odpowiada obronie demokracji. Ktoś powie, że to błędne koło? Pokój nigdy nie może nastąpić w warunkach niedemokratycznych, lecz demokracja ze swej strony nie może zaistnieć bez pokoju. Odpowiemy zatem: błędne koło istnieje tylko w logice. W praktyce, możemy działać na dwa fronty. Trzeba dokonać nieludzkiego wysiłku, by ocalić i pokój, i demokrację naraz11. 8 „Po przeczytaniu tej książki (Demokracja i organizacja partii politycznych Ostrogorskiego) odrzucenie fetyszyzacji demokracji po to, by wreszcie w nią uwierzyć, jest nieuniknione. I stworzyć, kiedy nadejdzie czas, najlepszy z możliwych rząd ludu w służbie ludowi (du peuple par le peuple). Naturalnie, nikt nie zakłada, iż ten rząd mógłby kiedykolwiek być rządem doskonałym”. M. Mauss, recenzja książki Moiseja Jakowlewicza Ostrogorskiego, 1903. 9 M. Mauss, Demokracja socjalistyczna…, s. 686. 10 M. Mauss, Socjalizm i bolszewizm, luty 1925, s. 703. 11 M. Mauss, Konflikt francusko-niemiecki, 1 czerwca 1913, s. 109. 45 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) Obrona demokracji, nieodłączna od pacyfizmu i socjalizmu, należy zatem do normatywnego uniwersum Maussa. Nabiera ona na sile za sprawą ewidentnej zdrady demokracji przez bolszewików, którzy wszak również przybierają miano socjalistów. To właśnie potępienie bolszewizmu pozwala nam zrozumieć wizję demokracji socjalistycznej proponowaną przez Maussa i jej związek z moralnością daru12. Potępienie bolszewizmu Mauss dokonuje krytyki bolszewizmu przede wszystkim w imię demokracji. Ponieważ dobrze znamy ten aspekt doktryny bolszewickiej, jakim jest pogarda Rosjan dla demokracji; ponieważ już przed wojną rozpoznaliśmy tę cechę walki bolszewickiej, dlatego też od razu odżegnaliśmy się od herveizmu13 i syndykalistów, którzy się nim kierowali14. Mauss pisze, że ów kierujący się przemocą „system idei i czynów” wzbudza jego „najgłębszą odrazę”15. Poprzez pogardę dla idei demokratycznych, terror, morderstwa i deportacje, system ten nie tylko usytuował się „poza prawem moralnym, lecz przede wszystkim wyrzekł się podstawowych zasad rozwagi politycznej”16. W 1922 r. identyfikuje ów problem następująco: z jednej strony mamy zwolenników przemocy i dyktatury, a z drugiej strony socjalistów przekonanych, iż socjalizm jako ustrój nie ma racji bytu, ani szans przetrwania w obrębie żadnego narodu, który nie okaże dlań poparcia poprzez konsensus większości społeczeństwa17. W tym też duchu, jako demokrata, Mauss zwalcza bolszewizm. Moralność daru uczy nas, by umieć się przeciwstawić bez masakry. Możemy zatem dostrzec spójność pomiędzy potępieniem bolszewików i jednocześnie uznaniem ich „szlachetnych pobudek”, które przewijają się przez dyskusję, w którą Mauss 12 Pisma polityczne Maussa nie pozwalają nam dostrzec doraźnego związku między jego walką w imię demokracji a zaangażowaniem przeciwko faszyzmowi. 13 „Rozłam pomiędzy socjalistami demokratycznymi i komunistami następuje jeszcze przed [kongresem socjalistycznym] w Tours” – uściśla Mauss. 14 M. Mauss, Do bolszewików, 9 grudnia 1922, s. 489. 15 Tamże, s. 490. 16 M. Mauss, Rozważania na temat przemocy. III. Przemoc bolszewicka. Bilans terroru. Jego porażka, 17 lutego 1923, s. 521. 17 Tamże. 46 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… się angażuje. Chodzi tu o podtrzymanie zasady „złotego środka”18, nawet jeśli wymaga to radykalnej krytyki19. Mauss posuwa się wręcz do organizowania wzajemnych debat: Nawet jeśli według nas okazali się słabi w teorii i w praktyce, naszym zamiarem nie jest nałożenie na nich anatemy. Tego typu postępowanie zastawiamy neofitom, my zaś jedynie zastrzegamy sobie prawo do oceniania ich działań, podobnie jak oni ewidentnie oceniają nasze20. Wymieniwszy te aspekty bolszewizmu, które szczególnie go rażą (podczas gdy inne wzbudzają jego uznanie), Mauss pisze: „Nie ma powodu, byśmy ich ekskomunikowali z wielkiej Ekumeny socjalistycznej [...], ale nie zamierzamy też całować ich stóp, jeśli uważają się za jej papieży”21. Innymi słowy, jak każdy dobry demokrata, Mauss uważa bolszewików za przeciwników, z którymi można podyskutować, nie zaś za wrogów, których należy unicestwić. Od jego pierwszych pism politycznych – „Action socialiste”, datowanych na 1899 r., jest jasne, że rewolucja socjalistyczna, jaką Mauss sobie wyobraża, nie jest rewolucją marksistów; po pierwsze, nie jest rewolucją dokonaną siłą, lecz, jak zauważyliśmy wcześniej, ma to być rewolucja moralna, rewolucja w sposobach postrzegania, myślenia i działania, która już się dokonuje – przede wszystkim w robotniczych kooperatywach i syndykatach. Rewolucja moralna jest już w pewnym sensie wprawiona w ruch, pozostaje tylko ją wspomóc demokratycznymi metodami. Marksiści chcą ją natomiast zapoczątkować siłą. Mauss, chociaż używa pewnych ogólnych zwrotów z ich słownika (zniesienie systemu płacowego, usunięcie kapitalizmu, rozpad społeczeństwa burżuazyjnego, walka klas), z pewnością nie pojmuje ich w ten sam sposób, co sami marksiści. Po roku 1910 odczuwa potrzebę rozprawienia się z marksistowskim konceptem rewolucji opartej o walkę zbrojną. Czyni to, ponieważ kontekst wreszcie pozwala na potępienie tej idei – można wnioskować, że wcześniej byłby niezrozumiany w środowisku socjalistów. W 1899 r. autor Szkicu o darze podejmuje się wyjaśnienia dokonującej się rewolucji moralnej, w sposób naturalny odzwierciedlającej moralność daru: M. Mauss, Do bolszewików…, s. 489. Przypomnijmy, że poglądy Maussa, jego oddanie ideałom demokracji, zdaje się potwierdzać także, przynajmniej z jego punktu widzenia, nikomachejską drogę środka. 20 Tamże. 21 Tamże. 18 19 47 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) moralności wspólnoty dbałej o przetrwanie wszystkich jej członków, która wymaga od nich „poddania i poświęcenia” przy jednoczesnym wysiłku ku polepszeniu ich losu i stworzeniu lepszych warunków życia. Wizja ta staje się jasna przy założeniu, że wspomniane poświęcenie nie zakłada samoofiary. Dwadzieścia pięć lat później Mauss odnajdzie w darze uniwersalną zasadę antropologiczną, inspirującą rewolucję moralną zdolną przybrać kształt ogólny, a zarazem wszechogarniający. Jak wkrótce zobaczymy, każdy z tych wymiarów – empiryczny, polityczny, ekonomiczny – krytyki bolszewizmu, którą Mauss formułuje w imię socjalizmu i demokracji, może z powodzeniem być rozumiany jako teoretyczny i moralny wymiar Szkicu o darze22. Krytyka empiryczno-moralna: kwestia kooperatywy Rosyjscy bolszewicy „odżegnując się od wszystkiego, co wiąże się z wolnym stowarzyszaniem, od wszelkiej indywidualnej inicjatywy”23, w ciągu pierwszych dwóch lat swych rządów, w niewielkim stopniu wspierali (a wręcz podważali) ruch kooperatyw24 (będący według Maussa uprzywilejowanym kierunkiem socjalistycznej rewolucji moralnej). I to pomimo, że „Rosja, poprzez ogrom swego terytorium, stosunkowo słabo rozwinięty kapitalizm, ugruntowaną tradycję komunizmu i kooperatywizmu jest idealnym gruntem dla powstania kooperatyw”25. „Ich rozrost – pisze Mauss w tonie lirycznym – przypomina dziką, spontaniczną roślinność, wybujałą na południoworosyjskim stepie kiedy stopnieje śnieg”26. Rozwój kooperatyw był „tak gigantyczny, iż niemal stanowił remedium na zawodny kapitalizm”27. Mauss zauważa, że „kooperacja rozwinęła się w najwyższym stopniu w tych częściach Rosji, którym udało się uniknąć, do czasu, sowieckiego jarzma” – na Syberii, na południu Rosji, na Kaukazie 22 Ta krytyka przybiera również wymiar teoretyczny, o którym pisaliśmy w rozdziale 4. [S. Dzimira, Marcel Mauss, savant et politique, M.A.U.S.S./Decouverte, Paris 2007. Niniejszy tekst jest przedrukiem 8. rozdziału tej książki – przyp. tłum], i który wystarczy tutaj skrótowo przywołać. Bolszewizm opiera się na „marksizmie całościowym, niewiele różniącym się od skrajnego marksizmu” (M. Mauss, Przed kongresem, 10 grudnia 1920) z którym Mauss nie utożsamiał się z uwagi na jego ekonomizowanie i utylitaryzm. Ów teoretyczny utylitaryzm, wzmacnia wręcz sposób postrzegania i myślenia, z którego należy zdaniem Maussa zrezygnować. 23 M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. IV. Przemoc bolszewicka. Walka z klasami rządzącymi, 24 lutego 1923, s. 525. 24 M. Mauss, Do bolszewików, 9 grudnia 1920. Bolszewicy planowali „zniszczyć” ten typ organizacji na rzecz „jedynej kooperatywy”, zanim zostali zmuszeni oficjalnie je przywrócić – przede wszystkim na użytek chłopstwa – biorąc pod uwagę katastroficzne skutki ich zniesienia, stanowiące zagrożenie dla całej populacji. M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. IV. Przemoc bolszewicka. Walka z klasami rządzącymi, s. 520. 25 M. Mauss, Rosyjskie kooperatywy, marzec–kwiecień 1920, s. 275. 26 Tamże. 27 M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. IV. Przemoc bolszewicka. Walka z klasami rządzącymi, s. 520. 48 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… i w republice Archangielska28. W pewnym sensie, to właśnie kooperatywy ocaliły bolszewików, podtrzymując ekonomię, do której zniszczenia przyczyniały się ich brutalne działania, siejące klimat ogólnego niezadowolenia. Ten opór kooperatywy zawdzięczają, zdaniem Maussa, niezależności politycznej, sprawiającej, iż od początku ich istnienia – usytuowanego przezeń w latach 1880–1890 – nie stały się nigdy instrumentem władzy; w tym sensie były „apolityczne” i stanowiły niemal „państwo w państwie”29. Stąd zresztą wnioskuje, że ten właśnie kierunek należałoby obrać także we Francji: „Nigdy nie podporządkujemy się tym, którzy chcieliby, by nasz ruch służył interesom innym niż ustanowienie kooperatyw w handlu i przemyśle, w produkcji i dystrybucji dóbr”30. Co stwierdziwszy, Mauss rozpoczyna wskazywanie na podobieństwa pomiędzy społeczeństwami archaicznymi, prymitywnymi formami „wymiany” i ruchem kooperatywnym: Sytuacją typową dla kooperatyw jest, że nagromadzone dobra służą wspólnocie na dwa sposoby. Ta forma uprawiania handlu z jednej strony przypomina najprymitywniejszą jego formę – wymianę dokonywaną bez udziału środków płatniczych. Lecz z drugiej strony, poprzez swą formę organiczną i społeczną, reguluje ona ceny i zachodzące wymiany, chroni przed spekulacją, reguluje nie tylko konsumpcję, ale też całościową produkcję w obrębie wspólnoty i w ten sposób jawi się nam jako doskonalsza forma działalności ekonomicznej31. ( Jego opinia na temat używania monety w społeczeństwach archaicznych jest tutaj skrótowa w porównaniu ze Szkicem… i nie ma póki co mowy o darze, a raczej o wymianie (troc), którą pojmuje tutaj jako targ bez wymiany pieniężnej – przypuszczenie, które będzie przedmiotem krytyki w Szkicu…). Ponadto, potępia również sposób, w jaki Sowieci obchodzą się z Wholesale, największą angielską kooperatywą tamtych czasów: odmówili oni mianowicie honorowania długów, zaciągniętych przez kooperatywy rosyjskie przed rewolucją bolszewicką. Krytyka ta dobrze wpisuje się w moralność daru, która wymaga uznania i spłacenia długów, także natury handlowej – bo nie mają one nigdy natury wyłącznie komercyjnej. Co gorsza, poprzez takie postępowanie Sowieci 28 M. Mauss, Rosyjskie kooperatywy, marzec-kwiecień 1920, s. 276. [Chodzi zapewne o obwód archangielski, który był jednym z rosyjskich bastionów antybolszewickich i został przyłączony do Rosji sowieckiej w 1920 r. – przyp. tłum.] 29 Tamże, s. 289. 30 Tamże, s. 290. 31 Tamże, s. 297. 49 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) łamali warunki umożliwiające jakąkolwiek wymianę pomiędzy kooperatywami angielskimi, szkockimi, francuskimi, etc. i rosyjskimi, a mianowicie zaufanie co do woli spłacenia długów i poszanowanie dla umowy słownej. Karząc lokalne kooperatywy za wcześniejsze stosunki z carską Rosją, Sowieci zagrażają rozwojowi socjalizmu w tych krajach32. Tymczasem w Anglii przystąpiono do rozmów dotyczących możliwości kontynuacji współpracy z ARCOS, kooperatywą sowiecką. Dyskusja podjęta przez sir T. Alle, prezesa rady Wholesale, rzuca światło na rzeczywiste szanse współpracy: Zasadniczą kwestią było sprawdzenie, czy transakcje te mogły być przeprowadzone metodami czystego socjalizmu na poziomie państwa, czy też metodami kooperatyw opartymi na wolnej woli i chęci stowarzyszenia. Wolna kooperatywa w Rosji została zniszczona przez rząd Sowietów. „No i proszę!”, dodaje Mauss w swoim raporcie33. W końcu, poprzez zniesienie „ciał pośrednich”, które składały się głównie na korporacje, bolszewicy stworzyli, jak określił to Durkheim, anomiczne „socjologiczne potworności”. W rzeczy samej, przeistoczywszy Rosję sowiecką w sumę jednostek rozproszonych i ubezwłasnowolnionych przez przerośnięte państwo, w społeczeństwo jednocześnie jednostkowe i etatystyczne, pozbawili samych siebie niezbędnego aparatu moralnego: sterroryzowali i pogwałcili prawa grupy ludzi wykwalifikowanych, którą doprowadzili niemal do upadku, osłabili tę grupę, która miała być z zasady dźwignią rewolucji, a jednocześnie realnym podmiotem produkcji, która składała się z rzeczywistych posiadaczy i w ten sposób minęli się z celem, którym była zbiorowa organizacja produkcji34. Dla Maussa bolszewicka destrukcja kooperatyw i spowodowany nią chaos, jest potwierdzeniem opinii jego wuja o miejscu grup zawodowych w życiu moralnym społeczeństwa: „Hipotezy Durkheima dotyczące moralnej i ekonomicznej wartości grupy pracowników wykwalifikowanych uzyskały całkowite potwierdzenie w doświadczeniu bolszewickim”35. M. Mauss, Angielskie kooperatywy i Sowieci, 18 czerwca 1921, s. 422. Tamże, s. 422. 34 M. Mauss, Socjologiczna ocena bolszewizmu, 1924, s. 540–541. 35 Tamże, s. 544. 32 33 50 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… Krytyka moralno-polityczna: przemoc jako błędny wybór Bolszewizm „jest wyłącznie metodą działania i formą ustanowienia partii”, a jego „zasady są jedynie formalne i polityczne: sekretność, dyscyplina, centralizacja, przemoc, oraz, w razie zwycięstwa, terrorystyczna dyktatura skierowana przeciwko ubezwłasnowolnionej większości”36. Mauss potępia rządy przemocy oraz sekciarskie praktyki, opierające się na braku tolerancji wobec każdego, kto się z nimi nie zgadza, podważające podstawowe zasady demokracji. „Akty przemocy i samowoli, których się dopuszczają, zawsze budziły w nas moralny opór”37, podkreśla. Ponadto, istnieje niebezpieczeństwo natury politycznej: Ich cyniczna idea, wedle której „cel uświęca środki” każe nam postrzegać ich także jako stosunkowo przeciętnej rangi polityków. Ich oportunizm, podziwiany przez zwolenników, jest dla nas formą zhańbienia socjalizmu38. Przemoc nie jest nawet dla nich środkiem – stała się celem39. Służąc im również jako taktyka polityczna, przemoc ta jest godna potępienia, ponieważ okazuje się nieskuteczna, a nawet „kontr-produktywna”, finalnie stając się narzędziem burżuazji, jak miało to miejsce we Włoszech. W istocie, przemoc rodzi przemoc: we Włoszech przemoc socjalistów zgromadzonych wokół idei leninowskich powołuje przemoc Fasci, odłamu bojowników pod przywództwem Mussoliniego, niegdyś socjalisty. Ostatecznie zwolennicy przemocy są zmuszeni ją potępić, jak zrobiła to włoska partia socjalistyczna po dwóch latach wojny domowej, kiedy już „tyle krwi przelano, tylu cierpień doświadczono, tyle zniszczenia zasiano, kiedy już zamknięto fabryki, zorganizowano lokaut, oblężono wsie, po kontr terrorze brutalniejszym niż poprzedzający go terror”40. Kiedy już dobiegł końca miesiąc pertraktacji i combinazioni między socjalistami i faszystami, rządy burżuazji zostały ugruntowane. Koniec końców, nikt już nie pochwala przemocy we Włoszech 1921 r.; nikt poza komunistami, którzy „nadal żyją marzeniami o rozlewie krwi i terrorze... na rachunek Moskwy, ale z pożytkiem dla burżuazji”41. W oczach Maussa bolszewizm – podobnie jak faszyzm – nie jest doktryną, lecz metodą działania opartą na przemocy, afiszującej się już u George’a Sorela M. Mauss, Przed kongresem. Podwójne pytanie, 10 grudnia 1920, s. 362. M. Mauss, Do bolszewików, 30 kwietnia 1921, s. 405. 38 Tamże. 39 Socjologiczna ocena bolszewizmu, Przegląd metafizyki i moralności, 1924, s. 547. 40 M. Mauss, Koniec przemocy we Włoszech, 16 lipca 1921, s. 432. 41 Tamże, s. 433. 36 37 51 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) w Rozważaniach o przemocy, jej apologii. Podkreślając, że zarówno u Lenina, jak i Mussoliniego dostrzega zapożyczenia od Sorela, uznaje jednak, że ten ostatni mógłby być z nich dumny! Zgodnie ze swym zwyczajem stara się też wyciągnąć naukę z bieżących wydarzeń, między innymi taką oto, że przemoc nie pozostaje bez związku z demokracją. W pewnym sensie zajmuje ona puste miejsce po demokracji, z winy demokratów. W gruncie rzeczy, faszyzm i bolszewizm są jedynie epizodami politycznymi w życiu narodów niewystarczająco politycznie wyedukowanych. Przemoc, w Rosji jak i we Włoszech, odegrała taką rolę, gdyż nie było tu jeszcze opinii publicznej, edukacji obywatelskiej, krótko mówiąc, obywateli42. Zanim stały się reżimami politycznymi, rządami idei, faszyzm i bolszewizm były w pewnym sensie stanami społeczeństwa, którego członkowie tkwią w błędnym kole przemocy, gdyż nie nauczyli się sobie przeciwstawiać bez masakry, nie wykształcono w tych społeczeństwach etosu demokratycznego43. „Te działania to akty brutalności, a nie wyraz myśli politycznej”, pisze Mauss44. Na potwierdzenie wystarczy przypomnieć, iż we Włoszech wielu bolszewików stało się faszystami i odwrotnie: idee są mało ważne. Liczy się tylko przemoc. Nie oznacza to, że Mauss nie rozpoznawał w działaniach bolszewików ambicji „stworzenia nowego ustroju ekonomicznego, moralnego; prawnego, a nawet religijnego”45. Wręcz przeciwnie. Ale projekt ten zasadzał się na fundamentalnym błędzie, „[…] wierze, że można stanowić prawa na mocy dekretów, wywierając przemoc, że można prowadzić interesy bez zgody i zaufania stron”46. Według Maussa, nie trzeba więcej niż dar, aby żywić nadzieję na ustanowienie trwałego systemu. Względną, skądinąd, długotrwałość rządów bolszewików wyjaśnia on po części ich ustępstwami, czynionymi wobec chłopstwa, kooperatyw, kupców, a nawet kapitalistów w zakresie wolności robienia interesów. Sądząc, że przemoc może być fundamentem trwałego projektu społecznego, bolszewicy nie tylko popełnili błąd antropologiczny, ale wykazali wielką głupotę polityczną: M. Mauss, Faszyzm i bolszewizm. Rozmyślania na temat przemocy, 3 lutego 1923, s. 512. O wadze znajomości etosu spontanicznie dzielonego pomiędzy wszystkimi członkami wspólnoty poucza Szkic… 44 M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. II. Przemoc bolszewicka. Jej natura. Jej wymówki, 10 lutego 1923, s. 514. 45 Tamże, s. 514. 46 Tamże, s. 515. 42 43 52 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… Jeśli istnieje jakiś pewnik, to jest nim niemożność dokonania rewolucji społecznej bez inteligencji, przeciw najaktywniejszym klasom społecznym kraju47, przeciw instytucjom, które są w nim najcenniejsze, stanowiąc o istocie sukcesu. Zaś bolszewizm był wrogi wszelkiej wolnej myśli w kraju. Zwalczał klasę chłopską, klasę robotniczą, której sami Sowieci stanowią przecież ekskluzywny i bezpośredni wyraz. Zniszczył, niejako dla zabawy, wszystkie instytucje i ugrupowania polityczne, ekonomiczne [takie jak kooperatywy, zwłaszcza rolnicze – S.D.], które go przyćmiewały swoją możliwością stworzenia zasadniczych podwalin socjalizmu działającego w sposób niewymuszony48. Prześladując wolność i wolne stowarzyszenia, depozytariuszy moralności socjalistycznej, bolszewicy podcięli gałąź, na której siedzieli! Takiemu ortodoksyjnemu podejściu Marcel Mauss przeciwstawia inny sposób zaangażowania się w partię socjalistyczną: poprzez poszanowanie podstawowych zasad demokracji i konflikt bez konieczności ustępstw ze strony rywali, pozostających jednocześnie przyjaciółmi… I przypomina, że owa demokratyczna koncepcja aktywizmu socjalistycznego jest bardziej zgodna z ideałami socjalizmu demokratycznego: Przyznaję, że różnimy się od siebie pod każdym względem. […] Przyznaję też, że bolszewicy należą do tej samej partii, co ja i są w niej większością, do tej samej Międzynarodówki i też są tam większością. Ale jeśli [bolszewicy] chcą dorzucić klątwę, jaka na nich spadła do partii, która nas łączy, to oni będą musieli opuścić partię i ja za nich nie poręczę. Ponieważ oznaczałoby to zapomnienie tradycji, na którą Guesde, Jaurès i Vaillant skierowali moje kroki; tradycji zarazem rewolucyjnej i republikańskiej, która nie ma nic wspólnego z fatalizmem mienszewików, ale jest tolerancją i aktywnością. To oznaczałoby zaprzeczenie samemu sobie49. 47 Przypomnijmy, że Mauss rozumie ten związek z klasami rządzącymi, których część stanowi burżuazja, w trybie daru agonistycznego. Ideą jest tu spór na obszarze hojności. Jeśli [bolszewicy – przyp. tłum.] nie podejmą wyzwania, historia zachowa być może ten dowód ich skąpstwa i małostkowości. Jeśli je podejmą, świat obierze drogę socjalizmu. Owa perspektywa otwierająca możliwość współpracy z burżuazją w dziele socjalizmu pojawia się na każdym etapie historii ruchu robotniczego, od Saint-Simona, Fourriera i „lirycznej iluzji 1848” [ideał zjednoczenia klas w walce o społeczeństwo braterskie wyzbyte przemocy, obecny w historiografii Wiosny Ludów, zwłaszcza u Lamartine’a i Micheleta – przyp. tłum.]. Srogie represje, które nastąpiły po 1848, a jeszcze później „krwawe dni” Komuny Paryskiej, z czasem doprowadziły do osłabienia tej idei. Odżyła ona jednak z nadejściem Trzeciej Republiki w formie socjalizmu demokratycznego B. Malone’a, E. Fournière’a i J. Jaurèsa, głównie za sprawą odrzucenia ruchu robotniczego Julesa Guesde [opartego na idei walki klas – przyp. tłum.]. Jaurès pisze w tym duchu na łamach „L’Armée Nouvelle”: „Marks nie doceniał mocy ludzkiej dobrej woli, szczerości i entuzjazmu moralnego i społecznego, które istnieją i czasem podrywają do działania burżuazję” (1969, s. 172 [tłum. E.P.]). 48 M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. IV. Przemoc bolszewicka. Walka z klasami rządzącymi, 24 lutego 1923, s. 522. 49 M. Mauss, Przed kongresem. Podwójne pytanie, 10 grudnia 1920, s. 364. 53 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) Mauss prowadzi ciągłą walkę na rzecz demokracji i wykorzystuje każdą możliwość interwencji, jaką napotyka. W grudniu 1920 r., w „La Vie socialiste” przywołuje uwagi Landsbury’ego, szefa angielskiej gazety „Daily Herald”, którego uznaje za „jednego z liderów socjalizmu” ponieważ, mimo „powoływania się na Lenina i Krasina”, Landsbury równie silnie nawołuje do odrzucenia dyktatury proletariatu i opowiedzenia się po stronie parlamentaryzmu. Mauss życzyłby sobie, by najgorętsi partyzanci francuskiego bolszewizmu obrali podobny kierunek: Niezależna Partia Pracy, Partia Pracy, wszyscy socjaliści, którzy są przeciwni metodom bolszewików powinni się zjednoczyć. Muszą oni poprzez swe czyny i fakty dowieść, iż metody parlamentarne są znacznie lepszym sposobem zdobycia uznania ogółu społeczeństwa, niż dyktatura proletariatu. Jakaż różnica w tonie porównując z komunistami francuskimi, ich atakami na zdrajców społeczeństwa50, a zarazem ze społecznymi konserwatystami51. Usiłując zrozumieć przywiązanie francuskich socjalistów do sprawy bolszewickiej, Mauss ponownie wyznacza linię demarkacyjną: Dla nich to ona [Rosja radziecka – przyp. S.D.] jest azylem. To jedyny kraj, w którym prześladowany gdzie indziej komunizm jest bezpieczny, skąd Międzynarodówka, centrum działań, może być niezależnie dowodzona bez obaw przed aresztowaniem pod zarzutem konspiracji, za zdradę stanu, bez groźby kontrrewolucji, sił reakcyjnych, białego terroru, które są niestety – kończy Mauss uznający sprzeciw wobec wroga za lepszy niż jego zniszczenie – zagrożeniami jak najbardziej prawdopodobnymi52. Jeżeli przemoc nie może stanowić podwalin pod żaden stabilny ład, jest tak przede wszystkim ze względów antropologicznych: współpraca między ludźmi zachodzi spontanicznie, tak jak spontanicznie utrzymują oni ze sobą więzi – nie dlatego, że są do nich zmuszani (a zmuszanie jest eufemistycznym określeniem), lecz dlatego, że sobie ufają i „w dobrej wierze”, krótko mówiąc na zasadzie daru, a także jedynie w trybie wspólnego interesu – ponieważ „na początek trzeba […] jednak umieć odłożyć broń”, pisze w Szkicu…53. 50 Za co już osobiście odpowiedział, począwszy od roku 1900, przy okazji Drugiego Kongresu Międzynarodówki – patrz Raporty dotyczące Stosunków Międzynarodowych, 1900, s. 100; M. Fournier, Marcel Mauss, Fayard, Paris 1994, s. 231. 51 M. Mauss, Żądanie rozejmu w Anglii. Apel Landsbury’ego, 11 grudnia 1920, s. 366. 52 M. Mauss, Do Moskwy…, s. 381. 53 Por. M. Mauss, Szkic o darze. Forma i podstawa wymiany w społeczeństwach archaicznych, w: tegoż, 54 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… Bolszewicy nie osiągnęli niczego inaczej niż wymuszaniem siłą. [...] Problem w tym, że ludzie nie przystąpią do pracy i do życia społecznego siłą, lecz poprzez interes i z dobrej woli, czyli w duchu, który uważają za odzwierciedlający ich wzajemne stosunki54. Rozważania Maussa na temat daru są przede wszystkim wyraźnie wyłożone w Socjologicznej ocenie bolszewizmu, bezpośrednio zainspirowanej Szkicem…, przynajmniej we fragmencie, gdzie – po dokonaniu krytyki przemocy z uwagi na jej destrukcyjne oddziaływanie na współpracę międzyludzką – pisze: Istnieją liczne niewidzialne więzi, które spajają jednostki w społeczeństwie, które tworzą nić zaufania, szacunek, re et rationes contractae. To właśnie na tym gruncie [na gruncie daru, oczywiście – S.D.] może zakiełkować i zakwitnąć chęć sprawiania przyjemności innym, której możemy być pewni55. I dalej zauważa: Socjalizm nie może zaistnieć na gruncie terroru, gdyż – i całe życie rosyjskie ostatnich sześciu lat [1917–1918 do 1924 – S.D.] tego dowodzi – terror nie łączy, terror nie pobudza do działania: terror sprawia, że ludzie milkną, chowają się w sobie, uciekają i unikają siebie nawzajem, tracą głowę i nie są zdolni do pracy: Metus ac terror sunt infirma vincula caritatis, „Obawa i strach tworzą słabe więzy przyjaźni”, formuła Tacyta, którą należy powtórzyć mówiąc o pierwszych rządach socjalistów w historii56. Powstaną one zatem tylko pod warunkiem, że podwaliną pod nie będzie dar. Nie ma społeczeństwa, które potrzebowałoby włączenia elementów pozytywnych bardziej niż [społeczeństwo socjalistyczne – S.D.], niż to, które uważa się za społeczeństwo robotników poświęcających się dla siebie. Nigdy nie stworzymy społeczeństwa tego typu na sile czysto materialnej. Pod groźbą monotonii i powtarzalności, powróćmy jeszcze raz w sposób przejrzysty do greckich i łacińskich koncepcji caritas, którą tak nieudolnie tłumaczymy dzisiaj jako miłosierdzie […], tej „potrzebnej” przyjaźni, tej „wspólnoty”, będących delikatną esencją polis57. Socjologia i antropologia, przeł. M. Król, K. Pomian i J. Szacki, PWN, Warszawa 1973, s. 329. 54 M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. Przeciw przemocy. Na rzecz mocy, 5 marca 1923, s. 527. 55 M. Mauss, Socjologiczna ocena bolszewizmu…, s. 549. 56 Tamże, s. 550. 57 Tamże. 55 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) Zbieżność tego fragmentu tekstu z poniższym, zaczerpniętym ze Szkicu…, oddala wszelką dwuznaczność w kwestii podłoża myśli Maussa w zakresie związków socjalizmu i daru: Społeczeństwo chce odnaleźć swoją komórkę społeczną. Poszukuje ono jednostki i opiekuje się nią w duchu, w którym miesza się poczucie przysługujących jej praw oraz inne, czystsze, uczucia: miłosierdzia, „służby społecznej”, solidarności. Tematy daru, wolności i zobowiązań przez dar: korzyści i interesu, jaki się ma, w dawaniu, powracają do nas, jak powraca dominujący temat, nazbyt długo zapomniany58. Zdaniem Maussa, we Francji 1920 r., duch daru i socjalizm idą ze sobą w parze. Krytyka ekonomiczna: nieskuteczność bolszewizmu Bolszewizm i jego doświadczenie „jedynej kooperatywy” jest ekonomicznie nieskuteczny. Z powodów organizacyjnych, z pewnością, ale także, i przede wszystkim dlatego, że poprzez swą politykę terroru zniweczył jakąkolwiek zdolność do wspólnych przedsięwzięć. Poprzez przemoc, którą bolszewicy obrali jako fundament, „zbrukali źródło wszelkiego życia społecznego, zaufanie i dobrą wiarę”, „nadzieję, [...] wiarę w siebie i w drugiego człowieka, inaczej mówiąc, to, czego potrzeba ludziom, by współpracowali ze sobą”59. Jest to jednocześnie powód, dla którego Mauss wielokrotnie podkreślał, iż „to właśnie ona [przemoc – przyp. S.D.] jest odpowiedzialna za klęskę bolszewizmu”60. W sierpniu 1921 r., badacz kreśli bilans ekonomiczny lat minionych pod jarzmem sowietów i jego konkluzja jest lapidarna: „totalna ruina”61 oraz największa katastrofa ekonomiczna w historii ludzkości: Dziś mamy głód. [...] To oni są odpowiedzialni [...] za brak zapasów. Okazali się barbarzyńscy i nieprzewidywalni jak faraoni z przypowieści o Józefie. Społeczeństwo kapitalistyczne, ze wszystkimi swymi wadami jest przynajmniej, niczym dawne społeczeństwa barbarzyńskie, we władaniu swych zapasów i ma co nieco zaplanowane. Zbirom z Kremla tego zabrakło. Wywiedli swe rządy od cesarzy chińskich i Wielkich Mogołów, podczas gdy M. Mauss, Szkic o darze…, s. 308. M. Mauss, Socjologiczna ocena bolszewizmu…, s. 549. 60 M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. III. Przemoc bolszewicka. Bilans terroru. Jego klęska, 17 lutego 1923, s. 520. 61 M. Mauss, Sprawy sowietów, 13 sierpnia 1921, s. 439. 58 59 56 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… ci nie wykazali się ani podobną niemocą, ani też zaślepieniem [...]. [ Jeszcze rok temu] żyliśmy snem, zahipnotyzowani w sposób chorobliwy siłą, zwycięstwem, światową Rewolucją. Nasi komuniści wciąż żyją tym snem. Brutalne przebudzenie62. Jeszcze w grudniu 1922 r., po przywołaniu wszystkich elementów tego „wielkiego zaniedbania”, Mauss podsumowuje: „Wszystko to nie pozostawia naszym zdaniem wątpliwości co do kompetencji ekonomicznej komunistów”63. Ta ruina ekonomiczna polega zwłaszcza na bolszewickiej chęci całkowitej kolektywizacji, „hurtowym socjalizowaniu”, koncepcji ekonomicznej, która jest absurdalna w obrębie samej myśli socjalistycznej: „Największym błędem było wprowadzenie komunizmu, zamiast socjalizmu w kwestii konsumpcji: na przykład mieszkania komunalne, ten ewidentny przedmiot jednostkowej konsumpcji, lub kolejny przykład – przydziały żywności”64. Ich klęska staje się oczywista na początku lat dwudziestych, kiedy to „komuniści” sprzedają Rosję na części, po tym jak ją „hurtowo socjalizowali”65. Kapitalizm wygląda wobec tego jak wyższe stadium rozwoju bolszewizmu… Trwa zatem sprzedaż detaliczna Rosji: jeśli nie obcokrajowcom, sprzedaje się ją Rosjanom. Najpierw Rosjanom: bolszewicy „sprytnie tymczasowo odstąpili ziemię chłopom po czterech latach zwodzenia, w końcu postanowili dać im całość na własność, realizując tym samym najbardziej gigantyczną rewolucję »drobnomieszczańską« w historii”66. Następnie obcokrajowcom: kiedy sprzedali już posiadane złoto „to, co Sowieci mają teraz do zaoferowania kapitalistom, to nie towary ze złotem na czele, lecz państwowy fundusz inwestycyjny, świętą ziemię, tę samą, która podlegała koncesji”67. W odniesieniu do NEP68, która miała za zadanie odwrócić skutki marazmu ekonomicznego, w którym Sowieci pogrążyli Rosję, Mauss pisze, iż „oznacza ona częściową odsprzedaż, a wręcz przekazanie dawnych własności rosyjskich zachodnim kapitalistom i sprzedaż tych, które nigdy nie zostały skonfiskowane”69. W efekcie, miejsce, które przyznali oni państwu jest identyczne z tym, które zajmuje ono w „sporej części państw Tamże, s. 440. M. Mauss, Do bolszewików…, s. 541. 64 Tamże, s. 541. 65 M. Mauss, Sprzedaż Rosji…, s. 472. 66 M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. III. Przemoc bolszewicka. Bilans terroru. Jego klęska…, s. 519. 67 M. Mauss, Sprzedaż Rosji…, s. 472. 68 [NEP ­– Nowa Polityka Ekonomiczna, określenie doktryny polityki gospodarczej Rosji Radzieckiej i później ZSRR w latach 1921–1929 – przyp. red.]. 69 Tamże. 62 63 57 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) najbardziej burżuazyjnych”70. I konkluduje: „Czy trzebaż było burzyć świat, by doprowadzić do tego?”71. Szlachetne pobudki bolszewików Przy jednoczesnej miażdżącej krytyce każdego aspektu działań bolszewików, Mauss, jak socjaliści Cachine i Frossard72, usiłuje mimo wszystko dostrzec szlachetne motywy nimi kierujące. Jako główne źródło inspiracji wskazuje podziwianego przez siebie Jaurèsa, ale podstawą jego poglądów jest moralność daru, zgodnie z którą należy najpierw poszukiwać szlachetnych pobudek w zachowaniu drugiej osoby, najpierw dostrzegać w swych przeciwnikach godnych rywali, uznawszy, że bronią oni słusznej sprawy w imię tej samej moralności. Demonstruje tu zatem sztukę ścierania się zapożyczoną bezpośrednio z moralności daru. Jaurès, jak postrzega go Mauss, zawsze zabiegał o uznanie swych adwersarzy za rywali i mimo wszystko wspólników godnych szacunku: miał wspaniałą zasadę, którą chciał wpoić wszystkim swym współpracownikom: w dyskusji nakazywał im zawsze poszukiwać szlachetnych pobudek kierujących ich oponentami. [...] Sam zresztą zawsze postępował w ten sposób; nigdy nie podejrzewał swych przeciwników o niskie pobudki; i to w jego wspaniałych pracach historycznych widzimy, jak wzorem Plutarcha, starał się zawsze odkrywać piękno ludzkich czynów. Naśladujmy go! – pisał Mauss odnośnie do sprawy Cachine’a-Frossarda73. Tu, po raz kolejny, Jaurès jawi się niczym wódz Kwakiutli, praktykujący jakiś rodzaj słownego potlaczu na różne tematy. Tamże, s. 475. Tamże, s. 476. 72 Cachin i Frossard to dwaj socjalistyczni parlamentarzyści, którym SFIO powierzył zadanie negocjacji i uzyskania informacji od Lenina. Mauss uważa, że przyłączając się w czerwcu 1921 r. do 21 warunków przynależności do III Międzynarodówki [nakazujących inwigilację i bezwzględną lojalność sowieckiej republice – przyp. tłum.] pogwałcili swój mandat i wręcz zdradzili socjalistów. Owo przyłączenie leży u źródeł scysji wewnątrz SFIO na kongresie w Tours w grudniu 1920 r. A zatem, sukces bolszewików – rewolucja październikowa 1917 r., bunt marynarzy Potiomkina – pokazują rosnące zainteresowanie u socjalistów, skonfrontowanych z dominacją Bloku Narodowościowego we Francji (wybory w 1919 dają przewagę Blokowi – 437 przeciw jedynie 68 socjalistom, 86 radykałom i 26 „różnorakiej lewicy”). Na kongresie w Tours, ruch nazwany Cachin-Frossard promuje przynależność, ruch zwany Longuet rezygnuje z niej z pewnym wahaniem, natomiast ruch zwany Blum ją odrzuca. Ostatecznie, 3 208 mandatów (na 4 731) zdobytych przez frakcję Cachin-Frossard doprowadzą do rozłamu SFIO na socjalistyczno-demokratyczne skrzydło, na „stary dom” Bluma i frakcję „reformistyczno-rewolucyjną”, a także odłam „rewolucyjno-niepodległościowy,” czyli nową partię komunistyczną, która głosi obalenie kapitalizmu, a zarazem przejmuje redakcję „L’Humanité”, do której Mauss przestaje pisać. 73 M. Mauss, Szlachetne pobudki, 20 listopada 1920, s. 359. 70 71 58 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… Pomimo że są adwersarzami, socjaliści, którzy stali się bolszewikami, są godni „szacunku”74. Najpierw, bo zostali zwiedzeni przez niektóre przymioty bolszewizmu, nie pozostające bez związku z moralnością daru: „Bolszewicy imponują im – słusznie zresztą – swą zuchwałością, odwagą i bezinteresownością”75. Nie bez związku z tą moralnością pozostaje też, ponadto, ich gotowość do poświęcenia się dla rewolucji w Rosji (którą mylnie, podkreśla Mauss, uważają za tożsamą z rewolucją bolszewicką). W ostatecznym rezultacie, dali się ponieść nadziei – oddajmy im to, bo to kolejna cnota ludzi daru – że rewolucja na wzór rosyjski zatriumfuje na całym świecie. Ponadto ich przynależność do francuskiej partii socjalistycznej dodatkowo wzbudza w nich nadzieję, iż przejdzie ona do historii jako jedna z pierwszych zgormadzonych wokół sprawy, którą postrzegają jako słuszną. Jednym słowem, dali się zwieść z jednej strony hojnością bolszewików i ponieść swej własnej hojności. Popełniają błąd służąc ludziom, których czyny antydemokratyczne i przemoc są powszechnie znane, lecz, do pewnego stopnia, „mylą się dobrodusznie”76: Cachin i Frossard słusznie postawili na siebie i na swą partię. Wyobrażając sobie zwycięską rewolucję na światową skalę życzyli sobie, by francuska partia socjalistyczna zajęła w niej należne sobie (poprzez swą długą tradycję) miejsce. Pomylili się. Ot, to wszystko77. Kiedy porażka/klęska rewolucji bolszewickiej w Rosji staje się oczywista, wierny kierunkowi obranemu przez Jaurèsa (który, jak pisaliśmy wcześniej, nie pochwalał radowania się z nieszczęścia innych) z pewnością także dlatego, że nie można promować socjalizmu pozwalając sobie jednocześnie na zachowanie „podłe, zawistne i pozbawione godności”, Mauss odrzuca wyszydzanie i przypomina, iż bolszewikami kierowały „szlachetne pobudki”: Dla socjalisty, czy dla każdego człowieka o szlachetnym sercu, nie do pomyślenia jest radość z tragicznej i dziś już pewnej klęski bolszewizmu. Komunizm jest co najmniej hojną mrzonką, a partia komunistyczna, która usiłowała ją zrealizować poprzez rozlew krwi i przymus, zgrzeszyła raczej przeciw mądrości i przeciw prawu niż przeciw swym własnym ideałom78. Tamże, s. 359. Tamże, s. 359–360. 76 Tamże, s. 360. 77 Tamże, s. 361. 78 M. Mauss, Do bolszewików…, s. 405. 74 75 59 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) W 1925 r. zresztą podkreśla, że „niekwestionowana wielkość” charakteryzuje „ogromną większość” komunistów: Odwaga intelektualna i praktyczna, szczerość i bezinteresowność w próbie stworzenia nowego społeczeństwa, heroizm bojowników, którzy w ciągu trzech długich i wyczerpujących wojen domowych i podczas dwóch lat wojny ryzykowali życie swoje i swoich rodzin; integralność i nieskazitelność moralna tej ogromnej większości komunistów, robotników, intelektualistów, a także pewnej ilości chłopów i niektórych przedstawicieli rosyjskiej arystokracji, którzy zarządzają, chociaż być może nieudolnie, niezmierzoną spuścizną, a wręcz „kolosalnym”, „ogromnych rozmiarów” światowym przedsięwzięciem, jak mówią inni, tą szaloną, lecz wspaniałą ideą uniwersalnej rewolucji [...]. Jest to prawdziwy zasób moralny wzbudzający dumę komunistów z całego świata, wzruszający socjalistów i nieobojętny każdemu, kto ma w sobie hojność. Dodajmy, że wkrótce w tym wizerunku pojawią się cienie, również natury moralnej79. Mauss nie poprzestaje na wskazaniu szlachetnych pobudek bolszewików: zmierza do ukazania nauki, jaką wyciągnąć możemy z ich początkowego sukcesu i sugeruje, że był on możliwy dzięki umiejętności wzbudzania wiary i entuzjazmu u niektórych socjalistów, którzy z kolei zainspirowali innych z tego obozu. „Podążali oni za aktem wiary” i „są to […] kwestie wiary, które nas od siebie różnią”80. Posuwa się wręcz do „oddania im sprawiedliwości” w ocaleniu rewolucji rosyjskiej przed reakcją, ponieważ była „przynajmniej praktyczną próbą socjalizmu”, którą wzięli na siebie, idąc za głosem środowisk internacjonalnych81, mimo że w momencie, kiedy pisał te słowa – w styczniu 1921 r. – uznaje, że próba ta spotkała się ze słabym oddźwiękiem. I konkluduje, po raz kolejny ożywiając ducha daru: „Wybaczmy im, przez wzgląd na intencje, krzywdę, którą wyrządzili, bez baczenia na nas, bez baczenia na przyszłość nacji wschodnich i socjalizmu wśród narodów. W ten sposób możemy kontynuować ich wysiłki bez ulegania ich porządkom”82. On nie tylko ich usprawiedliwia i przebacza im w ten sposób83, ale posuwa się wręcz do uznania ich czynów jako dokonanych „dla dobra” Rosji: M. Mauss, Socjalizm i bolszewizm…, s. 703. M. Mauss, Do Moskwy…, s. 380–381. 81 Tamże, s. 381. 82 Tamże, s. 382. 83 Jednakże nie wszystkich, a zwłaszcza nie bolszewików „opętanych krwią”, „fanatycznych” i „szalonych”, jak Dzierżyński, nie kryminalistów, których powstrzymały „sprawiedliwe kule”, jak w przypadku tyrana z Piotrogrodu, Petersa. Dla tych „nie ma żadnego usprawiedliwienia”. M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. III. Przemoc bolszewicka. Bilans terroru, Jego klęska…, s. 520. 79 80 60 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… Ten kraj uciśniony, utrzymany w ciemnocie przez carów, tyranizowany i eksploatowany przez zupełnie obojętną burżuazję i arystokrację, nie mógł skończyć inaczej niż w akcie rewolty. Wszyscy świadkowie są jednogłośni co do tego, iż bolszewicy zainicjowali i kontynuują pewien typ porządku w ogromnej Rosji. Bez nich być może byłoby tu jeszcze gorzej. Koniec końców, bez nich rosyjska rewolucja byłaby z pewnością skazana na porażkę [na rzecz sił reakcyjnych – S.D.]84. W tych osądach Mauss stara się o jak największą uczciwość i często właśnie przywołując fakty udaje mu się ją osiągnąć. Jeśli potępia przemoc bolszewików zapisaną w ich doktrynie, uznaje, że terror w Rosji w 1918 r. nie jest dokonywany jedynie przez bolszewików: Niesprawiedliwością byłoby obwiniać bolszewików za wszelkie zbrodnie tłumu, rosyjskiego motłochu, za którego rozpętanie są oni odpowiedzialni: są jeszcze wojenni maruderzy wracający do domu ze swymi fuzjami i karabinami, chłopi poruszeni gorączką rozruchów, niezliczone gromady wyzwolonej służby i miejskie rzezimieszki – hooligans, jak określa się ich w Anglii85. Dodać należy także wojnę domową – w której udział brały obce mocarstwa – i konflikt zbrojny z Polską, co sprawia, iż Mauss stwierdza: „terror rosyjski, podobnie jak terror robespierrystów, był w pewnym sensie przejawem obrony narodowej”86. Zmysł praktyczny: nie zaniechać przyszłych sojuszów W tych „wybaczeniach”, których udziela on bolszewikom i w „wyjaśnieniach”, które wynajduje, widzimy przejaw moralności daru, która nim kieruje, zapewne mogą być one jednak odbierane jako zapowiedź przyszłych sojuszy z socjalistami, którzy odejdą od komunizmu – albowiem Mauss nie wątpi w reunifikację partii socjalistycznej, kiedy tylko komuniści zdadzą sobie sprawę ze swych błędnych mniemań („są w tej opętanej i zezwierzęconej masie tłumy odważnych ludzi, którzy szczerze wierzą, że skąpawszy Rosję i socjalizm we krwi, w rzeczywistości je ocalają”87). To im należy wybaczyć w pierwszym M. Mauss, Do bolszewików…, s. 406. M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. II. Przemoc bolszewicka. Jej natura, Jej wymówki…, s. 515–516. 86 Tamże, s. 516. 87 M. Mauss, Do bolszewików…, s. 405. 84 85 61 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) rzędzie, przede wszystkim ze względów moralnych, ale też dlatego, że mogą oni mieć strategiczną wagę88. Sojusz osiągnięty drogą pokojową, nawet agonistyczny, jest lepszy niż zamykanie się na innych lub ucieczka w wojnę – taki jest sens debaty: nawet bez zgody umożliwia ona spotkanie. Lecz nie za wszelką cenę, jak zostało powiedziane wcześniej: nie za cenę swego interesu lub autonegacji. W tym duchu Mauss pisze: Proponujemy debatę. Oznacza to, że jesteśmy gotowi się spotkać. Lecz obyśmy byli dobrze zrozumiani. Nie oznacza to bowiem, że spotkanie to może się odbyć bezwarunkowo i że przyjdziemy ze stryczkiem na szyi, jak skruszeni pokutnicy poddamy się rózgom dzierżonym przez Rappoporta89, obrzydliwego oskarżyciela Jaurèsa, lub człowieka najmniej kompetentnego, by dawać lekcje socjalizmu, jak Radek, który od tak dawna nie opuścił Austrii90. A zatem, podobnie jak rytuały potlaczu dokonywane przez Kwakiutli objęte są warunkiem obustronnego rozpoznania równości (parité), warunkiem debaty z bolszewikami jest, jak twierdzi Mauss, by odbyła się ona „na ubitej ziemi”. Wytłumaczmy: przy inherentnym potępieniu ich idei, nie wyobraża on sobie uformowania wspólnego frontu we Francji, jeśli nie są oni zdolni przynajmniej, by zachowywać się demokratycznie w życiu codziennym partii… Póki co, warunki te nie wydają mu się spełnione. Mauss komentuje: „Nie jesteśmy zapalonymi zwolennikami »jedynego frontu«”91. Mimo iż nazywa siebie, wręcz odwrotnie, „prawdziwym pasjonatem zjednoczonej Międzynarodówki”92 – walczący przeciw światowemu kapitalizmowi, socjalizm musi być międzynarodowy – Mauss stawia w rzeczy samej te same warunki w wypadku stworzenia takiej organizacji: „musiałby posiadać absolutną gwarancję niezależności i sprawiedliwego udziału w Zjednoczonym rządzie Międzynarodówki”, przy czym linia działania miałaby być „niezależnie ustalona i niezależnie wypracowana”93. Bez wątpienia, możliwe sprzymierzenie z współczłonkami, których idee są Maussowi obce, trzeba postrzegać jako dowód, że działania liczą się dlań bardziej 88 Zauważmy, że w tytułach swych artykułów, w których Mauss usiłuje wykazać „godne podziwu motywy” obecne są znamiona chęci utrzymania więzi z tymi, którzy pewnie w najbliższym czasie mogliby zasilić szeregi socjalizmu demokratycznego: Do Moskwy, Do bolszewików... 89 [Chodzi o Charlesa Rappoporta, francuskiego komunistę pochodzenia rosyjskiego – przyp. tłum.] 90 Tamże. 91 Tamże, s. 491. 92 Tamże. 93 Tamże. 62 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… niż idee. Jeżeli komuniści są zdolni postępować demokratycznie wraz z socjalistami, są tym sposobem już na drodze socjalizmu i demokracji – zdaje się wnioskować. Socjaliści zatem popełniliby błąd nie podjąwszy próby uczynienia z komunistów demokratycznego czynu – komunistów demokratycznej doktryny. Mauss podejrzewał wręcz, że o ile spełniono by postawione im warunki, siedzibą Międzynarodówki mogłaby zostać Moskwa, gdyż „byłaby w kraju, jeśli nie całkowicie socjalistycznym, to przynajmniej rządzonym przez ludzi, którzy określają się mianem socjalistów”, co nie byłoby bez znaczenia dla demonstracji siły socjalizmu wbrew kapitalizmowi. Po raz kolejny ujawnia się zmysł praktyczny Marcela Maussa. Czego uczy nas bolszewizm? Zasadniczo, bolszewizm przysłużył się rozwojowi socjalizmu demokratycznego na Zachodzie: „Ich klęska opóźnia o całe lata postęp naszych idei i proces koniecznego upaństwowiania w naszych krajach zachodnich”94. Socjaliści mogą jednakowoż wyciągnąć z tej niedźwiedziej przysługi zysk w postaci nauki, która przyczyni się do ich sukcesu w przyszłości: „Doświadczenie rosyjskich bolszewików przysłuży się wiedzy narodów, które będą wprowadzać reformy, jak należy je przeprowadzać i jak nie należy ich przeprowadzać”95. Należy pamiętać, że po pierwsze, rewolucja socjalna i moralna, na którą powołuje się socjalizm, nie może być przeprowadzona bez udziału nie tylko robotników, ale i inteligentów przyczyniających się do uświadamiania, na czym polega ten projekt, oraz bez klas rządzących. Po drugie, nie będzie ona udana, jeśli instytucje uosabiające ten „nowy sposób postrzegania, myślenia i działania” zostaną z niej wykluczone – przeciwnie, przyczyni się ona do rozwoju tych instytucji. Po trzecie, rewolucja musi być pożądana (zdaniem Maussa, w Rosji była ona w dużej mierze „niechciana” i została narzucona w konsekwencji upadku caratu). Po czwarte, ta zgoda na rewolucję musi być narodowa, przeprowadzona przez cały naród, zarówno wewnątrz jak i na zewnątrz96, i musi być ustanowiona w sposób trwały97. Po piąte, „koniecznym jest, by zachowały one [narody] własną wymianę rynkową oraz walutę [...]”. Po szóste, „nie mogą one ustanawiać rozłamu pomiędzy wolnymi stowarzyszeniami i kolektywizmem, ani pomiędzy prawem do stowarzyszania, M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. Przeciw przemocy. W służbie siły, 5 marca 1923, s. 527. M. Mauss, Socjologiczna ocena bolszewizmu…, s. 549. 96 Tamże, s. 538–539. 97 M. Mauss, Socjalizm i bolszewizm…, s. 721. 94 95 63 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) w tym także prawem większości oraz do indywidualizmu”98. I wreszcie, po siódme, doświadczenie bolszewickie uczy nas, iż „przemoc nie ma sensu, o ile nie jest siłą w służbie prawa”99. I że „przemoc może być usprawiedliwiona tylko i wyłącznie, gdy dokonana jest w imieniu porządku prawnego, któremu jest całkowicie podporządkowana: sama w sobie nie jest porządkiem, ani tym bardziej prawem”100. Lekcja, którą Rosjanie z NEP w końcu pojęli. Innymi słowy, socjalistyczna rewolucja społeczna i moralna albo będzie demokratyczna, albo nie będzie jej wcale. Dokona się ona jedynie poprzez moc prawa, poprzez konkretne i mobilizujące działania zorientowane na sprawiedliwość, wpojone za pomocą edukacji, zwłaszcza poprzez kooperatywy: „Prawo bez siły nie istnieje. Siła bez prawa jest niepłodna. Socjalizm nie zatriumfuje, jeśli nie będzie praworządny i nie będzie wspierany materialną i moralną siłą społeczeństwa. Socjalizm jest zasadniczo doktryną aktywnej większości”101. „Reguły powstają na bazie działań praktycznych”102 a nie odwrotnie, jak naiwnie wierzyli bolszewicy. Prawa socjalistyczne, które powstaną w przyszłości, będą miały za zadanie usankcjonować moralność i mentalność, które są już obecne wśród czynnej większości społeczeństwa. Robotnicy muszą być gotowi i mieć jakiekolwiek pojęcie o nowych instytucjach robotniczych, a zwłaszcza wykazywać adekwatną do nich mentalność. Albowiem okazuje się, że nawet państwo tak silne jak państwo bolszewickie nie zdołało skłonić moralnie i mentalnie słabego społeczeństwa rosyjskiego do poddania się jego prawom103. Zwłaszcza w kwestii ekonomii i techniki: W ekonomice, podobnie jak w technice, prawo nie może podlegać próbie czasu, nawet bardzo długiego czasu. To nie prawo ma zdolność wynalazczą. Prawo może zakazać używania waluty, nie może natomiast wytworzyć odpowiedniej waluty; prawo może nakazać użytek instrumentu, lecz nie może go wyprodukować, a często nawet go nabyć. Dlatego też prawo nie może wyprzedzać, lecz powinno podążać za zwyczajem, a w jeszcze większym stopniu za ekonomią i techniką104. M. Mauss, Socjologiczna ocena bolszewizmu…, s. 558. M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. Przeciw przemocy. Na rzecz siły, 5 marca 1923, s. 549. 100 M. Mauss, Socjologiczna ocena bolszewizmu…, s. 549. 101 M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. Przeciw przemocy. Na rzecz siły…, s. 528. 102 M. Mauss, Socjologiczna ocena bolszewizmu…, s. 554. 103 Tamże, s. 555. 104 Tamże, s. 555–556. 98 99 64 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… Socjalizm demokratyczny nie zostanie jednak osiągnięty, o ile ludzie nie wezmą spraw w swoje ręce. Mauss po raz kolejny oddaje głos swemu duchowemu przywódcy: „Jaurès zawsze był jednocześnie rewolucjonistą i demokratą. Nigdy nie przestał nawoływać mas, by wykorzystywały swój potencjał”105. Rewolucyjny, gdyż promując nowy sposób postrzegania, myślenia i działania w perspektywie daru, i zgodny z literą prawa, to jest w duchu daru, socjalizm nie jest ani „rewolucjonistyczny”, czyli oparty na sile bez prawa, ani „legalistyczny”, czyli postępujący według prawa bez żadnego zrywu106. W następstwie sposobu myślenia proponowanego przez Jaurèsa, socjaliści nie mogą pozwolić się zdominować przez czynną mniejszość. „Nastał czas, by większość społeczeństwa uświadomiła sobie swoje prawa i siłę, aby umiała z niej korzystać”. Mauss podsumowuje: Socjalizm, w gruncie rzeczy, jest niczym innym jak otwarciem oczu na tę znajomość potencjalnych korzyści, praw, siły, które posiada masa robotnicza, formująca ogromną większość naszych narodów. Nasza doktryna jest zasadniczo doktryną większości, aktywnych członków społeczeństwa107. Marcel Mauss krytykuje bolszewizm w opozycji do demokracji, jak pisaliśmy na początku tego rozdziału. Możemy teraz potwierdzić słuszność twierdzenia, że jest to krytyka w imię socjalizmu, socjalizm i demokracja są bowiem dla niego pojęciami wymiennymi. „Socjalizm musi być z założenia dziełem »powszechnej woli« obywateli”108. „To, co powstanie za jego [socjalizmu] przyczyną, powstanie dzięki przejrzystemu, świadomemu działaniu obywateli”109. „Skończmy z mitem bezpośredniego działania mniejszości. Bądźmy sobą. Silni i ostrożni, dopóki nie zdobędziemy większości, mądrzy i czujni, kiedy już ją zdobędziemy, zawsze wyczuleni na demagogię i przeciwko wszelkiemu reakcjonizmowi”110. Przepełnieni wieczną mądrością, mądrością przodków, którą Mauss opisuje w Szkicu o darze, już z pewnością powstającym w marcu 1923 r., kiedy pisał powyższe słowa. 105 M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. Przeciw przemocy. Na rzecz siły…, s. 529. Zaświadcza o tym dobitnie „dyskurs o metodzie” socjalizmu, w którym Jaurès przeciwstawia się Guesdemu podczas ich debaty w Lille. Jaurès broni, w imię dobrze zrozumianych wymogów walki klas, „reforma, to dzieło otwierające wrota rewolucji”, by podkreślić, iż daleki jest od „umiarkowania”, a raczej sytuuje się po stronie „rewolucji” – Dwie metody (1994, s. 135). W Nowej Armii (1911) podkreśla, do jakiego stopnia pracuje on na rzecz rewolucji, „kiedy proletariat walczy by zrealizować absolutną demokrację polityczną” (1969, s. 234–235). 106 M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. Przeciw przemocy. Na rzecz siły…, s. 528 i n. 107 Tamże. 108 M. Mauss, Socjologiczna ocena bolszewizmu, 1924, s. 539. 109 Tamże, s. 561. 110 M. Mauss, Uwagi dotyczące przemocy. Przeciw przemocy. Na rzecz siły…, s. 531. 65 �Laboratorium Kultury 5 (2016) Podkreślmy na koniec, że, mówiąc językiem moralności daru, bolszewicy optowali za unicestwieniem – tu opowiadają się po stronie śmierci – burżuazji poprzez wywłaszczenie (kolektywne przywłaszczenie stanu państwa i kapitału siłą), podczas gdy Mauss chce tego uniknąć – w czym jest on po stronie życia – przeciwstawiając się burżuazji w trybie ofiarowania, kolektywnym przywłaszczeniu sposobów produkcji opartym na systemie spodziewanego i dobrowolnego podziału ze strony burżuazji (który nie przeszkadza powstawaniu syndykatów), to znaczy w pewnym sensie poprzez ujęcie produkcji w ramy moralności daru. W rozumieniu wodzów Kwakiutli: bolszewicy wybrali „wojnę krwi” przeciw swym wrogom. Mauss proponuje „wojnę bogactw” z przeciwnikiem i przeciwstawia się jakiejkolwiek „wojnie krwi”. Pomiędzy tymi dwoma trybami trzeba jednak dokonać wyboru. Po kongresie w Tours, który wyznacza rozłam między komunistami popierającymi rewolucję bolszewicką a socjalistami, „istnieją dwie opcje – albo pierwsza, albo ta druga. Towarzysze są albo socjalistami, albo komunistami”. Marcel Mauss wybrał socjalizm, czyli demokrację111. Bibliografia Fournier M., Marcel Mauss, Fayard, Paris 1994. Mauss M., Ecrits politiques. Textes réunis et présentés par M. Fournier, Fayard, Paris 1997. Mauss M., Szkic o darze. Forma i podstawa wymiany w społeczeństwach archaicznych, w: tegoż, Socjologia i antropologia, przeł. M. Król, K. Pomian i J. Szacki, PWN, Warszawa 1973. Abstract Democracy and critique of Bolshevism. How to express objection without massacre This chapter of Sylvain Dzimira’s book brings forth the ideological division between democratic socialism he was advocating and the violent power struggle within the communist fraction of the 111 M. Mauss, Trzeba wybrać, 30 września 1922, s. 448. 66 �Sylvain Dzimira, Demokracja i krytyka bolszewizmu. Umieć się przeciwstawiać… French socialist party in the 1920 y. Thanks to collecting all the political essays in a volume entitled Ecrits Politiques, Dzimira has contributed to shedding light on Mauss’s activism. Keywords: bolshevism, revolution, violence, cooperation, gift, socialism Sylvain Dzimira Doktor socjologii. Wykładowca na Uniwersytecie Paris Est Créteil Val-de-Marne (Paryż XII). Jego badania koncentrują się wokół daru i paradygmatu daru, który uruchamia mechanizm stowarzyszania, tworząc grunt pod ekonomię społeczną i związkowość. Obecnie zajmuje się badaniem francuskich związków zawodowych i nowych rozwiązań syndykalistycznych w branży usług. Jest także wykładowcą (w ramach wolontariatu) na Ludowym Uniwersytecie w Créteil, gdzie prowadzi wykłady z historii idei dla studentów bez ograniczeń pod względem wieku czy wykształcenia. Potomek polskich rolników, którzy wyemigrowali do Francji w latach trzydziestych zeszłego wieku. Z wielką przyjemnością przyczynił się do powstania tomu „Laboratorium Kultury” poświęconego Marcelowi Maussowi. 67 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/7f4d21e2b22a329561f266bde534f4d1.pdf 3d65d68a3b88ad5a0159624f47b0b845 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Elżbieta Jodłowska PAN SAMOTNOŚCI SEÑOR DE LA SOLEDAD Z HUARÁZ W PÓŁNOCNYCH ANDACH PERUWIAŃSKICH ���PAN SAMOTNOŚCI �POLSKIE TOWARZYSTWO LUDOZNAWCZE SOCIÉTÉ POLONAISE D’ETHNOLOGIE Redakcja „Prac i Materiałów Etnograficznych” Małgorzata Michalska – redaktor naczelna Ewa Banasiewicz-Ossowska – sekretarz redakcji Agnieszka Chwieduk Hubert Czachowski Anna Engelking PRACE I MATERIAŁY ETNOGRAFICZNE TRAVAUX ET MATERIAUX ETHNOGRAPHIQUES Tom XXXVIII pod redakcją Huberta Czachowskiego �Elżbieta Jodłowska PAN SAMOTNOŚCI SEÑOR DE LA SOLEDAD Z HUARÁZ W PÓŁNOCNYCH ANDACH PERUWIAŃSKICH Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze Wrocław 2023 �R Aleksander Posern-Zieliński Jan Szemiński R Kamil Nolbert K Maria Zebrany P Bartosz Harlender DTP Dariusz Sługocki Z : Elżbieta Jodłowska Projekt dofinansowany ze środków budżetu państwa, przyznanych przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki w ramach Programu „Doskonała nauka II”. © Copyright by Elżbieta Jodłowska, Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze ISSN 0079-4759 ISBN 978-83-64465-65-9 W Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze ul. Fryderyka Joliot-Curie 12, 50-383 Wrocław www.ptl.info.pl, e-mail: ptl@ptl.info.pl Tel. +48 71 375 75 83 Oficyna Wydawnicza ATUT – Wrocławskie Wydawnictwo Oświatowe ul. Kościuszki 142, 50-439 Wrocław, tel. 71 342 20 56 www.atutoficyna.pl; wydawnictwo@atutoficyna.pl �Fot. William Antonio Reyes Milla. W hołdzie Marcosowi Yauri Montero En homenaje a Marcos Yauri Montero ��SPIS TREŚCI O . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 W . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 Zarys tematyki i zagadnień uwzględnionych w pracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 Uwagi na temat stanu badań i pracy w terenie. Podziękowania . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 CZĘŚĆ I Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII wieku Potencjał krzyża jako znaku i symbolu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sobór Trydencki a reforma sztuki kościelnej . . . . . . . . . . . . Potrydencka myśl reformatorów sztuki kościelnej . . . . . . . . . Koncepcja Virgen de la Soledad . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Matka Boska Bolesna – Mater Dolorosa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Teologiczny i psychologiczny wymiar „samotności” Chrystusa . . Wizerunki „Chrystusa Samotnego”. Kilka słów o „wzorcu” i perspektywie badawczej . . . . . . . . . Charakterystyka podłoża ideowego wzorca na gruncie hiszpańskim Burza i Jerozolima w dziele El Greca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fenomen zasłony . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Misterium ciemności i półmrok. Casus Ukrzyżowań Zurbarána, Velázqueza i Pacheco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 26 30 35 38 39 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 51 55 58 . . . . . . . . . . . 62 CZĘŚĆ II Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” Kilka uwag o „wielkiej opowieści” w Andach . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dolina Hatun Mayu – panorama przedhiszpańska . . . . . . . . . . . San Sebastian de Guaraz – panorama kolonialna . . . . . . . . . . . . Mityczny początek, czyli uparty acheiropoietos . . . . . . . . . . . . Señor de la Soledad na andyjskim niebie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Señor de la Soledad i Señor de Mayo – dychotomia czy koincydencja? Bohater „wielkiej opowieści” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Niezniszczalność i lęk przed pishtaco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 . . 71 . . 88 . 106 . 119 . 132 . 136 . 149 CZĘŚĆ III Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu Oblicze Boga i czułość człowieka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Widzieć i być widzianym – topografia wzrokowa sacrum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 179 �8 • Spis treści Krzyże schodzące z gór . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wśród swoich – Chrystus autochtoniczny . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chrystus, który nie czyni cudów, czyli „niewrażliwość mirakularna” Indian Prowadź mnie, Panie Samotności! – znaki obecności i communitas . . . . „Cristo” i „Señor” – oblicza odmienności . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 189 193 199 203 CZĘŚĆ IV Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa Na tropie pięciu braci. Pułapka pozornej oczywistości . . . . . . . . . Pięciu „braci“ i niedomknięta struktura „pięciokrotności” . . . . . . . Huaráz u Zuidemy i zagadka czterech kolorów drzwi . . . . . . . . . Liczba „5” w Cuzco i Huarochiri – zagadnienie dynamiki dyssymetrii Andyjscy bracia, czyli świat w systemie pokrewieństw . . . . . . . . Zły i dobry Chrystus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Señor Crucificado de Santa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 220 225 227 233 238 245 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 259 261 265 268 274 284 292 297 Z . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299 S . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305 B . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 332 333 S . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 335 A . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 337 I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 339 CZĘŚĆ V Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci Terra incognita – andyjska sztuka sakralna na peryferiach . . . . . Czy szaty zasłaniają rzeźbę? – złuda pierwszego spojrzenia . . . . Galeria świętych jako zwierciadło społeczności lokalnej . . . . . . Szaty świętego jako zapis, komunikat, sakralizacja i desakralizacja „Kultura rzeźby”. Integralność figury i jej szat . . . . . . . . . . . Przebieranie figury świętej – semantyka ukrywanej nagości . . . . Huancas, święci i ludzie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Huancas w Ancash – dotknięte i rozmyślone . . . . . . . . . . . . Rzeźbiarze i mistrzowie haftu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mapy Filmy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . �Od redakcji Z wielką przyjemnością oddajemy do rąk Czytelników kolejny tom „Prac i Materiałów Etnograficznych”. Tym razem wychodzimy poza obszar dotychczasowych zainteresowań redakcji, a więc poza Polskę i Europę, i zapraszamy w Andy Peruwiańskie. Prezentowany tom oparty jest na solidnych badaniach terenowych prowadzonych w latach 2008–2013, a przede wszystkim 2016˗2019 przez Elżbietę Jodłowską. W pracy wykorzystano również bardzo obfitą literaturę przedmiotu. Stanowi ona monograficzne opracowanie kultu Chrystusa Señor de la Soledad w Huaráz, Peru. Ma charakter nowatorski, gdyż nigdy wcześniej nikt nie zajął się tak całościowo tym tematem. Wpisuje się w nurt badań nad religijnością Indian Keczua oraz metysko-kreolskiej populacji Huaráz. Wizerunek Señora de la Soledad został ukształtowany w procesie synkretyzacji rdzennych tradycji religijno-mitycznych i chrześcijaństwa. Jest swoistym fenomenem religijno-kulturowym, wytworzonym, jak pisze Autorka, w wyniku diachronicznego splatania się czynników synkretyzmu z intensywnym oddziaływaniem niepowtarzalnych zdarzeń historycznych. Ma również wpływ na kształtowanie się tożsamości kulturowej jego wyznawców. Książka stanowi duży krok naprzód w poznawaniu kultury Peru i Ameryki Łacińskiej, ale jest także intrygującym przykładem współczesnej, ale na swój sposób klasycznej, antropologicznej monografii, opartej na badaniach terenowych. Małgorzata Michalska redaktor naczelna serii „Prace i Materiały Etnograficzne” ��Wstęp ��Antropolog powinien wychodzić od tego, co widział, a czego może nikt już nigdy nie ujrzy. Victor Turner Zarys tematyki i zagadnień uwzględnionych w pracy Obszar terytorialny badań wykorzystanych w pracy obejmował północną część Andów Peruwiańskich w wysokogórskim departamencie Ancash [fot. 1]. W jego stolicy – Huaráz (ok. 3100 m n.p.m.) w dolinie Rio Santa, oddzielającej łańcuchy górskie Cordillera Blanca i Cordillera Negra, znajduje się najważniejsze sanktuarium historycznych regionów Callejón de Huylas i Callejón de Conchucos, z kilkusetletnim wizerunkiem Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, zwanym Señorem de la Soledad (Panem Samotności). Pomimo odgrywania tak ważnej roli na obszarze zamieszkiwanym przez około milion wiernych ośrodek kultu w Huaráz nie wzbudził dotąd szerszego zainteresowania naukowców i nie poświęcono mu kompleksowej monografii. Decyzja o podjęciu tego tematu rodziła się stopniowo, w miarę przybywania nowych, zaciekawiających informacji, niejako przypadkowo, w trakcie wcześniejszych badań prowadzonych z etnologiem Mirosławem Mąką w Huaráz i regionie Ancash w latach 2008–2013. Nasze kolejne wyjazdy w latach 2016–2019 ukierunkowane już były na badanie Señora de la Soledad oraz innych czczonych wizerunków w tej najwyżej położonej i trudno dostępnej części Andów. Wyobrażenie o trudnościach terenowych, jakie napotkałam w trakcie prac, może dawać przypomnienie faktu, iż rozległe, izolowane w górach fragmenty Callejón de Conchucos, np. Señorio Yayno, najdłużej opierały się konkwiście Inków1. Obecnie teren ten, obejmujący około 40 tys. km2, nadal stawia wyzwania podróżującym. Drogi asfaltowe poprowadzono tylko doliną Rio Santa oraz brawurowymi serpentynami przez trzy wysokogórskie przełęcze, natomiast resztę obszaru oplata pajęczyna wąskich, bitych dróg i ścieżek, często nieprzejezdnych z powodu obrywów skalnych i lawin. Do setek wiosek można dotrzeć tylko samochodem terenowym lub pieszo. Być może warunki te w połączeniu z czynnikami historycznymi sprawiły, że region budził zdecydowanie słabsze zainteresowanie badaczy, w odróżnieniu od środkowego Peru ze stolicą Imperium Inków Cuzco, któremu poświęcono przygniatającą większość opisów z czasów kolonialnych oraz prac naukowych z zakresu historii i etnografii. Ta olbrzymia połać kraju może wydawać się peryferyjną, ale tylko w stereotypowym zestawieniu z inkaskim centrum. Trzeba jednak pamiętać, że okres dominacji Inków na tym terenie, choć istotny kulturowo, trwał około stu lat, podczas gdy dzieje regionu liczą tysiąclecia, a spuścizna dawniejszych epok jest równie bogata i interesująca, jak środkowego czy południowego Peru. W pracy staram się ukazać omawiany obszar kulturowy jako równorzędny innym w ramach cywilizacji panandyjskiej, zrywając przy tym z przekonaniem o dominacji inkaskiej. 1 F. Carranza Romero, El mundo da vueltas. La vida de los quechuas narrada por un quechua, Trujillo 2006, s. 56–76; H. de la Cruz Reyes, Historia regional prehispanica de Ancash, Lambayeque [s.a.], s. 94. �14 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich „Intensywne przebywanie”2 w terenie oferującym szansę wypełnienia kolorami istniejących jeszcze „białych plam” w topografii kultury jest dla etnologa kuszące i odpowiedzialne. Współczesny podróżnik i odkrywca Hugh Thomson zauważał, że „Peru jest jednym z ostatnich miejsc na świecie, gdzie człowiek może zaspokoić swoją pierwotną, podstawową potrzebę poszukiwania czegoś nieznanego i konfrontowania się z Innym”3. Przywołuję tę refleksję pomimo jej nieetnologicznej retoryki, godząc się z generalną oceną, lecz transponując optykę podróżnika w hermeneutyczną perspektywę etnologa owładniętego marzeniem zrozumienia i objaśnienia „nieznanego”. Obszar etnograficzny północnych Andów, jeśli tylko wyzbędziemy się odruchów konfrontacyjnych, w pełni umożliwia odkrycie w „Innym” swego obrazu i podobieństwa. Praca stawiała sobie za cel rekonstrukcję etnohistorycznych uwarunkowań kształtowania się ośrodka kultu w Huaráz oraz zbadanie wieloaspektowych związków między czczonym wizerunkiem Chrystusa a tożsamością kulturową Indian Keczua oraz metysko-kreolskiej populacji Huaráz. Najogólniejsza hipoteza zakładała, że wizerunek Señora de la Soledad został ukształtowany w procesie synkretyzacji rdzennych tradycji religijno-mitycznych i chrześcijaństwa. Nie chodziło jednak o prostą konstatację istnienia takiego procesu, powielającą dobrze znane fakty na temat większości podobnych ośrodków religijnych w wymiarze panandyjskim. Wychodząc z założeń ogólnych i łatwo weryfikowalnych, skoncentrowałam się przede wszystkim na wyjątkowości fenomenu religijno-kulturowego Señora de la Soledad wytworzonego w wyniku diachronicznego splatania się czynników synkretyzmu z intensywnym oddziaływaniem niepowtarzalnych zdarzeń historycznych. We wstępnej części pracy sporo miejsca poświęcam europejskiemu podłożu historyczno-religijnemu przełomu późnego średniowiecza i doby reformacji, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem reform Soboru Trydenckiego w zakresie sztuki kościelnej. Śledzę drogę kształtowania się nowego podłoża ideowego oraz związanego z nim programu ikonograficznego Ukrzyżowania – owej grand récit chrześcijaństwa, by użyć trafnego określenia Joanny Tokarskiej-Bakir4. Chodziło mi przede wszystkim o nakreślenie tła kulturowego zmieniającej się koncepcji dewocji religijnej, której odzwierciedleniem w sztuce sakralnej stała się figura samotnego krzyża, w modlitwie zaś – ukierunkowanie kontemplacyjne na ideę samotności konającego Chrystusa, stanowiące intelektualną przeciwwagę dla średniowiecznego sensualizmu afirmującego cierpienie fizyczne jako wyraz miłości Bożej. Przyglądając się wielowiekowej ewolucji ikonograficznego kształtu krzyża Chrystusa oraz towarzyszących mu wykładni, starałam się wskazać i opisać ów przełomowy moment, w którym wielkie odkrycia geograficzne, zwłaszcza Nowego Świata, przeniosły symbol chrześcijaństwa w radykalnie odmienną od europejskiej przestrzeń kulturową, ta zaś w nieprzewidywalny sposób przemodelowała jego profil ontologiczny, czyniąc zeń fenomen spinający dwie wielkie religie i cywilizacje – andyjską i chrześcijańską. Przyjęcie za punkt wyjścia ówczesnej Europy, a w niej – krycufiksu jako podstawowego obiektu sztuki sakralnej, pozwoliło na dostrzeżenie jego przemian 2 3 4 Termin zaczerpnięty przez Jamesa Clifforda od Renato Rosaldo. Zob. J. Clifford, Praktyki przestrzenne. Badania terenowe, podróże i praktyki dyscyplinujące w antropologii, [w:] Badanie kultury. Elementy teorii antropologicznej. Kontynuacje, wyboru dokonali i przedmową poprzedzili M. Kempny, E. Nowicka, Warszawa 2004, s. 142. H. Thomson, Biała Skała. W głąb krainy Inków, przeł. A. Wilga, Wołowiec 2014, s. 529. J. Tokarska-Bakir, Obraz osobliwy. Hermeneutyczna lektura źródeł etnograficznych. Wielkie opowieści, Kraków 2000, s. 171. �Wstęp • 15 ideowo-formalnych zarówno na Starym Kontynencie, zwłaszcza między Kastylią a innymi krajami, jak również na ziemiach Ameryki Południowej. Takie zestawienie, ukazujące pole odniesień, ma istotne znaczenie dla opisu specyfiki krzyża andyjskiego jako synkretycznego wytworu dwóch kultur. Mowa nie tylko o opisie ikonograficznym, ale przede wszystkim ikonologicznym w rozumieniu Erwina Panofsky’ego5, czyli takim, który wychodząc od formy, podejmuje zagadnienia wewnętrznych znaczeń i powiązań kontekstualnych, nieuchronnie poszerzając pole badawcze o obszary zagadnień właściwych dla różnych dyscyplin. Rzeźba Chrystusa Señora de la Soledad jest dziełem hiszpańskiej sztuki kolonialnej, reprezentującym typ ikonograficzny animowanego krucyfiksu z ruchomymi rękami i głową, znanego w Europie od XIII w., a szczególnie popularnego w iberyjskiej sztuce sakralnej późnego średniowiecza6. Datowanie wizerunku wymaga specjalistycznych ekspertyz, których nigdy nie przeprowadzono. Zarówno ze względu na odmienną perspektywę badawczą, jak również z powodu braku odpowiedniego instrumentarium czy wystąpienia obiektywnych przeszkód ustalenie wieku rzeźby nie było dla mnie priorytetem. Jednakże skąpa dokumentacja historyczna, w której odnalazłam nowe konteksty i związanie z nimi teksty folkloru, pozwoliła na sformułowanie hipotezy o pochodzeniu rzeźby z drugiej połowy XVI w., a więc co najmniej o wiek wcześniej od datowania przyjętego w literaturze. Wydaje się to o tyle istotne w dyskursie etnologicznym, że otwiera możliwość uwzględnienia faktów i czynników etnohistorycznych z okresu wcześniejszego, niż dotąd zakładano, ważnych dla rekonstrukcji początków kultu Señora de la Soledad, a także brzemiennych dla jego późniejszych losów. Señor de la Soledad wiąże się ściśle z dziejami Huaráz oraz prowincji Ancash ostatnich stuleci. Ewolucja jego kultu pozostawała zawsze w silnym związku z losami miasta i przemianami struktury etnicznej mieszkańców. Na początku, czyli od 1533 r., Huaráz było osadą hiszpańską, od 1572 roku także redukcją toledańską dla Indian, potem zaś miastem stopniowo metyskim i kreolskim, by po roku 1970 stać się ośrodkiem indiańskim z większościowym udziałem obcej ludności napływowej. W toku pracy staram się ukazać tę zależność, jak również omówić drogę prowadzącą od trzęsienia ziemi w 1725 roku, które zapoczątkowało kult Señora de la Soledad, aż do jego upowszechnienia i osiągnięcia statusu hegemona religijnego w skali miasta i całego regionu Ancash. W nurcie rozważań etnologicznych wskazuję na proces „oswajania” przez Indian chrześcijańskiego Boga aż do uznania go za swego, zwracając uwagę na charakterystyczny rozdźwięk między ubóstwianiem Pana Samotności a zdystansowaniem lub nawet wrogością wobec księży. Natury tego zjawiska upatruję w historycznie ukształtowanej asynchronii wydarzeń wokół wizerunku Señora de la Soledad i odmienności potencjałów emocjonalnych towarzyszących Jego kultowi oraz relacjom z kapłanami instytucjonalnego Kościoła. Równocześnie analizuję komponenty synkretycznej figury tego Chrystusa w postaci przejętych przez niego atrybutów dawnych bóstw andyjskich Apu, władających trzęsieniami ziemi, jak również ubóstwionego Inki, związanego ze słońcem. Zwracam też uwagę na jego związek ze spuścizną tysięcy lat kultu boga Guari7, którego olbrzymie sanktuarium, wciąż nieodkopane przez archeologów, znajduje się nieopodal świątyni Soledad. Dostrzegam bezpośredni związek między niechęcią do kleru, postrzeganego 5 6 7 E. Panofsky, Studia z historii sztuki, wyb., oprac. i posł. J. Białostocki, Warszawa 1971, s. 11–32. K. Kopania, Animated Sculptures of the Crucified Christ in the Religious Culture of the Latin Middle Ages, Warszawa 2010. Guari – odpowiednik Wari, często używany na terenie północnych Andów. �16 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich w kategoriach „obcości”, a krystalizowaniem się andyjskiego oblicza ontologicznego Pana Samotności, odmiennego od kanonicznych wzorców. Znakomitym przykładem napięć występujących w związku z tym rozdźwiękiem, są historyczne przypadki uszkodzenia rzeźby (przez pożar i trzęsienie ziemi), skutkujące stanem głębokiej frustracji społecznej, deprywacji i zbiorowego lęku Indian przed chaosem, wyzwalające nieprzewidywalne formy kolektywnych zachowań i reaktywację mitów millenarystycznych, obecnych w postkolonialnych kulturach andyjskich8. W opisie tych zdarzeń wykorzystuję szereg nieznanych wcześniej relacji pozyskanych od bezpośrednich świadków. Ich analiza, uzupełniana szerszym materiałem etnograficznym, pozwala na możliwie precyzyjne zdefiniowanie, czym jest dla Indian Señor de la Soledad, jakie miejsce zajmuje w ich obrazie świata, duchowości i kulturze codzienności. Próbuję pokazać różne przejawy jego funkcji axis mundi, koncentrującej wokół siebie schrystianizowaną kosmowizję o głębokich korzeniach andyjskich. Wskazuję, jak pełnienie przezeń tej funkcji przekłada się na silne utożsamienie, włączające wizerunek w mentalne centrum identyfikacji kulturowej – ze wszystkimi tego skutkami, łącznie z ulokowaniem go wraz z indiańskimi wyznawcami w opozycji do świata zewnętrznego, jawiącego się jako obcy i nieprzyjazny. Uprzedzenie do „pozaindiańskiej” ekumeny, wypływające z wielopokoleniowej traumy kulturowej, zakorzeniło się na trwałe w autochtonicznym postrzeganiu świata wskutek nieprzerwanego pasma agresji fizycznej i akulturacyjnej, różnych form dyskryminacji oraz wyzysku ekonomicznego ze strony Hiszpanów, Metysów i innych przybyszów z zewnątrz. Nieustanne poczucie zagrożenia rzeczywistego i antycypowanego w sytuacjach naruszających ustalony porządek egzystencji zrodziło w kulturze andyjskiej unikalną konceptualizację postaci demonicznej, zwanej pishtaco, personifikującej całokształt lęków wymykających się psychologicznemu przepracowaniu w kategoriach logicznych i światopoglądowych kultury Keczua9. Postać ta powraca z dużą intensywnością w kontekście Señora de la Soledad, stając się wyrazistym wskaźnikiem oceny rzeczywistości i waloryzacji zdarzeń przez Indian. W przeciwieństwie do wyżej wymienionych treści, wypełniających rozdziały ujęte wspólnym mianownikiem „wielkiej opowieści”, kolejna część pracy koncentruje się na „małych opowieściach”, ukazujących sposób istnienia Pana Samotności w życiu codziennym i odświętnym Indian oraz innych grup etnicznych zamieszkujących Huaráz i dolinę Río Santa. Podejmuję w niej próbę dotarcia do istoty przeżycia duchowego w bezpośrednim kontakcie z jego wizerunkiem, starając się uchwycić nie tylko uniwersalia andyjskiej religijności ludowej, lecz przede wszystkim to, co czyni kontakt z Panem Samotności jedynym w swoim rodzaju. Ogromne znaczenie w inicjowaniu tak szczególnego przeżycia regilijnego ma fenomen niepowtarzalnego oddziaływania oblicza i wzroku tego Chrysuta, dający się wytłumaczyć – zgodnie z rozważaniami Gadamera – „nierozróżnialnością” signans i signatum wizerunku10. Pokazuję różnorodne formy przeżywania kontaktu z bóstwem, omawiając właściwe 8 9 10 A. Posern-Zieliński, Ruchy społeczne i religijne Indian hiszpańskiej Ameryki Południowej (XVI-XX w.), Wrocław 1974, passim; J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, Mity, rytuały i polityka Inków, Warszawa 2014, s. 371–420. E. Jodłowska, M. Mąka, Pishtaco. Fenomen symbolizacji traumy kulturowej w społecznościach andyjskich, Kraków 2016. „Obraz religijny ma więc egzemplaryczne znaczenie. Ukazuje ponad wszelką wątpliwość, że obraz nie jest podobizną jakiegoś odwzorowanego bytu, lecz pozostaje w bytowym związku z tym, co odwzorowane” – H.-G. Gadamer, Prawda i metoda. Zarys hermeneutyki filozoficznej, przeł. B. Baran, Warszawa 2013, s. 210–211. �Wstęp • 17 im teksty kultury. Zwracam uwagę na doniosłe znaczenie specyficznego „paradygmatu modlitewnego” w dewocji indiańskiej oraz strukturalnie zespolonej z nim konceptualizacji cudu. Opis tych zjawisk uważam za szczególnie istotny w kontekście badań nad synkretyzmem andyjskim. Osobny rozdział poświęcam rozważaniom nad semantyką określeń „Cristo” i „Señor” w Peru, dociekając ich rozumienia i użycia w zróżnicowanej etnicznie przestrzeni kraju. Jednym z najciekawszych i najbardziej intrygujących odkryć podczas prac terenowych okazało się istnienie koncepcji pięciu „braci” Chrystusów, zgodnie z którą Señor de la Soledad uznawany był za najstarszego i najważniejszego ze wszystkich współbraci. Próby weryfikacji ich tożsamości i liczby wykazały błędność założeń badawczych, modelowanych europejską logiką dialektyczną. Jednocześnie uzmysłowiły fascynującą perspektywę odkrywania dawnych i współczesnych tekstów kultury, zdeterminowanych najstarszymi tradycjami mitologii andyjskiej. Odkrycie w nich swoistego algorytmu z liczbami „4”, „5” oraz paradoksem „struktury niedomkniętej” przenosi analizę w obszar antropologii strukturalnej południowoamerykańskich tekstów mitologicznych w kształcie nadanym jej przez Claude’a Lévi-Straussa, opisującego uniwersalną zasadę twórczej dyssymetrii w kosmowizji indiańskiej11. Dyskurs zainicjowany legendą o pięciu „braciach” Chrystusach odsłonił szerokie pole odniesień kulturowych oraz paradygmat tradycyjnych struktur pokrewieństwa jako czynnika modelującego rozliczne segmenty andyjskiej rzeczywistości, również w kontekstach religijnych. Dokumentowanie wizerunków Ukrzyżowanego odbywało się we wnętrzach wiejskich kościółków i kaplic, w naturalnym otoczeniu licznych figur świętych i Matki Boskiej. Prace te zaowocowały obserwacjami, które w połączeniu z materiałem wywiadów wypełniają ostatnią część pracy, poświęconą wieloaspektowej roli świętego w kulturze społeczno-religijnej Andów. Uzasadniam w niej tezę o głębokim zespoleniu tych wizerunków ze strukturą społeczną grupy, włączającej je w obszar symbolicznego przekazu na swój temat. Jego nośnikiem są haftowane napisy na szatach świętego, stanowiące niezbędną strukturalnie, komplementarną część figury sakralnej w kształcie nadanym jej przez Indian. Skutkuje to konsekwencjami zarówno w sferze religijności, jak i sztuki, wywierając decydujący wpływ na wyposażenie kościołów w figury świętych. W tym kontekście stawiam hipotezę na temat przyczyn niemal całkowitego braku malarstwa religijnego, natomiast dużego zagęszczenia trójwymiarowych figur w kościołach andyjskich, ujmując zjawisko w umowny termin „kultura rzeźby”. Uwagi na temat stanu badań i pracy w terenie. Podziękowania Stan dotychczasowej wiedzy w zakresie tematyki pracy przedstawia się dysproporcjonalnie w obrębie różnych segmentów. Obszar badawczy archeologii i historii, choć eksploatowany słabiej niż w centralnym i południowym Peru, swtarza w mojej ocenie zadowalającą możliwość zarysowania tła kulturowego w ramach tych dyscyplin. Znacznie skromniej wygląda dorobek etnografów, co otwiera pole do odnajdywania nowych, ważnych zagadnień badawczych, do których zaliczyć można również problemy poruszane w niniejszej pracy. Sytuację dobrze obrazuje porównanie zbliżonych powierzchniowo regionów Callejon de 11 Zob. np.: C. Lévi-Strauss, Opowieść o rysiu, przeł. E. Bekier, Łódź 1994, s. 78–79. �18 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Huaylas i województwa małopolskiego. Uwzględniając wszelkie odmienności historyczne i kulturowe, liczba etnografów badających pierwszy z wymienionych obszarów nie przekracza dziesięciu, natomiast w przypadku Małopolski jest ona trudna do oszacowania. Współcześnie oba regiony nie ustępują sobie pod względem potencjału kulturowego, choć stopień ich udziału w turystyce i gospodarce światowej może obrazowo odzwierciedlać różnica między Giewontem (1894 m n.p.m.) a Huascaránem (6768 m n.p.m.)12. Zważywszy jednak na perspektywę tysięcy lat historii dokumentowanej dziedzictwem starożytnych budowli, artefaktów przeszłości i rozwiniętych koncepcji kosmologicznych, etnolog ma świadomość obcowania ze spuścizną wysoce wyrafinowanej kultury, której sugestywnym wyznacznikiem jawi się bogactwo semantyczne języka keczua, znacząco przekraczające zdolność werbalizacji stanów i uczuć w językach europejskich13. Świadomość ta w sytuacji osamotnienia badawczego rodzi dysonans w autoocenie pracy etnologa, postrzeganej jako unikatowa sposobność uchwycenia po raz pierwszy czegoś ważnego, przy jednoczesnym zdystansowaniu do własnych kompetencji, paradoksalnie – tym większym, im głębiej doświadczonym złożonością badanej kultury. Gdy mowa o stanie badań etnograficznych dotyczących zagadnień poruszanych w pracy, na myśl przychodzi przede wszystkim nazwisko Marcosa Yauri Montero, znakomitego pisarza, poety, ale i etnografa samouka urodzonego w Huaráz, który jako jedyny poświęcił więcej uwagi postaci Señora de la Soledad. Jego książka El Señor de la Soledad de Huarás14 stanowi ważne źródło faktograficzne oparte w przeważającym stopniu na własnych doświadczeniach. W innych natomiast (por. Bibliografię) znajdujemy dodatkowe przyczynki do tematu. Nie można też pominąć wkładu naukowego i popularyzatorskiego José Antonio Salazara Mejía, zasłużonego badacza związanego od półwiecza ze środowiskiem kulturalnym Huaráz, który wprawdzie nie napisał osobnej pracy na temat Señora de la Soledad, ale w kilku zawarł na jego temat ciekawe wzmianki. Mniej lub bardziej istotne, choć fragmentaryczne i często wzajemnie powielane informacje znajdujemy w pracach historycznych, zwłaszcza Claudio Augusto Alby Herrery, Félixa Alvareza-Bruna, Waldemara Espinozy Soriano, Francisco Gonzalesa czy Alberto Gridilli (wymienione w Bibliografii). Obok źródeł drukowanych należy wspomnieć o archiwaliach. Te, które znajdowały się w zasobach instytucji państwowych i kościelnych Huaráz przed 1970 rokiem, zostały fragmentarycznie wykorzystane w publikacjach wymienionych historyków. Podczas trzęsienia ziemi w 1970 roku cały korpus tych dokumentów uległ zniszczeniu. Trudno stwierdzić, czy w Archivo Arzobispal de Lima, Archivo Arzobispal de Trujillo czy Archivo de Indias w Sewilli nie znalazłyby się nieznane dotąd przyczynki do dziejów Huaráz i Señora de la Soledad, ale kwerendy w tych instytucjach wymagałyby długotrwałych poszukiwań i późniejszych analiz paleograficznych, niewspółmiernych w stosunku do potrzeb tej pracy. Kwerendy takie były prowadzone na przestrzeni wielu lat (już w latach 30. XX w. przez Alberto Gridillę, potem zaś głównie przez Claudio Augusto Alba Herrerę), o czym wspomniani 12 13 14 Huascarán – najwyższy szczyt Peru i Cordillera Blanca, wznoszący się bezpośrednio nad Huaráz, jeden z ważniejszych celów światowego alpinizmu; góra głęboko obecna w miejscowej kosmowizji i folklorze, do której wracam w różnych miejscach tej pracy. Zob. B.L. Whorf, Język, myśl i rzeczywistość, przeł. T. Hołówka, Warszawa 1982, s. 131–133. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad de Huarás. Discursos de la abundancia y carencia. Resistencia andina, Huaráz 2013. �Wstęp • 19 historycy wzmiankują na kartach swych rozpraw, obficie cytując odnalezione dokumenty. Korzystałam natomiast jako pierwsza z unikatowego zbioru starych fotografii będących w posiadaniu córek znanego fotografa Huaráz, Miguela Sotomayora Castro (1918–2002). Zdjęcia, z których najstarsze sięgają pierwszej połowy XX w., stanowią cenną dokumentację życia miasta, częściowo reprodukowaną w materiale ilustracyjnym pracy. Istnieje także kilka zasługujących na uwagę filmów krótkometrażowych poświęconych postaci Señora de la Soledad bądź dokumentujących związane z nim święta (zob. Filmy). Na szczególną uwagę zasługuje profesjonalna produkcja Aristótelesa Barcelosa Neto El terremoto y El Señor (2005), będąca pokłosiem etnograficznego wykształcenia reżysera. Badania prowadzone w trakcie pobytów w Peru w latach 2016–2019 objęły w pierwszym rzędzie Señora de la Soledad, ale też większość ważniejszych wizerunków Chrystusa w departamencie Ancash, takich jak: Señor de Pomallucay, Señor de Santa, Señor de Chaucayan de Cajacay, Señor de Animas de Carhuaz, Señor de Cayac z Acia, czy Señor de Santa Cruz z Olleros. Odwiedziłam także kilkadziesiąt pomniejszych kościołów i kaplic rozproszonych na terenie Callejon de Huaylas i Conchucos. W badaniach terenowych, prowadzonych na obszarach położonych od 3000 do 4800 m n.p.m., towarzyszyli mi etnolog Mirosław Mąka oraz jeden lub dwóch zaprzyjaźnionych Indian pełniących funkcję pośredników i tłumaczy między nami a miejscową ludnością. Konieczność takiego pośrednictwa wynikała ze względów bezpieczeństwa oraz z faktu, iż zdecydowana większość ludności autochtonicznej, szczególnie starszego pokolenia, nie zna języka hiszpańskiego. Włada nim pokolenie młodsze, kształcące się bądź wyedukowane w szkołach. Każda wizyta łączyła się z rozmowami z przedstawicielami miejscowych społeczności, szczególnie z osobami „trzymającymi klucz” od świętych przybytków oraz tymi, które gromadziły się, zaciekawione wizytą gringos. Niemal wszędzie, gdzie dotarłam, opiekę nad obiektami kultu sprawują wyłącznie świeccy doctrineros, co wynika z braku księży, rozlokowanych tylko w parafiach i miastach. Pierwszy kontakt prowadził często do spotkania z osobami bardziej kompetentnymi i rozmowy przenosiły się w inną część wioski. Stopień trudności w prowadzeniu wywiadów bywał zróżnicowany, podczas większości spotkań przyjmowano nas serdecznie, bez odczuwanej niechęci. Byliśmy wszakże świadomi, że zewnętrzna przychylność skrywa różne obawy, a deklarowany cel naszej wizyty nie jest do końca jasny i przekonujący. Doszły nas słuchy, że brano nas za „inspekcję” z diecezji tudzież innych instytucji. Rzadko odczytywałam pytania z kartki, gdyż usztywniało to rozmowę, sprawiając niekorzystne wrażenie „urzędowości” i utwierdzając respondentów w ich podejrzeniach. Wolałam zdać się na pamięć swoją i tłumacza, rozmawiając swobodnie i notując tylko ważniejsze fakty i nazwy. Doświadczenie dowiodło skuteczności inicjowania „strumieni narracji”, dostarczających zwykle ciekawych i nieoczekiwanych wiadomości, których nie ujawniłyby odpowiedzi na wąsko sprecyzowane pytania. Wielokrotnie rezygnowałam z notowania, jeśli zauważyłam, że niepokoi to lub krępuje rozmówców, a nagrywałam rzadko, wyłącznie za ich zgodą. W tradycyjnych środowiskach Indian, zwłaszcza starszej generacji, spisywanie wypowiedzi budzi zakorzenioną niechęć i obawę, wiążąc się z postrzeganiem książki czy zeszytu jako atrybutów obcości kulturowej. Paradoksalnie, ten rodzaj uprzedzenia nadal daje się odczuć, mimo iż młodzież pisze, czyta i używa telefonów komórkowych. Działa tu dychotomiczna klasyfikacja w obrębie równoległych strumieni postrzegania: ten sam przedmiot zdaje się być „oswojonym” w rękach „swego”, lecz zachowuje negatywne konotacje u „obcego”. �20 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Wielokrotnie przekonywałam się, że badania terenowe w Andach wymagają doskonalenia wyłącznie na tym terenie, a przygotowanie teoretyczne i doświadczenia wyniesione z Polski miewają bardzo zróżnicowaną wartość. Sążniste prace metodologiczne mniej się przydają niż kilka stron uwag i porad praktycznych badacza z dużym doświadczeniem w tym środowisku15. Subtelna materia przeżycia religijnego oraz związanych z nim emocji wymaga wypracowania specjalnej formy werbalizacji, zdolnej uchwycić i nie zagubić istotnych elementów opisu. Sucha narracja utrzymana w skonwencjonalizowanym języku naukowym byłaby równie chybiona, jak próba definiowania zjawisk wyłącznie w kategoriach systemów i struktur. Te, i owszem, pełnią funkcję porządkującą, ale bez nałożenia na nie warstw dyskursu oddającego „ducha” tych zjawisk rezultat będzie cząstkowy lub wypaczony. Opowiadam się za taką wizją uprawiania etnologii, która konsekwentnie łączy oba nurty badawcze ze świadomością ich komplementarności. Uważam, że podstawowym warunkiem zbliżenia się do względnie pełnego opisu fenomenów kulturowych – na równi z wrażliwą deskrypcją ich istoty, uwzględniającą szeroką gamę czynników emocjonalnych i zmysłowych, będących często, w skali indywidualnej i zbiorowej, wymiernymi przyczynami konkretnych zachowań – jest identyfikacja ich miejsca w szerszej strukturze. Sensualne komponenty zjawisk badanych przez etnologa posiadają równie doniosłą wartość poznawczą, jak ich aspekty formalno-strukturalne. Dotyk, barwa, światłocień, dźwięk, cisza, zapach i nastrój – współtworzą prawdę sytuacji bądź zdarzenia, są to ich niezbywalne elementy i winny być uwzględniane we wnikliwym, „gęstym” opisie. Pozostając w zgodzie z tym przekonaniem, próbuję urzeczywistniać je w niektórych – na pozór literackich – fragmentach pracy. Jest to zabieg świadomy, wykorzystujący jedyne możliwe instrumentarium wypowiedzi, stosowane z umiarem, adekwatnie do potrzeb dyskursu. Mam w pamięci refleksję Clifforda Geertza, uważającego, że „nic nie przyczyniło się bardziej do zdyskredytowania analiz kulturowych niż konstruowanie nieskazitelnych opisów porządków formalnych, w których rzeczywiste istnienie nikt całkiem nie wierzy”16. Z rozmysłem korzystam z doświadczeń autoetnograficznych oraz intuicji jako impulsów sprawczych w ramach procedury naukowej. Pozostając bliżej praktyki niż teorii, choć w pełni doceniając jej wagę, czerpię inspiracje z przemyśleń Geertza, który uważał, że „etnografia oznacza opis gęsty”17 – choć w przeciwieństwie do niego, ostrożnie relatywizuję wartość tendencji postmodernistycznych, opowiadając się za osadzeniem opisu na stabilnej strukturze. Podzielam słuszność zaleceń, których wartość zweryfikowałam w pracy: „Autor prac etnograficznych nie powinien unikać metafor. Uczoność i naukowa autentyczność tekstu nie wzrastają dzięki wyeliminowaniu analogii i porównań. Obrazowe metafory powinny zawsze stanowić część repertuaru każdego etnografa”18. Ważną rolę w mojej pracy odegrały osoby wykształcone, związane ze światem kultury – ludzie nauki ze środowisk uniwersyteckich, nauczyciele, pisarze, dziennikarze, artyści, 15 16 17 18 Przygotowując się do pracy w terenie, przestudiowałam między innymi trzysta stron podręcznika Martyn Hammersley i Paula Atkinsona Metody badań terenowych (Poznań 1995), którego wskazania w warunkach andyjskich okazały się nieporównanie mniej przydatne niż kilka wnikliwych obserwacji i zaleceń zawartych w czterostronicowym artykule Romany Krzanowskiej Uwagi o prowadzeniu badań etnograficznych w Peru, [w:] Na egzotycznych szlakach. O polskich badaniach etnograficznych w Afryce, Ameryce i Azji w dobie powojennej, red. L. Dzięgiel, Wrocław 1987, s. 117–120. C. Geertz, Opis gęsty – w stronę interpretatywnej teorii kultury, [w:] Badanie kultury. Elementy teorii antropologicznej, wyboru dokonali i przedmową poprzedzili M. Kempny, E. Nowicka, Warszawa 2003, s. 47. Ibidem, s. 40. M. Hammersley, P. Atkinson, Metody badań terenowych, przeł. S. Dymczyk, Poznań 1995, s. 252. �Wstęp • 21 etnografowie amatorzy, pasjonaci historii i miłośnicy regionu oraz kilku księży. Lista nazwisk jest długa. Za sprawą ich życzliwości, zaangażowaniu, wskazywaniu kolejnych informatorów i udzielaniu rekomendacji bywały dni, gdy kalendarz spotkań pękał w szwach, te zaś przedłużały się w spontaniczne dysputy z udziałem wciąż nowych, zapraszanych telefonicznie rozmówców. Wszystkim tym osobom, od anonimowych pasterzy, staruszek na progach kościołów i taksówkarzy poczynając, a na szacownych profesorach kończąc – składam w tym miejscu symboliczne podziękowanie. Wielu z nich zasługuje na imienną wzmiankę i moją szczególną wdzięczność, ale mogę wymienić tylko kilku. W pierwszym rzędzie słowa wdzięczności kieruję do Washingtona Gonzaleza Moreno, którego skromna księgarnia naukowa w Huaráz pełni funkcję, jak powiadają, „centrum wszechświata”, ogniskującego elitę kulturalną miasta. Dzięki jego niebywałej sieci kontaktów poznałam większość najważniejszych respondentów ze środowisk intelektualnych Huaráz, Pomabamby w Callejon de Conchucos i Limy. Bardzo wiele zawdzięczam Williamowi Reyes Milla, znakomitemu artyście fotografikowi, wspaniałemu gawędziarzowi i przewodnikowi, a także emerytowanej bibliotekarce Linie Eve García de Gamarra oraz pisarce i poetce Violetcie Ardiles Poma – żywym kronikom miasta ostatnich kilkudziesięciu lat. Spośród innych obywateli Huaráz, którzy wnieśli istotny wkład w moje badania, wymienię kilka nazwisk, z trudem rezygnując z większości, uwzględnionej w końcowej „Liście informatorów”. Składam zatem podziękowania wydawcom Juanowi Maneulowi Quirós Romero i Orlando Jara Papayan, wysokiemu członkowi bractwa Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad – Jaime Laiva Suarezowi, nauczycielowi keczua i znawcy tradycji andyjskich Cesarowi Vargas Arce, wybitnie zasłużonemu rzeźbiarzowi Godofredo Zegarra Angelesowi, a także dziennikarzowi i niestrudzonemu przewodnikowi po okolicach Pomabamby – Fernando Valverde Lavado. Pragnę także uhonorować członka mojej indiańskiej rodziny z Huaráz, przewodnika po Andach i tłumacza we wszystkich dalekich wyprawach – Daniela Milla Lliuya, od którego zaznałam wiele serdeczności i pomocy przez 12 lat znajomości. Księży, którzy podeszli ze zrozumieniem do moich badań, godnie reprezentują proboszcz w Pariacoto, o. Rafał Dryjański oraz pełniący tam posługę o. Stanisław Olbrycht. Szczególne wyrazy szacunku i wdzięczności składam luminarzom nauki, wybitnym znawcom zagadnień andyjskich, którzy nie szczędzili mi swojego czasu i wiedzy. W pierwszej kolejności dziękuję profesorowi Janowi Szemińskiemu za pokładanie wiary w sens mojej pracy oraz niestrudzoną, wieloletnią pomoc naukową, która prostowała drogi moich dociekań, inspirując i otwierając nowe przestrzenie refleksji. Dziękuję też profesorowi Andrzejowi Krzanowskiemu za wielką życzliwość i pomoc merytoryczną, a także doktor Ewie Kubiak, znakomitej specjalistce w zakresie latynoamerykańskiej sztuki kolonialnej. Nie może zabraknąć słów wdzięczności dla dwóch eminentnych przedstawicieli nauki peruwiańskiej – profesorów Marcosa Yauri Montero oraz Francisco Carranzy Romero, wspierających mnie swą wiedzą w czasie długich, niezapomnianych spotkań odbywanych w Limie. Ostatnie słowa podziękowania kieruję do przyjaciela i nauczyciela sztuki etnologicznego myślenia, towarzysza wypraw w Andy i badań terenowych, Mirosława Mąki, który włożył wiele wysiłku w tworzenie tej książki na każdym etapie jej powstawania, wspierając mnie intuicją i doświadczeniem etnologa oraz wymierną pracą. ��CZĘŚĆ I Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII wieku ��Potencjał krzyża jako znaku i symbolu Rzeźbiarski wizerunek Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego Señor de la Soledad w Huaráz nie posiada żadnej pisemnej dokumentacji historycznej, a przynajmniej nie jest ona znana autorom dotychczasowych opracowań1. Na temat jego najstarszej historii możemy wnioskować na podstawie analizy ikonograficznej rzeźby, a także jej nazwy. Señor de la Soledad to Pan Samotności. Intrygującym jest fakt, że na terenie Peru nie stwierdziłam istnienia innego czczonego krucyfiksu o tej nazwie. Nie odnalazłam też żadnego wizerunku Chrystusa o tej nazwie na terenie Hiszpanii. Zakładając, że moje ustalenia odpowiadają rzeczywistości, co nie jest łatwe do weryfikacji, ponieważ w Peru nie istnieje całościowa dokumentacja zabytków w rodzaju Katalogu Zabytków Sztuki w Polsce, wyjątkowość nazwy, będącej patrocinium najważniejszej świątyni w Huaráz, zawęża obszar poszukiwań jej genezy tylko do tego miejsca. Istnieje historyczna wzmianka na temat możliwych związków krucyfiksu z postacią Matki Boskiej Virgen de la Soledad, taka bowiem istnieje od średniowiecza na terenie Hiszpanii i znana jest także na obszarze Nowego Świata. Nazwa krucyfiksu daje do myślenia nie tylko dlatego, że stanowi podstawę do badań historycznych, lecz także z powodu jej konotacji ideowych. Zawiera bowiem silny ładunek treści emocjonalnych, wyzwalanych przez słowo „samotność” w złożonym kontekście psychologicznym i teologicznym, modelowanym synkretycznym kształtem religii i religijności andyjskiej. To, w jaki sposób krucyfiks zaistniał na zupełnie odmiennym obszarze kulturowym, jakim uległ tam przekształceniom w procesie synkretyzacji, będzie przedmiotem dalszych rozważań. Najpierw jednak przyjrzę się wizerunkowi, jaki ukształtował się w Europie, gdyż bez tego trudno byłoby dokonywać porównań i obserwować kierunki ewoluowania wzorca w Nowym Świecie. Krzyż jest najbardziej pierwotnym znakiem wytworzonym przez człowieka, obecnym w większości kultur świata, na obszarze Europy spotykanym już w okresie ekspansji Homo heidelbergensis, około 800 tys. do 600 tys. lat temu2. W dyskursie etnologicznym sięganie do tak odległych prapoczątków nie jest przesadą, gdyż prawdopodobnie już wówczas ukształtowały się pierwotne, przedsymboliczne znaczenia krzyża, stając się jego najgłębszą treścią po wszystkie czasy. Odwołując do się Eliadowskiej ontologii archaicznej, zarówno w stosunku do tamtych, jak również bliższych nam czasowo kultur, zwanych przedhistorycznymi, możemy mówić – za Andrzejem P. Kowalskim – o „przedautonomicznym statusie symbolu w kulturze wczesnotradycyjnej”3, a jego najbardziej wyrazistym przykładem jest spotykana od zarania dziejów forma krzyża. „Istota krzyża pozwala nazwać go znakiem znaków”4, stwierdza Adrian Frutiger, analizując aspekty postrzeżeniowe tej figury w związku z wytworzonymi symbolizacjami. Zwraca uwagę na fakt, że sylwetka krzyża z wydłużonym ku dołowi odcinkiem 1 2 3 4 Mowa o książkach: M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, oraz Diócesis de Huaráz. Cien años de vida diocesana, 15 de mayo 1899–1999, Lima 1999. G. von Petzinger, Pierwsze znaki. Najstarsze symbole świata, przeł. A. Szurek, Kraków 2016, s. 186, 201. A.P. Kowalski, Antropologia zamierzchłych znaczeń, Toruń 2014, s. 165–166. A. Frutiger, Człowiek i jego znaki, przeł. C. Tomaszewska, Kraków 2015, s. 41. Zob. też ibidem, s. 216–219. �26 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich pionowym stanowi najbardziej lapidarną formę piktogramu przedstawiającego człowieka. Z owych najgłębszych dziejów ludzkości pochodzą dwa elementarne związki znaczeniowe krzyża: ze słońcem oraz pierwiastkiem męskim5. Współtworzą one strukturalne ramy klasyfikacyjne na poziomie podstawowym w większości systemów religijno-kulturowych świata, w tym również w chrześcijaństwie6. „Połączenie krzyża i słońca, w zasadzie charakterystyczne dla sztuki chrześcijańskiej, w oczywisty sposób wywodzi się z formy krzyża jako symbolu solarnego. To samo połączenie można też dostrzec w tradycyjnych krzyżach celtyckich, gdzie krzyż jest wpisany w koło, czyli umieszczony na tle słońca”7 – pisze Boris Uspienski, konkludując: „Tak więc Chrystus kojarzy się ze słońcem i, co za tym idzie, krzyż okazuje się symbolem zarówno Chrystusa, jak i słońca”8. Obszerne i szczegółowe rozważania tego uczonego nad symboliką krzyża w teologii, liturgii, piśmiennictwie religijnym i wierzeniach wpisują się w olbrzymi korpus dzieł poświęconych temu zagadnieniu. Ukazują one, że wokół krzyża, jak żadnego innego znaku, nawarstwiła się trudna do ogarnięcia, nawet przez wyspecjalizowanych badaczy, spuścizna kultury, szczególnie w kręgu oddziaływania chrześcijaństwa. „Krzyż – Drzewo Kosmiczne, zatknięty został pośrodku ziemi”9 – konstatuje wybitny znawca tematyki, Stanisław Kobielus, autor najobszerniejszego w języku polskim dzieła o ikonografii krzyża10. Ta ze wszech miar trafna konkluzja opisuje niezgłębione bogactwo treści kulturowych – teologicznych, religijnych, artystycznych, literackich, folklorystycznych i wierzeniowych – wytworzonych wokół krzyża. Z tej olbrzymiej spuścizny cywilizacyjnej wybieram tylko niewielki fragment, bezpośrednio istotny dla tej pracy. Ale i on wypełnia tak rozległy obszar multidyscyplinarnej refleksji naukowej, że staję przed koniecznością dokonania niełatwych wyborów, niezbędnych skrótów i uogólnień, z dbałością o zachowanie właściwych proporcji wywodu. Skupiam się na wybranych aspektach wielkiej reformy chrześcijaństwa, jaka dokonała się w czasie Soboru Trydenckiego i zaowocowała głębokimi transformacjami w obrębie sztuki sakralnej. Wśród wielu innych, efektem tamtych epokowych przemian stała się nowa konceptualizacja ikonografii Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, będąca odzwierciedleniem założeń ideowych, zadekretowanych przez Sobór, oraz późniejszych postulatów wybitnych teoretyków kościelnych, twórczo rozwijających jego wskazania przez następne dziesięciolecia. Sobór Trydencki a reforma sztuki kościelnej Koniec XV i pierwsze dekady XVI w. to okres olbrzymich napięć w dziejach chrześcijańskiej Europy11. Ich przyczyny historycy upatrują w nadzwyczajnym skumulowaniu 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Najbardziej zwartą, popularną w świecie nauki propozycję interpretacyjną, przyporządkowującą określone rodzaje najwcześniejszych znaków do płci męskiej lub żeńskiej, przedstawił na początku lat 60. XX w. francuski badacz André Leroi-Gourhan, zob. idem, Religie prehistoryczne, przeł. I. Dewitz, Warszawa 1966, s. 79. E. Sakowicz, Krzyż w religiach niechrześcijańskich, [w:] Krzyż, E. Kasjaniuk (red.), Lublin 2011, s. 11–15. B. Uspienski, Krzyż i koło. Z historii symboliki chrześcijańskiej, przeł. B. Żyłko, Gdańsk 2010, s. 103. Ibidem, s. 105. S. Kobielus, Geometryczny wymiar Krzyża. (O jednej ze średniowiecznych koncepcji porządkowania Universum), „Saeculum Christianum” 1995, nr 2, s. 86. S. Kobielus, Krzyż Chrystusa. Od znaku i figury do symbolu i metafory, Tyniec 2011. Syntezę okoliczności historycznych, które doprowadziły do zwołania Soboru Trydenckiego, zarysowuję na podstawie: W. Kęder, Dzieło Soboru Trydenckiego w okresie kontrreformacji [w:] Sztuka po Trydencie, �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 27 procesów dziejowych, zwiastującym narastający, nieprzewidywalny w swych skutkach kryzys cywilizacyjny całego kontynentu. Procesy te wynikały zarówno ze zmagań o hegemonię w Europie Zachodniej pomiędzy najpotężniejszymi siłami politycznymi – Francją i Habsburgami, jak i wewnętrznych problemów Kościoła, które doprowadziły do silnych oddolnych ruchów reformatorskich, schizmy Marcina Lutra i Jana Kalwina. Potężnym impulsem dla przemian zarówno gospodarczych (a co za tym idzie: politycznych), jak również świadomościowych, i to w skali całego kontynentu, były odkrycia geograficzne i ekspansja na niezmierzone obszary Nowego Świata. Obrazowo można powiedzieć, że formuła europejskiego średniowiecza obumierała w kluczowych obszarach kultury, wyczerpując swój dotychczasowy potencjał. W warunkach, gdy Kościół zajmował pozycję najpotężniejszej, uniwersalnej organizacji świata feudalnego, wszystkie paroksyzmy nabrzmiewającego kryzysu ogniskowały się właśnie w nim, zagrażając trwałości i podkopując fundamenty jego istnienia. Należy zwrócić uwagę na znacząco odmienną sytuację Kościoła w Kastylii (Hiszpania w dzisiejszym rozumieniu jeszcze nie istniała), gdzie dzięki wybitnej i światłej osobie kardynała Francisca Jiméneza de Cisnerosa (1436–1517) w pierwszych kilkunastu latach XVI w. wdrożono szereg ważnych reform, w tym upowszechnienie oświaty, odnowę zakonów oraz wzrost liczby szpitali i instytucji charytatywnych12. W większości innych krajów Europy Zachodniej narastająca skala oddolnych ruchów odnowy – zarówno takich, które kontestowały rozluźnienie dyscypliny kościelnej i upadek moralności zakonnej, postulując powrót do prawdziwej pobożności i miłości bliźniego, jak i konfrontacyjnych, jak Lutra, oburzonych rozmiarami zepsucia moralnego, symonii i handlu odpustami – wywierała na papiestwo coraz potężniejszą presję pilnych reform. Nacisk na zwołanie soboru powszechnego płynął nie tylko ze strony bardziej światłych przedstawicieli Kolegium Kardynałów, ale też ze strony najważniejszych władców Europy – cesarza rzymskiego i króla Francji. Zwolennikiem radykalnych dyskusji na najwyższym szczeblu soboru długo pozostawał Luter. Zwołany w latach 1512–1517 Sobór Laterański V nie sprostał wyzwaniom dziejowym, pozorując działania i podejmując skazaną na niepowodzenie próbę utrzymania kościelnego status quo13. W siedem miesięcy po jego zakończeniu Luter przybił swoich 95 tez na drzwiach kościoła uniwersyteckiego w Wittenberdze. Przez następnych 28 lat kolejni papieże, Hadrian VI i Paweł III, podejmowali znaczące decyzje reformatorskie wewnątrz Kościoła, dalekie jednak od takich, które mogłyby odwrócić dramatyczny bieg historii. W tym czasie, szczególnie po ekskomunice Lutra w 1521 r. i wystąpieniu Jana Kalwina, głęboki rozłam w Kościele stał się faktem, luteranizm opanował połowę Niemiec, Skandynawię, część Szwajcarii i centralnej Europy, kalwinizm rozszerzał się we Francji i Niderlandach, a Anglia odłączyła się od wspólnoty z Rzymem, powołując Kościół anglikański. W atmosferze głębokiego kryzysu dojrzewała idea zwołania następnego Soboru, który zająłby się palącymi problemami gruntownej odnowy Kościoła, rozszerzając swoje postanowienia na rozliczne, zależne od niego, sfery życia. Po długich i zawiłych perypetiach ambicjonalnych, związanych m.in. z wyborem miejsca obrad, a także trudnych negocjacjach 12 13 Kraków 2014, s. 9–22; J. Kopiec, Trydencki Sobór, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 19, Lublin 2013, s. 1085–1089. M. Kycler, Śladami dziedzictwa kardynała Francisca Jíméneza de Cisnerosa w Alcalá de Hernandes, „Fides. Biuletyn Bibliotek Kościelnych” t. 18, 2012, nr 35, s. 283–288. P. Janowski, S. Wilk, Laterański Sobór V, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 10, Lublin 2004, s. 532–535. �28 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich z protestantami, w grudniu 1545 r. udało się zainaugurować obrady w północnowłoskim Trydencie, należącym do imperium Habsburgów. Sobór stawiał sobie trzy zasadnicze cele: ugoda z protestantami i przezwyciężenie rozłamu w chrześcijaństwie, wypracowanie głębokich reform w Kościele oraz podjęcie działań w związku z wojną z Turcją. Już na starcie wydawało się, że wszystko skończy się fiaskiem, gdyż pomimo długo wyrażanych przez Lutra propozycji podjęcia wspólnych dyskusji nad przyszłym kształtem Kościoła, protestanci, ośmieleni spektakularnymi sukcesami w wielu krajach europejskich, ostatecznie sformułowali warunki swojego uczestnictwa na tak wysokim poziomie, że stały się nie do przyjęcia przez stronę papieską. Wobec odrzucenia ich postulatów, Sobór został przez nich zbojkotowany. Pomimo początkowego kryzysu, który mógł łatwo przekształcić się w porażkę, ojcowie soborowi przystąpili do dzieła reformy Kościoła. Zgromadzenie dostojników w skromnej liczbie 33 osób nie zwiastowało, że Sobór stanie się jednym z najbardziej przełomowych wydarzeń w dziejach nowożytnej Europy. Stopniowo jednak zwiększał się udział wybitnych myślicieli i intelektualistów kościelnych, którzy systematycznie rozprawiali się z nawarstwionymi problemami, wypracowując światłe i nowoczesne, jak na owe czasy, rozwiązania. Sobór obradował w trzech turach – w latach 1545–1549, 1551–1552 i 1562–1563, a więc przez 18 lat, gdyż do jego prac należy wliczać przerwy, podczas których toczyły się intensywne prace, upowszechniano dotychczasowy dorobek i drukowano liczne tomy soborowych postanowień. [Uczestnicy Soboru] dokonali gigantycznego dzieła reformy, która zmieniła oblicze Kościoła oraz Europy, wywierając wpływ także na losy innych kontynentów. Ojcowie soborowi […] bardzo wnikliwie zanalizowali przyczyny kryzysu w Kościele, kładąc nacisk na rozpoznanie błędów popełnionych przez hierarchię kościelną. Prawidłowo określiwszy przyczyny kryzysu, postawili też trafne diagnozy i zakreślili niezwykle głęboki plan reformy Kościoła – na tyle głęboki, że w odniesieniu do dokonań soboru należy mówić nie tyle o kontrreformacji, ile o reformie, lub też odrębnej reformacji w łonie Kościoła katolickiego. Sobór wypracował obszerny program odnowy moralnej duchowieństwa i ludu, przyswoiwszy sobie myśli wcześniejszych reformatorów i uczynił je prawem całego Kościoła. Trydent na nowo określił oblicze Kościoła i Europy na dalsze stulecia przez to, że jego dekrety i kanony stały się podstawą praktycznej działalności i dnia powszedniego Kościoła14. Sobór Trydencki nie przyczynił się do przywrócenia jedności w Kościele, ale doprowadził do wyraźnego rozdzielenia nauki katolickiej od doktryny protestanckiej i przez blisko cztery wieki wywierał wpływ na bieg wydarzeń. „Za pomocą uchwał doktrynalnych i dekretów reformacyjnych przyczynił się do odnowy katolicyzmu w XVI i XVII w. we wszystkich dziedzinach życia religijnego, od form pobożności i życia duchowego aż po rozkwit literatury i sztuki”15. Brzemiennym w procesach ewoluowania sztuki kościelnej był fakt, że „recepcja postanowień Soboru nie polegała wyłącznie na realizacji dekretów, lecz w znacznej mierze pozostawała dziełem twórczym, pozwalającym na uzupełnienie kwestii pozostawionych przez Sobór oraz swobodniejszą interpretację jego postanowień”16. Jednym z najważ14 15 16 W. Kęder, op. cit., s. 17. J. Kopiec, op. cit., s. 1089. Ibidem. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 29 niejszych obszarów, gdzie swoboda ta – choć ujęta w ramy ścisłych założeń – zaowocowała wspaniałym bogactwem nowych idei i środków wyrazu, była sztuka kościelna. Architektura, malarstwo, rzeźba i muzyka, a także starannie wyreżyserowane spektakle religijne, takie jak procesje eucharystyczne, stały się potężnym orężem duchowym kontrreformacji. We wszystkich dziedzinach zmasowanej perswazji, ukierunkowanej na wrażenia zmysłowe i intelektualne, triumfował wszechogarniający barok, którego założenia ideowo-artystyczne zrodziły się i rozwijały dzięki koncepcjom wielkich teoretyków sztuki sakralnej. Bogata spuścizna XVI- i XVII-wiecznego piśmiennictwa, zawierającego dyrektywy i sugestie dla artystów w służbie kontrreformacji, stanowi olbrzymi korpus dzieł o fundamentalnym znaczeniu dla ówczesnej, ale i późniejszej sztuki religijnej w Europie. Stanowią one przedmiot egzegezy i inspiracji badawczych pokoleń historyków sztuki, teologów i znawców dziejów Kościoła. W polskim przekładach reprezentatywne fragmenty najważniejszych traktatów teoretycznych zawiera cenna antologia Teoretycy, historiografowie i artyści o sztuce 1600–170017, wydana pod redakcją Jana Białostockiego. Teksty te zyskały wnikliwe omówienie w pracach Piotra Krasnego, w szczególności w Visibila signa ad pietatem excitantem18 oraz Figurach obecności i nieobecności19. Badacz ten szczegółowo scharakteryzował potrydencki ferment w piśmiennictwie dotyczącym sztuki sakralnej. Jak pisał: „Teoretycy i hierarchowie interesowali się […] sztuką, czy raczej jej dziełami niemal wyłącznie jako narzędziami, mogącymi wesprzeć skuteczną pracę duszpasterską Kościoła oraz wspomóc go w walce z protestanckimi «herezjami»”20. Jakiekolwiek streszczenie tutaj „kontrreformacyjnej doktryny artystycznej”, zawartej w opasłych tomach traktatów, stanowi zamysł irracjonalny. Szkicowe wzmianki na temat ważniejszych teoretyków sztuki potrydenckiej włączam do swoich rozważań tylko dlatego, by zarysować kulturowe tło ogromnych przemian ideowych i formalnych w sztuce europejskiej XVII w., których efektem stała się między innymi nowa konceptualizacja wizerunków Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, a wśród nich figury Chrystusa Samotności, zwanego w peruwiańskim Huaráz Señor de la Soledad. „Kontrreformacyjna doktryna artystyczna”, jak wspomniano, ukształtowała się jako szeroka i nieprzesadnie sformalizowana, ale w założeniach wyrazista koncepcja, mająca za zadanie takie unormowanie języka przekazu artystycznego, by służył nadrzędnej idei kultu. Piotr Krasny zwraca uwagę, że doktryna ta była w zasadzie pierwszą w historii próbą całościowej konceptualizacji ideowej sztuki sakralnej, powstałą „na zewnątrz” środowiska artystycznego, głównie w gronie teologów i ojców kościoła21, choć wielu z nich miało głębokie doświadczenie w tej materii, a niektórzy nawet czynnie tworzyli sztukę. Wcześniejsze 17 18 19 20 21 Teoretycy, historiografowie i artyści o sztuce 1600–1700, wyb. i oprac. J. Białostocki, Warszawa 1994, s. 68– 146. P. Krasny, Visibilia signa ad pietatem excitantes. Teoria sztuki sakralnej w pismach Roberta Bellarmina, Cezarego Baroniusza, Rudolfa Hospiniana, Fryderyka Boromeusza i innych pisarzy kościelnych epoki nowożytnej, Kraków 2010; zob. też: idem, Święty Karol Boromeusz a sztuka [w:] Święty Karol Boromeusz a sztuka w Kościele powszechnym, w Polsce, w Niepołomicach, pod red. P. Krasnego i M. Kurzei, Kraków 2010, s. 11–27. P. Krasny, Figury obecności i nieobecności. Wprowadzenie do francuskiej dysputy o świętych obrazach i o roli sztuki w życiu Kościoła w epoce nowożytnej, Kraków 2016. P. Krasny, Visibilia…, s. 8. Ibidem. �30 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich wypowiedzi na ten temat, zanurzone w duchowości średniowiecza, miały charakter dalece węższy i mniej spójny niż potrydenckie. Bierze się to również stąd, że w średniowieczu trudno jeszcze mówić o wyraźnym wyodrębnieniu sztuki sakralnej i świeckiej. Obie zlane były w homogeniczny wzorzec wypowiedzi artystycznej, w którym egzystowały motywy kanoniczne związane z Pismem Świętym i narracją hagiograficzną, wątki apokryficzne, czy wręcz pogańskie, wzorce antyczne, a także dworskie, współtworzące swój przekaz w zbliżonych interpretacjach formalno-symbolicznych. W tym kontekście warto podkreślić obecne w tym okresie i silnie odzwierciedlone w sztuce utożsamienie symbolicznych przedstawień majestatu Boga i ziemskiego władcy (króla, cesarza, papieża). Motywy te stanowią wizualizacje głęboko zakorzenionej w kulturze idei sakralizacji władcy22. Potrydencka myśl reformatorów sztuki kościelnej Późnośredniowieczne i renesansowe rozprawy o sztuce koncentrowały się przede wszystkim na dylematach związanych z odwoływaniem się w architekturze do wzorców starożytnych (np. Leon Battista Alberti, 1404–1472)23, albo poddawały krytyce zarówno wątki pogańskie, jak i nadmiernie zmysłowe, odrywające wiernych od prawdziwej pobożności (np. Girolamo Savonarola, 1452–1498)24. Konceptualizacja potrydencka nie mogła formułować swych tez w oderwaniu od tej spuścizny, ale – jak się wydaje – jej przesłanie było przede wszystkim pozytywne, skupiało się na konstruktywnym tworzeniu nowej ideologii, nie zaś wyłącznie krytyce przeszłości. Ideologia ta w przekonaniu jej twórców dawała lepsze, alternatywne recepty na ówczesny kryzys, nie odżegnując się od tradycji, tylko „oczyszczając” ją z nawarstwionych błędów. W potężnym ruchu przewartościowań, które dotknęły sztukę religijną, myśl katolickich reformatorów potrydenckich była głęboka i silnie umocowana w teologii, ale daleka od radykalizmu luterańskiego, występującego przeciwko wszelkiej rzeźbie sakralnej i silnie redukującego treści malarskie25, nie mówiąc już o „furiach ikonoklastycznych” inspirowanych naukami Jana Kalwina lub Huldrycha Zwingliego26. Konfrontacja założeń teologicznych i ideowych, stojących za katolicką myślą potrydencką w sprawach sztuki, z myślą reprezentowaną przez odłamy protestantyzmu pozostaje w obrębie dyskusji teoretycznych. Przyszłość pokazała, że sztuka baroku stała się potężnym orężem kontrreformacji, jej sugestywny przekaz oddziaływał na wrażliwość numinotyczną wiernych, opierając się przede wszystkim na zmysłowym „przeżyciu religijnym”, nie zaś na intelektualnym rozważaniu zawiłości Pisma. Immanentnym pragnieniem, wpisanym w istotę takiego przeżycia, było doświadczenie niezwykłości, wspaniałości i olśnienia 22 23 24 25 26 Zob. np. H. Belting, Obraz i kult. Historia obrazu przed epoką sztuki, przeł. T. Zatorski, Gdańsk 2010, s. 119–132. Wielokrotnie podejmowaną tematykę sakralizacji władcy w szczególnie konsekwentny sposób prezentują B.A. Uspienski, W.M. Żywow w książce Car i bóg. Semiotyczne aspekty sakralizacji monarchy w Rosji, przeł. H. Paprocki, Warszawa 1992. Studium to ma walor uniwersalny, również w stosunku do realiów średniowiecznej Europy Zachodniej. P. Krasny, Visibilia…, s. 15. W przekładzie polskim wyszedł traktat L.B. Albertiego – zob. idem, O malarstwie, przeł. L. Winniczuk, Wrocław 1963. Ibidem, s. 16–18. B. Niemczyk, Słowo i obraz – sztuka w świecie protestanckim, „ARTykuły” 2009, nr 1, s. 25–34; S. Michalski, Protestanci a sztuka. Spór o obrazy w Europie nowożytnej, Warszawa 1989, passim. A. Flis, Chrześcijaństwo i Europa. Studia z dziejów cywilizacji Zachodu, Kraków 2001, s. 227. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 31 „boskością”, z założenia przeciwnego ziemskiemu profanum – takiego, które zachwycając, unaoczniało eschatologiczną obietnicę doskonałej szczęśliwości w Niebie. Spośród myślicieli, którzy sformułowali artystyczną wykładnię dogmatów teologicznych, wymienię tylko ważniejszych, nie kierując się chronologią ich życia w obrębie epoki, gdyż jej granice pozostają płynne i niejednolite w poszczególnych krajach Europy. Istotniejsze wydaje mi się podkreślenie ich „wspólnoty myśli” – kolektywnej pracy inspirowanej koniecznością wypracowania nowych, czasem wręcz rewolucyjnych wzorców ideowo-formalnych, będących odpowiedzią na wyzwania czasów. Nie mówię tu o kolektywizmie w rozumieniu dosłownym, gdyż większość myślicieli, o których mowa, wypracowała swoje teorie w toku indywidualnych, długoletnich i, można rzec, multidyscyplinarnych studiów. Stopień kontaktów osób, które tworzyły w tym samym czasie, był bardzo zróżnicowany, ale wzajemne inspiracje, a nawet kontynuacje dorobku, nie należały do rzadkości. Większość z nich to Włosi, nierzadko związani ze Stolicą Apostolską bądź pełniący wysokie stanowiska w hierarchii duchownej innych ważnych miast Italii. Ich myśl i działalność dały początek uczelniom, szkołom malarskim oraz instytucjom naukowym, z których nowe idee i doktryny artystyczne promieniowały na katolickie kraje Europy. Generalizując, włoscy teoretycy reprezentowali in gremio najbardziej afirmatywną postawę względem sztuki kościelnej i jej roli w kulcie, Francuzi zaś byli w tej kwestii bardziej powściągliwi, choć to oni, ustami kardynała Karola Gwizjusza (Charles de Guisse, 1524–1574), formułowali postulaty wniesienia tej kwestii pod obrady Soboru Trydenckiego i dzięki nim w 1574 roku został uchwalony dekret De invocatione, veneratione et reliquiis sanctorum, et sacris imaginibus (O wzywaniu, czci i relikwiach świętych oraz o świętych obrazach)27, będący fundamentalnym dokumentem dla katolickiej sztuki potrydenckiej. „O ile włoscy katolicy afirmowali niemal bezkrytycznie pożytki z wykorzystywania środków artystycznych w rozbudzaniu prawdziwej pobożności, […] francuscy zwolennicy reformacji i kontrreformacji przyjmowali […] bardziej ireniczną postawę, przypominając zgodnie, że dzieła sztuki religijnej (a raczej wzbudzane przez nie emocje) nie powinny rządzić ludźmi, ale służyć im jako znaki, pomocne w przekazywaniu religijnych treści”28. Do najważniejszych reformatorów sztuki potrydenckiej należy zaliczyć arcybiskupa Karola Boromeusza (właśc. Carlo Boromeo, 1538–1584)29. Był on pierwszym hierarchą kościelnym, który konsekwentnie używał terminów ars christiana i arte christiana, akcentując jej odrębność od sztuki świeckiej (ars profana, arte profana). Uważał, że: „Wszystkie rozwiązania stosowane w sztuce chrześcijańskiej winny być […] przede wszystkim skorelowane z zasadami sprawowania liturgii i ułatwiać wiernym właściwe uczestnictwo w świętych obrzędach i poddanie się nauczaniu Kościoła”30. W jego przekonaniu zarówno kształt architektoniczny świątyni (często o genezie pogańskiej), jak i wszystkie elementy jej wystroju miały służyć nauczaniu Kościoła, nie rozpraszając uwagi wiernych czymkolwiek, co nie miałoby związku z treścią głoszonych nauk i dostojeństwem sprawowanych obrzędów. Zadbał o systematyczne propagowanie, na różnych szczeblach organizacji kościelnej, „doktryny artystycznej”31 – 27 28 29 30 31 P. Krasny, Figury obecności…, s. 9. Ibidem, s. 13. D. Tettamanzi, San Carlo e la Croce, Milano 2010. P. Krasny, Visibilia…, s. 22. Zob. też ibidem, s. 21–23, 34–36, 48–49. Napisał i propagował rodzaj instruktażu dla artystów: Instructiones fabricae et supellectilis ecclesiasticae, Mediolan 1577. �32 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich tak, by stała się ona powszechnie znana nie tylko w Mediolanie, gdzie żył i działał, lecz także w innych dużych miastach oraz na prowincji Włoch. Wprowadził pojęcie veritas historica, czyli wierności wizerunków świętych z ich rzeczywistym wyglądem oraz dbałości o realia epoki, np. strojów w scenach religijnych. Prowadził życie nad wyraz skromne i pokorne, pełne poświęcenia, szczególnie w dziele wspierania ubogich i chorych oraz edukacji – również młodych malarzy. Zmarł w opinii świętości, kanonizowany w 1610 r. W dziele odnowy sztuki kościelnej wspierał go bratanek, kardynał Fryderyk Boromeusz (1564–1631), autor ważnego traktatu o malarstwie De pictura sacra (1624)32, wybitny znawca i kolekcjoner sztuki, założyciel Biblioteki Ambrozjańskiej i Akademii Sztuki w Mediolanie. Należał do tych, którzy pracowicie porządkowali decorum malarstwa religijnego, eliminując powszechne wówczas zapożyczenia i aluzje mitologiczne oraz akty. Idee Karola Boromeusza twórczo rozwinął jego uczeń, kardynał Bolonii Gabriele Paleotti (1522–1597)33, postulując stosowanie odmiennych kryteriów ocen sztuki sakralnej i świeckiej, argumentując, że obie służą zupełnie innym celom. Tworzenie sztuki sakralnej był skłonny powierzać nie tylko artystom najlepszym, ale przede wszystkim takim, którzy dogłębnie znają i poważają naukę chrześcijańską, gdyż, jak twierdził, tylko zespolenie obu tych warunków może zagwarantować powstanie dzieła artystycznie dojrzałego i pobudzającego wiernych do prawdziwej dewocji. Odrzucał spuściznę manieryzmu na rzecz naturalizmu, stojąc na stanowisku, że tylko obrazy wiernie ilustrujące rzeczywistość zachwycają, poruszają i pouczają (delectare, movere, docere), stając się dla wiernych „niemym nauczaniem” (muta predicatio)34. Swoje nauki zawarł w monumentalnym, niedokończonym dziele Discorso intorno alle imagini sacre e profane (1582). Niewątpliwie należy też wspomnieć o wybitnych zasługach kardynała Roberta Bellarmina (1542–1621)35 – apologety wspaniałej, skrajnie naturalistycznej oprawy artystycznej kultu Bożego i głównego (obok Cezarego Baroniusza) doradcy papieża Klemensa VIII w sprawach sztuki. Jezuita ten sformułował najważniejsze argumenty teologiczne na rzecz prawomocności wykonywania „wizerunków Boga”, podbudowując je olbrzymim materiałem historycznym, dotyczącym sztuki starochrześcijańskiej. Głęboko przekonany o wyłącznie pozytywnych efektach kontaktu z boskością za pośrednictwem obrazów, rozwinął koncepcję dwóch płaszczyzn ich oddziaływania na wiernych. Pierwsza z nich – narracyjna (historiae depictae) – stanowiła warstwę informacyjną, pełniąc funkcję „Biblii analfabetów” i pobudzając głębokie przeżycia emocjonalne patrzących. Druga – wyabstrahowana (imagines solitariae) – mogła wyzwalać w wiernych szczególną miłość i chęć poznania Boga, jak również tęsknotę i wzruszenie podobne do tych, które wzbudza wizerunek ukochanej osoby podczas jej nieobecności. Równocześnie w ślad za wcześniejszymi teologami, zwłaszcza św. Bazylim, podkreślał, że honor okazywany obrazom odnosi się do wzoru, który przedstawiają. Wizerunki mogą być objęte jedynie „niższą formą czci” (veneratio, honor, cultus duliae), a nie uwielbieniem (adoratio, glorificatio, cultus latriae) należnym tylko Bogu. 32 33 34 35 Teoretycy, historiografowie…, s. 121–123. P. Krasny, Visibilia…, s. 23–25, 28–29, 36–37,41–43. Szczegółowe omówienie koncepcji zob. D. Ganz, Tre paura e fascino: la funzione comunicativa delle immagini visive nel Discorso di Gabriele Paleotti, [w:] Imaging humanity. Immagini della’umanita, ed. J. Casey, Bordighera 2000, s. 57–68. P. Krasny, Visibilia…, s. 63–86; R. Prejs, Robert Bellarmin, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 17, Lublin 2012, s. 132–135. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 33 Wyraźne rozróżnienie pomiędzy czcią oddawaną wizerunkom a adoracją i umiłowaniem samego Boga zostało podkreślone w sposób kategoryczny jako jeden z fundamentalnych dogmatów dotyczących sztuki sakralnej. Stanowił on podstawowy argument obronny w sporach z ikonoklastami, zarzucającymi katolikom, że niczym nie różnią się od pogan, czczących „bałwany” zamiast samego Boga. W tym samym nurcie refleksji teologicznej mieści się idea „wstawiennictwa” świętych, którzy sami z siebie nie darzą łaskami, tylko pośredniczą w przekazywaniu próśb wiernych do Boga. W ścisłym gronie najwybitniejszych teoretyków sztuki potrydenckiej lokuje się sławny historyk Kościoła, kardynał Cezary Baroniusz (Cesare Baronio, 1538–1607)36, autor Martyrologium Romanum (1587) – katalogu pierwszych męczenników oraz monumentalnego 12-tomowego dzieła Annales ecclesiasticia a Christo nato ad annum 1198 (1588–1607), opisującego dzieje chrześcijaństwa do 1198 r. i przedstawiającego wówczas najpełniejszą historię sztuki sakralnej. Nie sformułował kompleksowej nauki o świętych wizerunkach, ale zbudował niezwykle trwały fundament dowodów historycznych dla tez głoszonych przez innych teoretyków, głównie Roberta Bellarmina. Ogromna poczytność jego dzieła we wszystkich krajach chrześcijańskiej Europy przekładała się na ugruntowanie owych dowodów jako trudnych do obalenia argumentów w sporach z ikonoklastycznymi tezami koryfeuszy reformacji. Do grona ważnych odnowicieli sztuki sakralnej należy Filip Neru (Nereusz, 1515– 1595)37, zafascynowany antykiem chrześcijańskim, zwolennik stosowania w malarstwie rozwiązań maksymalnie afektywnych, poruszających do głębi wrażliwość oglądających, podporządkowanych naczelnej idei formowania dusz wiernych. Głosił potrzebę przedstawiania świata takim, jakim jest, oraz odzwierciedlania „realizmu teologicznego” w realizmie malarskim. Święci, na ile to możliwe, powinni być obrazowani jak najwierniej (vera effigies), tym bardziej, jeśli wykonano ich portrety za życia lub maski pośmiertne. Postulaty Nereusza znacząco wpłynęły na ukształtowanie się kanonu ikonograficznego świętych, w którym porzucono idealizację, a atrybuty przestały być jedynymi znakami ich tożsamości38. Przenosząc się z Italii na północ Europy, nie sposób pominąć sylwetki flamandzkiego teologa z Katolickiego Uniwersytetu w Louvain Johannesa Molanusa (1533–1585)39. Jego dzieło De Picturis et Imaginibus Sacris, pro vero earum usu contra abusus (1570, 1594) stanowi jedną z najważniejszych wykładni sztuki sakralnej tamtych czasów. Jego wpływ trwale zapisał się w Europie, oddziałując inspirująco na artystów przez z górą dwieście lat. Autor, wyposażony w rozległą wiedzę, oczytany w literaturze klasycznej, dziełach teologicznych, estetycznych i emblematycznych, mający żywy kontakt ze sztuką, sformułował śmiały postulat połączenia dwóch pozornie sprzecznych tendencji. Z jednej strony, optował za wielką starannością w artystycznych odwzorowaniach Pisma oraz postaci świętych, podkreślając, że sama symbolika ich atrybutów to o wiele za mało w ich plastycznych reprezentacjach, z drugiej zaś – postulował wnoszenie ludzkiego, psychologicznego wymiaru do tworzonej 36 37 38 39 J. Kłoczowski, Baronius Cesare COr, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 2, Lublin 1995, s. 61–62. P. Krasny, Visibilia…, s. 30–33, 164–165; H. Jaromin, Filip Neri, Filip Nereniusz [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 5, s. 206–207. M. Łepkowski, Najwcześniejsze przedstawienia św. Jozafata Kuncewicza a problem vera effigies w kształtowaniu się ikonografii świętych w okresie potrydenckim, [w:] Fides ars scientia. Studia dedykowane pamięci Księdza Kanonika Augustyna Mednisa, Tarnów 2008, s. 301–302. Teoretycy, historiografowie…, s. 117–120; P. Krasny, Visibilia…, s. 29, 65. �34 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich sztuki – tak, żeby ta, zachowując niezbędną ortodoksję, nawiązywała z wiernymi pożądaną nić emocjonalnego, ale też intelektualnego porozumienia. Molanus tworzy rodzaj encyklopedii, w której porządkuje sceny wg kalendarza liturgicznego, opatrując je zwięzłymi opisami, w których podaje ich prawidła, wytykając wcześniejsze błędy. Zgodnie z podstawowymi założeniami nowej ars christiana, piętnuje „pogańskie” relikty, zasiedziałe od wieków w ikonografii, jak również przedstawienia „niegodne”, a więc zalatujące herezją, apokryficzne oraz zawierające akty. Jego głęboka i przesadna niechęć do aktów w sztuce chrześcijańskiej, a zwłaszcza do przedstawiania nagości Chrystusa, pozostawała w opozycji do tendencji epoki i najwybitniejszych ówczesnych dzieł, takich jak Sąd Ostateczny Michała Anioła czy Pokłon Trzech Króli Pietera Breugla. Przysporzyła mu także wielu krytyków o ciętym języku, takich jak Leo Steinberga, który z humorem ocenia, że „bez wątpienia był skończonym filistrem”40. Ignacy Loyola (1491–1556)41 – założyciel Towarzystwa Jezusowego, twierdził, że „każdy, kto chce trwać wiernie w Kościele wojującym, musi «wychwalać ozdabianie i budowanie kościołów» oraz wszelkie przejawy kultu zewnętrznego42. „Styl jezuicki” w architekturze sakralnej, zapoczątkowany rzymskim kościołem Il Gesù, obecny także w wyposażeniu świątyń tego zakonu, stał się bodaj najbardziej charakterystycznym wzorcem barokowej sztuki sakralnej. Stosowana przez jezuitów zasada modo nostro, określana też jako akomodacja, polegała na elastycznym dostosowywaniu się do lokalnych tradycji i gustów estetycznych, co sprzyjało szerokiej ekspansji zakonu na obszarach europejskich, ale też ułatwiało mu zadomawianie się na zupełnie odmiennych kulturowo obszarach misyjnych43. Krótki, zaledwie sygnalny przegląd ważniejszych teoretyków sztuki potrydenckiej zamykam postacią bez wątpienia najistotniejszą z punktu widzenia tematyki tej pracy. Przystępując do jej omówienia, przenoszę się na surowe ziemie Kastylii i Półwyspu Iberyjskiego, gdzie znajduje swój właściwy początek mistyczna figura peruwiańskiego Chrystusa Señor de la Soledad. Postacią tą jest rysownik i teoretyk sztuki z Sewilli, Francisco Pacheco (1564–1644)44. Jego twórczość, w tym przede wszystkim obszerny, pisany przez blisko 40 lat traktat Arta de la pintura (wydany pośmiertnie w 1649 r.)45, w znaczący sposób określiła kształt XVII-wiecznego malarstwa religijnego w Hiszpanii46. Pacheco studiował w Sewilli pod kierunkiem Luisa Fernándeza, potem zaś założył własną szkołę malarstwa, w której nauczał m.in. swojego późniejszego zięcia Diego Velázqueza (1599–1660) oraz Alonso Cano (1601–1667), jednego z najwybitniejszych artystów hiszpańskiego baroku. Od 1618 roku sprawował nadany mu przez Trybunał Inkwizycyjny urząd cenzora nad teologiczną i ikonograficzną poprawnością wizerunków religijnych tworzonych w Sewilli. 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 L. Steinberg, Seksualność Chrystusa. Zapomniany temat sztuki renesansowej, przeł. M. Salwa, Kraków 2013, s. 379. H. Fros, Ignacy Loyola, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 6, Lublin 1993, s. 1444–1447. P. Krasny, Visibilia…, s. 69. E. Kubiak, Reinterpretacje. Percepcja i recepcja dzieł architektury na przykładzie świątyń jezuickich Ameryki Południowej okresu kolonialnego, Łódź 2015, s. 95–107. R. Kasperowicz, Pacheco Francisco, Pacheco del Río Francisco, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 14, Lublin 2010, s. 1082–1083; E. Bénézit, Dictionnaire critique et documentaire des peintres, sculptures, dessinateurs et graveurs…, t. 6, Paris 1966, s. 475. Teoretycy, historiografowie..., s. 111–116. E. Valdivieso, Malarstwo sewilskie w XVII wieku, [w:] Kultura artystyczna siedemnastowiecznej Sewilli a Don Miguel Mañara i jego dzieło, pod red. A. Witki, Kraków 2009, s. 105–107. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 35 W 1619 roku otrzymał zaszczytny tytuł „Malarza Królewskiego” (Pintor Real). Był gorącym zwolennikiem tzw. „reliefu”, czyli daleko posuniętego realizmu przedstawiania postaci świętych, graniczącego z iluzyjnym naturalizmem47. Tendencję tę podporządkowywał jednak dydaktyzmowi i spirytualistycznemu rozumieniu ostatecznych cech malarstwa, którego cele sformułował następująco: Powiadam jednak, że głównym celem obrazów chrześcijańskich będzie zawsze to, by przekonać ludzi, by byli pobożni, i doprowadzić ich do Boga […], choć inne cele specyficzne mogą też wchodzić w rachubę, takie jak doprowadzenie ludzi do pokuty, do znoszenia cierpienia z przyjemnością, do miłosiernych uczynków, do pogardy świata lub do innych cnót, a wszystko to są drogi łączenia człowieka z Bogiem, co naprawdę jest najwyższym celem, do którego może aspirować malarz świętych obrazów48. [Wg Pacheco] malarz katolicki jest „przebranym kaznodzieją”, który za pomocą sztuki pogłębia pamięć o rzeczach boskich oraz utrwala pobożność wiernych, łącząc w swoich dziełach „przyjemność, użyteczność i prawdę”; dewocyjne i dydaktyczne cele malarstwa były zdaniem Pacheco ściśle uzależnione od drobiazgowego przestrzegania reguł ikonografii i zgodności przedstawień z tekstami kanonicznymi49. Pacheco jest autorem licznych dzieł religijnych, zdobiących m.in. katedrę w Sewilli oraz inne kościoły i muzea w tym mieście. Tworzył wielkie płótna o tematyce maryjnej, chrystologicznej oraz związanej z żywotami świętych. Zgodnie ze swoim przekonaniem o doniosłości rygoryzmu ikonograficznego, w którym utwierdziły go długie lata sprawowania urzędu cenzora malarstwa religijnego, stworzył szczegółowy instruktaż przedstawiania scen i postaci z Pisma Świętego oraz opowieści hagiograficznych. Jeden z najważniejszych rozdziałów jego Sztuki malarstwa dotyczy sceny Ukrzyżowania Chrystusa50. Artysta nie dość, że szczegółowo sformułował wskazania, jak ma ona być przedstawiana, to również namalował obraz, który zajmuje poczesne miejsce w XVII-wiecznym kanonie hiszpańskich wizerunków Ukrzyżowania. Dzieło to przybliża nas do wzorca ikonograficznego, którego przykładem jest Señor de la Soledead. Powrócę do niego, prezentując ważniejsze przykłady Ukrzyżowań z okresu europejskiego, a zwłaszcza hiszpańskiego baroku. Wcześniej jednak nakreślę założenia ideowe, związane z kształtem ikonograficznym tego krucyfiksu oraz chronologicznie wcześniejszego przedstawienia Matki Boskiej Virgen de la Soledad. Koncepcja Virgen de la Soledad W rozważaniach nad genezą wizerunku Señora de la Soledead (Pan Samotności) z peruwiańskiego Huaráz należy wyraźnie zaznaczyć, że w europejskiej sztuce sakralnej nie funkcjonowała taka nazwa wzorca ikonograficznego. W świetle moich ustaleń nazwa „Señor de la Soledead”, którą nosi wizerunek Chrystusa z Huaráz, może być jedyna i niepowtarzalna, 47 48 49 50 A.E. Pérez Sánchez, Pintura barroca en España 1600–1750, Madrid 2005, s. 158. Teoretycy, historiografowie…, s. 114. R. Kasperowicz, op. cit., s. 1083. F. Pacheco, Arte de la pintura, Madrid 2009, s. 644–647. �36 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich zarówno w Peru, jak i na całym hiszpańskojęzycznym obszarze katolicyzmu. Znane są natomiast nazwy Virgen de la Soledad i Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, przywiązane do określonych typów wizerunków maryjnych czczonych w Hiszpanii, a także w Nowym Świecie. Zwracam na nie uwagę, gdyż można dostrzec bliskość założeń ideowych pomiędzy nimi a typem Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, którego reprezentacją jest Señor de la Soledead w Huaráz. Istnieje także bezpośredni związek historyczny Virgen de la Soledad z krucyfiksem w Huaráz: najstarsze zapisy archiwalne wzmiankują o obecności w tym mieście wizerunku maryjnego o tej nazwie, łącząc go z krucyfiksem zanim uformowała się jego nazwa Señora de la Soledad. Powrócę do tego wątku w trakcie szczegółowego omawiania najstarszych dziejów wizerunku Chrystusa z Huaráz. Treścią ideową Virgen de la Soledad jest przekaz na temat bólu Matki Boskiej po śmierci Chrystusa na krzyżu51. Jest to figura powstała w wyniku „wypreparowania” postaci Maryi z szerszego kadru przedstawień Golgoty z Chrystusem na krzyżu i stojącymi pod nim osobami. Zabieg ten, jakże częsty w sztuce sakralnej, miał na celu skoncentrowanie uwagi i pobożnych rozmyślań wiernego na ściśle określonej narracji – w tym wypadku na krańcowym bólu, jaki przeżywa matka po okrutnej śmierci syna. Dzięki temu ów konkretny aspekt stał się autonomiczny, zyskując własne obrazowanie i nazwę. Narracja, o której mowa, uległa sformalizowaniu zarówno w słowie, jak i obrazie, a obie warstwy semantyczne komplementarnie budowały wspólny sens. W słowie, czyli nazwie pojawia się „samotność” ze wszystkimi jej konotacjami – słowo-klucz z gatunku elementarnych toposów kulturowych, nacechowane emocjonalnie zarówno w przeżyciu indywidualnym, jak też w intersubiektywnej przestrzeni społecznej. Słowo to dodatkowo wzbogacono wątkiem narracyjnym o charakterze teologicznym, choć dalekim od kanoniczności, że Matka Boska w swym bólu „zastygła” (bądź została „zawieszona w śmierci”) na czas od chwili skonania Chrystusa aż do jego zmartwychwstania. Obraz natomiast ilustruje sens „samotności” w dwojaki sposób. Po pierwsze, przez zredukowanie wszelkich elementów wizualnych, które mogłyby dekoncentrować uwagę wiernego: przede wszystkim innych postaci ludzkich, ale też krajobrazu i zbędnych przedmiotów (rzadko tylko w tle pozostawiano pusty krzyż). Po drugie zaś, pojawia się symbolika żałoby. Na tle białej sukni, budzącej skojarzenie z formą habitu, pojawia się czarny płaszcz Maryi, wzorowany na hiszpańskich szatach noszonych przez wdowy w czasach Filipa I Pięknego (1478–1506). W Hiszpanii do dziś w uroczystych procesjach na Semana Santa (Wielki Tydzień) biorą udział odziane na czarno kobiety zwane „wdowami”, reprezentujące wcielenia Matki Boskiej pogrążonej w żałobie [fot. 1]. W kontekście tej tradycji semantyka wdowieństwa przełamała ramy relacji małżeńskich, użyczając symbolizacji szerszemu pojęciu „żałoby”, obejmującemu relacje: matka – syn. W procesjach wielkopiątkowych w różnych miastach Hiszpanii niesione są dziesiątki, jeśli nie setki figur Virgen de la Soledad i Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, których celebra odbywa się w dniu śmierci Chrystusa. Kult tego wizerunku sięga XIV stulecia, ale w Hiszpanii rozkwitł w XVI i XVII w., rozprzestrzeniając się także w na obszarach Nowego Świata. Wiele tych przedstawień powstawało już we wczesnym okresie kontrreformacji. Najsławniejsze i jedno z najstarszych znajdowało się przez wieki w klasztorze Victoria w Madrycie, wykonane 51 Charakterystykę figury „Virgen de la Soledad” opieram głównie na: O.I. Acosta Luna, Milagrosas imágenes marianas en el Nuevo Reino de Granda, Frankfurt am Main 2011, s. 166–169. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 37 przez Gaspara Becerrę (1520–1568)52. Inna, niezachowana do dziś figura, czczona w Sewilli, wyszła w 1631 r. spod dłuta Alonso Cano (1601–1667), ucznia Francisco Pacheco53. Zachował się natomiast obraz olejny Virgen de la Soledad znakomitego pędzla, przypisywany Cano, obecnie w kolekcji Muzeum Prado w Madrycie54 [fot. 3]. Sławne wizerunki były wielokrotnie kopiowane, czemu sprzyjało upowszechnienie sztuki graficznej [fot. 4]. Dzięki powielanym w dużych ilościach odbitkom miedziorytów i akwafort wzorce trafiały do rąk setek mniej lub bardziej uzdolnionych artystów, nawet w odległych prowincjach, umożliwiając im tworzenie kopii malarskich i rzeźbiarskich55. Wśród niezliczonych powstałych w ten sposób wizerunków wiele zyskało lokalny splendor świętości, z czasem tracąc „pamięć” wzorca, a zyskując autonomię obudowaną własnym legendarium mirakularnym. W obrębie ikonografii kanonicznym pozostał czarny, wdowi płaszcz, którego górna część zachodzi na głowę, nałożony na białą suknię habit, z małym krzyżykiem na długim łańcuszku. Twarz Madonny ujęta jest w maforion lub białą zawitkę – charakterystyczne elementy stroju zamężnych kobiet i mniszek w średniowieczu56. Postać przedstawiano frontalnie, w pozycji klęczącej, ale mało eksponowanej – tak, że niektóre wizerunki mogą sprawiać wrażenie, że przedstawiają Matkę Boską stojącą. Tło obrazów wypełnia czerń, wyraziście dopełniając symbolikę zawartą w programie ideowym wizerunku. Cechą najstarszych wizerunków Virgen de la Soledad jest skromność, wręcz asceza zarówno stroju, jak i nielicznych detali obrazu, a także oszczędność kolorystyki, sprowadzonej głównie do czerni, bieli oraz złota lub srebra aureoli, a czasem mandorli wokół całej postaci, zbudowanej z płomienistych promieni (resplandor) [fot. 5]. Rozliczne późniejsze wizerunki, w tym także te, które możemy oglądać współcześnie w procesjach wielkotygodniowych w Hiszpanii, w zdecydowanej większości nie kultywują takiej ascezy. Górę wzięła charakterystyczna na tym obszarze 52 53 54 55 56 Z rzeźbą tą związana jest legenda, która przynosi głębokie, metaforyczne dopowiedzenie sensu cierpienia Virgen de la Soledad. Powiada ona, że Gaspar Becerra, choć był wybitnym rzeźbiarzem, długo nie mógł sobie poradzić z modelunkiem głowy Madonny. Pewnej nocy, gdy po wielu nieudanych próbach przygnębionego artystę ogarnął sen, usłyszał głos nakazujący mu wyciągnąć z kominka płonący pień drewna i z niego wyrzeźbić głowę Maryi. Gdy to uczynił, bez trudu wydobył z drewna wspaniałe oblicze cierpiącej matki Chrystusa, które przez wieki zachwycało tłumy wiernych (O.I. Acosta Luna, op. cit., s. 169). Rzeźba ta została zniszczona w czasie wojny domowej w Hiszpanii w 1936 r., jej kopia znajduje się w kościele San Isidro w Madrycie [fot. 2]. R. Cañtzares Japón, A. Pastor Torres, Un paso procesional de Alonso Cano para la Corfadía Sevillana de la Soledad, „Laboratorio del Arte” 2000, nr 13, s. 341–346. Zob. https://www.museodelprado.es/coleccion/obra-de-arte/la-virgen-de-la-soledad/52382444–2025–406884ee-f8378a340f4e [data dostępu: 15.03.2019]. Charakterystyczne, że podobizny graficzne (drzeworyty, miedzioryty, akwaforty) czczonych wizerunków w zdecydowanej większości opatrywane były informacją, co przedstawia rycina, a tekst podpisu zaczynał się słowami: „Prawdziwy wizerunek…”. Schemat ten występuje niezmiennie na przestrzeni wieków, ponad podziałami krajów europejskich, przechodząc w XIX i XX w. do narracji podpisów na „obrazkach świętych”, produkowanych technikami drukarskimi, gdzie pojawia się do dziś. Podkreślanie „prawdziwości” wizerunków historycznie wiąże się z funkcją „wzorców” ikonograficznych, pełnionych przez ryciny, ale ma też głębsze podłoże: „prawdziwość” oznaczała, że odwzorowanie graficzne świętego wizerunku „dziedziczyło” i „przenosiło” cząstkę jego świętości – tak, że kolejna kopia wykonana zgodnie z „wzorcem” partycypowała w świętości oryginału i mogła być adorowana na równi z nim. Por. wnikliwe studium na ten temat: J. Tokarska-Bakir, Obraz osobliwy. Hermeneutyczna lektura źródeł etnograficznych. Wielkie opowieści, Kraków 2000, s. 357–373. L. Rotter, Ubiór czy kostium? Znaczenie i funkcja strojów zakonnych, Kraków 2015, s. 128–129. �38 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich kulturowym skłonność do przepychu i dekoracyjności, zwłaszcza jeśli czczony wizerunek bywa obnoszony ulicami miast. Na czarnym płaszczu Maryi, znacznie powiększonym w stosunku do wczesnych przedstawień, pojawiają się wspaniałe hafty, aplikacje i inne ozdoby, suknia zaś i zawitka wokół twarzy nabrzmiewają misternymi fałdami i koronkami. Splendoru dodają olbrzymie, nadzwyczaj bogato przyozdobione platformy procesyjne niesione przez kilkudziesięciu mężczyzn (cargadores57). Podobny proces intensyfikowania dekoracyjności obserwujemy w barokowych i rokokowych przedstawieniach graficznych, szczególnie w XVIII w., gdzie wokół postaci Maryi dodawane są anioły, atrybuty Męki Pańskiej (armae Christi) oraz bogate bordiury. Matka Boska Bolesna – Mater Dolorosa Dopełniając zwięzłą charakterystykę wizerunku Virgen de la Soledad, należy zwrócić uwagę na jej niewątpliwy związek z o wiele popularniejszą Matką Boską Bolesną (Mater Dolorosa), której kult odnotowano już w IV–V w.58, a rozkwit – w Średniowieczu. „Nadzwyczajny rozwój kultu boleści Maryi nastąpił w XIII w., głównie dzięki kaznodziejom z zakonu franciszkanów i zakonu serwitów, czyli służebników Najświętszej Maryi Panny, założonego w roku 1233 przez św. Filipa Benicjusza”59. Kult ten ogniskował się wokół rozważań na temat boleści Matki Boskiej stojącej pod krzyżem, symbolizowanych atrybutem miecza, co nawiązywało do proroctwa Symeona wypowiedzianego do Maryi słowami: „i duszę Twą własną przeniknie miecz” (Łk 2, 34–35). Cechą charakterystyczną przedstawień Mater Dolorosa jest jeden, pięć lub siedem mieczy skierowanych promieniście w kierunku serca Maryi, w zależności od obowiązujących w różnych okresach „katalogów” jej boleści, rozważanych i popularyzowanych przez pisarzy i kaznodziejów katolickich. Ikonografia Mater Dolorosa nie jest rygorystyczna. Wyznacznikiem identyfikacyjnym jest przede wszystkim atrybut miecza (lub mieczy) oraz gest złożonych rąk, natomiast inne szczegóły przedstawień, w tym kolorystyka szat, bywają zróżnicowane. Istnieją więc Madonny tego typu przedstawione zarówno w pozycji stojącej, jak i siedzącej lub klęczącej, a także – w stylistyce barokowej – w nieokreślonych pozycjach, w otoczeniu obłoków. Brak także rygoru w kwestii jej „samotności” bądź umiejscowienia w towarzystwie innych postaci. Spotykane są, zwłaszcza chronologicznie najstarsze, wizerunki Mater Dolorosa samotnej lub tylko w sztafażowym otoczeniu aniołów podtrzymujących elementy armae Christi60, jak bodaj najpiękniejsza w Polsce Matka Boska Bolesna z kościoła oo. franciszkanów w Krakowie, namalowana około 1510 r.61 [fot. 6]. Obok nich spotykamy 57 58 59 60 61 Najpopularniejsza nazwa cargadores określa ogólnie mężczyzn dźwigających platformę procesyjną, ale w poszczególnych miastach i regionach Hiszpanii funkcjonują liczne nazwy lokalne. Wśród nich warto zwrócić uwagę na nazwę costaleros, charakterystyczną dla Sewilli i Andaluzji, oznaczającą mężczyzn usytuowanych pod platformą i niosących ją nie na ramionach, tylko na karkach. Są niewidoczni z zewnątrz, zasłonięci ze wszystkich stron ozdobnymi draperiami sięgającymi do samej ziemi (faldones); zob. J.M. Vega Santos, Los pasos de Christo y misterio de la Semana Santa de Sevilla elaborados en Madera: impronta artística, evolución y catalogación, Sewilla 2008, s. 15, 22, 32–34. Informację na temat Mater Dolorosa czerpię z książki M. Pielas, Matka Boska Bolesna, Kraków 2000, passim. Ibidem, s. 20. Ibidem, s. 79–152. Katalog Zabytków Sztuki w Polsce, t. 4, Miasto Kraków, cz. 2: Kościoły i klasztory Śródmieścia 1, Warszawa 1971, s. 116, poz. 276. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 39 jednak przedstawienia Maryi stojącej pod krzyżem lub wkomponowanej w wieloosobową ikonografię innych scen religijnych62. Za osobną odmianę Mater Dolorosa uznaje się Pietę, czyli Matkę Boską podtrzymującą martwego Chrystusa, o ile w przedstawieniu tym występuje atrybut miecza63. Szczegółowe ustalenie dat i okoliczności wyłonienia się z konceptualizacji ideowo-artystycznej Mater Dolorosa mniejszej, ale wyrazistej koncepcji Virgen de la Soledad może stanowić przedmiot osobnych badań, które jednak wykraczają poza ramy tej pracy. Teologiczny i psychologiczny wymiar „samotności” Chrystusa Nowe wiatry historii w okresie kontrreformacji przyniosły prądy teologiczne i intelektualne, dążące z jednej strony do porządkowania degenerujacej się formuły religijności późnego średniowiecza, z drugiej zaś – do zwycięskiego rozstrzygnięcia batalii o dusze wiernych, prowadzonej z silnymi ruchami reformacji. Degeneracja, o której mowa, to ów szczególny stan umysłowości zbiorowej w Europie, który w niezrównany sposób uwiecznił Johan Huizinga w wybitnym dziele Jesień Średniowiecza, zwłaszcza w rozdziale Schyłek symbolizmu. To epokowe przesilenie kulturowe badacz charakteryzuje następująco: Wreszcie cały świat stał się obrazem i prezentował się w wyodrębnionych figurach: była to epoka przekwitu i schyłku. Myślenie nadto uzależniło się od formy oglądowej, tak charakterystyczna dla schyłkowego Średniowiecza skłonność do wizualnego ujmowania zjawisk stała się teraz wszechmożna. Wszystko, co tylko mogło być pomyślane, otrzymało kształt plastyczny lub obrazowy. Sama myśl mogła już teraz udać się na spoczynek: wyobrażenie świata było tak nieruchome, tak niewzruszone, jak katedra, która śpi w świetle księżyca64 [podkr. E.J.]. Równocześnie w panoramie owego przesilenia religijnego, wówczas w zasadzie tożsamego z cywilizacyjnym, Huizinga przywołuje Gerarda de Groota i stworzony przezeń prąd religijno-intelektualny devotio moderna – pierwszą jaskółkę przemian, która w XV w. urosła w potężną siłę odnowy duchowej w Niderlandach oraz północnych obszarach Francji i Niemiec. Świeże nurty myśli kontrreformacyjnej w wielu miejscach zmierzały podobnymi drogami, również tam, gdzie obejmowały zagadnienia sztuki religijnej. „Schyłek symbolizmu” był zarazem początkiem wypracowywania nowego kształtu refleksji religijnej i nowego wzorca pobożności. „Symbolizująca forma myślenia uległa wreszcie całkowitemu zużyciu. Stała się pustą zabawą polegającą na wynajdywaniu symbolów i alegorii, powierzchownym fantazjowaniu na gruncie czysto zewnętrznego wiązania myśli”65. Wielcy teoretycy i reformatorzy Kościoła, których wcześniej przywołałam, dążyli do takiego przekształcenia sztuki sakralnej, by stała się nowatorską Biblia pauperum, nie tylko ułatwiającą, ale wręcz narzucającą określony rodzaj przeżycia oraz – co istotne – refleksji intelektualnej, choćby mało wyrafinowanej, ale zrodzonej ze świadomego rozważania zobrazowanych treści. Na nowo zreinterpretowano klasyczne dyrektywy Orygenesa (ok. 185–254), wybitnego egzegety Biblii z epoki patrystycznej, dostosowując je do zagadnień sztuki sakralnej. „Orygenes 62 63 64 65 M. Pielas, op. cit., s. 153–194. Ibidem, s. 167–179. J. Huizinga, Jesień Średniowiecza, przeł. T. Brzostowski, Warszawa 1961, s. 270–271. Ibidem, s. 265. �40 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich sugerował, jakoby znaczenie dosłowne było zarezerwowane dla ludzi cielesnych, moralne – dla tych, którzy zaczęli czynić postępy w życiu duchowym, natomiast alegoryczne – dla doskonałych”66. Sztuka potrydencka to powrót do dosłowności, z której starannie odfiltrowano wielowiekowe nawarstwienia niekanonicznych symbolizacji i alegoryzacji, zarówno tych, które czerpały ze spuścizny antyku, jak i „ludowych”, wytworzonych w żywiołowych, oddolnych procesach obudowywania kanonu imaginarium apokryficznym. Dosłowność ta miała edukować obrazem (Biblia pauperum), ale też pobudzać do „postępów w życiu duchowym”, a więc wypełniać także drugi stopień Orygenesowej triady. W dyskursie, który transponował w przemyślane wizualizacje, zagościły pogłębione rozważania nad teologicznym, filozoficznym i psychologicznym sensem „samotności” Chrystusa i Matki Boskiej. Wśród nowotestamentowych epizodów z ich życia wyeksponowano te, które kumulowały krańcowe doświadczenie samotności, odczuwanej przez Chrystusa w obliczu nieuchronnej, męczeńskiej śmierci oraz przez jego matkę, przeżywającą okrutną egzekucję syna. Sposób przedstawiania Chrystusa na Krzyżu oraz cierpiącej Maryi przemyślano na nowo, wypracowując takie środki wyrazu, by sens „samotności” został wyraziście pokazany. Nowemu wzorcowi ikonograficznemu Ukrzyżowania nie towarzyszyło jednak werbalne nawiązanie do „samotności” w jego nazwie, inaczej niż w przypadku omówionego wizerunku Virgen de la Soledad. Przepracowana pod tym kątem figura samotnego Chrystusa na krzyżu zaistniała w dziełach najwybitniejszych malarzy XVII-wiecznej Europy, naśladowanych w niezliczonych kopiach na Starym Kontynencie oraz – co istotne – na obszarach Nowego Świata. Omówiony wizerunek Virgen de la Soledad także zawędrował do Ameryki Południowej i Peru, wrastając tam w synkretyczną religijność ludową. W teologii chrześcijańskiej kwestia „samotności” pojawia się w kontekście egzegezy niektórych słów wypowiedzianych przez Chrystusa od chwili zawiśnięcia na krzyżu do momentu skonania. Jest to słynna sekwencja siedmiu zdań (zwanych zwyczajowo „słowami” bądź „mowami”) przytoczonych przez Ewangelistów: 1. Ojcze, przebacz im, bo nie wiedzą, co czynią. (Łk 23, 34), 2. Zaprawdę, powiadam ci, jeszcze dziś będziesz ze mną w raju. (Łk 23, 43), 3. Niewiasto, oto twój syn; oto twoja matka. (J 19, 26–27), 4. Boże mój, Boże mój, czemuś mnie opuścił? (Mt 27, 46 oraz Mk 15, 34); 5. Pragnę. (J 19, 28), 6. Dokonało się. (J 19, 30), 7. Ojcze, w ręce Twoje oddaję ducha mojego. (Łk 23, 46). Wypowiedzi te, będące ostatnimi zdaniami Chrystusa przed śmiercią, były przedmiotem pobożnych rozważań i dysput teologicznych już od pierwszych wieków chrześcijaństwa, a piśmiennictwo na ich temat obejmuje obszerny dział literatury religijnej, wciąż inspirując kolejne dzieła67. Zdania te stały się także jednymi z najważniejszych tekstów kultury, przez wieki zapładniając wyobraźnię artystów. Nie miejsce tu na wyliczanie ważniejszych nawet dzieł, których liczba wymyka się wszelkim oszacowaniom, więc przytoczę przykład bodaj najwspanialszy – oratorium Franza Josepha Haydna Siedem ostatnich słów Chrystusa na krzyżu (Die 66 67 K. Bardski, Alegoryczno-symboliczna interpretacja Biblii, Kraków 2016, s. 159, a także s. 93–94. Przykładem inspirującej żywotności ostatnich zdań wypowiedzianych przez Chrystusa jest fakt, że tylko w ostatniej dekadzie w języku polskim ukazały się cztery znaczące książki ich dotyczące:: T. Radcliffe, Siedem ostatnich słów, przeł. J. Czapczyk, Kraków 2006; S. Polak, Siedem słów. Rozważania pasyjne. Droga Krzyżowa, Kraków 2014; A. Grün, Ojcze przebacz im. Siedem ostatnich słów Jezusa na krzyżu, przeł. K. Markiewicz, Poznań 2015; J. Martin, Siedem ostatnich słów Jezusa, przeł. A. Wawrzyniak-Kędziorek, Poznań 2016. Liczba tekstów naukowych i literackich, a także dzieł artystycznych na ten temat, tworzonych na obszarze oddziaływania chrześcijaństwa, trudna jest do oszacowania. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 41 sieben letzen Worte unseres Erlösers am Kreuze), które weszło do ogólnoludzkiego kanonu najświetniejszych utworów religijnych68. Niezliczone nawiązania i aluzje do siedmiu wypowiedzi Chrystusa odnajdziemy także w malarstwie, sztukach teatralnych, filmie i literaturze. Sekwencja tych wypowiedzi stanowi kompilację perykop czterech ewangelistów: Łukasza, Jana, Mateusza i Marka, ale nie należy zapominać, że inne wersje słów Chrystusa zawarte zostały w ewangeliach apokryficznych69. Nieprzypadkowo kanon usankcjonował nie mniej i nie więcej, tylko siedem zdań. W semickim kręgu kulturowym liczba ta miała pozycję dominującą, zastrzeżoną w symbolice sakralnej dla wyrażania istoty pełni i doskonałości. Taką też jawi się w Starym i Nowym Testamencie70. W przypadku siedmiu wypowiedzi Chrystusa na utrwaloną w tradycji symbolikę „siódemki” nakłada się warstwa semantyczna rozlicznych interpretacji egzegetycznych, formułowanych przez okres dwóch tysiącleci – od epoki patrystycznej po dzień dzisiejszy. Ich wspólnym mianownikiem jest rozbudowana eksplikacja sensów tych wypowiedzi, ale nie jako tekstów oderwanych od siebie, tylko pozostających w ukrytym związku. Nadrzędny sens, który wyłania się po zdekodowaniu tego związku, sprowadza się do „pełni” i „doskonałości” Chrystusa jako istoty bosko-ludzkiej reprezentującej coincidentia oppositorum cech i atrybutów obu części tak pojmowanej, dualistycznej pełni. Symboliczne ramy liczby „siedem” wypełnia zatem najdoskonalszy, a zarazem skrajnie paradoksalny konstrukt intelektualny Wcielenia – ontologicznej jedności Boga i człowieka. Nie wnikając w olbrzymi materiał piśmiennictwa na ten temat, skoncentruję się wyłącznie na jednej z siedmiu wypowiedzi, zgodnie interpretowanej w kontekście pojęcia „samotności”. Jest to tekst chronologicznie czwarty, który brzmi: „Boże mój, Boże mój, czemuś mnie opuścił”, wypowiedziany jako jedyny po aramejsku, w brzmieniu: „Eli, Eli, lema sabachtani? (Mt 27, 46) lub „Eloi, Eloi, lama sabachthani” (Mk 15, 34)71. Również jako jedyny, stanowi on cytat, a nie autorską wypowiedź Chrystusa. Są to bowiem pierwsze słowa Psalmu Dawida 21 [22], uznawanego przez apologetów za mesjański, gdyż wiernie antycypuje niektóre szczegóły Męki Pańskiej na Golgocie72. Chrystus wypowiada te słowa dono68 69 70 71 72 Dzieło Haydna powstało w 1786 r. dla bractwa Hermandad de la Santa Cueva w Kadyksie, które w każdy Wielki Piątek odprawiało nabożeństwo Trzech Godzin Męki Pańskiej zgodnie z rytem zapoczątkowanym w Limie przez peruwiańskiego jezuitę Francisco del Castillo (1615–1673). Utwór wykonano po raz pierwszy w Kadyksie w Wielki Piątek 1787 r. Zawiera siedem sonat orkiestrowych utrzymanych w wolnym tempie, z żywiołowym zakończeniem Il Terremoto, nawiązującym do trzęsienia ziemi, jakie według tradycji nastąpiło po śmierci Jezusa. Dzieło odniosło niebywały sukces w całej Europie i z niesłabnącym zainteresowaniem wykonywane jest do dziś. W muzyce europejskiej nie brak także innych wybitnych utworów inspirowanych słowami Chrystusa na krzyżu. Są wśród nich m.in. dzieła Samuela Beslera, Heinricha Schülza, Christopha Graupnera, Giovanni Battisty Pergolesiego, Charlesa Gounoda, Césara Franka, a w XX w. Sofiji Gubajduliny (1982) i Jamesa MacMillana (1993). Apokryfy Nowego Testamentu, pod red. ks. M. Starowieyskiego, t. 1: Ewangelie apokryficzne, Lublin 1986, s. 414, 433, 443, 491. D. Forstner, Świat symboliki chrześcijańskiej, przeł. W. Zakrzewska, P. Pachciarek, R. Turzyński, Warszawa 1990, s. 46–48. Biblijna symbolika liczby 7 kontynuuje starsze tradycje wielkich kultur Bliskiego Wschodu, a także czerpie z filozofii pitagorejskiej. Według koncepcji wytworzonej w tym kręgu kulturowym idealnymi były liczby 5 i 7, gdyż zawierały koniunkcję opozycyjnych liczb parzystych i nieparzystych (2 + 3; 4 + 3), a zarazem koniunkcję przypisanych im elementarnych par opozycji (żeńskie – męskie; ciemność – jasność; lewe – prawe; dół – góra, itd.), zob. P. Kowalski, Kultura magiczna. Omen, przesąd, znaczenie, Warszawa 2007, s. 278–284 (hasło: Liczba). Cyt. wg Biblii Tysiąclecia: Pismo Święte Starego i Nowego Testamentu, Poznań 1965, s. 1255, 1279. Zachowując obiektywizm, należy wspomnieć o istnieniu obszernej literatury sceptycznej, odbierającej walor �42 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich śnym głosem, skierowanym do Ojca i tylko do niego, co podkreślone jest użyciem języka aramejskiego, niezrozumiałego dla otaczających go oprawców73. Fakt, iż mamy do czynienia z cytatem, zobowiązuje do przyjrzenia się całemu tekstowi psalmu, gdyż wydaje się logiczne, że użycie początkowych słów nie tylko nie eliminuje ich dalszego kontekstu, ale wręcz do niego odsyła. Oto kilka fragmentów omawianego psalmu: Boże mój, Boże mój, czemuś mnie opuścił? Daleki jesteś od próśb, od słów mojego wołania. (2) Boże mój, wołam przez dzień, a nie słuchasz, Wołam i nocą, a nie zważasz na mnie. (3) Ja zaś jestem robak, a nie człowiek, Pośmiewisko ludzi i wzgarda pospólstwa. (7) Szydzą ze mnie wszyscy, którzy na mnie patrzą, Wargi rozwierają, potrząsają głową. (8) Nie stój z dala ode mnie, bo jestem trapiony; Bądź blisko: bo nie ma wspomożyciela. (12)74 Rozwinięcie treści początkowych słów psalmu, wypowiedzianych przez Jezusa, poszerza narrację, obrazując dojmujące poczucie krańcowej samotności. Jezus woła do Ojca, ale nie jako Bóg, tylko jako człowiek, przeżywając krańcowe doświadczenie fizycznego i psychicznego bólu. Ale nawet będąc w ludzkiej kondycji, pozostaje „tym ostatnim”, najbardziej poniżanym i wyszydzanym człowiekiem, podobnym do robaka. Woła tylko pierwszymi słowami psalmu, gdyż oczywistym jest, że w swym umęczeniu nie może wypowiedzieć więcej. Ale jego słowa pozostają w nierozerwalnym związku z dalszą treścią psalmu, która pogłębia i wzmacnia dramatyzm osamotnienia. Samotność Chrystusa ma wymiar podwójny. Po pierwsze, jako psychologicznego cierpienia człowieka opuszczonego przez bliźnich, niesprawiedliwie osądzonego, nieludzko umęczonego i skazanego na hańbiącą śmierć. Po drugie, jako cierpienia Boga opuszczonego przez Ojca – ale na wskroś ludzkiego. W relacji Syn – Ojciec nie ma jeszcze śladu teologicznych zawiłości trynitaryzmu. Brakuje ich, co oczywiste, gdyż psalm poprzedza mękę Chrystusa o ponad tysiąc lat75, a dogmat o Trójcy Świętej o kolejne pięć wieków76. Ponadto trzeba pamiętać, że jest to utwór przypisywany Dawidowi, w którym narratorem jest człowiek, kierujący swe wołanie do Boga. Chrystus, cytując jego słowa, wciela się w człowieka, nadając czysto ludzki, ziemski wymiar swojej relacji z Ojcem. Pomiędzy ich boskimi osobami istnieją szacunek, miłość i zaufanie, a w planie etnohistorycznym – tradycja bliskowschodniego patriarchatu. 73 74 75 76 profetyczny tekstom Starego Testamentu, w tym zwłaszcza Psalmom – sugerującej wpływ tekstów Starego Testamentu na treści perykop, tworzonych przez Ewangelistów. Ta perspektywa nie jest jednak istotna w prowadzonej tu analizie. Oprawcy zrozumieli tylko „Eli” lub „Eloi”, mówiąc między sobą: „On Eliasza woła” (Mt 27, 47) lub „Patrz, Eljasza woła” (Mk 15, 35). Cyt. wg Biblii Tysiąclecia, op. cit., s. 600. Psalm 21 [22] należy do grupy najstarszych w kanonie 150 utworów poetyckich tworzących biblijną Księgę Psalmów, a jego autorstwo przypisywane jest królowi Dawidowi (ok. 1010–970 p.n.e.). Dogmat o Trójcy Świętej, po kilkuset latach dysput i sporów teologicznych, został ostatecznie sformułowany i zatwierdzony przez Sobór Konstantynopolitański II w 553 r. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 43 W chrześcijańskich rozważaniach na temat cierpienia i samotności Chrystusa na krzyżu bardzo silnie akcentowane jest jego człowieczeństwo, przyjęte z całym inwentarzem ludzkich ułomności (poza skłonnością do grzechu) oraz podatnością na cierpienia fizyczne i duchowe. W teologii chrześcijańskiej początki pogłębionej egzegezy słów „Boże mój, Boże mój, czemuś mnie opuścił” wiążą się z arianizmem początku IV w., który odmawiał Chrystusowi boskiej natury, między innymi na podstawie tych właśnie słów. Skoro bowiem Chrystus twierdzi, że Bóg go opuścił, to sam nie może być Bogiem. Słowa te nie stanowiły wprawdzie kluczowego argumentu w ariańskiej koncepcji Chrystusa-Logosu oraz Trójcy Świętej jako „trzech hipostaz różnych i niepodobnych”77, niemniej przywoływano je na jej potwierdzenie. W reakcji na herezję Ariusza (256–336) wystąpił Hilary z Poitiers (310–367), który w obszernej polemice Adversus Arianos głosił wyłącznie ludzki charakter wypowiedzi Chrystusa, podkreślając, że to jego człowieczeństwo doznaje opuszczenia przez Ojca, podczas gdy w swoim bóstwie pozostaje w jedności Trójcy Świętej78. W tym samym okresie, na Soborze Nicejskim I, zostaje przyjęty słynny termin „współistotny Ojcu” (homousios to Patri), fundamentalny w kształtowaniu doktryny trynitarnej. Człowieczeństwo Chrystusa, w kontekście jego „czwartej wypowiedzi” na krzyżu, rozważane było także przez św. Ambrożego z Mediolanu (340–397)79. Ów święty mąż, jeden z czterech doktorów Kościoła zachodniego, formułuje swoje tezy w logicznym związku z bosko-ludzką dwoistością statusu ontologicznego Chrystusa. Powiada, że „pod wpływem ogromu cierpienia, którego Jezus doświadczał jako człowiek, tylko mu się wydawało, że został opuszczony przez Ojca, podczas gdy w swoim bóstwie wiedział, że Ojciec nigdy go nie opuści”80. Interpretacja ta wynikała wprost z dogmatu chrystologicznego (dwoistość natur zupełnych i niezmieszanych oraz jedność osoby w Chrystusie), który doprecyzował z taką dokładnością, że jego sformułowania w większości weszły do kanonu trynitologii81. Św. Ambroży, wielokrotnie komentując „czwartą wypowiedź” Chrystusa, podkreśla, że umierał on „zgodnie z prawem naszej ludzkiej natury, odczuwał osamotnienie tak samo, jak my je odczuwamy w momentach próby”82. Oryginalną propozycję odczytania cytowanego przez Chrystusa psalmu przedstawił św. Hieronim ze Strydonu (347–420)83. Nadał słowom Jezusa nowy wymiar, łączący jego bosko-ludzką kondycję. Swierdził, że nie były one krzykiem rozpaczy, kierowanym w próżnię, gdyż samo ich wypowiedzenie dowodzi głębokiej wiary Chrystusa, że Ojciec go słyszy84. Przytoczone przykłady wczesnych rozważań teologicznych na temat samotności Chrystusa na krzyżu, choć fragmenatryczne, pokazują, że były one nierozerwalnie związane z kilkuwiekowym kształtowaniem się koncepcji Trójcy Świętej, zadekretowanej jako dogmat dopiero w VI wieku. Ważne, by dostrzegać, że zarówno w okresie patrystycznym, jak 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 J. Szymusiak, Arianizm [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 1, Lublin 1995, s. 911–915. K. Bardski, Samotność Ukrzyżowanego, http://pracownicy.uksw.edu.pl/KrzysztofBardski/publikacje/2004-2/ 05-samotnosc-ukrzyzowanego/ [data dostępu: 17.06. 2019]; B. Fałczyk, Hilary z Poitiers [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 6, Lublin 1993, s. 869–872. J. Kuczyńska-Mędrek, Ambroży, Ambrosius Aurelius, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 1, Lublin 1995, s. 411–416. K. Bardski, op. cit. J. Kuczyńska-Mędrek, op. cit., s. 414. K. Bardski, op. cit. M. Jacniacka, Hieronim, św., [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 6, Lublin 1993, s. 851–856. K. Bardski, op. cit. �44 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich i później, w dalszych dziejach chrześcijaństwa, interpretacje samotności Chrystusa uwikłane były w zagadnienia trynitologii. Jeśli nawet akcentowany jest czysto ludzki charakter przeżyć konającego Chrystusa, to zawsze w określonej relacji do trynitarnego status quo. Wyprzedzając rozważania, jakie podejmę na temat recepcji idei soledad (samotności) w synkretycznych realiach andyjskiej religijności ludowej, sygnalizuję już teraz ciekawe transformacje, które de facto zniosły taką relację w tamtejszych realiach kulturowych. Fakt ten uważam za jeden z ważniejszych rysów chrystologii andyjskiej. Pomijam wyliczanie szeregu innych rozważań egzegetycznych nad „czwartą wypowiedzią” Chrystusa, ukierunkowanych na odmienne aspekty teologiczne, takie jak tajemnica Kościoła jako Mistycznego Ciała Chrystusa (św. Augustyn, a po nim św. Tomasz z Akwinu) czy kwestia zbawienia Izraela (w liturgii żydowskiej Psalm 22 związany jest ze świętem Purim85). Pomijam także rozliczne egzegezy współczesne, interpretujące omawiane słowa w kontekście szeroko rozumianej koncepcji „śmierci Boga” lub demitologizacji przekazu ewangelicznego (np. Rudolf Bultmann)86. Koncentruję się wyłącznie na tych, które dojrzewały już w pierwszych wiekach chrześcijaństwa, skupiając się na człowieczeństwie Chrystusa i jego po ludzku rozumianej samotności. Egzegezy te, sformułowane w epoce patrystycznej, na trwałe weszły do teologii chrześcijańskiej. Z nową świeżością i siłą „odkrył” je Trydent i jego duchowi spadkobiercy. Ich wewnętrzny potencjał i aktualność inspiruje do dziś, przybierając ciągle nowe postacie i konstatacje. W swych zmaganiach ze świętością Emil Cioran wyrokuje: „Między boskością a heroizmem nie ma związku. Bóg nie ma żadnego przymiotu bohaterskiego. […] Jezus jest bohaterem o tyle tylko, o ile jest człowiekiem”87. Inną perspektywę dostrzega historyk filozofii Jerzy Kopania, rozważając kwestię samotności metafizycznej Jezusa: Jezus nie byłby rzeczywistym człowiekiem, nie byłby człowiekiem do końca, gdyby w ostatniej chwili swego życia ziemskiego nie doznał tego, co musi być ostatecznym, przed przejściem do innej rzeczywistości, przeżyciem człowieka. Człowiek musi stanąć w pełnej samotności przed samym sobą, poczuć swoją metafizyczną samotność, aby zrozumieć, kim był, bo to zrozumienie jest konieczne do zrozumienia, kim odtąd będzie. Dlatego w ostatniej chwili Bóg opuszcza człowieka, zostawia go z samym sobą, aby mógł człowiek do niego się zwrócić, zadać pytanie i otrzymać odpowiedź. Samotność metafizyczna człowieka jest więc nie tylko konsekwencją bycia stworzonym przez Boga jako byt samoświadomy, odrębny od wszystkich innych bytów; jest także warunkiem koniecznym przemienienia88. W polskiej refleksji filozoficznej problematykę samotności bodaj najobszerniej porusza Piotr Domeracki, twórca terminu monoseologia, czyli filozofia samotności. W rozważaniach nad samotnością Chrystusa na krzyżu korzystam z fragmentu zarysowanej przez niego typologii, którą obudowuje erudycyjnym materiałem odniesień historycznych, sięgających myśli 85 86 87 88 Purim – radosne święto upamiętniające ocalenie Żydów w Persji, zagrożonych przez Hamana – historię zawartą w Księdze Estery. Obchodzone jest w ostatnią pełnię księżyca przed równonocą wiosenną. Por.: M. Zubrzycka, Czy okrzyk Jezusa „Boże mój, Boże mój, czemuś mnie opuścił?” jest okrzykiem rozpaczy?, „Szkoła Teologii” 2015, Fundacja „Dominikańskie Studium Filozofii i Teologii”, http://www.szkolateologii.dominikanie.pl/quolibet/czy-okrzyk-jezusa-boze-moj-boze-moj-czemus-mnie-opuscil-jest-okrzykiem-rozpaczy/ [data dostępu: 21.06.2019]. E. Cioran, Święci i łzy, przeł. I. Kania, Warszawa 2003, s. 117. J. Kopania, Samotność metafizyczna, „Zeszyty Naukowe Centrum Badań im. Edyty Stein” 2014, nr 12, s. 88. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 45 platońskiej, a zwłaszcza sokratejskiej, gdyż, jak powiada, „cała monoseologia, a przynajmniej znakomita jej część, zdaje się być tylko przypisem do Sokratesa”89. Jak pisze badacz: Filozofowie tematyzujący samotność dzielą się na dwa obozy. Na obóz tych, którzy preferują refleksję nad samotnością dobrowolną i tych, którym badawczo bliższa jest samotność losowa. Pierwsza z nich nosi zwykle miano odosobnienia, druga osamotnienia. Odosobnienie to innymi słowy samotność z wyboru. Natomiast osamotnienie to samotność nie podlegająca prawu wyborczemu. To dictum losu90. Oba rodzaje tak zdefiniowanej samotności mają swoje reprezentacje w niezliczonych aktywnościach i zdarzeniach, przy czym te pierwsze skłonni jesteśmy łączyć z samotnością dobrowolną, drugie zaś z samotnością losową. Pierwsze kryją jakąś inicjatywę, jakiś plan do zrealizowania przez osobę, skazującą się na odosobnienie, oraz sugerują towarzyszący temu wybór aksjologiczny. Najczęściej są to różnorodne formy samotności ascetycznej, pustelniczej, mistycznej i kontemplacyjnej, przeżywanej w odosobnieniu klasztorów czy eremów. Podłożem wyboru takiej samotności jest zawsze myśl religijna lub/i etyczna, związana z potrzebą pełnego oddania się Bogu i wewnętrznego samodoskonalenia. W kategoriach etyczno-moralnych samotność dobrowolna oceniana jest jednoznacznie pozytywnie, a nawet afirmatywnie – oczywiście w środowiskach kulturowych, wyznających taką ideologię. Zdecydowanie odmiennie postrzegana bywa samotność losowa, obarczona kompleksem skojarzeń negatywnych. Doświadcza się jej zwykle w warunkach wyobcowania społecznego, środowiskowego czy rodzinnego, w wyniku zdarzeń losowych jednoznacznie uznawanych za niepomyślne czy wręcz tragiczne. W warstwie psychologicznej osoba osamotniona poddana jest synergii lęku, dysforii, żalu, niepewności, frustracji, a niekiedy depresji i rozpaczy. W ciemnym obrazie samotności losowej z rzadka i nieprzekonująco przebija się myśl o „hartowaniu duszy i charakteru”, gdyż zarówno intuicja, jak i empiria wskazują, że mamy do czynienia z uczuciem destrukcyjnym, traumatyzującym i głęboko niepożądanym. Typologię Domerackiego przytaczam, by wskazać na złożoność i niejednoznaczność samotności Chrystusa na krzyżu. W rozważaniach egzegetycznych dominuje narracja na temat jego czysto ludzkiego przeżywania ostatnich godzin życia, które definitywnie wyczerpuje cechy samotności losowej, z ekstremalnym nasileniem negatywnych emocji – strachu, żalu, poczucia niesprawiedliwości i opuszczenia. Równocześnie jednak komentarze akcentują pełną świadomość Chrystusa na temat własnej kenozy i soterycznego posłannictwa na Ziemi oraz jego zgodę na mękę i śmierć, przepowiedziane proroctwem. Świadomość i zgoda są równoznaczne z wyborem, a zatem samotność, która staje się tego konsekwencją, jest samotnością dobrowolną. Dwoista bosko-ludzka postać wcielonego Chrystusa (incarnatio) łączy oba wymiary samotności, przekraczając wszelkie ramy przywołanej typologii. Leo Steinberg tak o tym pisze: 89 90 P. Domeracki, Z dziejów filozoficznych zamyśleń nad samotnością, „Kultura i Edukacja” 2004, nr 3, s. 38; zob. też: idem, Meandry filozofii samotności, [w:] Zrozumieć samotność. Studium interdyscyplinarne, pod red. P. Domerackiego i W. Tyburskiego, Toruń 2006, s. 15–25. Całokształt własnych przemyśleń oraz obszerny korpus źródeł na temat filozofii samotności badacz ten zawarł w książkach: Rozstaje samotności. Studium filozoficzne, Kraków 2016 oraz Horyzonty i perspektywy monoseologii. Filozoficzne studium samotności, Lublin 2018. Ibidem, s. 38. �46 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Chrystus w swej podwójnej naturze wywołuje swe cierpienia, słowem, doświadcza wyłącznie tego, czego chce doświadczyć. […] Tego wymaga już sama doktryna Wcielenia: wymaga bowiem, by wszystko, co zostało uczynione Chrystusowi, było przezeń ściągnięte na siebie, by wycierpiał to wszystko, na co był wystawiony, ale jednocześnie, by to wszystko było przezeń wywołane lub pozostawało pod jego kontrolą, tak że bierność i aktywność współdziałają tu w zgodzie, tak jak współdziałają ze sobą obie natury Jezusa91. Posiłkując się typologiami z naszych czasów, trzeba pamiętać, że w kręgu XVI-wiecznych teoretyków kontrreformacji zespolenie boskiego i ludzkiego aspektu świadomości (i samotności!) Chrystusa w jednym spójnym i jasnym przekazie „dla ludu” było nie lada wyzwaniem, podobnie jak wypracowanie zgodnego z nim, acz nienadmiernie sformalizowanego kanonu ikonograficznego. Zawiłości doktryny unii hipostatycznej92, tłumaczące subsystencję dwóch odrębnych i całkowitych natur Chrystusa (boskiej i ludzkiej), ale przy zachowaniu wspólnej, bosko-ludzkiej świadomości, zdecydowanie wymagały uproszczonej wykładni. Teologowie XVI wieku, twórcy nierzadko hermetycznych dzieł egzegetycznych i polemicznych, studiowanych w kręgach intelektualistów duchownych i świeckich, głównie w centrach uniwersyteckich, wybitne umysły wytyczające nowe drogi refleksji nad chrześcijaństwem na zgliszczach zdegenerowanej scholastyki93 – wszyscy oni mieli pełną świadomość fundamentalnego znaczenia popularyzowania swoich wizji reformatorskich w perswazyjnych narracjach nie tylko zrozumiałych, ale też skutecznie oddziałujących na ludzkie emocje. Doskonale wiedzieli – i wiedza ta znajduje odbicie w ich pismach94 – że tylko nowe redakcje Biblia pauperum, pozwalające zdobyć „rząd dusz”, wyprowadzą Kościół z kryzysu reformacji. W dziele tym nowa, ożywcza intelektualnie i emocjonalnie wizja Ukrzyżowania, odgrywała kluczową rolę. Stanowiła centralny element radykalnie przepracowanej ikonosfery sakralnej, która zarówno uaktualnioną treścią, jak i radykalnie nowatorską formą służyła rozbudzaniu wiary, ale też – po raz pierwszy w nowożytnych dziejach Kościoła – przemyślanej dydaktyce adresowanej do prostego człowieka. Steinberg zauważa, że „zadanie, z którym musieli zmierzyć się renesansowi artyści, układający «choreografię» męki, polegało na tym, że musieli oni wymyślić fizyczny wyraz emocji, które byłyby wewnętrznie sprzeczne, a zarazem przekonujące”95. W szerokiej rekonstrukcji podłoża kulturowego sztuki sakralnej w XVI- i XVII-wiecznej Europie historycy zwracają uwagę na niełatwy w ujęciu dyskursywnym, ale wyrazisty i przenikający umysły „nastrój epoki”. Ogarnął on przede wszystkim umysły światłe, ludzi wykształconych, zdolnych do głębszych refleksji i stawiania pytań tam, gdzie do niedawna nie były one potrzebne. „Nastrój” bądź „duch epoki”, o którym mowa, był rodzajem niepokoju i fermentu myślowego, który – by rzec obrazowo – nie brał się z zamknięcia w kręgu odwiecznych, „oswojonych” lęków, lecz objawiał się „bojaźnią i drżeniem” duszy skonfrontowanej z zapachem nieznanego niesionym wiatrem historii. Nieznanego, budzącego egzystencjalny lęk, ale wśród wielu skrywaną ekscytację i rodzaj nadziei. Tak charakteryzują ów przełomowy 91 92 93 94 95 L. Steinberg, op. cit. s. 219–220. Unia hipostatyczna – dogmat odnoszący się wyłącznie do Jezusa Chrystusa, definiujący trwałe zjednoczenie o charakterze substancjalnym, osobowym i nadprzyrodzonym ludzkiej i boskiej natury w osobie Syna Bożego; zatwierdzony na Soborze Chalcedońskim w 451 r. (zob. S. Janeczek, R. Rogowski, Hipostatyczna unia, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 6, Lublin 1993, s. 919–924). Zob. J. Le Goff, Inteligencja w wiekach średnich, przeł. E. Bąkowska, Warszawa 1966, s. 207–226. Zob. P. Krasny, Figury obecności…, passim; idem, Visibilia…, passim. L. Steinberg, op. cit., s. 220. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 47 okres w dziejach Europy „uczeni w piśmie”, wśród nich Johan Huizinga, mistrz subtelnego światłocienia w historycznej narracji. Historyk ten zwraca uwagę na długi proces nakładania się „nowego” na „zużytą aparaturę średniowiecznego myślenia”96, bezradną wobec nadchodzącej rzeczywistości. Powiada, że „pierwiastki nowe najpierw przejawiają się jako forma zewnętrzna, a dopiero później stają się rzeczywiście nowym duchem”97. I dodaje: „Odrodzenie nadchodzi dopiero wówczas, kiedy zmienia się ton życia, kiedy zabójcza negacja świata ustępuje nowej fali, kiedy poczyna wiać świeży, silny wiatr”98 [podkr. E.J.]. Wtóruje mu historyk Jean Delumeau: „Odrodzenie należy […] uważać za pewną świadomość historyczną. Świadomość ta była czymś nowym, była przejawem nowej mentalności”99. „Za mało – dopowiadał badacz – jeszcze zwrócono uwagi na fakt, że Odrodzenie na nowo przemyślało wiarę chrześcijańską, i to nie tylko zmieniając jej struktury i czyniąc klarowniejszą teologię, ale również wprowadzając do cywilizacji chrześcijańskiej wartości traktowane dotąd podejrzliwie”100. Jakakolwiek szkicowa próba ogarnięcia wielości zjawisk, budujących ów rodzaj napięcia, który można nazwać „duchem epoki”, przekracza możliwości krótkiej charakterystyki. Cytowany wyżej Delumeau podejmuje trud tego zadania w dziele Strach w kulturze Zachodu, wyróżniając „sekwencję zwiększonej trwogi – od 1348 r. do 1660 r. – kiedy to nieszczęścia w szczególny sposób skumulowały się w Europie”101. Okres ten obfituje w rozliczne klęski elementarne, epidemie, wojny (w tym zwłaszcza „wojna stuletnia” i niebezpieczeństwo tureckie), krucjaty przeciwko husytom i potężne wstrząsy w organizmie Kościoła. Analizując zjawiska tak niewymierne i trudno uchwytne jak te, które współtworzą „ducha epoki”, należy uwzględnić skumulowany przez pokolenia strach, powodowany przez czynniki odwieczne i nieustannie gnębiące ludność Europy. Jednak to nie te lęki chcę tutaj uwypuklić. Począwszy od przełomu XV i XVI w. na ich podłożu wyrastają nowe, nie będące efektem bezpośrednich zagrożeń śmiercią z rąk wroga, wskutek głodu czy zarazy, lecz ulokowane w sferze rozterek duchowych, pytań eschatologicznych i naruszonej stabilności wizji człowieka i Boga. Lęki i dylematy tego rodzaju stały się konsekwencją wielkich odkryć geograficznych i astronomicznych. Zatknięto krzyż na wielu nowych, nieopisanych w Biblii lądach, spotkano nieznane cywilizacje, pod wieloma względami przewyższające europejską, zakwestionowano Ptolemejski geocentryzm, odsłaniając samotność Ziemi w bezkresnym wszechświecie. Po raz pierwszy w dziejach chrześcijaństwa twarda rzeczywistość zdawała się kwestionować w wielu miejscach nienaruszalne dotąd prawdy, zawarte w Piśmie Świętym. Literalnie pojmowana treść Biblii, będącej przez wieki axis mundi chrześcijańskiego świata, jej koherentna wizja kosmosu, w której materialne i ludzkie pozostawało w niesprzecznej relacji z boskim, stała się nagle niewystarczająca, by udzielić przekonujących odpowiedzi na zupełnie nowe pytania. W obliczu faktów trudnych do pogodzenia z opowieścią biblijną dochodziły do głosu skrajne postawy – od negacji bądź wypierania faktów, tudzież prześladowania tych, którzy je rozgłaszali, aż po mniej lub bardziej karkołomne próby naginania i reinterpretowania wersetów biblijnych tak, by wykazać, że słowo natchnione przez Boga zawsze de facto zawierało ukryte treści, związane z nowymi odkryciami. Cytowany Delumeau zauważa, że w ścisłym związku 96 97 98 99 100 101 J. Huizinga, op. cit., s. 406. Ibidem, s. 407. Ibidem, s. 418. J. Delumeau, Cywilizacja Odrodzenia, przeł. E. Bąkowska, Warszawa 1987, s. 112. Ibidem, s. 365. J. Delumeau, Strach w kulturze Zachodu. XIV–XVIII w., przeł. A. Szymanowski, Warszawa 1986, s. 187. �48 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich z dylematami interpretacyjnymi Biblii „po odkryciu Ameryki wyłoniło się przed nim [sumieniem chrześcijan – przyp. E.J.] nowe zagadnienie: jaką postawę należy przyjąć w stosunku do Indian; i ta problematyka przyczyniła się do ukształtowania nowoczesnej mentalności”102. Jednym z fascynujących zagadnień chrystianizacji Peru w XVI w. był nie tylko proces wykorzeniania dawnych religii, ale – co słabiej upowszechnione w nauce – kreacji mitu na temat zapomnianej, chrześcijańskiej przeszłości tego kraju103. Pora zadać pytanie, jakie znaczenie miały te epokowe procesy historyczne i mentalne dla redefiniowania i hermeneutyki samotności oraz dla jej przedstawień w sztuce sakralnej. Sądzę, że odpowiedź trafnie formułuje Tomasz Dziubecki, analizując ikonografię Męki Pańskiej: Dramatyczne pytanie Jezusa konającego na krzyżu „Boże mój, czemuś mnie opuścił?” dla człowieka epoki nowożytnej zawierało kwintesencję ówczesnych niepokojów. Teoria Kopernika, która pozbawiła Ziemię centralnego miejsca w kosmosie, została potwierdzona (optycznie) i rozpowszechniona przez Galileusza. Giordano Bruno badając kosmos opisał jego nieskończoność. Człowiek znalazł się na samotnej Ziemi krążącej gdzieś w nieskończonej przestrzeni, w której Kartezjusz nie widział już hierarchii bytów. Tu, na Ziemi, rzymscy Papież i Cesarz nie stanowili już filarów porządku tego świata. Człowiek został sam – wobec Boga. Nieskończoności w warstwie filozoficznej odpowiadała w warstwie psychologicznej samotność. Dlatego człowiek tej epoki zagłębiał się w tajemnice opuszczenia Syna Bożego na krzyżu. Tu szukał odpowiedzi na swoje często nieuświadomione pytania [podkr. E.J.]104. Topos samotności w ikonografii chrystologicznej nie został odkryty dopiero przez teoretyków potrydenckich. Istniał zawsze w dziejach sztuki chrześcijańskiej, obrazując niektóre momenty z życia Jezusa, W tym np. pobyt na pustyni czy modlitwę w Ogrodzie Oliwnym. Przed Trydentem spotykamy liczne wybitne dzieła, w których aspekt samotności wydaje się kluczowy i jako taki ma za zadanie oddziaływać na wrażliwość wiernych. Nie miejsce tu na mnożenie przykładów, pobocznych w stosunku do zasadniczego nurtu rozważań, więc przytoczę tylko jeden, za to szczególnie spektakularny, choć formatem niewielki. Mowa o wizerunku Chrystusa z Małej Pasji Albrechta Dürera z 1509–1510 r. [fot. 7]. Powstrzymam się od własnej charakterystyki tego arcydzieła drzeworytu, gdyż nieporównanie lepiej zrobił to Georges Didi-Huberman. W tej wnikliwej charakterystyce Chrystus jest: wręcz posągiem, kryształem melancholii, całkowicie pochylonym nad głębią swojej samotności. […] Dürer podkreśla samotność Chrystusa, umieszczając go na miniaturowej, wyschniętej 102 103 104 J. Delumeau, Cywilizacja…, s. 369. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, Mity, rytuały i polityka Inków, Warszawa 2014, s. 89 et passim. Ciekawym elementem kreacji mitu o zapomnianej, chrześcijańskiej przeszłości Peru jest funkcjonowanie w tym kraju legendy o miejscowym rodowodzie świętych Bartłomieja i Tomasza. W średniowiecznej Europie uważano ich za apostołów Indii, a zatem „odnaleziono” ich także w hiszpańskim Królestwie Indii w Ameryce Południowej, gdzie zyskali częściowo nową, powiązaną z miejscowymi realiami hagiografię (ibidem, s. 81–89 et passim). Podobnych przykładów można przytoczyć znacznie więcej, przy czym wiele z nich to europejskie apokryficzne wątki wędrowne przeniesione na grunt peruwiański i poddane tam synkretycznym transformacjom. T. Dziubecki, Ikonografia Męki Chrystusa w nowożytnym malarstwie kościelnym w Polsce, Warszawa 1996, s. 90–91. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 49 wyspie, zagubionej w bieli papieru, tak jakby chrześcijański bóg, pogrążony w milczeniu, sam się wykluczał z ludzkiej przestrzeni i historii. W ten sposób uobecnienie wykluczenia całkowicie pochłania spojrzenie widza. […] Wymiar symptomu otacza nas, obecny już w sposobie, w jaki ciało Chrystusa zgina się przed nami, jakby odmawiając bycia widzialnym. […] Kiedy patrzymy na tę ciemną twarz, która nie chce na nas spojrzeć, natychmiast odczuwamy, że melancholia gestu Chrystusa niesie ze sobą tajemnicę; spojrzenie Boga odwróciło się bowiem od ludzi […] po to, by zagubić się i pogrążyć w nieskończonej kontemplacji własnej tajemnicy… [podkr. E.J.]105. Chrystus Dürera jest jednym z wielu dzieł, w których samotność podniesiono do rangi myśli przewodniej, ogniskującej przeżycia widzów. Przeżycia intencjonalnie pobudzone nie przez jakiekolwiek inne emocje, tylko dokładnie te, które wyzwala w człowieku myślenie o samotności, jej wyobrażenie bądź współodczuwanie. Żaden inny motyw ikonograficzny nie wyeksponował samotności tak wyraziście i jednoznacznie, jak Ukrzyżowanie. Ale jego autonomiczny wzorzec ikonograficzny ukształtował się dopiero wraz z recepcją idei sformułowanych przez Trydent. Wizerunki „Chrystusa Samotnego”. Kilka słów o „wzorcu” i perspektywie badawczej Zagadnienia ikonografii „Chrystusa Samotnego” (roboczo nadaję im taką nazwę), przewijające się w wielu miejscach wcześniejszego wywodu, wymagają uporządkowania i całościowego ujęcia, uwzględniającego podstawowe, powtarzalne elementy wizerunku. Sprowadzają się one do stosunkowo prostego wzorca formalnego, który obudowuje nieporównanie szerszy dyskurs interpretacji ikonologicznych. Wzorzec ten zamierzam analizować w myśl klasycznych dyrektyw Erwina Panofsky’ego i jego trzystopniowego oznaczania treści dzieła sztuki106. Klarownie objaśnia je Jan Białostocki: w koncepcji Panofsky’ego ikonologia jest metodą integralnej interpretacji dzieła sztuki w jego pełnym historycznym powiązaniu, ale przy oparciu interpretacji przede wszystkim na analizie treści […] przy czym stosunek ikonologii do ikonografii Panofsky porównuje ze stosunkiem etnologii do etnografii. Dzieło sztuki powinno być analizowane przede wszystkim jako układ przedstawiających form, następnie jako układ historii, symboli i alegorii i wreszcie jako objaw sytuacji historyczno-kulturowej, a zawsze interpretacja opierać się musi na wiedzy o historycznym rozwoju: w pierwszym wypadku – stylu, w drugim – typów ikonograficznych, w trzecim – objawów kulturowych [podkr. E.J.]107. Ukierunkowując perspektywę badawczą zgodnie z metodologią Panofsky’ego, w której dostrzegam efektywną drogę hermeneutycznego poznania dzieła sztuki, nie odżegnuję się od innych metod, szukając komplementarnych ścieżek poznania, prowadzących 105 106 107 G. Didi-Huberman, Przed obrazem. Pytanie o cele historii sztuki, przeł. B. Brzezicka, Gdańsk 2011, s. 118. E. Panofsky, op.cit, s. 20. J. Białostocki, Pięć wieków myśli o sztuce, Warszawa 1976, s. 256,. �50 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich do wzbogacenia efektu badań. Szczególnie niesprzeczna, a nawet wzbogacająca wydaje mi się analiza semiotyczno-strukturalna. Myśląc o zagadnieniach interpretacji, dostrzegam szczególną użyteczność koncepcji ontologii dzieła sztuki Hansa-Georga Gadamera108, zwłaszcza w tej części późniejszej analizy, która obejmie andyjski kontekst kulturowy „samotnych” Ukrzyżowań Chrystusa, a więc ich funkcjonowania w środowisku całkowicie oderwanym od tego, w którym powstały. W prowadzonej analizie mam na uwadze perspektywę fenomenologiczną, zarysowaną przez Romana Ingardena w studium O budowie obrazu109, przepracowaną i – co istotne – jaśniej wyłożoną przez jego duchowego spadkobiercę Władysława Stróżewskiego w szkicach Wokół piękna110. Stróżewski opowiada się za łączeniem różnych metodologii w badaniu dzieła sztuki oraz wskazuje na korzyści płynące z właściwego stosowania takiej metody. Na okoliczność, gdyby zalecana przez niego otwartość na wielość perspektyw, którą w pełni podzielam, prowokowała zarzut eklektyzmu, przytoczę jego słowa: „Postulowane podejście do dzieła, mimo swego wielostronnie analitycznego (co oczywiście nie utożsamia się z eklektyzmem) charakteru, doprowadzić może do syntetycznego jego ujęcia, a w rezultacie do uzyskania całościowej jego teorii, zdolnej ukazać wszystko, co należy do jego istoty”111. W dążeniu do opisu wzorca ikonograficznego „Chrystusa Samotnego” na krzyżu należy wyraźnie zaznaczyć, że w okresie kilkudziesięciu lat po Soborze Trydenckim, w czasach, gdy w Europie mieszały się nurty późnego średniowiecza, renesansu, manieryzmu i baroku – nurty wbrew potocznym klasyfikacjom głęboko ze sobą powiązane, przenikające się i wybitnie zróżnicowane chronologicznie w różnych częściach kontynentu112 – wzorzec ten nie zdominował przedstawień Chrystusa na krzyżu. Zaistniał w sposób wyrazisty, jako autonomiczny topos zdefiniowany ideowo i artystycznie, ale obok innych programów ideowo-artystycznych. Wspominam o tym, by uniknąć wrażenia, że koncepcja „Chrystusa Samotnego” zawładnęła bez reszty wyobraźnią artystów i ich przesłaniem skierowanym do wiernych. Sugestia taka byłaby przekłamaniem, deformującym rzeczywisty obraz różnorodności ikonograficznej, wyrastającej z żyznego podłoża różnorodnych narracji, inspiracji i wątków, otaczających Ukrzyżowanie – tę naczelną figurę sztuki chrześcijańskiej. W dotychczasowych rozważaniach przedstawiłam historyczną i filozoficzno-ideową genezę ukształtowania się koncepcji „Chrystusa samotnego”. Kolejnym krokiem będzie omówienie najważniejszych, powtarzalnych cech występujących w realizacjach tej koncepcji. Pomijam zatem tzw. opis preikonologiczny według klasyfikacji Panofsky’ego, gdyż zawiera się w całym wcześniejszym wywodzie. Przechodzę natomiast do analizy ikonograficznej, którą, jak zaznaczyłam, będę łączyć z interpretacją ikonologiczną. W tym miejscu konieczne jest kolejne zastrzeżenie: detale ikonograficzne, które omówię, nie są wyłącznymi cechami wizerunków „Chrystusa samotnego”. Występują zarówno w przedstawieniach znacznie wcześniejszych, jak i współczesnych do omawianych, ale należących do innego porządku. 108 109 110 111 112 H.-G. Gadamer, op. cit., s. 158–245. R. Ingarden, O budowie obrazu. Szkic z teorii sztuki, Kraków 1946. W. Stróżewski, Wokół piękna. Szkice z estetyki, Kraków 2002. Ibidem, s. 42. Na temat trudności terminologicznych, definicyjnych, klasyfikacyjnych i chronologicznych, związanych z kwestią stylów i nurtów w sztuce europejskiej XVI, XVII i XVIII w. pisze J. Białostocki, op.cit., s. 220– 248. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 51 Są uniwersalnymi toposami w sztuce chrześcijańskiej, współtworzącymi różne programy ideowe. Jednak dopiero ich nieprzypadkowe zestawienie w jednym dziele, a raczej w dziełach podporządkowanych określonemu wzorcowi, buduje sens wyższego rzędu, będący jego istotą. W klasyfikacji Panofsky’ego ów sens wyłania się w procesie całościowej analizy ikonologicznej dzieła. Charakterystyka podłoża ideowego wzorca na gruncie hiszpańskim Dla zilustrowania rozważań posłużę się przykładami kilku wybitnych obrazów reprezentujących omawiany wzorzec. Będą to Ukrzyżowania: El Greco z 1604–14 r. [fot. 8], Francisco Pacheco z 1614 r. [fot. 9], Francisco de Zurbarána z 1635 r. [fot. 10] i Diego Velázqueza z 1632 r. [fot. 11]. Ich dobór jest nieprzypadkowy. Wszystkie wpisują się w sztukę hiszpańskiego baroku, a większość z nich powstała w najwspanialszym ośrodku artystycznym – w Sewilli113. Lokalizacja ta przenosi nas do kraju o bardzo wyrazistej specyfice kulturowej na tle ówczesnej Europy, a zarazem na grunt, z którego bezpośrednio przeniesiemy się na kontynent południowoamerykański. Istotę tej specyfiki streszczają dwa słowa-klucze: barok i hiszpańskość. Oba desygnują nieogarnione obszary treści, ale mimo to niezbędną jest próba określenia ich kwintesencji, przynajmniej w takim zakresie, w jakim dotyczą omawianych zagadnień. Zarówno bowiem barok, jak i hiszpańskość domagają się uwzględnienia w analizie ikonologicznej czterech przywołanych dzieł, utożsamiając najszerzej pojmowane podłoże kulturowe, mające przemożny wpływ na kształt dzieła. Nie sposób – co oczywiste – zwięźle zdefiniować ani baroku114, ani tym bardziej hiszpańskośc. Stwierdzenie Dariusza Czai, że „barok to nie tylko «okres», «epoka», «styl» w sztuce, ale to także otwarcie nowego rozdziału w myśleniu o człowieku”115 akcentuje istotę przełomu mentalnego, jaki się wówczas dokonał, choć z różną intensywnością i niejednolicie w poszczególnych częściach Europy. Myśląc o baroku hiszpańskim i doświadczając zmysłowego kontaktu z jego spuścizną, dociekamy istoty niepowtarzalnej duchowości jego dzieł, emanującej seraficznym blaskiem. Duchowość ta zawładnęła ikonosferą sakralną i skoncentrowanym wokół niej życiem religijnym – immanentnie i transcendentnie, jakby w dążeniu do ziszczenia platońskiego i chrześcijańskiego ideału pełni. Ale duchowość hiszpańskiego 113 114 115 Świadomie włączam obraz El Greco do hiszpańskiego baroku, choć malarz bywa zaliczany do twórców manieryzmu. Klasyfikacja ta jest jednak bardzo umowna, gdyż twórczość El Greco wiąże się z różnymi okresami i kręgami kulturowymi. Początkowo maluje na Krecie w środowisku związanym z tradycją bizantyjską, następnie przez około 10 lat kształci się i tworzy w Wenecji i Rzymie. Przebywając w Hiszpanii od ok. 1576 r., przez okres kilkunastu lat czerpie z wcześniejszych doświadczeń i inspiracji, ale na przełomie XVI i XVII w. tworzy już w powszechnie znanym, wybitnie indywidualnym stylu, który z jednej strony stanowi wyraz jego tożsamości artystycznej, z drugiej wpisuje się w duchowość początków hiszpańskiego baroku, znacząco wzbogacając jego kształt. El Greco jako jedyny z czterech artystów, których Ukrzyżowania omawiam, mieszkał w Toledo, a nie jak pozostali, w Sewilli. „Termin ten i jego treść – pisze o baroku Białostocki – dalekie są od jednoznacznego zrozumienia i skodyfikowania” (J. Białostocki, op. cit., s. 221). D. Czaja, Pierścienie Saturna, [w:] W krainie metarefleksji. Księga poświęcona profesorowi Czesławowi Robotyckiemu, pod red. J. Barańskiego, A. Niedźwiedź, M. Golnki-Czajkowskiej, Kraków 2015, s. 661. �52 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich baroku to prócz mistyki religijnej także komponent hiszpańskości – iberyjski genius loci, którego werbalizacja stanowi zadanie karkołomne, grożące płyciznami stereotypów. Paradoksalnie, to prowokacyjne i obrazoburcze, a jednocześnie namiętne słowa, wykrzyczane (tak!, bo „napisane” brzmi zbyt słabo) przez Ciorana, streszczają i obrazują więcej niż sążniste eksplikacje analityków. Gdy wybrzmią, wszelkie dopowiedzenia jawią się blado i wręcz niestosowne. Głoszą bowiem, co następuje: Hiszpania jest symbolem bezlitosnej pustyni duszy, beznadziei o boskim zapachu, najwyższego rozpłomienienia duszy. Bez niej przypisywalibyśmy świętym mniej szaleństwa, a spektakl ich życia rozczarowałby nas mdławą poczciwością. Zasługą Hiszpanii jest nie tylko ocalenie absurdu w świecie, lecz również wykazanie, iż normalną temperaturą człowieka jest obłęd. Nic zatem bardziej normalnego niż święci w tym narodzie, który zniósł dystans między niebem i ziemią. […] Mistyka hiszpańska to inwazja absolutu w historię. Jest to epoka, w której ekstaza stała się banalna, skoro przeszła w teorię, a Boga się naucza podług niespotykanej dotąd dydaktyki serca. Jest to okres kardiologiczny procesu dziejowego. Mistyka to nimb wszelkiej kultury, jej najwyższe uzasadnienie [podkr. E.J.]116. W swoich zmaganiach z uchwyceniem sensu mistyki hiszpańskiej Cioran z upodobaniem kontrastuje Hiszpanię z intelektualną i stonowaną Holandią, przywołując nazwiska dwóch wielkich mistrzów malarstwa – tych samych, których Ukrzyżowania pragnę omówić: Cały światłocień malarstwa holenderskiego nie jest wart dramatycznej intensywności rozpłomienionego cienia na jednym obrazie El Greca czy Zurbarana. Obaj malowali postać św. Franciszka z Asyżu: Włoch widziany przez dwóch Hiszpanów. Nikt bardziej niż ci dwaj Iberyjczycy nie przybliżył Italii do nieba. Każda świętość jest mniej lub bardziej hiszpańska. […] O różnicy między Hiszpanią i Holandią stanowi niewspółmierność między desperacją i melancholią. […] Dynamizm w sztuce bywa dwojaki: immanentny i transcendentny. U El Greca postacie i kolory płoną pionowo. […] W sztuce środek ciężkości wyjaśnia; jeśli nie strukturę formalną czy styl, to w każdym razie atmosferę wewnętrzną. Dla El Greca świat jest kosmiczną lawiną napierającą ku Bogu, pragnącą upaść w Niego, w jej środek ciężkości… [podkr. E.J.]117. Przytoczone wyżej fragmenty stanowią przykład błyskotliwej kontaminacji żywiołowej impresji z perfekcyjną obserwacją i namysłem nad hiszpańskością, której najgłębsze odzwierciedlenie filozof znajduje w sztuce El Greco. Znamienne, że w heroicznej próbie werbalizacji istoty hiszpańskości kluczem do przezwyciężenia bezradności, ale też miarą kunsztu retorycznego Ciorana stało się odwołanie do dzieł mistrza z Toledo, do „zdesperowanego” mistycyzmu i płomiennego dynamizmu „kosmicznej lawiny napierającej ku Bogu” w jego szokująco indywidualnych i żadną miarą nie reprezentatywnych dla sztuki hiszpańskiej obrazach. Dodajmy – nie reprezentatywnych ani dla tamtego, ani żadnego innego okresu tej sztuki, ale paradoksalnie – symbolicznej, wręcz emblematycznej zarówno dla niej, jak i dla hiszpańskości. Opis Ciorana jest brawurowym zwycięstwem słowa 116 117 Ibidem, s. 76–77, 84. Ibidem, s. 121, 124, 125. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 53 w konfrontacji z nieuchwytnym fenomenem tego, co umownie zwiemy hiszpańskością, a co w potężnej dawce wypełnia skrajnie uduchowione, numinotyczne dzieła El Greco – zwycięstwem tam, gdzie zwykle pozostaje tylko „defensywny” arsenał teologii negatywnej. Czaja, rozmyślając nad współczesnym kryzysem chrześcijaństwa, powiada, że „teologia czasu próby może być tylko teologią negatywną. I mam na myśli teologię pojęć, ale i teologię obrazów [podkr. E.J.]”118. Uwaga ta, jakże nabrzmiała treścią, stosuje się również do „czasu próby” tamtej epoki. W eksplikacji Ciorana nieprzypadkowo pojawia się wątek „płonących pionowo” kolorów. Ta znakomita figura wyobraźni, ów najbardziej lapidarny skrót myślowy, idealnie oddaje wrażenie towarzyszące kontemplacji dzieł El Greco. Trzeba jednak dostrzec, że owe płomienie są chłodne – podsycają je odcienie granatu, sinych błękitów, stalowych szarości, srebra, rzadziej złota. Nie ma tam czerwieni, poza draperiami płaszcza Chrystusa na kilku obrazach. Właśnie w tej surowej palecie barw kryje się odbicie zmysłowych doświadczeń artysty. Taki jest bowiem krajobraz Kastylii, Andaluzji czy Estremadury, ze szczególną wrażliwością opisany w latach 30. XX w. przez Gertrude Stein. Jej słowa mogą służyć za komentarz do sztuki El Greco, a jego malarstwo za ilustrację tych słów: Nie należy bowiem nigdy zapominać, że Hiszpania różni się całkowicie od innych południowych krajów, że dominuje tam biel, czerń i srebro lub złoto, że w ogóle nie spotyka się tam czerwieni, ani zieleni. W tym sensie Hiszpania nie jest krajem południowym, ale wschodnim, kobiety ubierają się przeważnie na czarno, ziemia jest sucha i złota, niebo granatowe, niemal czarne, gwiaździste, noce też czarne albo bardzo ciemnoniebieskie a powietrze tak lekkie, że wszyscy i wszystko wydaje się czarne119. Trudno o bardziej afektywne wprowadzenie do ikonografii hiszpańskich Ukrzyżowań z pierwszej połowy XVII w. – tych, które reprezentatywnie utożsamiają wzorzec przeniesiony wtedy do Peru. W tym czasie przypada bowiem okres największego wzmożenia akcji ewangelizacyjnej w tym kraju, spowodowany między innymi przybyciem do niego nowych zakonów120. Wówczas to na mapie Andów pojawia się sieć nowych sanktuariów Chrystusa, zwykle w miejscach przedchrześcijańskiego kultu. Pierwszą, podstawową cechą przedstawień „Chrystusa Samotnego” jest oczywiście jego samotność, czyli programowe wyeliminowanie wszelkich postaci, które od wieków ukazywane były pod krzyżem. Tradycyjnie umieszczano tam Matkę Boską, Świętego Jana i Marię Magdalenę, czyli tzw. Grupę Opłakiwania, zgodnie tekstami ewangelicznymi, opisującymi ostatnie godziny Chrystusa na krzyżu. Nierzadko pojawiały się tam rozbudowane sceny z udziałem oprawców Chrystusa, a także sylwetki dwóch krzyży, na których zawisły „łotry” – Dysmas i Gestas. W omawianym wzorcu, zgodnie z intencją koncentrowania uwagi i rozmyślań wiernych wyłącznie na dramacie umierania Chrystusa, usunięto wszystkie inne postacie, by swoją obecnością nie pochłaniały uwagi patrzącego. 118 119 120 D. Czaja, Lekcje ciemności, Wołowiec 2009, s. 228. G. Stein, Picasso, przeł. M. Michałowska, Warszawa 1974, s. 17–18. J. Szemiński i M. Ziółkowski stwierdzają, że „w połowie XVII wieku Kościół uznał Peruwianów za chrześcijan” (op. cit., s. 45). Zob też M.M. Marzal, La transformacion religiosa peruana, Lima 1983, s. 184–190; idem, Tierra encantada, Tratado de antropología religiosa de América Latina, Lima 2002, s. 267–560. �54 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Pełnię skupienia i uwagi miał przyciągać wyłącznie Chrystus – tak, by u patrzących wytworzyć maksymalne napięcie emocjonalne, związane tylko z jego osobą. Ale wyeliminowanie towarzyszących postaci służyło nie tylko przekierowaniu całej uwagi na Chrystusa, lecz także wyeksponowaniu psychologicznego aspektu jego samotności, jako cierpienia równie dotkliwego, co fizyczne, a jak głosi część komentarzy – jeszcze bardziej dojmującego. Założenia ideowe przedstawień „Chrystusa Samotnego” odkrywały psychologiczny ciężar samotności jako tortury co najmniej tak okrutnej, jak męka fizycznej kaźni. Jest to znaczące przesunięcie punktu ciężkości – z epatowania zmysłowymi bodźcami udręki fizycznej na bardziej intelektualne bodźce współodczuwania najgłębszej udręki psychicznej, jaką jest samotność. To przesunięcie egzemplifikuje opisaną wcześniej, potrydencką tendencję do przeformułowywania dydaktyki w taki sposób, aby przeżycie religijne zostało wzbogacone o aspekt refleksji intelektualnej, by ją z człowieka wydobyć i spożytkować w dziele nowego, bardziej trwałego i pogłębionego duchowo kultu. Ukierunkowanie uwagi na dramat samotności niewątpliwie pozostaje w bezpośrednim związku z osłabieniem realistycznej dosłowności w obrazowaniu umęczonego ciała Chrystusa. To nie ono ma porażać naturalizmem ran i krwi, a w każdym razie nie aż tak, by przytłumić ważniejszą, choć niełatwą do zobrazowania, głębię samotności. Kanon „samotnych” Ukrzyżowań porzucił z rozmysłem średniowieczną tradycję, której najświetniejszym przykładem pozostaje arcydzieło Matthiasa Grünewalda (1480–1528) w retabulum ołtarzowym w Isenheim [fot. 12]. Konwulsyjne przerysowania i szokujące deformacje ciała Chrystusa, jak również naturalistyczne ślady biczowania i okaleczeń stały się nie do przyjęcia sto lat później, w nowym programie ideowym po raz pierwszy akcentującym głębię samotności jako jądra Chrystusowego cierpienia. W programie tym ciało Ukrzyżowanego nosi ślady męki w postaci przebitego boku, dłoni i stóp, ale obecność krwi jest dyskretna, a na niektórych przedstawieniach – co zaskakujące – nie ma jej wcale (Francisco Pacheco). Postacie Chrystusa na czterech Ukrzyżowaniach, które omówię, reprezentatywnych dla wielu innych, są realistycznymi studiami męskiego aktu – mężczyzn muskularnych i dobrze zbudowanych. Akcentują raczej piękno ciała ludzkiego, a nie jego degradację i wyniszczenie męką. Mamy tu do czynienia z określoną konwencją i symboliką, które wszakże pominę, gdyż jest to tematyka tak obszerna, że przekracza możliwość proporcjonalnego włączenia w tok wywodu. Za kreacją wyidealizowanego wizerunku stała chęć wizualnego zrównoważenia ludzkiej i boskiej natury Chrystusa. Chodziło o ukazanie cierpiącego człowieka w taki sposób, by wstrząsająca dosłowność umęczonego ciała nie przysłoniła jego boskiej natury, triumfującej w ciele i tylko przez nie możliwej do ukazania. Dzięki takiemu zrównoważeniu możliwe było odpowiednie rozłożenie akcentów, by wizerunek promieniował boskim majestatem wcielonym w człowieka, który pomimo męki zachował godność i człowieczeństwo. Efekt ten nie mógłby zaistnieć, gdyby artysta skupił się na szokowaniu naturalizmem storturowanego ciała – na Gorerowskiej „pornografii śmierci”121, ilustrującej dehumanizujący wymiar męczeńskiej śmierci. Można ocenić, że nowy wzorzec ikonograficzny Ukrzyżowania, objawiający sens samotności jako przeżycia inferalnego, reaktywował równocześnie znaczenie doktryny Wcielenia 121 G. Gorer, Pornografia śmierci, przeł. I. Sieradzki, „Teksty” 1979, nr 3, s. 197–203. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 55 (incarnatio), nadając jej plastyczny i symboliczny wymiar. Na ów fenomen „tworzenia figur” zwraca uwagę Didi-Huberman. Zauważa, że chrześcijańskie sztuki wizualne: W swojej obrazowej materii tworzyły synkopy, symptomy świata widzialnego. Otworzyły imitację na motyw Wcielenia. Dlaczego mogły to zrobić i dlaczego ustanowiły tym samym religię najbogatszą ze wszystkich w obrazy? Ponieważ „niemożliwość” paradoksów Wcielenia pod przykrywką boskiej transcendencji dotykała sedna immanencji, którą można za Freudem zakwalifikować jako metapsychologiczną. Immanencji ludzkiej zdolności do tworzenia ciał niemożliwych…122. Sądzę, że niezależnie od funkcji, jaką potrydencki wzorzec „Chrystusa Samotnego” pełnił w szerszym planie nowej dydaktyki, bliskiej tradycjom devotio moderna, paradygmat religijności wzbogaconej intelektualnym komponentem świadomych rozważań, opartych zarówno na większej wiedzy, jak i pogłębieniu psychologicznym, wpisywał się w uniwersalne nurty i wartości dziedzictwa europejskiego humanizmu XVI wieku. Wspomagał nurt nauczania, którego najdoskonalszą egzemplifikacją stały się niebywale popularne Ćwiczenia duchowne św. Ignacego Loyoli oraz ilustrowane grafikami instruktaże dla wiernych, wypełnione rycinami obrazującymi Pismo Święte i opatrzone krótkimi, jasno napisanymi objaśnieniami, wskazującymi właściwy model refleksji religijnej123. Burza i Jerozolima w dziele El Greca Stałymi, można rzec: strukturalnymi, elementami obrazów „Chrystusa Samotnego” są ciemność albo – jak w przypadku Ukrzyżowania El Greca – ciemne chmury. Przypomnę, że ciemność, jako powtarzalne tło obrazu, obecna jest także na omówionych wcześniej wizerunkach Virgen de la Soledad – Matki Boskiej Samotności. Obraz El Greca jest w grupie moich przykładów najbardziej odrębny, nie tylko z powodu chmur burzowych w jego tle, lecz także dlatego, że pojawia się na nim panorama miasta – w tym wypadku Toledo124. Motyw ten obecny jest na kilku obrazach tego artysty – za każdym razem odmienny i, jak dowodzą badacze, na swój sposób symboliczny125. W planie Ukrzyżowania widok fragmentu Toledo, po części fantazyjny, zastępuje konwencjonalną panoramę Jerozolimy, tradycyjnie malowaną w odległym tle Golgoty. Widok tego miasta-symbolu i chrześcijańskiego centrum świata, ukazywany w głębi, za ukrzyżowanym Chrystusem, bywał interpretowany jako znak odwrócenia i oddalenia ludzkości od Boga. Tym samym stanowił metaforę jego osamotnienia wśród ludzi. Na obrazie El Greca w jego miejsce pojawia się Toledo, dawna stolica Hiszpanii, miasto, w którym artysta żył i pracował od około 1577 r. 122 123 124 125 G. Didi-Huberman, op. cit., s. 24. Por. D. Freedberg, Potęga wizerunków. Studia z historii i teorii oddziaływania, przeł. E. Klekot, Kraków 2005, s. 181–190. Informacje dotyczące poruszanych zagadnień, związanych z życiem i twórczością El Greca czerpię z książki: X. de Salas, F. Marias, El Greco y el arte de su tiempo. Las notas de El Greco a Vasari, Madrid 1992. Por. wnikliwą analizę Widoku Toledo wraz z jego planem z 1610–1614 r. w pracy: V.I. Stoichita, Ustanowienie obrazu. Metamalarstwo u progu ery nowoczesnej, przeł. K. Thiel-Jańczuk, Gdańsk 2011, s. 203–208. �56 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich aż do śmierci w 1614 r. Malarz konsekwentnie umieszcza fragmenty panoramy tego miasta na kilku Ukrzyżowaniach, które tworzy od 1573 r., jak również na obrazach o innej tematyce. Pomijam zawiłą problematykę manipulowania motywami Toledo, które zdarzało mu się świadomie dekomponować, gdyż dotyczy ona większej liczby jego obrazów, a nie tylko Ukrzyżowań. Przesłanki, jakimi kierował się, włączając w program dzieła topos miasta, jak również symboliczno-metaforyczne treści, które w ten sposób kodował, są przedmiotem dociekań biografów i interpretatorów jego sztuki. Dla mnie, w poszukiwaniu ikonograficznych komponentów „Chrystusa Samotnego”, bardziej istotnym jest motyw ciemnego, burzowego nieba, pozostający w ścisłym związku z ciemnością, będącą integralną częścią tego wzorca. Historycy sztuki są zgodni, że malowane przez El Greca ciemne chmury, dramatyczne refleksy jaśniejszych skrawków nieba oraz kreowany przez artystę mistyczny nastrój to rezultat mistrzowskiej interpretacji zjawisk natury. To odkrywcze, wizjonerskie obrazowanie łamie wszelkie konwencje malowania pejzażu w XVII w., będąc bliższym kanonom XIX-wiecznego romantyzmu. Grażyna Bastek opisuje ów szczególny stan napięcia w przyrodzie, uwieczniony przez niego „z meteorologiczną dokładnością” na Panoramie Toledo (Wista de Toledo, 1597–1610): Oto Toledo, zza Alkazaru nadciąga wielka mroczna chmura, mrok gęstnieje, ale na niebie prześwitują jeszcze wysepki błękitu. […] Ziemia zdaje się jaśniejsza od nieba, soczysta zieleń płonie w intensywnym świetle, a krawędzie budynków i ich ściany od zachodu żarzą się w srebrzystej poświacie. Gwałtowne masy powietrza płyną z nieba na ziemię i z ziemi do nieba – to zstępujące i wstępujące prądy. Powietrze przesycone jest elektrycznością, ale nie widać jeszcze błyskawic. Drzewa na wysokim wzgórzu już uginają się pod wpływem wiatru, ale trawy i krzewy na pierwszym planie stoją nieporuszone. To ostatnie chwile, gdy miasto jest jeszcze oświetlone słońcem, ostatnie chwile bezruchu. Za kilkanaście minut zacznie się nawałnica, nadejdą błyskawice, grzmoty i huragan126. Komentując mistrzostwo artystyczne, nie można pominąć ładunku treści metaforyczno-symbolicznych, denotowanych przez topos chmur burzowych. El Greco był artystą znakomicie wykształconym, gruntownie obeznanym z postanowieniami Soboru Trydenckiego dotyczącymi sztuki i, co więcej, opiniodawcą diecezjalnym w sprawach zgodności dzieł sztuki z nauką Kościoła127. Jak większość wybitnych artystów tamtej epoki, obmyślał i tworzył obraz w skomplikowanej procedurze uzgadniania aspektów formalnych oraz środków wyrazu artystycznego z podskórnym nurtem aluzyjności i symboliki, których przystępne kody rozumiano wówczas powszechnie. Ukształtowany u schyłku średniowiecza, a utrwalony przez Trydent model relacji pomiędzy obrazem a wiernymi Hans Belting charakteryzuje w ten sposób: [Osoby prywatne] wymagały od niego [obrazu], by był niejako malowanym aktem mowy, który też odtąd wyznacza kształt systemu estetycznego. Ów akt mowy skierowany był – z obrazu 126 127 G. Bastek, El Greco: burza nad miastem, „Newsweek Polska. Historia” 26 kwietnia 2014, nr 4, https://www. newsweek.pl/historia/el-greco-burza-nad-miastem/8megxby [data dostępu: 19.06.2019]. A. Witko, Ikonografia potrydencka w twórczości El Greca, [w:] Sztuka po Trydencie, pod red. K. Kuczmana i A. Witki, Kraków 2014, s. 141–142. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 57 na zewnątrz – ku widzowi, albo rozgrywał się wewnątrz tegoż obrazu pomiędzy przedstawionymi na nim osobami, gdy rozmawiały one na temat widza. Tym samym obraz porzuca tradycyjny dystans i egzystencję zamkniętą w samym sobie. Udostępnia się widzowi, tak że teraz właściwym jego tematem staje się dialog […]. W obu wypadkach obraz zmienia się w taki sposób, że dostosowuje się do spojrzenia widza, a zatem dopuszcza pewien czynnik subiektywny, który ostatecznie może przyjmować postać anegdotycznej opowieści dla niego przeznaczonej [przyp. i podkr. E.J.]128. W omawianym obrazie El Greca wszystko współtworzy określoną opowieść, którą można krótko streścić albo rozbudowywać w nieskończoność. Wychodząc od analizy szczegółu, po jakimś czasie spotkamy się w tej samej opowieści, gdyż wszystkie detale – pośrednio lub bezpośrednio – są jej podporządkowane. Zwróciłam uwagę na ciemne, burzowe chmury, na tle których dramaturgia Ukrzyżowania ulega zwielokrotnieniu. Można podążyć tym tropem, analizując psychologiczny aspekt oddziaływania silnych emocji związanych z burzą i niewątpliwie byłby to owocny kierunek refleksji, wzbogacający rozważania nad tym dziełem. Dam jednak pierwszeństwo analizie innego typu – poszukiwaniu znaków. Takich, które – jak twierdzi Belting – wchodziły w dialog z patrzącymi, choć nie wszystkie ze wszystkimi, gdyż jedne były prostsze, inne aluzyjne, wymagające podbudowy intelektualnej i szerszych horyzontów odniesień. Posłużę się kolejnym cytatem, który zobrazuje kierunek zamierzonych poszukiwań. W hermeneutycznych rozważaniach nad ontologią obrazu Gadamer posłużył się urokliwym przykładem, utrzymanym w bliskiej nam poetyce „meteorologicznej”: Nawet znaki naturalne, na przykład oznaki pogody, pełnią swą funkcję wskazywania tylko przez abstrakcję. Gdy na widok nieba wypełnia nas doznanie piękna nieboskłonu i rozkoszujemy się nim, wówczas doświadczamy przesunięcia intencji, które sprawia, że niebo traci swój charakter znaku129. Wpatrując się w burzliwe niebo nad Toledo, przebywamy drogę w odwrotnym kierunku. Wpierw poddajemy się grozie burzy, podziwiając mistrzostwo pędzla, potem zaś stopniowo stawiamy pytania o znaki. Przeczuwany bowiem – na granicy pewności – że ładunek emocjonalny, z jakim oddziałuje surowy spektakl natury, nie wyczerpuje potencjału skumulowanych w nim znaczeń. Spoglądamy na chmury, potem na krzyż, w końcu na odrealnione Toledo w nieziemskiej poświacie, po raz wtóry uświadamiając sobie, że to wizja Jeruzalem. Wpatrując się w panoramę, zastanawiamy się, czy nie mamy do czynienia z większą dosłownością i dobitniejszą aluzją, niż sugeruje pierwsze spojrzenie? Czy kopuła obok wieży toledańskiej katedry, której tam nie było, gdy El Greco malował obraz130, może przywoływać widok jerozolimskiej Kopuły na Skale? Czy sucha dolina 128 129 130 H. Belting, op. cit., s. 470. H.-G. Gadamer, op. cit., s. 223. Niektórzy historycy sztuki, głowiący się nad tą zagadką, utożsamiają ów detal architektoniczny z kopułą Kaplicy Mozarabskiej (będącej częścią katedry Najświętszej Marii Panny), ukończonej ok. 1631 r., czyli 17 lat po śmierci El Greca, a jeszcze później od daty namalowania przez niego omawianego Ukrzyżowania. Kopułę zaprojektował jego syn Jorge Manuel Theotocópulos (1578–1631), ale El Greco nie mógł znać �58 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich o łagodnych zboczach po prawej stronie krzyża – w miejscu, gdzie winien płynąć Tag w urwistym korycie – nie przypomina doliny Cedronu zamkniętej odległą Górą Oliwną? Może nie dostrzeżono dyskretnej hybrydyzacji Toledo i Jerozolimy, której widoki artysta znał z popularnych rycin131? A może współcześni pojmowali ukryty sens tej zagadkowej panoramy, a tylko my utraciliśmy świadomość tamtych znaków? Dekodowanie ich jest zajęciem fascynującym, gdyż odsłaniają sens „wyższego rzędu”, w tym wypadku potwierdzający zamysł artysty, by panorama Toledo na tym obrazie stanowiła figurę Jerozolimy. Podkreślam, „na tym obrazie”, gdyż pejzaż Toledo widnieje też na innych płótnach El Greca o odmiennej tematyce. Tu jednak – w omawianym Ukrzyżowaniu – oczywistą rolę gra kontekst i kanon ikonograficzny, którego artysta w najmniejszym stopniu nie przekracza, pomimo szokującej wizyjności efektów malarskich, niewątpliwie ekstrawaganckich z punktu widzenia potrydenckich apologetów weryzmu w malarstwie sakralnym. Toledo jest więc Jerozolimą – w nurcie tej samej symbolizacji, która uświęca niezliczone Kalwarie rozsiane po świecie mocą zadekretowanego „podobieństwa” do jerozolimskiego oryginału. Możemy bez cienia wątpliwości uznać obraz El Greca za kanoniczny wizerunek „Chrystusa Samotnego”, ale pomimo tej konstatacji odczuwany zniewalającą moc indywidualizmu, w którym artysta osiągnął ekstatyczne apogeum wszystkiego, co można wyrazić w ramach tej konwencji. Wszystkiego, co od tego momentu będzie wyznaczało to ekstremum. Fenomen zasłony Skoro przyjęliśmy, że na obrazie Toledo jest Jerozolimą, to wszystko, co na nim widzimy, układa się w spójną opowieść – w „wielką opowieść”, największą, jaką opowiedziało chrześcijaństwo. Również i chmury burzowe nie należą już do nieba Kastylii, tylko zakrywają nieboskłon nad Jeruzalem, przenosząc nas do mitycznego momentu, który ukonstytuował jedną z największych religii monoteistycznych ludzkości. Odwołując się do terminów Joanny Tokarskiej-Bakir, Ukrzyżowanie jest „wielką opowieścią”, ale już każda jego interpretacja w sztuce – indywidualną „małą opowieścią” artysty. Próbuję spojrzeć na dzieło El Greca jego oczami, choć wiem, że to daremne, a wszystko, co zobaczę, pozostanie subiektywnością. 131 tego projektu i antycypować malarsko jego przyszłej realizacji, gdyż pożar Kaplicy Mozarabskiej, który spowodował konieczność budowy nowej kopuły, miał miejsce dopiero w 1622 r., czyli 8 lat po jego śmierci. Z posiadanych przeze mnie informacji wynika, że na obrazie nie stwierdzono domalowań wykonanych po śmierci artysty. Teoretycznie – nawet gdyby je uczyniono, to widok domalowanej kopuły najpewniej odpowiadałby jej rzeczywistemu wyglądowi. Tymczasem, poza elementem latarni, w niczym nie przypomina ona żebrowanej kopuły Kaplicy Mozarabskiej. Jest od niej kilkakrotnie większa i dominuje nad miastem wraz z wieżą katedry, a jej gładka, lśniąca powierzchnia, a także kształt, jednoznacznie przypominają jerozolimską Kopułę na Skale – taką, jaka była w XV–XVI wieku. El Greco niewątpliwie znał liczne widoki Jerozolimy uwiecznione na współczesnych mu grafikach, a już na pewno dużego formatu drzeworytową wedutę ze słynnej Liber Chronicarum Hartmana Schedla z 1493 r., – najsłynniejszego dzieła geograficzno-historycznego w XVI-wiecznej Europie, zawierającego widoki 99 najważniejszych miast świata. Na widoku Jerozolimy, emblematycznym dla wielu późniejszych, Kopuła na Skale ma u góry spłaszczenie, podobne jak kopuła na obrazie El Greca, a po prawej stronie kadru ciągnie się dolina Cedronu, przypominająca tę, która widnieje na jego obrazie w miejscu, gdzie powinien znajdować się skalny kanion Tagu [fot. 13.]. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 59 „A gdy nadeszła godzina szósta, mrok ogarnął ziemię aż do godziny dziewiątej” – czytamy w Ewangelii Marka (Mk 15, 33)132. Według wielu kanonicznych i apokryficznych źródeł, nad Jerozolimą rozegrał się spektakl natury, który stanowił nierozdzielną część misterium śmierci Chrystusa. Spektakl, który z wielką siłą oddziaływał na wyobraźnię, przekazując ważne znaki. Wizja Bułhakowa, bodaj najznakomitsza w literaturze naszych czasów, dająca świadectwo ponadczasowości „wielkiej opowieści”, nieustannie inspirującej artystów i myślicieli, wyprowadza intuicje apokaliptyczne: Ciemność, która nadciągnęła znad Morza Śródziemnego, okryła znienawidzone przez procuratora miasto. […] Wszystko pożarła ciemność, która przeraziła wszystko, co żyło w samym Jeruszaleim i w jego okolicach. Dziwna chmura przygnana została znad morza przed wieczorem czternastego dnia wiosennego miesiąca nisan. […] Chmura ta zwaliła się już na nagie wzgórze zwane Trupią Czaszką, na którym oprawcy pośpiesznie dobijali skazańców, zwaliła się na świątynię jeruszalaimską, dymnymi potokami spełzła ze wzgórza, na którym stał Przybytek, i zalała Dolne Miasto. […] Skoro tylko dymną czarną kipiel rozłupywał ogień, wzbijała się ku górze z nieprzejrzanych ciemności ogromna bryła świątyni z połyskującą łuską dachu. Ale ogień gasł natychmiast i świątynia pogrążała się w ciemnej otchłani. Wyrastała z niej po kilkakroć i znowu się zanurzała, a za każdym razem towarzyszył takiemu zanurzeniu łoskot właściwy kataklizmom133. Tę znakomitą wizję literacką wypada uzupełnić perykopami z klasycznych tekstów religijnych. W apokryficznej ewangelii Piotra czytamy: „A wtedy ziemia zadrżała i powstał wielki strach” (VII 22)134, zaś w VIII księdze sybilijskiej, najstarszej interpolacji chrześcijańskiej w Księgach Sybilińskich (Oracula Sibyllina), współczesnej ewangeliom synoptycznym (II w.), znajdujemy proroctwo: „Lecz rozedrze się zasłona świątyni i pośród dnia w ciągu trzech godzin panować będzie zupełnie ciemna noc”135. Jeszcze bardziej wstrząsający opis zawiera ewangelia Mateusza: „A oto zasłona przybytku rozdarła się na dwoje z góry na dół; ziemia zadrżała i skały zaczęły pękać. Groby się otworzyły i wiele ciał świętych, którzy pomarli, powstało” (Mt 27, 51–52). Mamy do czynienia z pełnym obrazowaniem apokaliptycznym według uniwersalnych toposów zbiorowej wyobraźni 132 133 134 135 Ważne jest objaśnienie podawanych przez ewangelistów godzin ukrzyżowania Chrystusa, gdyż występuje pozorna sprzeczność między nimi a przekazem, że ciemności okryły ziemię w samo południe. Otóż ówczesnej godzinie szóstej odpowiadała nasza dwunasta. Teolog-biblista wyjaśnia: „Ewangelia Marka twierdzi, że Jezus został ukrzyżowany o godzinie 3-ciej (Mk. 15:25), zaś Ewangelia Jana, że o godzinie 6-tej (J. 19:14). Klucz do tej sprzeczności leży w tym, że Nowy Testament posługuje się tylko trzema godzinami dnia: 3-cią, 6-tą i 9-tą. Godziny dzienne liczono wówczas od brzasku do zmierzchu, toteż mniej lub więcej odpowiadały kolejno naszej 9-tej, 12-tej, 15-tej. Godziny dnia zaokrąglano do jednej z tych trzech godzin. Zauważmy, że apostoł Jan posługuje się słowem «około», aby podkreślić, że godzinę podaje w przybliżeniu. Jeśli przybicie Jezusa do krzyża miało miejsce, jak się przypuszcza, w czasie specjalnej ofiary składanej w święta, nowie księżyca i sabaty między godziną 10-tą a 11-tą, czyli między 3-cią a 6-tą według biblijnej rachuby czasu, wówczas obaj ewangeliści mówią prawdę. Każdy zaokrąglił czas do najbliższej godziny, jeden do trzeciej, czyli naszej 9:00, a drugi do szóstej, czyli do naszej 12-tej” A. Palla, Godzina i dzień ukrzyżowania Chrystusa, http://eliasz.dekalog.pl/goscie/palla/godzina.htm [data dostępu: 26.05.2019]. M. Bułhakow, Mistrz i Małgorzata, przeł. I. Lewandowska, Warszawa 1970, s. 465–466. Apokryfy Nowego Testamentu, t. 1, s. 415. Apokryfy Nowego Testamentu, pod red. ks. M. Starowieyskiego, t. 3: Listy i apokalipsy chrześcijańskie, Kraków 2001, s. 346–347. �60 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich – takich samych, jakie w ekstremalnej kumulacji wypełniają Janową Apokalipsę – tę „jedną z najważniejszych matryc historiozoficznych świata zachodniego”136. Śmierć Chrystusa wyznacza kres dotychczasowego świata, a jej przełomowe znaczenie manifestuje się w obrazowaniu eschatologicznym. W opisach pojawia się symbolika burzy, trzęsienia ziemi i zasłony. Trzęsienie ziemi i burza interpretowane są jako znaki teofanii137, objawienia się Boga wśród obłoków, gromów i błyskawic. „Ciemność, jaka ogarnęła ziemię podczas konania Chrystusa na krzyżu, była zewnętrznym wyrazem tragedii i dramatu wszechświata wobec śmierci swego Stwórcy”138 – powiada ks. Stanisław Kobielus, przedstawiając wszakże dość powierzchowną, katechetyczną wykładnię. Motyw teofanii w burzy odnajdujemy także w Starym Testamencie: „Gdy Pan przekazywał przykazania ludowi na górze Synaj, stał się ciężką, przeszywaną błyskawicami chmurą burzową, tak że Izraelici drżeli ze strachu (Wj 19,16; 24, 16 n.)”139. Zakres powiązań między burzą i towarzyszącymi jej zjawiskami atmosferycznymi, zwłaszcza piorunami i błyskawicami, a obrazowaniem atrybutów boskich należy do szczególnie rozbudowanych w większości religii i dogłębnie opisanych w literaturze przedmiotu140. Niebo burzowe zdecydowanie bardziej sprzyja teofanii niż pogodny nieboskłon, bliższy koncepcji deus otiosus. Warto w tym miejscu zwrócić uwagę na intrygującą symbolikę i metaforykę zasłony. Za punkt wyjścia może służyć przytoczona perykopa z ewangelii Mateusza. Mowa w niej o zasłonie w świątyni jerozolimskiej, która w chwili śmierci Chrystusa rozdarła się z góry na dół. Mamy tu do czynienia z odniesieniem do historycznego artefaktu szczegółowo opisanego w II Księdze Mojżesza (II Mojż, 26, 1–37). Ta olbrzymia, około 15-metrowej wysokości zasłona oddzielała najświętsze miejsce świątyni od jej części przeznaczonej dla wiernych. Począwszy od najstarszych komentarzy św. Efrema (ok. 306–373)141, jej ewangeliczne rozdarcie obecne jest w wielu rozważaniach teologicznych, obrastając w rozliczne interpretacje. Przytaczanie ich rozmijałoby się wszakże z logiką wywodu. W większości należą do innego porządku obrazowania, tego samego, który formował niezliczone, czasem zdumiewające metafory i symbolizacje ran Chrystusa, pracowicie zestawione przez Steinberga142. Z perspektywy antropologicznej symbolika zasłony wykracza poza ścisły kontekst teologiczny, a zatem jej fenomen domaga się szerszego planu odniesień. Zasłona to oddzielenie, ale takie, które immanentnie zawiera w sobie możliwość sporadycznego kontaktu oddzielonych stron. Nie jest murem, czyli granicą trwałą, którą trzeba zburzyć, by skontaktować ze sobą rozdzielone obszary. Jest granicą nietrwałą, możliwą do uchylania i przekraczania, ale tylko w ściśle określonych momentach i okolicznościach. Momenty te konstytuują istotę zasłony; bez nich utraciłaby rację bytu, a z logicznego punktu widzenia nie mogłaby istnieć. Jeśli jednak istnieje, to tylko dzięki obszarom, które rozdziela, ale też incydentalnie łączy. Jej status ontyczny sprowadza się więc do materialnej 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 D. Czaja, Figury końca. Przybliżenia, [w:] Scenariusze końca. Zmierzch, kres, apokalipsa, wyb., red. i wstęp D. Czaja, Kraków 2015, s. 12; omówienie Apokalipsy św. Jana – zob. s. 18–21. „Zadrżała – mamy tu do czynienia z teofanią” – komentuje Marek Starowieyski (Apokryfy…, t. 1, s. 415). S. Kobielus, Blask ciemności i światło niewiedzy, Ząbki 2015, s. 88. D. Forstner, op. cit., s. 106. Por. np. M. Eliade, Traktat o historii religii, tłum. J. Wierusz-Kowalski, Warszawa 1966, s. 86–89. Komentarze do Diatess (21, 4,6) i Homilie paschalne. L. Steinberg, op. cit., s. 417–426. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 61 lub metaforycznej granicy, zawierającej nie tylko możliwość, ale też strukturalną konieczność odsłaniania i zasłaniania. Odsłaniania w celu fizycznego przemieszczania się, kontaktu zmysłowego (zwykle „widzenia” lub/i „słyszenia”) lub faktycznego bądź metaforycznego przepływu idei; zasłaniania zaś po to, by ów przepływ powstrzymać. Zasłona jest konstruktem mediacyjnym, zdecydowanie bardziej niż trwały mur. Sama jej substancjalność, czyli umowna i intuicyjna cecha miękkości, to stan pośredni między tym, co uznajemy za twarde, a brakiem materialnego oporu (w takim rozumieniu miękkość nie jest opozycją twardości, tylko stanem mediującym pomiędzy twardością a jej brakiem). Zasłona może być półprzeźroczysta, a więc dopuszcza widzenie niedokładnego obrazu po drugiej stronie, a jej niepełna dźwiękochłonność pozwala na stłumione słyszenie tego, co za nią wybrzmiewa. Bodźce optyczne i foniczne występują, ale stanowią namiastkę rzeczywistych. W tradycyjnym rozumieniu zasłona to tkanina, czyli materia roślinna lub zwierzęca (zasłona jerozolimska była z koziej wełny), a więc po pierwsze – partycypuje w świecie ożywionym, choć jest martwa, po drugie zaś – nacechowana jest konotacjami kulturowymi z roślinami lub zwierzętami, będącymi jej budulcem. W końcu, zasłona ma dwie strony, ale objawia tylko jedną – zwykle opatrzoną symbolicznym i artystycznym zapisem, odnoszącym się do tego, co po drugiej stronie. Odwrotna strona zasłony jest tajemnicą, podobnie jak to, co zakrywa. Można przytaczać nieskończenie wiele przykładów obecności zasłony w rytuałach religijnych, sztuce, literaturze, materiałach paremiologicznych i frazeologizmach językowych. Nas interesuje symboliczno-metaforyczna zasłona jerozolimska oraz jej odzwierciedlenie w naturze jako zasłony chmur i mroku. Abstrahując od wspomnianych, nie zawsze przekonujących wykładni teologicznych (np. Chrystus jako zasłona) rozdarcie tej pierwszej należy postrzegać, jak sadzę, jako symboliczne wyjście Boga do ludzi; wyjście pełne, całkowite, dowiedzione w misterium Wcielenia i śmierci Chrystusa. Dokonuje się nie jak dotychczas, za pośrednictwem kapłana, który w dni święte nawiedza Przybytek przez uchyloną zasłonę. Miarą przełomu, jaki dokonuje się z chwilą śmierci Boga-człowieka, jest rozdarcie zasłony, czyli jej unicestwienie, gdyż unicestwiony zostaje dystans między Bogiem a człowiekiem. Bóg, który przychodzi, nie uchyla zasłony, gdyż odtąd nie będzie już potrzebna, tylko rozdziera ją w radykalnym geście Aleksandra przecinającego węzeł Gordiasa, adekwatnym do radykalizmu przełomu. Takie odczytanie symboliki nie rości sobie prawa do wyłączności, gdyż wielkie toposy emanują niewyczerpaną mocą inspiracji. Podobnie, jak supozycja że zasłona mroku rozdarta błyskawicami, spadająca na Jeruzalem i Golgotę, współtworzy scenerię apokaliptyczną, by potem – po wielkim paroksyzmie – odsłonić nowe oblicze Ziemi: Pioruny i błyskawice były coraz rzadsze. Teraz przepływała na Jeruszalaim już nie fioletowa o białych brzegach zasłona, ale zwykła szara chmura długotrwałej burzy. Burza przesuwała się w stronę Morza Martwego [podkr. E.J.]143. Powracam do Ukrzyżowania El Greca i odmalowanej przez niego fantastycznej zasłony utkanej z czarnych chmur. Nie sposób powstrzymać słów zachwytu nad wieloznacznym zamysłem tego mistycznego wizjonera. Czarno-granatowy mrok rozszarpuje nieziemski blask 143 M. Bułhakow, op. cit., s. 468. �62 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich błyskawic, a rozświetlone połacie chmur strzelają ku niebu, jak skrzydła Aniołów albo białe płachty habitów hiszpańskich świętych. Tylko w górnym rogu świeci jeszcze niewielki, złoty skrawek zakrytego słońca. Na tle tej „kosmicznej lawiny napierającej ku Bogu”144 – by przywołać euforyczne sformułowanie Ciorana – umierający Chrystus zwraca twarz ku Ojcu, rozkładając przybite dłonie w geście przywołania, ale też pragnienia objęcia ramionami ukochanej osoby. Oczy wzniesione ku górze, opuchnięte usta wypowiadające szeptem, a nie donośnym głosem, jak imputuje ewangelia145 – „Boże, mój Boże, czemuś mnie opuścił?” Wizja El Greca przekonuje dalece bardziej niż kanon. Patrzymy na ostatnie chwile życia Chrystusa, słuchany jego ostatnich słów do Ojca. Głowa jeszcze wzniesiona, bok włócznią nieprzebity. Ten unikalny moment domaga się konfrontacji z surrealistyczną zasłoną chmur, która odgrywa w tym spektaklu niesłychanie ważną rolę. Widzimy szał żywiołów, ale co ważne – jeszcze nie ciemność. Ta nadejdzie dopiero wraz ze śmiercią, ale teraz, gdy Chrystus jeszcze żyje, sceneria całkowitej ciemności, obciążonej brzemieniem wyrazistych konotacji, byłaby strukturalnie niemożliwa. Jeszcze rozgrywa się misterium zespolenia teofanii Ojca i agonii Wcielonego Boga, dla którego sceneria burzy jawi się toposem skończenie doskonałym, a nawet – z punktu widzenia topiki apokaliptycznej – jedynym możliwym. Obraz El Greca to nie tylko arcydzieło sztuki, to także – by przywołać Didi-Hubermana – obrazowanie paradoksu Wcielenia dzięki „immanencji ludzkiej zdolności do tworzenia ciał niemożliwych”146. Misterium ciemności i półmrok. Casus Ukrzyżowań Zurbarána, Velázqueza i Pacheco W przedstawieniach „Chrystusa Samotnego” istnieje zasadnicza różnica statusu ontycznego figury burzy oraz całkowitej ciemności (lub głębokiego półmroku). Obie przywoływane są przez dwa warianty obrazowania dramatu na Golgocie. Pierwsza wspomaga wizję ostatnich chwil żyjącego jeszcze Chrystusa na krzyżu, a jego przykładem jest omówione przeze mnie dzieło El Greca. Druga natomiast pełni funkcję atrybutu w przedstawieniach Chrystusa nieżyjącego, a przykładami takich rozwiązań są trzy pozostałe Ukrzyżowania: Francisco Zurbarána, Diego Velázqueza i Francisco Pacheco, reprezentatywne dla wielu innych. Zarysowane w ten sposób rozróżnienie tła nie jest ortodoksyjnie przestrzegane, ale wyraźnie dominuje w malarstwie sakralnym. Ograniczenie postrzegania ciemnego tła tych przedstawień do funkcji artystyczno-formalnych byłoby pominięciem znacznie ważniejszych znaczeń. Wprawdzie istnieje tu walor ciemności, jako środka wyrazu, to jednak zwrócę uwagę na jej znaczenia ideowe w myśli filozoficzno-teologicznej. Tytułem wstępu posłużę się wyimkiem z rozważań Czai nad apokaliptycznymi konotacjami ciemności: Ciemność początku i końca to dane pierwotne, to ledwie tylko obrysowane, wychylone w ciemną przestrzeń arché i eschatonu brzegi naszego doświadczenia. Mrok końca przyprawia o zawrót głowy, ale prowokuje, by zajrzeć za jego zasłonę; koniec bywa zagrożeniem 144 145 146 E. Cioran, op. cit., s. 125. „O godzinie dziewiątej Jezus zawołał donośnym głosem: «Eloi, Eloi, lama sabachthani»” (Mk 15, 34). G. Didi-Huberman, op. cit., s. 24. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 63 albo obietnicą, ale tak czy inaczej zawsze stanowi wyzwanie dla dyskursywnego rozumu [podkr. E.J.]147. Przytoczona myśl objawia kluczowy trop w interpretacji ciemności – ten mianowicie, że nie musi ona być synonimem nicości, materią prima lub ultima, tylko zasłoną, za którą coś jest i za którą można, a nawet trzeba zajrzeć. Jeśli „widzenie” pojmujemy zgodnie z antropologicznym rozszerzeniem, obejmującym także duchowe „widzenie w głąb”, to ciemność nie jest kresem widzenia, tylko jakościowym punktem zwrotnym, w którym widzenie zmysłowe ustępuje duchowemu. Rozumienie takie jest pochodną zmysłowego doświadczenia braku możliwości widzenia w ciemności, które wszakże aktywizuje obrazy zakodowane w mózgu. Wzrok staje się bezużyteczny bez względu na to, czy oczy są otwarte, czy zamknięte. Gdy ustają bodźce wizualne, mózg wybiera jedną z dróg: albo pogłębionej koncentracji o charakterze dyskursywnym i konceptualizującym, albo, odwrotnie, pogłębionej medytacji, stopniowo eliminującej doznania zmysłowe i wyobrażeniowe. Jeśli więc opanujemy zawrót głowy i wraz z Dariuszem Czają zajrzymy za zasłonę mroku, to doświadczymy tylko (a może aż) – wyłącznie rzeczywistości „wewnętrznej”. Niezgłębiona tajemnica Chrystusowej śmierci, gdy już się dokonała, zawiesza wszelką myśl, wszelki dyskurs, nawet apokaliptyczny, kierując ku doświadczeniom mistycznym, ku duchowości, dla której nawet sztuka religijna przestaje być istotna. Na ów krańcowy moment egzystencji duchowej zwraca uwagę Wiesław Juszczak: Sztuka w swych najwyższych wzlotach nie jest nawet dostrzegalna z tego punktu, który wyznacza szczyt religijnego życia duchowego. Z tego punktu, którym jest doświadczenie mistyczne określane jako „ciemna noc”, pozbawione wszelkiego elementu zmysłowego, pozbawione świadomości wszelkiego „poza”, pozbawione nie tylko wyobrażeń, ale nawet poczucia możliwości wyobrażania, unieobecniające ślad ostatni, najostatniejszy odruch wyobraźni i czucia. […] A na szczycie Karmelu nie widzi się nic [podkr. E.J.]148. W jaskiniach Karmelu, świętej góry wielu bogów i anachoretów, nie widać nic – to najbardziej lapidarne streszczenie mistycznej „ciemnej nocy”149, w której mieści się ostateczny wymiar samotności. Ciemność, cisza i samotność, zespolone „asocjacją paradygmatyczną”150, pozostają w oczywistym związku ze śmiercią lub jej metonimiami. W takiej koincydencji pojawiają się wielokrotnie w pismach mistyków. „I wtedy ta ciemność, ta samotność, to poczucie straszliwego osamotnienia”151 – opisuje swoje stany kontemplacyjne Matka Teresa z Kalkuty, wyrażając ten sam rodzaj doświadczenia duchowego, który dany był niezliczonym rzeszom mistyków uchylających zasłonę ciemności. To uniwersalne doświadczenie, 147 148 149 150 151 D. Czaja, Figury końca…, s. 10. W. Juszczak, Wędrówka do źródeł, Gdańsk 2009, s. 193. Termin „ciemna noc” jako werbalizację doświadczenia mistycznego wprowadził niemiecki dominikanin Johannes Tauler (1301–1361), który – paradoksalnie – pisał o poznaniu kontemplatywnym i sprzeciwiał się całkowitej bierności zmysłowo-intelektualnej w stanach medytacyjnych. Zob. M. Rusecki, Tauler Johannes, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 19, Lublin 2013, s. 556–557. E. Leach, Kultura i komunikowanie. Logika powiązań symbolicznych. Wprowadzenie do analizy strukturalnej w antropologii społecznej, przeł. M. Buchowski, Warszawa 2010, s. 37. A. Grzegorczyk, Samotność jako mistyczna ciemność. Św. Jan od Krzyża i bł. Matka Teresa z Kalkuty, „Zeszyty Naukowe Centrum Badań im. Edyty Stein – Wobec Samotności” 2014, nr 12, s. 26. �64 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich właściwe ekstremalnym przeżyciom religijnym, niezależnie od wyznawanej religii, bodaj najwszechstronniej opisała Joanna Tokarska-Bakir152. Święty Jan od Krzyża uważa, że owo zaciemnienie władz naturalnych jest wręcz konieczne, aby doszło do zjednoczenia z Bogiem. […] Ta samotność, która jest stanem duszy ogołoconej z wszelkich odniesień do świata ludzkiego, z wszelkich uwarunkowań zewnętrznych i wewnętrznych, a więc duszy totalnie ogołoconej, zostaje u Jana podniesiona do rangi najwyższej doskonałości duchowej i to ona umożliwia obdarowanie i dopuszczenie do Bożych tajemnic153. Rudolf Otto, rozmyślając nad mistyką ciemności w sztuce, twierdzi, że nie można jej wyrażać całkowitą czernią: „Ciemność musi być taka, aby mogła być spotęgowana przez kontrast, a tym samym jeszcze bardziej wyczuwalna: ona sama musi jeszcze chcieć przezwyciężyć ostatnie światło. Dopiero półmrok jest mistyczny [podkr. E.J.]”154. Spostrzeżenie Otto odnosi się do aspektów formalnych dzieła, nadzwyczaj istotnych dla wykreowania określonego przeżycia widza, ale intuicja ta znajduje również odzwierciedlenie w archetypowych wizjach półmroku, obecnych w tkance obrazowania mitologicznego, zwłaszcza kosmogonicznego155. W myśli teologicznej: „Ciemność jest własnością pramaterii jeszcze nie uformowanej przez Boga i nie poddanej żadnemu prawu. W procesie nadawania poszczególnym obrazom wartości etycznej pojęcie ciemności jest zazwyczaj symbolem tego, co bezbożne i odległe od Boga”156. Po analizie dzieła El Greca, przedstawiającego żywego jeszcze Chrystusa na krzyżu, dyrektywa Otto umożliwia przejście do trzech kolejnych przykładów Ukrzyżowań, przedstawiających Chrystusa nieżyjącego. W przeciwieństwie do obrazu mistrza z Toledo, te zaprezentuję tylko skrótowo. We wszystkich przypadkach ciemne tło nie jest całkowicie czarne, choć pierwsze spojrzenie, zwłaszcza na obraz Zurbarána, może to sugerować. Na obrazie Velázqueza pojawia się nawet iluzjonistyczny cień za krzyżem, jakby artysta pragnął spotęgować wrażenie naturalizmu. W jeszcze większym stopniu udało się to Zurbaránowi, który efekty werystyczne doprowadził do perfekcji. Dodatkowo, jego obraz, przedstawiający Chrystusa w naturalnej skali, powieszono w półmroku kaplicy kościoła dominikanów w Sewilli w taki sposób, by iluzyjność przedstawienia w najwyższym stopniu sprawiała wrażenie trójwymiarowości. Przekonującym świadectwem percepcji tego wizerunku jest relacja malarza i autora traktatów o sztuce, Antonio Palomino (1655–1726), streszczona i dopowiedziana przez Teresę Grzybkowską: W kaplicy było mało światła, ale każdy, kto tam wchodził, miał wrażenie, że stoi przed rzeźbą. Przybity do krzyża Chrystus wyłaniał się z ciemności. Scena była pozbawiona wszelkich szczegółów narracyjnych, tak że obserwator musiał wysilić wzrok. Sposób, w jaki artysta położył światło na perizonium, odtworzył każde najmniejsze zgięcie, jest arcydziełem malarstwa. 152 153 154 155 156 J. Tokarska-Bakir, Wyzwolenie przez zmysły. Tybetańskie koncepcje soteriologiczne, Wrocław 1997. A. Grzegorczyk, op. cit., s. 29. R. Otto, Świętość. Elementy irracjonalne w pojęciu bóstwa i ich stosunek do elementów racjonalnych, przeł. B. Kupis, Warszawa 1968, s. 105. Przykładowo: w mitologii ludów andyjskich w nieokreślonej przestrzeni przed stworzeniem świata nie było ciemności, tylko „czerwonawy mrok” (J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 63). M. Lurker, Słownik obrazów i symboli biblijnych, tłum. K. Romaniuk, Poznań 1989, s. 35. �Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. • 65 Sygnatura na kartce papieru u dołu krzyża jest tak namalowana, że można się zastanawiać, czy to papier przyklejony do belki krzyża, czy do obrazu. Zurbarán doskonale przemyślał ten iluzjonistyczny pomysł, by obraz wyglądał jak rzeźba; w tym dziele dał przekonywującą malarską iluzję trójwymiarowości, chciał stworzyć „wyrzeźbiony” obraz, co mu się w pełni udało. Zurbarán najbardziej rozwinął styl rzeźbiarski w malarstwie; to dzieło dowodzi jego niebywałej pomysłowości i bogactwa inwencji twórczej157. Bliski podobnej iluzyjności jest obraz Velázqueza, namalowany z niebywałym mistrzostwem obrazowania anatomii ludzkiej, tym większym, że nie eksponującym technicznej biegłości jako naczelnego waloru dzieła158. Wizerunek jest oczywistą idealizacją, służącą wzbudzeniu zaprogramowanych przeżyć estetycznych i religijnych, ale musiał być tworzony z autentycznym uduchowieniem, przelanym na płótno w sposób, którego nie odda żadna werbalizacja. Przychodzi na myśl cierpka refleksja Ludwiga Wittgensteina: „Wątpię, iżby uwagi Goethego o cechach barw przydały się malarzowi. Może z trudem dekoratorowi”159. Ukrzyżowanie Velázqueza emanuje niepowtarzalną energią ciepła i dobra, którą Bóg obdarza wiernych. Spośród wszystkich przykładów, tylko na tym obrazie głowę Chrystusa otacza świetlisty nimb. Ów delikatny blask nadaje wizerunkowi aurę tajemnicy mistycznego żaru, przypominając o boskiej nieśmiertelności, ukrytej w martwym ciele Ukrzyżowanego. Wyjątkowym, wręcz niepowtarzalnym, zabiegiem artysty jest przedstawienie tylko lewej strony twarzy Chrystusa, prawej zaś zakrycie długim pasmem włosów. Potęguje to wrażenie obcowania z niepojętą, głęboko intymną tajemnicą, przenikającą oblicze pogrążone bardziej we śnie niż martwocie. Ukrzyżowanie Velázqueza otoczone jest aurą legend, niedopowiedzeń i sprzecznych teorii na temat okoliczności powstania. Jedne powiadają o zamówieniu złożonym przez jego protektora, króla Hiszpanii Filipa IV Habsburga, u którego artysta pełnił zaszczytną funkcję malarza nadwornego. Inne sugerują ekspiacyjny charakter obrazu, łącząc go z głośnym zdarzeniem rzekomej profanacji krzyża przez Żydów portugalskich w 1632 roku. Istnieją także inne przypuszczenia, ale nie są tu dla nas istotne. Ważny jest natomiast ogromny wpływ, jaki obraz wywarł na niezliczonych naśladowców, replikujących jego wzorzec, a tym samym upowszechniających wizerunek „Chrystusa Samotnego”. Pozostaje dodać kilka słów o Ukrzyżowaniu Francisco Pacheco. Niewątpliwie ani zawarte w nim studium anatomii, ani też ogólny poziom artystyczny nie dorównują opisanym wcześniej dziełom, choć różnica nie jest duża. Nie to jest jednak najważniejsze. Obraz ten z założenia miał pełnić funkcję instruktażowego wzorca dla innych artystów i tak właśnie należy go odczytywać. Przede wszystkim zwraca uwagę niemal całkowita rezygnacja artysty z obrazowania śladów męki i widoku krwi. Wyjątkiem jest rana w boku Chrystusa, z której strużka krwi wpływa pod perizonium, by niżej zastygnąć na prawym udzie. Fragment ten 157 158 159 T. Grzybkowska, Malowane figury i rzeźbiarskie obrazy. Hiszpański triumf potrydenckiej dewocji, [w:] Sztuka po Trydencie, s. 157–158. Korzystam z następujących publikacji: A. Rodríguez de Ceballos, El Cristo Crucificado de Velásquez: transfondo histórico-religioso, „Archivo Español de Arte” 2004, t. 77, s. 5–19; L. Rodríguez Peinado, La crucifixión, „Revista Didital de Iconografía” 2010, t. 2, nr 4, s. 29–40; El Siglo del Oro. The Age of Velasquez, Berlin-München 2016. L. Wittgenstein, Uwagi o barwach, przeł. B. Baran, Warszawa 2014, s. 57. Johann Wolfgang Goethe jest autorem wydanej w 1810 r. Teorii kolorów – fundamentalnego dzieła z tego zakresu w nowożytnym piśmiennictwie naukowym. �66 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich ma jednak znaczenie przede wszystkim umowne. Odzwierciedla dyskretną, czytelną tylko dla bardziej wytrawnych teologów, symbolikę pierwszej i ostatniej rany (obrzezania i przebicia boku), którą omawia Steinberg: „W tym wypadku tor krwi ma znaczenie figuratywne: pierwsza i ostatnia rana łączą się ze sobą, a «graf» męki Chrystusa, która trwała przez całe jego życie, zostaje naniesiony na mapę jego ciała”160. Badacz ten podkreśla jednak, że motyw ten funkcjonował wyraźnie tylko w XVI w. Zarówno wtedy, jak i później kopiowany był przez niezliczonych artystów, niekoniecznie świadomych tak wyrafinowanej symboliki. Pacheco jednak należał do elity teoretyków sztuki sakralnej, więc w przypadku jego dzieła zachodzi duże prawdopodobieństwo nieprzypadkowości tego motywu, tym bardziej, że eliminując niemal całkowicie krew z ciała Chrystusa, nawet z ran rąk i nóg, mógł i tutaj jej nie pokazać. Tak jednak nie postąpił, kierując się najpewniej intencją wyrażenia wzmiankowanej symboliki, tym bardziej, że strugę krwi przedłużył w opisany sposób, charakterystyczny dla tego szczególnego motywu. Reszta ciała pozbawiona jest jakichkolwiek śladów męki, nawet dyskretnie zaznaczonych. Ciało jest czyste, jakby nietknięte konwulsjami bólu, nie zwisające, lecz raczej stojące o własnych siłach na wygodnym podnóżku (suppedaneum). Zgodnie z dyrektywą dla malarzy, jaką zawarł w swym dziele, odmalował stopy Chrystusa przebite dwoma gwoździami, a nie tylko jednym. Jak wszystko w scenie Ukrzyżowania, również i ten szczegół był przedmiotem polemik teologicznych i podlegał zmianom kanonów przedstawień artystycznych161. Obraz Pacheco jest do bólu apolliński i, można rzec, „klasycystyczny”, o ile zapożyczenie to ograniczymy do metafory. Zapewne wbrew intencjom artysty, sprawia wrażenie dość beznamiętnego modelu – takiego, którego wszelkie kopie, nawet artystycznie słabsze, muszą przewyższyć sensualizmem, równoważąc przerost dogmatyzmu. Zachwianie tej równowagi zaobserwować można było już we współczesnej Pacheco Hiszpanii. Jednak prawdziwą otchłań między tym dogmatyzmem a nowym wzorcem „Chrystusa Samotnego” wyznaczył bezkres Oceanu Atlantyckiego. Tam, w Nowym Świecie, Señor de la Soledad zaistniał w zupełnie odmiennej rzeczywistości kulturowej – w tysiącach wcieleń i tylko jednym pod tą nazwą, a jego program ikonograficzny włączony został w zupełnie nową strukturę kosmowizji. 160 161 L. Steinberg, op. cit., s. 183. Zob. S. Kobielus, Krzyż Chrystusa…, s. 93–101. �CZĘŚĆ II Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” ��Kilka uwag o „wielkiej opowieści” w Andach Dla rozległych obszarów północnej części Andów Peruwiańskich obejmujących w przybliżeniu prowincję Ancash, Chrystus Señor de la Soledad w Huaráz jest tym, kim dla Limy Señor de los Milagros, dla Meksyku Matka Boska z Guadelupe, a dla Polski – Matka Boska Częstochowska. Takich porównań można by przytaczać więcej, akcentując wspólny wymiar kultu właściwy wielkim wizerunkom, skupiającym wokół siebie setki tysięcy, a najczęściej miliony wiernych. Jednakże poza tym, co je łączy, stanowiąc przedmiot syntez religioznawców, każdy z nich jawi się w splendorze własnej legendy i niepowtarzalności. W rozważaniach chętnie posługujemy się metaforą axis mundi, rozpoznając w świętych wizerunkach rodzaj osi, będącej odniesieniem dla ogromnego bogactwa zjawisk, w mniejszym lub większym stopniu dotyczących całokształtu miejscowej kultury. Wizerunek pełniący funkcję axis mundi to centrum tożsamości kulturowej, wpływające, jak w gigantycznym krwioobiegu, zarówno na najważniejsze organy, jak i na dalsze zakątki społecznego ciała. Nie zamierzam streszczać rozważań klasyków, z Eliadem na czele, by raz jeszcze powtarzać tezy o „środku świata” czy „górze kosmicznej”, choć obu tych metafor, a zwłaszcza drugiej, nie da się w Andach uniknąć. Koncepcje te są na tyle rudymentarne w refleksji antropologicznej, że wręcz aksjomatyczne. Nie oznacza to jednak, że korzystając z nich, można sobie pozwolić na bezrefleksyjność. W badanym wycinku kultury ciekawsze i bardziej owocne bywa dostrzeżenie regionalnych niuansów, a tym bardziej odchyleń od założonego modelu niż jego kolejne, uogólnione potwierdzenie. Wizerunek Chrystusa Señora de la Soledad w Huaráz stanowi przykład fenomenu kulturowego poddającego się opisowi według klasycznych modeli badawczych wypracowanych w dyskursie etnologiczno-religioznawczym, ale zatrzymanie się na tym poziomie refleksji przyniosłoby znikomą wartość naukową. Dopiero uwzględnienie warstwy szczegółów, ujętych we właściwe ramy kontekstualne, może nadać pracy istotny walor poznawczy. Dla badacza z Europy jest to wyzwanie, gdyż takie badania wymagają cierpliwości i pokory, a także zdystansowania i ostrożności. Właściwa klasyfikacja tekstów kultury bywa dla kogoś takiego trudniejsza niż dla naukowca peruwiańskiego. Z drugiej strony, jest to szansa, ponieważ europejski badacz ma szerszą perspektywę i doświadczenia wyniesione z badań nad własną kulturą. Tych kilka oczywistych uwag to efekt refleksji nad materiałem tekstów naukowych i popularnych autorstwa zarówno Peruwiańczyków, jak i badaczy z zewnątrz, a także nad materiałem, który sama zebrałam. Utwierdziłam się w przekonaniu, że nie należy nadmiernie przywiązywać się do określonej metody ani wizji porządkującej rzeczywistość, tylko czerpać z nich z umiarem, pozwalając na stopniowe wyłanianie się nowej jakości, nie zdeterminowanej żadną z nich. Efekt końcowy może być różny, ale przynajmniej nie sztampowy. Moim zamierzeniem jest, by opowieść o Señorze de la Soledad, choć daleka od pełnej i wszechstronnej monografii, łączyła w sobie nurt zarówno „wielkich”, jak i „małych” opowieści w znaczeniu przyjętym przez polskie badaczki świętych wizerunków i religijności �70 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich ludowej (przywoływaną już wcześniej Tokarską-Bakir oraz Annę Niedźwiedź1. „Podczas gdy w tzw. wielkiej opowieści z obrazem wiąże się znaczenia dziejowe, ogólnoludzkie czy narodowe, tak w małej opowieści prywatnej cuda dokonują się w najbliższym otoczeniu człowieka i w sposób bezpośredni dotyczą jego osobistego życia”2 – streszcza istotę rozróżnienia Niedźwiedź. Charakterystykę tę mutatis mutandis można zzastosować nie do „obrazu-postaci”, lecz w tym wypadku do „rzeźby-postaci” – Chrystusa Señora de la Soledad. „Z koniecznymi zmianami”, ponieważ specyfika kulturowa andyjskiego Peru obu „opowieściom”, a zwłaszcza „małym”, nadaje niepowtarzalny kształt, uniemożliwiając proste przełożenie europejskich wzorców. Znacząco upraszczając tę międzykultorową różnicę, należy przede wszystkim podkreślić elementarne znaczenie nałożenia się gmachu chrześcijaństwa na potężny fundament tradycyjnej kosmowizji andyjskiej, kształtującej się przez tysiąclecia. Pozostając przy metaforyce architektonicznej, styl i decorum nowej świątyni stały się inne, ale jej gmach nadbudowano na trwałych podwalinach rodzimej mentalności religijnej, więc powtarza pierwotny plan budowli. Dziedzictwo niezliczonych pokoleń, zawarte przede wszystkim w języku, jego pojęciach i kategoriach modelujących widzenie świata, ale obecne też w złożonym systemie wiedzy, przekonań i zachowań kulturowych, wyklucza możliwość duchowej i mentalnościowej transformacji mieszkańca Andów w konstrukt człowieka skrojonego według obcych wzorców. Warstwa narzuconej kultury nakłada się na podłoże rodzime i obie w dużym stopniu funkcjonują autonomicznie, gdyż ich pełne zespolenie nie jest możliwe z przyczyn strukturalnej niekompatybilności. To, co nowe, interpretowane jest przez pryzmat kategorii i pojęć rodzimych. Posiłkując się żartobliwym, ale obrazowym porównaniem, można powiedzieć, że synkretyczne teksty kultury andyjskiej w znacznej części współtworzone są przez elementy „wstrząśnięte, ale nie zmieszane”. W ten sposób modelowane są zarówno „wielka”, jak i „małe” opowieści. Istnieje jeszcze jeden czynnik, który, chcąc nie chcąc, wypada odnotować. Jest nim nieprzekraczalna bariera obcości kulturowej, oddzielająca badacza gringo od indiańskiej społeczności, choćby zyskał jej sympatię i poważanie, a nawet związał się z nią, jak ja, symbolicznymi więzami pokrewieństwa. Powoduje ona reakcje ograniczania i autocenzurowania informacji przez respondentów, rzadziej motywowane niechęcią do przybysza z zewnątrz, a częściej – innymi przesłankami psychologicznymi. Barierą jest także subiektywizm badacza – jego wiedza, stopień zaangażowania i przyjęta metodologia, przetwarzające badaną rzeczywistość w dyskursywny konstrukt w ramach tego subiektywizmu3. W efekcie satysfakcja przeplata się z poczuciem 1 2 3 A. Niedźwiedź, Obraz i postać. Znaczenia wizerunku Matki Boskiej Częstochowskiej, Kraków 2005. Ibidem, s. 261. W dużym stopniu, choć nie do końca, zgadzam się autooceną uprawiania etnologii, wyrażoną przez Tarzycjusza Bulińskiego we wprowadzeniu do jego ważnej książki Szkoła w amazońskiej puszczy. Formy i znaczenia edukacji w społecznościach tubylczych na przykładzie Indian E’ñepá z Wenezueli (Gdańsk 2018). Autor pisze w niej: „Moja zaś opowieść dotyczy mojego doświadczenia i moich prób jego zrozumienia. Nic więcej. Spróbuję przekonać czytelnika, że moje rozumienie roli i znaczenia szkoły wśród Indian jest wiarygodne i może być użyteczne. […] wcale nie konstruuję opisu, lecz tak naprawdę przedstawiam moją interpretację przeżytej przeze mnie sytuacji […]. Przedstawiam Czytelnikowi wydarzenie ujęte z mojej perspektywy, według własnego sposobu jego rozumienia i odczuwania będących moim udziałem w tamtym momencie […]. Obie te rzeczy są moimi konstrukcjami i nie odzwierciedlają rzeczywistości. […] Dlatego też będę się starał podkreślać prowizoryczność faktów etnograficznych i ukazywać je jako moje konstrukty tekstowe i poznawcze” (s. 10). Zwróciłam uwagę na ten fragment, gdyż stanowi on dobrą wykładnię autoetnograficznej perspektywy badawczej, która jest mi bliska, choć nie w aż tak ortodoksyjnej formie. Zgadzam się, że opis �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 71 niedosytu, ale jest ono bezpiecznikiem chroniącym przed zakusami nadmiernego dogmatyzmu. Konkluzja taka powinna zamykać tę pracę, ale uznałam, że będzie właściwa w tym miejscu. Moje dotychczasowe badania nad Señorem de la Soledad przybliżają zaledwie część złożonej rzeczywistości kulturowej osnutej wokół tego wizerunku, ale nawet ona tworzy względnie spójny obraz, otwierając przestrzenie dalszych, potencjalnych poszukiwań. Dolina Hatun Mayu – panorama przedhiszpańska Nie sposób zrozumieć istoty kultu Señora de la Soledad, jak i wielu szczegółów z nim związanych, bez znajomości podłoża kulturowego, na którym kult ten zaistniał. Osadzenie wizerunku na gruncie miejscowych tradycji, w niepowtarzalnym środowisku geograficznym, w krótkim czasie – kilku, może kilkunastu pokoleń – ukształtowało jego daleką od kanonicznej tożsamość ontologiczną, dowodząc ogromnej żywotności andyjskich struktur mitologicznych i ich możliwości akomodacyjnych w warunkach destrukcji rodzimych instytucji i obiektów kultu. Nie umniejszając wagi symbolicznego i etyczno-moralnego wkładu chrześcijaństwa, skłaniam się ku opinii, że w przypadku omawianego wizerunku bardziej istotna jest inkulturacja duchowości i treści andyjskich przez elementy „wstrząśnięte, ale nie zmieszane” niż odwrotnie. Oczywiście brakuje miary, która wykazałaby proporcje wzajemnych wpływów, więc to intuicyjne przekonanie służy wyłącznie zwróceniu uwagi na mniej spektakularne, lecz być może ważniejsze aspekty kultu, ukryte tuż pod powierzchnią tego, co zmysłowe. Praca etnologiczna nie jest w stanie opisać Chrystusa Señora de la Soledad bez nieustannego odwoływania się do andyjskich tradycji przedhiszpańskich. Problematyczności opisu, z założenia, nieświadomie lub z braku wiedzy pomijającego lub marginalizującego te tradycje, dowodzą niektóre publikacje o ambicjach naukowych, powstałe w środowisku historyków Kościoła katolickiego, dość często ignorujące etnograficzne aspekty religijności popularnej4. Szczęśliwie nurt najważniejszych badań etnologiczno-religioznawczych w Peru współtworzą również wielkie nazwiska uczonych-księży, takich jak Manuel María Marzal SJ czy, bardziej znany w regionie Ancash, Alberto Gridilla OFM. W tym kontekście wypada wspomnieć, że wśród jezuitów w Peru, Boliwii i Chile jest licząca się grupa teologów, będących zwolennikami uznania rytu andyjskiego w katolicyzmie za autonomiczny i równoprawny5. 4 5 etnologiczny jest zawsze subiektywnym konstruktem i nie odzwierciedla rzeczywistości, ale tzw. „obiektywna rzeczywistość” jest także konstruktem, choć niepomiernie bardziej złożonym. Mimo wszystko, łącząc przekonanie o istnieniu głębszych struktur kultury z wiarą w doniosłość tego, co tworzy jej zewnętrzne bogactwo, żywię nadzieję, że efekt moich badań przyniesie rezultat choć trochę bardziej uniwersalny, niż moja własna subiektywność. Przykładem publikacji uznawanej w środowisku kościelnym prowincji Ancash za sztandarową, za swoistą biblię dziejów katolicyzmu w tej części Andów, jest 800-stronicawa praca zbiorowa: Diócesis de Huaráz. Cien años de vida diocesana, 15 de mayo 1899–1999, Lima 1999. Niewątpliwie jest to wydawnictwo cenne, obfitujące w tysiące danych, choć nie wszystkim można zaufać, co wybiórczo stwierdziłam, weryfikując część informacji według bardziej precyzyjnych źródeł. Wiele do życzenia pozostawia kwestia dokumentowania zawartych tam treści, co wielokrotnie nie pozwala rozstrzygnąć, czy informacja jest faktem, czy opinią piszącego. Natomiast tematyka religijności ludowej i związków miejscowego kultu chrześcijańskiego z tradycjami andyjskimi jest w zasadzie nieobecna, sprowadzona do marginalnie wzmiankowanych legend. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 401. �72 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Bliskie mi jest podejście Lévi-Straussa, który napisał: „Etnolog żywi szacunek do historii, lecz nie przypisuje jej wartości uprzywilejowanej. Uważa ją za kierunek badań dopełniający badania etnologii”6. W niniejszym, zaledwie szkicowym wprowadzeniu do historii Chrystusa Señora de la Soledad w Huaráz nie zamierzam streszczać dziejów tej części Andów, historii osadnictwa i życia w dolinie rzeki Hatun Mayu (obecnie Río Santa) na przestrzeni kilkunastu tysięcy lat. Z bogatej przeszłości, zapoczątkowanej w nieodległej od Huaráz jaskini Guitarrero7 [fot. 1], z obszernego materiału, będącego plonem pracy archeologów, wybieram tylko te informacje, które bezpośrednio odnoszą się do kultur istniejących w dolinie świętej rzeki Hatun Mayo w okresie tzw. Horyzontu Wczesnego (Horizonte Temprano, od ok. 1000 r. p.n.e. do ok. 200 r. p.n.e.) i Wczesnego Okresu Przejściowego (Período Intermedio Temprano, od ok. 200 r. p.n.e. do ok. 500 r. n.e.), a także następujących po nich: Horyzontu Środkowego (Horizonte Medio, od ok. 500 r. n.e. do ok. 1000 r. n.e.), Późnego Okresu Przejściowego (Período Intermedio Tardío, od ok. 1000 r. n.e. do ok. 1400 r. n.e.) oraz Horyzontu Późnego (Horizonte Tardío, od ok. 1400 r. n.e. do ok. 1533 r., czyli do przybycia pierwszych Hiszpanów)8. W okresie tym, obejmującym w przybliżeniu 2500 lat, na obszarze Callejón de Huaylas rozwijała się słabo rozpoznana kultura Huarás, która zanikła około pierwszego stulecia naszej ery. Słabo rozpoznana nie znaczy jednak mało znacząca. Wręcz przeciwnie, pozostawiła po sobie imponującą spuściznę budowli kamiennych, w tym monumentalnych, takich jak Wilcahuain koło Huaráz [fot. 2], Wayllac [fot. 3], Tumshucaico9 [fot. 4] oraz wiele podobnych, rozsianych na stokach doliny Río Santa. Najważniejszą z nich, którą osobno omówię, jest Pumacayan i znajduje się obecnie w obrębie Huaráz. Większość doliny Río Santa, zwłaszcza w rejonie górnego biegu rzeki, to zasięg kultury Recuay, której eponimiczne miasteczko, położone około 30 km na południe od Huaráz, wyznacza umowne centrum jej obszaru. Przyjmuje się, że kultura ta rozwijała się w okresie od około I do VIII w., pozostając w związkach ze znaną z olśniewającej ceramiki kulturą Moche (obszar większości wybrzeża północnego Peru) i oddziałując na doliny biegnące z pasma Cordillera Negra na zachód, ku wybrzeżom Pacyfiku. Wymieniając suche nazwy i periodyzacje, czynię to jedynie z konieczności umiejscowienia omawianego okresu w przyjętych w nauce kontekstach historyczno-kulturowych10. Mam wszakże świadomość ich daleko posuniętej umowności i tak 6 7 8 9 10 C. Lévi-Strauss, Myśl nieoswojona, przeł. A. Zajączkowski, Warszawa 1969, s. 384. Najstarsze ślady człowieka w jaskini Guitarrero datowane są na okres schyłkowego plejstocenu. Z tego okresu pochodzi fragment znalezionego tam kosza, datowany metodą radiowęglową na ok. 10400 lat p.n.e., ale fakt znajomości przez ówczesnych ludzi technik plecenia koszy świadczy o jeszcze dawniejszych dziejach człowieka na tym terenie. W głębokich nawarstwieniach jaskini odkryto rośliny jadalne, takie jak papryczka ají (Capsicum chinense) czy fasola zwyczajna (Phaseolus vulgaris), należące do najstarszych roślin hodowanych w Ameryce Południowej i Mezoameryce. Odnaleziono tam również fragmenty tkanin. Zob. J. Szykulski, Starożytne Peru, Wrocław 2010, s. 70, 86. Zob. też T.F. Lynch, Guitarrero Cave. Early man in the Andes, New York-London-Toronto-Sydney-San Francisco 1980. Przedstawiony podział opiera się na powszechnie przyjętej w archeologii peruwiańskiej periodyzacji Johna Rowe’a z początku lat 60. XX w. Józef Szykulski (op. cit., s. 43) zwraca jednak uwagę, że nie jest ona uniwersalna dla całego Peru i w różnych rejonach mogą istnieć od niej znaczne odchylenia czasowe. Dotyczy to również omawianego obszaru, obejmującego w przybliżeniu region Ancash, a zwłaszcza dolinę Río Santa. H. de la Cruz Reyes, Historia regional prehispanica de Ancash, Lambayeque [s.a.], s. 48–50. Obszerne dane archeologiczne na temat regionu Ancash zawarte są m.in. w pracy zbiorowej: Arqueologia de la sierra de Ancash. Propuesta y perspectivas, red. B. Ibarra Asencios,, Lima 2004. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 73 naprawdę – pośredniej tylko przydatności dla opisu etnologicznego. Należy pamiętać, że powszechnie stosowana periodyzacja Johna Rowe’a to podział tzw. epoki ceramicznej, oparty przede wszystkim na typach wytwarzanej ceramiki jako najlepszych wyznacznikach kontekstów kulturowych. Natomiast to, co nas szczególnie interesuje, to znaczy infrastruktura kultowa, rozwijała się wedle innych reguł i podlegała odmiennym porządkom. Zespół budowli kultowych, rozsianych w dolinie Río Santa, identyfikowany jest z fazą poprzedzającą cywilizację Huari (Wari) oraz z okresem jej oddziaływania od VII do IX w. Cywilizacja ta, poznana znacznie słabiej niż późniejsza Inków, stopniowo objęła olbrzymi obszar niemal od jeziora Titicaca aż po północne krańce andyjskiego Peru wraz z terenami Callejon de Huaylas. Jednakże na zdominowanym przez nią obszarze rozwijały się i przemijały liczne pomniejsze struktury społeczno-administracyjne, z których część – z braku lepszego słowa – można nazwać regionalnymi „państwami” i „państewkami”, podporządkowanymi administracji Huari. Struktury te z kolei należy oddzielić od „kultur”, takich jak bliska nam Recuay, gdyż definiowanie ich przebiega według innych kryteriów. Cywilizacja Huari-Tiahuanaco, a wcześniej Chavin, w zauważalny sposób zjednoczyła religijnie Andy Peruwiańskie. Dla naszych celów ważne jest, by rekonstruowane podłoże kulturowe obejmowało elementy istotne dla odtworzenia przybliżonego kształtu religijności andyjskiej w dolinie Río Santa, ta zaś nie stanowiła wytworu ludów zamkniętych w enklawie otoczonej górami, lecz, przeciwnie, podlegała historycznym wpływom i przekształceniom. Obszar ten, pomimo wysokogórskiego położenia, zawsze utrzymywał ożywione kontakty gospodarcze i kulturalne z sąsiadami ze wszystkich stron. Sprzyjała temu ukształtowana od tysiącleci sieć dróg, biegnących dolinami andyjskimi, przez wysokie przełęcze Białej i Czarnej Kordyliery, a także wzdłuż samej doliny. Drogi te znacząco udoskonalono w okresie dominacji Huari, a jeszcze bardziej po konkwiście Inków11. Cywilizacja inkaska objęła obszar Callejon de Huaylas dopiero w XV wieku, po okresie zmagań militarnych z wojowniczymi ludami tej części Andów12. W końcu Inkom udało się narzucić swoją władzę i administrację drogą zawiązywania koneksji małżeńskich13. Inka Huayna Cápac wziął za żony dwie córki potężnych kuraków14, władających Hanan 11 12 13 14 J. Hyslop, Qhapaqñan. El sistema vial incaico, trad. Eduardo Arias, Lima 1992. Dokładniej na temat dróg w Callejon de Huayllas, zob. El Quapaq Ñan en la ruta del Chinchaysuyu entre Pumpu-Pallasca. Reconocimiento y registro del enterno territorial del Qhapaq Ñan, (Volumen VIII), Lima 2009, s. 27–65. Najdokładniejszym obecnie wydawnictwem na temat dróg inkaskich, zawierającym szereg danych uzyskanych już po edycji klasycznej dla tematu publikacji Johna Hyslopa, jest: Guía de identificatión y registro del Qhapaq Ñan, Lima 2013, wydane przez Ministerstwo Kultury Peru. Podjęty w 2001 r. przez władze Peru międzynarodowy projekt Qhapaq Ñan, poświęcony badaniom i konserwacji starożytnej infrastruktury dróg andyjskich, został szczegółowo omówiony w pracy: M. Kania, Projekt Qhapaq Ñan. Wyzwania nowego modelu polityki wobec dziedzictwa kulturowego ludów tubylczych, Kraków 2019. Zob. F. Carranza Romero, El mundo da vueltas. La vida de los quechuas narrada por un quechua, Trujillo 2006. C.A. Alba Herrera, Huaylas en la historia, Caraz 2009, s. 57–60. Zob. też E. Serrudo Torobeo, Sistema vial y asentamientos Inca en la provincia de Huari, [w:] Arqueologia de la sierra de Ancash, s. 429–444. Kuraka – naczelnik wsi lub większych, ponadwioskowych struktur. W czasach przedhiszpańskich mogły to być olbrzymie obszary terytorialne liczące dziesiątki, a nawet setki wiosek i osad (curacazgo). Kuraka to dosłownie starosta, od rdzenia kura- „być starszym”. Hiszpanie nazywali kurakami całą hierarchię andyjskich władców, od naczelnika wioski (sołtysa) po władcę królestwa. W literaturze naukowej stosuje się synonimiczne określenie „kacyk” (cacique), ale jest to zapożyczenie spoza kultury andyjskiej. Wywodzi się z języka Tainów, zostało przeniesione przez Hiszpanów z basenu Morza Karaibskiego (Haiti) �74 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Huaylas (Górnym Huaylas) i Hurin Huaylas (Dolnym Huaylas), włączając w ten sposób całą dolinę Hatun Mayu w granice imperium Tawantin Suyu. Przyjęcie zwierzchności Inków było równoznaczne z akceptacją nadrzędnej roli inkaskiego centrum teokratycznego i uznaniu Słońca za naczelnego boga, a Inki za jego ziemską inkarnację. Badacze są zgodni, że w obszarze ideologii i praktyk religijnych nie był to proces rujnujący dotychczasowy porządek. Po pierwsze dlatego, że religie Inków i ludów zamieszkujących dolinę Hatun Mayu miały niewątpliwie wspólną, panandyjską strukturę, po drugie zaś – z powodu liberalnego podejścia zdobywców do wierzeń i bogów podbijanych ludów. Od swoich wasali wymagali jedynie przyjęcia kultu Słońca jako bóstwa naczelnego, co mieściło się w oczywistej logice utożsamienia z nim naczelnego władcy – Inki. Uznanie jego panowania automatycznie musiało się łączyć z przyjęciem kultu Słońca, gdyż w inkaskiej koncepcji politologicznej oba te byty stanowiły nierozdzielną całość. Jeśli zaś chodzi o panteon miejscowych bóstw, to Inkowie często uznawali je za własne, darząc kultem i poważaniem. Normą postępowania było ustanawianie związków „rodzinnych” z wak’ami podbitych ludów15. Szemiński i Ziółkowski przypominają, że „kosmowizja andyjska dawała możliwość inkorporacji obcych bóstw (wak’a) i oddawania im kultu nawet przez samych władców Imperium”, a „religia inkaska była otwarta na nowe kulty i umiała je włączać w hierarchię kultów praktykowanych”16. Już sam fakt pojęcia za żony córek kuraków Dolnego i Górnego Huaylas był tożsamy z włączeniem najważniejszych wak’as na tych terenach w system obiektów kultu honorowanych przez Inkę i jego reprezentantów na tym terenie. Pod koniec 1460 roku, gdy górskie obszary dzisiejszej prowincji Ancash stały się już częścią Imperium Tawantin Suyu, nastąpiła rozbudowa infrastruktury dróg oraz związanych z nimi strażnic i magazynów (tambo) [fot. 5]. Inkowie udoskonalili technikę budowy dróg i mostów linowych przerzucanych nad głębokimi korytami górskich rzek [fot. 6], co sprzyjało rozwojowi handlu i włączało obszar w system militarny państwa, umożliwiając przemieszczanie się dużych oddziałów wojska, a także chaski – posłańców-biegaczy, kurierów zapewniających nadzwyczaj szybki przekaz informacji na terenie całego Imperium. Dwie słynne drogi biegnące ze stolicy w Cuzco na północ aż do prowincji Quito, każda liczyła około 2000 km, wytyczono i poprowadzono wzdłuż wybrzeża oraz przez góry za życia dwóch tylko władców inkaskich – Tupay Inki Yupanki i jego syna Huayna Cápaca. Szerokie na około trzy metry, umocnione murami kamiennymi, przewijające się setkami kilometrów przez urwiska i przełęcze andyjskie – były cudem techniki dokonanym dzięki trudnym do wyobrażenia wysiłkom Indian. Bezgraniczne zdumienie Hiszpanów podziwiających inkaskie drogi i mosty odzwierciedlają liczne zapisy w XVI-wiecznych relacjach i kronikach, m.in. Francisco Pizarro (1533), Pedro Cieza de Leóna (1533), Miguela de Estete (1535), Juana Botero Benesa (1577), Gutiérreza de Santa Clara (1599) czy Augustína de Çárate (1555). Inca Garcilasso de la Vega (1609), przytaczając fragmenty kilku takich relacji, cytuje ostatniego z wymienionych, który powiada, iż „dzieło to bez porównania przewyższa dzieła egipskie i budowle 15 16 i upowszechnione na terenie całej hiszpańskiej Ameryki. Zob. L. Arana Bustamante, Sin malicia ninguna… Transformación indígena colonial y estrategias sociales y culturales en un kuraka ilegítimo (Huaylas, 1647–48), Lima 2010. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op.cit., s. 128. Ibidem, s. 310, 399. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 75 rzymskie”17. Należy pamiętać, że obok dwóch głównych dróg Imperium Tawantin Suyu pokrywała sieć tysięcy kilometrów innych, pomniejszych szlaków, z których wiele w znakomitym stanie zachowało się do dziś, szczególnie na obszarze Andów [fot. 7]. Doliną wzdłuż rzeki Hatun Mayu prowadziła jedna z ważniejszych dróg, istniejąca tam od tysiącleci. Jej boczne odgałęzienia wspinały się na przełęcze Białych i Czarnych Kordylierów, łącząc stukilometrową dolinę z obszarami po wschodniej stronie głównego grzbietu Andów oraz z pasem nadoceanicznej costy. Drogi były cały czas utrzymywane w bardzo dobrym stanie, obowiązkowo naprawiane po każdej porze deszczowej przez Indian z okolicznych wiosek, przydzielonych do poszczególnych odcinków. Dolina i stoki obu pasm Kordylieró, a zwłaszcza Kordyliery Białej, stanowiły żyzne obszary wielopiętrowych upraw. Olbrzymia dolina charakteryzuje się występowaniem kilku stref klimatycznych, od najniższych i najcieplejszych wzdłuż rzeki Santa, położonych od około 2800 do 3500 m n.p.m aż do sięgającej 4900–5000 m n.p.m. trawiastej i bezdrzewnej puny18. W poszczególnych strefach uprawiano odmienne gatunki roślin jadalnych, ale nie powodowało to monopolizowania upraw przez społeczności wiosek leżących na różnych wysokościach. W Andach charakterystyczną cechą własności jest tzw. „nieciągłość terytorialna”, polegająca na tym, że rodzina lub większa wspólnota posiada poletka rozproszone w kilku strefach wysokościowych, na których zbiera plony różnych roślin. Według niemieckiego antropologa, gdańszczanina Jürgena Golte, fakt uprawiania poletek na różnych wysokościach wiązał się z niemożliwością utrzymania rodziny ze zbiorów pochodzących z jednej tylko strefy. Amerykański antropolog John V. Murra określił tę formę użytkowania ziemi mianem „archipelagów pionowych” (archipélago vertical), poświęcając im osobne studia19. W czasach przedhiszpańskich w Andach uprawiano fasolę, wiele gatunków kukurydzy, pomidory, rośliny bulwiaste (ziemniaki, oca, yuca i in.), dyniowate i quinua20. Hodowano lamy i alpaki, pierwsze z nich używając jako zwierzęta juczne. Przysmakiem spożywanym od święta były kaczki i świnki morskie (kawie domowe)21. Szemiński i Ziółkowski tak piszą na temat stref klimatycznych: Terytoria grup andyjskich wskutek konieczności uprawy ziem na różnych wysokościach i w rozmaitych klimatach, aby zapewnić sobie minimum wyżywienia, były nieciągłe albo, mówiąc dokładniej: otoczone zawsze wieńcem enklaw, odległych czasem o wiele dni drogi, 17 18 19 20 21 I.G. de la Vega, Część pierwsza uwag prawdziwych o Inkach, byłych królach Peru, przeł. i komentarzami opatrzył J. Szemiński, Warszawa 2017, s. 519. Autor ten opisuje też szczegółowo konstrukcję mostów linowych, zob. s. 170–171. Na temat stref wysokościowych w Andach zob. J. Szykulski, op. cit., s. 22–26. L.V. Murra, El Mundo Andino; población, medio ambiente y economía, Lima 2004, s. 83–142. Reprezentatywną dla stanu aktualnej wiedzy na temat historii rolnictwa w Andach jest obszerna publikacja: Comprender la agricultura campesina en los Andes centrales (Perú – Bolivia), P. Morlon (compilador y coordinador), trad. al castellano E. Rivera Martínez, Lima-Cuzco 1996. Godnym polecenia kompendium wiedzy o roślinach jadalnych w Ameryce Południowej w okresie przedhiszpańskim jest praca: A.M. Fernández Honores, E.F. Rodríguez Rodríguez, Etnobotánica del Perú pre-hispanico, Trujillo 2007. Zob. też: D.M. Pearsall, Plant Domestication and the Shift to Agricukture in the Andes, [w:] The Handbook of South American Archeology, H. Silverman, W.H. Isbell (eds.), New York 2008, s. 105–120. Na temat udomowienia zwierząt w Andach i ich hodowli w czasach przedhiszpańskich, zob. D. Lavallée, La domestication animale en Amerique du Sud, „Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Études Andines” 1990, vol. 19, nr 1, s. 25–44; P.W. Stahl, Animal Domestication in South America, [w:] The Handbook of South American Archeology, H. Silverman, W.H. Isbell (eds.), New York 2008, s. 121–130. �76 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich które dostarczały grupie potrzebnych jej dóbr, to jest produktów niewystępujących na centralnym terytorium grupy, tym mianowicie, gdzie znajdował się jej ośrodek ceremonialny, llaqta [podkr. E.J.]22. Sytuacja „nieciągłości terytorialnej” pozostaje w ścisłym związku z harmonogramem prac rolnych rozpisanych w cyklu rocznym oraz kalendarium tradycyjnych fiest związanych ze zbiorami plonów, których w ciągu roku bywa co najmniej kilka. Nie miejsce tu, by szczegółowo omawiać skomplikowany system powiązanych ze sobą zjawisk kultury, uwarunkowanych „nieciągłością terytorialną”. W zasadzie całokształt życia mieszkańców Andów jest na różne sposoby zdeterminowany istnieniem takiej struktury własności rolnych23. Szkicując obraz kultury doliny Hatun Mayu w okresie poprzedzającym pojawienie się Hiszpanów, nie można nie wspomnieć o fenomenie inżynierii andyjskiej, jakim jest skomplikowana sieć setek kilometrów kanałów nawadniających, warunkujących istnienie upraw, a więc trwanie życia ludzi24. Sztukę budowy kanałów doskonalono od tysiącleci, ale poważny postęp w tej dziedzinie nastąpił w okresie cywilizacji Huari, potem zaś za panowania Inków. Tylko naoczny kontakt ze zdumiewającymi przykładami śmiałych rozwiązań irygacyjnych, często w skrajnie trudnym terenie wysokogórskim, daje wyobrażenie o poziomie sztuki budowy kanałów w Andach. Wiele z nich funkcjonuje od stuleci i w świetnym stanie służy do dziś. Każdego roku – w zależności od regionu w innym czasie – odbywa się jedno z najważniejszych świąt w życiu społeczności andyjskich – święto czyszczenia kanałów (limpieza de acequias)25. W regionie Ancash odbywa się 6 i 7 stycznia26. Biorą w nim udział wszyscy mieszkańcy wiosek: mężczyźni i chłopcy udrażniają kanały, wybierając z nich naniesione kamienie, kobiety wykonują lżejsze prace i przygotowują posiłki, starsze dzieci pomagają przy wybieraniu mniejszych kamieni. Wszystko przy dźwiękach orkiestry, pieśniach i tańcach. Doroczne czyszczenie kanałów staje się aktem cyklicznego powtarzania pierwotnej kosmogonii i re-kreacją społeczno-kulturowego zaistnienia człowieka w naturze27. W łańcuchu niezbędnych uwarunkowań pierwotną wobec szerszych struktur społecznych (ayllu, wioska) jest 22 23 24 25 26 27 J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 105. Drobny przykład z moich doświadczeń świadczy, jak głęboko „nieciągłość terytorialna” oddziałuje na sferę zwyczajowych zachowań. Planując wyprawę do wysoko położonej wioski Llupa, do babci Indianina, u którego mieszkałam na przedmieściach Huaráz, wiedziałam, że powinnam wziąć jakieś produkty spożywcze, gdyż, po pierwsze, jest to mile widziane, a po drugie, wypada się zrewanżować za zwyczajową gościnę obiadem złożonym z zupy, ziemniaków, a nawet cui (świnki morskiej). Chciałam więc kupić na targu porcje wieprzowiny i kurczaka, by ofiarować je babci mojego przyjaciela. Ten jednak odradził mi, sugerując, bym wzięła owoce, gdyż na wysokogórskiej punie mięsa nie brakuje, a owoców nie mają. Zwyczajowo więc nie mięso, tylko owoce bywają przynoszone krewnym zamieszkującym wysoko położone wioski. Zob. P. Kosok, Life, Land and Water in Ancient Peru, New York 1965; I. Farrington, Irrigación prehispánica y establecimientos en la costa norte del Perú, [w:] Tecnología Andina, red. R. Ravines, Lima 1978, s. 117–128. Zob. A. Posern-Zieliński, Kraina Inkarrí. Szkice etnologiczne o Peru, Wrocław 1985, s. 202–203. J.A. Salazar Mejía, Breve historia de Áncash, Huaráz 2019, s. 59. Autor szerzej omawia to święto w regionie Ancash, przytaczając jego regionalne daty i nazwy, jak również informację, że zostało ono uznane przez UNESCO za „Patrimonio Cultural Inmaterial de la Nación”. Szerzej na temat kultu wody, związanych z nim przedmiotów (naczynia rytualne) oraz przekształceń natury (kanały ryte w skałach): R. Carrión Cachot, El culto en agua en antiguo Perú. La paccha, elemento cultural panadino, Lima 2005; P. Gose, Aguas mortífieros y cerros hambrientos. Ritos agrarios y formacion de clases de un pueblo andino, Quito 2004. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 77 rodzina zasiedlająca dom i uprawiająca ziemię. Warunkiem funkcjonowania tej podstawowej komórki społecznej jest możliwość przeżycia i reprodukcji, uzależniona od żywności zbieranej na poletkach. Te zaś trzeba stale nawadniać, ponieważ opadów w Andach spodziewać się można tylko w porze deszczowej. Analiza tekstów mitologicznych dowodzi, że pierwotny akt kreacji przyjmuje symboliczną postać wytyczania i budowy kanału, a nie, jak można by się spodziewać, konstruowania domostwa28. W mitycznej chronologii kanał pojawia się wraz z polem, wcześniej niż dom. Te fragmentaryczne i wybiórcze rysy ważniejszych aspektów życia w przedhiszpańskiej dolinie Hatun Mayu określają przestrzeń występowania zjawisk mniej uchwytnych, związanych z problematyką religii i kultów w tej części Andów. Ich hipotetyczna rekonstrukcja opiera się na trzech głównych bazach danych. Po pierwsze – są to zachowane obiekty i artefakty archeologiczne, po drugie – źródła pisane, po trzecie – treści zawarte w materiałach etnograficznych. Nie ma potrzeby systematycznego omawiania każdej z grup, tym bardziej, że z pierwszej tylko niektóre obiekty będą dla nas istotne, w dwóch pozostałych natomiast nie można oddzielić źródeł etnohistorycznych od etnograficznych, gdyż zakłóciłoby to spójność wywodu. Rekonstrukcja religii przedchrześcijańskiej na badanym terenie – z konieczności bardzo ogólna, gdyż szersza analiza wymagałaby osobnych, multidyscyplinarnych badań – nie jest celem samym w sobie, służy jedynie zarysowaniu tła, koniecznego dla lepszego zrozumienia kultu Chrystusa Señora de la Soledad. Archeolog Józef Szykulski zwięźle nakreślił krajobraz archeologiczny górskich regionów Ancash: Odnośnie do terenów leżących na południe od Huamachuco, tzn. w obrębie Callejón de Huaylas oraz pobliskiego Callejón de Conchucos, mamy informacje o istnieniu w późnym okresie przejściowym kultur Huaylas oraz Conchucos. Ich nazwy wywodzą się od określenia stosowanego przez kronikarzy wczesnokolonialnych oraz najważniejszych (największych) grup etnicznych zamieszkujących ten region w okresie panowania Inków oraz na początku epoki kolonialnej. Kultura Huaylas swoim zasięgiem miałaby obejmować Callejón de Huaylas (departament Ancash), gdzie odnotowujemy liczne budowle kamienne niejednokrotnie o trudnej do zdefiniowania przynależności czasowej i kulturowej [podkr. E.J.]29. Do wymienionych budowli kamiennych należą wspomniane wcześniej obiekty rozsiane w dolinie Río Santa, z których większość datuje się na okres wpływów Huari, znacznie poprzedzający czasy Inków. Padła już nazwa najważniejszego z nich – Pumacayan. Uznanie tej budowli za najważniejszą może zdumiewać, ponieważ nikt w okresie ostatnich 500 lat nie podziwiał jej oszałamiającego splendoru, jakim niewątpliwie zdumiewała w czasach przedhiszpańskich. Co więcej, nie dysponujemy nawet ruinami, z których archeologia mogłaby wiele wyczytać. A ściślej – ruiny istnieją, ale pod grubą warstwą ziemi i gruzu skalnego, porośnięte dziką roślinnością, do niedawna jeszcze zabudowane zwartą plątaniną slumsowych chatek biedoty. Pumacayan dziś to rozległe wzgórze niemal w centrum Huaráz, kryjące najważniejszy zabytek starożytności w tej części Andów [fot. 8]. Od lat trwa zażarta 28 29 Zob. Bogowie i ludzie z Huarochiri, przeł., wstępem i objaśnieniami opatrzył J. Szemiński, Kraków 1985, s. 14, 31–35. Konstruktorem kanałów jest Stwórca Vira Cocha lub zwierzęta. J. Szykulski, op. cit., s. 351. �78 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich walka pomiędzy elitą kulturalną miasta, naukowcami, pisarzami i miłośnikami tradycji, a silnym lobby deweloperów budowlanych o prawo do dysponowania niezwykle atrakcyjnym terenem. Można żywić nadzieję, że szala zwycięstwa przechyli się na rzecz obrońców dziedzictwa kultury, ale nawet jeśli tak się stanie, to nieprędko ujrzymy tam ekipy archeologów. Władze miasta nie dysponują wystarczającymi funduszami30, a pozyskanie środków pochodzących z budżetu państwa czy źródeł zagranicznych jest – zważywszy na liczbę innych wysokiej klasy obiektów badań – rzeczą niezwykle trudną. Autorem najwcześniejszej wzmianki na temat Pumacayan jest marny konkwistador, ale znakomity kronikarz Pedro Cieza de León (1520–1554), który, mimo iż zmarł w młodym wieku, zostawił zdumiewającą spuściznę dzieł, uznawanych za fundamentalne dla historii i etnografii obszarów od Karaibów po Peru. Hiszpan ten w trakcie jednej ze swych nieustannych podróży, w 1548 roku przemierzał dolinę Hatun Mayu. W jego Crónica del Perú (1553) pojawia się wzmianka o olbrzymiej budowli kamiennej, długiej na 140 kroków (ok. 120 m), ozdobionej rzeźbami lub płaskorzeźbami o motywach figuralnych31. Co ciekawe, autor przytacza zasłyszane strzępy legend łączących budowlę z jakąś wielką bitwą z przeszłości oraz żyjącymi tu niegdyś gigantami uwiecznionymi w rzeźbach, ale nic nie wspomina, jakoby była to „pogańska” świątynia. Potwierdza to opinię nielicznych badaczy tego zabytku, którzy na podstawie skąpych przesłanek skłaniają się ku tezie, że to nie Hiszpanie zdesakralizowali Pumacayan, narzucając mieszkańcom chrześcijaństwo, tylko świątynia ta (co do takiej funkcji budowli nie ma wątpliwości) z nieznanych powodów utraciła swoje znaczenie długo przed konkwistą. Dopóki wykopaliska, które kiedyś zostaną podjęte, nie rzucą więcej światła na historię tego obiektu, najbardziej prawdopodobną jest wersja, że detronizacja świątyni mogła nastąpić w związku z intronizacją przez Inków nowego bóstwa naczelnego, czyli Słońca. Badacze są bowiem zgodni, że Pumacayan było centrum kultu potężnego boga Guari (Wari)32, wokół którego 30 31 32 Zmagania o Pumacayan obserwuję od 11 lat, oczywiście mając fragmentaryczne tylko informacje o poczynaniach obu stron. Szczegóły nie są tutaj istotne, ale warto odnotować ciekawe zjawisko obecności tego konfliktu w twórczości miejscowych artystów graffiti, będących w Huaráz prężną i, można rzec, profesjonalną grupą street artu, zapraszającą na gościnne występy do miasta uznanych grafficiarzy z innych krajów Ameryki Południowej [fot. 9]. Sztuka ulicy jednoznacznie opowiadała się za uznaniem Pumacayan za dobro kultury narodowej. Wspólne działania ludzi kultury i patriotycznie nastawionych polityków zapewne uwieńczy sukces. Niedługo przed moim wyjazdem z Huaráz w listopadzie 2019 r. wzgórze zostało częściowo uporządkowane, a przy bramce pojawił się dumnie brzmiący napis: „Sitio Arqueologico. Patrimonio Nacional”. P. Cieza de Leon, Crónica del Perú el Señorío de los Incas [1553], selección, prólogo, notas, modernizacion del texto, cronología y bibliografía F. Pease G.Y., Caracas 2005, s. 221–222. Fragment, o którym mowa, brzmi następująco: „Entre los aposentos antiguos se ve una fortaleza grande o antigualla que es una a manera de cuadra, que terná de largo ciento y cuarenta pasos y de ancho mayor, y por muchas partes de ella están figura dos rostros y talles humanos, todo primísimamente obrado. Y dicen algunos indios que los Ingas en seńal de triunfo, por haber vencido cierta batalla, mandaron hacer aquella memoria, y por tenerla para fuerza de sus aliados. Otros cuentan y lo tienen por más cierto que no es esto, sino que antiguamente, muchos tiempos antes que los Ingas reinasen, hubo en aquellas partes hombres a manera de gigantes tan crecidos como lo mostraban las figuras que estaban esculpidas en las piedras, y que con el tiempo y con la guerra grande que tuvieron con los que ahora son seńores de aquellos campos se disminuyeron y perdieron, sin haber quedado de ellos otra memoria que las piedras y cimiento que he contado”. W literaturze przyjęła się pisownia „Guari” – tak jak zanotowali hiszpańscy kronikarze, ale właściwszym słowem jest „Wari”. Bóg ten jest miejscowym odpowiednikiem Wira Quchana; posiada związek zarówno z kamieniem, jak i z wodą. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 79 ukształtowała się przedinkaska religia w tej części Andów33. Wspomniałam wcześniej o tolerancyjnym traktowaniu przez Inków bogów podbijanych narodów. Owszem, to prawda, ale nie dotyczyło ono bóstw naczelnych, gdyż przyjęcie władzy Inki musiało się łączyć z intronizacją Słońca jako najwyższego boga. Zatem ekspansja Inków oznaczała koniec trwającej ab illo tempore hegemonii boga Guari (Wari). Koncepcja wydaje się logiczna, ale formułuję ją na własną odpowiedzialność, gdyż w literaturze przedmiotu nie natrafiłam na taką eksplikację. Tajemnicą pozostaje, dlaczego Inti (Słońce) nie zajął miejsca Guari (Wari) w jego sanktuarium tak, jak czynił to później bóg chrześcijański, z upodobaniem sadowiąc się rękami Hiszpanów na gruzach świątyń dawnego kultu. Tę kwestię może wyjaśnią kiedyś archeolodzy. Zanim to jednak nastąpi, badacz ma prawo snuć domysły w oparciu o przesłanki zawarte w materiałach etnograficznych. Te bowiem, właściwie dostrzeżone w różnych tekstach kultury, zdają się współtworzyć spójny i bogaty przekaz, istotny nie tyle dla wyjaśnienia zagadki Pumacayan, ile dla zrozumienia istoty kultu Chrystusa Señora de la Soledad. Wielu jego aspektów nie da się bowiem objaśnić i właściwie zinterpretować bez cofnięcia się do czasów boga Guari (Wari) zamieszkującego świątynię Pumacayan i odczytania koncepcji teologicznej jego kultu. Od razu trzeba dopowiedzieć, że nie da się tego także zrobić bez uwzględnienia solarnego bóstwa Inti, ale o tym w dalszej części wywodu. Obecnie przyjrzę się bóstwu Guari (Wari), które, jak się ocenia, mogło być naczelnym bogiem na rozległych terytoriach Callejon de Huaylas już około 1500 roku p.n.e. „Od połowy II tysiąclecia p.n.e. – jak piszą Szemiński i Ziółkowski – kształtuje się kompleks wierzeniowy kręgu kulturowego tradycyjnie określanego jako Chavín, którego manifestacjami są m.in. monumentalne kompleksy ceremonialno-religijne (Cerro Sechín, Chavín de Huantar, Kuntur Wasi), z niezwykle bogatą ikonografią, głównie w postaci rzeźby i płaskorzeźby oraz ceramiki”34. Kuntur Wasi [fot. 10] leży w górach koło Cajamarki, około 300 km na północny zachód od Pumacayan, które z kolei sytuuje się dokładnie, co do kilometra, na linii prostej łączącej 120-kilometrowy odcinek pomiędzy słynnymi kompleksami archeologicznymi Cerro Sechin [fot. 11] i Chavín de Huantar [fot. 12]. Tak dalece posunięta dokładność budzi zdumienie, zważywszy że linia biegnie przez dwa wysokie pasma górskie Cordillera Blanca i Cordillera Negra w skomplikowanej topografii wielu dolin, grzbietów górskich i lodowców35[fot. 13]. Jednakże przypadkowość wydaje się tu mniej prawdopodobna niż lokalizacja według świadomych założeń, których istoty może nigdy nie poznamy. Fakt istnienia tak perfekcyjnego rozmieszczenia trzech wymienionych zespołów obiektów o największym znaczeniu dla kultu od Guari (Wari), poprzez Huaylas, aż do nadpacyficznej costy, implikuje ważne pytania na temat struktury centrów ceremonialnych i religijnych w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich. Jedno z nich musi dotyczyć kwestii istnienia bądź nieistnienia linii ceques, zwanych też ziq’i, wyznaczających przez dziesiątki, a czasem setki kilometrów ciągi świętych miejsc zwanych wak’as, którymi mogły być obiekty naturalne (góry, skały, źródła), ale też świątynie lub małe apachetas, czyli kopce kamieni. System ceques, wychodzących z inkaskiego Cusco, 33 34 35 J. Gamboa, Pumacayán y Huaráz: El Sitio Arqueológico y la Ciudad, „El Libro Azul” 2016, vol. 3 (8), s. 24–32; W. Espinoza Soriano, Etnia Guaylla (ahora Huaylas), „Investigaciones Sociales” 2013, vol. 17, nr 30, s. 185. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 51. Dla stwierdzenia zaskakującego układu liniowego Cerro Sechin, Pumacayan i Chavin de Huantar wystarczy mapa w skali 1:400 000. Korzystałam z mapy: Departamento de Ancash. Mapa fisico politico compilado por el Instituto Geografico Militar, 1:400 000, Lima 1976. �80 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich został dokładnie opisany w XVII w. przez uczonego jezuitę o wrażliwości etnografa, Bernabé Cobo (1582–1657)36, a w XX w. omówiony w ważnym dziele holenderskiego etnologa Reinera Toma Zuidemy37. Niestety, w porównaniu z centralną częścią Tawantin Suyu ze stolicą w Cuzco, północne rejony górskie zostały przebadane pod tym względem bez porównania słabiej. Znam tylko jedną poważniejszą pracę fragmentarycznie dotyczącą problematyki linii ceques w Callejon de Huaylas, ale jest to studium dość powierzchowne z uwagi na znacznie skromniejszą bazę źródeł niż w przypadku Peru środkowego38. Wspominam o hipotetycznej linii ceques pomiędzy Cerro Sechín, Pumacayan i Chavín de Huantar, gdyż jej istnienie potwierdzałoby związek pomiędzy tymi trzema ośrodkami. Miałoby to istotne znaczenie dla Pumacayan, legitymizując przypuszczenia na temat podobieństw tego obiektu do stosunkowo dobrze poznanego kompleksu w Chavín de Huantar. Słabiej przebadanych budowli Cerro Sechín nie przywołuję w tym porównaniu, gdyż jak dotąd znane są tylko fragmenty wznoszące się nad ziemią, natomiast ewentualne korytarze podziemne, które są dla mnie najistotniejsze, nie zostały jeszcze odkopane39. Kulturę Chavín uznano za kulturę macierzystą środkowych Andów, co odnosi się do tytułu książki Julio C. Tello, w której są zawarte prace tego archeologa, zapoczątkowane w roku 1919. Tytuł ten, dobrze odzwierciedlił złożoność i ogromny wpływ cywilizcji Chavín na dzieje Środkowego Peru. Stał się nośnym, samodzielnym hasłem, które utraciło kontakt z dziełem40. Nie zamierzam tu dokonywać choćby najbardziej zwięzłego streszczenia dotychczasowych ustaleń, gdyż zagubiłabym wątek, który pragnę wyeksponować – kluczowy dla podkreślenia związku pomiędzy Chavín de Huantar a Pumacayan. Kluczowy – co skwapliwie dodaję – z perspektywy poszukiwań etnologicznych, subiektywnie przeze mnie zakreślonych. Priorytety archeologii często rozmijają się z obiektami zaciekawień antropologa, ale konstruktywne spotkania „w pół drogi” zdarzają się częściej, niżby można wnioskować z tekstów autorów obu specjalności. Z satysfakcją odświeżam w pamięci rozmowy prowadzone w Chavín de Huantar z Johnem W. Rickiem, profesorem Stanford University, od dwudziestu lat kierującym pracami w tym kompleksie archeologicznym [fot. 14]. Rozmówca zaskoczył mnie otwartością refleksji antropologicznej, burząc stereotyp archeologa ślęczącego nad datowaniem skorup. Wśród tematów pojawiał się ważny wątek wody. Profesor Rick zrelacjonował swoje odkrycia o okresowym zalewaniu bądź stałym przepływie wody przez skomplikowany system kilkupoziomowych korytarzy podziemnych w najstarszej części kompleksu, tzw. Starej Świątyni, datowanej na drugie tysiąclecie 36 37 38 39 40 Zob. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 106–110, 421–430. Bernabé Cobo prawdopodobnie korzystał z wcześniejszej kroniki Juana Polo de Ondegardo y Zárate (ca. 1500–1575). R.T. Zuidema, The Ceque System of Cuzco: The Social Organization of the Capital of the Inca, transl. E.M. Hooykaas, Leiden 1964. B.S. Bauer, El espacio sagrado de los Incas. El sistema de ceques del Cuzco, segunda edición, actualizada y con apéndices nuevos, trad. por J. Flores Espinoza, Cuzco 2016, s. 65–93. Rezultaty prac archeologicznych w ciągu ostatniego roku (2019) dają nadzieję na dotarcie do podziemnych części zabudowy Sechin. Odkryto tam szerokie schody prowadzące kilka metrów w głąb, o czym jak dotąd poinformowały tylko peruwiańskie portale popularno-naukowe. Zob. Descubren pirámide de unos 5000 años de antigüedad en sitio arqueológico Sechin, „Andina. Agencia Peruana de Noticias” 19 XI 2019, https://andina.pe/agencia/noticia-descubren-piramide-unos-5000-anos-antigüedad-sitio-arqueologico-sechin-video-774487.aspx [data dostępu: 19.04.2020]; F. Rodri, Hallan escalera de 4 mil años de antigüedad en Casma, Perú, „Perú Folklórico. Revista Virtual”, https://perufolklorico.blogspot.com/2019/08/hallan-escalera-de-4-mil-anos-de.html? [data dostępu: 19.04.2020]. J.C. Tello, Chavín, cultura matriz de la civilización andina, Lima 2001. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 81 przed naszą erą. Mówił o istnieniu systemu kanałów doprowadzających i odprowadzających wodę z podziemnych korytarzy, szybów wentylacyjnych oraz innych, przeznaczonych do składania ofiar przynoszonych przez wielkie masy pielgrzymów41 [fot. 15]. Niestety, archeolodzy dalecy są od sformułowania jasnej wizji, czym było to zdumiewające dzieło inżynierii sprzed ponad 3 tys. lat i jaki był związek tak skomplikowanej budowli z ówczesną religią i formami sprawowanego kultu. „Budowa i użytkowanie podziemnych korytarzy – jak pisze Szykulski – ograniczała się prawdopodobnie do starszego okresu funkcjonowania Chavín de Huányar”42. W opinii Ricka odkryty dotąd system galerii stanowi zdecydowaną mniejszość istniejących, ale prace nad odsłanianiem kolejnych zwolniły, gdyż wymagają kosztownych zabezpieczeń górniczych. Setki metrów nieznanych jeszcze korytarzy i canales pozostają w głębinach pod Starą Świątynią, więc dopiero przyszłość udzieli odpowiedzi na wiele pytań dotyczących struktury budowli oraz jej funkcji. Na obszarze kompleksu archeologicznego Chavín de Huantar znajduje się głaz z wklęsłymi, nieckowatymi zagłębieniami [fot. 16]. Nie ulega wątpliwości, że wypełniano je wodą, ale nie znamy przyczyn, dla których to robiono. Sam obiekt położony jest nieopodal miejsca połączenia się dwóch górskich rzek – Wacheqsa i Mosna. Punkty takie koncentrowały w sobie szczególną, pozytywną moc wody – były tinkuy (t’inku), czyli „miejscem spotkania rzek”43, ale też miejscem zetknięcia wyodrębnionych przez nie przestrzeni44. Były zarazem waka’s, hierofanicznymi obiektami kultu, otoczonymi opowieściami o zamieszkujących je istotach z panteonu pomniejszych bóstw, a także o nadzwyczajnych zdarzeniach, które się tam dokonały. Tak jak w wielu innych kulturach, są to miejsca odprawiania praktyk magicznych i zabiegów oczyszczających, które łączy wspólny mianownik życiodajnej wody. W pracach archeologicznych na temat Chavín de Huantar znajdujemy tysiące precyzyjnych pomiarów i materiałów dokumentacyjnych, ale niewiele prób wnioskowań na temat charakteru kultu sprawowanego tam przez co najmniej dwa tysiąclecia. A niewątpliwie było to najważniejsze centrum religijne w tej części Andów. Dopełniając opisu, raz jeszcze oddam głos Szykulskiemu: W wypadku Chavín de Huantar mamy do czynienia nie tyle z ośrodkiem o charakterze miejskim […], ile raczej z rozległym centrum ceremonialno-obrzędowym o ponadregionalnym zasięgu oddziaływania; zjawisko powtarzające się w późniejszych kulturach Andów Centralnych. Prawdopodobnie obszar ten zamieszkiwany był jedynie przez kapłanów oraz dużo 41 42 43 44 Można o tym przeczytać w niektórych jego publikacjach,. Zob. J.W. Rick, Cronología, clima y subsistencia en el Precerámico Peruano, Lima 1983, s. 97, 117; J.W. Rick, L.G. Lumbreras, A.E. Bazán, R. Mendoza de Rick, Cambiando la percepción sobre Chavín: las últimascampañas del Proyecto de Investigación Arqueológica y Conservación en Chavín de Huántar, [w:] Actas I Congreso Nacional de Antropologia, vol. 2, Lima 2016, s. 5–19; J.W. Rick, Ch. Mesia, D. Contreres (i in.), La cronología de Chavin de Huántar y sus implicancias para el Periodo Formativo, „Boletín de Arqueología” 2009, nr 13, s. 87–132; Proyecto de investigación arqueológica y conservación en Chavin de Huantar. Boletín de fin de temporada de excavaciones 2012, [b.m.] 2013. J. Szykulski, op. cit., s. 163. M. Poirier Maruenda, Archeology and Education: Learning about the Past in Chavin de Huantar, Peru, West Lafayette, Indiana 2019, s. 65. Zob. też na temat słowa tinkuy: F. Julca Guerrero, L. Nivin Vargas, Lenguas y toponimias en la zona andina de Áncash. Languages and Toponyms in the Andean Region of Ancash, „Aporte Santaguino” 2015, vol. 8, s. 135. R.L. Burger, Chavín de Huányar and Its Sphere of Influence, [w:] The Handbook of South American Archeology, ed. H. Silverman, W.H. Isbell, New York 2008, s. 681–706. Autor opisuje Chavín de Huántar jako wieloznaczny punkt graniczny łączący ważne doliny, regiony, a nawet strefy geograficzne. �82 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich liczniejszą grupę ludzi zajmujących się zarówno bezpośrednią obsługą kasty kapłańskiej i odbywających się tutaj ceremonii religijnych, jak i utrzymywaniem całego kompleksu w odpowiednim stanie technicznym, a także realizacją jego dalszej rozbudowy [podkr. E.J.]45. W tym miejscu powracam do Pumacayan46. Marcos Yauri Montero, który jak dotąd poświęcił najwięcej studiów temu ośrodkowi, stwierdza jednoznacznie: „Pumacayan było olbrzymią świątynią i zarazem miejscem zamieszkiwania wszechstronnej władzy teokratycznej” [podkr. E.J.]47. Z oczywistych względów braku dostępu do budowli, w dużym stopniu zrujnowanej, a przez wieki pokrytej warstwami ziemi, obiekt ten niemal nie pojawia się w publikacjach historyczno-archeologicznych poświęconych badaniom porównawczym pomiędzy zabytkami starożytności andyjskiej. Trudno je bowiem czynić, mając znikomą wiedzę o obiekcie. Sądzę jednak, że to, co już o nim wiadomo, uzasadnia dokonanie takiej próby. Przede wszystkim należy zauważyć rozmiary budowli, kiedyś znacznie większe niż dzisiejsze wzgórze kryjące ruiny. Drapieżna zabudowa tej atrakcyjnej części miasta pochłonęła znaczny jej fragment. Pamiętamy wszakże przekaz Ciezy de Leona, który w 1548 roku przemierzył 140 żołnierskich kroków wzdłuż jej murów. W przybliżeniu może to być około 120 metrów. Informacje pieczołowicie zebrane przez Yauri Montero wskazują, że w głąb ziemi schodzą systemy galerii podobnych do tych w Chavín de Huantar. Historyk Manuel Reina Loli pisze, że na Pumacayan kilkakrotnie w XIX i XX w. prowadzono niewielkie, sondażowe wykopaliska, które dowiodły istnienia podobnych korytarzy, zbudowanych z olbrzymich, obrobionych bloków kamiennych48. Niestety, większość takich prób, pod pozorem prac archeologicznych, podejmowali zamożni inwestorzy, zainteresowani głównie rabowaniem wydobywanych artefaktów. Nie dokładali więc starań, by dokumentować swoje „badania”49. Mimo to do wiadomości publicznej przedostała się informacja o znalezieniu m.in. misy granitowej, wyszlifowanej z tak wielką dokładnością w jednym bloku, że – jak pisano w 1913 r. w miejscowym dzienniku „El Departamento de Ancash” – „współcześni rzemieślnicy nie potrafiliby zrobić podobnej”50. W 1919 r. niewielkie wykopy wykonał wspomniany Julio César Tello, wyrażając na ich podstawie przypuszczenie, że Pumacayan było „filią” Chavín de Huantar. Podobieństwo obu obiektów było dla niego bezsporne. Po nim kolejne poszukiwania podjął dopiero w 2002 r. współczesny archeolog z Huaráz, Steven Wegner, odkrywając szczątki pochówków, depozyty grobowe oraz chronologicznie późniejsze artefakty inkaskie. Pumacayan nie miało szczęścia przetrwać do naszych czasów w dobrym stanie, nie zostało też odsłonięte przez archeologów jak Chavín de Huantar lub Cerro Sechín. Przez wieki 45 46 47 48 49 50 J. Szykulski, op. cit., s. 165. Według etymologii otrzymanej od profesora Jana Szemińskiego, słowo „Pumacayan” pochodzi od puma oraz qayan – miejsce wzywania (od czasownika qaya – wzywać, wołać). Puma może oznaczać zwierzę, ale też ogólnie „potężne bóstwo”. Puma Quayan to zatem Świątynia Pumy lub Wyrocznia Pumy. M. Yauri Montero, Deidades panandinas del Perú antiguo en el Callejón de Huaylas. Doses de Pumacayan, 2018, s. 16, http://repositorio.urp.edu.pe/bitstream/handle/ URP/1200/DEIDADES%20PANANDINAS%20 DEL%20PER%C3%9A%20ANTIGUO%20EN%20 EL%20CALLEJ%C3%93N%20DE%20HUAYLAS. pdf? sequence=1&isAllowed=y [data dostępu: 12.02.2020]. M.S. Reina Loli, Arqueología huaracina: el adoratorio de Pumacayan, „El Libro Azul”, 2016, año 3, nr 8, s. 16–20. M. Yauri Montero, Deidades Panandinas…, s.12 Ibidem, s. 12. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 83 raz po raz pojawiały się wzmianki o dewastacjach budowli w celu wykorzystywania znakomicie obrobionych bloków kamiennych pod fundamenty i podmurówki domów zamożnych Hiszpanów i Metysów. W 1860 r. wybitny podróżnik i geograf Antonio Raimondi oglądał jeszcze fragmenty zdewastowanych murów kamiennych, ubolewając nad procederem rozkradania wielkich, nierzadko rzeźbionych bloków51 [fot.17]. Uczony ten nie mógł już oglądać nawet zarysów budowli, gdyż w XIX w. w jej miejscu istniało tylko zarośnięte wzgórze przykryte grubą warstwą ziemi, z nieregularnymi fragmentami częściowo odsłoniętych murów, z których dobywano obrobione kamienie. Hiszpanie, od chwili gdy pojawili się w tym miejscu, dokładali starań, by zniszczyć i zdesakralizować Pumacayan, który pomimo tych zabiegów przez stulecia pozostawał dla Indian miejscem świętym52. W trakcie badań rozmawiałam z Yauri Montero [fot. 18], który opowiedział mi, że gdy w latach 50. XX w. mieszkał w starym domu tuż obok wzgórza, widział wiele głębokich otworów wykonanych przez huaqueros i słyszał o takich, którzy dokopali się do wnętrza. Wspominał, że czasem w porze deszczowej zdarzały się osunięcia ziemi, które odkrywały przejścia w głąb wzgórza. Po latach, gdy zaczął gromadzić informacje o Pumacayan, spisał kilka relacji tych, którzy zapuścili się w podziemne korytarze. Przytoczę jedną z nich, pochodzącą sprzed 60 lat, gdyż pojawia się w niej wątek płynącej wody, bardzo istotny wśród tajemnic tego miejsca: Kiedy chodziliśmy do szkoły podstawowej w Centro Escobar de Abajo, stworzyliśmy drużynę skautów. Ćwiczyliśmy w terenie. Ciekawość zawiodła nas do Pumacauan i kazała wejść do podziemi. To dlatego, że ludzie mówili, że było tam połączenie z Willcahuain. I rzeczywiście, weszliśmy do tunelu. Przeszliśmy spory kawałek, aż dotarliśmy do miejsca, w którym spadała woda. To nas odstraszyło. Spadała tam woda z rzeki Quillqay. Widzieliśmy, że tunel szedł dalej, ale nie poszliśmy dalej, bo przestraszyliśmy się (opowiadał Claudio Yauri Henestroza) [podkr. E.J.]53. Prócz relacji zasłyszanych od Yauri Montero, podobny wątek pojawił się w jednej z moich rozmów ze sławnym rzeźbiarzem z Huaráz, Godofredo Zegarrą. On również, jako kilkunastolatek, zapuszczał wraz z kolegami w szczeliny na Pumacayan, docierając do podziemnych, miejscami zawalonych korytarzy, zbudowanych z olbrzymich, obrobionych bloków kamiennych. W jego opowieściach również pojawia się woda, której strumyki wydobywało z ciemności światło latarek. Pumacayan położone jest w górnej części Huaráz, u stóp góry Rataquenua, a nieopodal, od północy, biegnie dolina rzeki Quillqay. Zarówno góra, jak i rzeka stanowią ważne punkty 51 52 53 A. Raimondi, El departamento de Ancachs y sus riquesas minerales (1873). Mapa del departamento de Ancachs con la nueva provincia de Dos de Mayo del departamento de Huánuco (1873). Incluye la presentación de dibujos inéditos de sus libertas de viajes y de la oficina de redacción de la obra El Perú, compilación y estudio introductorio de L.F. Villscorta Ostolaza, Lima 2006, s. 44–45, 221–222. Jeszcze w latach 50. XX w. na Pumacayan odbywały się zabiegi indiańskich lekarzy curanderos, którzy leczyli tam przypadki susto i mal de ojo – andyjskich kategorii chorób o charakterze psychicznym, stosując terapię o nazwie shoqma. Dla Indian było to więc do niedawna miejsce specjalne, zwane mochadero, która to nazwa w odniesieniu do Pumacyan została odnotowana już w 1688 r. Istnieją przesłanki, by sądzić, że nadal sporadycznie mogą się tam odbywać zabiegi curanderos. Zob. J.A. Salazar Mejía, Tradiciones ancashinas, Huaráz 2016, s. 53–56. M. Yauri Montero, Deidades Panandinas…, s. 15. �84 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich na mapie miejsc o szczególnym znaczeniu w mitologii i wierzeniach regionu. Zbocza Rataquenua obfitowały kiedyś w liczne źródła i cieki wodne, które obszar nad Pumacayan, niegdyś bez zabudowy, zamieniały w wilgotne łąki i mokradła. Dziś teren ten jest w większości osuszony i zabudowany. Gdy w zaroślach eukaliptusowych, we wskazanych miejscach, szukałam legendarnych źródeł, znalazłam tylko niewielkie, wyschnięte zagłębienia przysypane liśćmi [fot. 19]. Z dawnych strumieni, jeziorek i bagnisk nie pozostało śladu54. Wspominam o tym dlatego, gdyż jest to miejsce niezwykle nasycone legendami i wierzeniami Indian, jak również dlatego, że jest to miejsce teofanii Señora de la Soledad – andyjska paqarina chrześcijańskiego Boga, do której niebawem powrócę w szerszym omówieniu. Nie mniej ważna jest rzeka Quillqay, niosąca wody z odległej o kilkanaście kilometrów, wysokogórskiej doliny Quillqayhuanca, obecnej w licznych opowieściach o mitycznej historii regionu. Znajdują się tam niezbadane przez archeologów ruiny z okresu przedinkaskiego, ślady założeń o charakterze obronnym, liczne grobowce chullpas z nawarstwieniami kości ludzkich, a także skały ze śladami starożytnych malowideł w kolorze ochry [fot. 20]. Nawet bez badań archeologicznych oczywistym jest, że wymienione pozostałości reprezentują kulturę o wysokim poziomie rozwoju, niewątpliwie tę samą, która stworzyła Pumacayan oraz wiele pomniejszych budowli kamiennych rozproszonych w dolinie Rio Santa. Ludowe przekonanie, że Pumacayan łączy się podziemnymi korytarzami z doliną Quillqayhuanca, Willkahuain i innymi sanktuariami, a także o tym, że płyną pod nim wody z Rataquenua może mieć częściowo odzwierciedlenie w rzeczywistości. Jeśli istnienie wielokilometrowych korytarzy można raczej uznać za projekcję wyobraźni, to już podziemny przepływ wód jest wielce prawdopodobny. Obecnie, po osuszeniu i zabudowaniu stoków Rataquenua przepływ ten najpewniej zanikł, ale jeszcze kilkadziesiąt lat temu mógł być obserwowany, choć zapewne nie w takim nasileniu, jak przed stuleciami i tysiącleciami. Istnienie infrastruktury kanałów przepływowych pod Pumacayan jest bliskie pewności, uwiarygodnione podobnymi systemami wodnymi odkrytymi w bliźniaczym Chavín de Huantar. Niezależnie od dowodów materialnych, w rozważaniach dotyczących tego, czym było Pumacayan, należy odnotować treści folkloru dopowiadające sensy językiem mitu i symbolu. Ludowe opowieści na temat wzgórza powtarzają motyw pojawiającego się tam w księżycowe noce złotego węża, którego widywano, jak przez szczelinę wpełzał pod ziemię. W Chavín de Huantar odnajdujemy podobizny węży wykute w kamieniu [fot. 21]. Wyobrażenia węży występują powszechnie na terenach andyjskich, czego ciekawym przykładem są liczne kamienie w starożytnych, również inkaskich, budowlach w Cuzco, ozdobione petroglifami z wężem – dowodzące, że gad ten zajmował również istotne miejsce w imaginarium wierzeniowym Inków55. Mach’aqway, czyli „Wodny Wąż”, był jedną z konstelacji na inkaskim niebie56 i pełnił ważną funkcję w mitologii andyjskiej. Zanim mityczny Stwórca powołał do życia rośliny, zwierzęta i ludzi, istniały już węże amaru. „Bo w tej ziemi wpierw żyły węże amaru… […] Istnieją węże z tych, które istniały, zanim Bóg przysłał pierwszych 54 55 56 W rozmowie ze mną Yauri Montero wspominał, że jeszcze w latach 50. XX w. ze stoków Rataquenua płynęły strumyki, przy których gromadziły się kobiety z wyżej położonych domów, by prać ubrania i bieliznę. Zob. M. Munive Maco, Petroglifos serpentiformes en la ciudad del Cusco. Contribución para el estudio de la plástica rupestre colonial, „Illapa Mana Tukukuq” 2012, nr 9, s. 74–87. E. Salazar Garcés, The Inka Astronomy Handbook. Cultural Astronomy: Archeo & Ethno Astronomy, Lima 2018, s. 218–222, 261–262. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 85 ludzi…”57 – pisze w swej Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno (1615) Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, odnotowując powszechny w Andach wątek mitologiczny, któremu poświęcono obszerne opracowania58. Szemiński pisze: „Amaru – wąż był i jest jednym z ważniejszych bogów środkowoandyjskich, jednym z tych, którzy zapewniają łączność między górami, ziemią i niebem. Amaru zsyła deszcze i daje dobrobyt”59. Wąż zawsze łączony był z wodą i ziemią, a jego inkarnację stanowiła tęcza, zjawisko atmosferyczne otoczone bogatą osnową wierzeń [fot. 22]. Wpisywał się w spójny kształt kosmowizji, która Drogę Mleczną uważała za niebiańskiego węża, mającego ziemskie odwzorowania zarówno w postaciach wielkich, świętych rzek, takich jak Hatun Mayu (Rio Santa), jak i w kanałach wodnych, niejednokrotnie przybierających wyszukane, wielokrotnie łamane kształty, przypominające węża60 [fot. 23]. W ten sposób płynąca woda w kształcie węża pozostawała nie tylko w symbolicznym, ale i bezpośrednim, metamorficznym związku z wężem. Zgodnie z andyjską interpretacją rzeczywistości granice substancjalne pomiędzy rzeczami były płynne, nie tworząc nieprzekraczalnych barier klasyfikacyjnych w obrazie świata. Człowiek mógł stać się kamieniem i ponownie ożyć, wężem w równym stopniu mogło być zwierzę, jak i wijący się strumień wody czy konstelacja gwiazd na niebie, jeśli przypominały one węża i tak postrzegali je Indianie. Zasygnalizowane motywy, ukazujące doniosłe miejsce węża w mitologii andyjskiej, jak również jego kontekst akwatyczny, prowadzą ku szerszemu zdefiniowaniu kultury, która zrodziła Pumacayan, Chavín de Huantar i kilka podobnych dzieł starożytnej architektury andyjskiej w prowincji Ancash. Na pierwszym planie obrazu świata, który przez trzy tysiące lat przed Inkami tworzył andyjską rzeczywistość, widzimy wodę jako uświęconą substancję wszelkiego życia. W tym kontekście omawiane dzieła architektury jawią się jako świątynie poświęcone życiodajnej wodzie, a bóg Guari (Wari) jako naczelne bóstwo ludów andyjskich, które już w na przełomie trzeciego i drugiego tysiąclecia przed naszą erą rozwinęły techniki rolnicze i dostatek wody stał się dla nich elementarnym warunkiem trwanie życia i kultury. Już wczesne źródła hiszpańskie odnotowują opowieści Indian o bogu Guari (Wari), który „w czasach, gdy ludzie żyli bez króla i władcy, w ciągłej wojnie o ziemie, wydzielił i ograniczył pola, rozdał parcele i kanały irygacyjne dla ayllus, żeby zapanował pokój”61. W późniejszych wersjach Indianie opisywali go jako białego, brodatego starca, podobnego do Hiszpanów, który „żył przed Chrystusem”. Przekazy te wskazują, że Guari (Wari) był regionalną inkarnacją Wira Cochy – pierwszego Stwórcy, który w mitach przybiera taką właśnie postać. Opowieści Indian są wręcz dosłownym streszczeniem olbrzymiego przełomu cywilizacyjnego, jaki dokonał się w dolinach północnych Andów w ciągu trzech tysiącleci przed Inkami. Analizując egzystencjalne znaczenie wody, należy pamiętać, że jest ona tylko połowicznie dostarczana przez naturalne, cykliczne opady. W północnych Andach Peruwiańskich pora deszczowa trwa w przybliżeniu od połowy września do połowy kwietnia i wtedy 57 58 59 60 61 J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 70. Zob. N. Griffiths, La Cruz y la Serpiente. La represión y el resurgimiento religioso en el Perú colonial, traducido por Baliñas Pérez, Lima 1998. J. Szemiński, Myślane po kiczua, „Etnografia Polska” 1984, t. 28, z. 2, s. 101. Zob. J. Deza Rivasplata, Cajamarca. Cumbremayo, el camina del aqua, Lima 2004. P. Duviols, Un symbolisme de l’occupation, de améngement et de l’exploitation de l’espace: Le monolithe „huanca” et sa fonction dans les Andes préhispaniques, „L’Homme” 1979, t. 19, nr 2, s. 11. �86 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich regularne opady nawadniają pola. Wówczas rozstrzyga się także los upraw w okresie nadchodzącej pory suchej, gdyż górach następuje akumulacja śniegu i lodu, który topniejąc przez kolejne miesiące, uwalnia wodę spływającą kanałami na pola. Jeśli wysokogórskie opady śniegu w porze deszczowej są niewielkie, to wody brakuje również w miesiącach pory suchej, kanały niosą jej zbyt mało, a nawet wysychają. Dla ludów rolniczych woda jest podstawą bytu – stanowi centralny punkt konstruowania całościowej wizji świata, determinuje kształt mitologii i religii, umożliwia rozwój związanych z nią dziedzin wiedzy i gospodarki oraz modeluje paradygmaty funkcjonowania w grupach społecznych. Żadna zaawansowana symulacja komputerowa nie byłaby w stanie stworzyć doskonalszego modelu cywilizacyjnego wokół anima mundi wody w kulturach andyjskich niż ten, który wypracowały setki pokoleń Indian. Stwierdzając to, pragnę podkreślić istotę nadzwyczajnej, strukturalnej trwałości tego modelu, którego potencjał nagina i transformuje koniunkturalne wpływy ideowe, dopasowując je do siebie. Jeśli zachowane są podstawowe struktury społeczne w rodzimym środowisku geograficznym, to wpływy cywilizacyjne o charakterze agonistycznym i antagonistycznym ulegają dewaluacji i miękkiej adaptacji do istniejącej rzeczywistości kulturowej. Myślę tu przede wszystkim o przełomowych wstrząsach przymusowego prozelityzmu religijnego, które z reguły skutkują „inkulturacją wsteczną”, czyli przemodelowaniem nowych elementów zgodnie z matrycą starego systemu, mimo przyjęcia ich zewnętrznych atrybutów. Efektem są różne postacie synkretyzmu religijnego, których rdzeniem pozostaje wszakże konstrukt rdzennej religii, pomimo spektakularnych oznak nowego porządku. W naturalny sposób wynika to z faktu „długiego trwania”, które uformowało nie tylko religię, ale i całokształt zespolonej z nią kultury aż do poziomu pojęć i struktur myślenia zakodowanych w języku. Gwałtownym falom inkulturacji brakuje atutu czasu, potrzebnego dla głębszych przekształceń na poziomie kosmowizji, a ich charakter impulsu z zewnątrz nie stanowi alternatywy dla homogenicznej kultury rodzimej, zakorzenionej ab illo tempore w przestrzeni własnego świata. Moja refleksja zmierza do scharakteryzowania przestrzeni religijno-kulturowej, w której pojawił się Chrystus Señor de la Soledad. Uważam, że jej kształt to efekt reifikacji wszystkiego, co wiązało się z wodą, będącą materia prima wszelkiego życia. Wraz z przemianami klimatycznymi w Andach, które rozpoczęły się około 2500 lat p.n.e., dochodzi tam do wielkich przemian cywilizacyjnych, związanych z wprowadzeniem nowych upraw, praktycznie dopełniających katalog roślin jadalnych uprawianych w starożytnym Peru. Woda jako warunek sine qua non dla istnienia cywilizacji opartej na rolnictwie, determinuje całokształt kultury, w tym także religię osadzoną w bezpośrednim związku z kalendarzem agrarnym. Cywilizacja ta rozwinęła techniki upraw oraz opanowała do perfekcji inżynierię kanałów irygacyjnych i tarasów uprawnych. Wymagała też zinstytucjonalizowanych repozytoriów zaawansowanej wiedzy – co oczywiste, ściśle zespolonej z religią. Były nimi zespoły świątynno-klasztorne, w których zamieszkiwała elita intelektualna i duchowna – kapłani amautas (mędrcy), depozytariusze tysięcy lat nieustannie doskonalonej wiedzy rolniczej, klimatycznej, hydrologicznej, astronomicznej, a także budowlanej, doprowadzonej do poziomu, którego współczesna nauka często nie jest w stanie wyjaśnić. Na przełomie trzeciego i drugiego tysiąclecia p.n.e.: „Zostaje również opanowana technika wznoszenia wymagających znacznej wiedzy inżynierskiej, monumentalnych budowli, a raczej zintegrowanych kompleksów �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 87 architektonicznych o przeznaczeniu publicznym (ceremonialno-obrzędowym)”62. Mowa między innymi właśnie o Pumacayan i Chavín de Huantar – ośrodkach kultu boga Guari (Wari) mającego naturę kamienną, ale władającego wodą. Religia andyjska blisko trzech tysiącleci przed Inkami była więc – powtórzmy to raz jeszcze – religią kultu wody, ze wszystkimi tego konsekwencjami dla kultury agrarnej, kalendarza rolniczego i astronomii. Rekonstruując podłoże kultury, w której pojawił się Chrystus Señor de la Soledad, pragnę uwypuklić elementarne znaczenie trzech tysięcy lat „cywilizacji wody” na obszarze Andów, która ukształtowała typ duchowości i samoidentyfikacji mieszkańców w rodzimym świecie natury i kultury. Niezbędne minimum wiedzy na temat światopoglądu i mentalności Indianina andyjskiego stanowi warunek zrozumienia mechanizmów synkretyzacji religijnej, z którą mamy do czynienia wraz z zaprowadzeniem chrześcijaństwa. Gdy mowa o synkretyzmie, zwykle bierze się pod uwagę tylko „religię andyjską” i chrześcijaństwo. Z perspektywy moich badań nad Señorem de la Soledad uważam za niezbędne wyodrębnienie w konglomeracie, zwanym „religią andyjską”, trzech osobnych nurtów – z zastrzeżeniem, że jest to podział roboczy, ułatwiający klasyfikację w ramach złożonej rzeczywistości kulturowej. Najstarszy z tych nurtów określam umownie jako „akwatyczny”, w tym sensie, że wokół wody jako pierwiastka życia koncentrował się główny sens kultu. Dużo później Inkowie zaprowadzili kult „solarny” jako imperialny, rzecz jasna nie eliminując poprzedniego. Obie koncepcje stworzyły jeden wspólny konstrukt religijny, w którym pryncypia nowego kultu determinowały tylko jego zewnętrzny kształt. Zrozumiałe jest, że spuścizna religijno-kulturowa trzech tysięcy lat nie zniknęła pod wpływem dominacji inkaskiej trwającej około stulecia. Trzeba jednak pamiętać, że tzw. „religii andyjskiej” nie da się sprowadzić wyłącznie do kultów o charakterze akwatycznym i solarnym. Nie można pominąć trzeciego, równie ważnego, nurtu „religii andyjskiej”. Wiemy, że prócz bóstw naczelnych andyjskie uniwersum – Hanan, Uran i Kay Patsa63 – wypełniała niezliczona ilość bóstw regionalnych, wak’as oraz – używając terminów Eliadego – hierofanii agrarnych, akwatycznych, tellurycznych, czy uranicznych. Obok istot nadprzyrodzonych, które w obrębie niezliczonych tradycji regionalnych zyskały imiona i postacie, rozciąga się bezgraniczny obszar natury postrzeganej w duchu panteistycznego otwarcia na nieskończoność potencjalnych epifanii. W świecie andyjskim szczególne znaczenie mają bóstwa gór, obdarzone władzą nad trzęsieniami ziemi i lawinami, stanowiącymi dla Indian źródło nieustannych zagrożeń. Chrześcijaństwo nałożyło się na ten złożony amalgamat religijny, uruchamiając proces bardziej radykalnej niż poprzednie synkretyzacji religijnej. W moim podziale roboczym stanowi ono czwarty nurt religijny, współtworzący andyjską postać religii. Postać Señora de la Soledad łączy i synkretyzuje cztery wyraziste nurty religijne – prastary kult wody, inkaski kult Słońca, bóstwa gór i monoteistyczny kult chrześcijański. W jego obrazie ideowym, a więc całokształcie związanych z nim mitów, legend, apokryfów, wierzeń i praktyk kultowych dają się wyodrębnić elementy 62 63 J. Szykulski, op. cit., s. 109. Podana pisownia i brzmienie są zaczerpnięte z północnej części andyjskiego Peru (quechua ancashino). Zob. J.A. Salazar Mejía, Identidad. Diversificación curricular para Ancash. Bases para el Proyecto Educativo Regional, Huaráz 2006, s. 145; F. Carranza Romero, Diccionario Quechua Ancashino – Castellano, edición y prólogo de W. Lustig, Madrid-Frankfurt am Main 2003, s. 155. Bardziej popularne odpowiedniki środkowoperuwiańskie to Hanan Pacha, Hurin Pacha i Kay Pacha. �88 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich zaczerpnięte ze wszystkich wymienionych tradycji bądź nurtów religijnych. Hybrydyzacja ta zrodziła nową i, co ciekawe, spójną tożsamość ontologiczną, emanującą harmonią i tym rodzajem mistycznego piękna, które bywa zewnętrznym wyrazem unikalnych dzieł, skupiających w sobie – by użyć patetycznego sformułowania Emilio Romero – „duszę narodu” (alma de la nacionalidad)64. Chrystus z Huaráz w niepowtarzalny sposób uosabia spuściznę kilku najważniejszych nurtów religijno-kulturowych, współtworzących dzieje tej części Andów. San Sebastian de Guaraz – panorama kolonialna Holistyczna perspektywa w antropologii postuluje wykorzystywanie wszelkich źródeł, mogących przyczynić się do pełniejszej interpretacji badanych zjawisk. W dziejach wizerunku Señora de la Soledad historia rzeczywista splata się ze sferą mitów i legend. Zarówno jedna, jak i druga dostarcza materiału do analiz. Fakt, że nie zachowały się żadne źródła historyczne na temat pojawienia się wizerunku w tym miejscu, współtworzy jego mistycyzm, wzmacniając przekaz mityczny. Nieznany początek często staje się równoważny z cudownym początkiem, bez ingerencji i udziału człowieka. Nie jest to wszakże sztywna reguła. Wzajemne uzupełnianie się w obrębie dwóch porządków logicznych – historii i mitu – jest kwestią indywidualnych rozstrzygnięć. W poprzednim rozdziale starałam się nakreślić najważniejsze rysy tła kulturowego doliny Hatun Mayu, w której zamieszkał Señor de la Soledad. W tym skupię się na okresie po przybyciu Hiszpanów, wychodząc od rzeczywistej historii i starając się zebrać skąpe informacje pochodzące z istniejących zapisów. Opowieść rozpoczyna się w pierwszych dniach stycznia 1533 r., kiedy Hernando Pizarro (1502–1578), młodszy, przyrodni brat zdobywcy Peru, Francisco Pizarra (1478–1541) przemierzał Andy wraz z kilkoma innymi Hiszpanami oraz indiańskimi przewodnikami, udając się z Cajamarki do wyroczni Pacha Kamaq na wybrzeżu Pacyfiku. Niecałe dwa miesiące wcześniej, 16 listopada 1532 roku, w Cajamarce doszło do spotkania Francisco Pizarra z Inką Ataw Wallpą, które zamieniło się w krwawą masakrę, w której zginęło około pięciu tysięcy Indian, a Ataw Wallpa został uwięziony. Istnieje obszerna literatura, omawiająca to wydarzenie, a historycy nadal spierają się o szczegóły. Słynny moment rzucenia na ziemię brewiarza przez Ataw Wallpę, będący dla Hiszpanów pretekstem do ataku, przeszedł nie tylko do historii, ale także do postinkaskiej, schrystianizowanej mitologii andyjskiej65[fot. 24]. Niewątpliwym pozostaje fakt, że był to przełom w dziejach Imperium Tawantin Suyu. Pomimo dostarczenia przez Indian legendarnego okupu w złocie, osiem miesięcy później, 26 lipca 1533 roku, Ataw Wallpa został zgładzony. Do tego czasu pozostawał więźniem w Cajamarce, ciesząc się względną swobodą, a nawet prowadząc nadal politykę za pośrednictwem swych zauszników. W tym czasie Hiszpanie pozyskali liczne informacje na temat Imperium. Jedną z najbardziej intrygujących była wiadomość o słynnej wyroczni Pacha Kamaq – zespole świątynno-ceremonialnym, rozlokowanym na wybrzeżu Pacyfiku nieopodal ujścia rzeki Lurin (obecnie w obrębie Limy) [fot. 25]. Wieści o znajdujących się tam ogromnych bogactwach skłoniły Hiszpanów do zorganizowania ekspedycji, 64 65 E. Romero, Peru na ścieżkach Ameryki. Wybór, przeł. i oprac. A. Dembicz, Varsovia 1996, s. 9. Zob. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 405. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 89 na której czele stanął Hernando Pizarro66. Uczestniczył w niej kronikarz Miguel de Estete (1495–1572), któremu zawdzięczamy najwcześniejszy opis Callejon de Huaylas. W jego relacji czytamy, że wyprawa składała się z Hiszpanów oraz przewodników indiańskich, w tym krewnego Ataw Wallpy, który odegrał decydującą rolę w kontaktach z przywódcami społeczności spotykanych na trasie przemarszu. Kronikarz zanotował, że kapitan Hernando Pizarro podróżował z „dwudziestoma wierzchowcami i paroma strzelbami”67. Wyruszyli z Cajamarki 6 stycznia 1533 roku. Szlak wiódł na południe trudną drogą górską przez Cordillera Blanca i w piątek 21 stycznia 1533 roku Hiszpanie dotarli do „dużego miasta, które nazywają Guarax”68, czyli osady będącej w miejscu dzisiejszego Huaráz. Zapisy Estete pełne są zachwytów nad drogą królewską przez Andy, tak znakomitą, że „w całym chrześcijańskim świecie nie widział rzeczy podobnej”69. Nie mniejszy podziw wzbudzają doskonale utrzymane mosty linowe, przez które Hiszpanie mogli przeprawiać się konno. Po dotarciu do rzeki Santa, którą Indianie nazywali Hatun Mayu, ujrzeli krainę „rozkoszną i piękną”, z żyznymi polami kukurydzy i ogromnymi stadami wielbłądowatych70. Po niezbyt udanej wyprawie Hernanda Pizarra do Pacha Kamaqua, gdzie kapłani świątyni nie byli zbyt skłonni do wydania spodziewanych ilości złota, konkwistador powrócił do Cajamarki. Jeszcze w sierpniu 1533 r. do Callejon de Huaylas nadciąga, w drodze do Cuzco, o wiele liczebniejsza grupa Hiszpanów i Indian pod wodzą samego Francisco Pizarra. Następnego roku rozdziela on tamtejsze tereny na olbrzymie encomiendy71. Hanan Huaylas (Górne Huaylas) przydziela sobie, zaś Hurin (Dolne) swoim kapitanom – Sebastianowi de Torres (?–1539) i Jerómino de Aliadze (1508–1569). Pierwsza z nich obejmuje w przybliżeniu dzisiejszy dystrykt Conchucos wokół górnego biegu rzeki Santa, druga zaś – dolinę Rio Santa z Huaráz72. Yauri Montero, który wnikliwie przestudiował wszelkie dokumenty archiwalne na temat historii Huaráz, autorytatywnie stwierdza, że nie wiemy nic na temat okresu od 1534 do 1572 r., kiedy powstaje hiszpańska redukcja o nazwie San Sebastian de Pampa 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 Sanktuarium-wyrocznia Pacha Kamaq została wybrana jako cel ekspedycji, gdyż wskazał ją Ataw Wallpa jako ważnego płatnika okupu w złocie, wyznaczonego przez Pizarra. W tle jego decyzji była chęć osłabienia prestiżu tej wyroczni, cieszącej się od stuleci ogromnym poważaniem i ściągającym pielgrzymki Indian z odległych regionów, ale będącej ośrodkiem nieinkaskim, nie darzonym przez Inkę zaufaniem. „Ataw Wallpa miał twierdzić, że wyrocznia Pacha Kamaqua była kłamliwa, jej proroctwa się nie sprawdzały. […] Ataw Wallpa podejrzewał (całkiem słusznie, jak się okazało), że zarówno kapłani wyroczni, jak i związane z nią ośrodki władzy politycznej nie są mu przychylne” (J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 284; zob. też 293). Pisze o tym też Maria Rostworowskí (eadem, Pachacamac y el Señor de los Milagros. Una trayectoria milenaria. El señorío de Pachacamac. El informa de Rodrigo Cantos de Andrede. Señoríos indígenas de Lima y Canta, Lima 2015, s. 44). F. Alvarez-Brun, Ancash. Una historia regional peruana, Lima 1970, s. 11; M. Rostworowski, op. cit., s. 97. Cyt. za: A. Gridilla, Huaráz o apuntes y documentos para la historía de la ciudad, Huaráz 1933, s. 10. F. Alvarez-Brun, op. cit., s. 11. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad de Huarás. Discursos de la abundancia y carencia. Resistencia andina, Huaráz 2013, s. 13. Wielbłądowate obserwowane przez Miguela de Estete to oczywiście lamy i alpaki, które wówczas hodowano, podobnie jak w całych Andach, a które w ciągu stulecia od przybycia Hiszpanów niemal całkiem zastały wyparte przez introdukowane krowy i owce. Zob. T. Hampe M., La encomienda en el Perú en el siglo XVI. (ensayo bibliográfico), „Historica” 1982, t. 6, nr 2, s. 173–216; F. Kubiczyk, Kontrola siły roboczej w gospodarce kolonialnej Ameryki hiszpańskiej: encomienda, repartimiento i niewolnictwo, „Studia Europea Gnesnensis” 2011, nr 4, s. 9–44. M. Yauri Montero, Áncash en el tapiz: imágenes de su historia y cultura, Lima 2014, s. 63. �90 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Guaraz73. Na przestrzeni tych 38 lat niewątpliwie wyrasta tam duża osada miejska o tej nazwie. Jest niemal pewne, że Hiszpanie zbudowali ją rękami Indian w miejscu ich dotychczasowego miasta, choć słowo to może wprowadzać w błąd, jako że nawet duże skupiska osadnicze w Andach nie miały wiele wspólnego z miastami w rozumieniu europejskim. Trwająca tysiąclecia obecność świątyni Pumacayan niewątpliwie nadała temu miejscu charakter „centrum administracyjno-ceremonialnego”74, decydującego o rozplanowaniu i zabudowie. Stworzona w ten sposób struktura urbanistyczna determinowała okoliczną zabudowę, pomimo iż znaczenie świątyni boga Guari od dawna osłabło. Jak wszędzie w Nowym Świecie, zakładając miasta, Hiszpanie powtarzali schemat „miasta idealnego” wyniesionego z tradycji europejskich, opisany dodatkowo w specjalnych instrukcjach królów hiszpańskich75. W Ameryce miasta wznoszone w zupełnie nowej lokalizacji, jak i te powstające na miejscu dawniejszych osiedli otrzymywały zazwyczaj plan szachownicy w takim stopniu, w jakim pozwalało na to ukształtowanie terenu i wcześniejsza zabudowa. […] Według zaleceń z placu powinny wychodzić cztery główne ulice na osi każdej pierzei oraz po dwie na narożach, jednak rzadko było to w pełni realizowane76. Huaráz, a właściwie wtedy jeszcze San Sebastian de Pampa Guaraz, nie odbiegało od takiego schematu, który pomimo trzęsień ziemi i przebudów, w zasadniczym rozplanowaniu najstarszych części miasta przetrwał do dziś. Posłużę się autocytatem z opracowania na temat architektury Huaráz: Kształt urbanistyczny Huaráz wynikał wprost z założeń „miasta idealnego”, wzorowanego na rozplanowaniu nowożytnych miast hiszpańskich, dostosowanego do polityki miejskiej w warunkach latynoamerykańskich. Wokół głównego placu (plaza mayor) ulokowano najważniejsze budynki: kościół parafialny pw. św. Sebastiana, budynek rady miejskiej (cabildo), koszary, więzienie królewskie oraz domy bogatych Hiszpanów. W miarę oddalania się od centrum skromniejsze kwartały domostw zasiedlali ubożsi Hiszpanie, najdalsze zaś w przygniatającej większości Indianie77. 73 74 75 76 77 M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 14. Kwestię miast w Andach, jak również stosowania terminu „miasto” w odniesieniu do andyjskich struktur urbanistycznych, zwięźle wyjaśnia archeolog Andrzej Krzanowski, pisząc, że „w archeologii andyjskiej termin miasto jest używany rzadko i raczej ogólnie, a nie dla ścisłego określenia charakteru konkretnego stanowiska. W przypadku wielu stanowisk, w tym zwłaszcza tych największych i o złożonej budowie, wybiera się najczęściej bardziej ogólną i nie tak klasyfikującą formułę «ośrodka/centrum» z określeniem ceremonialny (obrzędowy) lub administracyjny (publiczny/zarządczy). Najogólniej ujmując, centrum ceremonialne cechują budowle o charakterze świątynnym, których pozbawione jest centrum administracyjne. Rzadko jednak takie rozróżnienie jest proste, gdyż w tych wczesnych państwach nadzór nad administracją i kontrola nad wypełnianiem praktyk religijnych były najczęściej ściśle ze sobą związane. Stąd też w przypadkach wątpliwych (stanowiących jednakże większość dla niektórych regionów czy okresów) używa się nie rozstrzygającego określenia – centrum administracyjno-ceremonialne” (A. Krzanowski, Kultura Chancay, środkowe wybrzeże Peru, Kraków-Warszawa 2008, s. 52–53; podkr. E.J.). E. Kubiak, Reinterpretacje. Percepcja i recepcja dzieł architektury na przykładzie świątyń jezuickich Ameryki Południowej okresu kolonialnego, Łódź 2015, s. 119. Ibidem, s. 118–119. M. Mąka, E. Jodłowska, Byki i „cegła obfitości”. Szkic do antropologii architektury andyjskiego miasta Huaráz, „Indigena. Przeszłość i Współczesność Tubylczych Kultur Amerykańskich” 2019, t. 6, s. 23. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 91 Pomijam tu całkowicie rozległą tematykę brutalnych rządów hiszpańskich encomenderos, najbardziej bezwzględnych w pierwszych dekadach konkwisty. Na całym obszarze podbitym przez Hiszpanów był to okres najtragiczniejszy dla ludności autochtonicznej. Konkwista była zderzeniem i konfliktem kultur – narzuconą formą akulturacji skutkującą dekompozycją większości obszarów życia. Przeniesione z feudalizmu iberyjskiego systemy encomiendas nałożyły na Indian wyniszczający ciężar pracy i trybutów. Nastąpiły gwałtowne zmiany w rolnictwie i hodowli. Hiszpanie wprowadzali uprawy europejskich zbóż i innych roślin jadalnych. Ogromne stada lam, które opisywał Miguel de Estete, w krótkim czasie zniknęły z dolin północnych Andów, zastąpione stadami krów i owiec, przy których pracowała miejscowa ludność. Mężczyznom narzucono obowiązkową mitę – wyniszczającą pracę w kopalniach kruszców, w które obfituje okolica. W równoległym nurcie ekspansji ideologicznej rujnowano zastany system religijny, zwalczając „idolatrię” oraz wszelkie materialne artefakty dawnej wiary. Niewiele wiemy o terrorze i niezliczonych zapewne ofiarach ludności indiańskiej w tamtym okresie, ale rozmiar okrucieństw i wyzwolonej przez nie nienawiści Indian musiał być wielki, skoro Sebastian de Torres w pięć lat po objęciu encomiendy Dolnego Huaylas w lipcu 1539 r. został zamordowany w sąsiednim Callejon de Conchucos. Zabójstwo konkwistadora, jak i rozszerzające się bunty Indian wywołały niesłychane represje na ludności indiańskiej tamtych okolic. Ekspedycja karna gubernatora generalnego Francisco de Chávesa (1500–1541) dokonała okrutnych pacyfikacji ludności i zapisała się w historii wstrząsającą „zbrodnią Herodową”, czyli mordem 600 małych dzieci. Wieść o niej dotarła do króla Hiszpanii, który nałożył karę na Chavesa, a stu rodzinom, które utraciły dzieci, wyznaczył odszkodowanie78. Zanim jednak rozkazy Karola V dotarły do Peru, Cháves zginął wraz z Francisco Pizarrem w Limie w 1541 r. z rąk zamachowców pod wodzą Diego de Almagro el Mozo. Z dramatycznej historii konkwisty w Callejon de Huaylas wybieram fakty bądź przesłanki istotne dla zasadniczego tematu rozważań. Powracam do najwcześniejszego obrazu powstającego miasta zwanego San Sebastian de Guaraz. Encomendero Sebastian de Torres nazwał miasto imieniem swojego patrona, św. Sebastiana, dodając tradycyjną, indiańską nazwę tego miejsca79. Jednym z pierwszych przedsięwzięć Hiszpanów w trakcie zakładania miast była budowa kościoła, który w pejzażu semiotycznym nowego miasta pełnił funkcję podstawowego znaku tożsamości cywilizacyjnej. Nie wiemy nic o najwcześniejszej świątyni w Huaráz, zbudowanej zapewne w pierwszym, może drugim roku od osiedlenia się Hiszpanów. Prawdopodobnie była to prosta, niewielka budowla z bloków adobe, na podmurówce kamiennej, kryta dachem z trawy ichu. Na pewno wzniesiono ją przy wyznaczonym plaza de armas, wokół którego lokowano najważniejsze budynki. Jednak nie szczegóły architektury kościoła są dla nas istotne, tylko pierwszy wizerunek świętego, który w nim zagościł. Był nim, co naturalne, św. Sebastian, intronizowany, by objąć sakralną protekcją encomendero i jego miasto. Pamiętając, że encomienda została nadana Sebastianowi de Torres w 1534 roku, ten zaś zginął z rąk Indian w 1539 roku, możemy być pewni, że święty został 78 79 Historię pierwszego okresu konkwisty w Callejon de Hyaylas szczegółowio omawia: M. Zuloaga Rada, La conquista negociada: guarangas, autoridades locales e imperio en Huaylas, Perú (1532–1610), Lima 2012. Nazwa ta była używana do 1823 r. (J.A. Salazar Mejía, Identidad. Diversificación curricular para Ancash…, s. 66). W dalszej części tekstu używam jednak skrótowego „Huaráz”, nawet gdy opisuję miasto sprzed tej daty. �92 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich ulokowany w kościele w okresie pięciu lat dzielących te daty. Wiemy, że była to duża figura pusta w środku, więc wykonana z wydrążonego drewna maguey lub masy plastycznej80. Od tego momentu wizerunek pozostanie związany z miastem przez całe jego blisko pięćsetletnie dzieje, choć nie przez cały ten okres będzie to ta sama figura. Po śmierci konkwistadora encomiendę Hurin Huaylas dziedziczy jego żona, a potem synowie. Relacjonowanie dalszych dziejów tego regionu pod kątem kolejnych właścicieli, podziałów i struktury własności nie jest nam potrzebne. Skoncentruję się natomiast na ważnym zagadnieniu rozwijającego się stopniowo kultu chrześcijańskiego. Początki były trudne zarówno z powodu oczywistego braku entuzjazmu Indian, jak i ograniczonych możliwości ewangelizacyjnych Kościoła. W mieście, a tym bardziej na rozległych terenach wokół niego, brakowało księży pracujących na stałe. W przypadku Callejon de Huaylas dodatkowym czynnikiem spowalniającym było znikome zaangażowanie Sebastiana de Torres i jego spadkobierców w dzieło nawracania Indian, pomimo iż dbanie o życie religijne poddanych należało do podstawowych obowiązków encomendero. Ten pierwszy przedkładał jednak bogacenie się dzięki niewolniczej pracy Indian nad troskę o ich dusze. Po śmierci konkwistadora sytuacja taka trwała jeszcze blisko dwadzieścia lat, już pod rządami wdowy po nim i ich synów. Zmieniła ją dopiero wizytacja kościelna w 1558 r., która stwierdziła w San Sebastian de Guaraz brak choćby jednego rezydującego na stałe księdza. Pod wpływem nacisków arcybiskupstwa w Limie wdowa wyasygnowała stosowne pieniądze i przeznaczyła dziesięć krów, by w mieście utrzymywać dwóch księży w świeżo założonej parafii. Nie wiemy nic o tych duchownych, poza tym, że zamieszkali w skromnej plebanii wybudowanej u podnóża Pumacayan, gdzie urzędowali też ich kolejni, bezimienni następcy81. Pod koniec lat 60. XVI w., po objęciu Wicekrólestwa Peru przez Francisco de Toledo (1515–1584), zapadła decyzja, by miasto przekształcić w redukcję (reducción) w celu relokacji Indian z wiosek i osad w dolinie Rio Santa82. Polityka tworzenia redukcji miała na celu objęcie 80 81 82 Zob. J.M. Travieso Alonso, Escultura de papelón. Un recurso para el simulacro, „Revista Atticus” 2011, nr 14 (maj), s. 9–30. Technika papelón polegała na modelowaniu figury w masie plastycznej, na obszarze Nowego Świata często kukurydzianej, na stelażu z drewna. Drewno maguey (zdrewniała część agawy) było używane przez Indian jako materiał rzeźbiarski już w czasach przedhiszpańskich (Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, op. cit., s. 460–461). W Huaráz nadal pracuje kilku indiańskich i metyskich rzeźbiarzy figur sakralnych, wykorzystujących ten materiał. Diócesis de Huaráz…, s. 176–177. Redukcje to założenia urbanistyczne tworzone przez Hiszpanów w Ameryce Południowej i Mezoameryce na wzór iberyjskich miast, w celu łatwiejszego przejmowania ziem Indian, a ich samych poddania kontroli w zakresie wykonywania narzuconych prac (głównie na polach i w kopalniach) i egzekwowania trybutów. Koncentracja Indian miała również służyć ich skuteczniejszej ewangelizacji. Pierwsze redukcje organizowane były przez zakony dominikanów i franciszkanów, ale najważniejszymi ze względu na rozległy program edukacyjny Indian, stały się redukcje jezuickie, szczególnie na terenie dzisiejszego Paragwaju. W Peru wzmożony okres zakładania redukcji przypada na lata 1568–1581, gdy krajem władał hiszpański wicekról Francisco de Toledo, który nasilił ten proces (tzw. redukcje toledańskie). Jego głównym celem było osłabienie władzy i zysków encomenderos (konkwistadorów, którzy otrzymali wielkie obszary ziemskie od Francisco Pizarra) – na rzecz korony hiszpańskiej. Realizacja redukcji toledańskich zreformowała strukturę polityczno-gospodarczą oraz kształt administracji religijnej w Peru. Wówczas to powstały tzw. doctrinas, odpowiadające europejskim parafiom, co znacząco wzmocniło procesy ewangelizacyjne, szczególnie w rejonach bardziej odległych od większych miast. Instytucja redukcji drastycznie zdemontowała tradycyjną strukturę osadniczą oraz system relacji społecznych, ale w pewnym stopniu chroniła też Indian przed niepohamowanym wyzyskiem i zniewoleniem ze strony konkwistadorów, jak również przyczyniła się do edukacji �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 93 ścisłą kontrolą narzuconej im pracy, egzekwowanie trybutów i prowadzenie ewangelizacji. 20 stycznia 1572 r. na obszarze dawnej osady Allauca powstała wielka redukcja o nazwie San Sebastián de Pampa Guaraz, która zapoczątkowała miasto Huaráz. Polityka przesiedleńcza objęła Indian z 42 osiedli (llactas), rujnując odwieczną strukturę osadniczą doliny83. Indianom wyznaczano nieprzekraczalne terminy przeniesienia się w wyznaczone sektory miasta, gdzie pod hiszpańskim nadzorem zobowiązani byli wybudować nowy dom, w miarę możliwości z wykorzystaniem materiałów z rozbiórki starego. Nie obyło się bez oporu części Indian, który jednak bezwzględnie tłumiono, a domy nieopuszczone w terminie burzono84. U stóp najwyższej góry Peru, Huascaránu, w ciągu kilku lat wyrosło miasto na planie ortogonalnym, z centralnym placem (Plaza de Armas) i ulicami rozchodzącymi się w czterech kierunkach. Układ ten, jak wspomniałam, stał się charakterystyczny dla nowożytnej urbanistyki południowoamerykańskiej. Zachował się plan Huaráz z 1782 r.85, który ukazuje miasto po odbudowie ze zniszczeń, wywołanych trzęsieniem ziemi w 1725 r.. Odzwierciedla on XVIII-wieczny kształt miasta, wiernie odpowiadający rozplanowaniu wcześniejszej redukcji. Nie zachowały się szczegółowe informacje na temat założeń, którymi kierowano się w trakcie zasiedlania poszczególnych kwartałów Huaráz, ale istnieją przesłanki etnograficzne pozwalające przypuszczać, że Indianie obronili się przed całkowitym przemieszaniem, osiedlając się w ten sposób, że społeczności poszczególnych ayllus zajmowały odrębne obszary. Przesłanki, o których mówię – wymagające osobnych, nie podjętych dotąd badań – wskazują, że lokalizacje te nie były przypadkowe i w pewnych aspektach kontynuowały pradawne relacje pomiędzy poszczególnymi ayllus. Dowodziłoby to, że indiańscy curacas, jak również starcy amautas – mędrcy, depozytariusze tradycji i wiedzy – nawet w warunkach terroru i głębokiego szoku kulturowego byli w stanie obmyślić sposób przeniesienia dotychczasowego modelu koegzystencji w ramach struktur ayllus w obcą i skrajnie odmienną przestrzeń miasta. Realizacja takiego planu musiała wymagać sprytu i wyrafinowanej dyplomacji, gdyż trudno zakładać, by Hiszpanom zależało na wtórnej integracji grup indiańskich w obrębie redukcji. Pomyślne przeprowadzenie tego planu nie było niczym wyjątkowym w wielowiekowej konfrontacji mieszkańców Andów z hiszpańskim najeźdźcą. Badania etnohistoryczne wielokrotnie ujawniały przemyślne mechanizmy ukrywania rozmaitych elementów rdzennej spuścizny kulturowej pod fasadą narzuconych struktur organizacyjnych bądź instytucji, takich na przykład, jak indiańskie bractwa religijne – cofradías, o których wkrótce będzie mowa. Nieprzypadkowe rozlokowanie grup indiańskich na terenie redukcji można uznać za ukryte zwycięstwo pokonanych, za świadectwo niespożytego potencjału samoobrony wobec groźby dezintegracji tożsamościowej. 83 84 85 tubylców w zakresie podstaw nauki, sztuki i rzemiosł europejskich. Zob. A. Málaga Medina, Las reducciones en el Perú (1532–1600), „Historia y Cultura. Revista del Museo Nacional de Historia” 1974, nr 8, s. 141–172; idem, Las reducciones en el Perú durante el gobierno del virrey Francisco de Toledo, „Anuario de Estudios Americanos” 1974, nr 31, s. 819–842; T. Szyszka, Redukcje jezuickie i muzyka baroku misyjnego [w:] Dzieje kultury latynoamerykańskiej, red. M.F. Gawrycki, Warszawa 2011, s. 131–152; M. Kwaśnicka, Redukcje jezuickie – europejskie miasta w miniaturze? Kilka uwag o baroku misyjnym, [w:] Sztuka po Trydencie, s. 233–247. Na temat redukcji Huaráz: M.M. Zuloaga Rada, op. cit., s. 157–214; W. Espinoza Soriano, op. cit., s. 179–190. M. Yauri Montero, Áncash en el tapiz…, s. 64. S. Matos Colchado, Historia de la antigua Villa de San Sebastian de Huaráz, Lima 2007, s. 49. Zob. rozdział w tej pracy: Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa. �94 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Powierzchowna analiza przesłanek etnograficznych, o których wspomniałam, wskazuje, że konkretne grupy indiańskie osiedliły się w wyznaczonych rejonach Hanan (Górnego) Huaráz i Hurin (Dolnego) Huaráz, na terenie Ichoc i Allauca – dwóch obszarów wyznaczających najstarszy podział tych ziem86. Dało to początek czterem najstarszym dzielnicom Huaráz – La Soledad, San Francisco, Belén i Huarupampa, naznaczając je zespołem cech wyróżniających i konserwując tradycyjne relacje pomiędzy rozlokowanymi w ten sposób grupami. Z biegiem wieków, w miarę zachodzenia różnorodnych procesów ewoluowania składu etnicznego mieszkańców, zwłaszcza metysażu, a także migracji powodowanych katastrofami trzęsień ziemi, postępowało zróżnicowanie mieszkańców, stopniowo odbiegające od pierwotnego składu. Były to procesy o wymiernej dynamice, w przeciwieństwie do względnie stabilnego bagażu ugruntowanych stereotypów, nadających dzielnicom niepowtarzalny koloryt. Zbyt mało wiemy o przedhiszpańskich ayllus w dolinie Rio Santa, żeby pokusić się o przyporządkowanie ich do poszczególnych dzielnic, ale nie jest przypadkiem, że było ich cztery, a więc tyle, ile najstarszych dzielnic w redukcji. Informację na ten temat zawiera kronika dominikanina Rodrigo Hernándeza Príncipe z 1622 r.87, przywołana przez Reinera Toma Zuidemę w jego wybitnym dziele El calendario Inca88. Ten XVII-wieczny wizytator Callejon de Huaylas, który relacjonował, że „spalił i zniszczył wiele huacas w całej prowincji” [podkr. E.J.]89, pisze też o czterech ayllus – Allauca, Picos, Chauca, Xullca90. Niewątpliwie fenomenem Huaráz jest fakt, iż rozplanowanie redukcji – jak można sądzić, niezależne od Indian, zrealizowane przez inżyniera wojskowego Alonso de 86 87 88 89 90 Rekonstrukcja podziału na Allauca i Ichoc nie jest rzeczą prostą, gdyż istnieją na ten temat odmienne interpretacje badaczy. Jak pisał Claudio Augusto Alba Herrera: „Kierunek, który wyznaczał ten podział, był ze wschodu na zachód, przechodząc przez Plaza de Armas aż do rzeki Santa; podążał wzdłuż kierunku przepływu wód rzeki Quillquay. Lewa strona odpowiadała Ichoc, a prawa Allauca” (idem, Huaras. Historia de un pueblo en transformacion, Caras 1996, s. 65). Natomiast według Yauri Montero: „Rzeka zwana dziś Santa, która funkcjonowała jako oś […], podzieliła te tereny na Allauca, czyli po stronie prawej, która łączy się z Cordillera Negra i Ichoc po stronie lewej, której tereny należą do Cordillera Blanca” (idem, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 12). Definicje te – obie sformułowane przez znakomitych znawców dziejów Huaráz i doliny Rio Santa – przeczą sobie, wyznaczając zupełnie odmienny podział terenu na Allauca i Ichoc, różniący się położeniem o 45 stopni i stosujący różne kryteria lokalizacji. Są zgodni tylko w jednym – że Allauca to strona prawa, a Ichoc lewa. Jednakże kwestia prawej i lewej strony jest także problematyczna i rodzi pytania, czy w Andach istnieją zobiektywizowane sposoby ustalania strony prawej i lewej w stosunku do naturalnych formacji terenu, np. czy względem rzeki prawa strona (Allauca) odpowiada orograficznie prawemu brzegowi rzeki (czyli stojąc twarzą w kierunku biegu rzeki), czy orograficznie lewemu (stojąc twarzą w kierunku źródeł). Rzecz komplikuje się jeszcze bardziej, gdy weźmie się pod uwagę, że lokalizacja Allauca i Ichoc może być też związana z obszarem zajmowanym przez górne i dolne saya, guarangę, lub ayllu. Por. także na ten temat, w odniesieniu do regionu Ancash: W. Espinoza Soriano, op. cit., s. 182–189; idem, Ichoc-Huanuco y el Señorio del Curaca Huanca en el Reino de Huanuco siglos XV y XVI, Huancayo 1975, 8–49; I. Druc, Tradiciones alfareras, identidad social y el concepto de etnias tardías en Conchucos, Ancash, Perú, „Bulletin de l’Institut Francais d’Études Andines” 2009, nr 38, s. 87–106. P. Duviols, Visita de Rodrigo Hernández Príncipe a Recuay (1622), [w:] idem, Procesos y visitas de idolatrías Cajatambo, siglo XVII. Con documentos anexos, Lima 2003, s. 755–778; J.C. García, Apuntes para una biografía del bachiller Rodrigo Hernández Príncipe, extirpador de idolatrías, [w:] Catolicizmo y extirpación de idolatrías: siglos XVI–XVIII, comp. Henrique Urbano, Cuzco 1993, s. 241–257. R.T. Zuidema, El calendario Inca. Tiempo y espacio en la organización ritual del Cuzco. La idea del pasado, Lima 2010, s. 492. F. Alvarez-Brun, op. cit., s. 90. Szerzej piszę o tym w części: Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa, w rozdziale: Huaráz u Zuidemy i zagadka czterech kolorów drzwi. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 95 Santoyo de Valverde (1520–1590) – w dużym stopniu wpisuje się w tradycyjną topografię kulturową prawowitych gospodarzy tych ziem. W ten sposób można w wielkim skrócie scharakteryzować ważniejsze cechy dzielnic Huaráz i ich mieszkańców. La Soledad i San Francisco położone są w Górnym Huaráz, a ich patroni to mężczyźni: Chrystus Señor de la Soledad i św. Franciszek. Dzielnice Belén i Huarupampa leżą w Dolnym Huaráz, a patronują im kobiety: Matka Boska Nuestra Señora de Belén (zwana Belenitą) i św. Rozalia. Dzielnice górnego Huaráz położone są na łagodnych stokach wznoszących w kierunku Białej Kordyliery – wysokiej, pełnej lodowców, śniegów, jezior i strumieni, zasilających wodą rozległe obszary upraw. Dzielnice dolnego Huaráz leżą w bliskości Czarnej Kordyliery – niższej od Białej, bezśnieżnej i suchej, z nielicznymi strumykami, niezapewniającymi minimum wody dla rzadkich tu upraw. Górne dzielnice uważane są za ciepłe, dolne za chłodniejsze, co w tym wypadku pokrywa się ze specyfiką miejscowego mikroklimatu. Temperatura ma tu wszakże dodatkowy wymiar symboliczny. W ludowych piosenkach huayno pobrzmiewa fraza: „Niech żyje Soledad, stolica Huaráz, dzielnica, gdzie wstaje Słońce!”91. Jest w niej zbitka odniesień, tworzących wspólny sens: mowa o położeniu dzielnicy (La Soledad) na wschodzie, a kierunek ten, prowadzący w głąb uświęconych gór Apus, miał dla mieszkających tu Indian pozytywne konotacje, w przeciwieństwie do zachodniego (Belén, Huarupampa), prowadzącego nad obce kulturowo wybrzeże oceanu, skąd przybyli hiszpańscy najeźdźcy. Waloryzacja kierunków świata nie wyczerpuje treści frazy. Mowa także o Słońcu, niewątpliwie w trzech zlewających się znaczeniach: życiodajnego ciepła, inkaskiego bóstwa Inti i metaforycznego obrazu Chrystusa Señora de la Soledad. Przymioty te – jak głosi piosenka – czynią dzielnicę La Soledad „stolicą” Huaráz, najważniejszą ze wszystkich, a jej wyjątkowość współtworzą kolejne stereotypy: mieszkańcy są „radośni, bo w dzielnicy nie ma smutku”92, kobiety zaś zwane „Soledanitas” piękne, dumne, pozostające obiektami męskich pragnień. Natomiast do mieszkańców Belén przylgnęło powiedzenie „Alalak Belén” („Zimny Belenita”), łączące przeświadczenie o chłodzie z nad rzeki Santa z potoczną opinią o charakterze mieszkańców. Rzuca się w oczy, ze dzielnice Górnego Huaráz, a zwłaszcza La Soledad, są bardziej zamożne od tych w dolnej części miasta. Domy są tam droższe, porządniejsze, więcej w nich indywidualizmu i dobrego gustu. Dolne Huaráz to wielka, gwarna przestrzeń drobnego handlu ulicznego uskutecznianego przez tysiące campesinas, głównie kobiet, ściągających z wiosek z owocami, warzywami, drobiem i mięsem. Rejony te nie mają dobrej opinii i rzeczywiście, należy zachować tam ostrożność, podczas gdy górne dzielnice uchodzą za prestiżowe, spokojne i bezpieczne. Yauri Montero w swych pracach porusza wątek zróżnicowań terytorialnych Huaráz, wspominając między innymi, że wzajemna rywalizacja dzielnic była szczególnie wyrazista podczas częstych kiedyś zawodów sportowych, w których występowały ich reprezentacje. Specyficzny folklor, wytworzony wokół sportu, eksploatował złożony kompleks wzajemnych stereotypów i uprzedzeń, nadając im postać piosenek, haseł, powiedzonek i gestów93. Wymienione w wielkim skrócie cechy i stereotypy górnych i dolnych dzielnic Huaráz stanowią współczesne kontynuanty złożonego systemu wzajemnych zróżnicowań, których 91 92 93 M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 31. Ibidem. Ibidem. �96 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich genezy można upatrywać w rozlokowaniu grup indiańskich ayllus na terenie redukcji. Poza materialnymi bądź wyobrażeniowymi wyznacznikami odmienności dzielnic, odnajdujemy takie, które mają rangę intencjonalnych znaków. Za takie możemy uznać nielicznie zachowane ślady malowania odmiennymi kolorami drzwi i okiennic w poszczególnych dzielnicach, co omawiam w innej części tej pracy94. Natomiast jeśli chodzi o najważniejszą dzielnicę La Soledad, to trzeba pamiętać, że nie zawdzięcza ona prestiżu wyłącznie wizerunkowi Señora de la Soledad, lecz także dziedziczy i kontynuuje uświęcony od tysiącleci splendor Pumacayan. Sanktuarium Chrystusa wzniesiono bowiem tuż obok niegdysiejszej świątyni boga Guari, na obszarze od zawsze ulokowanym w centralnym punkcie duchowości i kultu religijnego tej części Andów. W przeglądzie danych historycznych na temat Señora de la Soledad omówienie zróżnicowań dzielnic stanowiło niezbędną dygresję, ukazującą konsekwencje kulturowe osiedlenia Indian w redukcji Huaráz. Powracając do narracji historycznej, cofamy się do końcowych dekad XVI oraz początkowych XVII w. Po okresie najbardziej drapieżnej konkwisty był to okres stabilizowania się rządów hiszpańskich w Andach, krzepnięcia wprowadzanych od kilku dekad modeli cywilizacyjnych w gospodarce rolniczej, pasterskiej czy górniczej, a także intensyfikacji pracy ewangelizacyjnej. Elementem reform wicekróla Francisco de Toledo było ograniczenie samowładztwa olbrzymich encomiendos z nadań Pizarra, niebezpiecznie wyemancypowanych tak, by maksymalizować zyski encomederos, ze szkodą dla korony hiszpańskiej. Koncentracja Indian w redukcjach sprzyjała uporządkowaniu sieci parafialnej w Peru, co zaowocowało wzmocnieniem akcji „wykorzeniania idolatrii” (extirpación de la idolatría) na terenach objętych działalnością misyjną. Tę zaś prowadziły coraz to nowe zakony przybywające z Hiszpanii i otwierające swoje domy głównie w miastach. Do Huaráz pierwsi zakonnicy – franciszkanie – docierają dość późno, bo dopiero pod koniec XVII w. W odpowiednim miejscu omówię to zdarzenie, gdyż ma ono wielkie znaczenie dla kultu Señora de la Soledad. W latach 1585 i 1593 odwiedza Huaráz niestrudzony wizytator i organizator Kościoła w Peru, arcybiskup Limy, Toribio Alfonso de Mogroviejo (1538–1606)95. Niestety, akta jego wizytacji są dla historyka, a tym bardziej dla etnologa, rozczarowujące. Niewiele w nich danych o kościołach i czczonych wizerunkach, w przeciwieństwie do skrzętnych zestawień majątków świeckich i duchownych, wyszczególnionych w liczbach indiańskich trybutariuszy oraz stad owiec96. Wprawdzie dowiadujemy się o istnieniu w Huaráz szpitala oraz obrajes Garci Barba – zakładów tkackich zatrudniających 60 Indian97, ale – co zaskakujące – na temat kościoła odnajdujemy tylko krótką wzmiankę pozbawioną szczegółów. Dodajmy, że wizytator wspomina o jednym tylko kościele, jak wiemy z innych źródeł – Iglesia Matriz, usytuowanym przy Plaza de Armas w centrum miasta. Nic nie pisze natomiast o wizerunku św. Sebastiana ani o innych, 94 95 96 97 Zob. rozdz.: Huaráz u Zuidemy i zagadka czterech kolorów drzwi w części: Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa. Zob. na ten temat F.A. Pini, M. León, J. Villanueva, Presencia de Santo Toribio de Monrovejo en el Callejon de Conchucos, Huari 2008; E.T. Velasquez, Con las huellas de Santo Toribio Alfonso de Monrovejo, [w:] Diócesis de Huaráz…, s. 159–202. Diario de la segunda visita pastoral del Arzobispo de los Reyes Don Toribio Alfonso de Mogrovejo, por Fray Domingo Angulo – Libro de Visitas, 1593, „Revista del Archivo Nacional del Perú” 1920, t. 1, z. 1, s. 63–64. Skąpe informacje na temat tych zakładów zestawione są w pracy: C.A. Alba Herrera, Huaras. Historia de un pueblo en transformación, Huaráz 2017, s. 78–82. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 97 które były wówczas czczone. Dowiadujemy się natomiast o istnieniu najstarszego w mieście bractwa: Cofradía de Nuestra Señora del Rosario y Copacabana. Informacja ta wskazuje, że prócz rzeźby św. Sebastiana w kościele musiał być także wizerunek Matki Boskiej Różańcowej z Copacabana nad jeziorem Titicaca, której kult intensywnie rozprzestrzeniał się w Ameryce Południowej od 1583 roku. W ciągu kolejnego półwiecza nasila się proces ewangelizacji Indian oraz synkretyzacji religijności ludowej. Badacze wielokrotnie zwracali uwagę na zjawisko równoległości pomiędzy kultywowanymi nadal przedhiszpańskimi praktykami religijnymi a obrzędami chrześcijańskimi. Prócz tego w złożonym konstrukcie religijności okresu kolonialnego (jak i później) występuje tendencja do „andynizacji” treści, wątków, wyobrażeń, postaci i rytuałów chrześcijańskich. W skomplikowanej przestrzeni kultu religijnego wielkiego znaczenia nabierają bractwa religijne – cofradías, nieliczne jeszcze w XVI wieku, lecz już w pierwszej połowie następnego działające nawet w małych miasteczkach i wioskach98. Popularność tej formy organizowania się wiernych brała się z kilku przyczyn, wśród których niewątpliwie duże znaczenie miała autentyczna dewocja wypływająca z potrzeby ukierunkowania przeżycia religijnego na ubóstwiane postaci Chrystusa, Matki Boskiej czy świętego. Prócz tego bractwa odgrywały szereg istotnych, służebnych ról wobec własnych członków i ich rodzin. Zajmowały się pomocą chorym i pochówkami zmarłych, świadczyły pomoc materialną będącym w potrzebie – jednym słowem, tworzyły gremia dające poczucie wspólnoty, przynależności wyższego rzędu i elementarnego bezpieczeństwa. Cofradías dysponowały majątkami, nierzadko pokaźnymi, co niejednokrotnie bywało przyczyną sporów i konfliktów między nimi, jak również napięć i procesów sądowych z instytucjami władzy i administracji. Bractwa rzadko miały charakter mieszany, zrzeszając zarówno Hiszpanów, jak i Indian. W zdecydowanej większości były to organizacje wyłącznie hiszpańskie lub wyłącznie indiańskie, często konkurujące ze sobą w mieście lub dzielnicy. Władze kościelne w Limie, zatwierdzające statuty powstających konfraterni indiańskich, czyniły to z przekonaniem o słuszności włączania rdzennej ludności w świeckie struktury dewocyjne, mając zarazem świadomość, że silne indiańskie cofradías bywają źródłem problemów. W dokumentach historycznych niejednokrotnie pojawia się oskarżenie, że są one fasadą dla kultywowania „bałwochwalstwa”, na które przeznaczana jest ukrywana część dochodów konfraterni. Środki te, zarówno w naturze (płody rolne, zwierzęta), jak i pieniądzach, przeznaczane były na ofiary dla huacas i wspierały tych, którzy w ukryciu kultywowali dawną wiarę. Rafael Varón Gabai pisze wprost, że „niezauważenie ludność miejscowa wykorzystała kolonialne bractwa do ukrycia i zamaskowania przedhiszpańskich wierzeń, które nie tylko przeżyły, ale wręcz znacznie się wzmocniły”99. Do podobnych konkluzji, zbieżnych z oceną innych badaczy, dochodzi Tomasz Szyszka: Pomimo wielkiego zaangażowania ewangelizatorów w usunięcie […] praktyk autochtonicznych tak naprawdę nigdy nie zostały one całkowicie wyrugowane ze świadomości religijnej Indian. Przestały jedynie być widoczne dla osób postronnych, ponieważ zostały ukryte albo zręcznie zamaskowane. Utrwalił się też wśród Indian pogląd, że chrześcijaństwo jest religią 98 99 Zob. Cofradías en el Perú y otros ámbitos del mundo hispánico (siglos XVI–XIX), red. D. Fernández Villanova, D. Lévano Medins, K. Montoya Estrada, Lima 2017. R. Varón Gabai, Cofradías de indios y poder local en el Perú colonial: Huaráz, siglo XVII, „Allpanchis” 1982, t. 17, s. 133. �98 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich konkwistadorów, a to było wystarczającym powodem do aktywnego lub biernego odrzucania wiary chrześcijańskiej i obstawania przy tradycyjnych wzorcach i praktykach religii autochtonicznej100. O ile można się w pełni zgodzić, że przez wieki istniał (i nadal istnieje) mechanizm ukrywania i maskowania treści i praktyk rdzennej religii andyjskiej, o tyle ostatnie zdanie z powyższego cytatu traktowałabym z rezerwą – jako bliskie prawdy, ale zbyt radykalne. Sądzę, że niezależnie od przywiązania do praktyk własnej wiary, Indianie w swej większości z biegiem czasu uznali chrześcijaństwo za religię własną, zwłaszcza wtedy, gdy już przekształcili ją w synkretyczną formę, dopasowując do swej kosmowizji, duchowości i mentalności. Nie negując bezsprzecznych przykładów wrogości wobec religii Hiszpanów, wielokrotnie demonstrowanej zwłaszcza podczas licznych buntów i powstań ludności indiańskiej101, należy zauważyć zjawisko interioryzacji chrześcijaństwa przez szerokie masy ludności autochtonicznej, oczywiście – co trzeba podkreślać – przetransformowanej zgodnie z wymogami własnej kultury. Co więcej, wielokrotnie obserwowano ciekawe zjawisko mentalnościowego oderwania praktyk andyjskiego chrześcijaństwa ludowego od Hiszpanów. Autonomizacja taka nierzadko prowadziła do utraty przez Hiszpanów, nawet w osobach duchownych, charyzmatu w zakresie religii chrześcijańskiej na rzecz autorytetów indiańskich, orzekających na temat jej prawideł i zgodnie z nimi ferujących oceny ludzi, w tym także Hiszpanów. W powstaniach antyhiszpańskich w XVIII wieku Indianie, często ustami swych najwyższych dowódców, twierdzili, że to oni są dobrymi chrześcijanami w przeciwieństwie do Hiszpanów, na których ciążą zbrodnie i niegodziwości102. A zatem chrześcijaństwo nie zawsze i nie we wszystkich kontekstach kulturowych bywało utożsamiane z Hiszpanami, a co za tym idzie, jego walor etyczno-moralny bywał rozbieżny z waloryzowaniem Hiszpanów i hiszpańskości. W moich doświadczeniach terenowych wielokrotnie zetknęłam się ze zjawiskiem marginalizacji osoby księdza przy równoczesnej afirmacji chrześcijańskich obiektów kultu. Sądzę, że bez popadania w apologetyzm można stwierdzić, że świadczy to o uniwersalizmie chrześcijaństwa i jego wewnętrznym potencjale, zdolnym do wyemancypowania się nawet z tak traumatycznego i pozornie nierozerwalnego kontekstu, jaki tworzyło wraz z Hiszpanami. Cytowany wcześniej Varón Gabai przypomina niektóre powody konfliktów, w których brały udział indiańskie cofradías: W ciągu XVII i na początku XVIII wieku mają miejsce przepychanki pomiędzy cofradías, w niektórych przypadkach między rdzennymi mieszkańcami a obcymi, albo między Indianami 100 101 102 T. Szyszka, Zmagania ewangelizacyjne w Ameryce Łacińskiej okresu kolonialnego, [w:] Dzieje kultury latynoamerykańskiej, s. 129. Zob. podstawowe opracowanie tego tematu: A. Posern-Zieliński, Ruchy społeczne i religijne Indian hiszpańskiej Ameryki Południowej (XVI–XX w.), Wrocław 1974. Zob. też J. Pietraszczyk-Sękowska, Tradycje oporu w Andach. Mobilizacje indiańskochłopskie w Peru od XVI do XX wieku, Łódź 2015. Przykłady takie odnajdujemy m.in. w historii powstania Indian w 1780 i 1781 roku, omówionej przez Szemińskiego (idem, Myślane po kiczua…, s. 51–109), gdzie autor pisze o części powstańców: „Odrzucali oni panowanie hiszpańskie, mieli własne sanktuaria, ale katolicyzm akceptowali, choć w takiej formie był on dla odmiany nie do przyjęcia dla Hiszpanów” (s. 95). Przytacza też przykład pobożnego Indianina, który nie mając święceń, odprawiał msze jako kapelan powstańczy: „Indianin twierdził, że skoro słowo boże jest dobre i święte, to nic złego nie widział w odprawianiu mszy i czynił to wielokrotnie” (ibidem). �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 99 a Hiszpanami, których celem było zdobycie przywileju zmonopolizowania kultu określonego świętego patrona103. Takie właśnie podłoże miał głośny spór, który wybuchł w Huaráz w 1643 roku104. Jego przedmiotem było prawo do posiadania na własność figury św. Sebastiana i czerpania związanych z tym korzyści materialnych i duchowych. Jeśli pierwsze z nich nie budzą wątpliwości, wiążąc się z profitami wynikającymi z wielkich fiest z udziałem tysięcy ludzi, jak również z całorocznej ofiarności wiernych, to drugie wymagają komentarza. W przypadku św. Sebastiana, w związku z tym, jakie miejsce zajmował w strukturze kompetencji i patronatów powierzonych mu w chrześcijaństwie andyjskim, korzyści duchowe wykraczały daleko poza kwestę dewocji prywatnej, pośrednio stając się tożsamymi z korzyściami materialnymi. Wspomnienie liturgiczne tego świętego przypada na 20 stycznia, w okresie bardzo ważnym w andyjskim kalendarzu agrarnym105. Jest to półmetek wzrostu rodzimych roślin jadalnych, w tym kukurydzy i niektórych gatunków ziemniaków, a także czas zasiewów przywiezionych przez Hiszpanów zbóż – pszenicy i jęczmienia. W języku keczua okres ten zwany był huch’uy puquy, czyli „małe dojrzewanie”. Styczeń jest miesiącem, w którym młode rośliny są najbardziej zagrożone przez gryzonie, lisy i dzikie ptactwo, więc od tysiącleci Indianie w tym czasie szczególnie pilnie strzegą pól [fot. 26]. Pomimo panującej pory deszczowej nigdy nie jest pewne, czy wody będzie pod dostatkiem. Opady potrzebne są nie tylko do bieżącego nawadniania gleby, lecz także po to, by wysoko w górach nastąpiła odpowiednia akumulacja lodu i śniegu, dzięki czemu wody nie zabraknie w porze suchej. Styczniowa fiesta św. Sebastiana przybrała więc ludową postać święta płodności z elementami magii wegetacyjnej. Jej istotę stanowiła woda jako życiodajna substancja warunkująca wzrost roślin. W Andach znane są praktyki pielgrzymowania do świętych gór, takich jak Ausangate, i przynoszenia do wiosek lodu, żeby – jak można interpretować – uaktywnić wodę z gór, która tysiącami strumieni i kanałów nawadnia pola w dolinach. Praktyki wytworzone wokół wizerunku św. Sebastiana w Huaráz miały analogiczny sens, ale przybrały zdecydowanie bardziej spektakularną formę. Przypomnijmy, że ikonograficzna postać tego świętego to młody mężczyzna przywiązany do pala lub drzewa, naszpikowany strzałami z łuku106. W zachowanych zapisach107 sprzed wieków odnajdujemy relację o wypełnianiu pustej w środku figury świętego cziczą lub winem, którą mayordomo fiesty wlewał przez jej otwarte usta, wyjmując uprzednio strzały z ran, te zaś zatykając tamponami. W kulminacyjnym momencie święta tampony były wyciągane, napój tryskał z ran, a „krwią Patrona” – jak powiadano – raczyli się, aż do upojenia, mayordomo oraz curacas ze wszystkich stron, skąd przybyli do Huaráz. Następnie wracali do swych wiosek, niosąc w sobie „krew” świętego, która miała sprowadzić 103 104 105 106 107 R. Varón Gabai, op. cit., s. 137. C.A. Alba Herrera, Huaras. Historia…, (1996) s. 82–86; idem, Huaras. Historia…, (2017) s. 90–94; idem, Proceso de inserción del cristianismo en Áncash, Huaráz 2016, s. 52–56. M. Frankowska, Podstawy gospodarki wiejskiej w Peru w ostatnim okresie panowania Inków i pierwszym stuleciu po konkwiście. Wiek XVI i pierwsza połowa XVII w., Poznań 1967, s. 24–25. Św. Sebastian był oficerem gwardii cesarskiej w Rzymie, skazanym przez cesarza Dioklecjana na śmierć za obronę prześladowanych chrześcijan. W 290 roku został zabity strzałami z łuku, ale według legendy hagiograficznej przeżył i powtórnie upominał cesarza, wskutek czego tym razem definitywnie poniósł śmierć, zatłuczony pałkami. M. Yauri Montero, Ancash en el tapiz…, s. 71; idem, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 191–192. �100 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich pożądane deszcze. Można w tych praktykach dostrzec formę rytualnej teofagii. Jan Kott, analizując podobne zjawiska, pisze: „Spożywanie bogów, ryt aztecki, dionizyjski i wielkanocny – są zwycięstwem nad śmiercią, tryumfalnym świętem ponownych narodzin, urodzaju i płodności”108. Widzimy tu podobny porządek logiczny, jak w przypadku przynoszenia świętego lodu, a więc de facto wody, spod góry Ausangate. Niestety, zwierzchność kościelna w Limie odniosła się z niesmakiem do tak szczególnych praktyk. Poza faktem dezaprobaty, nie znamy jednak żadnych przekazów na temat dalszego trwania bądź zarzucenia tego zwyczaju. W sporze z 1643 roku zaangażowane były cofradías osiedlonych w redukcji przedstawicieli Ichoc i Allauca, dwóch od zawsze konkurujących ze sobą grup indiańskich. Opisany zwyczaj, pokazujący kultowe znaczenie św. Sebastiana, który w procesie ewoluowania religii w tej części Andów objął funkcję orędownika dobrych plonów, wyjaśnia, jak doniosłą sprawą było posiadanie bądź sprawowanie kontroli nad tą figurą. Spór został rozstrzygnięty polubownie, obu stronom nadano prawo do naprzemiennego urządzania fiesty i procesyjnego obnoszenia figury co drugi rok. W podjętej tu próbie zebrania ważniejszych zdarzeń z historii kolonialnej Huaráz zmierzam do zarysowania tła kulturowego, na którym pojawił się Chrystus Señor de la Soledad. Uchwycenie tego momentu, przełomowego dla całej późniejszej historii miasta i regionu, otworzy możliwość szerszej, wielowątkowej narracji, która wypełni dalsze części pracy. Sięgając w najdalsze dzieje wizerunku, dysponujemy niezwykle skromnymi danymi, nie pozwalającymi ustalić, kiedy dokładnie i w jakich okolicznościach pojawił się on w Huaráz. Okoliczności te stanowią tajemnicę, tym większą, że jego początków nie da się powiązać z działalnością misyjną franciszkanów lub dominikanów, którzy propagowali kult Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego i w wielu miejscach w Peru fundowali krucyfiksy. Niektóre z nich stały się z czasem ważnymi obiektami regionalnego kultu, kościoły zaś sanktuariami przyciągającymi pielgrzymów. W Huaráz pierwszy zakon – franciszkanów – zagościł na stałe dopiero w 1689 roku. Natomiast przełomową datą wskazującą na istnienie w mieście krucyfiksu Señora de la Soledad jest rok 1669, kiedy została tam założona Cofradía Santo Cristo de la Soledad. Powstała jako prawdopodobnie piąta chronologicznie cofradía w Huaráz109. Było to bractwo hiszpańskie, co świadczy o tym, że krucyfiks znajdował się pod wyłączną protekcją Hiszpanów, bez udziału Indian. Z dużym prawdopodobieństwem można jednak przyjąć, że Señor de la Soledad był w Huaráz długo przed tą datą, ponieważ obrazy i figury sakralne, których kult wzrasta, wybijając się ponad inne, zwykle „nabierają świętości” przez dłuższy czas, wsławiane kolejnymi cudami i otaczane coraz większą liczbą pobożnych świadectw i legend. Wizerunków, które w szczególny sposób urastają do rangi świętości, a ich sława przekracza progi macierzystej świątyni, nie ma zbyt wiele. Zdarza się, że Kościół intensywnie promuje kult któregoś z nich, osiągając wymierny skutek, ale bywa też tak, że obraz lub rzeźba stają się obiektami epifanicznego objawienia dla wiernych bez udziału, a czasem wbrew woli czynników kościelnych. Mechanizmów uruchamiających proces narastania sakralności wizerunków nie da się zaprogramować ani przewidzieć. Rejestracja hiszpańskiego bractwa Cofradía Santo Cristo de la Soledad wskazuje z dużym prawdopodobieństwem, że kult tego krucyfiksu był już wówczas znaczący, a nawet konkurujący z blisko stuletnim kultem św. Sebastiana. Wskazuje na to fakt, 108 109 J. Kott, Zjadanie bogów. Szkice o tragedii greckiej, Kraków 1986, s. 224. Por. wyszczególnienie najstarszych cofradías w Huaráz: C.A. Alba Herrera, Huaras. Historia…, (2017) s. 96–97. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 101 że bractwa zawiązywały się wokół wizerunków otoczonych nimbem świętości i wiele znaczących dla życia religijnego wspólnoty, a nie wokół przypadkowych. Tylko takie potrzebowały coraz bardziej rozbudowanego aparatu obsługi i promocji, zwłaszcza przy organizacji fiest, procesji i innych aktów zbiorowej dewocji. Równocześnie dla bractwa wizerunek otoczony sławą stanowił źródło dochodów, będąc zarazem osią realizacji potrzeb współbraci i ich rodzin. Te zaś nie sprowadzały się wyłącznie do aspektów religijno-duchowych, obejmując doraźne sprawy życiowe. W przypadku Indian bractwa pełniły niezmiernie ważną funkcję sformalizowanej reprezentacji religijnej ayllus bądź nawet szerszych społeczności tubylczych. Zauważono, że liczba indiańskich cofradías na terenie danej parafii była zwykle taka sama jak liczba ayllus110. Jak pisze Varon Gabai: W wielu przypadkach bractwa indiańskie, pomimo że ich oficjalną funkcją było oddawanie czci świętemu patronowi, przejmowały dawne funkcje ayllu. To właśnie instytucja ayllu zakorzeniona w przedhiszpańskiej tradycji, obejmowała najbardziej popularne i najtrwalej zakorzenione pokłady tubylczego kultu111. Akt fundacyjny Bractwa Świętego Chrystusa Samotności podpisali zamożny właściciel ziemski z Huaráz, Andrés Remírez de la Serna, oraz czterech innych Hiszpanów112. Warto zwrócić uwagę, że w nazwie figuruje „Cristo de la Soledad”, a nie „Señor de la Soledad”. Używanie imienia „Chrystus” w wezwaniach wizerunków czy kościołów charakterystyczne było (i jest do dziś) w odniesieniu do hiszpańskich i kreolskich obiektów kultu, natomiast w społecznościach indiańskich i indiańsko-metyskich imię „Chrystus” nie było używane, zastępowane tytułem „Señor”113. Nazwa konfraterni dowodzi, że pierwotnie wizerunek nosił nazwę Santo Cristo de la Soledad, dopiero z upływem czasu, w dominującym środowisku indiańsko-metyskim, zmienioną na Señor de la Soledad. Akt fundacyjny zawiera także kościelne imprimatur dla wybudowania osobnej kaplicy przeznaczonej dla wizerunku. Jest to bardzo ważna informacja – jedna z pierwszych cegiełek w rekonstrukcji najwcześniejszych dziejów kultu Señora de la Soledad. Zapis głosi, że fundatorzy, czyli członkowie nowo powstającej konfraterni, wybudują dla krucyfiksu osobną kaplicę, poza kościołem parafialnym, czyli miejscem, gdzie dotąd przebywał. Wiemy, że kościół parafialny wznosił się wówczas przy Plaza de Armas, pośrodku miasta. Kaplicę natomiast postawiono w odległości kilometra na wschód, w miejscu słabo zabudowanym, w pobliżu niszczejących ruin świątyni Pumacayan oraz hacjendy Garci Barba zajmującej się hodowlą owiec i eksploatacją istniejącej tam manufaktury rzemieślniczej dla Indian (obrajes) Garci Barba, opisanej w aktach wizytacji arcybiskupa Toribio Mogroviejo z 1585 i 1593 roku. Do budowy użyto najprawdopodobniej, przynajmniej w podmurówce, obrobionych kamieni ze świątyni Pumacayan, jako że proceder pozyskiwania materiałów budowlanych z tego obiektu trwał nieprzerwanie od XVI do XIX wieku. Nie można wykluczyć, 110 111 112 113 Wg. informacji korespondencyjnej otrzymanej od profesora Jana Szemińskiego. R. Varon Gabai, op. cit., s. 135. Catálogo de Cofradías del Archivo del Arzobispado de Lima, red. F.J. Campos y F. de Sevilla, OSA, Madrid 2014, s. 106, poz. 501. Pozostałe nazwiska założycieli to: Cristóbal Rico, Pedro de Valdés Álvarez, Antonio Gomez i Antonio de Brito. Zob. rozdz. „Cristo” i „Señor” – oblicza odmienności. �102 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich że dodatkową, pozatechniczną motywacją ich zastosowania była chęć demonstracji triumfu nowej, wciąż jeszcze walczącej wiary nad dawną, nie całkiem jeszcze zapomnianą. Wznosząc kaplicę na podwalinach z „pogańskiej” budowli, fundatorzy mogli to czynić z intencją symboliczną – taką, jaką odczytujemy z tysięcy kościołów i krzyży stawianych na gruzach świątyń i w innych miejscach dawnego kultu. Procesy dziejowe bywają wszakże kapryśne – nie zawsze zachowują pierwotne intencje, a symbole nicują w przeciwną stronę. Uprzedzając dalsze dzieje kaplicy, przy której z czasem powstaną kolejne świątynie Señora de la Soledad – jedynym, co ocaleje z kataklizmów trzęsień ziemi, będą prastare głazy z Pumacayan, które dziś także można dotknąć w małej, bocznej kaplicy, będącej częścią obecnego kościoła [fot. 27]. Jej dolne fragmenty to z dużym prawdopodobieństwem fundamenty i części murów tej pierwszej. Nieustannie płoną w niej setki świec, a Indianie, głównie starsze kobiety, wpatrują się w ich wróżebne płomienie [fot. 28]. Kamienie te, jeśli kiedyś miały, to z dawna utraciły antagonistyczną symbolikę. W percepcji Indian materializują pozytywny wymiar ciągłości dziejowej, dodając kościołowi splendoru swą nieprzemijalną sakralnością. W akcie fundacyjnym Cofradía Santo Cristo de la Soledad z 1669 roku odnajdujemy ważną informację. Jest nią wzmianka, że krucyfiks, wokół którego zawiązuje się nowa konfraternia, znajduje się w kościele parafialnym – w kaplicy zajmowanej także przez wizerunek Virgen de la Soledad, czyli Matki Boskiej Samotności. Jest w nim także mowa o tym, że w Wielkie Piątki odbywają się tam misteria pochówku Chrystusa. Wizerunek Señora de la Soledad (zwanego wówczas Cristo de la Soledad) jest, jak większość andyjskich Chrystusów, rzeźbą animowaną, z ruchomymi rękami. Zapis poświadcza, że uczestniczył w celebrach wielkopiątkowych i, tak jak to się odbywa do dzisiaj, zdejmowany był z krzyża, a następnie składany do symbolicznego grobu. Z tekstu jednoznacznie wynika, że uroczystości wielkopiątkowe odprawiane były od bardzo dawna, wywołując wielkie wzruszenie i ekstazę religijną u Indian. Dodatkową przesłanką świadczącą wprost o długiej historii kaplicy jest fakt, iż „z upływem czasu bardzo ucierpiała” i to jej zły stan techniczny skłonił fundatorów konfraterni do wybudowania nowej, obszerniejszej. Dysponujemy więc informacją, że w kościele parafialnym w Huaráz, na temat którego nie zachowały się żadne źródła pisane, ani tym bardziej jego widoki, znajdowała się kaplica boczna, w niej zaś krucyfiks, niewątpliwie tożsamy z Señorem de la Soledad, oraz figura Matki Boskiej Virgen de la Soledad. W znanych mi opracowaniach tematu – a sądzę, że żadnego nie pominęłam – nie analizowano powyższych informacji w celu ustalenia przybliżonej daty powstania krucyfiksu i jego pojawienia się w Huaráz. Źródła podają tylko ogólne datowanie na XVII, a nawet XVIII wiek. Tymczasem kaplica, w której znajdował się wizerunek, już w 1669 roku była w złym stanie, zniszczona ze starości. Nasuwa się pytanie, ile lat mógł wówczas liczyć kościół parafialny wraz z kaplicą? Pamiętamy, że w 1534 roku Sebastian de Torres otrzymał z nadania Pizarra encomiendę obejmującą Huaráz. Pisząc o tym, wyraziłam przypuszczenie, że na samym początku – na etapie zakładania osady – wybudował pierwszy, zapewne bardzo skromny kościół, w którym umieścił figurę swojego patrona, św. Sebastiana. Nie wiemy jednak, czy zdążył to zrobić przed śmiercią z rąk Indian w 1539 roku. Może pierwszą świątynię wybudowała dopiero wdowa po nim. Z całą pewnością nie był to jednak ten sam kościół, o którym czytamy w dokumencie fundacyjnym Cofradía Santo Cristo de la Soledad. W 1669 roku musiała to być �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 103 już świątynia zbudowana wiele lat później, w czasach, gdy rozwijającemu miastu przybyło mieszkańców i dotychczasowy kościółek stał się za mały. Niewątpliwie istotną rolę w powstaniu tego kościoła odegrały możliwości finansowe właścicieli encomiend i innych osiadłych tam Hiszpanów – wtedy dopiero wystarczające na koszt budowy, gdy zyski czerpane z pracy i trybutów Indian były już na wysokim poziomie. Nowy kościół niewątpliwie powstał na miejscu pierwszego, w centrum miasta, przy Plaza de Armas. Nie znamy daty jego budowy, więc zakres prawdopodobieństwa może obejmować kilkadziesiąt lat. Zakładam jednak, że istniał już w 1572 roku, czyli wtedy, gdy Huaráz stało się redukcją. Jeśli tak, to w 1669 roku liczył blisko sto lat, choć mógł też być jeszcze starszy. Miejsce w głównym ołtarzu niezmiennie zajmował św. Sebastian, natomiast kaplicę boczną, która nas interesuje – krucyfiks Cristo de la Soledad i Matka Boska Virgen de la Soledad. Wnioskując z przesłanek zawartych w dokumencie fundacyjnym konfraterni z 1699 roku, zarówno krucyfiks, jak wizerunek Matki Boskiej znajdowały się tam od bardzo dawna, najpewniej od początku jej istnienia. Według jednej z legend związanych z Señorem de la Soledad przywędrował on na te tereny z Hiszpanii, jako pierwszy spośród pięciu „braci Chrystysów”, do których zalicza się również inne czczone krucyfiksy na terenie prowincji Ancash. Motyw ten omawiam szerzej w osobnej części tej pracy114, tu zaś akcentuję jego przesłanie, wskazujące na sędziwość i pierwszeństwo jako archetypowe cechy wizerunków najważniejszych, otoczonych szczególnym kultem. Z punktu widzenia historyka legendy mogą być tylko sugestiami, wzmacniającymi ustalenia i przesłanki źródłowo weryfikowalne. Sądzę, że w tym wypadku tak właśnie jest. Wzmiankowana legenda współtworzy sens, na swój sposób wyrażając to, co wydaje się bardzo możliwe w świetle danych historycznych. Co zatem mówi nam przekaz etnohistoryczny? To mianowicie, że z prawdopodobieństwem bliskim pewności możemy twierdzić, że Señor de la Soledad nie jest krucyfiksem XVIIani tym bardziej XVIII-wiecznym, lecz pochodzi z XVI wieku, zapewne z okolic połowy tego stulecia. W 1669 roku liczył zapewne około stu lat, obecnie zaś około 450. Komentarza wymaga także informacja na temat Matki Boskiej Virgen de la Soledad, której wizerunek ukształtował się w XV- i XVI-wiecznej Hiszpanii, skąd został przeniesiony do Nowego Świata115. W Limie jej kult rozwijał się już w drugiej połowie XVI wieku, w 1604 roku powstał istniejący do dziś, poświęcony jej kościół [fot. 29], a z 1622 roku pochodzą pierwsze wzmianki na temat działającego tam bractwa pod jej wezwaniem116. Madonna ta, przybrana we wdowie szaty, uznawana jest za odmianę ikonograficzną Matki Boskiej Bolesnej. Jej figura, znajdująca się obecnie pod krzyżem Señora de la Soledad, przybrana jest w czarny płaszcz, na piersi mając srebrne serce z siedmioma mieczami – atrybutami Mater Dolorosa. [fot. 30]. W okresie gotyku postać Virgen de la Soledad współtworzyła tzw. Grupę Ukrzyżowania – wraz ze św. Janem Ewangelistą i Marią Magdaleną. W starej kaplicy kościoła parafialnego w Huaráz niewątpliwie znajdował się krucyfiks wraz z takim zestawem figur, a wymieniona w dokumencie Virgen de la Soledad wchodziła w skład tej grupy. Ważną przesłanką na rzecz tej tezy jest fakt, że zarówno obecnie, jak i zawsze, odkąd 114 115 116 Zob. rozdz. Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa. O.I. Acosta Luna, Milagrosas imágenes marianas en el Nuevo Reino de Granda, Frankfurt am Main 2011, s. 166–169. Catálogo de Cofradías…, s. 255. Zob. też K. Montoya Estrada, Cartas de Hermandad en la Cofradía de Nuestra Señora de la Soledad: salvaré mi cuerpo o solo mi alma?, [w:] Cofradías en el Perú…, s. 182–183. �104 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich dysponujemy dokumentacją źródłową, Señorowi de la Soledad towarzyszą postacie Virgen de la Soledad, św. Jana Ewangelisty i Marii Magdaleny (obecnie pochodzą z okresu znacznie późniejszego niż krucyfiks). Tradycja konserwuje wzorce ikonograficzne w sposób niezwykle trwały, gdyż ich nienaruszalność stanowi immanentną cechę sakralnych tekstów kultury. Zakładam, że w 1669 roku zapadła decyzja, by do nowej kaplicy został przeniesiony krucyfiks Cristo de la Soledad wraz z towarzyszącymi mu figurami Grupy Ukrzyżowania. Dokument fundacyjny nie wspomina jednak o tych figurach, gdyż wraz z krzyżem były traktowane jako nierozdzielna całość. Stanowiły z nim jedność ikonograficzną i ontologiczną. Koncepcja sugerująca, że Chrystus mógł zostać przeniesiony w nowe, godniejsze miejsce, bez towarzyszących mu postaci, byłaby niedorzeczna. Możemy mieć pewność, że Señorowi de la Soledad zawsze towarzyszyła Grupa Ukrzyżowania, nazywana w Peru calvaria. Przykłady takich scen rzeźbiarskich spotykamy zarówno w największych świątyniach Limy, jak i w małych kościółkach kolonialnych wysoko w Andach [fot. 31]. Sam Chrystus ocalał z kilku trzęsień ziemi, choć ucierpiał w nich i był poddawany koniecznym renowacjom. Towarzyszące mu figury zapewne ulegały zniszczeniu – może nawet nie jeden raz – i były wymieniane na nowe. Podsumowując, najpierw, najpewniej od drugiej połowy XVI wieku, krucyfiks Cristo de la Soledad wraz z figurami Grupy Ukrzyżowania zajmował kaplicę boczną w dawnym kościele parafialnym przy Plaza de Armas. Następnie po roku 1669 przeniesiony został do nowej kaplicy hiszpańskiej nieopodal Pumacayan, przy hacjendzie i warsztatach Garci Barba. W dalszej kolejności zajął centralne miejsce w ołtarzach głównych – w kolejnych kościołach wybudowanych w tym miejscu. Pierwszy z nich zaczęto wznosić po 1700 roku na miejscu dotychczasowej kaplicy hiszpańskiej, zapewne włączając ją w strukturę nowego kościoła. Kościół ten uległ zniszczeniu w trzęsieniu ziemi w 1750 roku. Na jego miejscu powstał kolejny, który, na przestrzeni lat przebudowywany, przetrwał do kolejnego kataklizmu trzęsienia w 1970 roku [fot. 32]. Po 1970 roku zbudowano nową świątynię, istniejącą do dziś [fot. 33]. Dla uzupełnienia wypada wspomnieć o jeszcze jednej, jak sadzę, zupełnie błędnej koncepcji, która pojawia się w literaturze. Według niej krucyfiks tożsamy z Señorem de la Soledad został sprowadzony w 1692 roku z dystryktu Conchucos dla założonego w tym czasie w Huaráz klasztoru franciszkanów117. Nasuwa się oczywiste pytanie: jeśli krucyfiks został wtedy przysłany franciszkanom, to gdzie podział się udokumentowany źródłowo Cristo de la Soledad, przeniesiony do nowej kaplicy hiszpańskiej koło Pumacayan? Żadne dane historyczne nie wspominają bowiem o dwóch czczonych krucyfiksach – ani wówczas, ani później. Trzej zakonnicy franciszkańscy: Basilio Pons, Joseph Sánchez i Francisco Beltrán 19 stycznia 1689 roku założyli pierwszy klasztor nieopodal kaplicy hiszpańskiej i Pumacayan118. Prawdopodobnie dlatego właśnie wybrali to miejsce, a nie rejon centrum Huaráz, że znajdowała się tam niedawno wybudowana kaplica z cudownym Cristo de la Soledad. Zakonnicy najpewniej objęli wizerunek opieką, czyniąc starania, by jeszcze bardziej rozpropagować jego kult. Zakon ten żywił szczególne nabożeństwo do Chrystusa na Krzyżu 117 118 M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 71. Autor nie podaje, na jakich dokumentach źródłowych opiera się ta teoria. C.A. Alba Herrera, Huaras. Historia…, (2017) s. 99–103; F. Gonzales, Ordenes religiosas en Huaras: franciscanos y betlemitas. Siglos XVII–XVIII, [w:] Diócesis de Huaráz…, s. 237–243. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 105 i w wielu miejscach Peru inicjował jego kult. W 1691 roku rozpoczęli budowę swojego kościoła pw. św. Franciszka, nieopodal niewielkiego, nowo wybudowanego klasztoru, który – jak głosi przekaz – powstał z kamieni Pumacayan. Warto zastanowić się nad nazwą „Cristo de la Soledad”, poprzedzającą późniejszą – „Señor de la Soledad”, a konkretnie nad słowem „Soledad”. Najbardziej prawdopodobne wydaje się przypuszczenie, że powstała wskutek przeniesienia tego przymiotnika z nazwy Matki Boskiej Virgen de la Soledad. Zapewne przypadkowo lub spontanicznie, bez niczyjej intencji, zaczęto obdarzać Chrystusa tym samym mianem, które należało do stojącej pod krzyżem Matki – i z biegiem czasu utrwaliła się nazwa Cristo de la Soledad. Proces przejmowania tej nazwy nastąpił w najwcześniejszym okresie, gdy krucyfiks znajdował się jeszcze w kaplicy bocznej dawnego kościoła parafialnego. W przeciwieństwie do oficjalnie uznawanej przez Kościół nazwy Virgen de la Soledad, nazwa Cristo de la Soledad była pojedynczym i niepowtarzalnym przypadkiem, można rzec, oddolnym, wytworzonym – jak się wydaje – przez anonimowych wiernych, a nie przez czynniki kościelne. Nie wiemy nic na temat przekształcania się nazwy „Cristo de la Soledad” w „Señor de la Soledad”. Jak wspomniałam, „Cristo” wiąże się ze środowiskiem hiszpańskim i kreolskim, a „Señor” z indiańskim i metyskim. Przypuszczam, że zmiana nastąpiła po wielkim trzęsieniu ziemi w 1725 roku, z którego krucyfiks, jak mówiono, cudownie ocalał. Wtedy to na miejscu zburzonego zbudowano nowy kościół, a Cristo de la Soledad zajął znów miejsce w ołtarzu głównym. Jego wywyższenie wiązało się z poważnym osłabieniem kultu św. Sebastiana, który formalnie nadal pozostawał patronem Huaráz (i jest nim do dziś119), ale praktycznie ulegał coraz większej marginalizacji, przyćmiewany narastającą sławą Cristo de la Soledad. Przypuszczalnie wtedy właśnie, gdy nowy kościół, w przeciwieństwie do wcześniejszej, hiszpańskiej kaplicy, stał się popularnym miejscem sprawowania kultu religijnego, dostępnym nie tylko Hiszpanom, ale i szerokim masom ludności indiańsko-metyskiej z miasta i okolic, imię „Cristo” stopniowo zanikło, zastąpione używanym przez Indian tytułem „Señor”. Należy podkreślić, że zarówno „Cristo de la Soledad”, jak i „Señor de la Soledad” to nazwy niepowtarzalne, niemające odpowiedników ani w Hiszpanii, ani w całej hiszpańskiej Ameryce Łacińskiej. Fakt, że nie zostały spopularyzowane i przeniesione na inne wizerunki, nie świadczy o słabości oddziaływania, lecz wręcz odwrotnie, o ich sakralnym zastrzeżeniu dla jednego tylko krucyfiksu. Nazwa Señor de la Soledad (Cristo de la Soledad to już odległa przeszłość) zarezerwowana jest wyłącznie dla Chrystusa z Huaráz. Zwraca uwagę fakt, że władze kościelne w Limie nie czyniły zastrzeżeń do nazwy Cristo de la Soledad, rejestrując w 1669 roku konfraternię pod tym wezwaniem. Jest to niezmiernie ważna przesłanka, wskazująca, że już wówczas Chrystus z Huaráz miał ugruntowaną sławę, na tyle znaczącą, że to niekanoniczne, ale uświęcone splendorem cudownego wizerunku miano nie wzbudziło wątpliwości biskupów. Jest to także argument świadczący o słuszności mojej hipotezy, że w 1669 roku Cristo de la Soledad miał już za sobą długą historię kultu, którego początków możemy upatrywać głęboko w XVI wieku. 119 Figura św. Sebastiana znajduje się w kościele Sagrario de San Sebastian, ale nie ma tam nawet swojego ołtarza. Ustawiono ją na uboczu, w kącie kościoła [fot. 34]. Z całą pewnością nie jest to pierwsza, XVI-wieczna figura, tylko znacznie późniejsza. Próby uzyskania informacji na temat jej wieku lub twórcy skończyły się niepowodzeniem. �106 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Przypuszczalnie już w połowie XVIII wieku kult Señora de la Soledad zatacza coraz szersze kręgi, stając się dominującym nie tylko w Huaráz, ale także na większości terytoriów Ancash, sięgając po wybrzeże Pacyfiku. Wówczas to, jak sądzę, zostaje dopracowane ontologiczne oblicze wizerunku, zespalające cechy chrześcijańskie z podstawowymi atrybutami najważniejszych bóstw andyjskich, przy czym mowa tu przede wszystkim o atrybutach, a nie o bogach, których regionalne hipostazy mają znaczenie drugorzędne. Atrybuty te to przede wszystkim władza nad życiodajną wodą, wegetacją roślin i trzęsieniami ziemi. W złożonym procesie kształtowania się wizerunku wielką rolę odegrały także mity ludów andyjskich, w tym koncepcja twórczej dyssymetrii, przełożona na wątek pięciu boskich demiurgów, który szeroko omawiam w dalszej części pracy. Kolejnym nurtem, który wpłynął na formowanie się andyjskiego oblicza Señora de la Soledad, była mitologia mesjanistyczna, gwałtownie ożywiona w tragicznym dla Indian okresie konkwisty i czasach kolonialnych. Jej wiodącym wątkiem był mit Inkarrí, idealizujący Tawantin Suyu i głoszący powrót Inki. Kończąc szkicową rekonstrukcję tła historyczno-kulturowego, na jakim zaistniał omawiany krucyfiks z Huaráz, dalsze strony poświęcę analizie antropologicznej, zastanawiając się nad tym, co czyni go epicentrum świętości oraz punktem odniesienia w definiowaniu tożsamości kulturowej. Podejmę próbę zbadania tej konkretnie hierofanii, zarówno w planie Eliadowskiej morfologii sacrum, niezależnej od uwarunkowań historycznych, jak i – przede wszystkim – w ramach konkretnych uwarunkowań miejsca i czasu, które czynią ją fenomenem niepowtarzalnym, zanurzonym w tkance kultury tej części Andów. Mityczny początek, czyli uparty acheiropoietos Chrystus znajdował się zawsze na szczycie pagórka, przybity do czarnego krzyża, pod okrągłym dachem wzniesionego na kształt indiańskiego szałasu domku z ostrej trawy, który chronił go przed niepogodą. Nie było więc potrzeby ustawiać stacji drogi krzyżowej. Po kazaniu o siedmiu słowach następowało zstąpienie. Drżące, kurczowo zaciśnięte ręce wyciągały się ku Ukrzyżowanemu. Wyszarpywały gwoździe gwałtownymi ruchami z jakąś zaciętą niecierpliwością. Tłum schodził ze wzgórza z figurą na barkach, zawodząc ochryple pieśni i wznosząc modły. Przemierzał owe pół mili drogi aż do kościoła, lecz Chrystus nigdy tam nie wchodził. Docierał tylko do wrót. Pozostawał przy nich chwilę, podczas gdy pieśni przybierały na gwałtowności, by stać się wreszcie wrogimi, wyzywającymi okrzykami. Zaraz potem nosidła murarskie zawracały nad głowami tłumu i Chrystus wracał na wzgórze na barkach pochodu, pobłyskując trupią bladością w dymiącym blasku pochodni i latarń płonących ogniem łojowych świec. Był to obrzęd surowy, prymitywny, rozpętany w zbiorowym uniesieniu, jakby duch ludzki poruszony został zapachem krwi ofiarnej i wybuchnął okrzykiem, który nie wiadomo, czy wyrażał niepokój, czy nadzieję, czy żal – w Wielki Piątek o godzinie dziewiątej120. Syn człowieczy – zdaniem niektórych krytyków najlepsza powieść Augusto Roa Bastosa (1917–2005), doczekał się licznych, również polskich recenzji literackich121, natomiast 120 121 A. Roa Bastos, Syn człowieczy, przeł. Z. Wilski, Kraków 1977, s. 8. M. Drozdowicz, Recepcja twórczości Augusto Roa Bastosa w kontekście polskiego boomu (nawiązania i interpretacje), „Ameryka Łacińska” 2013, nr 3–4, s. 30–76. Zob. też idem, Językowy obraz świata guaraní w polskich tłumaczeniach prozy Augusto Roa Bastosa, Wrocław 2015. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 107 nie jest mi znana żadna jej egzegeza etnologiczna. Analizy wykraczające poza formułę recenzji, w tym przede wszystkim przytoczone prace Maksymiliana Drozdowicza, w wielu miejscach umiejętnie wydobywają treści etnologiczne, ale pomijają metafory, aluzje i toposy, bez wątpienia świadomie rozsiane na kartach powieści. Nie są one ozdobnikami ani figurami intelektualnej poetyki, lecz komplementarnymi detalami ramy strukturalnej, w której pisarz osadził swojego symbolicznego bohatera – Trędowatego Chrystusa z paragwajskiej wioski Itapé. Opowieść o nim jest literacką syntezą mitu etiologicznego przywiązanego do bardzo wielu wizerunków Chrystusa na terenie Peru i szerzej, na terenie Ameryki Południowej. Mitu, który przywędrował tam wraz z chrześcijaństwem i uległ ciekawym przekształceniom w zetknięciu z miejscową kulturą. Czytanie Syna człowieczego pozwala odkryć Roa Bastosa jako etnologa, a przynajmniej pisarza obdarzonego wrażliwością i intuicją etnologiczną. Odnajdujemy w nim paragwajskiego José Marío Arguedasa, choć nie odebrał, jak tamten, wykształcenia antropologicznego. Obaj stworzyli jednak dzieła, można rzec, literacko-etnologiczne, będące obowiązkową lekturą zarówno dla etnologów Peru czy Paragwaju, jak również kultury latynoamerykańskiej w wymiarze ponadnarodowym. Tak jak bez kilku konkretnych powieści Arguedasa trudno sobie wyobrazić etnologię andyjskiego Peru, tak bez Syna człowieczego Roa Bastosa obraz kultury Indian Guaraní byłby znacząco skromniejszy. Wartość etnologiczna powieści Roa Bastosa polega na tym, że w indywidualnej historii o Chrystusie Trędowatym, zatopionej szerszym pejzażu burzliwych czasów i zdarzeń, nie tylko przedstawia on pełną i spójną strukturę mitu, ale obudowuje ją znakomicie dostrzeżonymi szczegółami – niekiedy tak ulotnymi, że ich wychwycenie, wymagające głębszej wiedzy o kulturze latynoamerykańskiej, staje się intelektualną przygodą. W scenerii zapadłej wioski Itapé, założonej przed wiekami redukcji toledańskiej, poznajemy autora jako narratora wspomnień z własnego dzieciństwa. W korowodzie postaci ożywionych w pamięci pojawia się dziwaczna postać starca Macario, wyśmiewanego przez dzieci, przez dorosłych zaś traktowanego z ambiwalentnym dystansem. Jako niezrównany gawędziarz, ucieleśniający figurę dziada, który widział i wie więcej (topos ślepca: „z martwymi oczami zasnutymi błonkami katarakty”122), zyskiwał chętnych słuchaczy, ale mimo to pozostawał obcy, gdyż urodził się „gdzie indziej”, a jego młode lata były tylko przedmiotem domysłów („On sam urodził się gdzie indziej. Krążyły pogłoski, że był nieznanym synem dyktatora Francia”123). Opowieść Macario, wypełniająca wstępny rozdział książki, układa się w niezwykły apokryf nowotestamentowy obudowany symboliką miejsca i czasu. Starzec snuje opowieść o swoim krewnym – dziwnym stolarzu, rzeźbiarzu, lutniku i muzyku Gasparze Mora, mieszkającym kiedyś w Itapé. Był to człowiek skromny, dobry i uczynny, ale – tak jak Macario – odmienny od innych i oddalony. Odkąd pojawił się w wiosce, pozostawał sam, a kwestia jego „czystości” bywała przedmiotem żartów i sprzecznych opinii. Jedyną kobietą, która kochała go platonicznie, zasłuchana w jego grę na gitarze, była na wpół obłąkana María Rosa (aluzja do Marii Magdaleny). W pewnym momencie Gaspar Mora znika, zabierając gitarę i kilka narzędzi ciesielskich. Poszukiwania nie dają rezultatów, lecz po upływie dłuższego czasu ktoś natrafia w głębi lasu na chatkę, zwabiony melodią gitary. Spotyka tam Gaspara, chorego na trąd, ten jednak odmawia powrotu do wsi i leczenia, pomimo próśb 122 123 Ibidem, s. 6. Ibidem, s. 9. José Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia (1766–1840) – prezydent Paragwaju w latach 1813–1840. �108 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich przybyłej delegacji mieszkańców wioski. María Rosa przynosi mu więc tylko, jak wcześniej, maniokowe placki i wodę, zostawiając je opodal chatki. Wydarzenia, które miały nastąpić, poprzedza budzący wśród Indian grozę przelot komety Halleya124 – hipostazy gwiazdy betlejemskiej („Wywołała panikę. Była promieniejącą zapowiedzią końca świata. Straszliwa wieść o karze potężniała w kościele wśród lamentów i modlitw”125). Na czas jakiś zapomniano o Gasparze Mora, gdy jednak pewnego dnia María Rosa przybiegła, wykrzykując „Nie ma go już… poszedł […] – Kometa go zabrała!”126, ludzie poszli do lasu, gdzie odnaleźli zmarłego cieślę. Pochowali go w miejscu, gdzie zmarł, a w jego chacie zastali rzeźbę Chrystusa wielkości człowieka, pokrytą śladami owrzodzonych rąk Gaspara. Zabrali ją do wsi z zamiarem umieszczenia w kościele. Ich droga do Itapé to metaforyczny początek wchodzenia w odmienny czas, znaczony podwójną symboliką apokaliptyczną – indiańską i chrześcijańską. Czas zwiastujący tragiczne burze dziejowe (m.in. wojnę z Boliwią w 1932 roku), lecz także, jak można wnioskować, transformację mentalnościową Indian, nadających własny sens symbolice chrześcijańskiej. María Rosa poi Chrystusa wodą, podczas gdy nadciąga burza, zasłaniając niebo (jerozolimską) kurtyną, rozdzieraną błyskawicami („Wąskie szczeliny rysowały się na rozżarzonym, przejrzystym niebie zaciągającym się już ciemną kotarą. Pojedyncze chmury wydawały się jeszcze czarniejsze przez bezustanne błyski, wbijające się na kształt sztyletów w ich brzuchy”127). Ustawili Chrystusa w przedsionku zamkniętego kościoła, po czym usiedli dookoła w niego w kucki (indiański odpowiednik klęczenia). Sprowadzony po kilku dniach ksiądz stanowczo odmówił poświęcenia rzeźby i wprowadzenia jej do kościoła, nakazując, by została spalona. Tymczasem „rozchodziła się już legenda o jej cudownych właściwościach. Przyniosła ze sobą deszcze z lasu”128. W zgromadzonym tłumie Indian dochodzi do rozłamu, część się buntuje. Przemawia stary Macario, a jego ekstatyczna improwizacja jest pierwszym, przełomowym głosem sprzeciwu wobec niekwestionowanego autorytetu księdza. Ten gest obala nieprzekraczalną dotąd barierę respektu i strachu, otwiera również drogę ku nowej formule religijności, takiej, w której kapłan – pozbawiony dotyczasowego wpływu – traci znaczenie w obliczu teofanii zachodzącej w ramach porządku religijności ludowej. Krzyk starca głosi humanistyczną rewizję rudymentarnych zasad teologii chrześcijańskiej, a przynajmniej skostniałego dogmatyzmu, jaki one przybrały: Nie jest zatruty jadem. Deszcz obmył go i oczyścił, kiedy go nieśliśmy. Spójrzcie na niego! Porusza swymi ustami z drewna… Opowiada o rzeczach, których musimy słuchać… Słuchajcie! Ja go tu słyszę… – powiedział bijąc się w piersi. – To mówi człowiek! Boga nie można zrozumieć… ale człowieka tak!…129. Słowa Macario zyskują poparcie większej części Indian, ale ksiądz ma też swoich zwolenników. Temperatura sporu narasta, wywiązuje się szarpanina, w ruch idą maczety. W ferworze Chrystus otrzymuje cięcie ostrzem, zadane przez Nicanora Goiburú, zawadiakę 124 125 126 127 128 129 Autor, wymieniając nazwę komety, świadomie umiejscawia akcję w 1910 roku. Pojawienie się komety było zawsze odczytywane jako wróżba kataklizmów i nieszczęść. Ibidem, s. 23. Ibidem. Ibidem, s. 26. Ibidem, s. 27. Ibidem, s. 28. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 109 i nożownika i, co symptomatyczne, ojca bliźniaków130. Na ciele Chrystusa pojawia się blizna od broni agresora, jaką nosi wiele czczonych wizerunków na całym świecie (zjawisko to omówię szerzej na przykładzie Señora de la Soledad). Ksiądz, przestraszony tumultem, uderza w ton koncyliacyjny, obiecując negocjacje w kurii, ale, gdy emocje opadają, zleca dzwonnikowi („kulawy, pryszczaty wyrostek”) wykradzenie nocą i spalenie rzeźby. Akcja nie powiedzie się, a dzwonnik, zdjęty wyrzutami sumienia, powiesi się na sznurze pękniętego dzwonu, który z dawna utracił już pierwotne brzmienie. Mamy do czynienia z oczywistym toposem Judasza-zdrajcy, ikonograficznym ucieleśnieniem brzydoty131 i jego chtoniczną cechą kulawości132, jak również z symboliką pękniętego dzwonu – instrumentu kościelnego obcego rdzennym tradycjom Ameryki Południowej, a przez to obarczonego kompleksem znaczeń specyficznych tylko dla tej części świata133. Dźwięk „nerwowego kasłania” pękniętego dzwonu współbrzmi z sensem dokonującej się przemiany – słabnięcia potencjału doktryny wobec krzepnących przejawów wyemancypowanej religijności ludowej, adaptującej atrybuty chrześcijańskie zgodnie z własną duchowością i rozumieniem. Niech nas nie zmyli powieściowa jedność miejsca, czasu i akcji. Tu każdy element tej triady można uniwersalizować w ramach kilkusetletnich dziejów chrześcijaństwa w Ameryce Łacińskiej. Trędowaty Chrystus zostaje umieszczony na krzyżu i zajmuje godne miejsce na wzgórzu powyżej kościoła, a María Rosa ofiaruje mu swoje włosy. Kuria pod naciskiem zdarzeń zezwala na poświęcenie krzyża, co jednak spotyka się z lekceważeniem Indian („Nasz Chrystus nie potrzebuje ich poświęcenia – mruknął patriarcha”134). Nadchodzi Wielki Piątek, Indianie nadciągają tłumnie, by wziąć udział w misterium, po raz pierwszy z udziałem Trędowatego Chrystusa. Zjawia się kaznodzieja, wygłaszając płomienne kazanie, w trakcie którego wzgórzu z krzyżem nadaje guarańską nazwę Tupá-Rapé, to znaczy Droga Boża. Reakcja zgromadzonych raz jeszcze ujawnia istotę konfliktu między skostniałą doktryną a religijnością ludową – Indianie odrzucają tę nazwę, nadając wzgórzu własną, Kuimbaé-Rapé, oznaczającą Drogę Człowieczą. W sprzeciwie tym chodzi jednak o coś więcej, spontaniczny opór wywołuje nie tylko nazwa, ale też fakt autorytarnej ingerencji księdza w zastrzeżoną dla tubylców sferę oswajania świata za pomocą toponimów. Próba narzucenia nazwy to próba 130 131 132 133 134 W kulturach indiańskich Ameryki Południowej bliźniactwo obarczone jest jednoznacznie negatywnymi konotacjami w sferze wierzeń. Zdarzało się, że jedno z bliźniąt zabijano lub życie obojga i rodziców poddawano specjalnym rygorom, prowadzącym do oczyszczenia z zabezpieczenia przed nieszczęściem, jakie mogą przynieść. Źródła etnograficzne pełne są przyczynków na ten temat, a szerzej analizuje to zjawisko Claude Lévi-Strauss (zob. idem, Opowieść o rysiu, przeł. E. Bekier, Łódź 1994, s. 76–79). W Synu człowieczym Nicanora Goiburú, jak i jego synowie-bliźniacy, stanowią wcielenie zła, gdyż odium winy za bliźniactwo spada na rodziców. Ci sami bliźniacy 25 lat później dopuszczą się profanacji Trędowatego Chrystusa (A. Roa Bastos, op. cit., s. 261–262). Ich postacie stanowią literacką projekcję postrzegania bliźniactwa przez Indian, niemożliwą do zdekodowania bez wiedzy etnograficznej. Zob. np. B. Fabiani, Judasz w malarstwie nowożytnym, „Ethos” 2004, nr 1–2, s. 140–147; K. Gieryszewska, Interpretacja postaci Judasza, „Polska Sztuka Ludowa. Konteksty” 1992, nr 2, s. 39–42. Na cechę kulawości zwraca uwagę Jerzy Sławomir Wasilewski, pisząc: „zwróćmy uwagę, że kulawość i jednonożność, a więc – jak powiada Lévi-Strauss – «trudność w poruszaniu się w postawie pionowej» będą zawsze oznaką chtoniczności, związku z ziemią i podziemiami” (idem, Podróże do piekieł. Rzecz o szamańskich misteriach, Warszawa 1979, s. 132. Zob. E. Jodłowska, M. Mąka, Pishtaco. Fenomen symbolizacji traumy kulturowej w społecznościach andyjskich, Kraków 2016, s. 75–102. A. Roa Bastos, op. cit., s. 33. �110 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich zawłaszczenia części ich świata. Nazywanie to włączanie w kulturę i symboliczne obejmowanie w posiadanie, więc wzgórze „ich” Chrystusa nie mogło nosić „obcej” nazwy. Misterium wielkopiątkowe, którego opis zacytowałam na wstępie, odbywa się zgodnie z indiańską tradycją. Chrystus, zdjęty z krzyża i niesiony przez wiernych, odbywa procesję do kościoła i z powrotem. Co bardzo ważne – nie wchodzi do kościoła. Powtórzmy raz jeszcze: „Przemierzał owe pół mili aż do kościoła, lecz Chrystus nigdy tam nie wchodził. Docierał tylko do wrót”135. Nie wiemy, czy Roa Bastos zaczerpnął ten szczegół z własnej literackiej fantazji, tworząc jeszcze jeden symboliczny przekaz na temat kulturowo-religijnego zdystansowania, czy jego inspiracją były rzeczywiste, zaobserwowane praktyki. Sądzę, że druga odpowiedź bliższa jest prawdy, gdyż różne formy manifestacji takiego zdystansowania były i nadal są obecne w spontanicznych i zrytualizowanych zachowaniach religijnych Indian. Tytułem przykładu – jednego z wielu, ale szczególnie bliskiego wielkopiątkowej scenie z Syna człowieczego – nawiążę do peruwiańskiej tradycji tzw. „krzyży karnawałowych”, mających szczególnie spektakularny charakter w Huaráz. W dalszej części pracy omówię dokładniej ten zwyczaj, tu zaś przytaczam go skrótowo, by wskazać na zbieżność z opisem Roa Bastosa. W ostatnią niedzielę karnawału do świątyni Señora de la Soledad przybywa niezliczona ilość krzyży, by uczestnicząc w uroczystej mszy, oddać hołd najważniejszemu z nich i zaczerpnąć od niego „energii świętości”. Krzyże te dzielą się na wiejskie, przynoszone przez campesinas z wiosek wokół Huaráz, oraz miejskie, należące do mieszkańców różnych dzielnic miasta. Różnią się między sobą wielkością, sposobem wykonania i dekoracjami. Wiejskie są olbrzymie, nierzadko trzy-, czterometrowe, pokryte kwiatami i ozdobami ze zbóż, miejskie mniejsze, z wyszyciami i wstążkami. Miejskie wchodzą do wnętrza świątyni, wiejskie natomiast w zdecydowanej większości zostają na zewnątrz, gdzie tańcem oddają cześć Panu Samotności. W Andach taniec jest formą modlitwy wypowiadanej ruchem i gestem. Jeden z moich informatorów, William Reyes Milla, wspominał, jak w dzieciństwie przychodził wraz z ojcem, by uczestniczyć w święcie. Dziedziniec i otoczenie świątyni tłumnie wypełniali campesinas z wiosek i las barwnych, poruszających się krzyży, z którymi wielu chłopów niestrudzenie tańczyło przy dźwiękach wiejskich orkiestr. Pamiętał, że ojciec pytał tańczących, dlaczego nie wchodzą na mszę do świątyni? Odpowiedzi bywały podobne: „Mój krzyż chce tutaj tańczyć dla Señora, tu jest nasze miejsce, nie wchodzimy do środka”. Podobnie jest do dzisiaj. Mam więc podstawę sądzić, że obraz wykreowany przez Roa Bastosa na kartach Syna człowieczego oddaje charakterystyczny rys indiańskich praktyk religijnych, akcentujących dualistyczne rozdzielenie pomiędzy tym, co ich własne, a tym, co chociaż czczone, to jednak naznaczone hiszpańską „obcością”. Wątek Chrystusa Trędowatego w dziele Roa Bastosa zawiera symboliczne odniesienia do tzw. „intrahistorii”136 paragwajskiej. Termin ten wprowadził hiszpański pisarz i filozof Miguel de Unamuno y Jungo (1864–1936) na określenie „wiecznej tradycji” kulturowej, zwłaszcza grup marginalizowanych („ludzi bez historii”), na której tle toczą się zmienne zdarzenia historii, wypełniające oficjalną przestrzeń dyskursu. Pomijam tutaj analizy podejmowane w tym duchu w recenzjach i omówieniach książki. Zwracam tylko uwagę 135 136 Ibidem, s. 8. E.J. Maroco dos Santos, La consciencia histórica e intrahistórica en Miguel de Unamuno, [w:] „Euphyía – Revista de Filosofía” 2017, nr 5, red. M. Gensollen, J.A. Chávez Gallo, Mexico, Aguascalientes: Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes, s. 109–136. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 111 na niektóre istotne aspekty etnograficzne. Przede wszystkim, o ile mi wiadomo, nikt nie zadał pytania, które samo się narzuca, a dotyczy symboliki trądu. Dlaczego indiański Chrystus jest trędowaty? Sądzę, że odpowiedź wynika z humanistycznego zwrotu, jaki pisarz wskazuje, komentując religijność ludową. Indiański Chrystus staje się bogiem wyzbytym obcości, przywłaszczonym na indiańskich zasadach i naznaczony bliznami trądu, jak miliony rdzennych mieszkańców kontynentu. Trędowaty stwarza boga na swój obraz i podobieństwo – i nie jest to bynajmniej płytka trawestacja materialistycznej maksymy, tylko sięgnięcie do istoty autentycznej religijności, która musi być „własna”, zintegrowana z wyznawcami na poziomie ich tożsamości. Nie jest to więc antropocentryzm w rozumieniu europejskim, tylko bosko-ludzka koniunkcja w obrębie kosmowizji właściwej religijności indiańskiej. W wielopoziomowym nawarstwieniu znaczeń dostrzegamy też aspekt historyczny, będący jednym z wyznaczników obcości i antagonizmu kulturowego między rdzennymi mieszkańcami a hiszpańskim hegemonem. Jest nim trąd, jako choroba przez niego przywleczona137, wyjątkowo drastyczna w objawach, więc narzucająca się jako złowrogi symbol wszelkich epidemii, które spadły na Indian wraz z przybyciem białych. W konfrontacji symboliki cierpienia wrzody trędowatego stają się bardziej wyraziste znaczeniowo niż rany biczowania. Zastępują je, pisząc nową, autochtoniczną historię męczeństwa. Zmierzając ku końcowi omawiania wątku Chrystusa Trędowatego, wracam do zasygnalizowanej na wstępie obecności ramy strukturalnej mitu etiologicznego, właściwej wielu czczonym wizerunkom na terenie Ameryki Łacińskiej. „Rzeczywistość przedstawiona dzieła literackiego może być źródłem dla historyka, bowiem może informować go o istotnych strukturach świata realnego”138 – stwierdza Jerzy Topolski, a ocenę tę można śmiało odnieść do obszaru zainteresowań etnografa. Opowieść o Chrystusie Trędowatym stworzona przez znakomitego znawcę indiańskich realiów kulturowych „modeluje rzeczywistość w sposób idealizacyjny, czyli zwracający uwagę na jej istotne cechy i zagęszczający uwagę wokół tych cech”139. Innymi słowy, jest ona literacką syntezą stworzoną na bazie rzeczywistych legend o podobnej konstrukcji. Liczne wątki legendarne, moralitety i apokryfy przywędrowały do Ameryki Południowej wraz z chrześcijaństwem, ulegając tam podobnym procesom synkretyzacji, jak treści kanoniczne. Część z nich tłumaczy początki świętych wizerunków. Można by sądzić, że upowszechnieniu się ich legendarnej etiologii sprzyja fakt, iż w stosunku do wielu z nich brakuje przekazów historycznych. Dotyczy to także znacznej części wizerunków w andyjskich regionach Ancash, za co winę ponoszą zarówno burzliwa historia, jak i – często w większym stopniu – kataklizmy trzęsień ziemi niszczące kościoły, archiwa i biblioteki. Doświadczenie etnografa przeczy wszakże istnieniu takiej zależności. Wskazuje ono, że nawet gdy istnieje udokumentowana historia świętego wizerunku, nawet jeśli trafi ona w popularnej formie do prostego odbiorcy, to i tak równolegle może (a nawet musi!) pojawić się wersja legendarna, albowiem to ona, a nie faktografia, konweniuje z dyskursem mitycznym właściwym religijności ludowej. Te dwa sprzeczne porządki logiczne mogą zgodnie bytować obok siebie, nie wchodząc w dialog z powodu niekompatybilności języków dyskursu. 137 138 139 D. Obregón Torres, Batallas contra la lepra: estado, medicina, y ciencia en Colombia, Medelín 2002, s. 41. J. Topolski, Problemy metodologiczne korzystania ze źródeł literackich w badaniu historycznym, [w:] Dzieło literackie jako źródło historyczne, red. Z. Stefanowska, J. Sławiński, Warszawa 1978, s. 17. Ibidem, s. 15. �112 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Opowieść o cudownym początku staje się niezbędnym elementem struktury, ponieważ determinuje wszystko, co nastąpi później. I odwrotnie – w tym, co na przestrzeni historii zdarzy się wokół świętych wizerunków, istnieje nić zależności sięgająca mitycznego początku. Zjawisko niezbędności mitu założycielskiego występuje nie tylko w religii, lecz także – z różnym nasileniem – w przestrzeni de facto parareligijnych struktur władzy, związków świeckich, organizacji, partii politycznych, a nawet niektórych firm, jednakże wspominam o tym tylko po to, by wskazując na zasięg, podkreślić jego fundamentalną rolę w kulturze140. Poruszający apokryf Roa Bastosa, równie doskonały jak Mistrz i Małgorzata, wykorzystuje jeden z najpowszechniejszych wątków etiologicznych, traktujących o nie-ludzkim wykonaniu świętego wizerunku. W historii sztuki przedstawienia takie określa się greckim terminem acheiropoietos lub łacińskim non manufactum141. Paragwajski pisarz subtelnie balansuje pomiędzy głównym przesłaniem opowieści, jakim jest humanizacja i indygenizacja religii, a dbałością o zachowanie struktury mitu. Cieśla i rzeźbiarz Gaspar Mora to postać ambiwalentna. Jest zarazem „swój” i „obcy”. Chodzą plotki, że jest bratankiem dyktatora Francii, ten zaś nie był Indianinem, tylko synem Paragwajki i Brazylijczyka, zwolennikiem jakobinizmu podającym się za Francuza. Również zajęcia, jakim oddawał się Mora, będący stolarzem i lutnikiem, nadawały mu status odmieńca, podkreślany zamieszkiwaniem na uboczu wioski, pod lasem. Tenże – ni to swój, ni obcy – zapada na trąd i znika z Itapé, ukrywając się w głębi lasu. Relokacja w obszar orbis exterior to metaforyczne, a w jego przypadku także dosłowne, wchodzenie w śmierć. Chory na trąd był już de facto „po tamtej stronie”, a jego życie stawało się tylko umieraniem. Gaspar rzeźbi figurę Chrystusa i umiera, zostawiając na swym dziele trwałe ślady ropiejących ran. Można tu dostrzec aluzję do jednego z legendarnych wątków etiologicznych, ukazującego Chrystusa w roli wykonawcy własnego wizerunku142. Byłby to więc akt wcielenia się człowieka w Boga – unia hipostatyczna à rebours, zgodna z podtekstem ideowym, modelującym całą opowieść. Równocześnie mamy też do czynienia z egzemplifikacją innego, popularnego wątku etiologicznego, według którego święty wizerunek tworzy nieznany przybysz, który po skończeniu dzieła znika. W świecie andyjskim bywa to postać wędrownego rzeźbiarza, dostatnio ubranego Hiszpana lub mnicha. Dopiero gdy go już nie ma, ludzie rozpoznają w nim anioła, świętego albo samego Chrystusa. Sądzę, że Trędowaty Chrystus, pomimo iż znamy jego twórcę, jest swoistą odmianą acheiropoietosu, gdyż rzeźbiarz jawi się jako postać nieodgadniona, o tożsamości roztapiającej się w wieloznaczności interpretacji. Syn człowieczy Roa Bastosa syntezuje kilku wątków opowieści etiologicznych. Obecnie czas na przegląd tych, które wiążą się z krucyfiksem Señora de la Soledad. Zacznijmy 140 141 142 Nie do końca zgadzam się z Tokarską-Bakir, która pisała o tym w ten sposób: „O ile wszelka opowieść przednowoczesna wyjaśnia byt jego narodzinami, nowoczesność czerpie swą tożsamość z negacji myślenia genealogicznego jako jedynego, totalnego wyjaśnienia” (Obraz osobliwy…, s. 327). Podczas gdy badaczka dostrzega „antytetyczność ideologii przednowoczesnej, która zna i uznaje tylko początek, i nowoczesnej, która go podważa i lekceważy” (ibidem, s. 328), sądzę, że nie da się przeprowadzić aż tak radykalnego podziału. O ile ideologia przednowoczesna rzeczywiście zapatrzona jest tylko w początek, o tyle nowoczesna, choć zwrócona ku przyszłości, bardzo często nadal czerpie swój potencjał z mitologii etiologicznej. H. Belting, op. cit., s. 63. Belting charakteryzuje tę odmianę obrazów w następujący sposób: „Podobnie jak stwórca wszechświata zrodzony został z kobiety bez udziału nasienia mężczyzny, tak stworzona została «postać przez Boga namalowana» (theographos typos). Wcielenie w istotę ludzką bez zapładniającego udziału człowieka i obraz stworzony bez udziału malarza zostają potraktowane jako zjawiska paralelne” (ibidem, s. 67). Spostrzeżenia te można oczywiście odnieść także do wizerunków rzeźbionych, korygując tylko łacińską nazwę z theographos typos na theosculptos typos. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 113 od miejsca teofanii. Przed kilkuset laty, czyli w okresie, który w percepcji ludowej zlewa się z bezczasowością illud tempus, miejsce to było podmokłym terenem w pobliżu Pumacayan, u stóp wzgórza Rataquenua. Przecinały je strumyki, tworzyły się jeziorka i mokradła. Nieco niżej znajdowały się budynki manufaktury (obrajes) braci Garci Barba, zatrudniającej przymusowo Indian, a przy nich opisana wcześniej kaplica hiszpańska Cristo de la Soledad – ale to tylko informacja precyzująca topografię, dla mitu nieistotna. Wydaje się, że ważniejszy jest fakt, iż Chrystus objawił się w pobliżu Pumacayan – siedziby dawnego boga Guari, opiekuna życiodajnych wód. Już od zarania osadza to Señora de la Soledad w nierozerwalnym kontekście akwatycznym, nadając mu atrybuty władcy wód podziemnych oraz tych, które użyźniają pola w porze deszczowej. Atrybuty te, można rzec, były mu pisane, gdyż objawiał się jako bóg ludów od tysiącleci rolniczych, przejmując od boga Guari plenipotencję i pełnię władzy w tym zakresie. Jak trafnie zauważa Andrzej Szyjewski: „W przeważającej części systemów światopoglądowych społeczności rolniczych mit kosmo- i antropogoniczny konstruowany jest na zasadzie życia roślin”143. Narodziny Señora de la Soledad to reaktywacja mitu kosmogonicznego i stabilizacja uniwersum opartego na podstawach agrarnych. Przypomnijmy Eliadego: „Wyjście […] z wody jest powtórzeniem kosmogonicznego gestu, który zapowiada powstanie nowej formy”144. Chrystus Samotności wyłania się jak roślina z ziemi przesyconej wodą, a zarazem z wody ożywiającej plenność ziemi. Odtąd zawsze już będzie panem wód we wszelkich wariantach tego patronatu. Jego związek z wodą posiada ciekawą specyfikę regionalną. Pradawne wierzenie, związane z miejscem jego teofanii, umiejscawia tam „wulkan wody”, potężny zbiornik podziemny, będący stałym zagrożeniem – akwatyczną formą potencjalnej apokalipsy, straszniejszej od wszystkich, które mieszkańcy doliny kiedykolwiek przeżyli145. W rozmowach z Indianami motyw ten pojawia się zaskakująco często. Ludzie wierzą, że krzyż Señora de la Soledad stoi dokładnie na szczycie tego wulkanu i gdyby nie on, erupcja wody zniszczyłaby wszystko wokół. Dlatego Chrystus tylko wyjątkowo opuszcza swe miejsce w ołtarzu – co kilka lat, wyłącznie w czasie wielkich suszy wychodzi w procesji ulicami miasta, by wywołać upragnione deszcze. Zacytuję w streszczeniu do najistotniejszych szczegółów podstawowe wersje legend etiologicznych związanych z Señorem de la Soledad. W 1970 roku Barbara Bode odnotowała następującą opowieść: W Huaráz zjawiło się trzech braci zakonnych. Jeden z nich poprosił o pozostawienie go samym w chacie, gdyż chciał wyrzeźbić krucyfiks. Dwaj pozostali przynosili mu jedzenie. Kiedy po tygodniu, po raz kolejny przyszli z jedzeniem, nie zastali swojego współbrata, ale znaleźli piękny krucyfiks. Wtedy uświadomili sobie, że trzecim mnichem był samym Chrystus, który wyrzeźbił własny wizerunek146. 143 144 145 146 A. Szyjewski, Etnologia religii, Kraków 2008, s. 432. M. Eliade, op. cit., s. 189. Huaráz oraz różne rejony doliny Rio Santa wielokrotnie w historii doświadczały potężnych powodzi i lawin pochłaniających wsie, miasteczka i tysiące istnień ludzkich. Katastrofy te wywoływały trzęsienia ziemi, w wyniku których pękały moreny wysokogórskich jezior i miliony ton wody wraz z kamieniami i lodem niszczyły wszystko w zasięgu kilkunastu, a czasem kilkudziesięciu kilometrów. B. Bode, Las campanas del silencio. Destrucción y creación en los Andes, trad. de L. Robles, Lima 2015, s. 392. Jeśli nie zaznaczono inaczej, przekłady fragmentów obcojęzycznych pochodzą do Autorki pracy. �114 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich W opowieści tej pojawia się motyw trzech zagadkowych mężczyzn, w tym wypadku mnichów, co może być daleką reminiscencją utrwalonego w zbiorowej pamięci obrazu trzech pierwszych franciszkanów, którzy osiedli w tym miejscu. W innych wersjach zjawia się tylko jeden rzeźbiarz. Motyw dostarczania mu jedzenia przez określoną ilość dni stanowi stały składnik opowieści. W omówionym apokryfie Roa Bastosa, María Rosa również przynosi pożywienie trędowatemu Gasparowi, zostawiając je opodal jego chaty. Wykonywanie rzeźby odbywa się zawsze poza zasięgiem wzroku postronnych osób. Praca trwa od kilku do kilkunastu dni, a rzeźbiarz posila się w jej trakcie, wykazuje więc cechy ludzkie. Gdy jednak kończy swe dzieło, w tajemniczy sposób znika i nikt go już nigdy nie spotyka. Jeśli się zjawia, to tylko w snach. Dematerializacja przeczy jego ludzkiej naturze, więc pojawia się logiczna interpretacja, iż rzeźbiarzem był sam Chrystus, a w innych wersjach – anioł. Czasem mówi się bezpośrednio o aniołach, jako twórcach wizerunku: „Nasi dziadkowie mówili, że Pan był dziełem Aniołów, gdyż był tak jak żywy, Wierzyliśmy, że to on, sam Chrystus mieszka w Huaráz. Od dawna każda estancia [wioska] dba o niego”147. Mit podporządkowuje przebieg zdarzeń nadrzędnej idei, w myśl której święty wizerunek musi być wykonany nie-ludzką ręką. Status acheiropoietosu warunkuje i przesądza o cudowności, nobilitując wizerunek do rangi najwyższego obiektu kultu. Zgodnie z taką logiką mitu rzeźbiarz po skończeniu dzieła nie może powtórnie ukazać się w ludzkiej postaci, co opowieść tłumaczy także w kategoriach tej logiki. Tu jednak wskazywany jest Chrystus, jako wykonawca wizerunku, co pozwala go uznać za theosculptos typos. Nieco inna opowieść, zachowująca podobną strukturę, brzmi następująco: W 1773 roku mieszkańcy Huaráz postanowili ufundować i czcić wizerunek Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego. Wtedy zauważono w mieście dziwną postać mężczyzny, który zwracał uwagę swym nietypowym strojem. Tenże pojawił się na zebraniu miejskim, na którym omawiano tę inicjatywę. Zaproponował, że wyrzeźbi Chrystusa, „którego kult przyćmi wszelkie inne wizerunki święte, a jego sława rozniesie się na cały świat”. Poprosił o udostępnienie narzędzi i pomieszczenia do pracy, a także o dostarczanie mu pożywienia przez dwa tygodnie. Po upływie tego czasu zakrystianin, który zanosił rzeźbiarzowi jedzenie, odkrył, że rzeźbiarz zniknął, a w chacie stoi piękna, lśniąca figura Chrystusa. Gdy przedstawiciele władz miejskich przybyli na miejsce, do domku, który znajdował się naprzeciwko wejścia do szkoły Santa Rosa de Viterbo, zobaczyli figurę, z której ran spływała krew. W nocy ksiądz proboszcz miał sen, w którym objawił mu się rzeźbiarz, prosząc by umieścił Chrystusa w kaplicy Nuestra Señora de la Soledad. Kapłan wypełnił polecenie, nadając mu nazwę Cristo de la Soledad148. W wersji tej mamy do czynienia z omówionym schematem, zgodnie z którym zjawia się tajemniczy rzeźbiarz, wykonuje swoją pracę i znika. Dodatkowo obserwujemy jednak charakterystyczny mechanizm legitymizowania treści poprzez wskazywanie konkretnych dat i miejsc. Opowieść legendarna przybiera więc pozory narracji historycznej. Pojawia się data 1773, dalej zaś lokalizacja domku udostępnionego rzeźbiarzowi, naprzeciwko Colegio Santa Rosa de Viterbo w Huaráz. Dzięki temu, iż wiemy, że szkoła ta została założona 147 148 Ibidem, s. 412–413. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 94–95. Zbliżona wersja w: S. Maguiña Chauca, „Señor de la Soledad”. (Tradiciones y leyendas) 1585–1957, Huaráz 1957, s. 5–6. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 115 w 1886 roku, otrzymujemy informację, że legenda etiologiczna włącza w swą opowieść zmieniające się historycznie detale, zachowując trwałość w warstwie struktury. W przytoczonej historii warto jeszcze zwrócić uwagę na dwa szczegóły. Po pierwsze, rzeźbiarz śni się proboszczowi, wydając polecenia w sprawie swego dzieła. Motyw snu, w którym następuje kontakt z bytami nadprzyrodzonymi, jest głęboko zakorzeniony w kulturze andyjskiej, poświadczony źródłami etnograficznymi i zapisami w kolonialnych kronikach. Popularność przekonania o wróżebnych właściwościach snu jest w Andach znacznie większa niż w wierzeniach europejskich, czyniąc zeń cechę specyficzną dla tej kultury. Sen jako stan metonimicznej bliskość śmierci przenosi w inną czasoprzestrzeń, gdzie możliwym staje się wgląd w przyszłość i pozyskiwanie informacji niedostępnych na jawie. Dla tajemniczego rzeźbiarza, który, jak wiemy, musiał zniknąć, by jego dzieło stało się acheiropoietosem, medium snu staje się więc jedynym sposobem komunikacji się z proboszczem, by oznajmić mu już nie ludzką, lecz (w podtekście) – boską wolę. Równie ciekawe, a przy tym charakterystyczne dla andyjskiej religijności ludowej, są krwiawiące rany rzeźby. Przekonanie o tym, że rany czczonych wizerunków krwawią, łzawią czy pocą się krwawym potem, jest w kulturze andyjskiej nieporównanie bardziej popularne niż w Europie, przywiązane do niezliczonej ilości wizerunków Chrystusa, Matki Boskiej i świętych. Motywy te nie były obce kulturze andyjskiej przed przybyciem chrześcijaństwa, co odnotowują wczesne zapisy kronikarzy. Inka Garcilasso de la Vega wspomina o Ince Yahuar-Huacacu, którego imię oznaczało „krwią płaczący” (yawar-waqaq) i uznawane było za złą wróżbę149. Kolejne wersje mitu etiologicznego brzmią w następujący sposób: Pasterze, którzy paśli swoje stada na podmokłych łąkach Pedregal, Shiraoco i Llecllacucho, usłyszeli wśród krzaków odgłosy młotka, struga i innych narzędzi stolarskich. Jednakże nie ośmielili się tam zaglądnąć, chociaż dręczyła ich ciekawość, co się takiego słyszeli. Nikt bowiem nie zapuszczał się w te niebezpieczne mokradła. Dzieci wróciły tam po piętnastu dniach i znalazły wielką rzeźbę Ukrzyżowanego, z którego ran sączyła się krew, a spod korony z cierni spływał pot. Wiadomość obiegła okolicę, po czym na miejsce udali się tłumnie mieszkańcy, by odnaleźć Syna Bożego „w tej przerażającej samotności”150. Była sobie staruszka, która mieszkała w pobliżu bagnistego terenu, gdzie było wiele źródeł, skąd czerpała wodę do gotowania. Pewnego poranka, gdy jak zwykle nabierała wody, ujrzała Señora de la Soledad. Pomyślała, że nie może zostać w tym niebezpiecznym miejscu i wzięła go do chaty. Ale następnego dnia okazało się, że wizerunek znów leżał koło źródła. Potem jeszcze kilkakrotnie zabierała go do chaty, a ten powracał. W końcu we śnie oznajmił jej, że życzy sobie, by mu ludzie wybudowali kościół w miejscu, gdzie się objawił. Tak uczyniono i Chrystus na stałe zagościł w swojej świątyni (wersja Matki Teresy z zakonu franciszkanek znajdującego się koło świątyni Señora de la Soledad, zapisana w 1969 roku)151. Pewna staruszka, mieszkająca w bagnistym i smutnym miejscu oddalonym od miasta, miała w zwyczaju zbierać trawę dla swoich świnek morskich na łące przy jeziorze. Pewnego 149 150 151 Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, op. cit., s. 216–217. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 93. Ibidem, s. 96. �116 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich wieczoru, odsunąwszy gałęzie, poczuła zapach lilii i wśród krzaków znalazła rzeźbę ukrzyżowanego Chrystusa. Staruszka rozpowiedziała o tym, ludzie przybyli na bagna i uroczyście przenieśli Chrystusa do katedry. Ale następnego dnia krucyfiks zniknął i ponownie pojawił się na mokradłach. Kilkakrotne próby umieszczenia go w katedrze kończyły się tak samo – Chrystus wracał tam, gdzie go znaleziono. Wtedy staruszka zapytała go, dlaczego nie chce pozostać w katedrze? Odpowiedział jej, że mu się tam nie podoba i pragnie, by wybudowano mu kościół na łące, tam gdzie się pojawił. Ludzie chętnie to uczynili i z czasem wokół świątyni wyrosła dzielnica La Soledad152. Pewnego pięknego, kwietniowego dnia pastuszkowie paśli stada w miejscu poza miastem, obfitującym w trawę i wodę. Usłyszeli odgłosy młota i innych narzędzi i ujrzeli staruszka-rzeźbiarza zajętego pracą. Przez czternaście dni przynosili mu jedzenie, a jak przyszli piętnastego dnia, nie było już staruszka, tylko majestatyczny krucyfiks. Powiadomieni mieszkańcy Huaráz przybyli w to miejsce, padli na kolana i zabrali Chrystusa w godne miejsce do katedry, gdzie umieścili go w głównym ołtarzu. Uroczystości z tego powodu trwały przez osiem dni, po czym zakrystianin, po wejściu rano do katedry stwierdził, że na ołtarzu nie ma Chrystusa. Podjęto poszukiwania i odnaleziono go na mokradłach, tam gdzie się pojawił. Znów przeniesiono go do katedry, ale on uporczywie powracał. Powtórzyło się to jeszcze kilka razy. W końcu wybudowano dla niego kaplicę w tym miejscu „samotnym i oddalonym”153. W przytoczonych tekstach, reprezentatywnych dla istniejących odmian legendy o pochodzeniu Señora de la Soledad, pojawiają się kolejne szczegóły, które warto omówić. Zacznę od istotnego uzupełnienia wcześniejszych rozważań na temat miejsca teofanii. W tekstach legend jest ono określane jako „niebezpieczne”, „oddalone i samotne”, czy też jako „przerażająco samotne”. Chrystus zjawia się w obszarze orbis exterior, poza oswojonym światem. Próby przeniesienia go do orbis interior miasta czy domu kończą się niepowodzeniem. Chrystus powraca w miejsce swojej teofanii, gdzie w końcu ludzie budują mu kościół, wokół którego wyrasta dzielnica lub wioska. W wielowarstwowej symbolice opowieści etiologicznej dostrzegamy aspekt transformacji natury w kulturę – exterior przekształca się w interior, a w głębszym planie znaczeniowym, cywilizacyjną misję religii. Piszę to z całą świadomością umowności pojęć „natura” i „kultura” i ich historycznej genezy w europejskiej myśli filozoficznej. Próbuję jednak, z braku bardziej odpowiednich terminów, zaadaptować je do omawianej przestrzeni kulturowej, gdzie nawet w homogenicznym obrazie świata występuje zjawisko klasyfikacji przestrzeni według kryterium stopnia „oswojenia” jej przez człowieka oraz według wyodrębnień dokonywanych przez Boga. „Miejsce nie jest więc święte dlatego, że postawiono na nim świątynię, lecz świętość miejsca stanowi przyczynę wzniesienia świątyni”154 – zauważa Gerardus van der Leeuw. W omawianym przypadku nawet fakt wykonywania krucyfiksu z drewna, a więc materiału, którego tam nie ma155, posiada wartość semantyczną. Tokarska-Bakir dostrzega w tym względzie konsekwentną cechę morfologii sacrum: 152 153 154 155 Ibidem, s. 95. S. Maguiña Chauca, op. cit., s. 2–4. G. van der Leeuw, Fenomenologia religii, przeł. J. Prokopiuk, Warszawa 1978, s. 440. Miejsce to, jak i wielkie przestrzenie wokół niego, pozbawione jest drzew odpowiednich do wykonania �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 117 Inaczej niż wszystko, co rodzi się naturalnie, święte obrazy same wybierają sobie zarówno podłoże, z którego powstają, jak i formę, w której się zjawiają, ciągle przy tym zachowując separację w stosunku do żywiołu, który je odsłania. Ich rzekome generatio nie biegnie zwykłą w przyrodzie koleją. Gdy święty wizerunek „rodzi się” z kamienia czy drewna, nie oznacza to, że jego natura jest kamienna czy drewniana. Cechy sacrum zostają odsłonięte przez ich niepodobieństwo do tworzywa: rzecz zwykła ujawnia osobliwą, niezniszczalna zostaje wyłoniona ze zniszczalnej156. Omawiając specyfikę miejsca teofanii, nie można pominąć faktu, że schemat opowieści etiologicznej, niewątpliwie przeniesiony z tradycji europejskich, nałożył się na motyw kosmogoniczny, zawarty w rdzennej mitologii andyjskiej. Jest nim pojęcie paqariny157 – miejsca wyłonienia się spod ziemi pierwszych demiurgów, istot boskich lub herosów kulturowych, skąd rozpoczęli oni wędrówkę, ucząc ludzi uprawy roślin i budując miasta158. Paqarina jest uświęconym miejscem cywilizacyjnego początku, jednym z najważniejszych obiektów – używając terminu Maurice’a Halbwachsa – „społecznych ram pamięci”159. Jeszcze innym aspektem omawianego miejsca jest jego „samotność”, a nawet „przerażająca samotność”, spotęgowana tym, że jest ono „niebezpieczne”. Dojmujące poczucie przeżywanej w nim samotności w interpretacji mitu konkretyzuje się w nadanej Chrystusowi nazwie. Zwykłe, ludzkie odczuwanie samotności w oddalonym, niebezpiecznym, pełnym mokradeł miejscu – w kontekście Chrystusa cierpiącego na krzyżu, jego dramatu opuszczenia przez Ojca i ludzi – nabiera znaczenia egzystencjalnego. Chrystus staje się Panem Samotności obejmującej wszelkie wymiary rozumienia i odczuwania denotowane tym słowem. W emocjonalno-intelektualnym pojęciu „samotności” następuje zetknięcie omówionej przeze mnie „teologii samotności” wypracowanej przez myśl potrydencką z ludową percepcją jego treści i duchowości właściwych społeczności o krańcowo odmiennej kosmowizji. Istotą przekształcania się mnogości ulotnych uczuć i skojarzeń w kulturowy topos samotności pozostaje wszakże uniwersalne, ponadkulturowe odczuwanie jednego z najważniejszych stanów ludzkiej egzystencji. Znalazcami krucyfiksu są niezmiennie dzieci lub starcy. Jak pisze Tokarska-Bakir: „Rzadko legenda etiologiczna obrazu wykracza poza moment znalezienia go przez wybranych wiernych: ślepców, starców, dzieci, pastuszków czy Indian, którzy następnie zostają przy tym obrazie strażnikami”160. Prawidłowość ta stanowi oczywistą egzemplifikację jednej z pierwszych zasad obowiązujących w bliskim kontakcie ze świętością, tej mianowicie, 156 157 158 159 160 krzyża i rzeźby. Rodzime drzewa rosnące na tej wysokości (ok. 3200 m n.p.m.), małe, poskręcane, bez dłuższych pni, nie nadają się do tego celu. Współcześnie rosną tam wprawdzie eukaliptusy introdukowane pod koniec XIX wieku, ale, po pierwsze, legendy etiologiczne istniały już wcześniej, po drugie zaś, eukaliptus nie nadaje się do wykonywania rzeźb. J. Tokarska-Bakir, Obraz osobliwy…, s. 340. Nazwa paqarina występuje w keczua środkowoandyjskim, jej odpowiednikiem w regionie Ancash jest pakarina – grota lub zagłębienie w ziemi, gdzie przebywały istoty nadprzyrodzone. Zob. F. Carranza Romero, Diccionario…, s. 149. Inkaski motyw wyłonienia się demiurgów z pakariny nie jest mi znany z tych terenów, ale dostrzegam możliwość jego istnienia, a tym samym związku z omawianym wątkiem teofanii Chrystusa. Por. szersze omówienie tego wątku w części: Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa. M. Halbwachs, Społeczne ramy pamięci, przeł. M. Król, Warszawa 2008, s. 262–323. J. Tokarska-Bakir, Obraz osobliwy…, s. 339. �118 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich że koniecznym jest pozostawanie w stanie „czystości” seksualnej właściwej wiekowi bądź w innych przypadkach – osiągniętej praktykami oczyszczającymi (np. postem i abstynencją seksualną). Teofania – objawienie się Boga rodzajowi ludzkiemu – dokonuje poprzez pierwszy kontakt z człowiekiem wybranym według kryterium „czystości”. Tradycja rytualnego oczyszczania się przed zbliżeniem do sacrum jest głęboko zakorzeniona w repertuarze zachowań religijnych w kulturach andyjskich, a zatem wzorzec przeniesiony z Europy płynnie zespolił się z zasadami rządzącymi w autochtonicznych relacjach człowieka z obiektem kultu. Odnalezienie wizerunku dokonuje się przypadkowo, bywa nieprzewidywalne, co w logiczny sposób wynika z „woli bożej” pozostającej poza jakimkolwiek zasięgiem pre-medytacji człowieka. W końcu dochodzimy do zasygnalizowanej w tytule tego rozdziału „upartości” acheiropoietosu. Motyw uporczywego powracania wizerunku w miejsce, gdzie został odnaleziony, stanowi jeden z najczęstszych elementów ich legend etiologicznych. Bóstwo zawsze samo wybiera miejsce swojego kultu, albo przynajmniej wyraża jego akceptację. Wybrany człowiek bywa świadkiem epifanii, ale nie może jej wywołać. Objawienie świętości w omawianym typie opowieści następuje zwykle w przestrzeni orbis exterior, która dzięki temu staje się „oswojona” i uświęcona. Póki to jednak nie nastąpi, naturalnym pragnieniem jest przeniesienie świętego acheiropoietosu w obszar „bezpieczny” czy bardziej „godny”, a więc tam, gdzie zamieszkują ludzie i gdzie wybierają dla niego miejsce najbardziej zaszczytne. Krucyfiks trafia do katedry w Huaráz, skąd jednak uparcie znika, wracając na mokradła pod Pumacayan. Wzmianka o katedrze jest kolejnym przykładem włączania w treść legendy rzeczywistych obiektów, które tym samym pozwalają na śledzenie historycznej zmienności dystynkcji opowieści. Z tego szczegółu dowiadujemy się, że zanotowane wersje legendy pochodzą z okresu po 1899 roku, kiedy to Iglesia Mayor przy Plaza de Armas uzyskał status katedry w związku z ustanowieniem diecezji w Huaráz. Motyw powracania wizerunku wiąże się, jak już zostało powiedziane, z nieuchronnym włączeniem wybranego przez świętość terenu w obręb przestrzeni „oswojonej”. Wola świętości nie zawsze oznajmiana jest człowiekowi bezpośrednio przez nią samą, nie zawsze uparty acheiropoietos demonstruje ją swoim zachowaniem, tłumacząc potem swą decyzję w snach wybrańców. Równie często – choć przede wszystkim na Starym Kontynencie, w Ameryce Łacińskiej rzadziej – świętość wyręcza się pośrednictwem zwierząt, najczęściej koni lub wołów, które przewożąc czczony wizerunek bądź przechodząc w jego pobliżu, uparcie odmawiają dalszej drogi, aż ludzie rozpoznają w ich zachowaniu przekaz świętej woli. Będąc w 2019 roku w prowadzonej przez polskich franciszkanów parafii w Pariacoto, w Czarnej Kordylierze, usłyszałam z ust 91-letniego zakrystianina Donato Roblesa161 [fot. 35] legendę etiologiczną dotyczącą czczonego tam Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego Señora de Mayo. W streszczeniu brzmiała ona następująco: Krucyfiks objawił się Indianom, którzy wędrowali z karawaną osłów, wioząc do swych wiosek wysoko w górach sól i owoce z urodzajnych dolin nad Pacyfikiem. Będąc w okolicach, które uchodziły za niebezpieczne, gdyż jak ludzie prawili, zdarzały się tam ataki pishtacos, zwierzęta wpadły w strach, nie chcąc iść dalej. Indianie musieli tam zanocować i jednemu z nich 161 Wizytę w Pariacoto opisuję w części: Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 119 przyśniła się tajemnicza postać na koniu. O świcie, ze strachem udali się w miejsce zapamiętane ze snu i znaleźli tam krucyfiks. Zabrali go ze sobą z zamiarem zawiezienia do wioski, ale wkrótce spadła potężna ulewa, która zmusiła ich spędzenia kolejnej nocy w górach. Tym razem Indianin usłyszał we śnie słowa Chrystusa: „Czy zapomnieliście, gdzie było moją wolą pozostać?”. Nazajutrz Indianie zawrócili do miejsca teofanii, które zwano Pariacoto. Wkrótce powstały tam wioska i kościół dla Chrystusa, któremu nadano imię Señor de Mayo [fot. 36]. W powyższej opowieści, poza opisanymi już aspektami, pojawia się ciekawy motyw pishtacos – postaci demonicznych, będących niezwykłym przykładem wizualizacji głębokiej, wielopokoleniowej traumy Indian, którą zostali dotknięci wraz z konkwistą i kolonializmem hiszpańskim. Zgodnie z przekonaniami Indian, nierzadko nadal spotykanymi, mordercy ci, przybierający różne wcielenia Hiszpanów (mnichów, hacendados, żołnierzy) atakują rdzennych mieszkańców Andów, zabierając im tłuszcz mający szczególne znaczenie w wierzeniach. Chrystus objawia się tam, gdzie grasowali pishtacos i nieprzypadkowo jest nim Señor de Mayo – ten, który jest Chrystusem peruwiańskim, a nie hiszpańskim. Transformacja Pariacoto ze strefy śmierci w uświęcone miejsce kultu, za przyczyną teofanii indiańskiego Chrystusa, niesie podtekst znaczeniowy podobny do tego, który w Synu człowieczym starał się przekazać Roa Bastos – przekaz o przepracowaniu traumy na gruncie religii chrześcijańskiej, włączonej w niezmienne, długie trwanie kosmowizji andyjskiej. Señor de la Soledad na andyjskim niebie Nie wiemy niczego o początkach krucyfiksu Señor de la Soledad w Huaráz. Omawiając istniejące źródła historyczne, wyraziłam przypuszczenie – sprzeczne z sugestiami innych autorów – że może on pochodzić z drugiej połowy XVI wieku. Ostatnie dekady XVI i pierwsze XVII wieku były okresem szczególnego nasilenia ewangelizacji w Peru, w czasie którego w całym Wicekrólestwie erygowano liczne klasztory, kościoły i parafie, w związku z czym wielokrotnie pomnożyła się liczba świętych wizerunków. Szemiński i Ziółkowski zauważają, że „w połowie XVII wieku Kościół uznał Peruwianów za chrześcijan”162. Kult Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego propagowali głównie franciszkanie, dominikanie i augustianie, intronizując liczne krucyfiksy w kościołach Peru i dokładając starań, by rozwijać ich kult. Wzorcowym przykładem (jednego z wielu!) zakonników oddanych bez reszty misji krzewienia kultu Chrystusa na Krzyżu był franciszkanin Basilio Pons163, założyciel pierwszego, trzyosobowego konwentu tego zakonu w Huaráz w 1689 roku, ale niezwykle też czynny na innych terenach Peru i w Chile. Nie należy całkowicie odmawiać wartości historycznej podaniu o przybyciu z Hiszpanii czterech wizerunków Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, którzy byli „braćmi”. Najstarszy z nich miał zamieszkać w Huaráz, pozostali zaś powędrowali dalej. W następnym rozdziale, poświęconym „braciom” Chrystusom omówię czczone wizerunki Chrystusa na terenie Ancash, uznawane przez Indian za braci Señora de la Soledad. Zakładając, że w legendzie może tkwić ziarno prawdy – w czym nie byłoby nic szczególnego, 162 163 J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 45. J. Heras, Tres siglos de presencia franciscana en el departamento de Ancash, [w:] Diócesis de Huaráz…, s. 212–218. Zob. też idem, Tres siglos de presencia franciscana en el departamento de Ancash, Lima 1999. �120 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich gdyż staraniem zakonów takowe wizerunki rzeczywiście „przybywały” do różnych miejsc – to wśród miejscowości, które bracia obrali na swe siedziby, Huaráz było ośrodkiem centralnym – największą i najstarszą redukcją, choć z nieznanych powodów franciszkanie osiedli tam dopiero pod koniec XVII wieku, podczas gdy w mniejszym, sąsiednim Yungay dominikanie zagościli już sto lat wcześniej164. Również z punktu widzenia Indian Huaráz było miejscem najważniejszym, reprezentowało spuściznę tysięcy lat tradycji kultu, skoncentrowanego w Pumacayan oraz sieci otaczających je sanktuariów. A zatem, uwzględniając kontekst historyczny i status Huaráz, wydaje się rzeczą naturalną, że w nim zatrzymał się pierwszy i najstarszy – Cristo Crucificado, przemianowany z czasem na Cristo de la Soledad, a w XVIII wieku na Señora de la Soledad. Przytaczając legendę o przybyciu „braci” Chrystusów, Salazar Mejía twierdzi, że Hiszpanie praktykowali przywożenie do Nowego Świata tylko głów świętych wizerunków, wykonanych przez artystów kastylijskich, głównie z Sewilii, do których na miejscu dorabiano korpusy niewymagające aż tak wielkiego kunsztu rzeźbiarskiego jak twarze165. Badacz ten twierdzi, że mogło tak być w przypadku Señora de la Soledad, gdyż jego korpus wykonany jest z drewna maguey, używanego do rzeźbienia w Andach już za czasów Inków, ale nie stosowanego jako materiał rzeźbiarski na Półwyspie Iberyjskim166. Informacji tej nie spotkałam w żadnych innych źródłach, chociaż – co trzeba podkreślić – są one znikome. Opis krucyfiksu poprzedzę wspomnieniem zdarzenia, którego wagę i wyjątkowość doceniam z upływem czasu. W 2016 roku, prowadząc wstępne badania na temat Señora de la Soledad, prowadziłam wywiady z osobami pozostającymi w bliskości wizerunku z racji sprawowanych funkcji bądź posiadanego autorytetu. Należeli do nich proboszcz Reinaldo Zawala Agilar, cytowany wyżej profesor Salazar Mejía, Jaime Leiva Suarez – procurador konfraterni Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad de Huaráz, a także Melchior Montes Mota – „szara eminencja” wśród Indian, piastujący ważne stanowisko alcaldes pedáneos, czyli reprezentanta naczelników (sołtysów) wiosek wokół Huaráz. W trakcie rozmów usilnie starałam się zyskać pozwolenie na wejście na ołtarz i zrobienie z bliska dokładnych zdjęć krucyfiksu oraz towarzyszących mu postaci z Grupy Ukrzyżowania. Fotografie dostępne w wydawnictwach i w Internecie nie ujmowały bowiem istotnych dla mnie szczegółów. Uzyskanie zgody nie było rzeczą prostą. Długo nie otrzymywałam żadnej odpowiedzi, pomimo ponawianych próśb kierowanych do różnych osób, które według mej wiedzy mogły mieć wpływ na podjęcie decyzji. W końcu któregoś dnia wraz z prowadzącym ze mną badania etnologiem Mirosławem Mąką dostaliśmy od proboszcza telefon, żeby stawić się w tuż przed południem w kościele Soledad167. Na miejscu proboszcz czekał już z wyżej wymienio164 165 166 167 G. Alvarez Parca, Presencia de la orden dominicana en el Callejón de Huaylas y el Callejon de Conchucos (Ancash), [w:] Diócesis de Huaráz…, s. 65–90. Nie udało mi się potwierdzić takich praktyk w materiałach źródłowych. W opinii specjalistki w zakresie peruwiańskiej sztuki kolonialnej, Ewy Kubiak, którą o to pytałam, przypadki takie mogły mieć miejsce, choć i ona nie znała konkretnych źródeł, które by je potwierdzały. [J.A. Salazar Mejía] José Antonio Salazar Mejía cuenta toda la historia del „Señor de Mayo”, „PrensaHuaráz”, 2017, http://www.prensaHuaráz.com/2017/?p=1284 [data dostępu: 17.02.2020]. Z perspektywy czasu zrozumiałam, że być może o zgodzie przesądził fakt posiadania przez proboszcza oryginalnych odpisów wraz z tłumaczeniami na hiszpański aktów chrztu mojego i Mirosława Mąki, które to dokumenty musieliśmy dostarczyć, by móc zostać padrinos oraz rodzicami chrzestnymi w zaprzyjaźnionej rodzinie indiańskiej. Proboszcz musiał jednak uzyskać akceptację przedstawiciela konfraterni oraz reprezentanta Indian. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 121 nymi osobami (prócz Salazara Mejíi) oraz starszą Kreolką o szacownej prezencji, najpewniej członkinią konfraterni. Po uprzejmościach przywitania zasiedli obok siebie w pierwszej ławce i drzwi kościoła zostały zamknięte od zewnątrz przez zakrystianina. Wtedy zorientowaliśmy się, że prócz nas dwojga i czwórki kościelnych autoridades w kościele nie ma nikogo. Zapewne, jeśli przebywali tam wcześniej wierni, zostali grzecznie wyproszeni – nie z powodu naszej wizyty, tylko w związku z tym, że koło południa kościoły bywają na jakiś czas zamykane, by zmieniać szaty figurom świętym, czego nigdy nie robi się na oczach wiernych168, lub dokonywać różnych czynności technicznych. Proboszcz powiedział nam krótko: „Macie piętnaście minut”, więc nie bez tremy wspięliśmy się schodkami na ołtarz, stając przed masywną szybą dzielącą nas od figur i krucyfiksu. Siedzący kilkanaście metrów od nas autoridades z napięciem i w milczeniu wpatrywali się w każdy nasz ruch. W pośpiechu zrobiliśmy z setkę zdjęć, świadomi, że nie wolno nam wykonać żadnego nieprzemyślanego, nawet zbyt swobodnego gestu czy ruchu, który by zaniepokoił obserwatorów. Gdy zeszliśmy z ołtarza, napięcie autoridades wyraźnie opadło, a my wyszukanymi słowy dziękowaliśmy za zaszczyt, jaki nas spotkał. Z perspektywy czasu mam wrażenie, że dokonało się wówczas coś bardzo ważnego, co zdecydowało o wielu pozytywnych efektach dalszych badań. W miarę upływu lat spędzonych w Andach wyraźnie dostrzegam doniosłą, czasem kluczową rolę nieformalnego, ustnego przekazu informacji i kształtowanych nim opinii. Kilkakrotnie poznawałam osoby spoza czwórki obecnych w kościele autoridades, dobrze wiedzące o fakcie mojego wyjątkowego dokumentowania Señora de la Soledad. Wiedza ta rozeszła się, otwierając drzwi i usta, nastawiając życzliwie i skłaniając do pomocy w szukaniu kolejnych informatorów. Tamtego południa – nie bez przyczyny podkreślam tę szczególną porę, o której będzie jeszcze mowa – dostąpiliśmy zaszczytu przekroczenia zastrzeżonego dystansu, dzielącego wiernych od najświętszego obiektu kultu w tej części Andów. Fizyczne oddalenie od krucyfiksu Señora de la Soledad jest bardzo surowo przestrzegane, nie dotyczy wyłącznie wąskiego grona starszych członków konfraterni. W przeciwieństwie do obecnego w kościele paso krucyfiksu, czyli Señora de Mayo – ten, poza nadzwyczajnymi tylko zdarzeniami klęsk żywiołowych, nigdy nie opuszcza ołtarza, odseparowany od typowych, sensualnych praktyk „dotykania świętości”. Jego majestat jest tak wielki, że – podobnie jak nieliczne wizerunki tej klasy, na przykład Señora de los Temblores w Limie czy Matki Boskiej z Guadelupe – przełamuje wzorce powszechnych praktyk religijnych, charakterystycznych dla wiernych w Ameryce Łacińskiej. Przez kwadrans byliśmy w ekskluzywnej i bezprecedensowej sytuacji przybyszów z zewnątrz, którzy lege artis zbliżyli się do świętości, naruszając nieprzekraczalny dystans fizyczny. Miarę wyjątkowości tego zdarzenia uświadamia zestawienie go z materiałem dotyczącym wydarzeń po pożarze w świątyni w 1965 roku, który dalej przedstawię. Dokumentacja fotograficzna okazała się wielce przydatna, ułatwiając analizę ikonograficzną i szersze odniesienia ikonologiczne. Natomiast opisane zdarzenie postrzegam w kategoriach doświadczenia etnologicznego, które uwrażliwiło mnie na właściwe rozumienie relacji pomiędzy wiernymi a tym konkretnym wizerunkiem. Kompozycja krucyfiksu oraz towarzyszących mu postaci Mater Dolorosa, św. Jana Ewangelisty i Marii Magdaleny odzwierciedla wzorzec spopularyzowany w średniowiecznej Europie. Omawiając historyczne przekazy z XVII wieku, wyraziłam przekonanie, 168 Obszernie piszę o tym w części: Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci. �122 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich że od samego początku krucyfiksowi towarzyszyła tzw. Grupa Ukrzyżowania złożona z trzech wymienionych figur. Uważam to za ważne, w przeciwieństwie do autorów istniejących opisów, którzy faktu tego nie dostrzegają. Tymczasem redefiniuje on założenie ideowe, towarzyszące powstaniu zespołu. Inną wymowę posiada samotny krzyż, a inną zespół postaci powiązanych określonymi relacjami – niezwykle bogatymi zarówno w wymiarze kanonicznym, jak i apokryficzno-synkretycznym. W obszernym rozdziale poświęconym figurze Chrystusa Samotnego w europejskiej sztuce potrydenckiej starałam się ukazać złożoność procesu kształtowania się podstaw ideowych tego wzorca. Upowszechniony na Starym Kontynencie, zdecydowanie nie przyjął się w Nowym Świecie. Przyczyn tego zjawiska można upatrywać w odmiennym typie duchowości i nieporównanie bardziej sensualnych niż w Europie wzorcach zachowań religijnych, ukształtowanych tysiącleciami rodzimej tradycji kulturowej. Potrydencki zwrot ku kontemplacji i intelektualnemu rozważaniu istoty samotności cierpiącego Chrystusa mający prowadzić do odnowy religijności, nie został przeniesiony wraz z chrześcijaństwem do Ameryki Południowej. Nie wnikam w szczegóły braku tej transmisji, gdyż jest to obszerny przedmiot odrębnych studiów. Opisuję tylko weryfikowalny obraz religijności, w której figura Chrystusa Samotnego w potrydenckiej wersji ideowej i ikonograficznej nigdy nie zaistniała. Nie przyjął się apolliński wzorzec Chrystusa Velázqueza i Pacheco – wolnego od ran i krwi, triumfującego w swym humanistycznym przesłaniu nad sensualną dosłownością męczeństwa. Andyjska, a można rzec, południowoamerykańska duchowość i religijność ludowa potrzebuje zmysłowości krwi, potu i łez w przekonującym obrazowaniu numinosum. Zanim skoncentruję się na krucyfiksie Chrystusa, poświęcę parę zdań opisu trzem pozostałym postaciom. Nie będę się wgłębiać w aspekty hagiograficzne i teologiczne, gdyż nie jest to tutaj konieczne. Poprzestanę na krótkiej tylko charakterystyce, albowiem nie są to figury, które z racji wieku czy stylu mogłyby wnieść interesujące treści do obrazu artystycznego zespołu. Bliższa perspektywa ujawnia, że wszystkie trzy postacie mogą pochodzić z XX wieku. Z dużym prawdopodobieństwem liczą nie więcej niż kilkadziesiąt lat. Po trzęsieniu ziemi w 1970 roku, w którym większość starych rzeźb wypełniających kościoły Huaráz uległa zniszczeniu, z ruin świątyni Soledad wydobyto poważnie zniszczony krucyfiks Chrystusa. Co do pozostałych rzeźb, dane są niepewne. Jedne mówią o ich destrukcji, inne – że zostały odnalezione i odnowione. Postaci Matki Boskiej, choć jako artefakt nie reprezentuje ona wartości artystycznych, warto poświęcić uwagę z innego powodu. Figura swym strojem powiela wzorzec ikonograficzny Virgen de la Soledad. Przesądzają o tym żałobny, czarny (chociaż bogato zdobiony srebrem) płaszcz, jak również układ rąk, grymas cierpienia na twarzy oraz łzy w oczach. Wizerunek wzbogacono dużym, srebrnym atrybutem serca gorejącego z siedmioma wbitymi mieczami boleści, co mieści się w kanonie odmian ikonograficznych zaliczanych do typu Mater Dolorosa [fot. 37]. Niewątpliwie jest to jednak Virgen de la Soledad, zachowująca wierność tradycji odnotowanej w Huaráz już w 1669 roku, ale niewątpliwie starszej, może nawet o cały wiek. Interesującym jest fakt, iż postać Matki Boskiej nie kontynuuje swej dawnej nazwy. Z nieznanych powodów, których nie udało mi się ustalić, współcześnie Matka Boska nosi nazwę Virgen de los Dolores. Nie byłoby w tym nic dziwnego, gdyby wymiennie używano także nazwy Virgen de la Soledad, ale ta całkowicie zanikła. Pozostają domysły, że stało się to za sprawą psychologicznego efektu wielkiej intensywności oddziaływania nazwy Señor de la Soledad, dla której �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 123 pokrewna nazwa stanowiłaby szum semantyczny, zaburzający czystość przekazu. Byłaby to zatem pochodna wzmiankowanego wcześniej zjawiska absolutnej wyłączności nazwy Señor de la Soledad, dla której nie może być konkurencji, zwłaszcza w obszarze najbliższego oddziaływania. Przemiana nazwy, której zapewne towarzyszyło dodanie atrybutu serca z siedmioma mieczami, mogła zachodzić w miarę intensywnego umacniania się kultu Señora de la Soledad w XVIII wieku, po trzęsieniu ziemi w 1725 roku i detronizacji Św. Sebastiana. W XIX-wiecznych źródłach nazwa Virgen de la Soledad już się nie pojawia. Interesujący wydaje się fakt, że postaci Virgen dodano jedynie symbol serca, natomiast szaty nie przeszły ewolucji w kierunku ubioru Mater Dolorosa. Przedstawiona hipoteza dotycząca okoliczności tych zmian nie jest pozbawiona podstaw, zważywszy że transformacja nazwy z Virgen de la Soledad w Virgen de los Dolores miała miejsce tylko w Huaráz. W Limie, gdzie kult Virgen de la Soledad sięga XVI wieku i gdzie istnieje kościół pod jej wezwaniem, nie zauważamy śladu takiej tendencji. Postać św. Jana Ewangelisty reprezentuje młodego mężczyznę o uduchowionej twarzy, z oczami wzniesionymi ku niebu. W lewej ręce dzierży księgę, w prawej srebrne pióro [fot. 38]. Kolorystyka jego ubioru nie jest stała. Przybierany jest, jak inni święci w Andach, w bogato haftowaną suknią i płaszcz, do których doczepiano srebrne wota, najczęściej w kształcie serc. Szaty bywają zmieniane, gdyż powstają wciąż nowe, fundowane przez mayordomos fiest patronalnych i innych ofiarodawców. Równie krótki opis wystarczy dla scharakteryzowania Marii Magdaleny. Postać tej nawróconej jawnogrzesznicy, najmniejsza za wszystkich, to figura młodej kobiety z uniesionymi rękami, w szatach bogato haftowanych, jak inne w zespole, całkowicie pozbawiona jakichkolwiek typowych dla niej atrybutów [fot. 39]. Gdyby nie kontekst, to jej identyfikacja nie byłaby możliwa. Podobnie jak na szatach św. Jana Ewangelisty, na jej płaszczu widnieje kilka srebrnych wot. Głowy postaci z Grupy Ukrzyżowania wieńczą rozbudowane, dekoracyjne aureole. Podsumowując zwięzły opis trzech figur towarzyszących Chrystusowi, należy podkreślić, że ich znaczenie nie polega na wartości artystycznej czy zabytkowej, tylko na fakcie, iż kontynuują blisko 400-letnią tradycję, lokując krucyfiks Señora de la Soledad w zdefiniowanym kontekście ikonograficznym. Na tę ich rolę nakłada się inna, z zupełnie innego porządku symbolicznego. Omówię ją w dalszej kolejności, po scharakteryzowaniu najważniejszej postaci zespołu, czyli samego Señora de la Soledad. Jedno z pierwszych pytań, jakie nasuwa się w związku z tym sławnym krucyfiksem, dotyczy daty jego wykonania. Wnioskując z cytowanych wcześniej przekazów historycznych, uważam za wielce prawdopodobne, że powstał w XVI wieku. Niestety, z co najmniej dwóch powodów musimy zadowolić się tylko hipotezami. Po pierwsze, nigdy nie został profesjonalnie przebadany przez historyków sztuki ani nie dokonano analiz dendrochronologiczno-chemicznych, mogących określić jego przybliżony wiek. Po drugie, na przestrzeni wieków podczas kilku trzęsień ziemi oraz pożaru ulegał poważnym uszkodzeniom, następnie zaś poddawany był renowacjom, które mogły w jakimś stopniu zmienić jego pierwotny wygląd. Nie wiemy nic o obrażeniach, jakich doznał w wielkim trzęsieniu ziemi w 1725 roku. Legenda związana z tym zdarzeniem głosi tylko fakt jego „cudownego ocalenia”. Więcej danych posiadamy na temat zniszczeń dokonanych w pożarze ołtarza w 1965 roku i podczas tragicznego dla Huaráz trzęsienia ziemi w 1970 roku. W obu przypadkach renowację rzeźby powierzono znanemu rzeźbiarzowi z Huaráz, Gogofredo Zegarrze. W trakcie badań �124 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich kilkakrotnie rozmawiałam z sędziwym artystą, uzyskując wiele cennych wiadomości. Potwierdzają one fakt poważnych uszkodzeń i głębokich ingerencji konserwatorskich. Obecny stan rzeźby najpewniej odbiega od pierwotnego wyglądu, nie na tyle jednak, by go znacząco deformować. Sądzę, że najważniejszy detal, jakim jest bardzo charakterystyczna twarz, zachował swe indywidualne rysy. Nie miałam możliwości dokonania pomiarów ani nie uzyskałam informacji na temat dokładnych wymiarów rzeźby. Może ona mierzyć około 170–180 cm, a zatem – co ważne w sensualnej percepcji wiernych – jest wielkości naturalnej, choć znacznie przekraczającej wzrost przeciętnego Indianina169. Ciało Chrystusa jest szczupłe, umięśnione, ale nie wychudzone [fot. 40]. Twarz pociągła, z długim prostym nosem i lekko wystającymi kośćmi policzkowymi. Sądzę, że istota nadzwyczajnego oddziaływania wizerunku tkwi w oczach. Chrystus przechyla głowę lekko w prawo, spoglądając spod półprzymkniętych powiek ku dołowi, jakby ogarniał wzrokiem cały świat, a zarazem spoglądał w głąb siebie [fot. 41]. Mistrzowski efekt polega na tym, że wzrok nie jest utkwiony w jednym punkcie, lecz zawieszony pomiędzy nieskończonością a oczami każdego, kto nań patrzy – tak że każdy wpatrzony w twarz Boga odczuwa z nim subtelny kontakt, będąc pewnym wysłuchania i zrozumienia. Moi rozmówcy wielokrotnie powtarzali, że kontakt modlitewny z Señorem de la Soledad jest głęboko osobisty i w jego trakcie wierni wręcz oczekują odzewu w postaci uśmiechu czy zmian mimiki twarzy, które często rzeczywiście dostrzegają, komentując na głos: „Uśmiechnął się!” lub „Jaki on dzisiaj smutny”. Oczywiście zjawisko nawiązywania takiego dialogu z bóstwem znane jest doskonale badaczom stanów mistycznych, niemniej można twierdzić, że psychologiczne oddziaływanie konkretnej podobizny sprzyja temu lub nie. W tym wypadku rzeźbiarzowi udało się uzyskać przejmujący wyraz majestatycznego oddalenia, a zarazem słodyczy, ciepła i dobra, płynących z boskiego oblicza. Ujmuje ono powagą mądrości i wszechwiedzy, jak i splendorem najwyższej władzy opartej na miłości, nie strachu. Prawy bok Chrystusa nosi wielką ranę po włóczni Longinusa, a twarz i ciało pokryte są śladami krwi. Mimo to wizerunek nie epatuje sensualnym dramatyzmem fizycznego męczeństwa, zachowując doskonałe zrównoważenie pomiędzy symboliką cierpienia a potrydencką estetyką afirmującą humanistyczny wymiar tryumfu nad grzechem i śmiercią. Tajemnicą wizerunku jest mistrzowskie wyważenie proporcji w obrębie komunikatów wizualnych ewokujących sferę doznań religijnych. Jego moc oddziaływania kryje się w „złotej proporcji” ucieleśnionej w dziele będącym emanacją harmonia mundi – kosmicznego ładu i życiodajnej energii, górujących nad śmiercią. Harmonii odczuwalnej ponad barierami języków i kultur – takiej, która daje punkt oparcia, scala, jednoczy i zapewnia bezpieczeństwo, stając się axis mundi – centralnym punktem tożsamości społeczeństw i narodów. Tylko wokół świętości tej miary tworzą się „wielkie opowieści”. Twarz w oczywisty sposób stanowi najważniejszy element świętego wizerunku. To w niej rodzi się i umacnia jedno z kluczowych zjawisk religijności – fenomen nierozróżnialności signans i signatum – wizerunku i jego obrazu ideowego. Celowo piszę „religijności”, a nie „religijności ludowej”, gdyż uważam, że zjawisko nierozróżnialności wykracza poza obszar religijności zwanej „ludową” bądź „typu ludowego”, reprezentując jedną 169 Przeciętny wzrost Indianina – mężczyzny w Andach wynosi poniżej 160 cm. Zob. Z.J. Ryn, Medycyna indiańska, Kraków 2007, s. 23. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 125 z elementarnych prawidłowości w religii jako takiej170. W religijności ludowej utożsamienie to bywa tylko bardziej sensualne, a jako pozbawione autorefleksji nad istotą zjawiska prowadzi ono do zachowań kultowych, wynikających z tej dosłowności. Twarz, a zwłaszcza twarz Boga, posiada olbrzymi potencjał generowania doznań o charakterze numinotycznym. Jej wizerunek lokuje się w centrum wyobrażeniowym wszelkich obrazowań towarzyszących modlitwie, w najszerszym rozumieniu tego terminu. Szaty Señora de la Soledad reprezentują powszechny wzorzec przyjęty w ikonografii Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w krajach Ameryki Południowej. Nie będę omawiać zjawiska ubierania figur sakralnych w Andach i pozostałych rejonach kontynentu, gdyż poświęcam mu sporo uwagi w kolejnych rozdziałach. Ograniczę się tylko do prostego opisu, który poprzedzę informacją, że szaty Pana Samotności bywają zmieniane co 14–15 dni, czyli średnio około 25 razy w roku. Przebieranie wizerunku nie polega wszakże na cyklicznej zamianie szat w ramach istniejącego zasobu. Każdy kolejny komplet jest nowy, sprawiany przez fundatora oczekującego w długim korowodzie, czasem latami, na swoją kolej. Wykonanie szat dla Señora de la Soledad stanowi najwyższy zaszczyt dla sponsora i jego rodziny. Dzięki takiej fundacji jego status społeczny ulega wielkiemu dowartościowaniu, a otaczający go szacunek i prestiż znacząco wzrasta. Każdy kolejny komplet szat różni się od poprzedniego kolorystyką i szczegółami ornamentyki, ale ściśle zachowuje krój i wymiary elementów. Chrystus ubrany jest w sukienkę sięgającą od pasa do kolan, zwaną sudario lub enagüillas. Jest to tkanina atłasowa lub jedwabna owijana wokół bioder, długości około 50–60 cm, z bogatą ornamentyką o motywach eucharystycznych i florystycznych haftowanych złotymi i srebrnymi nićmi na tle jednolitego tła kolorystycznego, najczęściej różnych odcieni czerwieni żółci, zieleni i błękitu. Dolny brzeg sudario zdobią frędzle lub koronka, górny zaś okrywa cinturón zwany też cíngulo – szeroki pas, którego długie końce opadają po bokach [fot. 42]. Głowę okala corona de espinas, czyli korona cierniowa, ale w wersji mocno stylizowanej w kierunku ozdobności. Tak jak stroje, korony bywają również zmieniane, jednakże zawsze ich kształt odbiega od realistycznej gałęzi cierniowej, przybierając dekoracyjne kształty, z detalami inkrustowanymi barwnymi kamieniami. Pionowo nad głową wznosi się równie ozdobna forma nimbu złożonego z kolistego układu wiązek promieni, zgrupowanych zwykle po pięć, naprzemiennie dłuższych i krótszych. Promienie te noszą nazwę potencias lub rayos. Gwoździe, którymi przybito dłonie i stopy Chrystusa, zwą się z hiszpańskiego clavos. Na innych południowoamerykańskich, a nawet hiszpańskich, wizerunkach przybierają one niejednokrotnie bardzo ozdobną formę. W przypadku Señora de la Soledad nie są nadmiernie dekoracyjne, ale pomiędzy nimi a ciałem widnieją podkładki w postaci białych strzępków materiału [fot. 43], których funkcji lub symboliki nie udało mi się ustalić. Najbardziej efektownym i rzucającym się w oczy elementem, który w dosłownym znaczeniu nie jest częścią stroju, ale de facto można go tak traktować, jest duża trójkątna materia mocowana do tylnej części krzyża, będąca ozdobnym tłem krucyfiksu. Tkanina ta, nosząca nazwę espaldar, rozpięta jest wzdłuż poprzecznej belki krzyża, sięgając dłuższym końcem jego podstawy. Materię wypełnia misterna ornamentyka roślinna w wyszukanych układach kompozycyjnych podporządkowanych estetyce horror vacui. Dekoracje o motywach eucharystycznych, często z użyciem motywów kwiatów andyjskich, zwłaszcza pozytywnie waloryzowanych cantuty 170 Zjawisko nierozróżnialności obszernie analizuje Joanna Tokarska-Bakir. Zob. eadem, Obraz osobliwy…, s. 19–74. �126 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich i rima-rima, haftowane są złotymi i srebrnymi nićmi, z wszytymi barwnymi kamieniami. Na nielicznych starych zdjęciach wykonanych około połowy XX wieku widzimy dużą ilość srebrnych wot wypełniających powierzchnię tkaniny [fot. 44]. Obecnie zwyczaj ten zanikł. Geneza i symbolika espaldaru nie została przeze mnie w pełni rozpoznana. Nie spotkałam się z użyciem tego elementu w Hiszpanii ani na pozaandyjskich obszarach Ameryki Południowej, choć podkreślam, że są to zaledwie wstępne obserwacje. Element ten bez wątpienia pełni funkcję majestatycznego płaszcza, którego Chrystus na Krzyżu bezpośrednio przybrać nie może. Jest odpowiednikiem wspaniałych płaszczy, dostojnie opływających figury Matki Boskiej i świętych, zwłaszcza gdy niesione są podczas procesji. Badacze wielokrotnie omawiali zjawisko ukrywania przez Indian materialnych artefaktów, treści bądź wzorców organizacyjnych wewnątrz obiektów i instytucji hiszpańskich lub indiańskich, ale kontrolowanych przez Hiszpanów. Wspominałam o tym, pisząc o indiańskich konfraterniach religijnych, które de facto kontynuowały struktury ayllus. Wiemy też o przypadkach skrytego umieszczania wewnątrz chrześcijańskich świątyń czczonych kamieni wak’as, czego przykładem jest także kościół Soledad, w którym, pod ołtarzem głównym, jest ponoć zamurowany kamień z Pumacayan, obdarzony szczególną mocą171. Nie będę przytaczać podobnych przykładów, lepiej lub gorzej udokumentowanych, choć byłoby ich sporo. Chcę bowiem omówić przykład wyjątkowy w swej oryginalności, dotyczący ołtarza głównego w świątyni Soledad, ale nie wzmiankowanego kamienia, tylko krucyfiksu Señora de la Soledad wraz z towarzyszącą mu Grupą Ukrzyżowania. Otóż Salazar Mejía, jeden z najważniejszych badaczy kultury regionu Ancash, twierdzi, że przestrzenny układ głów tych czterech postaci odzwierciedla konstelację Cruz del Sur, czyli Krzyża Południa172. Niestety, poza tym stwierdzeniem, nie podaje dokładniejszych informacji. Proste porównanie tego układu z usytuowaniem czterech gwiazd tworzących gwiazdozbiór pozornie uzasadnia takie skojarzenie. Punkty wyznaczane miejscami głów Chrystusa i trzech postaci u jego stóp naśladują w przybliżeniu kształt Cruz del Sur w lustrzanym odwróceniu – głowa Chrystusa znajduje się tam, gdzie na niebie świeci dolna gwiazda tej konstelacji (Alfa Crucis). Wystarczy jednak wykonać taką symulację, nakładając na siebie oba układy, a okaże się, że rzekomy paralelizm nie istnieje [fot. 45]. Postać św. Jana Ewangelisty ustawiona jest znacznie wyżej niż postać Matki Boskiej173. Stwarza to konfigurację całkowicie niezgodną z tą, która wynika ze zwierciadlanego nałożenia Cruz del Sur. Odpowiedniość obu układów powstałaby wtedy, gdyby to Matka Boska była wyższa od św. Jana. Na nielicznych zachowanych zdjęciach ołtarza Soledad sprzed trzęsienia ziemi w 1970 roku widzimy postacie Matki Boskiej i św. Jana ustawione na tym samym poziomie, co świadczy o tym, że obecny układ powstał dopiero po wybudowaniu nowego kościoła i ołtarza (około 1980 roku). Można spekulować, jaka była motywacja tej zmiany? Dlaczego św. Jana ustawiono wyżej niż Matkę Boską? Jeśli stał za tym pomysł, by upodobnić kompozycję postaci do lustrzanego odbicia Cruz del Sur, to mogło dojść do pomyłki polegającej na błędnym zróżnicowaniu 171 172 173 Relacja Miguela Roblesa Valverde, według informacji przekazanej mu przez Lucio Rojasa, członka konfraterni Auxilios Mutuos de Señor de la Soledad. [J.A. Salazar Mejía], José Antonio Salazar Mejía cuenta…, http://www.prensaHuaráz.com/2017/?p=1284 [data dostępu: 17.02.2020]. Układ taki nie ma precedensu wśród znanych mi Grup Ukrzyżowania, w których św. Jan nie dominuje nad Matką Boską, co wynika z przełożenia statusów na program ikonograficzny. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 127 wysokości figur – zamiast Matkę Boską, podwyższono św. Jana i tak już zostało. Równocześnie upowszechniono wiadomość, że w ołtarzu Soledad zaklęty jest tajemny związek między Chrystusem a Krzyżem Południa. Nie wiemy nic o genezie takiego zamysłu, ale jest on bliski ideom indygenistycznym, w które od stulecia angażują się ludzie nauki i kultury, ale niewspółmiernie częściej amatorzy, autentycznie zafascynowani własną tradycją, często jednak popadający w przesadę czy nawet rodzaj pseudonaukowego mistycyzmu. Opisany wątek można uznać za produkt tego rodzaju fascynacji, co nie odbiera mu uroku i waloru legendy, jednej z wielu otaczających Señora de la Soledad. Beznamiętne zakwestionowanie legendy nie kończy dyskusji, lecz pozwala zwrócić uwagę na szerszą perspektywę tła kulturowego. W idei zestawienia Chrystusa z Krzyżem Południa zawiera się bowiem myśl poważniejsza, towarzysząca stuleciom współistnienia chrześcijaństwa z programowo detronizowaną religią andyjską. Myśli tej nie można sprowadzić do świadomych motywacji stojących za działaniami, włączającymi elementy andyjskie w materialną i duchową przestrzeń kultu. Obecność takowych nie budzi wątpliwości, ale nie bierze się wyłącznie z odruchu autochtonicznego oporu wobec brutalnego prozelityzmu. W równoległym nurcie tej myśli, jako szeroko pojmowanego czynnika sprawczego, mieści się element bezrefleksyjny, wynikający z istnienia nieprzekraczalnych barier w obrębie kategorii myślowych, odzwierciedlonych także w języku, a dotyczących obszaru religii i kultu. W jednej z rozmów prowadzonych korespondencyjnie profesor Szemiński wyraził to zwięźle: „Każdy rozumie nowe przy pomocy tego, co już wie, zatem religia andyjska wpierw bez domieszek chrześcijańskich, potem już z domieszkami zawsze służyła do interpretacji nauk chrześcijańskich i automatycznie spowodowała wybór chrześcijańskich motywów jako «oficjalnych wersji» kultów i praktyk własnych czyli andyjskich”. Rozważając poszczególne przejawy andyjskiego synkretyzmu religijnego, warto zadać pytanie, czy są one efektem intencjonalnych działań, czy wynikiem mechanizmów strukturalnych. Inaczej mówiąc, czy coś zaistniało, choć nie musiało, czy może dokonało się dlatego, że nie mogło się nie dokonać. Odpowiedź nie zawsze będzie jednoznaczna, niemniej pytanie wydaje się istotne badawczo. Jeśli projekt wpisania Krzyża Południa w postać Señora de la Soledad zrodził się w duchu indygenistycznych tendencji patriotycznych, to była to jedna z niezliczonych ekspresji kulturowych zachodzących od wieków w obszarze konfrontacji dwóch światów. Mówiąc o konfrontacji, mam na myśli nie tylko jej wymiar agonistyczny, lecz przede wszystkim negocjacyjny, a więc poszukiwanie – świadomie lub nie – pomostów na styku cywilizacyjnie ukształtowanych kategorii myślenia. W konsekwencji rozważań nad połączeniem Krzyża Południa z Señorem de la Soledad niezbędna wydaje się krótka informacja o tym gwiazdozbiorze, gdyż jego znaczenie w kulturze andyjskiej pozwoli zrozumieć logikę takiego zamysłu. Jest to jedna z najważniejszych, jeśli nie najważniejsza konstelacja na firmamencie południowej półkuli, widoczna od Meksyku po Biegun Południowy. Dla ludów tej części świata wskazuje kierunek południowy, będąc zarazem najjaśniejszym gwiazdozbiorem usytuowanym na Drodze Mlecznej, zwanej w Andach Hatun Mayu. Cruz del Sur miał wielkie znaczenie w kulturze agrarnej Indian andyjskich, wyznaczając porę żniw kukurydzy – od tysiącleci najważniejszej rośliny jadalnej w tej części świata. Pora ta w północnych Andach to koniec kwietnia i pierwsza połowa maja. W schrystianizowanej obrzędowości andyjskiej tradycyjne fiesty związane z tym okresem przekształciły się w uroczystości Señora de Mayo – Chrystusa Majowego, który objął �128 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich swym patronatem zbiory. Chrystus ten, o ogromnej popularności wśród Indian, jest bez wątpienia najczęściej spotykanym wizerunkiem sakralnym w kościołach i kaplicach andyjskich, a związane z nim fiesty, których día central przypada 3 maja, należą do najważniejszych świąt w cyklu rocznym. W większości kościołów, w których znajduje się Señor de Mayo, jest on autonomicznym wizerunkiem, który przez większość roku spoczywa w przeszklonej tumbie, natomiast w czasie fiest majowych, trwających zwykle 12 dni, mocowany jest do krzyża i obnoszony w uroczystych procesjach. Stanowi także centralną postać obchodów Wielkiego Tygodnia. W niektórych sanktuariach znajdują się jednak inne, sławne i otoczone czcią wizerunki Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego. W takich przypadkach w kościołach tych pojawia się ich paso w postaci Señora de Mayo, który uczestniczy w obrzędach majowych, podczas gdy główny wizerunek nie opuszcza swojego miejsca w ołtarzu głównym. Pradawne święto zbiorów kukurydzy, w którym dominuje sens żniw jako śmierci, dającej życie i zapewniającej wieczną regenerację – Eliadowski „wieczny powrót”, przyjęło schrystianizowaną formę, zachowując swój sens przeniesiony na Chrystusa i jego śmierć, po której następuje zmartwychwstanie. W cyklu fiest andyjskich jest to najważniejsze święto o wymowie odrodzeniowej, w którym symbolika chrześcijańska nałożyła się na pierwotne, izomorficzne postrzeganie roślin i człowieka w kulturach rolniczych174. Gdy na początku maja spogląda się nocą ze wzgórza Pumacayan wprost na południe, na świątynię Soledad, dokładnie nad nią świeci Krzyż Południa, który od tysiącleci wyznaczał porę zbiorów kukurydzy. Chęć wpisania tej konstelacji w krzyż Señora de la Soledad ma jednak głębsze podłoże utożsamienia obu znaków. Problem w tym, że postrzeganie Cruz del Sur w Andach zupełnie odbiega od postrzegania Europejczyka. Tradycyjny Indianin, patrząc w nocne niebo, dostrzegał przede wszystkim ciemne chmury, których kontury ograniczały gwiazdy. Chmurom tym nadawał nazwy wynikające z podobieństwa ich kształtów do zwierząt, ludzi czy roślin. W przypadku Cruz del Sur łączył wyobrażonymi liniami tworzące go gwiazdy, uzyskując romb przypominający latawiec. Europejczyk natomiast łączy te gwiazdy w inny sposób – nie tak, by zakreślić obwód rombu, tylko by powstał krzyż [fot. 46]. Operacja taka jest dalece mniej narzucająca się niż wizualizacja Indianina. Uzasadniałoby ją tylko istnienie piątej gwiazdy wyznaczająceJ środek krzyża, ale takowej nie ma. Zresztą do XVI wieku europejscy, chrześcijańscy żeglarze i astronomowie także nie widzieli w tej konstelacji krzyża. Nazwy Krzyża Południa w języku keczua nie są słowami oznaczającymi „krzyż”. Używana w północnych Andach nazwa tsaqa quyllur oznacza „gwiazdę zachodu słońca” lub „gwiazdę zmierzchu”175. Projekcja formy krzyża łacińskiego na ten gwiazdozbiór jest dość późnym (XVI-wiecznym) dziełem chrześcijańskim, zdominowanym światopoglądem religijnym. Zestawiania krzyża Chrystusa z Krzyżem Południa jest więc rodzajem tautologii. Krzyż kojarzony jest bowiem z de facto tym samym krzyżem – chrześcijański z chrześcijańskim, ale w żadnym wypadku chrześcijański z andyjskim. Nie ma znaczenia, że operację tę często wykonują Indianie, 174 175 A. Szyjewski, op. cit., s. 434–441, 454–456; M. Eliade, op. cit., s. 262–360. L. Millones, H. Tomeda, La Cruz del Perú, Sevilla 2011, s. 35. Słownik Aulex podaje kilka nazw w keczua: Hanaq Lluqa, Malta Chawpi, Mama Mirqu, Qatachillay, Taksa T’aklla, Uchuy, Yuthu (Diccionario quechua-español Runasimi en línea en Aulex, compilado por P. Jacobs, 2001, https://aulex.org/qu-es/?idioma=en, [data dostępu: 16.02.2020]). Słownik F. Carrancy Romero podaje nazwę tsaka – most (idem, Diccionario Quechua…, s. 47). Pod podanymi nazwami nie kryje się „krzyż”, jedynie w niektórych przypadkach może być odczytany sens „skrzyżowania”, np. tsaka – most, czyli skrzyżowanie drogi z rzeką. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 129 ponieważ ich współczesne postrzeganie Krzyża Południa, poddane sugestii hiszpańskiej nazwy Cruz del Sur, jest w pełni chrześcijańskie. Oczywiście czym innym jest dyskurs, który to wykazuje, a czym innym są procesy mitotwórcze podporządkowane innej logice. By jednak dostrzec je w pełnej wyrazistości, niezbędne jest ukazanie tła kulturowego, na którym zachodzą. Jeśli zestawienie Krzyża Chrystusa z Krzyżem Południa stanowi efekt nieustannej dynamiki procesów synkretyzujących różne wątki w ramach współczesnego chrześcijaństwa andyjskiego, to tym bardziej tendencję taką widać w próbach kojarzenia chrześcijańskiego krzyża z chakaną. Ta najsłynniejsza figura, jaka powstała w Andach, zwana „krzyżem inkaskim”, reprezentowana jest w tysiącach artefaktów, głównie rzeźbionych w kamieniu, o genezie sięgającej odległych kultur preinkaskich. Najwyraźniej zaistniała jednak u Inków i jej spektakularne przykłady powstały w okresie ich panowania [fot. 47]. Z 1560 roku pochodzi ważny przekaz historyczny Inki Garcilasso de la Vegi, dość precyzyjnie opisujący kunsztownie wykonaną kamienną chacanę, zabraną przez Hiszpanów z pałacu Inki176. Kronikarz, co znamienne, nie wymienia nazwy chacana, choć możemy być pewni, że gdyby ją znał, to by niewątpliwie podał. Pisze natomiast: „Krzyż był kwadratowy, równie szeroki jak długi, mierzył trzy czwarte vary”177 (ok. 60 cm). Wspomina też, że był on wak’a – przedmiotem o charakterze religijnym, czczonym w specjalnym pomieszczeniu. „Niczego więcej w nim nie czcili, sam krzyż otaczali szacunkiem”178 – relacjonuje kronikarz, dalej zaś wyraża rozczarowanie faktem, że chacana nie została odpowiednio uszanowana przez Hiszpanów przez umieszczenie jej na ołtarzu głównym, gdzie odbierałaby cześć już jako symbol chrześcijański. Warto zacytować jego pogląd w tej sprawie, gdyż w niczym nie odbiega od współczesnych tendencji łączenia elementów symboliki andyjskiej z chrześcijańską. Pisze mianowicie (z pozycji konwertyty), że gdyby Hiszpanie intronizowali chacanę do kościoła, to: „Tak rozmiłowaliby Indian w naszej świętej religii przy użyciu ich własnych rzeczy porównywalnych z naszymi, jak ten krzyż…”179. Warto zwrócić uwagę, że kronikarz cały czas nazywa chacanę krzyżem. Zakłada, że ta wak’a o tym kształcie mogłaby być nadal czczona jako symbol chrześcijański. Transformacja dokonałaby się na poziomie ideowym, ale numinotyczna moc artefaktu trwałaby dalej. Przykład powyższy uświadamia, że akomodacja krzyża chrześcijańskiego do kultury andyjskiej przebiegała dość płynnie, ponieważ znak krzyża – głównie w postaci chacany – nie był obcy w jej tradycyjnej ikonosferze. Sądzę, że mentalna asocjacja obu krzyży, którą obserwujemy u Inki Garcilasso de la Vegi, człowieka równie dobrze rozumiejącego swoją rodzimą kulturę inkaską, jak i kulturę europejską, może być reprezentatywny dla omawianego zjawiska. O ile można uznać, że podobieństwo chrześcijańskiego krzyża do chacany jest wizualną oczywistością, o tyle częsta praktyka dopasowywania jej do Krzyża Południa budzi poważne wątpliwości. Patrząc z innej perspektywy, świadomie pomijającej błędy merytoryczne, jest to rozwinięcie tej samej tendencji mitotwórczej, co omówione zestawianie krucyfiksu z Cruz del Sur. Warto jednak przyjrzeć się meritum, które choć lekceważone przez mit, istnieje. Fundamentalnym argumentem dla zwolenników utożsamiania Cruz del Sur z chacaną jest słynny 176 177 178 179 Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, op. cit., s. 81–82. Ibidem, s. 81. Ibidem. Ibidem, s. 82. �130 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich rysunek kronikarza pochodzącego ze szlachty ajmarskiej, Santa Cruz Pacha Cuti Yamqui Salca Maygua, który urodził się pod koniec XVI wieku, a swoje dzieła spisywał w pierwszej połowie XVII wieku. Dokładne daty jego urodzin i śmierci nie są znane. W jego Relacion de las Antigüedades dete Reyno del Perú (ok. 1615; do XIX wieku pozostającej w rękopisie), znajduje się rysunek, który od ponad wieku stanowi przedmiot niekończących się analiz, prób interpretacji, hipotez i sporów w świecie naukowym. Przedstawia on rzekomo obraz andyjskiego kosmosu podzielonego w pionie na stronę męską i żeńską, oraz w poziomie na Hanan Pacha i Hurin Pacha [fot. 48]. Kompozycja wypełniona jest rysunkami symbolizującymi ciała niebieskie, zjawiska atmosferyczne, kobietę i mężczyznę oraz inne detale, których nie ma potrzeby opisywać. Szemiński kwestionuje pogląd, jakoby rysunek jako całość przedstawiał strukturę andyjskiego uniwersum, argumentując, że autor widział ów obraz przez pryzmat swojego katolicyzmu, dodając, że „wszystkie składowe rysunku mają potwierdzenie już to we wczesnych szesnastowiecznych źródłach, już to w dwudziestowiecznym folklorze”180. Nas interesuje tylko środkowy fragment rysunku przedstawiający Cruz del Sur, ale odwrócony w sposób nieprawidłowy w stosunku do jego widoku obserwowanego na niebie. Anthony Aveni zwraca uwagę, że rysownik uwzględnił także czwartą, mniejszą gwiazdę zaliczaną do tej konstelacji (Epsilon Crucis), ale nic nie pisze o dziwnym odwróceniu rysunku181. Dzięki tej czwartej gwieździe możemy powiedzieć, że rysunek wygląda tak, jakby był efektem lustrzanego odbicia [fot. 49]. Nasuwa to skojarzenie z praktykami obserwowania gwiaździstego nieba przez dawnych kapłanów andyjskich, którzy przyglądali się jego odbiciu w tafli wody wypełniającej specjalne naczynia lub baseny w skałach182 [fot. 50]. Najważniejszy jest wszakże podpis: „Chacana en general”, który stanowi koronny argument zwolenników utożsamiania Krzyża Południa z chacaną i zaowocował licznymi próbami poszukiwania związków geometrycznych między ich kształtami. Pomysły takie nie są wyłącznie domeną amatorów i uduchowionych miłośników tajemnic. Zawiłości symboliki chacany wpisanej w Krzyż Południa są także przedmiotem analiz utytułowanych astronomów, takich jak Manuel Fernando de la Torre Ugarte Bustos, który poświęca im obszerny, bogato ilustrowany fragment swej pracy183. Zwolennikiem teorii, iż geneza chakany wiąże się ściśle z Krzyżem Południa, jest także Salazar Mejía, który – podobnie jak wielu innych – uważa, że starożytni amautas wykreślili chacanę, tworząc najpierw kwadrat, którego bokiem jest poprzeczka krzyża, a przekątną jego odcinek pionowy, potem zaś przez kolejne podziały uzyskali ostateczny kształt „krzyża schodkowego”184, w którego proporcjach i elementach można odczytać skomplikowany zapis danych astronomicznych, związanych z nimi cyklów agrarnych, świąt i wielu jeszcze innych tajemnic. Wracając do Pacha Cuti’ego widzimy, że jego rysunek Cruz del Sur ma kształt chrześcijańskiego krzyża, a nie andyjskiego rombu. Wynika to oczywiście z jego chrześcijańskiej perspektywy i świadczy, że nałożenie wizji krucyfiksu na Cruz del Sur stało się już wówczas ugruntowanym faktem. Natomiast kluczową sprawą jest język. Sądzę, że wpisując słowo chacana, Pacha Cuti wcale nie miał na myśli schodkowego 180 181 182 183 184 J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 99. A. Aveni, Schody do gwiazd. Obserwacje nieba w trzech wielkich starożytnych kulturach, przeł. J. Bieroń, Poznań 1997, s. 195. E. Salazar Garcés, op. cit., s. 42–43. M.F. de la Torre Ugarte Bustos, Cosmovisión andina. Aspectos astronómicos, La Paz 2018, s. 59–78. J.A. Salazar Mejía, 7 ensayos de interculturalidad ancashina, Huaráz 2009, s. 36–37. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 131 krzyża andyjskiego, tylko po prostu – zgodnie z narysowanym przez siebie rysunkiem – krzyż. Mamy tu do czynienia z wczesnym świadectwem chrześcijańskiej interpretacji tej konstelacji jako krzyża łacińskiego. I tylko tyle. Nie ma tam żadnej chacany w dzisiejszym rozumieniu tego słowa. Nie można do tej klarownej asocjacji dodawać skomplikowanej formy chacany, gdyż, jak dowodzi astronom Erwin Salazar Garcés, jej konceptualizacja w przeważającej części powstała dopiero w drugiej połowie XX wieku, głównie za przyczyną pasjonatów kultury inkaskiej185. Oczywiście nie znaczy to, że w starożytnych kulturach andyjskich chacana była tylko ornamentem. Z całą pewnością nie. Zapewne posiadała swoją symbolikę, może nawet bardzo złożoną. Problem w tym, że niewiele o niej wiemy. Lektura kilku zaledwie słowników języka keczua uświadamia, że słowo chacana miało bardzo dużo znaczeń. Salazar Garcés podaje m.in. następujące: „most”, „drabina”, „poprzeczka”, „dwie poprzeczki”, „brama”, „wątek”, „łączenie części” i inne186. Szemiński uważa, że wszystkie nazwy krzyża w językach andyjskich mają coś wspólnego z rdzeniem chaca i cytuje przykładowe znaczenia chacany ze słowników kolonialnych Gonçalesa Holguina (1608) i Ludovico Bertonio (1612). Są wśród nich takie jak: „most”, „schody”, „Trzy gwiazdy zwane Mariami”, „wyrwać drewniane żerdzie, by zagrodzić wejście”, „skrzyżować dwie rzeczy tak, jak ramiona krzyża”, „przecinać”, „przekraczać”, „drabina ze szczeblami” czy „pień lub belka służące za drabinę”187. Antonio Ricardo z 1586 roku odnotowuje dwa znaczenia: „drewniane schody” oraz „trzy gwiazdki oznaczające trzy Marie”188. Słownik Aulex podaje między innymi: „most”, „schody”, „szczebel”, a także „krzyżować”, „przekraczać”, „przecinać”, „konstruować drabinę” lub „konstruować most”189. Słownik Clodoaldo Soto Ruíza, chociaż obejmuje tylko obszar Ayacucho-Chanka, odnotowuje ciekawe użycie słowa chacana – w sytuacjach znanych mi także z Ancash. Brak na nie ekwiwalentnego słowa, więc potrzebny jest opis sytuacji. Oznacza mianowicie: „skrzyżować dwa patyki lub wszelkie podobne rzeczy, aby nikt ich nie przekroczył”, a także „umieścić krzyż z tyczek w naszych drzwiach, aby nikt nie mógł wejść do domu”190. Jest to prastary zwyczaj Indian andyjskich (do dziś znany i praktykowany w wysokogórskich szałasach pasterskich) umieszczania skrzyżowanych patyków w drzwiach – po to, by poinformować przechodzących, że nikogo nie ma w domu, więc nie należy wchodzić do środka. Natomiast skrzyżowane patyki na ścieżce oznaczały, że ktoś nie życzy sobie, by nią chadzano. Przedstawiony przegląd znaczeń chacany obrazuje ich różnorodność, która w swej większości oznacza różne rodzaje skrzyżowania, przecinania, przekraczania – zarówno dosłownego, jak i metaforycznego. Chacana we współczesnym rozumieniu „krzyża schodkowego”, obarczonego wielopiętrowymi warstwami znaczeń, to wytwór niemal współczesny. Salazar Garcés zwraca uwagę, że Indianie znali kilka zespołów gwiazd (asteryzmów) tworzących 185 186 187 188 189 190 E. Salazar Garcés, op. cit., s. 210. Ibidem. Don Juan de Santa Cruz Pacha Cuti Yamqui Salca Maygua „Relacion de antigüedades deste Reyno del Piru”, edición crítica de J. Szemiński, Arequipa 2019, s. CVII–CVIII. A. Ricardo, Vocabulario de los indios del Perú, llamada Quichua y en la lengua española [1586], Quinta edición publicida con un prólogo y notas de G. Escobar Risco, Lima 1951, s. 32. Diccionario quechua-español Runasimi…, https://aulex.org/qu-es/?idioma=en, [data dostępu: 15.02 2020]. C. Soto Ruíz, Runasimi-kastillanu-inlis llamkaymanaq qullqa Ayakuchu-Chanka. I rakta. Diccionario funcional quechua-castellano-inglés: Ayacucho-Chanka. Vol. I. Quechua-Spanish-English functional dictionary: Ayacucho-Chanka, „Revista de Lingüística y Literatura” 2012, t. 36, nr 2, s. 378–388. �132 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich kształt krzyża i zwali je właśnie chacanami191, w przeciwieństwie do Cruz del Sur, w którym, co naturalne, nie dostrzegali krzyża tylko romb, więc nigdy nie nazywali go tym słowem. Pomysł Pacha Cuti’ego – zarówno wykreślenia krzyża na konstelacji w kształcie rombu, jak i nazwania jej chacaną – jest więc na wskroś chrześcijański, choć uskuteczniony za pomocą andyjskiej nazwy. Natomiast współczesna zbitka znaczeń: krzyż Chrystusa – Krzyż Południa – chacana stanowi efekt mniej lub bardziej uświadamianej działalności mitotwórczej, czerpiącej energię z głębszych nurtów wzajemnych konfrontacji dwóch odległych kultur, którym przyszło współistnieć. Señor de la Soledad i Señor de Mayo – dychotomia czy koincydencja? Zdarza się, że jedno spontanicznie wypowiedziane zdanie nabiera wagi odkrycia, syntezując i porządkując olbrzymie pokłady treści. Któregoś dnia w trakcie badań w Huaráz schodziłam stromymi, pustymi w południowej porze uliczkami dzielnicy Pedregal w kierunku kościoła Soledad. Posuwałam się wzdłuż pierzei niskich, parterowych domów ze ścianami pokrytymi hasłami wyborczymi tudzież mozaiką starych i aktualnych plakatów reklamowych o przeróżnej treści. W pewnym momencie rzucił mi się w oczy niezwykły widok. Odrapaną ścianę jednego z domków przykrywała duża biało-fioletowa draperia ze snopem złotych promieniami pośrodku, ujętym w ramy stylizowanych kolumn. Na tle promieni, na stoliku pokrytym koronkowym obrusem, stała duża figura Madonny w rozłożystym, kunsztownie zdobionym płaszczu [fot. 51]. Gdy zaskoczona widokiem, robiłam zdjęcia, w szeroko otwartych drzwiach zjawił się drobny mężczyzna w średnim wieku [fot. 52]. Oboje w tej samej chwili przypomnieliśmy sobie, że się znamy. Byłam przed domem Melchiora Montesa Moty, gdzie gościłam kilka lat wcześniej, zbierając materiały o velones, unikatowych wytworach artystycznych z wosku, wykonywanych dla przyozdobienia ołtarza Señora de la Soledad. Po serdecznym przywitaniu wyjaśnił, że skończył odnawiać figurę Matki Boskiej Virgen Inmaculada Concepción z kościoła Sagrario San Sebastian, lecz postanowił, że zanim tam wróci, będzie przez jakiś czas błogosławić przechodniom i sąsiadom z ulicy. Zaproszona do środka, znalazłam się w zagraconym pomieszczeniu łączącym funkcję mieszkalną ze skromnym sklepikiem z szeroko otwartymi drzwiami na podwórko za domem. To tam Melchior przez długie miesiące odlewa z wielobarwnego wosku tysiące zachwycających naturalizmem kwiatów andyjskich oraz ornamentów, z których tworzy velones – od niewielkich po kilkumetrowe konstrukcje ustawiane przy ołtarzu Señora de la Soledad, a kiedyś noszone także w procesjach192 [fot. 53]. Jest ostatnim w Huaráz mistrzem, znającym tajniki tej sztuki. Po kwadransie rozmowy musiałam się pożegnać, by zdążyć na spotkanie z członkiem konfraterni Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad w świątyni Soledad. Wtedy Melchior, wiedząc dokąd śpieszę, rzucił na odchodnym: „Ale ty wiesz, że Señor de la Soledad nie jest nasz, tylko hiszpański? [fragment wypowiedzi niezrozumiały] ten prawdziwy – nasz, to Señor de Mayo, pamiętaj!” W pierwszej chwili nie do końca pojęłam, ale stopniowo uzmysławiałam 191 192 E. Salazar Garcés, op. cit., s. 211. Zob. na temat sztuki velones: M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 109–110; E.A. Palma Huerta, Los velones de Huarás, „Hirka. Revista Regional de Cultura” 2014, R. 9, nr 40, s. 27–29. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 133 sobie sens tych słów. Usłyszałam oto lapidarną eksplikację złożonych i niełatwych do opisania relacji tożsamościowych pomiędzy Indianami a podwójnym wizerunkiem Chrystusa – Señora de la Soledad w ołtarzu głównym oraz jego paso, Señora de Mayo, spoczywającego w szklanej tumbie, a w czasie uroczystości majowych obnoszonego w procesjach po mieście. Zanim jednak omówię zasadnicze rysy tych relacji, wyjaśnię, dlaczego słowa Melchiora uznałam za ważne, nieprzypadkowe i reprezentatywne w szerszym wymiarze. Wiąże się to z jego szczególnym, po części zagadkowym dla osoby z zewnątrz, statusem. Przede wszystkim nie jest Metysem czy Kreolem, tylko Indianinem, głęboko zaangażowanym w formalne i nieformalne struktury Indian, jak również w sprawy kultu religijnego. Ten niepozorny mężczyzna, zawsze skromnie ubrany i zapracowany, jest kimś w rodzaju nieoficjalnie wybieranego naczelnika wszystkich alcaldes pedáneos (sołtysów) wiosek wokół Huaráz, zwanych varayoq – dzierżących symboliczną laskę starszeństwa193. Nie znam charakteru jego związku ze świątynią Soledad, ale bez wątpienia pełni tam znaczącą rolę, a jego nazwisko wymieniane jest z dużym szacunkiem. Co więcej, w okresach suszy przewodniczy kultywowanym do dziś, mającym odległą genezę przedhiszpańską, ceremoniom błagalnym o deszcz. Dowiedziałam się o nich od starszej pani, Liny García de Gamarra, znakomitej informatorki, pracującej przez wiele lat jako bibliotekarka w Dirección Desconcentrada de Cultura Áncash. Jej opowieść, którą utrwaliłam na nagraniu, ma walor ciekawego źródła etnograficznego, które warto zacytować: Wieśniacy z estancii zamawiają mszę w kościele Soledad i przychodzą do kościoła ze swoimi obrazami świętych, każda staruszka przynosi obraz Soledad, każda, zamawiają mszę przebłagalną. Starszyzna znosi do kościoła wizerunki swojego świętego (na przykład z Unchus i Marían imagen San Miguel Arcangel). Po mszy przychodzą do swoich wsi ze swoimi imagenes – powinno padać. Jeżeli dalej nie pada i susza się przedłuża, to na taką specjalną mszę przebłagalną (de rogación) przynosi się wodę z jeziora Aguac, w specjalnych ceramicznych naczyniach, błogosławi się ją w kościele Soledad i odnosi do jeziora Aguac, gdzie wylewa się ją do jeziora. Ja nie wiem czy to wiara to czyni czy to jest cud, albo metafizyka, nie wiem… wiem tylko – bo niejednokrotnie to widziałam – że po takim obrzędzie zaczyna padać, i nie wiem czy to siła tych modłów, siła śpiewu porusza jakieś cząstki tego deszczu – ale pada. Za mojego życia widziałam to parę razy [podkr. E.J.]194. Montes Mota przewodzi wioskowym autoridades w tym obrzędzie, co potwierdził, gdy go kiedyś dopytałam. Kolejny informator, Miguel Valverde Robles, wtajemniczył mnie, że Melchior jest właścicielem starej, od pokoleń przekazywanej w jego rodzinie, pomniejszonej kopii krzyża Señora de la Soledad, którego zwie, jak inni Indianie Taita Inriquito (zdrobniale w keczua: Ojczulek Inriquito). Jest to częste wśród Indian określenie Chrystusa na Krzyżu, którego genezę najlepiej tłumaczy wypowiedź księdza, zanotowana w połowie XX wieku przez Yauri Montero: 193 194 Szerzej tę funkcję na podstawie materiałów z regionu Ancash omawia: W.W. Stein, Hualcan: Life in the Highlands of Peru, Ithaca-New York 1961, s.195–198, 255. W Andach do dziś wioskowi alcaldes używają rzeźbionych, nierzadko bardzo starych lasek, będących atrybutami ich władzy. Wywiad przeprowadzony w październiku 2019 roku. O zwyczaju tym wspomina także: M. Yauri Montero, Simbolismo de las plantas alimencias nativas en el imaginario andino, Lima 2009, s. 61–62. �134 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Kiedy pokazywaliśmy [Indianom] krzyż, mówili że to Taita lub Señor Inriquito. Tłumaczyliśmy, że INRI to nie jego imię, tylko napis, który Piłat kazał zrobić Chrystusowi, ale oni nie słuchali i upierali się, że INRI to imię Pana. Tak samo działo się na wykładach z katechizmu, których udzielaliśmy w kościele Świętego Antoniego biednym dzieciom z Huarupampa [dzielnica Huaráz – przyp. E.J.]195. Obrazu niezwykłej postaci Melchiora dopełnia fakt, że posiadł on odziedziczoną po babci wiedzę na temat wróżenia z płonących świec. Jeden z informatorów wyraził się, że „wypowiada do świecy prośby”, co charakteryzuje swoistą formę modlitwy, którą wielokroć obserwowałam a polegającą na wypowiadaniu szeptem słów modlitewnych, patrząc w płomień świecy, a nie na święty wizerunek, nawet wtedy, gdy świeca płonie tuż przed nim. Tenże Melchior, jak wspomniałam, jest artystą uznawanym za ostatniego veloneros w Huaráz, a także zdolnym rzeźbiarzem i konserwatorem świętych figur [fot. 54]. Wyjątkowy autorytet, jakim cieszy się w środowisku Indian, nakazuje uważne traktowanie jego słów, jako wiarygodnych i reprezentatywnych dla społeczności. Gdy mówił „nie nasz”, znaczyło „nie nasz, Indian”. Jest współczesnym amautą – mędrcem, depozytariuszem wiedzy w dużej mierze sekretnej, zwłaszcza dla nie-Indian. Zdawałam sobie sprawę, że istnieją zróżnicowania w zakresie patronatów oraz podział kompetencji pomiędzy Señorem de la Soledad a Señorem de Mayo, ale wypowiedź Melchiora po raz pierwszy zarysowała tak wyrazistą i jednoznaczną linię podziału, stając się istotną wskazówką w badaniach. W swej zewnętrznej formie skupiała uwagę na podziale ze względu na utożsamienie etniczne, ale faktycznie zawierała głębsze warstwy znaczeń. W perspektywie historii Señor de Mayo pojawił się niewątpliwie później niż Señor de la Soledad. Zjawisko tworzenia się paso czczonych krycyfiksów, które zamieszkują w tym samym kościele, co starszy wzorzec, nie dotyczy tylko świątyni Soledad. Na terenie Ancash miało to miejsce w kilku miejscach, które odwiedziłam, np. w Santa, Pumallucay czy Recuay, ale jest ich z pewnością znacznie więcej. W takich sytuacjach ma miejsce podział kompetencji, jak również zróżnicowanie w oparciu o kryterium tożsamościowe, przebiegające zgodnie z powtarzalnym paradygmatem. Dualistyczne zespolenie Señora de Mayo ze starszym krucyfiksem to jedna z dwóch form jego obecności w Andach. Druga, występująca o wiele częściej, to jego samodzielna obecność w kościele. W takich przypadkach przejmuje on całość patronatów i skupia pełnię identyfikacji tożsamościowej, chyba że w kościele znajduje się inny, bardziej czczony wizerunek Matki Boskiej lub Świętego. Z mojego rozpoznania w Ancash wynika, że krucyfiks Señora de Mayo jest jednym z najczęstszych obiektów kultu w andyjskich rejonach tej prowincji, a jego popularności nie dorównuje żaden inny wizerunek z panteonu czczonych postaci. Trudno mi kompetentnie stwierdzić, czy podobnie jest w innych częściach Andów, jak i poza granicami Peru, gdzie także bywa czczony. Jeden z najsłynniejszych wizerunków tego Chrystusa znajduje się w Santiago de Chile, gdzie jego historia i atrybut temblores wiążą się z wielkim trzęsieniem ziemi w 1647 roku196. Inny sławny wizerunek Señora de Mayo poza granicami Peru znajduje się w boliwijskiej Cochabambie. 195 196 M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 36. E. López Taverne, La memoria del terremoto de 1647 en la obra de los historiadores liberales, „Revista de Historia Social y de las Mentalidades” 2011, t. 15, nr 2, s. 137–164; Señor de Mayo o sea, memoría documentada del espantoso terremoto que asoló a la Ciudad de Santiago de Chile el lunes 13 de Mayo de 1647, Santiago [de Chile] 1852. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 135 W świetle informacji uzyskanych w wyniku dotychczasowych badań, dalekich od sfinalizowania, Señor de Mayo nie reprezentuje żadnego indywidualnego wzorca ikonograficznego. Jest to Chrystus na Krzyżu, animowany, czyli z ruchomymi rękami, a czasem też głową, który bądź to przez cały rok liturgiczny pozostaje na krzyżu, bądź spoczywa w przeszklonej tumbie, a do krzyża mocowany jest tylko na czas uroczystości majowych, by w procesjach nawiedzać miasta i wioski. Jego odrębność polega na odmienności ontologicznej, a nie ikonograficznej. Definiują ją treści ideowe, w obrębie których widzimy dwa wyraźne, komplementarne nurty. Jeden z nich denotowany jest samą nazwą – „Pan Maja” czy „Pan Majowy”, co odnosi się bezpośrednio jego podstawowego patronatu, jakim jest opieka nad plennością rodzimych roślin jadalnych, w tym przede wszystkim kukurydzy. Jak już pisałam, majowe żniwa tej najważniejszej dla Indian rośliny, ale też kilku innych, tradycyjnie uprawianych w Andach, to zarazem okres wielkich fiest Señora de Mayo. Drugi, komplementarny nurt treści ideowych, współtworzących jego oblicze ontologiczne, zawiera się w przestrzeni identyfikacji tożsamościowej. Najbardziej lapidarnie określił ją Montes Mota słowami: „ten prawdziwy – nasz, to Señor de Mayo, pamiętaj!”. Podobne zdanie usłyszałam kiedyś od księdza Florencio Salazara Romero w odległym o 30 km od Huaráz Recuay. Znajduje się tam sławny, czczony krucyfiks Señora de Burgos (uznawanego za brata Señora de la Soledad) oraz jego paso – Señor de Mayo. Duchowny powiedział mi, że to właśnie ten drugi – wychodzący w majowych procesjach – uważany jest przez Indian za „prawdziwego”. Drugi nurt treści ideowych sprowadza się zatem do poczucia identyfikacji etniczno-kulturowej, której markerem jest słowo „prawdziwy”. Indianin odczuwa i deklaruje w imieniu swej nacji, że Señor de Mayo jest „prawdziwy” i „nasz”, a ten drugi (w domyśle) „nieprawdziwy” i „nie nasz”, ponieważ „hiszpański”. W perspektywie historycznej wizerunki Señora de Mayo zaistniały niewątpliwie później niż krucyfiksy Chrystusa intronizowane przez Hiszpanów w okresie konkwisty. Proces wyodrębniania się przy nich paso w postaci Señora de Mayo bądź pojawiania się jego autonomicznych krucyfiksów nie został nawet w najmniejszym stopniu opracowany. Można więc tylko wnioskować z fragmentarycznych danych. Wskazują one, że Señor de Mayo jest Chrystusem na wskroś indiańskim, zrodzonym w Andach. Jego fenomen ma swoje źródło w dualistycznej strukturze kategoryzowania rzeczywistości, ale też w dyssymetrii, która nią rządzi. Odwołując się do rozważań Lévi-Straussa i Caillois, opisuję ten paradygmat w rozdziale poświęconym „braciom” Chrystusom197. Upraszczając, sprowadza się on do dwoistości zbudowanej z elementów komplementarnych, ale nacechowanych odmienną dynamiką. Jeden z nich reprezentuje stabilność, drugi zaś – impuls ciągłej zmiany. W układach podwójnych krucyfiks starszy odpowiada temu pierwszemu, młodszy zaś, czyli Señor de Mayo, drugiemu. Komplementarność ta, a nawet więcej – inkarnacja tej samej osoby w dwa wcielenia, podkreślana jest surową zasadą wizualnej identyczności obu wizerunków. Paso, czyli Señor de Mayo, bywa zawsze maksymalnie upodobniany do swojego wzorca [fot. 55]. Rozpatrując omawiany fenomen podwójności Chrystusa, u jego podłoża dostrzegam dualistyczny wzorzec klasyfikowania świata, wypełniony konkretną treścią kulturową. W tym wypadku treść ta rozdwaja się w następujący sposób: wokół Chrystusa starszego, takiego jak na przykład Señor de la Soledad, koncentrują się podstawowe atrybuty Stwórcy 197 Zob. rozdz. Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa, rozdział: Liczba „5” w Cuzco i Huarochiri – zagadnienie dynamiki dyssymetrii. �136 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich i Władcy, jak również mitologia „wielkiej opowieści”, związana z historią społeczeństwa i kraju oraz hiszpańskim rodowodem; natomiast paso, czyli Señor de Mayo, pozostaje Chrystusem „ahistorycznym”, roztaczającym opiekę nad plennością roślin w corocznym rytmie „wiecznego powrotu” i pozostającym w bliskości przeciętnego człowieka w jego codziennych troskach. Señor de Mayo zanurzony jest w sprawach wyłącznie rodzimych, nie dźwiga balastu historii, pozostaje wolny od hiszpańskich koneksji, a zatem jest bez reszty „nasz”, czyli „prawdziwy”. Jego pojawienie się było odpowiedzią na silne zapotrzebowanie posiadania w pełni własnego Chrystusa na Krzyżu – w całej jego boskości, ale wyrwanego z traumatycznego kontekstu hiszpańskości. W myśl przekonania Indian ciało Soledad jest zimne, a Mayo ciepłe198. Señor de la Soledad jest Chrystusem „wielkiej opowieści”, Señor de Mayo zaś – „małych opowieści”. Zarysowana charakterystyka paradygmatu rządzącego dualistycznym układem bliźniaczych Chrystusów ujmuje tylko, co oczywiste, jego zasadnicze prawidłowości. Granice między ich cząstkowymi ontologiami bywają do pewnego stopnia płynne, nie na tyle jednak, by ich względna labilność zaciemniała przedstawiony obraz. Bohater „wielkiej opowieści” „Wielka opowieść” snuje się przez historię i mit. Niedźwiedź powiada, że „w tzw. wielkiej opowieści z obrazem wiąże się znaczenia dziejowe, ogólnoludzkie czy narodowe”199. Różnica między Matką Boską Częstochowską a Señorem de la Soledad polega między innymi na tym, że w pierwszym przypadku dysponujemy obszernym materiałem historycznym interpretowanym przez mit, w drugim natomiast materiał ten jest nad wyraz skromny. Czy jednak na pewno? Dobór materiałów jest pochodną ich klasyfikacji, która w tym wypadku winna zweryfikować europejskie kryteria. Sądzę, że definicja „wielkiej opowieści” wymaga przemyślenia pod kątem zastosowania jej w otoczeniu kulturowym Señora de la Soledad. Definicja ta, nawet traktowana z intuicyjną umownością w celu nadania jej bardziej uniwersalnego wymiaru, bierze pod uwagę zdarzenia historyczne w klasycznym, europejskim rozumieniu historii, jako względnie wiarygodnego, naukowo zweryfikowanego zapisu dziejów. Rdzeń ten stanowi punkt odniesienia dla nawarstwionych na nim tekstów kultury, budujących „wielką opowieść”. W realiach andyjskich konieczna jest częściowa rewizja tego rdzenia, gdyż mamy do czynienia zarówno z zdarzeniami historycznymi w klasycznym rozumieniu, jak i takimi, które pełnią funkcję historycznych, choć są ukształtowanymi wcześniej tekstami mitycznymi. Przykładami pierwszych może być wojna peruwiańsko-chilijska z lat 1879–1884, powstanie Pedro Pablo Atusparii w 1885 roku, wielka powódź w 1941 roku czy trzęsienie ziemi w 1970 roku. Drugie natomiast nie są jednostkowymi wydarzeniami, tylko kontekstami mityczno-historycznymi, w których odkrywamy związki Señora de la Soledad z Inką, bogami gór czy kamiennym 198 199 Przekonanie o cieple ciała Señora de Mayo jest powszechne, potwierdzone niezliczonymi doświadczeniami ludzi dotykających go w trakcie przenoszenia przez kościół, po zdjęciu z krzyża, na zakończenie dwutygodniowych uroczystości majowych. Sensualną prawdziwość takich doznań mogę poświadczyć w oparciu o własne doświadczenia. Wyjęty z innego porządku logicznego fakt, iż bezpośrednio przed ceremonią przenoszenia Señor de Mayo odbywa kilkugodzinną procesję w palącym słońcu, nie ma tu żadnego znaczenia. A. Niedźwiedź, op. cit., s. 261. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 137 bogiem Guari – przy czym nie są to relacje metaforyczne, lecz „metamorficzne”200, polegające na nałożeniu na postać Chrystusa określonych cech, właściwości, kompetencji czy szerszych tekstów narracyjnych przywiązanych do tych mitycznych i mityczno-historycznych postaci. W przypadku Señora de la Soledad tło historyczne, na którym nadbudowywana zostaje „wielka opowieść”, domaga się poszerzenia o teksty z drugiej grupy, czyli takie, które uległy mityzacji, ale pełnią funkcję podobną do tych stricte historycznych. „Wielka opowieść” w Andach nie może się ograniczać do historii nowożytnej w znaczeniu europejskim, czyli od przybycia Hiszpanów. Po to, by naprawdę była „wielką”, musi na równych prawach włączać czasy i konteksty wcześniejsze, odczytując je z tekstów kultury, które po nich zostały. Ich forma często odbiega od europejskich wzorców źródła historycznego, ale właśnie taka musi stać się składową „wielkiej opowieści”. Nieco wcześniej zwracałam już uwagę na połączenie w postaci Señora de la Soledad czterech nurtów religijnych, tzn. prastarego kultu wody, inkaskiego kultu Słońca, bóstwa gór oraz monoteistycznego chrześcijaństwa. W trakcie badań terenowych w wypowiedziach informatorów wielokrotnie przewijał się wątek wulkanu wody znajdującego się pod świątynią Soledad. Początkowo sądziłam, że źle zrozumiałam, gdyż wulkan nie kojarzył mi się z wodą. Określenie „wulkan wody” powtarzało się jednak konsekwentnie, a także, jak stwierdziłam, znajduje się w kilku źródłach etnograficznych na temat regionu Huaráz201. Według powszechnego wśród Indian wierzenia, stojący w ołtarzu głównym krzyż Señora de la Soledad wznosi się bezpośrednio nad gejzerem wulkanu wodnego, „zatykając” go i w ten sposób zapobiegając kataklizmowi erupcji i zatopieniu całej doliny202. Z przekazem tym można zestawić fakt, iż nie opuszcza on nigdy swojego miejsca, z wyjątkiem nadzwyczajnych, katastrofalnych suszy, które zdarzają się co kilka lub kilkanaście lat203. Wówczas to, jeśli nie skutkują błagalne msze ani prastare praktyki, które opisałam w związku z postacią Montesa Moty, podejmowana jest decyzja o procesyjnym wyniesieniu Señora de la Soledad ze świątyni w intencji wywołania deszczu. Moje starsze informatorki, Doña Lina Eve García de Gamarra i Doña Isabel Leonidas Salazar Jácome, będące świadkami dwóch takich wydarzeń, twierdziły z całą odpowiedzialnością, że już w chwili, gdy procesja wracała do kościoła, nad Huaráz zbierały się ciemne chmury i niebawem lunął potężny deszcz, który trwał ponad dobę. Najpewniej jedno z tych zdarzeń 200 201 202 203 W znaczeniu nadanemu temu terminowi przez Andrzeja P. Kowalskiego (op. cit., s. 185–191), który rozważa pojęcie „niezapośredniczonego przeświadczenia identyfikacji”. Jak pisze badacz: „ujęcie metamorfozy wraz z narzucającym się nam skojarzeniem przemiany stanowi swego rodzaju opisowe złudzenie interpretatora kultury pierwotnej. Najprawdopodobniej w «macierzystym» doświadczeniu człowieka pierwotnego nie zaznacza się poczucie dokonujących się transformacji” (s. 186). Rozważania autora, jakkolwiek dotyczące głównie społeczności „przedhistorycznych”, są dla mnie inspirujące i użyteczne w refleksji etnologicznej. B. Bode, op. cit., s. 393–394.: M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 69, 80, 132. Ciekawa wydaje się informacja, którą usłyszałam od malarza Miguela Valverde Roblesa, ten zaś od Lucjo Rojasa, członka konfraterni Auxilios Mutuos de Señor de la Soledad. Otóż po trzęsieniu ziemi w Huaráz w 1970 roku, podczas usuwania gruzów świątyni Soledad, by przygotować teren do jej odbudowy, głęboko pod głównym ołtarzem odsłonił się wielki głaz, spod którego wyciekała woda. Wiadomość o tym rozeszła się szeroko, stając się dla ludzi potwierdzeniem prawdziwości przekonania o podziemnym wulkanie wody pod świątynią Soledad. Robotnicy bali się go naruszyć, więc go zasypano, co stało się powodem zmartwień proboszcza obawiającego się podmakania fundamentów nowego kościoła. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 84, 101; B. Bode, op. cit., s. 412–413. �138 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich opisuje Santiago Maguiña Chauca. Miało ono miejsce w czasie strasznej suszy, jaka dotknęła region pod koniec 1949 roku. Po trzech miesiącach bez kropli deszczu, gdy ziemia zamieniła się w pył, a rośliny obumierały, 1 stycznia 1950 roku o godzinie 9 rano wyniesiono Señora de la Soledad w uroczystej, błagalnej procesji w intencji zesłania deszczu. Gdy o godzinie 16 procesja wróciła na plac przed kościołem, spadły pierwsze krople, a potem ulewa trwała przez całą noc, do godziny 6 rano204. Zachodzi nieprzypadkowa koincydencja wierzenia o wulkanie wodnym zamkniętym stopami Chrystusa a jego boską interwencją w czasie nadzwyczajnego stanu kosmicznej destabilizacji świata, jakim jest śmiercionośna susza. Señor de la Soledad tylko w tych ekstremalnych momentach uwalnia wody, by z potencjalnego zagrożenia stały się życiodajnym zbawieniem. Jego władza nad wodami niczym nie różni się od władzy wielkiego boga Guari, który w tym miejscu, w świątyni Pumacayan, miał swoją siedzibę. Ale nie tylko on stanowi odniesienie dla porównań. Taką władzą nad wodami, a raczej nad bogami władającymi deszczem, dysponował też Inka. „Król ma moc wymagania od bogów działań i jej używa, tym razem po to, by przerwać upalną suszę”205. Wśród atrybutów jego pozycji jest też „władza nad deszczem, który, jak wierzono, Inka był w stanie wywołać lub powstrzymać”206. Duviols odnotowuje, że w relacji Juana Polo de Ordegardo y Zarate (1500–1575) mowa jest o tym, że „Inkowie nosili huanca w procesjach błagalnych, żeby wywołać deszcz”207. Procesje błagalne o deszcz z udziałem Señora de la Soledad wpisują się w ciąg identycznych w swej istocie praktyk, stosowanych w Andach od tysiącleci, choć w tym szczególnym miejscu, jakim jest pradawna siedziba rządzącego wodą boga Guari, nabierają dodatkowych znaczeń. Trzeba jednak zauważyć, że ten rodzaj boskiej interwencji spotykany jest także w chrześcijaństwie europejskim, a zapewne także w innych religiach. Procesje błagalne o deszcz, w których niesiony jest Najświętszy Sakrament, a także obrazy lub figury Chrystusa, znane są w polskim katolicyzmie od stuleci i nadal odbywają się w czasach suszy. Interesującym przyczynkiem jest wierzenie, że gdy Señor de la Soledad wychodzi z procesją błagalną o deszcz, to jego rana w piersi przyciąga chmury208. Można tu dostrzec oryginalną transformację andyjskich wierzeń osnutych wokół uschnu w formie zagłębień czy mis skalnych, które, wypełnione wodą, służyły różnorodnym praktykom magicznym i wróżebnym. Jest to także interesujący motyw, wpisujący się w niezwykle bogatą symbolikę i alegorię, nawarstwioną wokół tej rany Chrystusa – zebraną i omówioną przez Steinberga. Wątki te czerpią z ewangelicznego przekazu na temat krwi i wody, które wypłynęły z rany zadanej włócznią Longinusa (J 19, 34). Komentatorzy zwracają uwagę, że w tym wypadku istotniejsza jest soteriologiczna symbolika wody niż krwi. Pada stwierdzenie, że woda „nawadnia Drzewo Życia niczym wieczne źródło lub zapełnia misę, w której zmyte zostają ludzkie wady”209. Señor de la Soledad w roli władcy wód pojawia się podaniach związanych z katastrofalną powodzią 13 grudnia 1941 roku, która 204 205 206 207 208 209 S. Maguiña Chauca, op. cit., s. 9–10. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 261. Ibidem, s. 169. P. Duviols, Un symbolisme…, s. 20. Zob. też ibidem, s. 17. Na temat huaca i huanca piszę obszernie w części: Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci, w rozdz.: Huancas, Święci i ludzie. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 134. L. Steinberg, op. cit., s. 418. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 139 nawiedziła Huaráz wskutek pęknięcia moreny wysokogórskiego jeziora Cojup. Miliony ton wody, porywając głazy i rumosz skalny, a niżej drzewa i wszystko, co napotkały na swej drodze, runęły na miasto w dwóch gigantycznych falach, burząc i zatapiając w całości nowo wybudowaną dzielnicę Centenario oraz wielkie połacie innych210 [fot. 56]. Wówczas to widziano Señora de la Soledad w czerni na szczycie wzgórza Pumacayan, jak unosząc połę płaszcza kierował lawinę wodną na nowe, słabiej zabudowane tereny, chroniąc starą część miasta i dzielnicę Soledad211. Niektórzy interpretowali tą ingerencję przez pryzmat zdystansowania i wzajemnej obcości między rdzennymi mieszkańcami starych dzielnic a w dużej mierze napływowymi, bogatymi, kosmopolitycznymi rezydentami Centenario o przewadze Kreoli. Tego dnia Indianie zamieszkujący wioski Marían i Cantú nad Huaráz „widzieli straszną postać z krzyżem, ubraną na biało, stojącą na wzgórzu Cushuruyoc i ręką wskazującą ryczącym wodom kierunek na nowe dzielnice, by ocalić stare miasto, barrio Soledad i świątynię Soledad”212. W postaci w bieli (nie w czerni, jak w poprzedniej opowieści) rozpoznali Señora de la Soledad. Następnego dnia wyszedł on w procesji na miasto owinięty w żałobną czerń „wśród płaczących tłumów, wołających: «Señor jest smutny!», «Jest blady!», «Co złego zrobiliśmy?», «Co zrobiło Huaráz, żeby zasłużyć na taką karę?»”213. Trzeba zwrócić uwagę, że przypisywanie Panu Samotności sprawczości w tej i innych katastrofach żywiołowych wiąże się z jego atrybutem temblores – władcy trzęsień ziemi, jako że większość takich kataklizmów w Andach wywołują wstrząsy sejsmiczne. Nie był to jedyny moment bolesnego rozdarcia i dylematów teodycei, jakie przyszło przeżywać mieszkańcom Huaráz. Najstraszniejszy miał nadejść wraz z apokaliptycznym trzęsieniem ziemi w 1970 roku. Utożsamianie Señora de la Soledad z bóstwem władającym wodą i trzęsieniami ziemi nie wyczerpuje jego koneksji z trwałą spuścizną andyjskiej przeszłości. Wspomniałam o wyrazistym nałożeniu się jego postaci na archetypowy obraz Inki właściwy wyidealizowanej wizji Tawantin Suyu ukształtowanej przez stulecia konkwisty i kolonializmu. Przejęcie przez Señora de la Soledad atrybutów Inki można dostrzec zarówno w warstwie szczegółów, jak i w całościowym obrazie władcy, którego istotnym elementem jest szereg znaczeń nadawanych przez Indian tytułowi „Señor”214. Jedna z najciekawszych analogii dotyczy Señora de la Soledad jako rolnika i hodowcy. Mówi się, że „posiada chacras obsiane zbożem, kukurydzą, ziemniakami i innymi roślinami uprawnymi, i ma także stada owiec i krów”, i „w książce notuje, co zasiał i co zebrał”215. Motyw książki stanowi oczywisty ślad zbiorowej reminiscencji, w której postać encomendero czy późniejszego hacendano zespoliła się z książką jako atrybutem obcości kulturowej, ta zaś z czynnością zapisywania w niej tego, co wiązało się 210 211 212 213 214 215 S. Wegner, Lo que el aqua se llevó. Consecuencias y lecciones del aluvión de Huaráz de 1941, Huaráz 2014. Relacje świadków tamtych zdarzeń zebraliśmy z Mąką w artykule: E. Jodłowska, M. Mąka, Huascarán – mitologia i fatum najwyższej góry Peru, „Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Prace Etnograficzne” 2016, t. 44, nr 4, s. 379–397. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 42; B. Bode, op. cit., s. 397; wypowiedź Jaime Leivy Suareza, procuradora bractwa Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad de Huaráz. S. Maguiña Chauca, op. cit., s. 9. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 105. Zob. rozdz. „Cristo” i „Señor” – oblicza odmienności. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 139. �140 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich z gospodarowaniem na wielkich włościach. Inka i jego urzędnicy także prowadzili szczegółowe zapiski gospodarcze w piśmie khipu216, ale fakt ten został przykryty późniejszym obrazem książki. Natomiast motyw posiadania przez Pana Samotności pól uprawnych oraz stad owiec i krów odsyła do znacznie starszych tradycji, zgodnie z którymi władcy Inków byli właścicielami olbrzymich obszarów upraw oraz wielotysięcznych stad lam i alpak. W opowieści, co oczywiste, pojawiają się introdukowane hiszpańskie owce i krowy, ponieważ w tej części Andów lamy i alpaki zostały niemal całkowicie wyparte już w pierwszym stuleciu konkwisty. Analogiom sprzyjała też narracja ewangelizacyjna rozumiana przez Indian, jak większość prawd wiary katolickiej, w sposób bardziej dosłowny niż metaforyczny. Nazywanie Chrystusa „pasterzem”, a najczęściej „pasterzem owiec” oraz częste pojawianie się tego zwierzęcia jako synonimu wiernego na łonie Kościoła, ma swoją odległą tradycję na obszarach biblijnych i bliskowschodnich, gdzie już w najstarszych tekstach klinowych „pasterz” służył jako honorowy tytuł bogów i władców217. Powtarzalność zbitki „Chrystus-owca”, w tym także w znaczeniu „Baranek Boży” (Agnus Dei), ugruntowało przeświadczenie, wspierane tekstami o mitycznych dziejach Inków, że Chrystus, jak Inka, posiada stada owiec i krów. Krowy stanowiły dobro wyżej cenione niż owce, więc choć rzadziej pojawiały się w retoryce księży, nie mogło ich zabraknąć w boskim stadzie. Jak pisze Szemiński: „W rytuałach zwycięstwa i tryumfu nad włączanym do imperium podbitym państewkiem Inka występował jako baca a podbici jako kierdel lam. Rytuały z Inką jako pasterzem funkcjonowały także w cyklu rocznym w Cuzco, z tą jednak różnicą, że wówczas lamy były prawdziwe, a nie udawane przez ludzi”218. Autor udowadnia, że w kulturze inkaskiej istniała paralela pomiędzy ludźmi i lamami, dająca się odczytać m.in. z rytuałów ofiarnych. Można sądzić, że w schrystianizowanej przestrzeni religijnej podobna korelacja zaistniała pomiędzy ludźmi a owcami, wzmacniana toposem owcy ofiarnej oraz sensualnym obrazowaniem ludu Bożego jako owieczek na łonie Kościoła. Śledząc podobieństwa w obrazie Señora de la Soledad i Inki, nie sposób pominąć ważnego aspektu ich paralelności ewokowanej przez mitologię millenarystyczną wytworzoną w warunkach głębokiej traumy kulturowej, związanej z upadkiem państwa Inków i dramatem zniewolenia przez hiszpańskich najeźdźców. W obrębie zrodzonej w czasach konkwisty i kolonii mitologii afirmującej wyidealizowany obraz Tawantin Suyu za najważniejszy wątek uznaje się mit Inkarrí zapowiadający powrót Inki i rekonstrukcję jego imperium219. Opowiada on ścięciu Inki przez Hiszpanów, a następnie ukryciu ciała w sekretnym miejscu, gdzie stopniowo głowa zrasta się z tułowiem. Całkowite połączenie obu części ciała będzie równoznaczne ze zmartwychwstaniem Inki i restytucją Imperium Tawantin Suyu, co ukazuje mityczną ontologię jedności Inki i jego państwa. Jest to mit mesjanistyczny określany przez Ryszarda Tomickiego „kompensacyjno-emancypacyjnym”, powstający w sytuacjach 216 217 218 219 Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, op. cit., s. 258–260. S. Jankowski, Symbolika pasterza w tekstach biblijnych, „Studia Włocławskie” 2015, nr 17, s. 110. J. Szemiński, Inka jako wielki baca, [w:] Dawne elity. Słowo i gest, red. J. Olko i J. Axer, Warszawa 2005, s. 171. Inkaski lub – patrząc z punktu widzenia regionalnego – andyjski mesjanizm oraz schrystianizowaną mitologię wytworzoną wśród Indian od czasów najazdu hiszpańskiego szczegółowo omawiają: A. Posern-Zieliński, Ruchy społeczne…, s. 31, 112–121, 143–154, oraz J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 373–420. Zob. też J.M. Arguedas, Formación de una cultura nacional indoamericana, selección y prólogo de Á. Rama, Mexico-Madrid-Bogota 1981. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 141 długotrwałych konfliktów220. Nie wchodzę tu w wielokrotnie opisane szczegóły, która egzekucja władców inkaskich mogła być inspiracją mitu oraz jakie miejsca ukrycia zwłok Inki pojawiają się w różnych wersjach opowieści. Najpewniej zarówno śmierć Ataw Wallpy (1533) [fot. 57], jak i głośne egzekucje Tupaca Amaru I (1572) [fot. 58] i Tupaca Amaru II (1781) [fot. 59] współtworzyły obraz Inki „ahistorycznego” i symbolicznego jako toposu władcy. Na przestrzeni wieków współistnienia tego mitu z przekazem ewangelicznym o śmierci i zmartwychwstaniu Chrystusa wytworzyło się przeświadczenie o mesjanistycznej wspólnocie obu wątków, co niewątpliwie wzmacniało siłę ich oddziaływania na drodze wzajemnych dopowiedzeń. Obie historie połączył ten sam mityczny sens rewitalizacji po przezwyciężeniu kryzysu śmierci. Aleksander Posern-Zieliński wskazuje zwłaszcza na śmierć Tupaca Amaru II jako tę, która najmocniej zapisała się w zbiorowej pamięci, stając się paliwem zasilającym mit. Jak pisze badacz: „Męczeńska śmierć Tupac Amaru II i ferment w kraju, jaki wywołała jego działalność sprawiły, że postać ta w ludowej wyobraźni przetworzona została w indiańskiego mesjasza”221. Paralelność „historii świętych” Chrystusa i tego wodza inkaskiego była tym większa, że powstanie zbrojne Tupaca Amaru II nie było antychrześcijańskie, a on konsekwentnie podkreślał, „iż jego celem nie jest walka z Kościołem i religią katolicką”222. Co więcej, zarówno on, jak i podporządkowani mu dowódcy uważali się za lepszych katolików niż obarczeni licznymi grzechami Hiszpanie. „Odrzucali oni panowanie hiszpańskie, mieli własne sanktuaria, ale katolicyzm akceptowali”223. Spontaniczny proces deifikacji Tupaca Amaru II rozpoczął się jeszcze za jego życia, objawiając się w przekonaniu Indian, że posiada on władzę wskrzeszania poległych224. Nie przeszkadzało to równoległej narracji o odrodzeniu państwa Tawantin Suyu, jako zasadniczym celu powstania. Szemiński cytuje fragment XVIII-wiecznego opisu egzekucji Tupaca Amaru II, rzucający światło na proces mityzacji jego osoby oraz na czynniki sprzyjające odnajdywaniu podobieństw i wspólnych znaków w męczeństwie Inki i Chrystusa: [W dniu egzekucji – przyp. E.J.] mimo pogody przez długi czas suchej, a dni bezchmurnych, ów dzień stał się tak chmurny, że słońcu nie widać było twarzy i zewsząd zanosiła się na deszcz. O dwunastej, gdy konie rozciągały Indianina, podniósł się silny wir wiatru, a za nim ulewa, która sprawiła, że wszyscy ludzie, nawet straże, wycofali się w pośpiechu. Stało się to powodem, dla którego Indianie zaczęli twierdzić, iż niebo i żywioły zabolały nad śmiercią Inki, którego nieludzcy i bezbożni Hiszpanie mordowali tak okrutnie225. Jeśli dodamy, że wśród barbarzyńskich tortur, jakim poddano Inkę zanim rozerwano go końmi, było założenie żelaznej korony cierniowej, by wyszydzić jego ambicje do godności królewskiej, a także wbicie w tył głowy rozpalonych gwoździ, których końce sterczały mu z ust, to skojarzenie z męczeństwem Chrystusa na Golgocie było wręcz naturalne. W komentarzu do cytowanego opisu Szemiński pisze tak: 220 221 222 223 224 225 R. Tomicki, W kręgu mitów peruwiańskich, „Etnografia Polska” 1976, t. 20, z. 1, s. 255–270. A. Posern-Zieliński, Ruchy społeczne…, s. 86. Ibidem, s. 109. J. Szemiński, Myślane po kiczua, s. 95. Ibidem, s. 95–96. Ibidem, s. 97. �142 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Śmierć Inki zarówno w XVI, jak i XX w. traktowana była tak samo: jako zniszczenie porządku, unicestwienie zasady porządkującej świat. Przytoczony opis śmierci Thupa Amaro może się Europejczykowi kojarzyć ze śmiercią Chrystusa, jednak mieści się on w tradycji autochtonicznej, peruwiańskiej, w myśl której śmierć Inki to śmierć człowieka, który łączy niebo, ziemię, żywioły z kulturą, śmierć Syna Słońca226. Szczegóły kaźni, jak i historycznie potwierdzony fakt zerwania się burzy, musiał uruchomić mechanizm skojarzeń ze śmiercią Chrystusa zarówno w umysłach Hiszpanów, jak i katolickich Indian, co nie wyklucza, że obraz in gremio wpisuje się w szerszy archetyp apokaliptyczny o zasięgu ponadkulturowym. Niewątpliwie przez wieki zachodził nieustający proces wzajemnego nakładania się figury Chrystusa i Inki w obrębie wspólnego pola semantycznego. Jednym z najbardziej traumatycznych doświadczeń w skali narodu peruwiańskiego, w tym także Indian andyjskich, była tzw. wojna o Pacyfik (zwana też wojną o saletrę), trwająca w latach 1879–1884. Konflikt rozpoczął się sporem pomiędzy Boliwią i Chile o pas wybrzeża Pacyfiku obejmujący część pustyni Atacama między 23 a 25 równoleżnikiem, gdzie znajdowały się bogate złoża surowców, w tym zwłaszcza guana i saletry. Do wojny włączyło się Peru jako aliant Boliwii. Przez pierwszy rok działania zbrojne koncentrowały się na Pacyfiku, natomiast po neutralizacji peruwiańskiej marynarki wojennej Chilijczycy rozpoczęli okupację Peru, stopniowo posuwając się na północ. W styczniu 1881 roku, po spaleniu przedmieść Limy, stolica Peru została barbarzyńsko złupiona. Chilijczycy masowo wywozili z niej oraz z innych miast biblioteki, dzieła sztuki i wszelkie dobra kultury227. Armia chilijska systematycznie posuwała się na północ i dotarła aż do Cajamarki. Jej działania w latach 1881–1883, obejmujące rozległe obszary Peru, w tym także w Andy, utrwaliły się w zbiorowej pamięci jako okres nadzwyczajnych okrucieństw, jakich dopuszczała się armia chilijska na ludności cywilnej, równocześnie rabując wszystko, co miało jakąkolwiek 226 227 Ibidem, s. 97. W latach 1877–1884 swoją trzecią, pięcioletnią kadencję rektora Universidad de Chile w Santiago pełnił Ignacy Domeyko. Jego pamiętniki zawierają ciekawy opis grabieży dokonywanych przez Chilijczyków w okupowanej Limie. Warto go przytoczyć: „Po zajęciu przez Chilijczyków Limy, stolicy peruwiańskiej, gdzie się znajdowały zakłady naukowe dobrze uposażone w narzędzia fizyczne, laboratoria i biblioteki, nader mi smutno było widzieć, jak za przykładem naszych europejskich wojen i rabunków upojony żołnierz zwycięstwem posunął się do niszczenia owych zakładów, a co gorsza, rząd chilijski rozkazał przenieść z Limy, stolicy peruwiańskiej, do Santiago Bibliotekę Narodową, znacznie uszkodzoną, i nie mniej w rabunkach uszkodzone gabinety, obserwatorium, narzędzia chirurgiczne i pracownie chemiczne. Więcej niż sto ogromnych pak obładowanych tym nieszczęsnym zaborem przywieziono prosto do Uniwersytetu, a minister oświecenia powołał dekretem mnie i profesora fizyki do ich przyjęcia. Było to dla mnie najniemilsze i pełne odrazy polecenie, przypominające, co z naszymi bibliotekami i zbiorami Uniwersytetu Wileńskiego uczynili Rosjanie. Spostrzegłszy, że wszystkie narzędzia i celniejsze przyrządy były potłuczone, popsute, prawie do niczego niezdatne i brakowało w ogóle przedmiotów, które mogły mieć większą wartość i które potem u kupców ukazały się do przedania, że też i z Biblioteki zaledwie połowę książek przywieziono, które według pewnych wiadomości posiadało miasto Lima, kazałem zrobić dokładny inwentarz przywiezionych rzeczy z wykazaniem stanu, w jakim się znajdowały, i ogłosiłem ich listę w dziennikach rządowych dla przekonania, jak mało dla kraju przyniósł korzyści ten rabunek i o ile się przyczyni do rozdrażnienia umysłu między dwoma pobratymczymi narodami” (I. Domeyko, Moje podróże. Pamiętniki wygnańca, t. 3, przygotowała do druku, opatrzyła przedmową i przypisami E. H. Nieciowa, Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków 1963, s. 68–69). �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 143 wartość. Na wielką skalę ograbiano kościoły z dzieł sztuki sakralnej, nierzadko profanując najświętsze sanktuaria Peruwiańczyków. Okupacja chilijska zapisała się tragicznymi przeżyciami dla mieszkańców Huaráz, które, jak inne miasta, doświadczyło terroru, mordów i grabieży228. W zbiorowej pamięci utrwaliły się też zdarzenia związane z Señorem de la Soledad. Żywe do dziś teksty padań o zbliżonej treści, stanowią pogłos tamtych wydarzeń. Przytoczę wersję zanotowaną przez Bode w 1970 roku: Opowiadają, że w przeddzień planowanego spalenia miasta przez najeźdźców, przed chilijskim generałem pojawił się brodaty mężczyzna na koniu i nakazał mu opuścić miasto wraz ze wszystkimi żołnierzami. Nikt nie był w stanie zidentyfikować jeźdźca, ale Huaracinos utrzymywali, że to był Pan Samotności. Aby udowodnić im niedorzeczność tych twierdzeń, generał wjechał na koniu do kościoła i przed ołtarzem wyciągnął szablę, celując nią w Señora de la Soledad. W tym samym momencie generał i jego koń padli martwi na posadzkę. Tej samej nocy przerażeni żołnierze chilijscy opuścili Huaráz229. Zbliżoną wersję przytacza Yauri Montero: Podczas wojny z Chile, gdy wojsko przechodziło przez ulice Huaráz, mówi się, że jeden z oficerów wroga twierdził, że mieszkańcy mają potężnego czarownika i on chce go poznać. Udał się do kościoła, gdzie Señor de la Soledad przykryty był fioletową materią. Z pogardą zerwał ją końcem szabli i gdy stanął oko w oko z Panem Samotności, natychmiast został ukarany ślepotą230. W obu tekstach, dość popularnych, powtarzanych mi kilkakrotnie z nieznacznie zmienionymi szczegółami, pojawia się figura żołnierza-obrazoburcy ukaranego śmiercią lub ślepotą za próbę zamachu na świętość. Nieprzypadkowo jest nim żołnierz najbardziej znienawidzony, którego nadzwyczajne okrucieństwo odczłowieczyło go w zbiorowej wyobraźni, zamieniając w oczach Indian w demoniczną figurę pishtaco231. Postać będąca uosobieniem zła i obcości kulturowej zaprzecza wszelkim wartościom porządku ludzkiego, społecznego, kulturalnego i religijnego, przy czym obraza tych ostatnich symbolicznie dopełnienia obraz totalnej pustki etyczno-moralnej eliminującej cechy ludzkie. Atak żołnierza chilijskiego, uosabiającego samo zło, na Señora de la Soledad, reprezentującego najwyższą postać dobra, urasta do rangi symbolicznej konfrontacji dwóch skrajności, w której dobro musi zatriumfować. Konfrontacja ta przebiega równocześnie w kilku obszarach semantycznych, wśród których wybija się aspekt patriotyczny i tożsamościowy, przenosząc batalię na poziom identyfikacji narodowej, gdzie atak na świętość zrównany jest z atakiem na Ojczyznę. W warstwie znakowej w kościołach peruwiańskich widoczne jest silne zespolenie świętości z symboliką 228 229 230 231 C.A. Alba Herrera, Huaras. Historia de un pueblo en transformacion, Caras 1996, s. 246–274; F. Gonzales, Huarás. Visión integral, Huaráz 1992, s. 24–25. B. Bode, op. cit., s. 395. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 95. E. Jodłowska, M. Mąka, Pishtaco…, s. 147–154. Zob. też M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 114. �144 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich państwową. Zwyczajnym widokiem są flagi państwowe stojące przy ołtarzach, jak również czerwono-biało-czerwone wstążki, będące elementami strojów świętych, Chrystusa i Matki Boskiej [fot. 60]. Dobro tryumfuje, ale ludowy sensualizm domaga się widzialnych znaków wpisanych – by użyć terminu Halbwachsa – w „społeczne ramy pamięci”. Na gruncie polskim Niedźwiedź szczegółowo analizuje mityczny schemat takiej konfrontacji zawarty w ludowych opowieściach o Matce Boskiej Częstochowskiej. Wskazuje historyczną zmienność figury wroga („husyta”, „Turek”, „Kozak”, „Tatarzyn”, „pogan”, a nawet „Krzyżak” czy inne232), utrwaloną się w ludowych tekstach kultury. Obszernie omawia też widzialne znaki, czyli blizny i szramy na obliczu Matki Boskiej. Jak pisze badaczka: W obrębie religijno-symbolicznego języka blizny stają się najbardziej oczywistym i namacalnym motywem przekształcającym wizerunek w osobę. W symbolu tym i jego religijnym, ludowym odczytaniu realizuje się zasada nierozróżnialności – tajemnica przejścia pomiędzy obrazem a postacią233. Fenomen zranionego oblicza świętości zaistniał także w Peru. Opowieści podobne do zacytowanych nawarstwiły się wokół jednego z „braci” Pana Samotności – Señora de Santa z nadpacyficznej Santy, o którym piszę w kolejnym rozdziale. Tam także żołnierz chilijski miał zaatakować krucyfiks, ale – zanim padł martwy – zdołał skaleczyć szyję Chrystusa, na której pokazywane są blizny. Opowieść o zranieniu Señora de la Soledad przez żołnierza chilijskiego usłyszałam dwukrotnie – raz z ust ważnego procuradora konfraterni Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad – Jaime Leivy Suareza, drugi raz od kreolskiego gawędziarza, znawcy historii Huaráz, Dante Gurrero Falcóna. Wcześniej nie napotkałam przekazów mówiących o zranieniu Chrystusowego oblicza, ale może dlatego, że nie zadawałam na ten temat pytań. Stało się tak dlatego, że dopiero pod koniec badań na powiększeniach zdjęć zauważyłam, że w cieniu, pod włosami, na jego lewej kości policzkowej znajdują się trzy wyraźne, równoległe szramy, dokładnie takie, jakie mogłyby pochodzić od cięć szablą (a dokładniej: jakie namalował artysta, chcąc takie rany przedstawić) [fot. 61]234. Rana po włóczni na prawej piersi Chrystusa oraz ta właśnie potrójna rana na lewym policzku to jedyne obrażenia na jego ciele, wokół których nawarstwiły się myśl teologiczna oraz legenda. Tylko one zostały namalowane z dbałością o indywidualizm przedstawienia. Otarcia dłoni, kolan i stóp oraz stróżki krwi na całym ciele należą do kanonu ikonograficznego przedstawień Ukrzyżowanego w sztuce latynoamerykańskiej, nie posiadając pogłębionych interpretacji teologicznych bądź legendarnych. Potrójna rana na policzku Señora de la Soledad w żadnym razie nie wygląda na przypadkowy efekt fantazji artystów, którzy poddawali rzeźbę renowacji po pożarze w 1965 roku, potem zaś ponownie, po zniszczeniach, jakich doznała w wyniku 232 233 234 A. Niedźwiedź, op. cit., s. 84–85. Ibidem, s. 95. Więcej przekazów na ten temat nie zdążyłam zebrać przed wyjazdem z Peru, ale nawet te dwa, pochodzące z ust ludzi z najbliższego otoczenia Señora de la Soledad, znających historię Huaráz, mogą być uznane za reprezentatywne i potwierdzające istnienie legendy. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 145 trzęsienia ziemi w 1970 roku235. W takich przypadkach konserwator dokłada wszelkich starań, by jak najwierniej zrekonstruować każdy szczegół, i nie wątpię, że tak było i tym razem. Sądzę, że rana należy do typu „ran symbolicznych”, nakładanych na twarz Chrystusa (lub Matki Boskiej) w szczególnych okolicznościach ich głębokiego związku z cierpieniem społeczności lub narodu, dla których stanowili najważniejszy obiekt kultu i centrum wspólnotowego utożsamienia. W tragediach dziejowych wraz z narodami cierpią ich świętości i przez wieki, od czasów sporów ikonoklastycznych we wczesnym chrześcijaństwie236, wymagane jest, by przechowywały widzialne świadectwo współuczestnictwa w cierpieniu następnym pokoleniom – w imieniu własnym oraz rzesz umęczonych, o których godzi się pamiętać. Jest to szczególny zapis, dokonany poza oficjalnymi kartami historii. Wyraża prawdę, której nie da się sfałszować. Nie potrzebuje słów ani ksiąg, wystarczą rany i blizny, będące krańcowym utożsamieniem zapisu i treści w najbardziej pierwotnej formie. W ten sposób opowieść pozostanie w „długim trwaniu” ustnego przekazu, trwalszego niż słowo utrwalone na papierze, będące zawsze formą zapośredniczenia i interpretacji. W cytowanych legendach pojawia się motyw śmierci bądź oślepnięcia napastnika, który nadmiernie zbliżył się do Señora de la Soledad. W drugim z nich mowa jest o tym, że jak żołnierz zerwał zasłonę i „stanął oko w oko z Panem Samotności, natychmiast został ukarany ślepotą”. Wydaje się, że przekaz egzemplifikuje uniwersalną cechę morfologiczną świętości jako bytu obdarzonego nadzwyczajną siłą wzroku, mogącą stanowić oręż w walce ze złem. Rażenie spojrzeniem bóstwa może być niebezpieczne, a nawet zabójcze. Do ponadkulturowego kanonu zachowań religijnych należy pochylenie głowy, które symbolizuje pokorę, ale jego pierwotnym sensem było uniknięcie niebezpiecznego wzroku bóstwa lub ubóstwianego władcy. Gest ten upowszechnił się w otoczeniu świeckim, współtworząc kanon zachowań w obrębie grup osób o zróżnicowanych statusach237. Nie rozwijam tutaj tego dobrze znanego w etnologii tematu, przywołując go jedynie w kontekście ciekawego zapisu Bode z lat 70. XX wieku, do którego dopiszę własny, pozyskany od różnych informatorów. Badaczka ta, opowiadając o swoich rozmowach z campesinas na temat Señora de la Soledad, wspomina: „Słyszałam jak często mówiono: «Nie możesz długo patrzeć mu w oczy, on jest taki prawdziwy!» [podkr. E.J.]”238. Przeczuwany, że w słowie „prawdziwy” wypowiadanym przez Indian kryło się o wiele więcej, niż w naszym potocznym rozumieniu. Po blisko pięćdziesięciu latach od zapisu Bode kilkakrotnie usłyszałam niemal identyczne napomnienia od Indian, którzy wiedzieli, że bywam w sanktuarium Soledad, by przyglądać się i fotografować. Szczególnie zapadło mi w pamięć, gdy dwukrotnie z naciskiem powtórzył je Zegarra, sędziwy rzeźbiarz, który naprawiał figurę Pana Samotności po zniszczeniach w 1965 i 1970 roku, a także wyrzeźbił jego paso – Señora de Mayo, po tym, jak rzeźby nie odnaleziono po trzęsieniu ziemi. „Nie powinnaś mu długo patrzeć w oczy, on jest prawdziwy, uśmiecha się albo smuci, ale nie trzeba za długo patrzeć” – tak w przybliżeniu brzmiała jego wypowiedź. 235 236 237 238 W drugim przypadku był to Godofredo Zegarra; niestety, pomimo wielu godzin spędzonych na rozmowach z tym legendarnym rzeźbiarzem, szczegółu tego nie poruszyłam, gdyż rozmowy prowadziłam, zanim dostrzegłam namalowane ślady cięć, ukryte pod włosami Señora de la Soledad. A. Niedźwiedź, op. cit., s. 65–70. M. Brocki, Antropologia, język ciała, Wrocław 2000, s. 266–276. B. Bode, op. cit., s. 311. �146 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Wśród wspomnień Bode znajdujemy interesujące informacje od sędziwych Indian, których treść stanowi ważny przyczynek do kwestii spojrzenia Boga, ale też jego percepcji. Uważam ten przekaz za jedną z najciekawszych i najbardziej wyrazistych egzemplifikacji indiańskiego postrzegania rzeźby-postaci Señora de la Soledad. Otóż podobno na początku XX wieku (więc na pewno i wcześniej) podczas mszy świętych w kościele Soledad był zwyczaj, że przed podniesieniem zasuwano zasłonę przed krucyfiksem Pana Samotności. Gdy badaczka zapytała Indianina o powód, odparł, jakby to było oczywiste: „Żeby nie było dwóch Bogów jednocześnie”. Biorąc pod uwagę osobowe traktowanie Señora de la Soledad jako prawdziwego, najwyższego Pana i Władcy, widzącego wszystko wokół, postępowanie takie wydaje się zupełnie logiczne. Skoro, jak twierdzili księża, podnoszona ku górze hostia jest Bogiem, to co zrobić, by nie dopuścić do niebezpiecznego dysonansu, do konfrontacji dwóch Bogów? Naturalnie, trzeba ukryć przed wzrokiem tego prawdziwego widok drugiego, mocno abstrakcyjnego, na szczęście pokazywanego tylko przez chwilę. Można się domyślać, że motywacja zasłaniania Pana Samotności odzwierciedlała całe spektrum ludzkich uczuć, antycypowanych jako boskie, w sytuacji tak niezręcznej konfrontacji. Zapewne Indianie chcieli oszczędzić Señorowi gniewu, rozczarowania czy nawet smutku na widok konkurencyjnego Boga. Sądzę, że w ich percepcji nie było śladu utożsamienia Pana Samotności z hostią. On był ich prawdziwym Bogiem, axis mundi ich świata, hostia natomiast przedmiotem z innego porządku, może magicznym, ale istota jej boskości wymykała się zdolności rozumienia i odczuwania. Zastanawiając się nad sensem prawdziwości Señora de la Soledad, w znaczeniu nadawanym mu przez Indian, należy wyraźnie zaznaczyć, że nie ma ona nic wspólnego ze zjawiskiem vera effigies, czyli prawdziwości polegającej na doskonałej wierności wobec jakiegoś wzorca. W ludowej percepcji Pan Samotności nie ma żadnego wzorca, gdyż sam jest alfą i omegą, jedyną i bezalternatywną postacią najwyższego Boga, którego wizerunek stanowi zarazem utożsamienie osoby, zgodnie z Gadamerowską zasadą nierozróżnialności signans i signatum. Przyglądając się nadal historii, nie sposób pominąć kolejnej krwawej batalii, jaka tuż po wojnie chilijsko-peruwiańskiej przewaliła się przez ziemie prowincji Ancash, kosztując życie co najmniej 10 tys. Indian. Mowa o powstaniu chłopskim Pedro Pablo Atusparii (1840–1887) – legendarnego bohatera tych ziem, wsławionego obroną Indian przed nadmiernymi rekwizycjami dóbr na cele wojny z Chile, ale też brawurowymi, zwycięskimi starciami z żołnierzami chilijskimi na czele partyzantki chłopskiej239. W 1885 roku, bezpośrednio po zakończeniu wojny o Pacyfik, gdy tylko żołnierze okupacyjni opuścili wyniszczone i tragicznie spauperyzowane Ancash, władze cywilne pod przywództwem prefekta Noriegi nałożyli na ludność indiańską obowiązek płacenia drakońskich podatków i świadczeń, co wywołało ferment i protesty. Atusparia, będąc wówczas alcalde swojej rodzinnej wsi Marían nad Huaráz, wystosował w imieniu swoim i innych naczelników wioskowych pismo protestacyjne do władz administracyjnych regionu z siedzibą w Huaráz, w odpowiedzi na co został aresztowany i wychłostany, a ponadto pozbawiony warkocza (tradycyjnego 239 A. Posern-Zieliński, Ruchy społeczne…, s. 131–132; F. Escárzaga, La sublevación de Ancash. Proyecto nacional y guerra de razas, „Política y Cultura” 1999, nr 12, s. 151–175; J.A. Salazar Mejía, Identidad…, s. 52–53, 90–92; J. Klaiber, La actitud y sensibilidad del clero en la revolución de Pedro Pablo Atusparia 1885, [w:] Diócesis de Huaráz…, s. 277–287. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 147 atrybutu władzy), co było karą upokarzającą, stosowaną wobec represjonowanych naczelników indiańskich. W odpowiedzi 3 marca 1885 roku duże grupy Indian z okolicznych wiosek zaatakowały i zdobyły miasto, oswobadzając Atusparię. Przez dwa miesiące trwały walki z żołnierzami przysłanymi z Limy, którzy niedawno jeszcze walczyli z Chilijczykami, a teraz krwawo tłumili bunt rodaków. Pominę opis tych batalii, jak i reform agrarnych zarządzonych przez Atusparię, gdyż te epizody z dziejów Ancash zostały szczegółowo przebadane przez historyków i posiadają obszerny korpus opracowań. Skoncentruję się na krytycznym momencie upadku powstania w pierwszych dniach maja 1885 roku i zdarzeniu, do jakiego doszło wówczas z udziałem Señora de Mayo. Jesienią 2019 roku miałam okazję przeprowadzić wywiad z prawnukiem Atusparii, Gumercindo Garcia Alvarónem, mieszkającym, tak jak jego sławny przodek, we wsi Marían i, co ciekawe, wyglądającym tak, jakby był jego bratem bliźniakiem [fot. 62]. Rozmówca znał historię pradziadka, ale mnie zaciekawiły jego wspomnienia czerpane z tradycji rodzinnej. Rozmawialiśmy o końcowych dniach powstania, kiedy to w krwawej bitwie pod Yungay 25 kwietnia 1885 roku oddziały Atusparii doznały ciężkich strat, a on sam został ranny. Powstańcy wycofali się do Huaráz, gdzie kilka dni później doszło do rozstrzygających zdarzeń, których okoliczności są równie pasjonujące dla historyka, jak i etnologa. Zbliżał się 3 maja, a wraz z nim coroczne, największe uroczystości majowe w kościele Soledad, podczas których paso Señora de la Soledad – Señor de Mayo, Señor de Mayo, paso Señora de la Soledad, wychodził w procesji ulicami miasta. Tego roku przygotowania do święta przebiegały w nastroju żałoby i przygnębienia, ale nikt nawet nie pomyślał, by zrezygnować z ceremonii, które, jak co roku, w rytmie „wielkiego powrotu” gwarantowały rewitalizację kosmosu i odrodzenie życia po żniwach kukurydzy. Zdziesiątkowane oddziały chłopskie zaniedbały obrony miasta, podczas gdy dobrze uzbrojone siły rządowe przegrupowały się po bitwie pod Yungay, zagrażając Huaráz. Indianie opuścili umocnione stanowiska na rogatkach, by wziąć udział w uroczystościach 3 maja. Tego roku była to procesja błagalna, pełna krzyków, płaczu i głośnych zawołań do Ukrzyżowanego: „Boże, daj nam zwycięstwo!”, „Panie, czy zwyciężymy?” Wtedy, jak utrwaliła ustna tradycja, stała się rzecz, która przeraziła tłumy. Chrystus poruszył głową w geście odmowy i w tym samym momencie oderwał się jego nimb, spadając na ziemię. Zdarzenie to ostatecznie osłabiło morale Indian, którzy uznali je nie tylko za złą wróżbę, ale wręcz za nieodwołalny wyrok. Wieczorem, po zakończeniu procesji, wrogo nastawiona do chłopów-powstańców ludność miasta wystawiła przed drzwi domów dzbany z cziczą, rzekomo wnosząc wkład w tradycyjny obchód fiesty. Zdemobilizowani duchowo i militarnie Indianie zaniechali ostrożności, upajając się alkoholem. Tej samej nocy wojska rządowe przypuściły szturm na Huaráz, zdobywając je bez większych strat, następnie urządzając rzeź powstańców. Zła wróżba w postaci nimbu spadającego z głowy Chrystusa powtórzyła się raz jeszcze w czasie wielkiej suszy w 1969 roku, gdy Señor de la Soledad szedł ulicami Huaráz w procesji błagalnej o deszcz240. W kilka miesięcy później, 5 maja 1970 roku Huaráz zostało zniszczone przez największe w dziejach tej części świata trzęsienie ziemi. 3 maja 1885 roku losy powstania Atusparii były już przesądzone, ale zły omen w postaci upadku nimbu Chrystusa niewątpliwie przyśpieszył klęskę i powiększył jej rozmiary, gdyż wpłynął na pełną demobilizację Indian, odbierając im resztki nadziei. Historia opowiedziana 240 B. Bode, op. cit., s. 402. �148 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich mi przez prawnuka Atusparii jest zgodna z prawdą, potwierdzają ją bowiem inne źródła. Upadek nimbu rzeczywiście miał miejsce i wywarł dramatyczny skutek. Ale w tamtej historii warto zwrócić uwagę na szersze tło zdarzeń. Z perspektywy europejskiej wydaje się rzeczą niezrozumiałą, że pomimo śmiertelnego zagrożenia ze strony żołnierzy zbliżających się do Huaráz Indianie skupili się na świętowaniu i procesji z krucyfiksem Señora de Mayo. Taka bezkompromisowość budzi zdumienie i skłania do odłożenia na bok kryteriów racjonalności w ocenie mechanizmów postępowania. Racjonalność w potocznym rozumieniu ustępuje racjonalności wyższego rzędu, wynikającej z porządku kosmowizji, warunkującego trwanie świata. Zgodnie z nim jest nie do pomyślenia, by nie odbyły się rytuały będące strukturalną częścią wielkiego cyklu natury, by zabrakło niezbędnego elementu społecznego uczestnictwa, współtworzącego stan kosmicznej stabilności. Ten skrajnie kategoryczny imperatyw nie posiada wykładni werbalnej, nie potrzebuje wytłumaczenia, które tylko zubaża jego istotę. Rytuał tłumaczy się sam poprzez siebie, przez fakt swojej niezbędności i bezkompromisowości istnienia. Przychodzi na myśl refleksja Czai, który obserwował doroczną procesję na apulijskim Monte Sant’Angelo: Spróbujcie tym wszystkim ludziom powiedzieć, że w przyszłym roku procesja się nie odbędzie! Co było – ma trwać, mówi ten korowód, a siła, z jaką to zaświadcza, nie pozwala wątpić w prawdziwość tego przekonania. W tym pochodzie ze śpiewem i chorągwiami nie ma nic z dewocyjnej ostentacji, nic z ducha religijnego tryumfalizmu. Jest natomiast coś swojskiego, naturalnego i zwykłego. Jest spokojna pewność, że dawne gesty są po to, by je powtarzać. Że jest tak, jak ma być i że będzie tak, jak jest241. Z Apulii powracam do Peru, gdzie ów imperatyw wyznaczający nadrzędne miejsce rytuałowi wbrew logice racjonalizmu znajduje potwierdzenie w rodzimej tradycji zderzonej z impetem chwilowego kryzysu. W kwietniu 1536 roku armia Manqu Inki próbowała odbić Cuzco z rąk Hiszpanów. Początkowo Indianie zyskali przewagę i sytuacja wydawała się dla Hiszpanów beznadziejna, ale: „Niespodziewanie napór armii inkaskiej zelżał: nadeszła bowiem pora nowiu Księżyca i część sił indiańskich odstąpiła od oblężenia, dla odprawienia przepisanych rytuałem ceremonii i ofiar”242. W rezultacie Hiszpanom udało się utrzymać Cuzco, co przesądziło o upadku Tawantin Suyu. Podobnych przykładów, wykazujących nadrzędność racjonalności wyższego rzędu (nie irracjonalności!) nad racjonalnością doraźną, dotyczącą węższych obszarów rzeczywistości, można by przytoczyć znacznie więcej w długiej historii konfrontacji dwóch modeli cywilizacyjnych w Andach. Annały historii regionu Ancash, przynajmniej te papierowe, przydatne badaczom jako źródła w tradycyjnym rozumieniu, nie są zbyt obszerne. Większą ich część pochłonęły kataklizmy trzęsień ziemi. Najpewniej bezpowrotnie zniknęło wiele zapisów związanych z kilkusetletnią obecnością Señora de la Soledad, a przekaz ustny rządzi się innymi prawami. Z perspektywy etnologa jest jednak źródłem podstawowym, gdyż jego analiza ujawnia mechanizmy rządzące religijnością ludową oraz reguły tworzenia się mitów. To one właśnie współtworzą „wielką opowieść” Pana Samotności, którego postać zespoliła się bez reszty z tożsamością regionu, stając się jej duchowym i kulturowym centrum. Wyrazem 241 242 D. Czaja, Gdzieś dalej, gdzie indziej, Wołowiec 2010, s. 29–30. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 323–324. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 149 tej identyfikacji, płynnie przenikającej w obszar etosu narodowego, jest fakt systematycznych wizyt w świątyni Soledad kandydatów na prezydenta, mężów stanu czy generałów, nie wspominając o politykach regionalnych. W 1962 roku Fernando Belaúnde Terry (1912– 2002) uroczyście ślubował Señorowi de la Soledad, że jeśli zostanie prezydentem, to doprowadzi do powstania uniwersytetu w Huaráz. Gdy objął prezydenturę Peru i nie kwapił się ze spełnieniem obietnicy, wywołało to wielotysięczne demonstracje w mieście, zamieszki i zbrojne interwencje wojska243. W chwilach wielkich napięć społecznych najważniejsi politycy i wojskowi demonstracyjnie przybywali z hołdem do Pana Samotności, co kanalizowało nastroje i łagodziło konflikty. Wśród wspaniale zdobionych szat i espaldarów przechowywanych w skarbcu konfraterni Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad wiele jest fundowanych przez osoby piastujące najwyższe stanowiska w kraju. Sanktuarium Soledad, pomimo bodaj najtragiczniejszych losów spośród sławnych ośrodków kultu w Peru, niezmiennie zajmuje miejsce w gronie najważniejszych. Niezniszczalność i lęk przed pishtaco Belting, omawiając genetyczną ciągłość obrazów pogańskich i chrześcijańskich, wskazuje na wspólną dla nich cechę niezniszczalności244. Jej pochodną stanowi figura palladium (od greckiej Pallas Ateny) – świętego wizerunku, chroniącego miasto lub kraj. W myśl oczywistej logiki, jeśli wizerunek jest gwarantem niezniszczalności miasta, to sam też musi być niezniszczalny. Wiara i przekonanie o niezniszczalności nie biorą się znikąd ani nie są cechą wszystkich świętych wizerunków. Nieliczne i wyjątkowe, mające tę właściwość, same ją objawiają, wychodząc cało z kataklizmów bądź zamachów. Świętość i moc wizerunków otoczonych największym kultem, zwłaszcza Chrystusa i Matki Boskiej – są tak wielkie, że panują nad żywiołami wody, ognia i ziemi. Wizerunki wyorane z ziemi lub wyrzucone na brzeg morza objawiają cechę niezniszczalności, podobnie jak te, których nie strawił ogień i nie zniszczyło trzęsienie ziemi. Niezniszczalność wiąże się z nierozróżnialnością signans i signatum, jeśli bowiem wizerunek jest bóstwem, to nie może ulec destrukcji. Gdy urasta do rangi axis mundi i centralnego punktu identyfikacji tożsamościowej grupy, społeczności lub narodu, to udziela im, jak i zamieszkiwanym przez nie terytorium, swojej niezniszczalności, chroniąc w kataklizmach, których wraz z nimi doświadcza. Sądzę, że niezniszczalność mieści się w zakresie Eliadowskiej ontologii archaicznej, będącej, jak stwierdza Tokarska-Bakir „jedną z najtrudniejszych do zweryfikowania, a zarazem jedną z najbardziej nieodzownych hipotez w badaniach religioznawczych”245. Dane historyczne wskazują, że kult Señora de la Soledad nasilił się po wielkim trzęsieniu ziemi w 1725 roku, które zburzyło znaczną część miasta, w tym kościół z jego krucyfiksem. Powodem narastającej sławy wizerunku, zapewne zręcznie podsycanej przez ówczesne hiszpańskie bractwo Cofradía Santo Cristo de la Soledad, był fakt jego „cudownego ocalenia” z kataklizmu. Równocześnie słabnął dominujący dotąd kult św. Sebastiana, patrona Huaráz. 243 244 245 M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 165. H. Belting, op. cit., s. 68. J. Tokarska-Bakir, Obraz osobliwy…, s. 374. �150 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Był to pierwszy udokumentowany przypadek „niezniszczalności” wizerunku Pana Samotności, interpretowanej jako nieomylny znak cudowności. Dysponujemy niewielką liczbą przekazów na temat wydarzeń dotyczących Señora de la Soledad w XVIII i XIX wieku. Zapisy z okresu wojny chilijsko-peruwiańskiej z lat 1879–1884 i powstania Atusparii w 1885 roku, częściowo wykorzystane w poprzednim rozdziale, dowodzą, iż kult Pana Samotności, jak również jego paso, Señora de Mayo, był wówczas w pełnym rozkwicie. Przytoczone legendy o cudownej samoobronie Señora de la Soledad przed atakiem żołnierzy chilijskich również czerpią z idei niezniszczalności. Można domniemywać, że w pełni rozwinięty kult Pana Samotności istniał już wówczas od ponad wieku. Świadczą o tym między innymi wspaniałe szaty i espaldary, również cudownie ocalałe z trzęsień ziemi, przechowywane w skarbcu strzeżonym przez konfraternię Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad. Jest ich ponad sto dwadzieścia, a najstarsze pochodzą z pierwszych dekad XIX wieku. Nie zostały dotąd fachowo opracowane ani nie posiadają specjalistycznej dokumentacji fotograficznej. Nie są też dostępne dla osób z zewnątrz, dlatego uzyskanie zgody na sfotografowanie kilkunastu najstarszych uważam za sukces badawczy. Zdecydowanie bogatszą dokumentacją dysponujemy w odniesieniu do XX wieku, najbardziej tragicznego w dziejach Huaráz246. Kilkakrotnie dochodziło wtedy do wydarzeń, które powodowały śmierć tysięcy mieszkańców, a w 1970 roku zagroziły zniszczeniem miasta. W oparciu o publikacje książkowe i prasowe, skromne zapisy etnograficzne, ale przede wszystkim wywiady z ludźmi, których pamięć nierzadko sięgała lat 40. XX wieku, powstaje skomplikowany obraz zdarzeń, których nie sposób w całości opowiedzieć – takich, w których niezniszczalność Señora de la Soledad poddana była ciężkim próbom. Momenty te posiadają ogromne znaczenie, ukazując w pełni znaczenie wizerunku dla mieszkańców miasta oraz tysięcy Indian z miasteczek i wsi rozsianych w tej części Andów. Obraz tych zdarzeń to zarazem historia paroksyzmów lęku i gniewu Indian, które powracały falami w różnych latach, począwszy od lat 40. XX wieku, choć ich ślad znajdujemy już w źródłach z 1815 roku. Był to nieustanny, co rusz nabrzmiewający lęk przed utratą Señora de la Soledad. Bez żadnej przesady można powiedzieć, że był to paniczny lęk egzystencjalny wynikający z głębokiego przeświadczenia, że zniknięcie Pana Samotności z Huaráz byłoby równoznaczne z końcem istnienia miasta, a nawet szerzej, spowodowałoby niewyobrażalne, wręcz apokaliptyczne nieszczęścia dla mieszkańców całego regionu. Obraz zdarzeń, które uruchomiły na wielką skalę te emocje, jest unikatowym studium mechanizmów mitycznej identyfikacji ze świętością i jej daleko idących skutków. Jakkolwiek opisywane zdarzenia pełne są dramatyzmu, a niektóre tragedii ludzkich na wielką skalę, to jednak ujawniają wzniosłe, humanistyczne aspekty silnej identyfikacji grupy ze świętością. Aspekty odsłaniane tylko w sytuacjach granicznych. Z dużym prawdopodobieństwem można założyć, że dwa czynniki – naturalny i historyczny, oba nadzwyczaj niestabilne – już we wczesnych latach XIX wieku wyzwoliły lęk Indian przed utratą Señora de la Soledad. Zanim przybliżę jego naturę, niezbędnych jest kilka słów wyjaśnienia, gdyż to, co zawarłam w poprzednich rozdziałach, oraz to, co napiszę 246 Opis zdarzeń zawarty w tym rozdziale opieram przede wszystkim na publikacjach Alba Herrery, Yauri Montero i Bode, jednak odwołuję się do nich w przypisach tylko w uzasadnionych przypadkach. Większość danych szczegółowych pochodzi z wywiadów, przede wszystkim z legendarnym rzeźbiarzem Godofredo Zegarrą Angelesem (ur. w 1921 roku). �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 151 teraz, może sprawiać wrażenie niespójności. Mam na myśli fenomen podwójności Chrystusa – Señora de la Soledad oraz Señora de Mayo w aspekcie identyfikacji z nimi indiańskich, metyskich, kreolskich i hiszpańskich wiernych, czyli tych grup społeczno-etnicznych, między którymi przez wieki toczyła się i trwa nadal złożona gra o wpływy czy nawet zawłaszczenie najważniejszego obiektu kultu. W rozdziale Señor de la Soledad i Señor de Mayo – dychotomia czy koincydencja? przedstawiłam charakterystykę Señora de Mayo jako Chrystusa na wskroś indiańskiego, wokół którego odbywa się największa doroczna fiesta w pierwszej połowie maja. Chrystus ten, jako paso Señora de la Soledad, jest patronem zbiorów rodzimych roślin jadalnych, przede wszystkim kukurydzy. Przytoczyłam napomnienie, jakie dał mi Indianin Montes Mota, mówiąc, bym pamiętała, że to Señor de Mayo jest prawdziwy. Równocześnie nieco dalej cytowałam inne wypowiedzi Indian na temat prawdziwości – ale Señora de la Soledad. Jak pogodzić tę pozorną sprzeczność? W charakterystyce Señora de Mayo napisałam, że jego autonomia bierze się z nieco odmiennego profilu ontologicznego niż Señora de la Soledad. Jest przede wszystkim bogiem plonów, ale – co istotne – roślin rodzimych, a nie tych, które przywieźli Hiszpanie. Jest także powiernikiem zwykłych, codziennych trosk, bohaterem „małych opowieści”, chociaż pod tym względem nie ma już wyłączności, gdyż Indianie zanoszą prośby również do Señora de la Soledad. Ten z kolei, jak pokazałam w poprzednim rozdziale, jodsyła nas do „wielkiej opowieści” wpisanej w dzieje miasta i regionu, również przez dziedziczenie spuścizny Inki i najważniejszych bóstw andyjskich. W odniesieniu do niego także pada określenie prawdziwy, i to często w opozycji do Señora de Mayo. Jego profil ontologiczny jest zdecydowanie inny niż Chrystusa Majowego, ale bywają momenty, gdy obaj są utożsamiani. Rozmawiając z Indianami, można się poczuć zdezorientowanym, bo na naiwne pytanie badacza, ilu jest Chrystusów w kościele Soledad, pada oczywista odpowiedź, że tylko jeden. Gdy zaś badacz indaguje, że przecież jeden jest na ołtarzu, a drugi w szklanej tumbie, wówczas dowiaduje się, że ten drugi to Señor de Mayo, ale w kościele jest tylko jeden. Dalsze drążenie tematu miałoby taki sam sens, jak oczekiwanie, że Indianin w łamanym języku hiszpańsko-keczuańskim objaśni teologię unii hipostatycznej. A skoro o niej mowa, to definiuje ona dwie natury Chrystusa, lecz na pewno nie dualizm Señora de la Soledad i Señora de Mayo, którego istota jest równie złożona, ale w ramach innego porządku logicznego. Nie czuję się w pełni kompetentna, by wyczerpująco wyjaśnić tę zawiłość. Może wbrew pozorom nie ma tu zawiłości, tylko doskonała przejrzystość, a sekret kryje się w logice kontekstów? Konteksty same w sobie tworzą się zgodnie z określonymi, wewnętrznie spójnymi porządkami myślenia, jednakże już pomiędzy różnymi kontekstami nie muszą zachodzić związki oparte na Arystotelesowskiej logice elementarnej. Taki paradygmat równie dobrze opisuje świat i jest równoprawny „logicznie”, jak pogląd naukowy. Przykładowo, gdy w czasie wielkiej fiesty majowej Señor de Mayo mocowany jest do krzyża, na którym pozostaje kilkanaście dni, kilkakrotnie wychodząc w procesjach ulicami miasta, wówczas koncentruje pełnię adoracji wiernych, podczas gdy pozostający w ołtarzu Señor de la Soledad staje się jakby „zapomniany”. „Zapomnienie” to dotyczy jednak krucyfiksu na ołtarzu, a nie jego nazwy. Postacie obu Chrystusów zlewają się ze sobą, a w tłumie można słyszeć, że to uroczystości Señora de la Soledad. Mam wrażenie, że nazwa ta wymieniana jest nawet częściej niż Señora de Mayo – tak jakby była „nadrzędna”, obejmując również Chrystusa Majowego, który występuje pod swoim imieniem tylko w węższych kontekstach. Z kolei Señor de Mayo, przez większość roku �152 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich spoczywający w szklanej tumbie, ustępuje pierwszeństwa Señorowi de la Soledad. Indianki mówiły mi, że wtedy śpi. I rzeczywiście, staje się wówczas „wyciszony” i „oddalony”, a większość wiernych kieruje swe kroki do głównego ołtarza – do Pana Samotności. Uważam, że dla zrozumienia istoty kultu Señora de la Soledad ważne jest uzmysłowienie sobie, że nie ma sprzeczności między wypowiedziami Indian na temat prawdziwości jednego lub drugiego Chrystusa, gdyż ich pozorna rozbieżność wynika wyłącznie z faktu, iż dotyczą węższego kontekstu, wyjętego z całokształtu kultu. Istniejąca od 1927 roku konfraternia Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad, kontynuująca tradycje wcześniejszej, hiszpańskiej Cofradía Santo Cristo de la Soledad powstałej w 1669 roku, jest wyraźnie kreolska, przynajmniej na szczeblu zarządu, ale nie przekłada się to na żadne formy „wyłączności” w stosunku do wizerunku. Jeśli takie tendencje były w XVII wieku, to najprawdopodobniej zanikły już w następnym stuleciu pod wpływem narastającego, silnego kultu wśród Indian, dla których Señor de la Soledad stawał się centrum identyfikacji tożsamościowej. Lęk przed utratą Señora de la Soledad, którego ślady dostrzegamy już na początku XIX wieku, a który miał apogeum w XX wieku, nie pojawił się w oderwaniu od szerszego tła historyczno-kulturowego. Po okresie apokaliptycznego chaosu, jakim była barbarzyńska konkwista hiszpańska, której rozmiary uświadamia kilkudziesięcioprocentowa depopulacja Indian, pomimo zniewolenia kolonialnego rdzenna ludność tej części Andów, która z czasem uznała religię chrześcijańską za własną, stopniowo integrowała się duchowo i kulturowo z wizerunkiem Señora de la Soledad. Było to możliwe na drodze synkretyzacji jego postaci, której istotę omówiłam w poprzednich rozdziałach. Pan Samotności zajął miejsce w centrum indiańskiej tożsamości religijno-kulturowej, odpowiadając uniwersalnej potrzebie posiadania axis mundi, wokół której koncentruje się kult religijny i poczucie identyfikacji grupowej. Naturalną konsekwencją takiego stanu rzeczy było utożsamienie losów grupy z losami jej obiektu kultu. Od czasów konkwisty Indianie żyli w warunkach nieustannego zdominowania ze strony Hiszpanów, potem zaś, zwłaszcza pod względem gospodarczym, ze strony innych białych, w tym Północnych Amerykanów. Ryszard Tomicki pisze: Paradoksalność sytuacji, w jakiej znajdują się Indianie w Peru, jest wyraźniejsza niż w innych krajach Ameryki Łacińskiej. Wystarczy przypomnieć, że stanowiąc od wieków co najmniej połowę ludności tego kraju jednocześnie nieprzerwanie znajdują się na marginesie życia społeczeństwa peruwiańskiego. Pomijając nawet układ stosunków społeczno-ekonomicznych, w którym ludność indiańska od konkwisty była wyzyskiwaną większością, marginalność ta wyrażała się także w ich „nieobecności” kulturalnej247. Przez dziesiątki pokoleń wytworzył się wśród Indian rodzaj trwałej traumy kulturowej, przez której pryzmat interpretowano wszelkie płynące z zewnątrz wiadomości oraz działania jako niechybnie sprzeczne z ich interesem czy wręcz wymierzone w ich dobro. Dotyczyło to zarówno wydarzeń mogących mieć – i rzeczywiście mających – głęboko negatywne skutki dla mieszkańców Andów (wojny, krzywdzące reformy gospodarcze, przymusowe świadczenia pracy i kontrybucje, wyzysk przez właścicieli ziemskichziemskich), jak również zdarzeń, które faktycznie nie godziły w dobro Indian ani nie były zapowiedzią zła, lecz mimo to wywoływały 247 R. Tomicki, op. cit., s. 255. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 153 takie przeświadczenie, podsycając lęki, a czasem nawet stany psychotyczne w skali zbiorowej. Nigdy nieprzełamana do końca bariera cywilizacyjna między mieszkańcami Andów a światem białych sprawiała, że impulsy z zewnątrz nie były interpretowane zgodnie z właściwą im logiką, gdyż Indianom brakowało aparatu wiedzy i rozumienia stojących za nimi motywacji. Interpretacji dokonywano więc zgodnie z jedynym możliwym porządkiem myślenia mitycznego, wzmacnianego stereotypami i traumą determinującą myślenie. Negatywnym bohaterem zdarzeń, którym poświęcę uwagę w tym rozdziale, jest ksiądz lub biskup – a zwłaszcza ten drugi, jako hierarcha ulokowany w fizycznym i mentalnym oddaleniu od Señora de la Soledad, a zarazem w bliskości obcej i abstrakcyjnej dla Indian archidiecezji w Limie, partycypującej w pejoratywnym stereotypie tego miasta. Drugą postacią niezawodnie pojawiającą się tam, gdzie dzieje się źle, jest pishtaco. Ta zdumiewająca figura demoniczna, będąca największym, żywym do dziś koszmarem mieszkańców Andów, odgrywa niezwykle istotną rolę w zdarzeniach. W wierzeniach andyjskich istnieje silny związek pomiędzy księżmi a pishtaco, dlatego ich wspólna obecność nie tylko nie dziwi, ale nawet wydaje się logicznie uzasadniona. Hermeneutyczne objaśnienie natury kryzysów, które spektakularnie ukazują pozycję Señora de la Soledad w indiańskim uniwersum, wymaga minimum informacji na temat pishtaco, gdyż bez zrozumienia, czym jest i jaką funkcję pełni w systemie światopoglądowym, zarówno szczegóły relacji, jak i zasadniczy sens zdarzeń pozostałyby niejasne. Postać andyjskiego pishtaco należy do najbardziej intrygujących i trudnych do zdefiniowania figur zbiorowej wyobraźni248. Nie mieści się w żadnej z kategorii bytów nadprzyrodzonych, obecnych w wierzeniach ludów andyjskich. Tworzy własną, autonomiczną kategorię, genetycznie osadzoną zarówno w realiach historii pierwszych dekad konkwisty, jak i w rdzennej mitologii. Jest konceptualizacją i wizualizacją głębokiej traumy kulturowej i efektem jej psychologicznego przepracowania, nadającego twarz i postać nowym, nieznanym zagrożeniom egzystencjalnym. Lęk przed nieznanym zakłada bezbronność, natomiast strach przed rozpoznanym wrogiem umożliwia wypracowanie strategii obrony. W andyjskiej mitologii millenarystycznej okresu po konkwiście pishtaco zaistniał jako symboliczna figura wroga, która zniknie dopiero wraz z oczekiwaną rewitalizacją wyidealizowanego imperium Inków. Pishtaco nie ma jednej twarzy ani jednego wyglądu, przybiera postacie różnych wrogów Indian. W ciągu ostatnich 500 lat zjawiał się głównie w stroju zakonnika, ale też okrutnego hiszpańskiego hacendado, żołnierza, lekarza albo kogokolwiek innego, kogo tradycyjni campesinas uznają za „obcego”. Najstarsze wizualizacje, odnotowane już w XVI wieku, są nadal żywe, a na nie nakładają się kolejne, wytworzone później. Żywotność wierzenia jest zaskakująco duża, również współcześnie. Świadczy to o jego doskonałej strukturze wewnętrznej, adaptującej wszelkie nowe – rzeczywiste i potencjalne – formy zagrożeń. Istotą aktywności pishtaco jest atakowanie i zarzynanie Indian, by wytopić z nich tłuszcz. Nie spożywa go jednak (nie jest odmianą wampira!), tylko transferuje do białych (zakonników, lekarzy w szpitalach, 248 Charakterystykę pishtaco przedstawiam w oparciu o kilkuletnie badania, które prowadziłam na temat tej postaci wraz z etnologiem Mirosławem Mąką. Ich efektem jest przywołana już wcześniej książka: Pishtaco. Fenomen symbolizacji traumy kulturowej w społecznościach andyjskich, Kraków 2016. Zwięzła informacja wypełniająca niniejszy akapit czerpie z tejże publikacji oraz z artykułu: M. Mąka, E. Jodłowska, La figura del pishtaco andino como expresión simbólica de trauma social, aculturación y conflicto (ss. XVI–XXI), „Estudios Latinoamericanos” 2019, t. 39, s. 131–141. �154 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich hacendados, kupców, fabrykantów, producentów leków i kosmetyków, bogatych „obcych” za granicą, a nawet „rządu”, który spłaca nim dług państwowy). Zgodnie z wierzeniem, nieśmiertelny potencjał życia zawarty w tłuszczu Indian wzmacniania siłę i skuteczność urządzeń technicznych, kosmetyków i leków. Najstarsze i najpopularniejsze przekazy mówią o dodawaniu indiańskiego tłuszczu do stopu metali, z których odlewane są dzwony. Według przekonania starszego pokolenia Indian, wszystkie dawne, zabytkowe dzwony kościelne w Peru, zwłaszcza te, które brzmią najdonośniej i najpiękniej, zawierają w sobie tłuszcz ich przodków. Późniejsze przekazy powiadają o zasilaniu indiańskim tłuszczem pojazdów mechanicznych, a nawet telefonów czy komputerów, co świadczy o nadzwyczajnych możliwościach dostrajania się warstwy dystynktywnej wierzenia do zmieniających się realiów otoczenia cywilizacyjnego – bez śladów atrofii samego wierzenia. Jego logika odwołuje się do wybitnie pozytywnej waloryzacji tłuszczu ludzkiego w tradycyjnych społecznościach andyjskich, które od najdawniejszych czasów upatrywały w nim, a nie w krwi, substancji życia i mocy witalnych. W postaci pishtaco zawiera się uniwersalna symbolika i metafora odwiecznego konfliktu między zdominowanymi ludami Andów a różnymi wcieleniami ich wrogów. Pishtaco jest figurą strachu przed zagrożeniami dla fizycznej egzystencji i przed akulturacją prowadzącą do destrukcji tożsamości grupowej. Paradoksalnie, jest jednak także czynnikiem integrującym tych, którzy weń wierzą, identyfikującym wroga i mobilizującym do obrony. Fenomen ontologiczny pishtaco polega bowiem na tym, że mając nadludzkie cechy i możliwości, jest zarazem istotą śmiertelną, którą Indianie w odruchu obrony mogą rozpoznać i zabić. Historia, również współczesna, zna wiele przypadków zabójstw białych ludzi uznanych przez Indian za pishtaco. W przeszłości nieodległej, zapisanej w pamięci żyjących ludzi, w niezliczonych wioskach i miasteczkach andyjskich wybuchały psychozy na skutek pogłoski, że w okolicy pojawił się pishtaco. Przerażeni mieszkańcy zamykali się w domach, a uzbrojone grupy mężczyzn patrolowały teren, by dopaść i zabić koszmarnego wroga. Siła wierzenia była tak wielka, że psychozy takie wybuchały też w większych miastach, na przykład w Ayacucho w latach 80. XX wieku. Poddawali się im także ludzie wykształceni, np. kadra wykładowców uniwersyteckich i ich rodziny (wg relacji ustnej profesora Szemińskiego). O podobnych przypadkach, mających miejsce w drugiej połowie XX wieku w wioskach i miasteczkach nieopodal Huaráz, informowali mnie niejednokrotnie indiańscy rozmówcy. Przedstawiona charakterystyka postaci pishtaco – jej systemowego zakorzenienia w kulturze oraz niezwykle silnego oddziaływania, skutkującego poważnymi, angażującymi całą społeczność zachowaniami sterowanymi psychologią tłumu – jest niezbędnym krokiem dla zrozumienia niektórych wydarzeń mających miejsce w związku z Señorem de la Soledad w XX wieku (a najpewniej też wielokrotnie w czasach wcześniejszych). Jednym z pierwszych odnotowanych przypadków konfliktu Indian ze zwierzchnością kościelną miał miejsce a 1815 roku, kiedy to hiszpański ksiądz Mariano Robles, sprawujący nadzór nad administracją i finansami sanktuarium Soledad odmówił wydania kluczy do niego proboszczowi Juanowi Bautista Cardona249. Nie znamy żadnych szczegółów na temat tego konfliktu, ale wnio249 M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 72. Szerzej na temat niepokojów i tumultu chłopskiego w 1815 r., jednakże bez wzmianki o konflikcie o dostęp do świątyni Soledad, pisze: C.A. Alba Herrera, Huaras. Historia de un pueblo en transformacion, Caras 1996, s. 134–140. O wydarzeniu wzmiankuje też lakonicznie: J. Dammert Bellido, Curas patriotas en tierras de Ancash. Figuras de relieve nacional, [w:] Diócesis de Huaráz…, s. 255. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 155 skując z podobnych zdarzeń, do których dochodziło w późniejszych latach, przyczyna mogła tkwić w braku zaufania Indian do wyższego zwierzchnika kościelnego, w przeciwieństwie do księdza miejscowego, którego wszyscy znali i który często pochodził z ludu (del pueblo)250. Z nieznanych powodów do eskalacji konfliktu doszło w środku nocy, gdy przy biciu w dzwony przed kościołem Soledad zgromadziły się tłumy Indian z Huaráz i okolicznych wsi. Padła groźba spalenia domu administratora Roblesa, ale dzięki interwencji proboszcza udało się przywrócić spokój. Istotą konfliktu było przekazanie kluczy do świątyni, w której znajduje się Señor de la Soledad. Ten, kto nimi dysponował, miał dostęp do największej świętości Indian. Ci zaś byli na tym punkcie niezwykle przewrażliwieni, żyjąc w nieustannym lęku przed sprzedaniem, zniszczeniem, wywiezieniem czy podmianą Pana Samotności na kopię. Nie znam przykładu aż tak wyolbrzymionego, trwającego przez wieki lęku wiernych o przedmiot swojego kultu. Nie słyszałam też, pomimo długiego okresu zbierania materiałów na temat pishtaco, by postaci tej gdzie indziej niż w Huaráz przypisywano zamiar kradzieży świętości. Względny spokój panował tu tylko wtedy, gdy Indianie żywili zaufanie do osób dzierżących klucze. Kryzysy i zamieszki wybuchały więc niejednokrotnie w związku z nominacjami nowych proboszczów, jeśli ci nie mieli ich poparcia. Ze zdaniem Indian liczyli się hierarchowie kościelni, zmuszeni niekiedy do zmian decyzji w sprawach nominatów, jeśli spotkały się z protestami ludności – zwłaszcza wtedy, gdy Indianie protegowali własnego kandydata. Spory nie dotyczyły tylko nominowań, ale też na przykład pochówków. Gdy w 1914 roku zmarł niezwykle szanowany proboszcz Amadeo Figueroa (zwany Pico de Oro, czyli Złoty Dziób), Indianie nie zgodzili się, by go pochowano na cmentarzu, forsując pochówek w kościele Soledad, u stóp Pana Samotności251. Lata okrutnej okupacji chilijskiej w latach 1881–1883, o której pisałam w poprzednim rozdziale, nie pozostawiły żadnych udokumentowanych relacji na temat groźby utraty Señora de la Soledad, ale był to okres, w którym zagrożenie takie było najbardziej realne. Chilijczycy bowiem wywozili na wielką skalę dobra kultury, a nierzadko profanowali obiekty kultu. Trwałym śladem tamtych traumatycznych wydarzeń pozostały przytoczone wcześniej legendy o żołnierzu chilijskim, który padł martwy bądź oślepł podczas ataku na Pana Samotności, a także domalowane ślady cięć szablą na policzku wizerunku. Nie zachowały się natomiast żadne zapisy historyczne na temat wydarzeń w Huaráz w tym okresie, które wspominałyby o rzeczywistych zagrożeniach zniszczeniem lub wywiezieniem krucyfiksu252. Pewnej niedzieli pod koniec maja 1940 roku w Huaráz i okolicznych wsiach rozeszła się pogłoska, że ówczesny proboszcz Cayetano Antunez „umówił się” na sprzedaż Señora de la Soledad253. Krążyły rozbieżne wersje na temat kontrahentów planowanej transakcji. Jedni twierdzili, że są nimi Chilijczycy, inni – że bliżej nieokreśleni gringos, którzy mogą być pisthacos. Pan Samotności miał być wywieziony do Limy albo „za granicę”. W pogłoskach ożyły figury wrogów Indian oraz topos Limy jako symbolu antagonistycznej obcości kulturowej. 250 251 252 253 Pochodzić „z ludu”, a takie określenie spotyka się w źródłach, nie musi oznaczać, że spośród Indian, gdyż księża-Indianie pojawili się w Peru dopiero w drugiej połowie XX wieku. Wcześniej mogli to być Metysi lub Kreole, zapisani w dokumentach jako españoles (wg informacji otrzymanej od profesora Szemińskiego). B. Bode, op. cit., s. 396. Por. najobszerniejszy rys historyczny wydarzeń w Huaráz w czasie wojny z Chile: C.A. Alba Herrera, Huaras. Historia de un pueblo…, s. 246–274. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 73. �156 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Wskazano agresorów oraz ich terytorium. Po południu kościół oraz plac przed nim wypełnili mieszkańcy i Indianie z pobliskich wiosek uzbrojeni w kamienie i kije. Wielu przybyło wraz z psami pasterskimi. Do świątyni napływały kolejne grupy Indian, Metysów i biedoty miejskiej, by upewnić się, czy Señor de la Soledad jest na swoim miejscu, modlić się i w powszechnym płaczu dawać upust skrajnym emocjom. Proboszczowi grożono śmiercią, ale nie salwował się ucieczką, co dla gniewnego tłumu byłoby potwierdzeniem pogłosek, tylko odważnie przemawiał do zgromadzonych, częściowo uspokajając nastroje. Jednakże jeszcze przez wiele dni Huaráz żyło w napięciu, do Señora de la Soledad przybywały kolejne grupy uzbrojonych Indian, a ich straże w dzień i noc pilnowały krucyfiksu, wypatrując domniemanych wrogów. W kronice diecezji Huaráz, w części dotyczącej 1961 roku, odnajdujemy wzmiankę o kolejnej fali pogłosek na temat planowanej sprzedaży Señora de la Soledad, której kulminacja miała miejsce 9 lipca254. Tym razem z nieznanych powodów cień podejrzeń padł na biskupa archidiecezji w Huaráz, Teodosio Moreno Quintanę, który w swoim „bolesnym” liście duszpasterskim do mieszkańców diecezji, cytowanym fragmentarycznie przez kronikę, oskarża o podżeganie chłopów do tumultu niewymienionych oszczerców i wrogów Kościoła. Kronika powiada wprost o zagrożeniu życia biskupa, więc zamieszki musiały przybrać poważne rozmiary. Niestety, źródło to nie podaje zbyt wielu szczegółów, ograniczając się do oficjalnej, kościelnej perspektywy zdarzeń, więc o ich powadze wnioskujemy dedukcyjnie. W zapisie tym nie ma niczego o pishtaco, gdyż dla większości duchownych autorów jest to temat „przeźroczysty”, niezrozumiały lub uznawany za niegodny wzmianki, dziwaczny zabobon Indian. Szczęśliwie jednak zanotowane przeze mnie wypowiedzi świadków tamtych zdarzeń uzupełniają tę lukę. Potwierdzają prawidłowość, że cień tej demonicznej postaci zawsze unosił się nad podobnymi wydarzeniami. Były to momenty, kiedy nie tylko księża, ale także gringos nie czuli się bezpiecznie, mogąc być uznanymi za pishtaco i zabitymi przez tłum ogarnięty psychozą. W czerwcu 1963 roku, po śmierci długoletniego proboszcza Cayetano Antuneza, kluczowego bohatera opisanych zdarzeń w 1940 roku, wybuchł kolejny, wielomiesięczny konflikt, związany z wyborem jego następcy255. Biskupstwo chciało nominować na to stanowisko nikomu nieznanego księdza z zewnątrz, podczas gdy mieszkańcy Huaráz i okolic upierali się przy kandydaturze młodego księdza Florencio Salazara, którego znali jako rdzennego huaracino, urodzonego w dzielnicy Soledad i przez lata pełniącego posługę w świątyni Pana Samotności. Po śmierci Cayetano Antuneza ksiądz Salazar przejął obowiązki proboszcza. Wraz z próbą osadzenia na probostwie obcego, niemówiącego w keczua księdza, odżyły lęki przed sprzedaniem lub wywiezieniem Señora de la Soledad. Znów głośno mówiono o zagrożeniu ze strony pishtaco, który może pozbawić Huaráz jego największej świętości. Fakt, iż była to wizja nieskonkretyzowana i wymykająca się racjonalizacjom, czynił ją tym groźniejszą. Pod kościołem Soledad i wewnątrz świątyni gęstniały tłumy rozgorączkowanych Indian i Metysów. Chłopi z kijami ukrytymi pod ponchami rozbili obóz pod kościołem Soledad256. W kulminacyjnym 254 255 256 J.E. Velasquez T., Antecedentes para la ereccion de la nueva diocesis y relacion de los obispos episcopologios, [w:] Diócesis de Huaráz…, s. 335–336. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 73. Skrót wydarzeń przedstawiam na podstawie opisu zawartego w książce Bode (op. cit., s. 398–400) oraz w oparciu o informacje uzyskane od Liny Garcia de Gamarra. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 157 momencie, po tym, jak Indianie podczas kazania dowiedzieli się o odwołaniu księdza Salazara przez biskupa, do Huaráz ściągnęły tłumy mieszkańców z setek najbardziej nawet odległych wiosek (np. z Vicos). Liczebność tłumu dochodziła do zdumiewającej liczby 40 tys. ludzi. Jak pisała Bode: „Żaden ksiądz nie był bezpieczny na ulicach. Chłopi atakowali ich, oskarżając o to, że «są jak biskupi» i chcą usunąć księdza Salazara, żeby sprzedać krucyfiks. Część duchowieństwa zamknęła się w klasztorach”257. Zaczęły się rozruchy, w których interweniowała policja, używając pałek i gazu łzawiącego. Zgodnie z powszechnym przekonaniem, usunięcie księdza Salazara, będącego dla Indian gwarantem bezpieczeństwa Señora de la Soledad, miało ułatwić potajemne wyniesienie i sprzedanie wizerunku przez nowego proboszcza, będącego w zmowie z biskupem. Uspokojenie nastąpiło po wielu burzliwych dniach, a urząd proboszcza objął protegowany przez Indian, miejscowy ksiądz Florencio Salazar. Psychoza lęku przed zniknięciem z Huaráz krucyfiksu Pana Samotności nie mijała praktycznie przez cały okres od 1961 do 1963 roku. Nie była ani pierwszą, ani ostatnią. O wiele bogatszą bazą relacji dysponuję na temat dramatycznych zdarzeń, do których doszło 7 kwietnia 1965 roku. Są to zarówno relacje drukowane258, jak i utrwalone przeze mnie w trakcie wywiadów. Lina Garcia de Gamarra, która wówczas jako kilkunastoletnia dziewczynka mieszkała na rogu Jirón Bolivar i Calle 6 de Agosto, tuż obok świątyni Soledad, tak o tym opowiadała: Nad ranem usłyszałam w domu tumult, tupot nóg. Zobaczyłam przez okno, że ulicami napiera tłum chłopów z estancii z kijami w rękach, a kobiety niosły w mantach kamienie. Wyglądało to jak powstanie chłopskie. Kreole w dzielnicy z hukiem zamykali okiennice i ryglowali drzwi. Rodzice kazali mi odejść od okna. Z zewnątrz dochodziły okrzyki: Una sola es la muerte!!! Przyczyną poruszenia był pożar, jaki wybuchł w świątyni Soledad, obejmując ołtarz główny i krucyfiks Señora de la Soledad. Ogień rozprzestrzenił się od świecy płonącej za ołtarzem, gdzie znajdowało się pomieszczenie wypełnione świętymi figurami noszonymi w procesjach, a także mniejszy krucyfiks Chrystusa z dwoma towarzyszącymi mu krzyżami – dobrego i złego łotra. Zdarzało się, że do świątyni Soledad przychodzili złodzieje bydła i inni przestępcy, którzy za cichym przyzwoleniem zakrystianina przekupionego niewielkim datkiem zwykli palić świece pod krzyżem złego łotra w intencji uniknięcia kary bądź powodzenia następnej kradzieży. Przychodzili też okradzeni, dogadując się z zakrystianinem, by wpuścił ich na wieże kościelne, gdzie smarowali dzwony łajnem ukradzionego bydła, wierząc, że spowoduje to jego odzyskanie. W dniu poprzedzającym pożar na placu przed kościołem i w jego wnętrzu zgromadziły się setki ludzi, gdyż trwała fiesta. Ustawione były stragany, grały zespoły muzyczne, panował gwar, lały się czicza i piwo, pod murami świątyni i na skwerach pełno było podpitych campesinas z okolicznych wiosek. Upojenie alkoholowe podczas fiesty nie jest niczym nagannym, tylko wręcz pożądanym stanem oszołomienia, warunkującym prawdziwe uczestnictwo w święcie. Muzyka i zabawa trwały do północy. W różnych miejscach, przed ołtarzem Señora de la Soledad, przed szklaną 257 258 Ibidem, s. 399. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 73–74; B. Bode, op. cit., s. 399–400; L.A. Vega Rizo Patrón, El Huaráz de mis recuerdos, Huaráz 2011, s. 35–38. �158 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich tumbą Señora de Mayo i pod figurami świętych płonęło mnóstwo świec. Najpewniej palono je także za ołtarzem, pod krzyżem złego łotra. Po północy zabawa ucichła, znużonych uczestników ogarnął sen. Ludzie rozeszli się lub zalegli na skwerach przy placu i w zakamarkach kościelnych, owinięci w grube poncha i manty chroniące przed nocnym chłodem. Nad ranem z kościoła rozległy się przeraźliwe krzyki: „Ratujcie Soledad!!!”. Śpiący zrywali się na nogi, z okolicznych domów i sklepów wybiegali na wpół ubrani ludzie, którzy cisnęli się przez bramy świątyni. Ogień objął cały ołtarz, płonął też krucyfiks Señora de la Soledad. Wówczas zdarzyło się coś, co przeszło do historii Huaráz. Burmistrz (alkalde) tego miasta, Moisés Castillo, błyskawicznie wbiegł na ołtarz i mimo płomieni dzwonkiem ręcznym rozbił grubą szybę, za którą znajdował się krucyfiks. Potem zerwał Chrystusa z krzyża i wtedy oderwała się tafla rozbitego szkła, trafiając go w szyję. Zdołał jeszcze zejść z ołtarza z płonącym Panem Samotności, po czym upadł i po kilka minutach zmarł. W tym czasie wieść o pożarze błyskawicznie roznosiła się po mieście i najbliższych wioskach nieustannie dzwoniły dzwony, więc zewsząd nadciągały setki wzburzonych ludzi. Krążyły najróżniejsze plotki na temat celowego podpalenia lub zamiaru porwania Señora de la Soledad „do Rzymu”. Odżyły niedawne lęki, które w ubiegłych latach wywołały potężne tumulty w Huaráz. Znów uzbrojeni chłopi szukali winnych nieszczęścia, w pierwszej kolejności upatrując ich w księżach i miejscowym biskupie. Isabel Salazar Jácome wspomina: Proboszczem był wtedy mój brat [Florencio Salazar], musiał się ratować ucieczką razem z drugim księdzem, bo chłopi myśleli, że to zamach na naszego Pana Samotności. Rozeszła się plotka, że wraz z drugim księdzem Cammones chcą sprzedać naszego Soledad. Obaj przeszli przez płot i ukryli się w klasztorze franciszkanek. Bode pisze zaś, co następuje: Wielu mówiło, że chłopi byli gotowi zabić księdza i biskupa, a także zakrystianina który zaniedbał swojej pracy, zostawiając [za ołtarzem] płonącą świecę. Zakrystianin zniknął, ksiądz i biskup ukryli się w klasztorze franciszkanek hiszpańskich; inni mówili, że w piwnicach szpitala. Kapłan przebrany w damski strój opuścił miasto. [W pięć lat później] ksiądz zginął w lawinie w Yungay. Przypadkowo tego samego dnia po południu przybył do Huaráz nikomu nieznany, „pochodzący z ludu” dominikanin Mariano Espinoza z odległego regionu Apurimac w południowym Peru. Zjawił się, by wypocząć, będąc na zwolnieniu chorobowym. Tragiczny moment, w którym przyszło mu spotkać się z Señorem de la Soledad, uznał za przesądzający o jego dalszym życiu. Relacje pozwalają przypuszczać, że doznał mistycznego objawienia, w którego wyniku podjął nieodwołalną decyzję o pozostaniu na zawsze w służbie Pana Samotności. O dziwo, wrogo nastawieni do księży Indianie uznali go za swego, a jego niewątpliwa charyzma i ciężka, pełna oddania praca zyskały mu niespotykany szacunek. Niedługo po tych wydarzeniach został nowym proboszczem, bo poprzedni nie wrócił do Huaráz, a biskupstwo nie odważyło się sprzeciwić kandydaturze, za którą stała rzeczywista siła Indian i huarasinos. Paradoksalnie, dominikanin „znikąd” – nieznany, dostojny, odważnie wchodzący w tłum gniewnych Indian, zjawiający się w dniu tak szczególnym �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 159 – gwałtownie odwrócił bieguny ambiwalencji, stając się epifanicznym objawieniem w momencie, gdy wszelkie niecodzienne zdarzenia mogły urastać do rangi nadprzyrodzonych znaków i boskich wyroczni. Ów „paroksyzm czasu”, który, jak wiele podobnych, uaktywnił u Indian pokłady mitycznego mesjanizmu, był dotknięciem apokaliptycznym, gdyż utrata Pana Samotności taki miałaby dla nich wymiar. Ksiądz Espinoza został „wrzucony-w-mit”, o ile mogę strawestować fryburskiego klasyka. W sytuacji skrajnego napięcia nadejście charyzmatycznej postaci – co istotne, w mediacyjnym stanie choroby – mogło asocjować w zbiorowej wyobraźni z obrazem wędrującego Boga – białego, brodatego Wira Cochy, który in illo tempore nawiedzał wioski i miasta, rozdzielając przeznaczenie, nagradzając i karząc. Obraz chorego dominikanina mógł zespolić się per analogiam z ciężką chorobą poparzonego (bo tylko tak mówiono) Pana Samotności, a ich przypadkowe, a więc nie ludzkim zamysłem planowane spotkanie, mogło zrodzić przeczucie wspólnoty ich dalszych losów. Poruszamy się w subtelnej przestrzeni nadwrażliwości znakowej, skutkującej odruchami emocji prowadzącymi do niespodziewanych zwrotów zdarzeń. Bez wrażliwej analizy fenomenologicznej i psychologicznej, bez odniesień mitologicznych i próby wniknięcia w doniosłość zbiorowego przeżycia jako kluczowego źródła budowania dyskursu, trudno byłoby zrozumieć fenomen tamtych zdarzeń. Jeszcze tego samego dnia, w którym wybuchł pożar, po dogaszeniu ognia, na środku kościoła umieszczono rodzaj katafalku, a na nim Señora de la Soledad owiniętego gazami – tak jak zabezpiecza się ciężko poparzonego człowieka. Pod wpływem żaru powierzchnia rzeźby pokryła się bąblami, a poskręcane płaty farby wyglądały jak połacie oderwanej skóry. Przez wiele dni postępowała niekończąca się kolejka żałobnie ubranych campesinas i mieszkańców Huaráz, żeby zobaczyć poparzonego Pana Samotności, przyklęknąć i opłakiwać nieszczęście. Kobiety przynosiły lecznicze maści sporządzane przez Indian na poparzenia i nakładały je na miejsca najbardziej dotknięte ogniem. Indianie patrzący na wypalenia na ciele Chrystusa twierdzili, że tak wygląda spalone mięso, a nie drewno. Na pociemniałym od dymu obliczu wszyscy widzieli grymas bólu. Rozlegały się płacz, głośne jęki i pełne rozpaczy okrzyki: „Co teraz będzie?!”, „Co się z nami stanie?!”, „Nadchodzi kara!”. W kościele i na zewnątrz dzień i noc pełniły straż grupy uzbrojonych Indian, a rozgłośnia radiowa Huascarán emitowała żałobną muzykę. Ceremonie przy katafalku z Señorem de la Soledad były dokładnym odwzorowaniem indiańskiego velorio – czuwania przy zmarłym. Cały entourage żałobnych strojów, muzyki oraz ludzkich zachowań miał jednoznacznie funeralny charakter. Mimo to namacalny fakt istnienia Pana Samotności, nawet w tak strasznej postaci, nie dawał zgody na poddanie się rozpaczy i „pochowanie” jego spalonego ciała. Wizja taka była zbyt przerażająca, by ktokolwiek o niej pomyślał. Dla tych ludzi oznaczałaby nadejście apokalipsy, która na razie wisiała tylko w powietrzu, nie objawiwszy się jeszcze z całą mocą. W tle wydarzeń w świątyni Soledad toczyły się rozmowy biskupa i hierarchii kościelnej na temat dalszych losów Señora de la Soledad. Podjęto decyzję o przeprowadzeniu gruntownej renowacji rzeźby, bo oni również – widząc rozmiary tragedii ogromnych mas wiernych i groźbę wybuchu kolejnych zamieszek na wielką skalę – nie dopuszczali innej myśli. Rzeźba miała zostać przewieziona do Limy, gdzie poddano by ją fachowej konserwacji. Plany te napotkały jednak nieprzekraczalną barierę oporu Indian, którzy nie mieli za grosz zaufania do biskupa diecezji, Teodosio Moreno Quintany, oskarżanego w poprzednich latach �160 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich o chęć sprzedaży Pana Samotności. Tym razem, gdy tylko ugaszono ogień, z nową siłą odżyły plotki, że to biskup w zmowie z proboszczem doprowadzili do pożaru, by w zamieszaniu wykraść rzeźbę i sprzedać ją „innemu krajowi”, „do Hiszpanii, która zbiera cudowne wizerunki” lub „bogatemu krajowi, takiemu jak Stany Zjednoczone”. Wywiezienie rzeźby do Limy stało się niemożliwe, w związku z czym po długich pertraktacjach, w których z wielkim wyczuciem mediował nowy ksiądz Espinoza, uzgodniono, że z Hiszpanii i stolicy kraju przyjadą specjaliści konserwatorzy, a na miejscu dołączy do nich 36-letni wówczas rzeźbiarz Gogofredo Zegarra Angeles z Huaráz, do którego żywiono powszechne zaufanie. Przed kościołem stanął duży namiot wojskowy, w którym urządzono pracownię. Zabiegi trwały długimi tygodniami, w których czasie uzbrojone straże Indian (nazywanych: Guardia de Soledanos) nieustannie pilnowały namiotu, inni zaś wewnątrz z napięciem śledzili każdy ruch pracujących konserwatorów. Nocą, przy płonących lampach i ogniskach, namiotu strzeżono z tym większym napięciem, że była to szczególnie niebezpieczna pora, potęgująca zagrożenie ze strony pishtacos. Właśnie nocami najbardziej obawiano się ich ataku, a zagrożenie jawiło się jako straszniejsze i bardziej realne niż jakiekolwiek inne, gdyż nie sposób było przewidzieć, jaką postać przybiorą i w jaki sposób zaatakują. Dla zrozumienia istoty zdarzeń należy wyraźnie zaakcentować ten właśnie fakt – że w czasie ratowania Señora de la Soledad nie kto inny, jak właśnie pishtaco, był pierwszym, potencjalnym wrogiem, a myśli o nim nieustannie wypełniały umysły Indian, zwłaszcza że sytuacja sprzyjała niekończącym się rozmowom na jego temat i utrwalaniu związanych z nim przekonań. Unikalne informacje na ten temat uzyskałam z najlepszego możliwego źródła – od Godofredo Zegarry Angelesa, który pracował wówczas w strzeżonym przez chłopów namiocie. Indianie czuwali, patrolowali okoliczne uliczki, wypatrując podejrzanie wyglądających obcych, a wewnątrz namiotu, wokół stołu, na którym spoczywał Pan Samotności, nocami spało kilka osób, w tym kobiety, by cały czas formować ze swych ciał nieprzekraczalną barierę. Zastanawiając się nad sensem tego, co działo się w czasie kilku tygodni ratowania rzeźby, należy sobie uświadomić, że namiot przed świątynią Soledad stał się centrum świata Indian, gdzie ważyły się ich losy. Zachowania generowane przez sytuację, będącą liminalnym zawieszeniem czasu, podczas którego ich Bóg mógł umrzeć albo zmartwychwstać, nadawały zdarzeniu wszelkie cechy kryzysu apokaliptycznego, jednego z tych, które od tysiącleci wpisane są w kosmowizję andyjską. W ten sposób wydarzenie ulokowane w kontekście historycznym płynnie przenikało w porządek mityczny, nabierając uniwersalnych znaczeń, daleko wykraczających poza incydentalną jednostkowość. Wśród Indian wciąż obecny był ksiądz Espinoza – dobry duch, cieszący się od początku niezwykłym, trudno wytłumaczalnym szacunkiem Indian. Po długotrwałych, trudnych pracach konserwatorskich Pan Samotności zmartwychwstał, triumfalnie demonstrując swą boską niezniszczalność. Wyzdrowiał także Espinoza i, już jako proboszcz, z energią zajął się pracą z Indianami, zwłaszcza z biednymi dziećmi. Podejmował rozliczne inicjatywy edukacyjne, współpracował ze szkołami, wcielał w życie program budowy skromnych mieszkań dla najuboższych, założył wytwórnię cegieł, przy której sam fizycznie pracował. Dwa lata po swoim przybyciu do Huaráz, 16 kwietnia 1967 roku, otworzył nową, istniejącą do dziś szkołę dla ubogich dzieci, pod nazwą Institución Educativa „Señor de la Soledad”259. 259 N. Sánchez Cremonini, Historia de la Institución Educativa „Señor de la Soledad”, 2010, http:// nelly-maestriaucv.blogspot.com/2010/11/ie-senor-de-la-soledad.html [data dostępu: 28.06.2020]. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 161 Najcięższa tragedia w całej historii Huaráz nadeszła pięć lat po pożarze. Wówczas to Señor de la Soledad po raz kolejny bliski był unicestwienia, tym razem wraz z całym miastem. Posłużę się autocytatem z artykułu poświęconego wybranym aspektom etnologicznym tamtego zdarzenia: 31 maja 1970 roku między godziną 15.23 a 15.25 w północnym Peru dokonała się apokalipsa pacha cuti, zapowiadana w najstarszych wątkach mitologii tej części Andów. W ciągu dwóch minut pod lawinami i gruzami zburzonych domów zginęło 70 tysięcy ludzi, a kilkakroć tyle zostało rannych. Kataklizm gigantycznego trzęsienia ziemi o sile 7,7 w skali Richtera wywołał serię lawin schodzących z łańcucha górskiego Cordillera Blanca na osady rozlokowane w dolinie Río Santa – jednej z najstarszych kolebek cywilizacji w Andach. Największą z nich uruchomił obryw Lodowca 511 pod północnym wierzchołkiem Huascaránu (6768 m n.p.m.), najwyższej góry Peru. Sto milionów ton lodu, śniegu oraz wyrwanych skał i ziemi runęło w głąb doliny z prędkością 400 km/h, całkowicie grzebiąc pod kilkumetrową warstwą miasta Yungay i Ranrajirkę. Rozmiar kataklizmu był tak ogromny, przewyższający wszystko, co mieściło się w doświadczeniach i wyobraźni ludzkiej, że ożywił stare mity millenarystyczne, oparte na koncepcji cyklicznych kryzysów apokaliptycznych dzielących nurt dziejów na kolejne epoki. W pierwszych dniach po tragedii, gdy chaos lawinisk i gruzów okryła mgła, a niebo wylewało niekończące się potoki deszczu, odnotowano liczne wypowiedzi Indian świadczące o głębokim przekonaniu, że nadszedł koniec świata. Wskutek ogromnej traumy wielu zapadło na chorobę o charakterze psychosomatycznym, zwaną w Andach susto, a w dolinie Río Santa mantsakay. Wywołuje ją silny przestrach, który w myśl przekonań Indian oddziela duszę od ciała, skutkując apatią, utratą sił witalnych i nierzadko śmiercią260. Miasto Yungay i Ranrajirka oraz dziesiątki wsi uległy zniszczeniu, natomiast Huaráz zamieniło się w kilometry kwadratowe gruzów, które pogrzebały około 20 tys. mieszkańców [fot. 63]. Miasto w zasadzie przestało istnieć. Szacuje się, że ocalało zaledwie kilka procent zabudowy. Runęła także świątynia Soledad, grzebiąc Señora de la Soledad. Señor de Mayo, który w chwili trzęsienia znajdował się w przylegających budynkach Colegio Santa Rosa, nigdy nie został odnaleziony. Kilka lat później wyrzeźbił go ponownie Godofredo Zegarra Angeles [fot. 64]. Niemal natychmiast, gdy opadł kurz ze zwalonych domów, ocaleli ludzie rzucili się do przekopywania ruin kościoła. Również tym razem Pan Samotności objawił swoją niezniszczalność. Po czterech dniach odnaleziono go poważnie uszkodzonego, z złamanymi ramieniem i kolanem, zmiażdżonymi stopami, ale w całości. Nieopodal zbudowano prowizoryczną kaplicę, w której złożono rzeźbę owiniętą w folię, pokrywając ją kwiatami. Podobnie jak przed pięciu laty, nieustannie pilnowały jej grupy Indian, podczas gdy pielgrzymki innych – głodnych, umęczonych huarasinos, którzy potracili swych bliskich – przychodziły, by wypłakać i wykrzyczeć swój ból. Nawet w tak ekstremalnej sytuacji, gdy dosłownie zawalił się cały ich świat, świadomość, że Pan Samotności nie przepadł, pozwała nie poddawać się rozpaczy, była kotwicą utrzymującą w nich nadwątloną istotę człowieczeństwa. Gdy przed pięciu laty, ocalały z ognia spoczywał na marach w kościele, 260 M. Mąka, E. Jodłowska, Największe lody świata na polach śmierci. Efemeryczny performans z gatunku „tradycji wynalezionej” w Andach Peruwiańskich, „Zeszyty Naukowe UJ. Prace Etnograficzne” 2018, t. 46, nr 1, s. 1. �162 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich kobiety smarowały mu rany balsamami na oparzenia. Teraz zraszały go perfumami i okrywały haftowanymi tkaninami. W czasie mszy świętych, które w niedziele odprawiał w kaplicy ksiądz Espinoza, Indianie śpiewali w języku keczua starą pieśń do Señora de la Soledad: Apu Yaya Inca la Soledad yarcarallame!261, co można tłumaczyć: Wielki Panie Ojcze, Inko Samotności, przybądź i uratuj nas! Kamakoj yaya, la Soledad nokallmi charallamu nopequiman ishquirishpa jutsallata huakarishpa Kamakojpa rantin yaya Santa cruscho huanurishka Huequellanguan shuparishka Yaguarllanguan taksharishka Stwórco, Panie Samotności uniżony do Ciebie przychodzę ku Twej Świętości uniżony przychodzę mokry od łez za moje grzechy Ojcze, przedstawicielu Wielkiego Stwórcy na krzyżu skonałeś Twoje łzy skąpały Twe oblicze Twoja krew zmoczyła Twoje ciało Długie miesiące, a nawet lata, trwał koszmar ocalałych huarasinos. Ludzie mieszkali w prowizorycznych obozach, pozbawieni pomocy i środków do życia, gdyż wielkie kwoty wyasygnowane przez rząd Velasco Alvarado i organizacje międzynarodowe na pomoc dla Huaráz w znaczącej części przepadły z powodu korupcji i defraudacji na ogromną skalę. Obce ekipy przybywające na miejsce, by realizować skomplikowany plan odbudowy miasta, traktowały Indian z pogardą, a świadczona im pomoc była znikoma w stosunku do potrzeb. Odbudowa kościoła Soledad ciągnęła się latami. W tym czasie Pan Samotności przebywał w prowizorycznej kaplicy, odrestaurowany przez ocalałego z trzęsienia ziemi rzeźbiarza Godofredo Zegarrę Angelesa, który tak samo jak Señor de la Soledad został ranny i dopiero po czterech dniach odkopany z ruin Kolegium Franciszkanów w dzielnicy Los Pinos. Zanim jednak do tego doszło, minęły miesiące, podczas których uszkodzona rzeźba, obsypana kwiatami, spoczywała w kaplicy, dzień i noc pilnowana przez Indian. Dysponujemy unikatowym zapisem rozmów i zachowań ludzkich w pierwszych dniach i tygodniach tego okresu. Jego autorką jest cytowana wielokroć przeze mnie amerykańska antropolog Bode, przebywająca w Huaráz przez szesnaście miesięcy po trzęsieniu ziemi. Obraz myśli, lęków i dylematów gnębiących wówczas Indian bardziej odkrywa istotę religijności andyjskiej niż względnie spokojny upływ czasu odmierzany obrzędowością roku liturgicznego. Natychmiast po odkopaniu z gruzów Pana Samotności i złożeniu go w tymczasowej kaplicy odżyły z wielką siłą te same lęki, które targały ludźmi po pożarze w 1965 roku. Tak jak wówczas, uzbrojone straże starannie pilnowały kaplicy, 261 M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 78. Wersja polska jest moim przekładem, natomiast Yauri Montero tłumaczy tę pieśń na hiszpański w następujący sposób: Creador, padre, Señor de la Soledad humillándome llego a ti, a tu sagrada vera humildemente llego mojado en llanto por mis pecados. padre, representante del gran creador estás muerto en la cruz tus lágimas han bañado tu rostro tu sangre ha empapado tu cuerpo. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 163 szczególnie w nocy. Wśród gruzów brakowało prądu, więc ciemności wokół niej rozświetlały ogniska. Obecność czającego się w mrokach pishtaco była wręcz namacalna. Tym razem lęk i niepewność były jeszcze większe, ponieważ szerzyła się plotka, że Pan Samotności został wykradziony, a zniszczona rzeźba, której pilnują, może być tylko jego paso, czyli Señorem de Mayo. Podejrzliwie traktowano informację, że przekopywanie gruzów Colegio Santa Rosa nie ujawniło nawet najmniejszego kawałka Pana Majowego, znajdującego się tam przed trzęsieniem. Ludzie wpatrywali się w oblicze leżącego Chrystusa, wymieniając trwożne uwagi. Bode, która niemal codziennie bywała w kaplicy, spędzając z nimi długie godziny na rozmowach, przyzwyczaiła ich do swej obecności i mimo że była gringą, nie wzbudzała nieufności. Pewnego dnia usłyszała cichą rozmowę dwóch klęczących Indianek, wpatrzonych w twarz Chrystusa: Co myślisz, czy to sam Señor? Nie wiem, nie wydaje się. Señor wydawał się ciemniejszy… Spójrz na jego włosy. Tamten miał dłuższe. A jego wyraz twarzy jest szorstki. Tamten był delikatniejszy. Tak, to musi być jego paso, Chrystus Majowy. Tak, to chyba jego doble. A co z samym Señorem? Czy myślisz, że zginął w trzęsieniu ziemi? Czy tylko został ranny? Myślę, że ksiądz ma prawdziwego Señora. Musiał go gdzieś ukryć! Ale nie wiem, może to jest sam Señor… Tak, może. Ale spójrz na jego ramię… I zamierzają nas wywłaszczyć z Huaráz, wiesz o tym? O, tak! Teraz wyrzucą nas z naszych stron!262 Innym razem zanotowała in extenso długi monolog starszego Indianina: Gdy potrzebowaliśmy deszczu, my z estancias zamawialiśmy u niego mszę. A po południu zbierały się chmury i zaczynało padać. […] Mówiąc szczerze, nie wiemy na pewno, czy nasz wizerunek został sprzedany. Biskup go sprzedał. Nie jest to jasne. Nasi dziadkowie wierzyli, że Señor jest dziełem Aniołów. Był jak żywy. Wierzyliśmy, że to On, sam Chrystus mieszka w Huaráz. Od dawna dbamy o niego, każda jedna estancia. Ale biskup zabronił nam dbać o niego. I Señor ukarał nas w 1941 roku. Nawet jeśli była to tylko powódź. […] Nie wiemy, czy Señor de la Soledad pozwolił na sprzedaż, tak jak pozwolił się ukrzyżować, albo pozwolił na trzęsienie ziemi; lub może się zdenerwował i posłał karę za to, że został sprzedany? Lub trzęsienie ziemi nastąpiło po prostu dlatego, że naszego strażnika nie było tutaj, aby nas chronić. […] Trzęsienie ziemi nigdy by się nie wydarzyło, gdyby Señor de la Soledad był w Huaráz. Zatrzymałby to trzęsienie tak, jak powstrzymał powódź w 1941 roku263. Ludzie przypominali proroctwo Amadeo Figuery, szanowanego proboszcza Soledad z przełomu XIX i XX wieku, który miał zapowiedzieć, że wielkie trzęsienie ziemi nadejdzie po zabraniu Señora z Huaráz. Inni twierdzili, że wielu miało prorocze sny, w których 262 263 B. Bode, op. cit., s. 411. Ibidem, s. 413–414. �164 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Pan Samotności prosił o ratunek przed porwaniem, ostrzegając, że gdy go zabraknie, nastąpi katastrofa. Opowiadano, ze kilka miesięcy przed trzęsieniem ziemi Chrystus pojawił się w Huaráz w stroju żebraka, zgodnie z andyjskim mitem o wędrującym Bogu. Napięcie było tak wielkie, że nawet proboszcz Espinoza, który od czasu pożaru w 1965 roku położył olbrzymie zasługi dla Indian, nie uniknął podejrzeń o współudział w spisku i sprzedaży Pana Samotności. Jedni podejrzewali go, inni wręcz przeciwnie – bronili i uznawali za jedynego księdza godnego zaufania. W burzliwym okresie kilku pierwszych lat po trzęsieniu, autorytet i wpływ niepokornego wobec władz, a wpływowego wśród Indian księdza zaniepokoił pułkowników i generałów z niepodzielnie rządzącej wówczas organizacji pomocowej ORDEZA264. Knowania, by usunąć z probostwa księdza Espinozę, spotkały się jednak z gwałtownymi reakcjami Indian, upatrujących w nich ukrytych intencji zamachu na Señora de la Soledad. Powtarzano: „Jeśli tkną Chrystusa Zbawiciela Samotnych lub Ojca Espinozę, to tego samego dnia w Huaráz wybuchnie rewolucja”265. Zaskoczeni tak stanowczym oporem wojskowi porzucili swoje zamiary, a nawet w celu pozyskania ludności przybyli do kaplicy, by złożyć hołd Panu Samotności. Wśród rozmówców Bode przewinął się młody wówczas Atusparia, prawnuk słynnego przywódcy buntu chłopskiego z 1885 roku. On również skłaniał się ku opinii, że Pan Samotności został wykradziony przez księży, a w procederze mógł uczestniczyć Espinoza: Jest już kilku [podejrzanych] kapłanów i pewne przypuszczenia, że on także mógł sprzedać wizerunek obcemu mocarstwu. Prawdziwego Señora widziano w snach. Wielu mówi, że jest w Hiszpanii. […] Mówią: „Śniłem o Señorze de la Soledad i jego tu nie ma. To jest inny…”266 Ostrzegał, że jeśli w Huaráz nie ma Pana Samotności, to niechybnie nadejdą kolejne katastrofy naturalne oraz inne zagrożenia, takie jak eskalacja oddziaływania sekt protestanckich, które po trzęsieniu ziemi zintensyfikowały aktywność w regionie, trafiając na podatny grunt straumatyzowanych ludzi w stanie deprywacji i bezsilności wobec dylematów teodycei. Po 49 latach od tej rozmowy, jesienią 2019 roku gościłam w jego domu w wiosce Marían nad Huaráz267. Wśród poruszanych tematów nawiązałam do pamiętnych zdarzeń 1970 roku. Z perspektywy czasu dystansował się od tamtych lęków i oskarżeń, tłumacząc je ogólną psychozą, szokiem i traumą, które przeżywali huarasinos po katastrofie. Twierdził, że nastroje sprzyjały tworzeniu się pogłosek i teorii spiskowych, ale większość Indian rozpoznawała w uszkodzonej rzeźbie Señora de la Soledad, strzegąc ją i adorując z najgłębszym szacunkiem i oddaniem. Potwierdził, że w krytycznym okresie Indianie upatrywali 264 265 266 267 W ramach rządowego i międzynarodowego planu pomocy dla obszarów dotkniętych trzęsieniem ziemi, w 1970 roku utworzono organizację CRYZA (The Commission for the Reconstruction and Rehabilitation of the Affected Zone) kierowaną przez wysokich rangą peruwiańskich dowódców wojskowych. W 1972– 1973 roku organizacja ta przekształciła się w ORDEZA (The Regional Organizm for the Development of the Affected Zone). Obie kierowały pomocą humanitarną i odbudową, ale ich działalność skażona była olbrzymimi defraudacjami i wieloma kontrowersyjnymi decyzjami. Zob. P.L. Doughty, Plan and Pattern in Reaction to Earthquake: Peru, 1970–1998, [w:] The Angry Earth. Disaster in Anthropological Perspective, red. A. Oliver-Smith, S.M. Hoffman, London 2020, s. 265–287. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 81–82. B. Bode, op. cit., s. 417–418. Zob. rozdz.: Bohater „wielkiej opowieści”. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 165 zagrożenie dla Pana Samotności w księżach i biskupach, a majacząca w ciemnościach postać pishtaco pozostawała z nimi w bliskich koneksjach. We wrześniu 1971 roku stanowisko biskupa diecezji opuścił wielokrotnie oskarżany o chęć sprzedaży krucyfiksu Teodosio Moreno Quintana, a jego miejsce zajął jezuita Fernando Vargas Ruiz de Somocurio268. Nominacja ta ponownie ożywiła strach przed sprzedaniem Señora de la Soledad, co obrazuje stan nieustannego napięcia wśród Indian – tak dojmującego, że w każdej zmianie personalnej, zwłaszcza na wyższym szczeblu hierarchii kościelnej, wietrzono plan zamachu na Pana Samotności. „Boże, gdzie byłeś w tę niedzielę?!” – powtarzano w bezsilnej próbie zrozumienia, jak Pan Samotności mógł dopuścić do tragedii miasta i dziesiątków tysięcy ludzi. Formułowane hipotezy były sprzeczne, a ludzie borykali się ze świadomością, że definitywnej odpowiedzi mogą nigdy nie dostać. Minęło kilkanaście lat, zanim odbudowano, w zupełnie innym stylu, świątynię Soledad i Pan Samotności znów zajął miejsce w ołtarzu głównym. Dopiero w latach 80. XX wieku napięcie wokół wizerunku opadło, choć do dziś zachowywany jest surowy rygor dystansu fizycznego od niego, przekraczany tylko wyjątkowo przez kilka uprawnionych osób z konfraterni Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad. Dzieje się tak raz na piętnaście dni, gdy zmieniane są szaty Chrystusa oraz w szczególnych momentach klęsk suszy oraz innych, wielkich zagrożeń, gdy wychodzi on w procesji ulicami Huaráz. Opisałam wcześniej bezprecedensową sytuację, gdy przez 15 minut pozwolono mi fotografować Señora de la Soledad z odległości niespełna metra, (choć dzieliła nas szyba)269. Wcześniej starannie zamknięto kościół, by nikt postronny nie zobaczył, jak wspinam się z współprowadzącym badania kolegą na ołtarz, stając oko w oko z najpotężniejszym Bogiem północnych Andów. W świątyni zostaliśmy tylko z proboszczem i trojgiem członków najważniejszych gremiów reprezentujących konfraternię i Indian. Wtedy nie byłam tego świadoma, ale z czasem dowiedziałam się, że starano się nie dopuścić, by przypadkowi Indianie zobaczyli dwoje gringos na ołtarzu Señora de la Soledad, gdyż natychmiast po mieście i okolicznych wioskach rozniosłaby się plotka o nieprzewidywalnych następstwach, budząc uśpione lęki i emocje, które wielokrotnie powodowały katastrofalne skutki. Gdyby do tego doszło, niechybnie znaleźlibyśmy się w odium skojarzeń z pishtaco, a działalność w terenie stałaby się niemożliwa, a nawet niebezpieczna. Dużo później zrozumiałam przyczynę moich niełatwych starań o uzyskanie zgody na zbliżenie się do Señora de la Soledad, Pojęłam także przyczynę napięcia, by nie rzec zdenerwowania, czwórki obserwujących nas wówczas osób. Bywa, że dopiero po latach, dysponując bagażem doświadczeń i „wiedzy lokalnej”, badacz ujrzy we właściwym świetle zdarzenia, w których kiedyś uczestniczył, nie do końca pojmując ich sens. Opisane w dużym skrócie wydarzenia i nastroje, mające miejsce po trzęsieniu ziemi w 1970 roku, unaoczniły z całą wyrazistością jądro tożsamości ontologicznej Señora de la Soledad – takiej, jaka istnieje w umysłach Indian. Jest nim całkowite zlanie się jego postaci z organizmem społeczności Indian, w sensie pełnego, wzajemnego utożsamienia zarówno substancjalnego, jak i ideowego. „Bez Pana Samotności wszystko wywraca się do góry nogami”270 – ta spontaniczna uwaga Atusparii sprzed pięćdziesięciu laty jest nie tylko figurą 268 269 270 J.E. Velasquez T., Antecedentes para la ereccion…, s. 336. W rozdz. Señor de la Soledad na andyjskim niebie. B. Bode, op. cit., s. 420. �166 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich retoryczną, lecz także najprostszą wykładnią sensu leżącego u podstaw relacji między Señorem de la Soledad a światem Indian – identycznych, jak w przypadku Inki i państwa Tawantin Suyu. W mitach millenarystycznych, o których była już mowa, Inka uosabiał kraj w porządku symboliczno-metaforycznym i dosłownym. Zamordowanie przez Hiszpanów łączono z upadkiem Imperium, a odrastanie ciała przy ukrytej głowie władcy postępowało w ramach tego samego procesu, co stopniowa reaktywacja Tawantin Suyu. Identycznie rzecz ma się z relacją Señora de la Soledad do społeczności Indian, a raczej do ich etnosu, jako ludu, terytorium, historii i tradycji kulturowych271. Los wizerunku – ciągle zagrożonego, a czasem faktycznie narażonego na uszczerbek fizyczny – stanowi zarówno metaforę, jak i substancjalną dosłowność losu Indian. Ale istnieje też relacja odwrotna: losy Indian, od wieków narażonych na rozmaite formy agresji zewnętrznej, przekładają się na kolektywne przeświadczenie o nieustannym stanie zagrożenia, w jakim znajduje się ich Bóg. Uniwersalną figurą wroga, personalizującą te lęki, jest pishtaco, który zgodnie z mitem ma zniknąć dopiero wtedy, gdy nastąpi reaktywacja Tawantin Suyu. Wówczas, co oczywiste, zabraknie strukturalnego i systemowego uzasadnienia dla jego istnienia. Szczególne momenty narastania lęków czy rzeczywistych zagrożeń dla wizerunku mają charakter apokaliptycznych „paroksyzmów czasu” dla całej społeczności Indian, odczuwającej je jako totalne zagrożenie dla niej samej. Przypomnę cytowaną rozmowę Indianek, które w naturalny sposób postawiły znak równości między hipotetyczną nieobecnością Señora de la Soledad w Huaráz a diagnozą, iż „teraz wyrzucą nas z naszych stron”. Wypowiedź ta koresponduje z wieloma podobnymi, zanotowanymi przez Bode. „Brak Boga w dolinie” – jak powiadano – był równoznaczny z pogrążeniem się w chaosie destrukcyjnych żywiołów wskutek zaniku kontroli bóstwa utrzymującego ten obszar w kosmologicznym porządku istnienia. Teorie spiskowe na temat nieobecności Señora de la Soledad w Huaráz w dniu trzęsienia ziemi miały również podłoże psychologiczno-religijne w postaci dylematów teodycei. Bezmiar nieszczęścia, jaki spotkał ludzi i miasto, wymykał się możliwościom wytłumaczenia go w kategoriach „kary za grzechy”, gdyż rażąco przekraczał najsurowsze, możliwe do wyobrażenia proporcje w tym względzie. Jedynym wyjaśnieniem dla chcących rozpoznać sens tego nieszczęścia musiała się okazać koncepcja „braku Boga”, logicznie umocowana w szerszej strukturze mitu. Była ona wielokrotnie i na różne sposoby werbalizowana. Jak pisze Bode: „Jedyną pewnością było przekonanie, że z jakiegoś powodu Chrystusa, Pana Samotności, nie było w Huaráz w czasie trzęsienia ziemi”272. Opisane wydarzenia ujawniły nadzwyczaj silny, ukształtowany przez wieki stan antynomicznego rozwarcia między czczonym wizerunkiem a klasą kapłanów. Wizerunek ten w procesie synkretyzacji otrzymał nowy profil ontologiczny, w którym jego wersja kanoniczna uległa daleko posuniętym przemianom, wzbogacona i przekształcona treścią i duchowością rodzimej kultury andyjskiej. Obiekt kultu musiał zostać „oswojony” przez jego dekonstrukcję, a następnie rekonstrukcję, ale na innych zasadach. W nowej postaci stał się „własnym”, zakorzenionym w tradycji i współtworzącym jej ważną część. Przemodelowano go zgodnie z potrzebami autochtonicznej religijności ludowej, dzięki czemu zaistniał w autentycznym nurcie religii przeżywanej. Oczywistym jest, 271 272 Termin „etnos” rozumiem w sposób zbliżony do wykładni zawartej w: K. Kwaśniewski, Etnos, [hasło w:] Słownik etnologiczny. Terminy ogólne, pod red. Z. Staszczak, Warszawa-Poznań 1987, s. 110–111. B. Bode, op. cit., s. 414. �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 167 że analogiczny proces nie mógł dotyczyć klasy kapłańskiej. Jej „oswojenie” nigdy nie nastąpiło, zarówno z powodu wielowiekowej, niechlubnej postawy dużej części kleru w terenie, jak i jego dogmatyzmu, niechęci, a nawet wrogości wobec wszelkich rdzennych tradycji religijnych. Kościół instytucjonalny, dbając o teologiczno-dogmatyczną czystość chrześcijaństwa, częściej krytykował „pogańskie”, niekanoniczne elementy kultu, niż przyjmował je z dobrodziejstwem inwentarza jako równoprawny wkład kulturowy. Dopiero w ostatnich dekadach XX wieku w niektórych środowiskach zaczęło dojrzewać przekonanie, że „rytuały andyjskie mogą ubogacić wiarę chrześcijańską, gdyż nie zmieniają one głównego przesłania Ewangelii, ale wpływają na jej nową formę wyrazu, stając się jednocześnie jeszcze jednym znakiem obecności Królestwa Bożego”273. Do dzisiaj jednak nie wszyscy księża pracujący w Andach byliby skłonni się z tym zgodzić. Na podstawie osobistych rozmów i obserwacji mogę stwierdzić, że nadal spierają się tam dwie odmienne wizje religii i płynące z nich tendencje postępowania – obie mające gorliwych akolitów. Pierwsza z nich, skostniała w ortodoksji, postuluje niezmiennie „pracę u podstaw”, dążąc – wbrew wszelkim trudnościom – do maksymalnego przybliżenia katolicyzmu andyjskiego do surowego wzorca kanonu i eliminacji z niego tych elementów kultu, które – mimo iż zostały włączone w synkretyczny obrzęd kościelny – pachną „pogańskością”. Duchowni, będący wyrazicielami tego nurtu, nie są skłonni do akceptacji ludowych, andyjskich elementów religijności, traktując je jako „naleciałości”, z których chętnie „oczyściliby” miejscowy katolicyzm. Zgodnie z taką optyką, nieuniknione zjawisko synkretyzmu religijnego postrzegane jest jako zło konieczne, które należy minimalizować, gdyż nie prowadzi do „ubogacenia” chrześcijaństwa. Druga tendencja odwrotnie, nie tracąc z oczu podstaw chrześcijaństwa, upatruje w andyjskich elementach religijnych szansy na jego wzbogacenie, traktując rodzime wpływy jako oczywistą konsekwencję akomodacji katolicyzmu na obszarze o silnie zdefiniowanej tożsamości kulturowej. Zwolennicy tej opcji postrzegają zagadnienia synkretyzmu z teologicznym zaciekawieniem, wnikliwie rozpoznając w nim nowe ścieżki wiodące ku Bożej chwale. Obie tendencje wypływają z wyrazistych, choć odmiennych podstaw ideowych, często nieuświadamianych jako takie, lecz z przekonaniem wcielanych w życie. Pierwsza postrzega chrześcijaństwo jako zamknięty konstrukt religijny, skończony w doskonałej formie, wobec której wszelkie odchylenia mogą być tylko negatywne. Druga zaś odwrotnie, nie podziela poglądu o zamknięciu i zachowując pryncypia, nawiązuje dialog międzyreligijny i międzykulturowy, widząc w nim wielką wartość w dziele krzewienia i doskonalenia chrześcijaństwa. W Huaráz w okresie opisywanych wydarzeń tendencje do otwartości Kościoła na wartości wnoszone przez kulturę autochtoniczną nie dochodziły jeszcze do głosu, a gdyby nawet pojawiły się pierwsze jaskółki takich przemian, nie miałyby żadnego znaczenia w konfrontacji z wielowiekowym bagażem uprzedzeń, wrogości, uzasadnionego zdystansowania i negatywnych stereotypów. Rozumiejąc ten mechanizm, nie dziwi radykalne, pozornie zaskakujące rozdzielenie pomiędzy „oswojonymi” obiektami kultu, takimi jak Señor de la Soledad, a całkowicie oderwanymi od nich kapłanami. Uszczegóławiając obraz tej separacji, daje się zauważyć charakterystyczne narastanie nieufności czy wręcz wrogości Indian w stosunku do wyższych hierarchów kościelnych. Jeśli miejscowy ksiądz mógł być akceptowany, 273 D.R. Mazurek, „Bóg o indiańskim obliczu”. Między inkulturacją a synkretyzmem religii keczua w południowych Andach peruwiańskich, Kraków 2007, s. 258. �168 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich choć zwykle traktowano go z dystansem, to już biskup jawił się jako postać zupełnie obca, odległa i nie tylko niegodna żadnego zaufania, ale z założenia podejrzewana o złe intencje wobec Indian i ich obiektu kultu. W stopniowaniu tym jeszcze gorszą, czasem demoniczną pozycję zajmują biskupi archidiecezji w odległym tyglu zła, jakim w oczach Indian jest Lima. Równie pejoratywny obraz należy do rzadkiego w relacjach, abstrakcyjnego papieża, przebywającego w nic nikomu niemówiącym Rzymie, gdzieś w dalekim i złowrogim orbis exterior. Biskupi oskarżani byli o chęć sprzedania Pana Samotności „do Rzymu”, ale w innych znanych mi relacjach stolicę Włoch wymieniano też jako cel transferu indiańskiego tłuszczu zabranego przez pishtaco. W tym miejscu dochodzimy do rozpoznania sensu leżącego u podstaw nadzwyczajnych, dla obserwatora z zewnątrz trudnych do zrozumienia, psychoz opisanych w treści tego rozdziału. Węzłową postacią łączącą ich różnorodne okoliczności jest pishtaco. Z zadziwiającą konsekwencją pojawia się zarówno po to, by zabijać Indian i odbierać im tłuszcz, jak i po to, by pozbawiać ich świętości, będącej axis mundi i mitycznym gwarantem zbiorowego istnienia. W obu przypadkach pishtaco uderza w serce egzystencji Indianina. Morduje go i ekstrahuje tłuszcz, którego nie spożywa ani nie niszczy, tylko transferuje do „obcych”, by jego potencjał życia służył ich celom. Natomiast zabierając Indianom sakralne „centrum świata”, pozbawia ich kosmicznego posadowienia, skazując na apokaliptyczną zgubę. Zwróćmy uwagę – w relacjach nie ma mowy o chęci zniszczenia wizerunku przez pishtaco, tylko o zamiarach jego porwania i transferu, podobnie jak indiańskiego tłuszczu – do „obcych”, którym miałby służyć swoją boską mocą. Oba przypadki łączy wspólny sens pozbawienia Indian elementarnych podstaw egzystencji definiowanych w ramach ich kosmowizji. Oba reprezentują skrajne postacie zagrożenia, niszczącego tę egzystencję całkowicie i ostatecznie. Atak pishtaco – niezależnie, czy na pojedynczego Indianina, czy na święty wizerunek – jest groźbą większą niż kataklizm lub wojna, ponieważ zdarzenia te dają szansę na przeżycie, choćby za cenę kalectwa. Pishtaco natomiast to bezwzględny zabójca zarówno w skali pojedynczej ofiary, jak i w wymiarze zbiorowości Indian, dla których – zgodnie z mitycznym obrazem ich świata – utrata ubóstwianego wizerunku byłaby równoznaczna z apokaliptyczną eksterminacją całej nacji. Księża czy biskupi lokują się w bliskości pishtaco, który często bywa w nich rozpoznawany. Nieprzypadkowo jego najpopularniejszą od wieków wizualizacją jest mnich w habicie. Na koniec powracam do aspektu niezniszczalności świętego wizerunku, od którego rozpoczęłam ten rozdział. Cecha ta w związku z Señorem de la Soledad musi być postrzegana w szerszym polu semantycznym niż tylko w kontekście samego wizerunku. Opisane wyżej, strukturalne powiązanie Pana Samotności z organizmem społecznym Indian poszerza konsekwencje oddziaływania cechy niezniszczalności na ów organizm, wchodząc w korelacje z treściami mitologii andyjskiej, w tym także millenarystycznej. Zgodnie z tym poszerzeniem cecha ta obejmuje – zarówno metaforycznie, jak i dosłownie – powiązany z wizerunkiem organizm społeczny. Nie jest uświadamiana i werbalizowana jako konstytutywna dla obiektu kultu, ale jej zaistnienie, zwłaszcza wielokrotne, odbierane bywa jako widomy, nadprzyrodzony znak szczególnej pozycji wizerunku. Gdy zaś wizerunek ten osiąga wybitną rangę, zajmując miejsce w centrum identyfikacji religijno-kulturowej wielkich rzesz wiernych, następuje utożsamienie jego losów z dziejami zbiorowości, a cecha niezniszczalności staje się nie tylko domeną zdarzeń z przeszłości, lecz także przedmiotem antycypacji, umacniając kolektywną wiarę w przetrwanie grupy wbrew wszelkim możliwym kataklizmom �Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść” • 169 w przyszłości. Warunkiem tego przetrwania jest jednak bezpieczeństwo wizerunku, stąd nieustanny lęk, nadwrażliwość na pogłoski i teorie spiskowe oraz zachowywanie nadzwyczajnych środków ochrony. A wszystko to w scenerii wielowiekowego antagonizmu kultur oraz ciągłego zagrożenia klęskami naturalnymi, czyli w warunkach sprzyjających eskalacji ekstremalnych form zachowań zbiorowych motywowanych religijnie. Antropologiczny opis zjawisk, którym poświęciłam uwagę w tej części pracy, wymaga odniesień kontekstowych do różnorodnych obszarów kultury – zarówno rdzennej, jak i tej, którą uformowały minione stulecia. Względnie całościowy, szeroko zarysowany obraz uwarunkowań przedstawionych zdarzeń stwarza pole do interpretacji wolnej od paralogizmów i deformujących uproszczeń. ��CZĘŚĆ III Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu ��Oblicze Boga i czułość człowieka Zastanawiając się nad tym, kim jest Señor de la Soledad dla swoich wyznawców, można odwołać się do podziału Rodericka Niniana Smarta, który wyróżnił dwa uniwersalne typy doświadczenia religijnego: numinotyczne i mistyczne1. Religioznawca ten twierdzi, że pierwsze z nich wiąże się z osobowymi modelami Boga, drugie zaś z nieosobowymi. Uznaje, że istota doświadczenia numinotycznego została najlepiej przedstawiona w klasycznym dziele Rudolfa Otto Świętość, opisującym niełatwe do werbalizacji stany doświadczenia religijnego człowieka w kontakcie z osobowym Bogiem. Odmiennym typem doświadczenia religijnego jest „zjednoczenie mistyczne”, bardziej charakterystyczne dla religii Wschodu, ale nieobce też religiom ukonstytuowanym wokół spersonalizowanego bóstwa. Stanowi ono uniwersalny typ duchowego przeżycia religijnego, komplementarnego wobec konceptualizacji. Doświadczenie numinotyczne możliwe jest do opisania w kategoriach pozytywnych, jak zrobił to Otto, formułując słynny topos misterium tremendum et fascinans odsyłający do szerokiego spektrum przeżyć – od fascynacji i uwielbienia po „bojaźń i drżenie”. Przeżycie mistyczne wymyka się podobnym próbom opisu, a jeśli jest werbalizowane, to częściej apofatycznie – na zasadzie via negativa, orzekającej, czym nie jest Bóg i to, co boskie. Analizując pole wyobrażeniowe towarzyszące znanym mi formom religijnego przeżywania osoby Señora de la Soledad – w kontakcie modlitewnym oraz całokształcie właściwego jej imaginarium – zdecydowanie bliższy wydaje się tutaj numinotyczny typ doświadczenia religijnego. O wielu jego przejawach piszę w różnych częściach tej pracy, tu zaś chcę skoncentrować się na wąskim, lecz ważnym aspekcie czułości, ewokowanej przez Pana Samotności, w istotny sposób poszerzającej spektrum emocjonalne przeżycia religijnego doznawanego w zetknięciu z tym wizerunkiem. Poza mnogością innych czynników składowych, sprzyjających zawiązywaniu się uczucia czułości, ważna jest w tym wypadku tzw. percepcja fizjonomiczna, czyli odbiór „mowy ciała” i subtelności wyrazu twarzy Chrystusa. Jak już zauważyłam, opisując tę rzeźbę – zarówno w oparciu o własne obserwacje, jak i zasłyszane wypowiedzi – oblicze Pana Samotności nieprzypadkowo wywołuje kompleks uczuć, najlepiej werbalizowany słowem „czułość”. Powtórzę kilka zdań z tamtego opisu, gdyż ponownie są tutaj przydatne: W tym wypadku rzeźbiarzowi udało się uzyskać przejmujący wyraz majestatycznego oddalenia, a zarazem słodyczy, ciepła i dobra, płynących z boskiego oblicza. Ujmuje ono powagą mądrości i wszechwiedzy, jak i splendorem najwyższej władzy opartej na miłości, nie strachu. Twarz, a zwłaszcza twarz Boga, posiada olbrzymi potencjał generowania doznań o charakterze numinotycznym. Jej wizerunek lokuje się w centrum wyobrażeniowym wszelkich obrazowań towarzyszących modlitwie, w najszerszym rozumieniu tego terminu. 1 Korzystam z omówienia teorii Rodericka Niniana Smarta zawartego w: I.G. Barbour, Mity, modele, paradygmaty. Studium porównawcze nauk przyrodniczych i religii, Kraków 1984, s. 101–110. �174 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich […] Chrystus przechyla głowę lekko w prawo, spoglądając spod półprzymkniętych powiek ku dołowi, jakby ogarniał wzrokiem cały świat, a zarazem spoglądał w głąb siebie. Mistrzowski efekt polega na tym, że wzrok nie jest utkwiony w jednym punkcie, lecz zawieszony pomiędzy nieskończonością a oczami każdego, kto nań patrzy – tak, że każdy wpatrzony w twarz Boga odczuwa z nim subtelny kontakt, będąc pewnym wysłuchania i zrozumienia2. Słodycz, ciepło i dobro to istotne wyznaczniki rodzenia się czułości jako odpowiedzi emocjonalnej w dialogu afektów wywoływanych zmysłem wzroku. Piszę „dialogu”, świadomie nawiązując do oczywistej sytuacji „nierozróżnialności” i osobowej percepcji rzeźby jako Boga, a nie jego reprezentacji. W tych warunkach nie można bagatelizować jej mowy ciała i wyrazu twarzy, gdyż w połączeniu z przeświadczeniem, że należą do Boga, mają kluczowe znaczenie dla każdego indywidualnego przeżycia religijnego. To zaś, pomnożone przez tysiące podobnych, wzajemnie komentowanych i utrwalanych, generalizowane jest w postaci zobiektywizowanego tekstu kultury, który jako element „wiedzy lokalnej” wywiera dyskretny wpływ na modlącego się, ujmując jego indywidualne przeżycia w ulotną ramę podświadomym oczekiwań. Ów tekst kultury stanowi uogólnioną „opinię” wiernych o tym, jakim jest ten konkretny Chrystus podczas osobistego kontaktu modlitewnego – jak reaguje, jak się zachowuje, czy jest komunikatywny i chętny do nawiązywania dialogu, a także – jak odczytywać wysyłane przez niego sygnały. Nie ma żadnej przesady w takiej interpretacji. Dla modlącego się Indianina (choć specyfika jego modlitwy wymaga osobnego komentarza3) jest to w pełni „wydarzenie komunikacyjne” w znaczeniu nadanym temu terminowi przez Edmunda Leacha, jako dwukierunkowemu przenoszeniu komunikatów za pomocą czynności ekspresyjnych4. Tekst kultury, o którym mowa, nierzadko wchodzi w dialog z innymi, dotyczącymi Chrystusów czczonych w sanktuariach na określonym terytorium, zamieszkałym przez komunikujące się ze sobą grupy. W ten sposób następuje wymiana wiedzy o obiektach kultu, obejmującej nie tylko rysy ich „charakteru”, „preferencji” czy „wyspecjalizowania”, ale także szereg ulotnych szczegółów, podobnych do tych, które budują obraz człowieka w pogłębionej rozmowie jego bliskich. Mogłam się o tym przekonać, dysponując kilkunastoma charakterystykami, zarówno Señora de la Soledad, jak i jego „braci” Chrystusów, rozproszonych w kościołach regionu Ancash5. Przywoływałam wypowiedzi na temat zwyczaju intensywnego wpatrywania się modlących w oblicze Pana Samotności oraz autentycznych reakcji głośnego komentowania dostrzeżonych oznak emocjonalnych („Jest smutny!”, „Uśmiecha się!” itp.). Reakcje takie nasilają się w sytuacjach, gdy zachodzi możliwość bliższej niż zwykle obserwacji jego oblicza, np. podczas obrzędu mutsaki (mutzaqui) w czwartek po Środzie Popielcowej – w jedynym dniu w roku, gdy krzyż z Señorem de la Soledad wystawiany jest przed ołtarz, by wierni mogli ucałować jego stopy6 [fot. 1]. Yauri Montero sugestyw2 3 4 5 6 Rozdział: Señor de la Soledad na andyjskim niebie, s. 122. Modlitwie prywatnej, jako tekstowi kultury, poświęcam więcej uwagi w rozdziale: Chrystus, który nie czyni cudów, czyli „niewrażliwość mirakularna” Indian. E. Leach, Kultura i komunikowanie. Logika powiązań symbolicznych. Wprowadzenie do analizy strukturalnej w antropologii społecznej, przeł. M. Buchowski, Warszawa 2010, s. 16–17. Mowa o nich w części: Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 103. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 175 nie opisuje tragiczny dla Huaráz dzień 13 grudnia 1941 roku, gdy fale powodzi zburzyły i zatopiły wielką część miasta. Tego dnia po południu Pan Samotności wyszedł w procesji żałobnej złożonej z płaczących, bosych i ubranych na czarno mieszkańców, którzy wpatrywali się w jego oblicze, szeptając i wykrzykując: „Señor jest blady!”, „Señor jest smutny!”, „Señor jest zdenerwowany!”7. Być może inną stroną zjawiska, równoważącą napięcie psychiczne kumulowane w trakcie takich „zapatrzeń”, jest niezbyt kategoryczny, ale popularny zakaz zbyt długiego „patrzenia w oczy” Señorowi de la Soledad, o którym wcześniej opowiedziałam8. Trzeba tu dodać kolejne spostrzeżenia na temat percepcji wizerunków Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, uzależnionej od ich wersji ikonograficznych. Mam na myśli konkretne szczegóły realizacji rzeźbiarskich obejmujące gest głowy Chrystusa oraz otwarte bądź zamknięte oczy. Pragnę zwrócić uwagę na niedocenianą wagę tych szczegółów jako elementów „języka ciała”, współtworzących legendę wizerunku. Dysponując materiałami porównawczymi na temat Señora de la Soledad oraz kilku jego „braci”, zauważyłam prawidłowości w tym względzie, które, jak sądzę, w dużym stopniu wynikają właśnie z ich „mowy ciała”. Pozornie są to wnioski oczywiste, choć rzadko pojawiają się w analizach ikonologicznych wizerunków. Wielkie znaczenie ma sposób przedstawienia głowy Chrystusa – to mianowicie, czy jest ona skierowana ku górze, czy pochylona ku dołowi. Na przestrzeni historii nie był to szczegół przypadkowy. Jak każdy inny, związany z ikonografią Męki Pańskiej, niósł znaczenia symboliczne, uwikłane w komentarze duchowne. Ten bez wątpienia najważniejszy element programu ikonograficznego krucyfiksu zależał nie tylko od indywidualnych decyzji artystów i zmieniających się preferencji w sztuce sakralnej, ale też od dominujących w danym okresie interpretacji teologicznych. Jak pisałam w części wstępnej, konwencja przedstawiania Chrystusa z głową wzniesioną ku Niebu oraz otwartymi oczami i ustami wiąże się z ewangelicznym motywem wypowiadania ostatnich słów Chrystusa do Ojca. Popularniejszy wzorzec Chrystusa nieżyjącego przyjął formę pochylenia, a czasem wręcz – zwłaszcza w gotyckich przedstawieniach pasyjnych – bezwładnego zwisu głowy. Symbolikę śmierci dopełniało przedstawienie zamkniętych oczu. Pomiędzy tymi skrajnościami mieści się szereg rozwiązań pośrednich, motywowanych różnymi przesłankami ideowymi. Señor de la Soledad reprezentuje typ ikonograficzny zwany Christus crusifixus vigilans („Chrystus ukrzyżowany czuwający”)9 – z głową pochyloną w prawo i półprzymkniętymi oczami. Efekt artystyczny przełożył się na szczególną moc oddziaływania, którą starałam się opisać w przytoczonej powtórnie, dalekiej od doskonałości charakterystyce. Werbalizacja tego typu wrażeń nigdy w pełni nie sprosta zadaniu. Tym bardziej, gdy mamy do czynienia z silnym efektem emocjonalnym wywołanym nadzwyczaj subtelnymi środkami artystycznymi, których mistrzostwo świadczy zarówno o klasie rzeźbiarza sprzed wieków, jak i fachowości konserwatorów, którzy ocalili rysy twarzy Chrystusa z kilku kataklizmów. Przekonaniu wiernych, że Pan Samotności słyszy ich modły, reagując emocjami wypisanymi na twarzy, sprzyja kąt pochylenia głowy, sprawiający wrażenie utrzymywania kontaktu wzrokowego z każdym, 7 8 9 M. Yauri Montero, Áncash en el tapiz: imágenes de su historia y cultura, Lima 2014, s. 220. Por. rozdział: Bohater „wielkiej opowieści”. S. Kobielus, Krzyż Chrystusa…, s. 110. �176 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich kto zajmuje miejsce przed ołtarzem, umożliwiające dokładne widzenie twarzy Chrystusa10. Drugim, komplementarnym elementem jest modelunek oczu i zarys źrenic w wąskiej szczelinie półprzymkniętych powiek. Dopiero uważna obserwacja ujawnia, że nie są one całkiem zamknięte. Zapewne w szczególe tym kryje się cząstka przyczyny, dla której Indianie z taką intensywnością wpatrują się w oblicze Pana Samotności. Ich spojrzenia nie spotykają się jednak ze wzrokiem o wyrazistej i jednoznacznej wymowie, możliwej do scharakteryzowania jednoznacznym przymiotnikiem (np. groźny, surowy, cierpiący, łagodny, dobrotliwy itp.). Tego rodzaju określenia łatwiej zastosować w odniesieniu do wyrazu twarzy innych czczonych wizerunków Chrystusa – przykładowo, „braci” Pana Samotności. Tajemnicą spojrzenia Señora de la Soledad jest wieloznaczne niedopowiedzenie, pozostawiające szeroki margines możliwych interpretacji, wszelako wyłącznie w obrębie emocjonalności pozytywnej, niezabarwionej grozą lub strachem. Nie ma w nim śladów biblijnej idei gniewu Bożego (ira Dei), a raczej odzwierciedlenie ducha potrydenckiego, humanistycznego rozumienia boskości jako doskonałego i nieograniczonego dobra. Rozważając subtelności gestu i wyrazu twarzy – problematykę ulotną i trudną do zwerbalizowania, a mającą kolosalne znaczenie kulturowe – poruszamy się w sferze interpretacji przekazu obrazowego, jakim jest wygląd i mimika ludzkiej twarzy, ów „absolut ciała” według Rolanda Barthesa11. Nie chodzi tu tylko o ciało tego Chrystusa, lecz także o uniwersalne, absolutyzowane w jego twarzy, o czym świadczy fakt, iż przełamuje ograniczenia kulturowe percepcji andyjskich cech antropologicznych. Dzięki temu najświętsze oblicze żywego Boga Indian może posiadać rysy europejskie. Twarze Chrystusów na Krzyżu zwrócone ku górze, wyrzeźbione w geście rozmowy z Ojcem, jak również te z pośmiertnie zamkniętymi oczami ewokują inny typ przeżycia religijnego i sprzyjają odmiennym legendom wizerunków niż skierowane ku wiernym. Istotnym czynnikiem tego zróżnicowania jest brak kontaktu wzrokowego między modlącym się a Chrystusem. Innym ważnym szczegółem jest wygląd twarzy w sensie jej urody i artystycznej jakości wykonania, a co za tym idzie, promieniowanie określonych bodźców, takich jak wrażenia ciepła i spokoju lub surowości i grozy. Bodźce te zależne są od zamysłu artysty skupionego bądź to na realistycznym przedstawieniu cierpienia fizycznego, bądź na innym przekazie ideowym, który zapragnął zobrazować. Kryterium artystyczne, zwłaszcza niepokojąco zgodne z preferencjami estetycznymi Europejczyka, wymaga ostrożności, gdyż szereg wizerunków Ukrzyżowanego o dużym prymitywizmie wykonania, z twarzami ledwie zaznaczonymi, to obiekty wielkiego kultu obudowane rozbudowanymi legendami. Daje się zauważyć tendencja, że wizerunki takie, jak również nienawiązujące kontaktu wzrokowego z wiernym, uznawane są za surowe i groźne, z przypisanym atrybutem sędziego karzącego za zło12. Aspekt „bojaźni Bożej” wysuwa się w nich na pierwszy plan. Natomiast 10 11 12 Wrażenie to nie powstaje w wyniku efektów, polegających na umiejętnym przedstawieniu źrenic, tak by sprawiały wrażenie podążania za wzrokiem widza. Zob. na ten temat: D. Freedberg, Potęga wizerunków. Studia z historii i teorii oddziaływania, przeł. E. Klekot, Kraków 2005, s. 51. R. Barthes, Mit i znak. Eseje, wybór i słowo wstępne J. Błońskiego, Warszawa 1970, s. 64. To nadzwyczaj celne określenie przytaczam dzięki zwróceniu nań uwagi przez Marcina Brockiego: idem, Antropologia, język ciała, Wrocław 2000, s. 256. Przykładowo, w Olleros znajduje się niewielki, około metrowej wysokości krucyfiks Señora de Santa Cruz z zamkniętymi oczami, będący przedmiotem bardzo silnego – choć opartego na strachu przed wiarą – kultu w miasteczku i okolicy [fot. 2]. Wpuszczając mnie do kościoła, „trzymająca klucz” Kreolka, Concha Mace- �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 177 „ośmielający” wyraz twarzy Chrystusa oraz możliwość nawiązania z nim kontaktu wzrokowego skłaniają do modlitewnego otwarcia z poczuciem ufności i nadziei. Warto zwrócić uwagę na znaczący fakt wiążący się z kwestią kompetencji i patronatów Señora de la Soledad oraz wizerunków świętych. W Andach odpowiedzialność świętych za różne sfery życia, czasem bardzo wąskie, jest bardziej wyspecjalizowana niż w krajach europejskich (piszę o tym szerzej w części: Święci andyjscy w systemie komunikatów i powinności). Kościoły pełne są czczonych figur świętych, a wierni wiedzą, który bądź która z nich rokuje największą skuteczność w wymodleniu konkretnego rezultatu. Otóż w świątyni Soledad obowiązują inne zasady. Nie ma tam figur świętych, tak jakby zabrakło dla nich uwagi i miejsca w obliczu potężnego Señora de la Soledad w głównym ołtarzu, jego paso Señora de Mayo w szklanej tumbie, Cristo Resuscitado (Zmartwychwstały) oraz Cristo Nazareño, biorącego udział w procesjach Wielkiego Tygodnia. Jest to w pełni świątynia Señora de la Soledad, a pozostałe wizerunki Chrystusów postrzegane są jako jego inkarnacje uczestniczące w określonych obrzędach roku liturgicznego. Wierni przybywają tylko do Pana Samotności, powierzając mu swoje najważniejsze troski – takie, które dotyczą spraw egzystencjalnych, głównie zdrowia. Sprawami pomniejszej wagi nie zawracają mu głowy w poczuciu niestosowności takich próśb, których adresatami winni być Święci o wyspecjalizowanych patronatach. Sens nawiedzania świątyni Soledad nie sprowadza się tylko do modlitwy, a nawet modlitwa nie jest tam najważniejsza. O wiele ważniejszy jest fakt cyklicznego przebywania w bliskości Señora de la Soledad, nieustannego odnawiania z nim fizycznych i duchowych związków w wymiarze jednostkowym i grupowym, ciągłe utrzymywanie rytualnego napięcia gwarantującego rewitalizację kosmosu – w miejscu, będącym jego centrum. Tutaj nie przychodzi się po cuda, tutaj ofiarowuje się cząstkę siebie, by świat mógł nadal trwać (szerzej piszę o tym w rozdziale: Chrystus, który nie czyni cudów, czyli indiańska „niewrażliwość mirakularna”). Fenomen ten określa nadzwyczajny format kultu Señora de la Soledad, na który złożyły się kompleks mityczny opisany w poprzednich rozdziałach, czynniki historyczne współtworzące „wielką opowieść” oraz unikatowy fenomen konkretnej rzeźby jako dzieła sztuki oddziałującego w specyficzny, jednoznacznie pozytywny sposób na psychikę odbiorcy. Mieszkaniec Andów w kontakcie z przybyszem z zewnątrz, zwłaszcza z gringo, sprawia wrażenie zdystansowanego, wręcz chłodnego emocjonalnie. Zdzisław Jan Ryn pisze: „Indianin jest zamknięty w sobie, skryty, małomówny i raczej nieufny wobec otoczenia, zwłaszcza wobec białych”13. Ta etnopsychologiczna ocena jest niewątpliwie prawdziwa, ale tylko z perspektywy zewnętrznej. Obserwacje dokonywane od wewnątrz, zwłaszcza gdy wieloletni kontakt osłabia barierę zdystansowania, ujawniają wyjątkową intensywność reakcji emocjonalnych Indian, zwłaszcza w ważniejszych sytuacjach rodzinnych. Wówczas to narracje pełne są odwołań religijnych, a zwyczajowe przemowy wygłaszane do licznie zgromadzonych krewnych i znajomych cechuje patos, eskalujący wzruszenie aż do płaczu, który nierzadko udziela się słuchającym. Na podstawie własnych doświadczeń oceniam, że Indianie stanowią grupę zdecydowanie bardziej podatną na emocje niż 13 da, ostrzegła mnie, żebym fotografując, zachowywała się „odpowiednio” i z szacunkiem, mówiąc wprost, że Chrystus jest „mały, ale groźny”. W tym duchu utrzymana też była opowieść na jego temat, którą usłyszałam od sędziwych Indian przed kościołem. Z.J. Ryn, Medycyna indiańska, Kraków 2007, s. 31. �178 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Europejczycy, zwłaszcza północni. Emocjonalność ta ujawnia się także w religijności, stanowiąc istotę jej sensualności, bardziej determinowanej zmysłowością, gestem i rytuałem niż kontemplacją. Kontakt modlitewny z Señorem de la Soledad uruchamia zespół emocjonalny zabarwiony czułością i rozrzewnieniem. Łzy na policzkach Indian – kobiet i mężczyzn – są normą, zarówno podczas modlitw indywidualnych, jak i zbiorowego przeżywania uroczystości kościelnych. Yauri Montero, który jak nikt inny przemyślał fenomen Pana Samotności, będąc zarazem jednym z autochtonów, którzy przez większość życia codziennie oddawali mu cześć, podkreśla fakt niezwykłej identyfikacji Indian z jego postacią. Postrzega ją w kategoriach symbolicznych, w perspektywie „długiego trwania” i „wielkiej opowieści”. Pisze, że „te zbezczeszczone głowy władców i zranione boki setek bohaterów złączyły się w postaci Jezusa: na jego głowie ukoronowanej cierniem, w jego strugach krwi i otwartym boku”14. Równocześnie podkreśla także fakt głębokiej identyfikacji z Panem Samotności ludzi biednych, pokrzywdzonych, dotkniętych nieszczęściami. Oni wszyscy, jak i tacy, którzy znaleźli się w sytuacjach życiowych bez wyjścia, swojej ostatniej szansy upatrują w rozmowie z Chrystusem z Huaráz, często pielgrzymując do niego z dalekich zakątków Andów. Wybitna pozycja Señora de la Soledad w kulturze i religijności bierze się z unikalnego zespolenia w jego osobie figury Boga ze wszystkimi atrybutami właściwymi synkretycznej wizji andyjsko-chrześcijańskiej – z jej kenotyczną bliskością czy wręcz utożsamieniem z tymi, których los skazał na najniższą pozycję społeczno-majątkową lub dotknął nieszczęściami. Ich zaufanie nie ma nic z poufałości, a psychologicznym pomostem utożsamienia jest wrażliwa czułość – taka, jaką dziecko obdarza rodziców pogrążonych w cierpieniu. Jej werbalnym odzwierciedleniem są popularne określenia w keczua: Taita, Taitito czy Tete albo też Teetanzic (Tata, Nasz Tata, Ojciec nas wszystkich) i Papachito (Ojczulek)15, używane w stosunku do Señora de la Soledad. Zauważamy w tym subtelną, wiele mówiącą różnicę w stosunku do języków europejskich, w których – na ile zdołałam sprawdzić – funkcjonuje tylko poważna forma „Ojcze”, przy braku podobnych zdrobnień. W języku keczua Papachito znamionuje głębię czułości niewyrażalną słowem „Señor” ani rodzimym Apu. Warto też dopowiedzieć, że istnieją zdrobniałe, wręcz pieszczotliwe określenia Mamaniña i Mamanztic (Mamusia, Nasza Mama)16 używane w stosunku do niektórych szczególnie czczonych wizerunków Matki Boskiej. Te deminutiva służą werbalizacji silnego zabarwienia emocjonalnego. Językoznawca tłumaczy to w następujący sposób w oparciu o zdrobnienie „mamusia”: Ocena opiera się na przeżyciu przyjemności lub przykrości wywołanym przez myśl o jakimś aspekcie danej rzeczy. Zgodnie z wcześniej przyjętymi założeniami uznamy, że jeżeli nadawca używa derywatu mamusia zamiast leksemu matka czy mama, wynika to z motywacji emocjonalnej. Myśl o desygnacie, do którego derywat odsyła, wywołuje u nadawcy komunikatu określone uczucia, będące wynikiem przeżycia emocjonalnego. Nadawca wykorzystuje środki językowe do zamanifestowania tych uczuć. Nie wyrażają one oceny. Może się ona jednak pojawić w umyśle nadawcy niejako przy okazji, na podstawie przeżycia 14 15 16 M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 167. Ibidem, s. 35–36, 84; F. Carranza Romero, Diccionario Quechua…, s. 234. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 40. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 179 wartości. Język dysponuje środkami pozwalającymi użytkownikowi wydać sąd o jakości rzeczy, która wywołała przeżycie, ale omawiane formanty słowotwórcze do nich nie należą17. Bliskość emocjonalna, uwielbienie i szacunek w stosunku do Señora de la Soledad – żarliwe, ale bez podłoża strachu – sprzyjają kulturowemu utożsamianiu, niwelując ślady obcości wpisane od zarania w chrześcijańskie obiekty kultu w Andach. Pan Samotności jest nie tylko przykładem całkowitego przepracowania traumy i negatywnych stereotypów obcości, ale wręcz odwrócenia wektora w tym względzie. Stał się indiańskim Bogiem, nierzadko w opozycji do hierarchów Kościoła oraz wszystkiego, co Indianie uznają za obce, wrogie i zagrażające ich egzystencji. Równocześnie patronuje wszystkiemu, co tę egzystencję gwarantuje i wzmacnia. Widzieć i być widzianym – topografia wzrokowa sacrum Opisy i wspomnienia dopełniają dyskurs obrazowymi przykładami. Pierwszy z nich rozpocznę nietypowo, bo od cytatu z Władysława Reymonta. Fragment ten uzmysławia ponadkulturowy poziom uniwersalizmu niektórych kontekstów religijnych, a zarazem ich zróżnicowanie wewnętrzne, naznaczone treściami kultury rodzimej. W 1894 roku Reymont uczestniczył w pielgrzymce na Jasną Górę i przeżycie to stało się dla niego inspiracją do stworzenia eseju dokumentalnego – jednego z najciekawszych w polskiej literaturze pielgrzymkowej. Polecając ów ciekawy dokument uwadze etnografów, skupię się wyłącznie na jednym tylko epizodzie, mianowicie na scenie na Przeprośnej Górce, z której zdrożonym wielodniowym marszem pątnikom po raz pierwszy ukazuje się wyniosła sylwetka jasnogórskiej świątyni: Na Przeprośnej Górce zatrzymaliśmy się. Bracia niektórzy wystąpili z ostatniemi przemowami. Zaczęły się szepty oczyszczań jednych przed drugimi. […] Stanęliśmy wreszcie na ostatniem wzgórzu i stali przez mgnienie wpatrzeni, jak te tumany ściągały się jakiemiś warstwami, jak szły skłębione i podarte w górę, aż przestrzeń czysta została, i wszystkie oczy uderzyły się o tę górę z wieżą na szczycie. – Maryo! – buchnęło jak płomień z tysięcy piersi, i tysiące ciał runęły na ziemię z krzykiem radości. Widok ten niby orkan rzucił te wszystkie głowy w proch. – Matko! – wołały głosy zduszone radością i uniesieniem, i zaczęły łzy płynąć rozradowania, a oczy promienieć miłością; wszyscy się trzęśli w łkaniu, co serca rozsadzało, i nie było ani jednej duszy, ani jednej woli, coby nie leżała w zachwycie łzawym. I ten płacz tak się podnosił, że przechodził w jęk, w ryk prawie, zalewał mózgi i serca, i stapiał wszystkich w jedną bryłę drgającą w łkaniu, w czucie jedno, wyrywał ze wszystkich serc smutki, bóle, całą gorycz istnienia, wszystkie twarde nędze, wszystko co przecierpieli, i płynął do stóp tej, którą każde serce widziało, do stóp Dobra i Pocieszenia. I ta głęboka, boska po prostu, przez moc swoją rytmika płaczów, próśb i entuzyazmu długo dźwięczała w powietrzu, okręcała wszystkie ciała, przepalała je, niby wicher ognisty, i przekuwała dusze na inną miarę. Popowstawali i wszystkie twarze rozsłoneczniły się nagle, spotężniały w wyrazie18. 17 18 I. Koproń-Charzyńska, Pragmatyczne aspekty słowotwórstwa. Funkcja ekspresywna i poetycka, Toruń 2014, s. 135. W.S. Reymont, Pielgrzymka do Jasnej Góry, [w:] idem, Przysięga. Nowele, Poznań 1917, s. 197. �180 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Nie będę pogłębiać psychologicznego podłoża ekstazy religijnej doznanej przez pielgrzymów na widok Jasnej Góry, ograniczając się do zwrócenia uwagi na istotne prawidłowości strukturalne, dotyczące tego szczególnego momentu. Jak zauważają Victor i Edith L.B. Turner: „Pielgrzymkę charakteryzują niektóre atrybuty właściwe fazie liminalnej w obrzędach przejścia”19, wymieniając szereg jej cech, które fakt ten poświadczają. Dodam do nich kolejną, związaną z puryfikacyjnym aspektem pielgrzymowania. Dobrowolnie narzucone sobie trudy pieszej wędrówki, czasem celowo potęgowane (np. pokonywaniem boso lub na kolanach niektórych odcinków), są w swej istocie obrzędem inicjacyjnym oczyszczającym pielgrzyma ze skalania grzechami, by w miejscu świętym, owym „axis mundi wiary”20, zjawił się w stosownej kondycji duchowej. Każdy dzień wędrówki to pokonywanie kolejnego kręgu misterium – metonimiczne obumieranie postępujące wraz z narastającym wyczerpaniem organizmu. Kulminację trudów stanowi ważny moment pierwszego kontaktu wzrokowego z sanktuarium, wywołujący niekontrolowane objawy odreagowania nerwowego, przy równoczesnej rewitalizacji energetycznej. Miejsce to stanowi nadzwyczaj istotny punkt czasoprzestrzeni pielgrzymki, wyznaczający granicę między orbis exterior przebytego obszaru naznaczonego cierpieniem inicjacyjnym, a orbis interior przestrzeni uświęconej mocą cudownego wizerunku. Charakterystyczny przypływ energii, który wówczas następuje, stanowi naturalną reakcję psychosomatyczną organizmu. Symbolicznym zakończeniem trudów inicjacyjnych i ostatnim aktem puryfikacji staje się rytuał wzajemnych przeprosin pomiędzy pielgrzymami. Na trasie Reymontowej pielgrzymki wpisał się on tak głęboko w wielowiekową tradycję, że zaistniał w toponimie Przeprośnej Górki. Podobne rytuały przeprosin praktykowane są również w czasie pielgrzymek do innych sanktuariów. Szczególne miejsca, o których mowa, znajdują się na granicach przestrzeni wyznaczanej widzialnością sanktuarium, stanowiącą archetypowe kryterium sakralnego wyodrębnienia obszaru z amorficznej przestrzeni zewnętrznej. W świecie chrześcijańskim innym takim kryterium był od zarania zasięg dźwięku dzwonu kościelnego21. Reymontowe wspomnienia, które opatrzyłam kilkoma uwagami, traktuję jako wstęp do innych reminiscencji sprzed lat, zasłyszanych od sędziwej bibliotekarki w Huaráz, Liny García de Gamarry, oraz jej koleżanki Isabel Salazar Jácome. Informatorki te, opowiadając mi o czasach sprzed trzęsienia ziemi w 1970 roku, stanowiącego w regionie cezurę czasową równie wyrazistą, jak dla Europejczyka II wojna światowa, poruszyły temat majowych fiest Señora de Mayo oraz innych świąt ściągających tysiące Indian z górskich wiosek otaczających Huaráz. Jednym z kierunków ich napływu jest rejon wsi Marían, Unchus, Kantu, Paria i Rivas, który od miasta oddziela masyw wzgórza Huanchac przecięty starym, przedhiszpańskim szlakiem wiodącym na wschód, w głąb Cordillera Blanca. Droga ta trawersuje stoki wzgórza i w pewnym momencie przed oczami pielgrzymów otwiera się rozległy widok na miasto w dolinie, z białymi wieżami sanktuarium Soledad. Nie dysponujemy opisem równie barwnym i sugestywnym, jak Reymontowy, ale ze wspomnień rozmówczyń wynika, 19 20 21 V. Turner, E.L.B. Turner, Obraz i pielgrzymka w kulturze chrześcijańskiej, przeł. E. Klekot, Kraków 2009, s. 31. Ibidem. G. Myśliwski, Rola dźwięku w społecznościach tradycyjnych, [w:] Aetas media, aetas moderna. Studia ofiarowane profesorowi Henrykowi Samsonowiczowi w siedemdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin, red. H. Manikowska, A. Bartoszewicz, W. Fałkowski, Warszawa 2000, s. 696–697. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 181 że miejsce to – uwzględniając różnice kulturowe – było tym samym, co Przeprośna Górka przed Częstochową. Olbrzymia apacheta (kopiec kamieni, do którego przechodzący dorzucał własny) wyznaczała granicę dzielącą przebyte doliny od miasta Señora de la Soledad, a błyszczące w słońcu wieże materializowały całokształt duchowej, emocjonalnej i kulturowej identyfikacji zawartej w umownym terminie axis mundi. Było to miejsce obowiązkowego postoju nadchodzących grup Indian, ale ich reakcje nie miały nic wspólnego z ekstazą opisaną przez Reymonta. Zarówno mężczyźni, jak i kobiety z szacunkiem zdejmowali kapelusze i odmawiali modlitwy albo w milczeniu witali się z Panem Samotności. Nie klękano, gdyż gest ten obcy był tradycjom indiańskich zachowań religijnych i choć przyjął się w kościołach, to jednak poza nimi nigdy nie zyskał popularności. Znając repertuar ekspresji i form modlitewnych (np. zawartych w tańcu), towarzyszących indiańskim fiestom, najpewniej działo się tam więcej niż opowiedziały informatorki, zwłaszcza, że grupom Indian towarzyszyły zespoły muzyczne. Niestety, brak bardziej szczegółowych opisów, również takich, które traktowałyby o innych podobnych miejscach wokół Huaráz, rozlokowanych przy startych szlakach wiodących z Białej i Czarnej Kordyliery. Warto zwrócić uwagę na analogiczną do opisanej wcześniej – zasadę naznaczania przestrzeni przez emanację świętości, ulokowaną w jej symbolicznym centrum. Zasada ta, dająca się odczytać w kulturze chrześcijańskiej, była jeszcze bardziej wyrazista w kulturze andyjskiej. Tam każdy obszar bytowania człowieka, jak również jego przemieszczania się z dala od domu, podlegał protekcji jakiegoś Apu – świętej góry patronującej miejscom, z których owa góra była widoczna. Indianin osiągnąwszy przełęcz, wchodził w obszar oddziaływania innego Apu, władającego doliną po drugiej stronie. Gwarancję bezpiecznego przejścia zapewniał rytuał dorzucenia kamienia do wznoszącej się w takim miejscu apachety oraz złożenie choćby skromnej ofiary z liści koki dla właściwego Apu. Co istotne, kryterium rozpoznawania obszaru podlegającego danemu Apu była jego widoczność w postaci świętej góry22. Gdy ta zanikała, obszar przechodził pod władzę innego Apu albo pomniejszych huacas lub huancas – świętych wzgórz, głazów, źródeł, jezior, monolitów skalnych, wyodrębnionych z otoczenia jako obdarzonych skoncentrowaną mocą. Krzyże schodzące z gór W przedostatnią niedzielę karnawału (luty lub początek marca), przy dźwiękach orkiestr, w których dominują bębny i flety, do świątyni Soledad oraz innych kościołów w mieście ściągają ze wszystkich stron barwne grupy Indian, Metysów i kreolskich mieszkańców Huaráz, dźwigając tysiące krzyży, z których kilkadziesiąt największych osiąga wysokość kilku metrów23. Nie są to zwykłe krzyże, lecz rozbudowane dzieła sztuki ludowej, reprezentujące 22 23 Polski misjonarz pracujący przez wiele lat w Andach Boliwijskich zauważa: „Duchy wielkich gór sześciotysięcznych można przyzywać z każdego miejsca, gdzie góra jest widoczna, czyli niekiedy z odległości setek kilometrów” (W. Błaszczyk, Misjonarz z Boliwii, Częstochowa 2013, s. 137). Na temat tzw. „krzyży karnawałowych” (cruces carnavales) w Huaráz nie powstała dotąd żadna wyczerpująca praca etnograficzna. Istniejące krótkie artykuły o charakterze popularnym oraz wzmianki w książkach dają fragmentaryczny obraz święta. Interesującą, choć półprofesjonalną próbą zebrania i interpretacji materiałów na jego temat stanowi praca: J.C. Sotelo Falcón, Fiesta de Cruces en la ciudad de Huaráz, 2019, http://jcsfHuaráz.blogspot.com/2019/01/fiesta-de-cruces-en-la-ciudad-de-Huaráz.html [data dostępu: 10.08.2020]. Inne materiały zawierają m.in.: M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 58, 102, 140; idem, Simbolismo de las plantas alimencias nativas en el imaginario andino, Lima 2009, s. 76–77; �182 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich setki wiosek i miasteczek w dolinie Río Santa, wszystkie dzielnice Huaráz oraz niezliczoną rzeszę rodzin i indywidualnych osób. Przybywają, by złożyć hołd Señorowi de la Soledad, zaczerpnąć od niego mocy i powrócić z nią tam, skąd przyszli24. Yauri Montero opisuje, że krzyże „dzięki udziałowi we mszy i błogosławieństwu święconą wodą napełniają się nową świętą energią, a następnie wracają do swoich miejsc pochodzenia, aby dalej wypełniać swoje funkcje: chronić rodzinę, miasto lub wieś, zasiewy, zwierzęta, pasterzy i wędrowców, aż do następnego karnawału”25. Najważniejsze uroczystości odbywają się w świątyni Soledad. W południe celebrowana jest uroczysta msza święta z udziałem tłumu wiernych oraz setek mniejszych i większych krzyży wykonanych z ogromnym kunsztem przez anonimowych artystów. Dzieła te, domagające się osobnego opracowania etnograficznego, scharakteryzuję tylko w ogólnym zarysie. Podstawowym rozróżnieniem wśród omawianych krzyży jest podział na wiejskie, miejskie oraz typu calvario. Pierwsze z nich, cruces campesinas, tworzone są przez Indian z wiosek w Białej i Czarnej Kordylierze, otaczających Huaráz. Drugie, cruces de la ciudad, powstają we wszystkich dzielnicach Huaráz, a także w innych miasteczkach doliny Río Santa – Carhuaz, Caraz czy Yungay. Typ calvario nie jest przypisany wsi lub miastu, może więc pielgrzymować z odległych wiosek, jak i z sąsiednich parafii miejskich. Pod nazwą tą kryje się krzyż z zamontowanymi arma Christi – rzeźbionymi atrybutami męki Chrystusa26 [fot. 4]. Pomijam złożone kody ikonograficzne, zawarte w ich warstwie formalno-artystycznej, jak również dodawane napisy, dzięki którym miejscowi bezbłędnie identyfikują pochodzenie krzyży, a wykonawcy promują swoją wieś lub dzielnicę. Skupię się tylko na podstawowych różnicach miedzy krzyżami wiejskimi a miejskimi. Cruces campesinas, schodzące z gór w procesjach zwanych bajada, wykonywane są z roślin ozdobnych i kwiatów obficie kwitnących w okresie karnawału. Konstrukcję największych i najbardziej efektownych, dźwiganych przez kilku mężczyzn, stanowi prosty, wysoki krzyż z dwóch belek, zwykle pomalowany na zielono, do którego mocowana jest w pionie i na bocznych ramionach szeroki stelaż z trzciny i bambusa, stanowiący podstawę do wplatania tysięcy kwiatów i ozdobnych liści, z których część bywa złocona i srebrzona. Prócz wielobarwnych kwiatów, najbardziej charakterystyczną rośliną, używaną do dekoracji, jest machitu – kwiat wysokogórskiej rośliny Weqlla (Weqklla)27 [fot. 5]. Jej sztywne liście 24 25 26 27 J.A. Salazar Mejía, Identidad.…, s. 143–144; idem, 7 ensayos…, s. 52–56; F. Gonzales, Las cruces campesinas, „Hirka. Revista Regional de Cultura” 2008, R. 5, nr 15, s. 6–9; „Cuadernos de Difusion”, Instituto Nacional de Cultura Departamental Ancash, 1987, nr 58, s. 3–47 (numer monograficzny: El Carnaval). Opisywany zwyczaj odwiedzania Señora de la Soledad przez krzyże nie wyczerpuje tej formy dewocji. W innych momentach roku obrzędowego, np. podczas świąt majowych, wierni przynoszą do świątyni Soledad oprawione obrazy ścienne z reprodukcjami Pana Samotności, układając je wzdłuż stopnia dzielącego kościół od strefy ołtarza [fot. 3]. Obrazy te są święcone przez księdza, ale jak mi powiedziały informatorki, ważniejsza jest bliskość Señora de la Soledad, a nie woda święcona. Zabierane do domów, przenoszą ze sobą cząstkę jego mocy pozyskaną przez fakt bliskości oraz widzialności przez Pana Samotności. W terminologii kościelnej są relikwiami trzeciego stopnia, ale dialektyka andyjskiej religijności ludowej rządzi się swoimi prawami. M. Yauri Montero, Simbolismo de las plantas…, s. 77. Zob. przykładową monografię regionalną krzyży typu calvario: F.E. Iriarte Brenner, Las cruces de Chincha, Lima 1974. Weqlla (Tillandsia fendleri) – epifit porastający gałęzie nielicznych wysokogórskich drzew oraz głazy między 3500 a 3900 m n.p.m. Roślina ta tak mocno zespoliła się z formą „krzyży karnawałowych”, że Indianie �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 183 bywają srebrzone i umieszczane wzdłuż belki pionowej i ramion krzyża, natomiast na ich końcach powiewają na wietrze zielone gałązki rozmarynu. Całość wywołuje skojarzenia antropomorficzne, przywodząc na myśl sylwetki z gąszczem poruszających się ludzkich ramion [fot. 6]. Krzyże te po ceremonii w Huaráz bywają stawiane na wzgórzach, przy drogach i na granicach wsi. Tak opisywał je Yauri Montero: mają bardzo ludzki wygląd: w samotności szczytów, gdzie wieje wiatr, uderzają grzmoty i gwałtowne ulewy, sprawiają wrażenie postaci, które rozczochruje burza, a ich rękawy zamienia w szmaty i wystające nici. Ze swoimi rozłożonymi w akcie desperacji ramionami zdają się śpieszyć, by nieść pomoc wędrowcom28. Wieloletni polski misjonarz Dariusz Robert Mazurek twierdzi natomiast, że: Im większy krzyż, tym posiada większą moc chronienia, gdyż może je wtedy zamieszkiwać większy duch, a przez to może on ustrzec całą osadę przed atakami złych Duchów. Mniejsze krzyżyki używane były do ochrony domostw29. Niezwykła bujność i, można rzec, kwietny przepych krzyży wiejskich skłaniają do zastanowienia nad domniemaną warstwą nieuświadamianych motywacji, stojących za tak rozbudowanym spektakularyzmem. Można rozpoznać w nim ukryty w podtekstach kultury akt manifestacji – paradoksalnie, o charakterze kontestacyjnym i separującym wobec katolicyzmu w wersji kościelnej. Obserwujemy spektakl zawłaszczenia krzyża przez Indian, zdekonstruowania jego kanonicznej postaci oraz wtórnej rekonstrukcji w nowym kształcie ontologicznym, dostosowanym do kosmowizji andyjskiej. Wizualnym znakiem dokonanej transformacji jest radykalny kontrast między surową prostotą dwóch skrzyżowanych belek a feerią barwnych kwiatów, liści i ozdób, markujących tylko formę krzyża, czasem aż do zaniku jego kształtu na rzecz rombu, czy układu promiennych gwiazd [fot. 7]. Spojrzenie od tyłu na konstrukcję cruces campesinas odsłania metonimiczny obraz zdystansowania obu ontologii, inspirowany, niejako przypadkowo, samą techniką wykonania. Oto bowiem wspomniany wcześniej, zielony krzyż z prostych belek, będący szkieletem dla bujnych dywanów z kwiatów, sprawia nieodparte wrażenie wycofanego, ukrytego i zasłoniętego – tym bardziej, że jego zieleń, częsta wśród krzyży w kościołach andyjskich, zdradza, iż nie jest tylko konstrukcją, lecz właśnie krzyżem [fot. 8]. Często tym samym, który przez większość roku przechowywany jest w tylnej części kościoła, by w czasie święta majowego stać się krzyżem Señora de Mayo, obnoszonego w uroczystych procesjach [fot. 9]. Teraz jednak, w czasie Święta Krzyży pozostaje przede wszystkim konstrukcją dla krzyża z kwiatów, stwarzając przestrzeń dla podwójnej metafory. Po pierwsze, jawi się w roli służebnej wobec ważniejszego, indiańskiego. Po drugie jednak, choć niewidoczny, pozostaje nieodzowny, gwarantując tamtemu trwałość. Kryje się w tym antynomiczny paradoks podporządkowania i służebności z jednej strony, a niezbędności i warunkowania z drugiej. Oba 28 29 z Ancash nazywają ją wprost cruz carnaval. Zob. H. Kolff, A. Kolff, Flores silvestres de la Cordillera Blanca. Wildflowers of the Cordillera Blanca, Lima 1997, s. 144. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 58. D.R. Mazurek, „Bóg o indiańskim obliczu”…, s. 257. �184 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich aspekty współtworzą ów zrekonstruowany obraz ontologiczny indiańskiego krzyża w jego dualistycznej koincydencji tryumfu i uzależnienia. Uważna analiza ikonologiczna i kontekstualna cruces campesinas oraz powiązanych z nimi zachowań znacząco poszerza przestrzeń badań, w ramach których materia sztuki ludowej stanowi zaledwie punkt wyjścia. Nadal daje się zauważyć prastary zwyczaj przynoszenia wraz z krzyżami wiejskimi tzw. tsampi. Są to trójkątne konstrukcje osadzone na drągu, o bokach długości od kilkudziesięciu centymetrów do ponad metra, ciasno wypełnione owocami, pieczywem i butelkami z alkoholem, czyli symbolicznymi ofiarami z produktów spożywczych [fot. 10]. Geneza tsampi sięga czasów przedhiszpańskich oraz darów ofiarnych składanych bóstwom andyjskim. Później tsampi stało się symbolicznym darem dla mayordomo, czyli głównego fundatora krzyża. Na wsiach, przed wyruszeniem z krzyżami na święto do Huaráz, tsampi uczestniczą w zbiorowych przygotowaniach, tzw. campesinos, obnoszone po domach30. W trakcie fiesty umieszczone na nich owoce i wypieki bywają przez świętujących spożywane, a alkohol wypijany, by zadość uczynić potrzebie rytualnego upojenia, niezbędnego dla właściwego przeżycia święta. Przedmiot ten jako reliktowy artefakt zespolił się z tradycją „krzyży karnawałowych”, ale niemal nie wypracowano dlań żadnej chrześcijańskiej narracji. Można rzec: po prostu jest, nie wymaga uzasadnień, oddziałuje uniwersalnym językiem ponadczasowych symboli. Pozostawał i nadal pozostaje w cieniu wspaniale ozdobionych cruces carnavales, ale jego obecność intryguje swoistym archaizmem, jakby swą trójkątną formą dyskretnie wchodził w ezoteryczny dialog z triumfującym znakiem krzyża. Krzyże miejskie, cruces de la ciudad, zwane także krótko cruces bordadas, tworzone są głównie techniką wyszywania na lśniących materiałach srebrną i złotą nicią, naszywania dekoracyjnych dodatków oraz płaskich lub reliefowych obrazków świętych, montowania rzeźbionych w drewnie emblematów eucharystycznych, a także zdobienia barwnymi szarfami i wstążkami [fot. 11]. Wykonywane są przez społeczność kreolską i metyską mieszkającą w Huaráz i innych miasteczkach doliny Río Santa. Krzyże te, choć wiele z nich prezentuje się spektakularnie, nie osiągają rozmiarów krzyży wiejskich i jest ich zdecydowanie mniej. Jednakże podczas celebry mszy świętej w świątyni Soledad to one głównie wypełniają jej przestrzeń, podczas gdy wielka ilość krzyży wiejskich – nie tylko z powodu rozmiarów – pozostaje na placu przed kościołem, oparta o jego ściany lub tańcząca wraz z Indianami [fot. 12]. Niedzielny día central święta to festiwal kunsztu artystycznego, ale też gremialne spotkanie wiernych ze wszystkich stron oraz rodzaj rywalizacji między wioskami i dzielnicami, czyj krzyż jest większy, piękniejszy i wzbudzający szczególne zainteresowanie. Jak każda fiesta ściągająca tłumy z bliższych i dalszych okolic, dochodzi tu do wielkiej wzajemnej prezentacji oraz zbiorowej demonstracji znaków obecności, przynależności i tożsamości. Obserwujemy pełnię zjawisk społeczno-kulturowych, w tym zwłaszcza ludycznych, charakteryzujących święto. Od wczesnych godzin przedpołudniowych wielki plac przed świątynią Soledad oraz okoliczne skwery i ulice wypełniają barwne grupy kobiet, mężczyzn i dzieci, ponad którymi wznoszą się ich tańczące krzyże. Tańczące, ponieważ całymi godzinami, wyjąwszy czas uroczystej mszy świętej w południe, przy nieustającej muzyce licznych orkiestr, wielkie krzyże tańczą wraz z tymi, którzy je przynieśli, okręcając się wokół własnej osi, w silnych rękach podtrzymujących je mężczyzn. Niezliczone mniejsze – rodzinne lub 30 F. Gonzales, Huarás…, s. 81–86. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 185 należące do pojedynczych osób – na równi z tamtymi uczestniczą w zbiorowym spektaklu. Grupy skupione wokół własnych krzyży ani na chwilę nie zastygają w bezruchu, pogrążone w ustawicznym tańcu, w dużym stopniu improwizowanym bez całościowej aranżacji, a tańczący poddają się rytmowi muzyki, dostosowując do niej ruchy swoich ciał. Powtarzalną figurą jest okręcanie się wraz z krzyżami, wykonywane w transycznych sekwencjach, których przerwanie lub zakończenie nigdy nie jest zaplanowane, będąc wyłącznie dziełem przypadku – momentu utraty sił przez tańczącego bądź przejęcia krzyża przez innego. Dla przypadkowego obserwatora, niezaznajomionego z wewnętrznymi tajnikami muzyki i tańców andyjskich, widok sprawia wrażenie zachowań poddanych w dużej mierze spontanicznemu bezładowi i dysharmonii. W rzeczywistości stan taki bywa inherentnym komponentem tańca o złożonej, wielowarstwowej strukturze semantycznej. Jakkolwiek głęboko poddaje się on szczegółowej analizie, to jego generalnym sensem pozostaje modlitwa wyrażana formami tanecznymi nierozdzielnie związanymi z określonym brzmieniem muzyki. Modlitwa ta, nie będąca tożsamą z jej kanonicznym rozumieniem, reprodukuje rdzenne tradycje kultów andyjskich, w których akt czci i ofiary wyrażany był w zmaksymalizowanym zespoleniu wszelkich bodźców zmysłowych i kinetycznych, uaktywnianych w trakcie zbiorowego działania performatywnego. Szwajcarski etnomuzykolog Max Peter Baumann, który prowadził pogłębione badania nad muzyką Andów, pisze o tym tak: Z trzech terminów podstawowych, takiy (śpiewać), tukay (grać) i tusuy (tańczyć), każdy odzwierciedla jedynie jeden aspekt muzycznego zachowania jako całości. Te trzy elementy uzupełniają się, sygnalizując wewnętrzną jedność struktur dźwięku, rytmu i symbolicznej ekspresji31. Ważnym elementem osiąganego w ten sposób przeżycia modlitewnego jest trans wspomagany halucynogennym oddziaływaniem liści koki i alkoholu32. Aspekt ten znakomicie scharakteryzowała znawczyni muzyki andyjskiej, Anna Gruszczyńska-Ziółkowska: Wykonywane w czasie andyjskich świąt tańce trwają po kilka do kilkunastu godzin. Ich forma kształtowana jest przez wielokrotne, wariantowe powtórzenia stosunkowo krótkiej melodii, zawierającej rodzaj półkadencji, naturalnie prowadzącej ku początkowi melodii. Do momentu pojawienia się wyraźnie kadencyjnych zwrotów, które zdecydowanie finalizują akt muzyczny, zdarzenia dźwiękowe, bynajmniej nie monotonne, zdają się jednak być niekończące się, wieczne i wszechogarniające. Powtarzalność tych zdarzeń nadaje im charakter cykliczności, która z kolei odczuwana jest jako dominująca miara czasu. Czas ten wewnętrznie organizowany jest rytmem melodii. Silna koncentracja na rytmicznej organizacji zdarzeń, taniec, długotrwała recepcja nasyconego dysonansami brzmienia oraz intensywna autowentylacja w trakcie gry na instrumentach dętych to zintegrowane w akcie muzycznym działania mające charakter deprywacyjny i prowadzące do osiągnięcia przez wykonawców stanu transowego33 [podkr. E.J.]. 31 32 33 M.P. Baumann, Wszystko jest kobietą i mężczyzną. Muzyka, dualistyczny symbolizm i kosmologia Andów, [w:] Estetyka Indian Ameryki Południowej. Antologia, red. K Zajda, Kraków 2007, s. 63. Zob. G. Castillo Guzmán, Alcohol en el sur andino. Embriaguez y quiebre de jerarquías, Lima 2015. A. Gruszczyńska-Ziółkowska, Rytuał dźwięku. Muzyka w kulturze Nasca, Warszawa 2003, s. 155. �186 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich W osiąganiu pożądanego stanu oszołomienia istotną rolę odgrywa dobór instrumentów muzycznych. Jak wspomniałam, podczas „Spotkania Krzyży” dominuje muzyka dużych bębnów i fletów wykonywana przez duety roncadoras, czyli mini-zespołów złożonych z dwóch muzyków, z których każdy gra równocześnie na dźwiganym przez siebie bębnie oraz długim, prostym flecie34 [fot. 13]. Są to dwa najstarsze instrumenty andyjskie, znane z wykopalisk archeologicznych, petroglifów naskalnych i depozytów grobowych sprzed tysięcy lat. Wielogodzinna muzyka tych instrumentów intensywnie oddziałuje na przybysza z zewnątrz nutą archaicznej pierwotności, wzbudzając podświadomie wrażenie unikalnego, fonicznego kontaktu z zamierzchłą przeszłością. Natomiast u grających i tańczących wydobywane z nich dźwięki, zwłaszcza odsłuchiwane w długich sekwencjach, pobudzają stany hipnotyczne i transowe, nasuwając skojarzenie z efektami charakterystycznymi dla seansów szamańskich35. Tradycja gry roncadoras zawiera skomplikowaną symbolikę, daleko wykraczającą poza kwestie techniczne36. Omówienie jej wraz z kontekstami wykraczałoby poza zasadniczy wątek tego rozdziału, ale warto poświęcić kilka słów wymienionym instrumentom. Bębny zwane bombo lub caja należą do najprostszych, pozbawionych ozdób membranofonów pokrytych po obu stronach kozimi skórami, zesznurowanymi ze sobą na korpusie długości jednej lub dwóch dłoni. We wnętrzu umieszczano drobne przedmioty o znaczeniu magicznym (w regionie Ancash były nimi zasuszone głowy jaszczurki lub węża). Jedna membrana zwana jest zorro (lisem), druga zaś ovejo (owcą). Dźwięk wydobywany za pomocą krótkiej pałeczki owiniętej skórą reprezentuje symboliczne polowanie lisa na owcę. Z kolei flet, zwany pinkullo, to aerofon wykonywany od XIX wieku z drewna eukaliptusa, wcześniej zaś z trzciny lub kości wielbłądowatych, jeleniowatych, ptasich (kondora), a nawet ludzkich. Jak pisał Baumann: Liczne flety proste, jak pinkillos/pincollos […], są wykorzystywane szczególnie w porze deszczowej, czyli począwszy od Dnia Wszystkich Świętych (Todos Santos, 1 listopada) do karnawału w lutym lub w marcu. Te instrumenty należą do „żeńskiego” cyklu w roku. […] Drewniane flety proste symbolizują żeńską czynność nawadniania, stawania się żyznym po cichym i suchym okresie; wyrażają radość z kiełkujących nasion i ze zbiorów. Połączenie tych instrumentów z żywiołem wody jest umacniane przez fakt, że niektóre napełnia się wodą przed użyciem, by nasiąkły i tym samym stały się szczelne37. Wtóruje mu brytyjski etnomuzykolog Henry Stobart, autor wnikliwego opracowania na temat fletów pinkillos: Używa się ich wyłącznie w porze deszczowej, zaczynając tuż przed świętem Todos Santos w listopadzie, a kończąc wraz z karnawałem w lutym lub marcu. Mówi się, że ich brzmienie 34 35 36 37 W regionie Ancash zdarza się niekiedy obserwować zespół kilku par roncadoras grających wspólnie. Zob. np. L.E. Sullivan, Mistrz pieśni i dźwięku, [w:] Estetyka Indian Ameryki Południowej…, s. 143–161; Z.J. Ryn, Medycyna indiańska…, s. 198–218; J.S. Wasilewski, Podróże do piekieł. Rzecz o szamańskich misteriach, Warszawa 1979, s. 166–170. Zob. R. Robles Mendoza, Los nuevos rostros de la música andina a través de los instrumentos musicales, „Investigaciones Sociales” 2007, R. 11, nr 18, s. 67–108. M.P. Baumann, op. cit., 64–65. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 187 przywołuje deszcz, oddalając zarazem groźbę mrozu i gradu. Niekiedy, w okresach suszy, gra się na nich przez całą noc, aż do świtu. […] Podobnie pinkillu, które jest zbyt suche, nie zabrzmi właściwie i dosłownie jest to wtedy puste dęcie. Podczas występów wykonawcy stale moczą swe instrumenty chicha (sfermentowanym napojem alkoholowym) lub wodą i zwykle czynią przy tym aluzję do fallicznego kształtu i funkcji pinkillu38. Przez wieki autochtoniczna muzyka fletów i bębnów andyjskich, których użycie przypisane było rygorystycznie określonej porze roku, uważana była przez księży katolickich za barbarzyńską i nierozerwalnie związaną z „pogańskością”. W znacznym stopniu nadal jest tak postrzegana. Muzyka fletów towarzyszy „Świętu Krzyży” obchodzonemu pod koniec pory deszczowej, w okresie tzw. „małych zbiorów”, gdy rozwijają się rośliny jadalne, a w obrzędowej warstwie cyklu agrarnego pojawiają się elementy magii wegetatywnej. Podczas święta i późniejszych dni karnawału żywioł wody obecny jest aż nadto spektakularnie. W Huaráz chłopcy i młodzi mężczyźni obficie polewają płeć przeciwną kubłami wody, a na ulicach i placach rozgrywają się hałaśliwe spektakle grupowych ucieczek i pościgów [fot. 14]. Symbolika akwatyczna posiada uniwersalny związek z płodnością i reprodukcją życia w strukturalnym powiązaniu z pierwiastkiem żeńskim. Fakt, iż – jak powiada Eliade – „od czasów prehistorycznych zespół woda – księżyc – kobieta uchodził za antropokosmiczny cykl płodności”39, stanowi etnologiczny truizm. W obrzędowości andyjskiej wegetatywny, płodnościowy i żeński walor wody nie budzi wątpliwości, nie odbiegając w tym względzie od identycznej symboliki obecnej w większości kultur40. Mamy tu wszakże do czynienia z wielokroć akcentowanym przez badaczy dualizmem. „Wszystko jest kobietą i mężczyzną” – by posłużyć się tytułem cytowanego artykułu Baumanna. Stwierdzamy obecność wody, jako czynnika żeńskiego, ale rozglądamy się za jego męskim dopełnieniem, bez trudu go odnajdując. W trakcie „Święta Krzyży” (jak i wielu innych fiest w Andach) jego uczestnicy smarują twarze białą papką z mąki białej kukurydzy albo rozmazują na nich mąkę w stanie sypkim41. Przybiera to charakter zbiorowej zabawy polegającej na wzajemnym smarowaniu się bądź osypywaniu mąką, której tumany unoszą się nad głowami tłumu [fot. 15]. Geneza tego zwyczaju sięga odległych czasów preinkaskich. Hiszpańskie opisy etnograficzne z okresu kolonialnego pozwalają na względnie dobre rozpoznanie jego specyfiki. Papka lub kulki z mąki białej kukurydzy42, najszlachetniejszej z jej licznych odmian, zwana wśród Inków zankhu, słu38 39 40 41 42 H. Stobart, Tara i q’iwa – wymiary dźwięku i jego znaczenia, [w:] Estetyka Indian Ameryki Południowej…, s. 186, 194. M. Eliade, op. cit., s. 189. Zob. R. Carrión Cachot, El culto en agua en antiguo Perú. La paccha, elemento cultural panadino, Lima 2005; P. Gose, Aguas mortífieros y cerros hambrientos. Ritos agrarios y formacion de clases de un pueblo andino, Quito 2004. F. Gonzales, Huaráz…., s. 161; M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 103. Zankhu zwano też chlebki z mąki kukurydzianej, o czym świadczą m.in. wzmianki u Inki Garcilasso de la Vegi (Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, op. cit.):: „zagniatali nocą ciasto na chleb nazywany zankhu” (s. 378) lub „widziałem, jak jedli chleb zwany zankhu” (s. 380). Czytamy też: „W noc wyrabiania ciasta [zankhu] krótko przez świtem wszyscy, którzy byli pościli, myli całe ciało, brali troszkę ciasta zmieszanego z krwią i przykładali je sobie do głowy, twarzy, piersi i pleców, rąk i nóg, bo nim się oczyszczali, aby wszystkie choroby wypędzić z ciała. Gdy już tego dokonali, najstarszy krewny, pan domu, namaszczał ciastem progi i nadproża �188 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich żyła zarówno do rozsmarowywania na twarzy, jak i do innych działań rytualnych. Według zapisów: Po zakończeniu tej ceremonii [Zitwa Killa] wracali do domów, aby dokończyć rytualne oczyszczenie poprzez smarowanie sobie twarzy zankhu, czyli rodzajem papki z mąki kukurydzianej skropionej krwią ofiarnych lam. W ten sposób, jak powiadali, „ogrzewali się”. Smarowano tą papką także mumie dawnych władców, figurę Wana Kawriego oraz figury Słońca, Pana Gromu i Stwórcy43. Pięćset lat później, w dzisiejszym Peru, do zankhu nie dodaje się już krwi lam, ale w niektórych rejonach wodę ze świętego jeziora44, co stanowi ciekawą odmianę symbolicznego „naddatku”, wzmacniającego symbolikę podstawową. Święta woda łączy się z najświętszą rośliną Andów, jaką od tysiącleci jest kukurydza, mająca jednoznacznie męskie konotacje kulturowe, związane z blaskiem, złotem i Słońcem. Zankhu z mąki kukurydzianej stanowi w Andach bodaj najważniejszy apotropeion i środek rytualnego oczyszczenia, stąd jego ponadczasowa wręcz popularność sięgająca tysiącleci wstecz i pozostająca nadal żywą. W regionie Ancash mąka z białej kukurydzy zwie się hara mashca45, a „święto” harana, a zatem w słowie tym widzimy rdzeń hara (kukurydza)46. Puryfikacyjny sens bielenia twarzy mąką kukurydzianą wydaje się tożsamy z sensem rytualnych ablucji i polewania wodą w czasie świąt o charakterze wegetatywnym, wymagających ludzkiego zaangażowania w rewitalizację natury. Obie praktyki występują łącznie w czasie tych świąt, reprezentując koniunkcję męskiego potencjału kukurydzy oraz żeńskiego wody – wypełniając tym samym matrycę dualistycznej – męsko-żeńskiej interpretacji świata. Wyrazisty dowód owej koniunkcji utrwalił Inka Garcilasso de la Vega, notując, iż najsurowszą formą rytualnego postu wśród Inków było spożywanie wyłącznie surowej kukurydzy i picie wody47. Post taki, jako ekstremalna forma deprywacji biologicznej, wprowadza oczyszczonego osobnika w metonimiczny stan obumierania i nowych narodzin, redukuje życiodajną materię pokarmu i napoju do ich pierwotnej dualności materializowanej w męskim komponencie kukurydzy i żeńskim wody. „Prawo komplementarnych przeciwieństw – jak zauważa Baumann – wpływa na wszelkie formy trwającego istnienia, połączonego w pary”48. Omawiana problematyka „Święta Krzyży” stanowi okazję do zwrócenia uwagi na nierozłączny aspekt wszelkich andyjskich fiest, jakim jest spożywanie alkoholu. Kilkakrotnie w tej pracy wskazuję na potrzebę stosowania właściwej optyki badawczej w interpretowaniu 43 44 45 46 47 48 drzwi prowadzących na ulicę i zostawiał je tam przyklejone na znak, że w tym domu ukończyli obmywać i oczyszczać ciała” (s. 378–379). J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 228. J.W. Rozas Álvarez, M. del Carmen Calderon García, Taqe y Ch`eqesqa: conceptos de concentación en el pansamiento andino, [w:] Perú contemporáneo. El espejo de las identidades, red. R. Bao, M.T. Bosque Lastra, México 1993, s. 226. Informacja od Cesara Vargasa Arce, profesora Academia Regional del Quechua de Ancash w Huaráz. F. Carranza Romero, op. cit., s. 69. Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, op. cit., s. 378. M.P. Baumann, op. cit., s. 67. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 189 upojeń alkoholowych, będących immanentną częścią świętowania. Częste w literaturze postrzeganie ich jako „pijaństwa” miesza porządki, nakładając na zjawisko pejoratywną kalkę europejskich skojarzeń. Tymczasem rytualne upojenie świąteczne posiada dokładnie odwrotną waloryzację, będąc pożądanym obowiązkiem religijnym, a w sytuacjach fiest rodzinnych – społecznym. Stanowi warunek sine qua non pełnego uczestnictwa w święcie, a jego niedopełnienie odbierane jest negatywnie, jako forma autoalienacji stawiającej abstynenta w złym świetle wobec grupy. Z moich, nierzadko „uczestniczących” obserwacji wynika, że istnieje wyrazisty podział na picie alkoholu w sytuacjach świątecznych i codziennych. Indianie andyjscy wyraźnie je różnicują, a alkoholików uzależnionych od niekontrolowanego upajania się na co dzień jest statystycznie o wiele mniej niż w społeczeństwach europejskich. Spożywanie alkoholu koncentruje się w dniach fiest, w znikomym stopniu obejmując dni powszednie. W rozmowach z Peruwiańczykami oraz w literaturze spotkałam się z podobnymi ocenami, a moje obserwacje potwierdzają choćby spostrzeżenia księdza Wojciecha Błaszczyka pracującego od lat wśród Indian w Andach boliwijskich, który pisze o tym w ten sposób: alkohol i koka służą jako naturalne środki anestezjologiczne. Ponadto alkohol ma też znaczenie par excellence religijne. Upić się – oznacza wejść w kontakt z boskimi siłami, jakie istnieją w człowieku. […] Pijaństwo, dziś piętnowane jako społeczna przywara, dla wielu Indian autentycznie jest formą wyrażenia swojej pobożności49 [podkr. E.J.]. Misjonarz w prostych słowach ujął to, co etnolodzy wielokroć rozwijali w dyskursie nad religijnym aspektem oszołomienia świątecznego. Natomiast Ryn, wybitny znawca problematyki medycznej w Andach, zarówno w swych wczesnych publikacjach50, jak i ostatnich51 zdecydowanie kładzie nacisk na aspekt zdrowotny spożywania alkoholu przez Indian, postrzegając go z tej perspektywy jako „nałóg”. Niewątpliwie podejmuje w tym względzie ważny, medyczny aspekt zagadnienia, ale szukając jego podłoża, nieuchronnie trafiamy w obszar religijności, rytuałów społecznych i potrzeb ludycznych, potwierdzając tym samym wieloaspektową, kulturową niezbędność alkoholu w obszarze kultury. Wśród swoich – Chrystus autochtoniczny W ludowych opowieściach o Señorze de la Soledad pojawia się wizja jego męki i dźwigania krzyża na Golgotę. Yauri Montero przytacza następującą wypowiedź Indianina z nieodległej od Huaráz wioski Rivas: Tak właśnie było. Mówią, że naszego Ojca opuszczały siły, kiedy szedł dźwigając krzyż. Wtedy sięgnął po kokę i żuł trzy liście, co sprawiło, że siły powróciły. Dlatego nam biedakom koka daje odwagę i siły, dlatego żujemy kokę52 [podkr. E.J.]. 49 50 51 52 W. Błaszczyk, op. cit., s. 110–111. Z. Ryn, Alkohol w życiu mieszkańców Andów, „Wierchy” 1982, t. 51, s. 138–149. Z.J. Ryn, Góry, medycyna, antropologia, Kraków 2016, s. 607–613. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 40. �190 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Żucie liści koki, praktykowane w Andach od tysiącleci jako środek regenerujący siły na dużych wysokościach i „oszukujący” głód, stanowi jedną z najważniejszych tradycji kulinarnych Indian, wręcz jeden z wyznaczników ich tożsamości kulturowej53. Liście tej rośliny są podstawowym przedmiotem ofiarnym i wróżebnym, a ludowa wiedza na jej temat wypełnia obszerne publikacje z zakresu etnobotaniki54. W cytowanej wypowiedzi nieprzypadkowo mowa jest o trzech liściach koki, gdyż taka ich liczba, trzymana w dłoni jak talia kart, służy wróżeniu oraz odczytywaniu rozlicznych informacji. Inne opowieści powiadają o dzieciństwie Señora de la Soledad, jego zabawach z indiańskimi dziećmi i posilaniu się zupą z mąki (shakwi) oraz gotowanymi skórkami z ziemniaków (shipra), będącymi pożywieniem najuboższych55. Włączanie Pana Samotności w realia codzienności odzwierciedla proces wewnętrznej konsolidacji i sakralizacji tożsamości kulturowej grupy, wzbogacając jej mityczne umocowanie w podobny sposób, jak czyni to figura Inki. Obie postacie, w wielu kontekstach hybrydyzowane, zajmują miejsca u zarania czasu, legitymizując indiańską tradycję kulturową jako nadrzędną w stosunku do opozycyjnych i wrogich wpływów zewnętrznych. Patrząc z tej perspektywy, wszelkie atrybuty swojskości nadawane Señorowi de la Soledad są oczywiste czy wręcz nieuniknione, z dwóch powodów. Po pierwsze, wynikają z pełnego „oswojenia” jego postaci jako własnej, co skutkowało włączeniem jej w rodzimą przestrzeń symboliczną. W ten sposób, zachowując uproszczony kanon, a raczej apokryf „świętej opowieści”, wypełniono ją dystynkcjami zaczerpniętymi z życia codziennego. Po drugie zaś, tylko szczegóły z codzienności mogły stać się dystynkcjami wyobraźni. Jakiekolwiek inne, związane z rzeczywistą scenerią kulturową Biblii i Ziemi Świętej, były dla Indianina całkowicie „przeźroczyste”, wyabstrahowane z jego imaginarium. Ich nieostre kontury zastępował wyrazistymi, własnymi odpowiednikami, tak jak Europejczyk, który tworzył rodzime repliki Kalwarii. W obrazowaniu tego procesu często pada znany przykład peruwiańskich przedstawień ostatniej wieczerzy wokół stołu zastawionego tradycyjnymi potrawami andyjskimi ze świnką morską, kukurydzą, chili i cziczą56. Nie ma w tym niczego z egzotyzacji, tylko naturalne wypełnianie matrycy jedynymi dostępnymi treściami. Niezależnie od tej oczywistości, spotkałam się z interpretacją symboliczną, iż zgodnie z programem ideowym ówczesnych artystów świnka morska, tradycyjne zwierzę ofiarne w tej części świata, mogła stanowić odpowiednik baranka ofiarnego, symbolizującego Chrystusa. W kontekście uczty paschalnej andyjska cuy byłaby więc hipostazą kulturową Chrystusa, stanowiąc wyraz znakomitej elastyczności akomodacyjnej chrześcijańskiego symbolu. 53 54 55 56 M.F. Gawrycki, Chrystus jada cuy. Latynoamerykańska sztuka kulinarna nie od kuchni, Warszawa 2014, s. 90–93; Z.J. Ryn, Medycyna indiańska…, s. 238–250. Zob. np. A. Henman, Mama Coca, Bogotá 1980; F. Cabieses, Etnología, fisiología y farmacología de la coca y la cocaina, Lima 1985; A.M. Fernández Honores, E.F. Rodríguez Rodríguez, Etnobotánica del Perú pre-hispanico, Trujillo 2007, s. 134–137; A.M. Mariscotti de Görlitz, Pachiamama Santa Tierra: contribucion al estudio de la religión autóctona en los Andes centro-meridionales, Berlin 1978, s. 93–97. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 35, 147. W katedrze w Cuzco przewodnicy z upodobaniem pokazują turystom olbrzymi obraz namalowany przez wykształconego przez Hiszpanów artystę o inkaskich korzeniach, Marcosa Zapatę (1710–1773) [fot. 16]. Pośrodku stołu w wieczerniku widoczny jest półmisek z pieczoną świnką morską cui, na talerzach leżą owoce i warzywa andyjskie, a przy nich stoją typowe naczynia na cziczę. W Peru i innych krajach Ameryki Południowej znajduje się wiele podobnych przedstawień ostatniej wieczerzy, z motywami świnki morskiej i innych kulinariów andyjskich. Temat ten zaistniał także w malarstwie szkoły kuzkeńskiej (XVI–XVIII w.). �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 191 Señor de la Soledad żuje kokę, jako chłopiec bawi się z indiańskimi dziećmi, a potem wędruje po polach, doglądając dojrzewających owoców i kwiatów57. Innym razem pod postacią staruszka pociesza orzącego ziemię rolnika San Isidro, obiecując mu obfite plony58. Jak wcześniej pisałam, posiada poletka obsiane zbożem i kukurydzą, obsadzone ziemniakami, a także stada owiec i krów. Mentalne „oswojenie” Boga, jego „andynizacja” – by użyć terminu Yauri Montero – odzwierciedlała się w typie relacji między wiernymi a Panem Samotności, oscylujących w szerokim zakresie od najgłębszej czci i uwielbienia, jakimi darzono słonecznego boga Inti i ubóstwionego Inkę, do intymnej czułości i zaufania, charakteryzujących stosunek Indian do mitycznych i rzeczywistych przodków, zamieszkujących chullpas59 lub skamieniałych w postaciach huancas, rozsianych po polach i przydomowych ogródkach (w regionie Ancash emocjonalnie mówią o nich awilitu, czyli „dziadeczki”60). Czasem najlepszą ilustracją zjawiska może być adekwatny przykład. We wspomnieniach moich znakomitych informatorek, Liny Garcia de Gammarry oraz Isabel Salazar Jácome – koleżanek od wczesnego dzieciństwa, mieszkających nieopodal świątyni Soledad, pojawił się ciekawy, pełen uroku, lecz dający do myślenia, incydent. Około połowy XX wieku ich codziennością były zabawy wokół świątyni, tym bardziej zrozumiałe, że starszy brat Isabel pełnił w niej posługę księdza. Dziewczynki lubiły ukrywać się w kościele tuż przed zwyczajowym zamykaniem go dla wiernych w samo południe. Zachwycone „posiadaniem na własność” całej świątyni, którą dzieliły tylko z Señorem de la Soledad, włączały go do swej zabawy, choć to, co robiły, postrzegały jako serdeczną przysługę, a nie rozrywkę. Lubiły mianowicie wchodzić od tyłu na ołtarz, by znaleźć się przy samym krzyżu Señora de la Soledad, po czym potrząsały brzegami jego sudario i cinturonu, żeby wytrzepać je z kurzu. W ich przekonaniu wyręczały dorosłych, którzy nigdy nie prali szat Chrystusa z powodu zwyczajowego zakazu. Wpatrywały się w jego oblicze, próbując odczytać nastrój Pana Samotności i głośno zadawały mu pytania: „Dlaczego jesteś taki smutny?”, „Czemu wyglądasz tak mizernie?” (hiszp. flaco). Reminiscencja ta, ze wzruszeniem przywołana z pamięci moich rozmówczyń, odzwierciedla aż nadto wyraziście ten rodzaj bezpośredniej czułości, która charakteryzuje relacje wiernych z Señorem de la Soledad. Fakt, iż stanowiła cząstkę emocjonalności kilkuletnich dzieci, dowodzi wielkiej intensywności indoktrynacji kulturowej w tym zakresie. Wspomnienie to, niejako na marginesie głównego wątku, skłania do zastanowienia nad intrygującym zakazem prania szat Pana Samotności. Lina wyraźnie zaznaczyła, że istniał „od zawsze” i nadal jest przestrzegany. Pozornie mogłoby się wydawać, że brał się z obawy przed zniszczeniem bogatych haftów, aplikacji i zdobień, ale byłaby to powierzchowna racjonalizacja, wynikającą z nieświadomości głębszych kontekstów. W trakcie 57 58 59 60 M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 138. Ibidem. Postać hiszpańskiego świętego Izydora-Oracza (1080–1130), intensywnie propagowana przez Hiszpanów po beatyfikacji w 1619 roku i kanonizacji w 1622 roku, zaistniała bardzo wyraźnie w religijności ludowej Peru. Opowieść o spotkaniu Señora de la Soledad z tym świętym stanowi transformację jego legendy hagiograficznej, w której Bóg błogosławi mu w pracy rolnika i cudownie pomnaża jego zbiory. Chullpa – niewielka kamienna budowla grzebalna, zwykle o wysokości do 2 metrów, z otworem wejściowym przy ziemi [fot. 17]. D. Walter, Los sitios arqueologicos en el imaginario de los campesinas de la Cordillera Blanca (Sierra de Ancash), [w:] La complejidad social en la arqueología y antropología de la sierra de Ancash, Perú, red. A. Herrera, C. Orsini & K. Lane, Milan 2005, s. 177–190. �192 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich badań, poniekąd przypadkowo, stwierdziłam, że żadne stroje świętych nie są prane – nawet skromne, pozbawione bogatych ozdób, fundowane przez ubogich wiernych61. W zakrystii w Pariacoto oglądałam i fotografowałam dziesiątki szat tamtejszego Señora de Mayo, gromadzonych od co najmniej półwiecza. Wyciągając je z przepastnej skrzyni, czułam niepokojący zapach niewietrzonych tkanin oraz starych peruk Chrystusa wykonanych z naturalnych włosów (zawsze kobiecych). Żadne części tych strojów nigdy nie były prane, po zdjęciu i zastąpieniu ich nowymi, trafiały do skrzyni. Wyobraziłam sobie nieprzebrane tysiące podobnych skrzyń w zakrystiach całego Peru. Nie zapytałam o przyczynę takiego stanu rzeczy, gdyż wówczas nie uświadamiałam sobie zawartego w tym podtekstu kulturowego – zapewne tak samo, jak gościnni franciszkanie, którzy udostępnili mi szaty Chrystusa. Zaczęłam go pojmować dopiero wtedy, gdy wgłębiłam się w szczegóły andyjskiej obrzędowości pogrzebowej. Jeszcze w nieodległych czasach (a nierzadko i dziś) powszechnie praktykowano rytuał zwany pichk’ay (od pichqa lub pitsqa, a w Ancash pitsqaaki62) – prania ubrań zmarłego, piątego lub ósmego dnia po jego śmierci. Pranie, którym w godzinach porannych zajmowały się wyłącznie kobiety, miało pozwolić na pozbycie się niewidzialnej substancji materialno-duchowej właściciela, nie zaś brudu w potocznym tego słowa znaczeniu. Odbywało się zawsze w płynącej wodzie strumienia, nigdy w jeziorze czy naczyniu. Woda musiała fizycznie oddalić tę substancjalność poza orbis interior63. Po dokonaniu rytuału wysuszone ubrania rozkładano w domu zmarłego, by odwiedzający krewni mogli je zabrać i nadal użytkować. W ostatnich dekadach, gdy ilość odzieży przypadająca na przeciętnego Indianina wielokrotnie wzrosła, obrzęd traci na wyrazistości. Trzeba jednak pamiętać, że przez wieki, a nawet tysiąclecia, przeciętny Indianin miał tylko jedno ubranie, którego prawie nigdy nie zdejmował, a już na pewno nie w celach higienicznych, gdyż zwykle nie mył się przez całe życie64. W ciągu niezliczonych pokoleń czynność prania ubrań zespoliła się obrzędowością 61 62 63 64 Szerzej na temat szat świętych piszę w części: Święci w systemie komunikatów i powinności. J.A. Salazar Mejía, 7 ensayos…, s. 58. „Odzież zmarłego należy uprać w miejscu, gdzie łączą się dwa strumienie, piątego lub ósmego dnia po śmierci, aby śmierć zmarłego spłynęła do morza i nie groziła pozostałym członkom rodziny” (Inkowie o Inkach. Antologia, spolszczył, przypisami i komentarzami opatrzył J. Szemiński, Warszawa 2015, s. 255). Polski entomolog i biolog Feliks Woytkowski (1892–1966), który spędził blisko czterdzieści lat w Peru, pisze na temat Indian andyjskich: „Od momentu opuszczenia łona matki, do ostatnich chwil swego życia nie myje twarzy i rąk; jego ciało nigdy nie jest kąpane; jest przekonany, że takie kontakty z wodą byłyby dlań zgubne” (idem, Peru, moja ziemia nieobiecana, wybór tekstów, opracowanie, przekład z hiszpańskiego i angielskiego oraz wstęp, posłowie i przypisy M.S. Wielopolska, Wrocław 1974, s. 101). Obserwację Woytkowskiego potwierdza wybitny znawca problematyki zdrowotnej w Andach, Zdzisław Jan Ryn, przywołując powyższy fragment (idem, Medycyna ludowa…, s. 192). Zarówno źródła historyczne sprzed wieków, jak i późniejsze etnograficzne, dowodzą, że jedyną formą obmywania się dawnych Indian były ablucje rytualne stosowane w różnych okolicznościach obrzędowych. Fakt niepraktykowania kąpieli przez całe życie, szokujący z perspektywy dzisiejszego Europejczyka, nie budzi żadnego zdziwienia etnologa. Warunki klimatyczne na dużych wysokościach (chłód, suchość powietrza) powodują, że groźba chorób zakaźnych wywoływanych procesami rozkładu jest nieporównanie mniejsza niż w niżej położonych rejonach. Uwarunkowania naturalne przekładają się na instrumentarium kulturowe lub jego brak. Warto zauważyć, że do lat 30. XX wieku, a nierzadko dłużej, na polskiej wsi (nie jedynej w Europie) mycie się także nie było praktykowane, a rzadkie okoliczności dokonywania ablucji miały w swej istocie więcej wspólnego z rytualnym oczyszczeniem (np. przed ważnymi świętami) niż zabiegiem higienicznym. Im głębiej sięgniemy w przeszłość, tym powszechniejszy jest taki stan, obejmujący także wyższe warstwy społeczne. Uważna analiza wskazuje, że brak praktyk higienicznych w naszym współczesnym rozumieniu obserwujemy zarówno u rdzennych mieszkańców Andów, jak i dawnych społeczeństw europejskich (oczywiście uwzględniając �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 193 pogrzebową, głęboko przenikając w teksty kultury. Ubranie prało się tylko raz – po śmierci właściciela. Pomimo iż od dawna pranie odzieży stało się codzienną, czasem wielogodzinną pracą przeciętnej Indianki, pamięć o rytuale pozostaje żywa i w wielu miejscach jest on nadal praktykowany. Zakaz prania szat Chrystusa i świętych stanowi jeden z owych tekstów kultury, zdeterminowanych utrwalonym przez wieki skojarzeniem ubrania upranego jako należącego do zmarłego. W połowie XX wieku, gdy taka zbitka myślowa była jeszcze powszechna, przyodzianie Chrystusa w uprane szaty stanowiłoby niedopuszczalną sprzeczność w zestawieniu z jego nieśmiertelnością. Silne tabu zakazu chroniło mityczny porządek przed destabilizacją – i siłą inercji nadal obowiązuje, mimo iż zaciera się ostrość widzenia przyczyny. Pozostaje żywe tam, gdzie wszelkie tradycje cechuje największa zachowawczość z powodu sakralnego usankcjonowania. Garderoby najsłynniejszych wizerunków, takich jak Señora de la Soledad, liczą nierzadko setki kompletów szat. Mogą być czyszczone i reperowane, ale zakaz prania dotyczy wszystkich bez wyjątku. Chrystus, który nie czyni cudów, czyli „niewrażliwość mirakularna” Indian Omawiając cudowny wizerunek, nie sposób pominąć kwestii cudów. Tytułem wstępu posłużę się dwiema definicjami, spinającymi wspólną klamrą dwa bieguny interpretacji obszaru semantycznego zjawisk, zwanych „cudownymi”. Pierwsza definicja reprezentuje stanowisko kanoniczne, druga zaś – sformułowana jako dyrektywa badawcza – wydaje się najtrafniejsza w odniesieniu do cudu w religijności ludowej. W Encyklopedii katolickiej czytamy: Cud, zjawisko nadprzyrodzone o charakterze religijnym, będące znakiem Boga (transcendencja), skierowanym do człowieka (immanencja); oznacza konkretne działanie Boże, przez które w sposób szczególny Bóg realizuje historię zbawienia i oznajmia swą zbawczą wolę człowiekowi, tworzącemu historię własnego życia i współtworzącemu historię ludzkiej społeczności65. Cud to nadzwyczajna ingerencja Boga w świecie, dzięki której Bóg w sposób szczególny realizuje ekonomię zbawienia; stanowi znak, przez który oznajmia on człowiekowi swą zbawczą wolę66. Przywołałam powyższe definicje, by wskazać na specyfikę interpretacji teologicznej, za którą postępuje długotrwała i skomplikowana procedura religijnego rozpoznania cudu w oparciu o analizę zjawisk natury, aspektów medycznych, weryfikację faktograficzną, filozoficzną (zasada przyczynowości i racji dostatecznej) i teologiczną (badanie kontekstu religijnego). Postępowanie z wykorzystaniem aparatu naukowego obwarowane jest surowymi 65 66 wyjątki, np. łaźnie publiczne w średniowiecznych miastach, oraz zróżnicowania terytorialne pod tym względem). Problematyka praktyk higienicznych jest wyjątkowo obszerna. Perspektywa opisu etnologicznego wymaga przede wszystkim zdefiniowania pojęcia „brudu” w kulturze badanej społeczności i zdystansowania się od potocznych skojarzeń. R. Łukaszyk, Cud, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 3, Lublin 1995, s. 642–643. E. Kopeć, Cud, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 3, Lublin 1995, s. 652. �194 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich regułami i – jakkolwiek zabrzmi to paradoksalnie – w swoim obszarze badawczym jest w pełni dialektyczne. Radykalnie inną optykę, adekwatną do „zdarzeń o charakterze cudownym” w obszarze religijności ludowej proponują Andrzej Hemka i Jacek Olędzki w ważnym artykule Wrażliwość mirakularna. Czytamy w nim: Każde zdarzenie wytłumaczalne w najprostszy sposób: przyczyna – skutek, zjawisko fizyczne – złudzenie metafizyczne itd., może uchodzić za cudowne, jeśli w świadomości pojedynczej osoby, a tym bardziej mniejszej lub większej zbiorowości, uznane zostało właśnie za takie, a nie za zjawisko pospolite, zwykłe, w pełni wyjaśnione. A zatem samo przekonanie osoby lub zbiorowości przyjmujemy za wyłączne kryterium określające zdarzenie jako cudowne. […] Powtórzyć więc trzeba jeszcze raz, za zdarzenia o charakterze cudownym uznajemy takie, które w świadomości jednostkowej czy zbiorowej uzyskało miano niezwykłego, niewytłumaczalnego. To, że cudowne zdarzenia znajdują często swoje wyjaśnienie w faktach całkiem realnych w niczym nie pomniejsza ich istoty67 [podkr. E.J.]. Jak z kolei twierdzi Joachim Bouflet: Cud należy […] do normalności i mimo swojego wyjątkowego charakteru nie narusza w niczym praw natury”68. Dalej badacz przywołuje jeszcze opinię Henry’ego Leenhardta: Cud nie jest nigdy pogwałceniem praw natury, jest zawsze z którymś z nich zgodny i sam w sobie nie jest niewytłumaczalny. Mylą się ci, dla których cud wytłumaczalny przestaje już być cudem69. Oczywistym jest, że język dyskursu oraz kategorie pojęciowe zawarte w przywołanej na początku, teologicznej definicji cudu zasadniczo rozmijają się zarówno z językiem mitu, matrycą klasyfikacji rzeczywistości, jak i duchowością społeczności tradycyjnych, więc posiadają one znikomą przydatność w badaniach nad cudami w religijności ludowej. Teoretyczna próba zastosowania takiej definicji cudu równałaby się eliminacji ogromnej większości zjawisk jako niespełniających kryteriów. Dyskurs antropologiczny, którego przestrzeń zakreślają autorzy Wrażliwości mirakularnej, umożliwia rozpoznanie w „zdarzeniach o charakterze cudownym” – bo takie określenie proponują – ważnych prawidłowości kulturowych, całkowicie pomijanych w interpretacji kanonicznej. Antropologiczna perspektywa badawcza nad religijnością ludową nie tylko otwiera możliwości dostrzeżenia rozlicznych kontekstów cudu w otoczeniem społeczno-kulturowym oraz rozpoznania jego wielowymiarowych skutków dla grupy, ale pozwala też spróbować rozstrzygnąć, czym jest cud w uświadamianej warstwie percepcji grupy oraz jakie miejsce zajmuje w strukturze jej kosmowizji. Istnieją bowiem pod tym względem istotne różnice między grupami etnicznymi, a także społecznościami chrześcijańskimi bądź schrystianizowanymi o odmiennych tradycjach 67 68 69 A. Hemka, J. Olędzki, Wrażliwość mirakularna, „Polska Sztuka Ludowa” 1990, t. 44, nr 1, s. 9. J. Bouflet, Historia cudów. Od średniowiecza do dziś, przeł. K. Żaboklicki, Warszawa 2011, s. 14. Ibidem. Cytat pochodzi z: H. Leenhardt, Miracle, [hasło w:] Dictionnaire encyclopédique de la Bible, t. 2, red. A. Westphal, Valence-sur-Rhône 1973, s. 169. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 195 kulturowych. Piszę o tradycji chrześcijańskiej, co nie znaczy, że inne religie nie znają zjawisk cudownych. Na poziomie uniwersalnym łączy je jednak tylko powierzchowna, intuicyjna kwalifikacja, wiele natomiast dzieli w zakresie szczegółów. Wybraną ilustracją tej prawidłowości będzie charakterystyka postrzegania cudu przez Indian, Metysów i Kreoli. Hermeneutyka cudu nie może ograniczać się do badania spektakularnych zdarzeń dostępnych tylko grupie czy większej zbiorowości. Niemniej ważną ścieżką postępowania jest analiza semantyki modlitwy jako tekstu suplikacyjnego i dziękczynnego. Mówimy na razie o modlitwie w jej kanonicznym rozumieniu, stanowiącym punkt wyjścia dla sformułowania odmiennej charakterystyki modlitwy Indian. Precyzując – nie chodzi o modlitwę w formie wyuczonego bądź czytanego tekstu, tylko o osobistą rozmowę z Bogiem. Taka też podlega unormowaniom społecznym jako element uformowany w procesie socjalizacji kulturowej. Modlitwa jest ściśle związana z postrzeganiem i konceptualizacją cudu. Pomijając bardziej wysublimowane formy modlitwy kontemplacyjnej, wielbiącej czy przebłagalnej, jej podstawową funkcją jest prośba o cud lub podziękowanie za cud dokonany. Czymże bowiem, jak nie cudem, jest każda nadprzyrodzona ingerencja w sprawy codzienności, nawet jeśli dotyczy pojedynczego człowieka lub jego rodziny? Niezależnie od skali oddziaływania, ontologia cudu pozostaje taka sama, uwikłana w osobiste relacje między Bogiem a człowiekiem oraz nieuchronność antropomorfizacji zjawiska70. Treść modlitwy o cud odzwierciedla jego konceptualizację kulturową, a patrząc z drugiej strony – zdarzające się cuda objaśniają narracje modlitw. Nie jest to łatwa materia badawcza, ponieważ dostęp do treści i emocji prywatnych modlitw – tych najbardziej skrytych tekstów kultury – wymaga pozyskania dużego zaufania respondentów i posiadania niezbędnej świadomości tła kulturowego. Morfologia modlitwy oraz jej znaczenie jako tekstu kultury były dotąd tematyką marginalną w badaniach nad społecznościami andyjskimi. Moje doświadczenia w tym względzie są także skromne, niemniej pozwalają na konceptualizację niektórych prawidłowości. David D. Gow, prowadząc badania podczas pielgrzymek Indian i Metysów do sanktuariów Qoyllur Rit’i pod świętą górą Ausangate w środkowym Peru, zauważył charakterystyczne zróżnicowanie ich modlitw oraz pojmowania „cudowności” tamtejszego Chrystusa: Wszyscy pielgrzymi mówią, że Pan jest cudowny, ale znaczenie tego słowa różni się w zależności od tego, czy jest używane przez chłopa [tzn. Indianina], czy przez Metysa. Dla chłopów jest cudem, ponieważ objawił się w cudzie. Dla Metysów jest cudowny w bardziej konwencjonalnym sensie: czyni cuda i wiadomo, że czynił wiele na korzyść Metysów, od znalezienia czy zarobienia pieniędzy aż po powrót do zdrowia. (Pielgrzymują, prosząc o konkrety, powodzenie w interesach, zdrowie, pieniądze). Nigdy nie słyszałem, żeby takie cuda sprzyjały chłopom. Widzieliśmy, że chłopi udają się do Qoyllur Rit’i, aby prosić o zdrowie dla swoich krewnych i żywego inwentarza, a także błagać Pana o błogosławieństwo, jego łaskę, która obejmuje te same pragnienia w bardziej abstrakcyjny sposób. [Indianin] zapytany: czy Pan pomógł ci w czymś? – odpowiedział: „Nikt mi nie pomógł. A jeśli otrzymuję coś od kogoś, to dzięki łasce Pana. Ten chłop, mówiąc o łasce, miał na myśli to, że wszystko idzie mu dobrze, i w domu i z jego stadami71 [podkr. E.J.]. 70 71 Zob. wnikliwą analizę personalistycznej ontologii cudu: A. Świeżyński, (Wszech) moc Boga w kontekście relacyjno-komunikacyjnej ontologii cudu, „Filo-Sofija” 2015, nr 30, s. 181–198. D.D. Gow, Taytacha Qoyllur Rit’i. Rocas y bailarines, creencias y continuidad, „Allpanchis Phututinqa” 1974, t. 7, s. 83–84. �196 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Moje rozmowy z Indianami, Metysami i Kreolami zdają się potwierdzać to rozróżnienie. Indianie mówią raczej o łasce i błogosławieństwie, zapewniających pomyślność w życiu codziennym, bez precyzowania konkretnych celów oczekiwanej ingerencji Boga. Przychodzą z darami, najczęściej świecami, czasem dużymi, ozdobnymi i kosztownymi, a sam rytuał ofiary i bliskość z Señorem de la Soledad są dla nich ważniejsze niż konkretyzowanie cudownych oczekiwań. Nie znaczy to oczywiście, że Indianie nie kierują do Pana Samotności próśb bardziej szczegółowych, zwłaszcza w ważnych momentach życiowych. Dominującą postawą nie jest jednak oczekiwanie cudów, tylko wyrażana w modlitwie, ale też – co ważne – w rytuale, troska o nieustanne sprawowanie przez Señora de la Soledad władzy nad światem, dla którego jest on axis mundi i warunkiem istnienia. Indianin nie odczuwa potrzeby spektakularnych cudów dotyczących wąskich, wybranych aspektów życia. Jego modlitwy oraz rytualne formy obecności w bliskości Pana Samotności mają przede wszystkim zapewnić trwałość struktury, która swoją spójnością w naturalny sposób gwarantuje stabilność aktualnych dystynkcji. Trwałość porządku kosmologicznego zapewnia pomyślność losów przeciętnego człowieka. Logika takiej konceptualizacji prowadzi dalej, do strukturalnej nierelewancji cudu, a więc, paradoksalnie, do jego systemowej szkodliwości polegającej na zachwianiu kompatybilności pomiędzy kosmologicznym uniwersum a sferą niezliczonych potencjalnych cudów, mogących stanowić naruszenia jego porządku. Eliminowanie tak rozumianych cudów jawi się jako obrona struktury przed nadmierną autonomią i eskalacją dystynkcji. Myśl o cudzie, który zdaje się mieć charakter jednoznacznej i ukierunkowanej ingerencji pojawia się dopiero wtedy, gdy Indianie widzą w nim „ostatnią deskę ratunku” w sprawach egzystencjalnych dotyczących całej społeczności – takich, jak wielkie susze, trzęsienia ziemi czy wojny. Wówczas Señor de la Soledad wychodzi ze świątyni, a tysiące rozmodlonych wiernych z ufnością oczekują cudu. Rodzi się jednak pytanie, czy nawet wtedy rzeczywiście chodzi o cud? Czy dokonując takiej interpretacji, nie ulegamy sugestii europejskiej, judeochrześcijańskiej konceptualizacji cudu? Kluczem do weryfikacji tej sugestii jest fakt, iż – jak zostało powiedziane – w wymienionych sytuacjach ów rzekomy „cud” dotyczy wyłącznie najważniejszych spraw o charakterze egzystencjalnym dla grupy, a zatem nie należy go postrzegać w podobnych kategoriach, jak jednorazowe, nadprzyrodzone ingerencje w doczesność. W tych przypadkach chodzi o przywrócenie stabilności całego systemu, wstrząsanego co jakiś czas paroksyzmami kryzysów. Interwencja boska na tym poziomie nie tylko wykracza poza standardową definicję cudu, ale wręcz całkowicie się z nią rozmija. Chciałoby się powiedzieć: to nie cud, to regulacja. W postawie tej dochodzi do głosu priorytet archaicznego myślenia o mitycznej spójności świata, będącej gwarantem pomyślności indywidualnych losów każdego człowieka i jego bliskich. Odzwierciedla fundamentalną regułę Eliadowskiej „ontologii archaicznej”, dowodząc jej trwałości pomimo stuleci indoktrynacji kościelnej, propagującej uproszczony wprawdzie, ale kanoniczny wzorzec cudu. Trwałość ta wspomagana jest brakiem ekwiwalentu językowego chrześcijańskiego „cudu” w języku keczua. Włączył on w swój korpus hiszpańskie słowo „milagro” (również w wersji „milagru”)72, ale nie przejął jego kanonicznego znaczenia. Jean Duvignaud zauważa podobny stosunek do cudów zarówno wśród tunezyjskich nomadów, jak i Indian pielgrzymujących do sanktuarium w meksykańskim Guadalupe. O tych pierwszych powiada: 72 Milagro, [hasło w:] Glosbe, https://dlosbe.com/es/quz/milagro [data dostępu: 9 VIII 2020]. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 197 Bóg nie odpowiada. Ci ludzie dobrze o tym wiedzą. Tylko my, ludzie Zachodu, sądzimy, że Bóg odpowie, a cały ten „wydatek”, „ofiara” czemuś służą – choćby to miało być tylko złudzenie, że nastąpi cud i dostanę coś w zamian73. Na temat pielgrzymów w Guadalupe czyni podobne, przenikliwe spostrzeżenie: Ludzie, którzy tu przyszli, nie czekają na cud, ale na wspólne trwonienie znaków, darów, skromnych dóbr, które tu przynieśli. Układają podarki wzdłuż krat w bocznych kaplicach. Właśnie po to przyszli – aby dać cząstkę swojej istoty74 [podkr. E.J.]. Jak zauważył David D. Gow, odmienną postawę wobec cudu reprezentują Metysi, a od siebie dodam, że również Kreole. Ich modlitwy zdecydowanie częściej formułują skonkretyzowane prośby, jak również podziękowania za otrzymane łaski w zakresie szczegółowych spraw. Reprezentatywnym przykładem może być metyski kierowca ciężarówki, który zwierzył się amerykańskiemu antropologowi, że od 1945 roku regularnie chodził do sanktuarium Qoyllur Rit’i, prosząc Chrystusa o zdrowie oraz o to, by jego synowie nie musieli zarabiać jako kierowcy ciężarówek. Zapewniał go, że dzięki temu nigdy nie chorował, a synowie studiują na uniwersytecie75. Obserwujemy oczywistą odmienność pojmowania cudu przez tradycyjnych Indian oraz Metysów i Kreoli. Byłoby jednak uproszczeniem stwierdzenie, ze zakres oczekiwań na cudowną ingerencję Boga odzwierciedla potrzeby wynikające z otoczenia cywilizacyjno-kulturowego formułujących je grup. Jest to częściowa prawda, jeśli chodzi o Metysów i Kreoli. Indianie wszakże mają też swoje otoczenie kulturowe, w ramach którego mogliby wydzielić setki ważnych dla siebie spraw, powierzając je cudownej interwencji. Nie wykazują jednak takiej skłonności, poza szczególnymi, ekstremalnymi przypadkami, związanymi głównie ze zdrowiem. Różnica tkwi zatem głębiej, wskazując na uwikłanie w dwóch typach kosmowizji. Indiańską jesteśmy skłonni łączyć z „ontologią archaiczną”, metysko-kreolską zaś – z „wtargnięciem paradygmatu gospodarki rynkowej”, jak zjawisko to definiuje Duvignaud. W kontekście składania darów komentuje je następująco: Merkantylistyczna idea handlu z Bogiem czy też bogami wydaje się raczej projekcją europejskiego świata produkcji: dać, aby dostać coś w zamian – słowa te zalatują gospodarką rynkową oraz kupiectwem76. W innej swojej pracy francuski antropolog rozwija tę myśl, nieszablonowo interpretując przepych hiszpańskiego baroku w Ameryce Łacińskiej: Czyż nie chodzi tu o przyciągnięcie uwagi Boga, narzucenie mu dialogu, który pozwoli odpowiedzieć na ludzkie dary aktem łaski specjalnej i skutecznej? Czy godzi się narzucić Bogu 73 74 75 76 J. Duvignaud, Dar z niczego. O antropologii święta, przeł. Ł. Jurasz-Dudzik, Warszawa 2011, s. 129. Ibidem, s. 138. D.D. Gow, op. cit., s. 84. Trzeba wyjaśnić, że kierowanie ciężarówką w Peru na rozległych obszarach Andów, pełnych przepaścistych „dróg śmierci”, jest do dziś zawodem wysokiego ryzyka, a tym bardziej było nim w latach 1945–1970, których dotyczy opowieść rozmówcy Gowa. J. Duvignaud, op. cit., s. 141. �198 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich wymianę, włączyć go w nieskończony łańcuch wciąż rosnących darów – wymianę darów za wymianę łask? Potężna musiała być owa trwoga, która powodowała tymi artystami i mecenasami, ów pełen napięcia stan oczekiwania, który wciągnął ludzi na takie manowce twórcze, ów nastrój przesadnej egzaltacji. Czyż intensywność ekspresji, którą uważa się za cechę charakterystyczną baroku, nie wynika z tego właśnie lęku przed ewentualną odpowiedzią Boga?77 Poczynione spostrzeżenia dotyczące pojmowania cudu, zróżnicowanego w zależności od grup społeczno-etnicznych, mają charakter uproszczony i niewątpliwie znalazłoby się wiele wyjątków. Zarysowane tendencje są jednak wyraziste i można je poprzeć licznymi przykładami. Zaskakujący wydaje się brak „zdarzeń cudownych” o charakterze prywatnym, utrwalonych w pamięci lub pisemnie, które wydarzyłyby się za przyczyną Señora de la Soledad w okresie od 1970 roku. Indagowany przeze mnie proboszcz parafii Soledad nie potrafił wymienić takiego cudu, który by się zdarzył za jego pamięci. Nie słyszał też o żadnym z czasów wcześniejszych, a mojego pytania, czy w parafii jest Liber miraculorum, zdawał się nie rozumieć. Ku mojemu początkowemu zdziwieniu, podobna sytuacja powtórzyła się w innych andyjskich parafiach, gdzie miałam możliwość rozmawiania z miejscowymi księżmi. Kwestia znikomej liczby odnotowanych cudów – zarówno w pomniejszych, jak i bardzo sławnych sanktuariach – długo była dla mnie zagadką. W końcu zrozumiałam, że kluczem do zrozumienia zjawiska może być skład etniczny grupy, wśród której prowadzę badania. W przypadku Huaráz cezura czasowa 1970 roku jest w kwestii cudów zasadnicza, ponieważ mające wtedy miejsce wielkie trzęsienie ziemi rozcięło nowożytne dzieje miasta na dwa radykalnie odmienne okresy. Przed kataklizmem było ono wybitnie metysko-kreolskie, po nim zaś zdominowane zostało dziesiątkami tysięcy Indian migrujących z górskich wiosek oraz kosmopolitycznymi przybyszami z zewnątrz, bez jakichkolwiek związków kulturowych czy religijnych z Panem Samotności. Struktura etniczno-kulturowa mieszkańców zawsze wywierała decydujący wpływ na otoczenie kultu Señora de la Soledad, a zatem oczywistym jest, że w dawnym, metysko-kreolskim Huaráz cuda prywatne zdarzały się obficie, o czym świadczą wielkie ilości srebrnych wot dziękczynnych otaczających niegdyś wizerunek Pana Samotności – przypiętych do jego szat i espaldaru. Wspomina o nich Yauri Montero78 i dokumentują nieliczne zdjęcia z tamtego okresu [fot. 18]. Wota te, jak i Liber miraculorum, która najpewniej kiedyś istniała, przepadły w gruzach świątyni. Po odbudowie miasta i kościoła cuda prywatne przestały się zdarzać, pomimo nadzwyczajnej żarliwości kultu Señora de la Soledad, któremu poświeciłam uwagę w poprzednich rozdziałach. Nieliczne – dwa lub trzy przypadki, które odnotował Yauri Montero, dotyczą okresu sprzed 1970 roku. W związku z tym po tej dacie zanikła także tradycja składania wot. Obecnie nie ma ich wcale w otoczeniu wizerunku79. Wota materializujące zdarzenia cudowne (dziękczynne) lub będące wyrazem próśb o dostąpienie takowych (proszalne) stanowią zjawisko niekompatybilne z andyjską religijnością ludową. Charakterystyczne są dla tradycji chrześcijaństwa europejskiego oraz hiszpańsko-kreolskiego w Peru. Olędzki uwypukla ich symboliczny sens, lokując je w obszarze wymienionej tradycji: 77 78 79 J. Duvignaud, Socjologia sztuki, przeł. I. Wojnar, Warszawa 1970, s. 83. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 51 Trzy małe, srebrne wota-serduszka przypięte są do szat Marii Magdaleny wchodzącej w skład Grupy Ukrzyżowania, ale nie mają one związku z kultem Señora de la Soledad, a figura ta adorowana jest przez Kreoli. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 199 Są te wota zazwyczaj przejawem wyrafinowanej świadomości religijnej, przesyconej dewocją, spowitej egzaltacją albo, mówiąc inaczej, przejawem świadomości wspieranej mniej lub bardziej wzmożoną wrażliwością mirakularną, a nie wyłącznie zmysłem praktycznym. […] Jak wiadomo, kult wotywny jest rodzajem ofiary symbolicznej, stanowiącej opozycję w stosunku do przede wszystkim ofiary krwawej. W dziejach wierzeń reprezentuje nurt (proces) humanizacji istot czczonych80. Charakterystyczna cecha deficytu cudów w religijności andyjskiej wymaga dalszych badań nad synkretyzmem religijnym, ale ów brak stanowi niewątpliwie jeden z jego wyznaczników. Poza pracą Gowa sprzed półwiecza, nie są mi znane inne studia, pogłębiające to zagadnienie. Sądzę, że zwrócenie uwagi na, zdawać by się mogło oczywiste, a jednak nieobecne w literaturze, powiązanie braku cudów z brakiem wot przy świętych wizerunkach pozycjonuje tę problematykę nie tylko w sferze kultury duchowej, ale też w obrębie jej wizualnych egzemplifikacji, decydujących o niepowtarzalności andyjskiej ikonosfery sakralnej. W kościołach i kaplicach andyjskich brakuje wot, a jeśli pojawiają się gdzieś w skromnej ilości, można być pewnym, że miejscowość zamieszkuje znacząca reprezentacja ludności kreolskiej kultywującej tę tradycję81. Zupełnie inną sytuację obserwuje się w Limie, Trujillo i innych miastach costy, zdominowanych przez nieindiańskich mieszkańców. Tam wota w otoczeniu czczonych wizerunków, a także zdobiące ich szaty, są powszechne, zgromadzone nierzadko w dużej ilości [fot. 20]. Poza najczęstszą formą srebrnych serc spotyka się rozliczne wersje wot figuralnych, a także wyobrażeń części ciała, zwierząt, przedmiotów i pojazdów [fot. 21]. Nierzadko jako dary wotywne ofiarowywane są medale, ordery oraz emblematy wojskowe [fot. 22]. Przed kilkudziesięciu laty, gdy zegarki kieszonkowe znaczyły status i zamożność, można je było zobaczyć przywieszone do szat świętych. Według zasłyszanej informacji, w połowie XX wieku zdobiły także espaldar Señora de la Soledad. Wota stanowią ciekawy i rozległy obszar zainteresowań etnologa i historyka sztuki, ale w moich rozważaniach temat uboczny, poruszany jedynie w kontekście braku takowych artefaktów jako czynnika diagnozującego via negationis kształt badanej religijności. Prowadź mnie, Panie Samotności! – znaki obecności i communitas Północne przedmieścia Huaráz przy głównej arterii wiodącej wzdłuż rzeki Santa to obszar pełen kontrastów, z przewagą pejzażu setek drobnych warsztatów mechanicznych, garaży, myjni ciężarówek, składów towarów i niewielkich sklepików. Pośród chaotycznej, ubogiej, 80 81 J. Olędzki, Świadomość mirakularna, „Polska Sztuka Ludowa” 1989, R. 43, nr 3, s. 147, 156. Obszerny materiał historyczny i etnograficzny na temat wot zawiera praca: J. Jagla, Wieczna prośba i dziękczynienie. O symbolicznych relacjach między sacrum a profanum w przedstawieniach wotywnych z obszaru Polski Centralnej, Warszawa 2009. W dolinie Río Santa wyjątkiem takim jest miejscowość Ucucha nieopodal Huaráz, w pobliżu źródeł termalnych Monterey – w miejscu od ponad stulecia zamieszkanym przez zamożniejszą ludność kreolską. Rejon ten w niewielkim stopniu ucierpiał w trzęsieniu ziemi w 1970 roku, więc nie nastąpiła z niego fala odpływu ludności, tak jak to miało miejsce w Huaráz. W miejscowym kościele znajduje się wizerunek Chrystusa na Krzyżu z okresu kolonialnego, bardzo podobny do Señora de la Soledad. Krucyfiks po obu stronach otoczony jest srebrnymi wotami, co stanowi rzadki wyjątek w regionie [fot. 19]. �200 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich ciągnącej się kilometrami zabudowy, raz po raz zwraca uwagę dostatniejsza willa chroniona wysokim ogrodzeniem. Wszystko wzdłuż drogi pokrywa szara warstwa kurzu wznoszonego kołami niekończącego się strumienia aut, głównie ciężarowych, transportujących towary i ludzi w głąb doliny Río Santa i w przeciwnym kierunku. Tutaj koncentruje się wszelka infrastruktura motoryzacyjna, z przewagą drobnych warsztatów naprawczych, ślusarskich i wulkanizacyjnych. Któregoś dnia, wracając z badań w wioskach na wschodnich stokach Huascaránu i przejeżdżając przez tę część Huaráz, mignął mi przed oczami słupek z prostym, ręcznie wykonanym szyldem opatrzonym strzałką wskazującą w głąb bocznej uliczki. Napis głosił: Ferretería Señor de la Soledad (Zakład ślusarski Señor de la Soledad). Sądząc po jakości szyldu, reklamował jeden z setek okolicznych, ubogich warsztatów ślusarskich z adobe i blachy falistej, spawający kraty do okien i świadczący drobne usługi „w żelazie”. Kontrast między jego ubóstwem a wielkością obranego patrona wydał mi się nazbyt jaskrawy, a zestawienie jakby niestosowne. Równocześnie odruch ostrożności przed spontanicznością własnych ocen nakazał zastanowienie nad kwestią podłoża aksjonormatywnego, niewątpliwie odmiennego u mnie i u ślusarza. Moje miało znaczenie o tyle, że wywołało zdziwienie inspirujące namysł; jego zaś stanowiło właściwy przedmiot refleksji. Mając w pamięci ów szyld, zaczęłam zwracać uwagę na inne konteksty pojawiania się wizualnych odniesień do Señora de la Soledad w przestrzeni publicznej. Okazało się, że jest ich bardzo wiele, a rozproszenie ma charakter egalitarny, nierezerwujący słowno-ikonicznego znaku „Señor de la Soledad” dla żadnej grupy etnicznej, społecznej czy zawodowej. Pojawia się on w funkcji patronimicznej w skonwencjonalizowanej formie oficjalnych nazw instytucji. Dwie z nich zajmują ważne, ugruntowane miejsce w systemie edukacyjnym Huaráz. Pierwsza to Politécnico Señor de la Soledad – szkoła techniczna z wydziałem Mecanica y Manejo. Uczelnia ma stronę w Internecie, ogłasza się w miejscowej prasie, a samochody z jej logo widuje się na ulicach miasta [fot. 23]. Przez pokrewieństwo specjalności, toutes proportions gardées skojarzyłam ją z ubogim ślusarzem z Ferretería Señor de la Soledad, co uzmysłowiło dwa bieguny owego egalitaryzmu, wyznaczające rozległą przestrzeń potencjalnych patronatów Señora de la Soledad, nieskrępowanych żadnymi uchwytnymi zastrzeżeniami. Drugim, równie ważnym zakładem kształcenia młodzieży jest Institución Educativa „Señor de la Soledad” założona w 1967 roku przez księdza Mariano Espinoza Orco [fot.24] (zob. s. 158). Dewocja i tęsknota do Pana Samotności nie opuszczały migrantów z Huaráz, którzy w Callao, portowej dzielnicy Limy, gdzie znaleźli pracę, założyli Collegio Bilingüe „Señor de la Soledad” [fot 25]. Poza instytucjami edukacyjnymi, patronat Pana Samotności obejmuje także m.in. dom dziecka, sławną orkiestrę regionalną z dzielnicy Soledad [fot. 26], „Apartamenty Soledad” [fot 27], restaurację „Añañau Soledad” [fot. 28], sklep drogeryjny [fot. 29], przedsiębiorstwo taksówkowe „Mars Soledad” [fot. 30], a nawet prywatną firmę finansowo-doradczą. Patronaty istniejące w oficjalnych nazwach reprezentują sformalizowaną warstwę obecności Señora de la Soledad w przestrzeni publicznej miasta. O wiele bogatsza jest jednak warstwa nieformalna, podlegająca indywidualnej spontaniczności mieszkańców pragnących dać wyraz swemu przywiązaniu do Pana Samotności. Jej najbardziej spektakularnym przejawem są wszechobecne napisy „Gme. Señor de la Soledad”82 („Prowadź mnie, Panie Samotności”) na samochodach, głównie tanich taksówkach, będących popularnymi środkami 82 Skrót „gme” oznacza „guíame”, czyli „prowadź mnie”. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 201 przemieszczania się w mieście i okolicach. Hasła te widnieją również na wielu autach prywatnych oraz na lokalnych minibusach. Najczęściej naklejane są w górnej części przedniej i/lub tylnej szyby samochodu [fot. 31], ale sposób ozdabiania pojazdu zależy wyłącznie od fantazji właściciela, więc nie sposób spotkać identycznego. Napisy bywają proste i poważne, albo ozdobne, zdradzające aktualne preferencje w popularnej estetyce pisma. W okresie, gdy je dokumentowałam (2019 rok), modnym był „rozlewający się” krój liter, z kroplami spływającymi z każdej z nich [fot. 32]. Napisy zawierają nierzadko dodatkowe treści – sentencje, pobożne inwokacje, a nawet całe wiersze ku czci Pana Samotności [fot. 33]. Najciekawszym wszakże elementem towarzyszącym napisom lub umieszczanym osobno jest lapidarny skrót graficzny głowy Señora de la Soledad. Stanowi on lekko stylizowaną, ale rozpoznawalną formę budowaną czernią plam i konturu, wielkości od kilku do kilkunastu centymetrów [fot. 34]. Identyczne podobizny funkcjonują w formie graffiti, spotykanych na murach miasta [fot. 35]. Przegląd większej ilości ozdobionych w ten sposób aut pozwala dostrzec ciekawą prawidłowość. Otóż w wielu przypadkach w bliskości wezwania do Señora de la Soledad oraz podobizny jego głowy umieszczane są przeróżne naklejki zupełnie „z innej bajki” (sylwetki z gier komputerowych, postacie z komiksów, kreskówek, krótkie hasła i sentencje świeckie, imiona właścicieli itp.). Nie jest to norma, ale zdarza się to na tyle często, że można stąd wysnuć wniosek, iż wezwanie do Señora de la Soledad oraz jego podobizna nie „sakralizują” powierzchni samochodu, rezerwując ją na wyłączność. Można w tym dostrzec jeszcze jeden wymiar sensualnej bliskości Pana Samotności z wiernymi. Tak jak nikogo nie dziwi „Ślusarstwo – Señor de la Soledad”, tak też nikt nie odczuwa niestosowności zestawienia hasła religijnego i portretu Chrystusa z potworkiem z kreskówki czy myszką Miki. Napisy oraz podobizna głowy Señora de la Soledad wspólnie lub niezależnie od siebie tworzą znak ikoniczno-werbalny (wg terminologii przyjętej za C.S. Peirce’em przez Umberto Eco83), utrzymany w porządku metafory, ale i metonimii, głoszący komunikat powszechnie zrozumiały przez mieszkańców Huaráz. Oba komponenty dopełniają się zgodnie z twierdzeniem Victora W. Turnera: „Symbole ikoniczne mają więcej «ciała», a symbole werbalne – «duszy»”84. Znak ten stanowi oczywistą reprezentację wizualną czczonego wizerunku, a wszędzie, gdzie się pojawia, nie tylko reprezentuje, ale też przemawia na temat głębokiego związku religijno-emocjonalnego z Señorem de la Soledad tych, którzy go tam umieścili. Ten podwójny, metaforyczno-metonimiczny wymiar percepcji można objaśnić słowami Janusza Barańskiego: Zwróćmy uwagę, że symbol i znak ikoniczny reprezentują w klasyfikacji Peirce’a porządek metafory (umowa lub podobieństwo), natomiast indeks reprezentuje porządek metonimii (styczność, zawierania, wynikanie). Znaczenia rzeczy powszechnie podzielane i użytkowane w procesie komunikowania to znaczenia umowne, metaforyczne, tam natomiast, gdzie wchodzą w grę indywidualne odczucia, konteksty, emocje, należy raczej mówić o znaczeniu metonimicznym, niejako zmysłowo i emocjonalnie odczuwalnym85. 83 84 85 U. Eco, Pejzaż semiotyczny, przeł. A. Weinberg, Warszawa 1972, s. 203–211. V.W. Turner, Badania nad symbolami, przeł. E. Klekot, [w:] Badanie kultury. Elementy teorii antropologicznej, wyboru dokonali i przedmową poprzedzili M. Kempny, E. Nowicka, Warszawa 2003, s. 101. J. Barański, Świat rzeczy. Zarys antropologiczny, Kraków 2007, s. 131. �202 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Omawiane znaki – przy różnorodności form oraz jedności treści – mogą stanowić punkt wyjścia dla rozmaitych komentarzy i dopowiedzeń. I rzeczywiście, zagadnięci kierowcy taksówek mniej lub bardziej obszernie rozwijali temat, czasem ograniczając się do ogólnych stwierdzeń, a czasem dzieląc się swoją „małą opowieścią”, kontynuując ją przy włączonym silniku pomimo dotarcia do celu. Znaki obecności Pana Samotności w przestrzeni publicznej Huaráz posiadają oczywistą wartość metonimiczną, uruchamiając wśród mieszkańców miasta zarówno zbliżone reakcje emocjonalne, jak też indywidualne przestrzenie osobistych skojarzeń. Jest to jeden z tych przypadków, które Clifford Geertz charakteryzuje następująco: Nade wszystko nie mamy tu do czynienia jedynie z rzeźbą […], ale z czynnikami, które nadają tym rzeczom ważność – to znaczy sprawiają, że są ogarnięte znaczeniem. […] Wspomniana wspólnota [cech i ich percepcji] polega na tym, że wszędzie pewne działania wydają się przeznaczone specjalnie do wykazania, że idee są widzialne, słyszalne, dotykalne, że można je ująć w formy, gdzie zmysły, a poprzez zmysły uczucia, mogą zwrotnie na nie oddziaływać86. Znak, jak zostało powiedziane, jest wypowiedzią osoby, która go pozostawiła. W beznamiętnej terminologii semiotyki stanowi komunikat o nadawcy, jego religijności i związku emocjonalnym z Señorem de la Soledad, ale w afektywnym przekazie intencjonalnym objawia się jako deklaracja wierności i utożsamienia oraz manifest adresowany do innych, podzielających te przekonania, wartości i emocje. Wrzucony w zgiełk miasta, amorficzny, kosmopolityczny tłum poszukuje w nim „swoich”, którzy odpowiedzą nań myślą, uśmiechem, słowem czy gestem pozdrowienia – tak jak czynią to mijający się taksówkarze złączeni tym znakiem przynależności. Wspólnotę, o której mowa, denotuje ów znak ikoniczny, będący zawsze indywidualną formą plastyczną zwróconą ku tym, którzy ją odczytają i odczują. Dla reszty tłumu nie znaczy więcej niż jakakolwiek z tysięcy reklam, zewsząd atakujących wzrok. Może nawet znaczy jeszcze mniej, gdyż jest dla niej pusta semantycznie. Dla owego tłumu, w większości złożonego z obcych rezydentów z wybrzeża, urzędników przemysłu wydobywczego, bankierów oraz gringos, turystów i alpinistów z całego świata – znak ten jest całkowicie hermetyczny. Zwraca się wyłącznie ku „swoim” – szuka ich, rozpoznaje, uderza w struny wrażliwości, współtworząc niewidzialną sieć wspólnoty w kształcie zdefiniowanym przez Turnera jako communitas, czyli antystruktura społeczna (social antistructure). Brytyjski antropolog dostrzega istnienie takich formacji w różnych kontekstach społeczno-kulturowych87, ja zaś, zapożyczając ten termin do opisu communitas Señora de la Soledad, posłużę się przedstawioną przez niego charakterystyką antystrukturalnej grupy pielgrzymów. Czytamy o niej, co następuje: Podczas pielgrzymki interakcją społeczną nie rządzą stare zasady konstytuujące strukturę społeczną. Jednakże także system pielgrzymkowy, gdy okrzepnie, działa tak samo jak inne 86 87 C. Geertz, Wiedza lokalna. Dalsze eseje z zakresu antropologii interpretatywnej, przeł. D. Wolska, Kraków 2005, s. 124. Dla jasności wywodu, użyte na początku cytatu słowo „rzeźba” należałoby tu zastąpić „znakiem ikonicznym”. V.W. Turner, Liminalność i communitas, [w:] Badanie kultury. Elementy teorii antropologicznej. Kontynuacje, wyboru dokonali i przedmową poprzedzili M. Kempny, E. Nowicka, Warszawa 2004, s. 240–266. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 203 instytucje społeczne. […] Z punktu widzenia tych, którzy kontrolują strukturę społeczną i ją utrzymują, wszystkie przejawy communitas, świeckie czy sakralne, mają potencjał wywrotowy. […] Więzi w obrębie communitas są niezróżnicowane, egalitarne, bezpośrednie, istniejące w danym momencie, nieracjonalne, egzystencjalne, ja-Ty (w sensie Buberowskim). Communitas jest spontaniczna, natychmiastowa, konkretna i nieabstrakcyjna. […] Nie prowadzi do zlania się z sobą różnych tożsamości, lecz wyzwala je z podporządkowania ogólnym normom88. Communitas złożona z wiernych Señora de la Soledad jawi się jako antystruktura względem wszelkich unormowań społecznych, politycznych, zawodowych czy majątkowych. Wytworzona została w oparciu o egalitaryzm w zakresie statusów, preferencji, wykształcenia, a nawet w dużym stopniu pochodzenia etnicznego. Łączy wyznawców Pana Samotności, dla których jego imię i wizerunek stały się znakami rozpoznawczymi, manifestacją przynależności i formą demonstrowania obecności w scenerii miasta. Odpowiada charakterystyce Turnera: „Jest silnie nacechowana uczuciowo, przeważnie pozytywnie. Ma w sobie coś magicznego. Ci, którzy communitas doświadczają, mają poczucie nieskończonej mocy”89. Dostrzegając cechy zgodne z Turnerowskim paradygmatem, trzeba również wskazać tę, która go przekracza. Jakkolwiek communitas Señora de la Soledad jest antystrukturą względem innych, istniejących w jej otoczeniu cywilizacyjnym, to jednak sama w sobie tworzy strukturę bodaj najstabilniejszą z nich wszystkich, nie spełniając akcentowanego przez Turnera warunku przejściowości. Zawiązała się trwale wokół centralnego bytu konstytuującego indiański porządek istnienia jako najstarsza communitas, która w procesie dziejowym wytworzyła silny system zabezpieczeń przed czynnikami destrukcji, zarówno rzeczywistymi, jak i antycypowanymi, pobudzanymi przez nigdy nie przepracowaną traumę kulturową. „Cristo” i „Señor” – oblicza odmienności Analiza nazw czczonych wizerunków Chrystusa na terenie badanego przeze mnie departamentu Ancash, ale też na terenie całego Peru, pozwala na zaobserwowanie ważnej prawidłowości objaśnianej zarówno czynnikami etnogenetycznymi, jak i mechanizmami synkretyzacji religijnej. Punktem wyjścia jest konstatacja, iż nazwy, które przywędrowały z Hiszpanii, w zdecydowanej większości utraciły swój pierwszy człon „Cristo” (lub rzadziej „Jesus”) na rzecz „Señor”, ale tylko na obszarach andyjskich, rdzennie zasiedlonych ludami Keczua i Aymara. Natomiast nie traciły oryginalnego „Cristo” w pasie nadoceanicznej costy oraz w przypadkach niektórych wizerunków istniejących w centrach dużych miast, nawet położonych w górach. Mowa tu o dominującej prawidłowości, od której są oczywiście wyjątki, choć nieliczne. Ta sama zasada zróżnicowania terytorialnego dotyczy nazw czczonych wizerunków Chrystusa nieprzywiezionych z Hiszpanii, tylko oryginalnie nadawanych wykonanym na terenie Peru. Na wybrzeżu pojawia się „Cristo”, a na obszarach andyjskiej sierry „Señor”. Dla zobrazowania tej prawidłowości 88 89 V. Turner, E.L.B. Turner, Obraz i pielgrzymka…, s. 28–29, 220–221. Ibidem, s. 221. �204 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich podam zaledwie kilka z wielu możliwych przykładów. Wpierw przytaczam te, które obrazują andyjskie transformacje nazw wizerunków przybyłych z Hiszpanii w XVI– XVII wieku90: Cristo de las Animas (Cordoba) – Señor de las Animas (Carhuaz) Cristo de los Aflijidos (Canyamelar, Walencja) – Señor de los Aflijidos (Ucucha) Cristo de la Caída (Sewilla) – Señor de la Caída de Abancay (Abancay) Cristo de la Piedad (Sewilla) – Señor de la Piedad (Trujillo, Simbad) Jesus de la Sentencia (Sewilla) – Señor de la Sentencia y Siguas (Arequipa) Przykładami nazw ze słowem „Cristo”, występujących w centrach dużych miast położonych w Andach, gdzie Indianie stanowią zdecydowaną mniejszość mieszkańców, mogą być m.in. Cristo Resucitado w Ayacucho, Cristo Cuzqueño w Cuzco czy Cristo de la Caridad w Arequipie. Słowo „Cristo” zdecydowanie dominuje w nazwach wizerunków czczonych w miastach wybrzeża (costy), np. Cristo de la Buena Muerte, Cristo de la Agonía i Cristo de Maravillas w Limie, Cristo del Perdón, Cristo que Llora w Trujillo czy Cristo del Piura w Piurze. Również współczesne nazwy wielkich monumentów Chrystusa, które manifestują przesłanie o charakterze ponadregionalnym, wchodząc do katalogu znaków, reprezentujących państwo Peru, zawierają słowo „Cristo”. Mam na myśli monumentalne statuy: Cristo Redentor de Cuzco (zwany Cristo Blanco) oraz Cristo del Pacifico w Limie. Rozróżnienie pomiędzy „Cristo” a „Señor” w oczywisty sposób pokrywa się z dychotomiczną polaryzacją Peru na strefy zdominowane kulturą hiszpańsko-kreolską („Cristo”), oraz obszary zamieszkiwane przez rdzenną ludność andyjską oraz metyską („Señor”), przy czym warto raz jeszcze nadmienić, że od reguły tej bywają nieliczne wyjątki (np. Señor Crucificado de Santa na wybrzeżu). Tradycja hiszpańsko-kreolska w Peru przez wieki kultywowała bez zmian europejski zwyczaj umieszczania imienia Chrystusa w nazwach jego wizerunków, wykazując w tym względzie silne przywiązanie do spuścizny Starego Kontynentu. Był to niewątpliwie (i jest nadal) jeden z ważnych wyznaczników tożsamości religijno-kulturowej tej społeczności, integrujący ją wokół wielowiekowej tradycji, a zarazem separujący, przynajmniej w sferze znaków, od ludności tubylczej. Warto jednak zastanowić się nad głębszymi przyczynami rozróżnienia, denotowanego „opozycją w ramach koincydencji”, reprezentowaną przez parę słów: „Cristo” i „Señor”. Koincydencja zachodzi tutaj w ponadkulturowej warstwie teologicznej, gdyż oba określenia odnoszą się do tej samej osoby Chrystusa. Ten poziom ontologicznego utożsamienia, dostrzegalny z perspektywy badacza, rozmija się z perspektywą przeciętnego wiernego. Gdy przyjrzymy się funkcjonowaniu tych słów w obrębie obu wielkich, wymienionych społeczności, zauważymy istotne rozróżnienie konotowanych przez nie treści – częściowo opozycyjnych, a częściowo nacechowanych odmiennymi ładunkami znaczeń. Motywacji tego rozróżnienia nie da się sprowadzić wyłącznie do potrzeby powierzchownej manifestacji zdystansowania kulturowego, choć tego aspektu także nie można pominąć. U jego podłoża tkwią jednak zasadnicze odmienności w pojmowaniu istoty Boga – inne w społecznościach hiszpańsko-kreolskich, a inne u rdzennych ludów andyjskich. 90 Zestawienie dotyczy tylko nazw świętych wizerunków. Kwestia ewentualnych związków historycznych pomiędzy wymienionymi parami miast nie była badana. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 205 U tych pierwszych wizja Boga czerpie z monoteistycznej teologii chrześcijańskiej i koncepcji „Boga Najwyższego”. Tytuł „Chrystus” był zawsze synonimiczny z jedynym Bogiem wszechmogącym o kompetencjach doczesnych, ale przede wszystkim eschatologicznych, którego śmierć na krzyżu wypełniała plan zbawienia, ukierunkowany na przyszłość rodzaju ludzkiego. Christos to grecki odpowiednik hebrajskiego masziah – „mesjasz”, czyli namaszczony (pomazaniec) przez Jahwe – król, kapłan czy prorok, wobec którego kolejne tradycje Starego Testamentu formułowały wyraziste oczekiwania eschatologiczne dotyczące zbawienia ludu Bożego91. W praktyce zawiłości teologiczne ulegały uproszczeniom, a słowo „Chrystus” nabierało cech emblematycznych, stając się obowiązującym „hiperonimem” denotującym istotę religii chrześcijańskiej. Ciągłe wymawianie i pisanie tytułu „Chrystus” stało się obowiązkową formą rewitalizacji wyznawanej religii, rytuałem „wiecznego powrotu”, gdyż „słowo” utożsamiano z „ciałem”, zarówno w teologicznym znaczeniu Ewangelii Janowej (J 1, 1–5), jak i mitycznym zbliżeniu go do desygnatu92. Bezalternatywne używanie słowa „Cristo” w nazwach czczonych wizerunków Chrystusa miało i ma nadal głębokie nacechowanie kulturowe, czerpiące z tradycji judeochrześcijańskiej. W takim samym stopniu, w jakim używanie słowa „Cristo” wpisane jest nieodłącznie w religijność hiszpańsko-kreolską o korzeniach europejskich, nieużywanie go znajduje głębokie uzasadnienie w synkretycznej religijności ludowej Indian i Metysów. Jej zawiłości były przedmiotem dogłębnych studiów religioznawców i antropologów andyjskich, w tym przede wszystkim Marzala93, jak również Mazurka94. Obszerność i szczegółowość tych prac, nierzadko plonów dziesięcioleci badań, wyklucza możliwość pełnego wykorzystania ich treści w kontekście omawianego tematu. Ograniczę się zatem wyłącznie do szkicu elementarnych wyznaczników, modelujących ludowy obraz Chrystusa w Andach – taki, który wyklucza albo mocno ogranicza używanie tytułu „Cristo”. Należy rozpocząć od wyrazistego i jednoznacznego stwierdzenia, że słowa „Cristo” czy „Jesus” były zawsze dla Indian obce i ich obecność w przestrzeni znaków i symboli religijnych pozostawała słaba, ograniczona do oficjalnej retoryki księży. W sferze autentycznej dewocji ludowej były mało istotne albo wręcz nieobecne. Nieobecność oraz brak identyfikacji emocjonalnej z tymi słowami stanowiły pochodną fiaska ewangelizacji na poziomie teologicznym. Nie ma w tym niczego zaskakującego; zrozumiałym jest, że nawet rudymentarne treści doktryny teologicznej eksplikowane są w hermetycznym języku dialektyki chrześcijańskiej (w rozumieniu disciplina disciplinarum św. Augustyna), zupełnie obcym w stosunku do porządku logicznego, modelującego religijność ludową. Prawda ta stanowiła oczywistość dla teologów. Sztuka skutecznego przełożenia doktryny na kategorie zrozumiałe przez lud była nieustannym przedmiotem troski Kościoła, zarówno w omówionych wcześniej dokumentach Soboru Trydenckiego, jak i w inspirowanych przezeń dysputach na kolejnych synodach w Limie (1551–52, 1567–68, 1582–83). Oczywiście teologiczne prawdy wiary uprzystępnione w formie dyskursu zrozumiałego dla „prostaczków”, 91 92 93 94 C. Bartnik, Jezus Chrystus, Jezus, [hasło w:] Encyklopedia katolicka, t. 7, Lublin 1997, s. 1287–1288. G. van der Leeuw, Fenomenologia religii, s. 447–455, 464–475. M.M. Marzal, La transformacion religiosa peruana, Lima 1983; idem, Tierra encantada. Tratado de antropología religiosa de América Latina, Lima 2002. D.R. Mazurek, „Bóg o indiańskim obliczu”… �206 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich to jeszcze nie religijność ludowa, będąca zjawiskiem nieporównanie szerszym, wieloaspektowym i rządzącym się własnymi prawami. To jedynie rodzaj „wzornika”, osnowy, wokół której nawarstwiają się przejawy owej religijności, w znikomym stopniu podlegając kontroli instytucjonalnego Kościoła. Andyjska religijność ludowa w okresie konkwisty i później otrzymała taką osnowę w postaci treści ewangelizacyjnych przekazywanych Indianom przez rzesze księży i zakonników przeszkolonych w misji niesienia nowej wiary. Podstawowym warunkiem pełnienia tej misji było opanowanie tubylczego języka – regionalnych odmian Keczua na terenie Andów peruwiańskich oraz Aymara w okolicach dzisiejszej Boliwii i jeziora Titi-Caca. Pomocą dla ewangelizatorów były drukowane już w XVI wieku dwujęzyczne (kastylijsko-keczuańskie) lub trójjęzyczne (kastylijsko-keczuańsko-aymarskie) katechizmy oraz instruktaże spowiedzi95. W praktyce jednak ze znajomością języków tubylczych nie było najlepiej, co dodatkowo zubażało i wypaczało przekazywane treści, prowadząc często do zupełnego rozwarcia pomiędzy intencjami ewangelizatorów a osiąganym efektem96. Dodatkowym problemem był ciągły niedostatek księży działających na ogromnym i trudno dostępnym obszarze Andów. W efekcie osnowa chrześcijańskich prawd wiary, wokół której kształtowały się synkretyczne treści andyjskiej religijności ludowej, prezentowała się nie tylko skromniej niż w realiach europejskich, ale przede wszystkim inaczej. Inny zasób treści przenikał do Indian niż w przypadku społeczności wiejskich w Europie, gdyż ulegał podwójnemu przesiewowi: pierwszym sitem była trudna do pokonania bariera językowa, drugim zaś jeszcze trudniejsza bariera translacji w sferze logiki, pojęć, wartości i kosmowizji, zupełnie odmiennych w tradycjach europejskiej i andyjskiej. W rezultacie synkretyczna religijność andyjska, ewoluująca i nigdy niezastygła w skostniałej formie, stanowiła zawsze – jak podkreślają religioznawcy – syntezę, a nie fuzję97. Dwa zupełnie odmienne systemy światopoglądowe nie mogły zlać się w jeden, gdyż ich poszczególne segmenty strukturalnie pozbawione były możliwości wchodzenia we wzajemne relacje. Jednym z wyrazistych rezultatów owej syntezy, charakteryzującej andyjski synkretyzm, jest tradycja używania nazwy „Señor” zamiast „Cristo”. Wspomniałam, że zarówno tytuł „Cristo”, jak i imię „Jesus” były dla Indian słowami obcymi, pusto brzmiącymi, 95 96 97 Przykładowo, pierwszą książką wydrukowaną w Limie w 1584 roku była Doctrina Christiana redagowana przez Cristóbala de Molinę (1529–1585), autora fundamentalnych dzieł opisujących dzieje i kulturę Inków. Doctrina Christiana była podręcznikiem katechizacji dla kleru w Peru, napisanym w językach – hiszpańskim, keczua i ajmara. Zob. Inkowie o Inkach…, s. 95. Zagadnienia translacji językowej w Ameryce Łacińskiej okresu konkwisty zostały wnikliwie omówione w pracach: J. Szemiński, O tradycji ustnej jako źródle historycznym (Peru, wiek XVI–XVII), „Przegląd Historyczny” 1999, t. 90, z. 4, s. 471–489; A. Durston, El quechua pastoral. La historia de la traducción cristiana en el Perú colonial 1550–1650, Notre Dame–Indiana 2007; A. Kaganiec-Kamieńska, Język a tożsamość. Język hiszpański w Ameryce Łacińskiej i na Karaibach, Kraków 2017; M. Chrobak, Między światami. Tłumacz ustny oraz komunikacja międzykulturowa w literaturze odkrycia i konkwisty Ameryki, Kraków 2012; J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 268, 308 i in. Interesujące, że już w XVI-wieczny wybitny historyk metyski Inca Garcilaso de la Vega ubolewa nad problemem licznych, brzemiennych w skutki nieporozumień, będących efektem błędów w tłumaczeniach z języka keczua na kastylijski i odwrotnie, przytaczając przykłady z własnych doświadczeń. Zob. Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, op. cit., s. 27–28, 60, 342 i in. Zob. N. Griffiths, La Cruz y la Serpiente. La represión y el resurgimiento religioso en el Perú colonial, trad. por Baliñas Pérez, Lima 1998, s. 29–30. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 207 emocjonalnie obojętnymi, a ponadto trudno wymawialnymi, bo nie osadzonymi w kontekstach języka. Należy więc zadać pytanie, jakie treści i emocje koncentrowało w sobie słowo „Señor”, skoro radykalnie wyparło dwa tamte? Wyjaśnienie kryje się w transformacji, jakiej uległa postać Chrystusa w procesie inkulturacji chrześcijaństwa w Andach. Streszczenie owego procesu w kilku zdaniach jest zamysłem ryzykownym, grożącym nadmiernym uproszczeniem. W różnych miejscach tej pracy poruszam cząstkowo tę problematykę, tu zaś pragnę jedynie naświetlić te aspekty chrystianizacji, które tłumaczą ogromną popularność hiszpańskiego – bądź co bądź – słowa „Señor” w społecznościach indiańskich. Rozpocznę od jego świeckich znaczeń. Słownik Real Academia Española98 podaje blisko 30 możliwości użycia tego słowa w rozlicznych odcieniach znaczeniowych, dających się uprościć do kilku podstawowych, syntetyzujących ów „tort semantyczny”99 do wyrazistej przestrzeni wspólnego sensu. A zatem „Señor” to przede wszystkim „Pan”, „władca”, „osoba, która rządzi na określonym obszarze”, „właściciel ziemi lub majątku”, „osoba obsługiwana przez służbę”, „szanowany człowiek”, „człowiek o wysokim statusie społecznym”, „człowiek dojrzały”, „człowiek emanujący godnością w zachowaniu i wyglądzie”, „hist. człowiek posiadający jurysdykcję karania nawet śmiercią”, „człowiek wysoko postawiony w hierarchii bądź w szczególny sposób wyróżniony”, a także „pochodzący z warstwy szlachty”. Podstawowe skojarzenie z nim, to „władca armii”, „władca królestwa” lub „władca domu”. Najstarsze znaczenia tytułu „Señor” wiążą je z władzą wojskową oraz tradycjami i przymiotami rycerskimi o rodowodzie średniowiecznym. Nasuwa się pytanie, jaki związek zachodzi pomiędzy tym zestawieniem znaczeń, wykreowanych przecież na gruncie kultury hiszpańskiej, a polem semantycznym słowa „Señor” u Indian andyjskich? Odpowiedzi udziela historia. Hiszpanie od chwili swego przybycia do Nowego Świata tworzyli tam replikę rodzimych stosunków feudalnych, a także innych form gospodarki zarządzanych silną, nierzadko okrutną ręką, opartych na hierarchicznym podporządkowaniu poddanych, wśród których Indianie stanowili grupy najbardziej zdominowane i wykorzystywane. Od czasów konkwisty Indianie podlegali zawsze swojemu hiszpańskiemu „Panu” – „Señorowi”, ulokowanemu na szczycie hierarchii społecznej. Była to władza bezwzględna i ostateczna, bez instancji odwoławczej – władza nad losem doczesnym Indian, a często nad ich życiem i śmiercią. Przede wszystkim była to jednak władza obca, postrzegana pejoratywnie, radykalnie inaczej niż rodzime instytucje władzy curacazgo100, legitymizowane co prawda przez Hiszpanów, ale kontynuujące tradycje inkaskie. Przez pięć wieków dominacji hiszpańsko-metyskiej, w miarę jak zmieniały się stosunki gospodarcze i formy własności, Indianie podlegali despotycznej władzy kolejnych „Señorów” – corregidores, encomenderos i hacendados101. Konkludując, w świecie andyjskim Hiszpanom udało się inkorporować słowo „Señor” wraz z bagażem dopełniających się, cytowanych wyżej znaczeń, wytworzonych na gruncie kultury iberyjskiej. Jednakże – jak 98 99 100 101 Diccionario de la lengua española, Real Academia Española, Asociación de Academias de la Lengua, https:// dle.rae.es/? id=CQNSNHx [data dostępu: 11.09.2019]. Semantic Web Layer Cake – termin ten, zapożyczony z informatyki, wyjątkowo dobrze oddaje sens nawarstwień semantycznych współtworzących nadrzędny sens. R. Varón Gabai, Cofradías de indios y poder local en el Perú colonial: Huaráz, siglo XVII, „Allpanchis”, 1982, vol. 17, s. 140–142. F. Kubiczyk, Kontrola siły roboczej w gospodarce kolonialnej Ameryki hiszpańskiej: encomiendo, repartimiento i niewolnictwo, „Studia Europea Gnesnensis” 2011, nr 4, s. 9–44. �208 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich w każdym procesie „opadu kulturowego” – tak i tu należy dostrzec jego charakterystyczne skutki. „Señor” w warunkach andyjskich to bardziej „toporna” forma hiszpańskiego pierwowzoru, w dużym stopniu odarta ze splendoru, legendy i etosu, misternie uformowanych w przestrzeni kulturowej iberyjskiego średniowiecza. Tu, w Andach, punkt ciężkości indiańskiej percepcji „Señora” skoncentrował się na atrybucie siły i władzy, redukując bardziej subtelne komponenty, niezrozumiałe i pozbawione społeczno-historycznych kontekstów. „Señor” stał się tytułem autorytarnej i opresyjnej władzy, wymagającej bezwzględnego posłuszeństwa, obdarzonej jurysdykcją karania i nagradzania. Mowa tu jednak o świeckim wymiarze tego tytułu. Pora więc zadać pytanie o związki ukształtowanego w ten sposób pola semantycznego tytułu „Señor” z osobą Chrystusa, określaną tym słowem. Niewątpliwie scharakteryzowany wyżej rdzeń znaczeniowy słowa „Señor” stanowił ważną, inherentną część obrazu Chrystusa, takiego, jaki zaistniał w percepcji Indian od chwili zatknięcia Krzyża w Nowym Świecie i ekspansji cywilizacyjnej Hiszpanów. Trudno nie zauważyć, że andyjskie rozumienie słowa „Señor” kształtowało się synchronicznie w znaczeniu religijnym i świeckim. Oba uszlachetniały się wzajemnie splendorem władzy doczesnej i wieczystej, chociaż nigdy nie były tożsame. „Señor” jako tytuł Chrystusa znaczył o wiele więcej niż identyczny tytuł świecki. Jego rdzeń znaczeniowy, oscylujący wokół władzy i mocy, zakorzeniał się w archetypie boskości i właściwych jej przymiotach – nienadanych ani nienabytych, tylko immanentnie właściwych Bogu. Świeckie znaczenie tytułu „Señor” zespalało się z nim płynnie i naturalnie. Postać Boga domaga się nazwania – użycia uświęconego słowa, które go utożsamia, ale nie jego imienia, z reguły obwarowanego tabu zakazującym potocznego wymawiania, wyjąwszy szczególne okoliczności. Potrzebę tę w pełni zaspokaja tytuł ze swym zinterioryzowanym kompleksem znaczeń oraz wyzwalanych emocji. W Andach funkcję tę pełnił „Señor” – słowo wypowiadane z religijną czcią, której trudno szukać w jego tonacji, gdy pada w kontekście świeckim. W tej właśnie subtelnej różnicy brzmienia, wielokroć wysłuchiwanej przeze mnie zarówno w pieśniach w andyjskich kościółkach102, ale też w zwykłych, codziennych rozmowach, kryje się przestrzeń sakralnej nadbudowy, nobilitującej słowo „Señor” jako tytuł Chrystusa. Mówię o pieśniach śpiewanych w języku hiszpańskim, choć słowo „Señor” weszło także do zasobu leksykalnego pieśni wykonywanych w keczua. W latach 1952–1956 José Maria Arguedas zanotował ich teksty w Puquio i jego okolicach (pd. Peru, dep. Ayacucho). W strofach odnajdujemy zwroty: kayqay señorllay (aquí está, Señor mío), Señor llaqta Alcalde (Señor Alcalde del pueblo), icha señorlla (quizás Señor), Amay señorllay (No, pues, Señor mío) czy Kayqa señorlla (Aquí está, Señor)103. Wzajemne koneksje świeckiego i sakralnego znaczenia słowa „Señor” wypełniają jego podstawowy korpus znaczeniowy, ale prócz nich współtworzą go dodatkowe treści. W podjętej tu, zaledwie powierzchownej egzegezie tych znaczeń, należy uwzględnić komponenty modelujące postać Chrystusa w procesie synkretyzacji religijnej. W poprzednich rozdziałach 102 103 W pieśniach śpiewanych w kościołach andyjskich, modlitwach odmawianych na głos, jak również w słowach liturgii wypowiadanych przez kapłana, pobrzmiewa niemal wyłącznie „Señor”. Brak mi szerszych danych porównawczych, czy na wybrzeżu Pacyfiku słowo to bywa zastępowane przez „Cristo”, ale na podstawie niewielu danych, jakie posiadam, przypuszczam, że tak jest. J.M. Arguedas, Formación de una cultura nacional indoamericana, selección y prólogo de Ángel Rama, Mexico–Madrid–Bogota 1981, s. 59–65. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 209 wskazywałam na doniosłość utożsamienie Chrystusa z deifikowanym Inką, jak również na fakt przejęcia przez niego kompetencji dawnych bóstw andyjskich, w tym atrybutu temblores, czyli władzy nad trzęsieniami ziemi. Wyraźnie rysuje się wielkie synkretyczne utożsamienie: bóstwo gór Apu – ubóstwiona postać Inki – Chrystus „Señor”. Teza o takim utożsamieniu nie jest tylko materią spekulacji naukowców. Synkretyczna zbitka tych trzech figur zachodzi w dużym stopniu na poziomie społecznie uświadamianym i werbalizowanym. Świadczą o tym teksty starych pieśni, nierzadko z okresu kolonialnego, śpiewanych w języku keczua w andyjskich kościołach. W świątyni Señora de la Soledad w Huaráz podczas niedzielnej mszy św. o godz. 10.00, na którą zgodnie z pradawną tradycją przychodzą Indianie z wiosek i dawnych encomiend otaczających miasto, śpiewana jest stara pieśń Apu Yaya Inca la Soledad yarcarallame!, czyli Ojcze, Panie Inko Samotności, wyjdź!104. Pieśni o zbliżonym tytule i słowach można także usłyszeć w kościele pw. św. Franciszka w Huaráz, podczas „indiańskich” mszy świętych. Do wielu zabytkowych wizerunków Ukrzyżowanego przywiązany jest atrybut temblores105. Kompetencja ta ma ogromne znaczenie egzystencjalne dla Indian andyjskich, od pokoleń narażonych na kataklizmy terremoto i groźbę niszczących lawin. „Señor” posiada moc karania w wymiarze totalnym, wręcz apokaliptycznym, czego wielokrotnie doświadczały andyjskie miasta i wioski, zmiecione z powierzchni ziemi lub przysypane lawinami wraz z tysiącami mieszkańców106. Równocześnie na przeciwnym biegunie – nagradzania i obdarowywania życiem – również w wymiarze totalnym, rewitalizującym naturę w corocznym rytmie „wiecznego powrotu” – sprawuje władzę Señor de Mayo, najwyższy patron i opiekun plenności roślin uprawnych, w tym zwłaszcza kukurydzy. Señor de Mayo to – jak już szerzej opisywałam – najpowszechniejsza w Andach nazwa Chrystusa, przywiązana do setek czczonych krucyfiksów, wychodzących w majowych procesjach z kościołów, by uświęcić plony. Señor de Mayo (w Huaráz będący inkarnacją Señora de la Soledad) nie ogranicza swojego patronatu do kwestii agrarnych, lecz zachowuje pełnię władzy karania i nagradzania. Każdy wizerunek Señora, niezależnie od zwyczajowo przyjętej nazwy, posiada władzę nad ludzkim losem, taką samą, jaką dzierżył ubóstwiany Inca – ów przedhiszpański „Señor” wyidealizowanego Tawantin Suyu, wciąż żywego w mitach millenarystycznych107. W końcu należy poruszyć jeszcze jeden istotny aspekt, modelujący przeżycie religijne, doznawane przez mieszkańców Andów w religijnym kontakcie z ukrzyżowanym Señorem. Męczeństwo Chrystusa sugestywnie oddziaływało na wiernych, przybliżając i uczłowieczając jego postać. Wielkie rzesze upośledzonych, 104 105 106 107 Pieśń tę omawia: M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 77–79. Szereg innych pieśni poświęconych Señorowi de la Soledad przytacza i omawia w: idem, Puerta de la Alegría. Canciones religiosas quechuas de Ancash, Lima 2006, s. 33–47. Najbardziej znanym wizerunkiem Chrystusa temblores w Peru jest Señor de los Temblores w Cuzco, ale szereg innych, w tym Señor de la Soledad w Huaráz, także dzierży kompetencję władzy nad trzęsieniami ziemi. Zob. A. Valencia Espinoza, Taytacha Temblores, patrón jurado del Cuzco, Cuzco 1990; M.M. Marzal, La transformacion…, s. 72. Nie mnożąc rozlicznych przykładów takich kataklizmów, przypomnę największy z nich, jaki miał miejsce w regionie Ancash w 1970 roku, gdy pod lawinami i gruzami domów w dolinie Rio Santa zginęło około 70 tys. ludzi. Zob. E. Jodłowska, M. Mąka, Huascarán…, s. 379–397; O. Robles Torre, La triste historia de un hombre que sufrió y otros relatos del terremoto del 70, Huaráz 2019. Zob. A. Posern-Zieliński, Ruchy społeczne…, s. 122–154; J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 373–420; J.M. Arguedas, op. cit., s. 173–182. �210 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich ubogich i cierpiących Indian i Metysów, a w przeszłości także Afrykanów niewolniczo wykorzystywanych na plantacjach costy, odnajdywały duchową łączność z cierpiącym Señorem, utożsamiając się z jego bólem, z nadzieją odmiany losu. Nie sposób pominąć tu wizerunku czarnego Señora de los Milagros z Limy, jednego z najsłynniejszych w Peru, obdarzonego, jak wiele innych, atrybutem temblores, będącego przez wieki największą świętością licznych rzesz czarnych niewolników i mulatów, teraz zaś wiernych z całego miasta108. Tajemnica ludzkiego cierpienia, doświadczanego przez Osobę Boską obdarzoną nieograniczoną władzą nagradzania i karania, pobudzała zbiorowy odruch głębokiej więzi psychicznej i autentycznej, zaangażowanej uczuciowo dewocji. Señor wszechwładny, a mimo to cierpiący, jak zwykły człowiek, jawił się w ontologicznej pełni swej bosko-ludzkiej istoty. Nie trzeba dodawać, że pełnia ta, ukształtowana w obrębie religijności ludowej, nie miała nic wspólnego z teologią unii hipostatycznej i tajemnicą Wcielenia. Czczone wizerunki ukrzyżowanego Señora urastały do rangi lokalnych axis mundi, centralnych figur społeczno-religijnego utożsamienia ludności. Charakterystyczne, że rozwój kultu mniej lub bardziej znanych wizerunków Señora w zdecydowanej większości znanych mi przypadków inspirowany był oddolnie, głównie przez indiańskie i metyskie cofradias, nie zaś przez instytucjonalne władze Kościoła109. Podsumowując rozważania na temat semantycznej i emocjonalnej zawartości tytułu „Señor” używanego w Andach w odniesieniu do Chrystusa, należy zwrócić uwagę na współtwórczą rolę co najmniej trzech nurtów znaczeniowych. Pierwszy, to zakres skojarzeń ze świeckim tytułem „Señor”, ukształtowanym w warunkach kolonialnych. Częściowo odzwierciedla on kompleks przymiotów i cech, nadany nosicielom tytułu przez historię i tradycję hiszpańskiego średniowiecza, ale w wersji mocno uproszczonej, sprowadzonej głównie do atrybutów despotycznej władzy. W postrzeganiu „Señora” oczami rdzennych mieszkańców Peru zabrakło, co oczywiste, treści związanych z subtelnościami etosu i nobilitacji społecznej osób, tytułowanych w Hiszpanii tym mianem. Drugi nurt znaczeniowy, współtworzący indiańsko-metyską percepcję słowa „Señor” w kontekście religijnym, wypływa wprost z synkretycznego nałożenia się Chrystusa na przedhiszpańskie bóstwa gór Apu oraz na mityczną, deifikowaną postać Inki. A zatem dla Indian „Señor” to Apu – kolejna, chrześcijańska inkarnacja bytu określanego tą nazwą, zakorzenionego w centrum obszaru pojęciowego mieszkańca Andów. Nastąpiła zaskakująco płynna i niemal bezkonfliktowa transformacja owego bytu, utożsamianego ze świętymi górami i władcami Apu, w figurę krzyża jako góry kosmicznej, na której zjawił się nowy Señor, obdarzony zarówno atrybutami Apu, jak i przymiotami inkulturowanymi przez chrześcijaństwo. Te ostatnie tworzą trzeci, potężny nurt znaczeniowy, wypełniający postać Señora przejmująco ludzkim ciężarem fizyczno-duchowego, samotnego cierpienia bez winy, a więc takiego, którego doświadczają od pokoleń samotni, ubodzy, chorzy, gnębieni i skrzywdzeni przez los Indianie. Dla nich męka Señora na krzyżu stanowi psychologiczną ścieżkę przepracowania własnej rozpaczy 108 109 M. Rostworowskí, Pachacamac y el Señor de los Milagros. Una trayectoria milenaria. El señorío de Pachacamac. Él informa de Rodrigo Cantos de Andrede. Señoríos indígenas de Lima y Canta, Lima 2015; El Señor de los Milagros. Historia, devoción e identidad, Lima 2016. Cofradías en el Perú y otros ámbitos del mundo hispánico (siglos XVI–XIX), comp. D.F. Villanova, D. Lévano Medins, K. Montoya Estrada, Lima 2017; R. Temoche, Cofradías, gremios y sindicatos en el Perú, Lima 1987; J. Klaiber, La Iglesia en el Perú. Su historía social desde la independencia, Lima 1988, s. 274. �Chrystus żujący liście koki – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu • 211 i dylematów teodycei. Można sądzić, że ów fenomen afirmacji niezasłużonego cierpienia, jako wartości, a nie antywartości, stanowi jeden z ważniejszych, jeśli nie kluczowy wkład ideowy, wniesiony przez chrześcijaństwo w andyjski obszar religijno-kulturowy. Taki, który narzucając odmienną od andyjskiej konceptualizację cech boskich, został pomyślnie przepracowany przez indywidualne i zbiorowe mechanizmy doświadczenia religijnego, właściwe autochtonicznej religijności ludowej. W tym sensie stał się, jak sadzę, najistotniejszym czynnikiem kształtowania synkretycznej formy religii andyjskiej, którą wielu skłonnych jest uznawać za prawomocną i integralną formę katolicyzmu. Przełomowy, sensualny wymiar męczeństwa wszechmogącego Boga w istocie godzi dwa przeciwieństwa nie do pogodzenia. Współtworzy coincidentia oppositorum – bosko-ludzkiej postaci, wymykającej się logice dyskursu, ale właśnie dlatego rozkwitającej pełnią swego „mistycznego sensualizmu” w przestrzeni religijności ludowej, gdzie przybiera nieprzewidywalne formy, modelowane mechanizmem synkretyzmu. Nie wgłębiając się w zawiłości tego procesu, wspomnę tylko prawdę oczywistą, iż teologiczna kwestia zbawienia ludzkości przez mękę Chrystusa oraz związane z tym zagadnienia soteriologiczne stanowiły treści nieprzenikalne dla ludowej, schrystianizowanej religii andyjskiej, która wypracowała własne „wytłumaczenia” cierpienia Boga – dalekie od dialektyki, za to osadzone w sferze uczuciowości i przeżycia religijnego. Silne, osobowe utożsamienie z Bogiem w jego ludzkim cierpieniu, z równoczesną wiarą w jego nieograniczoną władzę nagradzania i karania, stanowi główny komponent sposobu rozumienia i odczuwania tytułu „Señor” przez mieszkańców Andów. Dawni bogowie nie zniżali się, jak Chrystus, do dramatu człowieka w stanie męczeństwa, bólu i śmierci. Co najwyżej wędrowali po ziemi w ubogim przebraniu, testując ludzką dobroć, a potem karząc lub nagradzając110. On zaś doświadczył cierpienia i poniżenia, nie tracąc boskiej wszechmocy. Utwierdzał w pewności, że nie oddalił się w swoim majestacie, lecz poznał i zrozumiał jądro ziemskiego bólu. Równocześnie demonstrował atrybuty władzy nad światem, decydując o ludziach, lecz rzadko wpływając na ich osobiste losy, za to dbając o stabilność uniwersum, gwarantującą pomyślność jednostki. Ta szczególna dwoistość bosko-ludzka, nałożona na trwały grunt andyjskich kultów gór Apu i Inki, wytworzyła zespół emocjonalno-wyobrażeniowy andyjskiego Chrystusa, streszczony w nadzwyczaj nasyconym afektem słowie „Señor”. W badaniach nad synkretyzmem andyjskim istotne jest właściwe zdefiniowanie słów-kluczy w sferze werbalnej kultu, które właściwie rozpoznane, ułatwiają dostrzeżenie kontekstów, delikatne uchylając dostęp do nieuchwytnego w dyskursie przeżycia religijnego, w jego tubylczej specyfice. Utrzymana w tym duchu próba egzegezy słów „Cristo” i „Señor” służy temu celowi. Rozważenia na ich temat skonkluduję szerszą refleksją. Sądzę, 110 W folklorze andyjskim obecny jest wątek Boga w ubogim stroju wędrowca, proszącego po wsiach o wsparcie, gościnę czy poczęstunek, i karzącego lub nagradzającego w zależności od potraktowania przez ludzi. Znajdujemy go już w częściowo schrystianizowanym, najstarszym zbiorze mitów andyjskich, znanym pod poetyckim tytułem Bogowie i ludzie z Huarochiri (s. 30–31), a także w kronice Pedro Cieza de Leóna (1520–1554), w obszernym fragmencie przetłumaczonym przez Jana Szemińskiego (J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 88–89). Wątek ten znany jest także w folklorze religijnym Europy, ale hipoteza, że zaistniał w Andach przywieziony przez Hiszpanów, wydaje się ryzykowna. Bardziej prawdopodobne jest przypuszczenie, że jest to import hiszpański, nałożony na podobne mity andyjskie, o których była wcześniej mowa (np. wędrówki mitycznych braci, herosów kulturowych). Opowieści o Bogu wędrującym wśród ludzi w przebraniu biedaka obecne są w mitach i folklorze wielu narodów świata. �212 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich że nasycenie intelektualno-duchowe andyjskiego „Señor” jest większe i znacząco odmienne, niż słowa „Pan”, synonimicznego dla określenia Chrystusa w europejskiej, a także polskiej narracji religijnej (np. łac. Dominus, hiszp. „Señor”, ale w Hiszpanii, ang. Lord, niem. Herr, franc. Seigneur, wł. Signore, ros. Gospodin i in.). W przeciwieństwie do andyjskiego „Señor”, europejskie odmiany językowe słowa „Pan” czerpią bowiem z podobnych i względnie homogenicznych, a nie synkretycznych tradycji kulturowych. �CZĘŚĆ IV Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa ��Na tropie pięciu braci. Pułapka pozornej oczywistości Im głębiej wchodziłam w problematykę związaną z Chrystusem Señor de la Soledad, tym częściej natrafiałam na informacje o jego braciach. Początkowo sądziłam, że jest to rodzaj metafory, ale wnet upewniłam się, że powtarzane słowo „brat” nie zawierało żadnego innego odcienia znaczeniowego poza tym, który określa status w systemie pokrewieństwa. Według licznych wypowiedzi informatorów, a także jednej tylko wzmianki w literaturze, w regionie Ancash istnieje czterech braci Señora de la Soledad. Są nimi niektóre wizerunki Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, czczone w pomniejszych sanktuariach prowincji. Wątek „braci” wydał mi się intrygujący, a intuicja podpowiadała, że może skrywać ważne treści, istotne dla szerszego kontekstu rozważań. Temat ten jest zupełnie nieobecny w dyskursie naukowym. Nie natknęłam się też na niego w hiszpańskich zapisach od XVI do XVIII wieku, choć nie jest to argument przesądzający o jego braku, zważywszy, iż znam tylko drobną część tego olbrzymiego korpusu źródeł. Problematyka „braci” Chrystusów zainteresowała bliżej jednego tylko badacza, który wszakże skoncentrował się wyłącznie na obszarach środkowo-południowego Peru1, a w rozważaniach pomija kluczowe dla mnie aspekty, które poruszę w tym rozdziale. W literaturze naukowej dotyczącej północnej części andyjskiego Peru nie natrafiłam na żadną pracę poświęconą tej problematyce, a jedynie na wzmiankę w jednej z książek Salazara Mejíi2, znakomitego znawcy regionu Ancash, cennego informatora i życzliwego odźwiernego, dzięki któremu wiele osób w Huaráz zechciało mnie ugościć, dzieląc się swoją wiedzą. Badacz ten, wzmiankując o „braciach” Señora de la Soledad, nie powołuje się na żadne źródła historyczne, co w innych pracach czyni nader często, stąd wniosek, że informację najpewniej zaczerpnął bezpośrednio od okolicznych mieszkańców, czyli tak, jak ja. W dziele, będącym jednym z podstawowych dla poznania historii i kultury ludowej tego regionu, wspomina, że Señor de la Soledad ma czterech braci: Señora de Cochas [fot. 1], Señora de Pomallucay [fot. 2], Señora de Chaucayán de Cajacay [fot. 3] i Señora de Santa [fot. 4]3. Są to wizerunki Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, znajdujące się w małych miejscowościach, położonych w odległościach kilkudziesięciu kilometrów od Huaráz – trzy pierwsze leżą w górach, czwarta na wybrzeżu. Informacji na temat pięciu „braci” Chrystusów towarzyszy zapis podania ludowego o ich przybyciu przed wiekami z Hiszpanii i zadomowieniu się w podanych miejscowościach, które z czasem stały się ważnymi ośrodkami kultu. Podanie może wskazywać trop historyczny, związany 1 2 3 S. Arroyo Aguillar, Culto a los hermanos Cristo. Sistema religioso andino y cristiano: redes y formas culturales del poder en los Andes, Lima 2006 (praca doktorska). José Antonio Salazar Mejía – historyk Huaráz i regionu Ancash, działacz kulturalny, autor wielu publikacji z tego zakresu (por. bibliografię na końcu), wieloletni dyrektor Dirección Desconcentrada de Cultura Áncash (1976–2016). J.A. Salazar Mejía, Identidad…, s. 142. Wiadomość na temat wymienionych „braci” Chrystusów pojawia się także w niektórych materiałach internetowych, ale jej źródłem jest właśnie ta publikacja. Zob. Por donde sale el Sol, „Costumbres. El verdadero de los peruanos”, 2015, http://www.costumbresperu. npe/ portfolio-view/por-donde-sale-el-sol/[data dostępu: 17.02.2020]. �216 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich z rzeczywistymi faktami intronizacji tych krucyfiksów przez zakony hiszpańskie, prowadzące ewangelizację w północnym Peru na przełomie XVI i XVII wieku. Wskazuję na ten okres, ponieważ rozpoznanie historyczne, które przeprowadziłam, daje podstawę do takiego zakreślenia ram czasowych. Istnieje jeszcze jedno poważne źródło, w którym pojawiają się bliźniacze, powiązane z Señorem de la Soledad wizerunki Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, chociaż nie pada w nim określenie „bracia”. Jest to dzieło wybitnego historyka regionu Ancash, Alby Herrery4. Wymienia on nie cztery, tylko trzy ważne krucyfiksy, które częściowo pokrywają się z podanymi przez Salazara Mejíę. Są to: Señor de Burgos de Recuay [fot. 5], Señor de Pomallucay oraz Señor de Santa5. Uczony ten, przywiązany do twardych danych historycznych i dość suchej narracji, nieskażonej duchem szkoły Annales, opierał się głównie na archiwaliach, z dystansem podchodząc do treści folkloru, a motyw „braci” Chrystusów niewątpliwie do takich należy. Nie uznał więc tropu za istotny w poważnych dociekaniach historycznych i wzmianki o ludowym postrzeganiu wizerunków jako „braci” nie zamieścił. Skupił się wyłącznie na rozważaniach kwestii historycznych, związanych z krucyfiksami – w takim zakresie, w jakim pozwalają skąpe źródła pisane. Wiem jednak, że wątek „braterstwa” był mu dobrze znany, mimo iż uznał go za niedyskursywny. Zapewnił mnie o tym bliski przyjaciel historyka, Orlando Jara Papayan6, wydawca kilku jego prac. Dwie wymienione książki – Salazara Mejíi i Alby Herrery wyczerpują, jak sądzę, korpus źródeł drukowanych zawierających wzmianki o „braciach” Señora de la Soledad. W obu tych źródłach wymienione są konkretne wizerunki, ale w żadnym z nich nie jest poruszana kwestia ich liczby jako problemu samego w sobie. Najpewniej nie uznali tego istotnego szczegółu za informację znaczącą. Dodam, że we wzmiankowanej pracy doktorskiej S. Arroyo Aguillara, poświęconej „braciom” Chrystusom w środkowo-południowym Peru, kwestia ta również została pominięta. Autor przytacza warianty opowieści o „braciach” Chrystusach ze środkowo-południowego Peru, obfitujące w ich imiona i liczby, ale znaczenia tych ostatnich nie dostrzega. W badaniach terenowych przyjęłam metodę pytania wprost o „braci” Chrystusa z Huaráz bądź wplatania tego wątku w narrację w taki sposób, jakby była to część potocznej wiedzy. Po pewnym czasie stwierdziłam istnienie dychotomicznego podziału na tych, którzy nic na ten temat nie słyszeli bądź temat tylko „obił im się o uszy” oraz tych, dla których stanowił oczywistość w takim samym stopniu, jak istnienie Señora de la Soledad. Do pierwszej grupy należeli głównie księża, dla których moje pytanie było niezrozumiałe lub wręcz niestosowne ze względu na niepoprawność kanoniczną. Jeśli zaś „coś słyszeli”, to nie bezpośrednio od Indian i puszczali to mimo uszu, jako nieistotny szczegół7. Najpewniej wzmianki takie były 4 5 6 7 Claudio Augusto Alba Herrera (1922–2019) – urodzony w Caraz koło Huaráz, wieloletni nauczyciel i dyrektor w szkołach regionu Ancash i w Limie, absolwent Instituto Pedagógico de Lima, historyk samouk, który dzięki nieprzeciętnemu talentowi i pracy, a także fundamentalnym pracom na temat dziejów prowincji Ancash, został uznany za najwybitniejszego historyka tego regionu (zob. bibliografię na końcu). C.A. Alba Herrera, Proceso de inserción…, s. 96–104. Orlando Jara Papayan – historyk, znawca regionu Ancash, właściciel księgarni i wydawnictwa „Hirca” w Huaráz [fot. 6]. Stopień znajomości tego tematu u księży układał się w dość charakterystyczny sposób, a mianowicie ci, którzy byli związani swym posługiwaniem z większymi ośrodkami kultu, wiedzieli o „braciach” Chrystusach znacząco mniej (bądź tylko tak deklarowali) niż ci w pomniejszych parafiach, głębiej na prowincji. Tak więc, Reynaldo Zavala Agilar [fot. 7], proboszcz parafii Soledad w Huaráz, w ogóle nie chciał o tym rozmawiać, przyznając z pewnym zniecierpliwieniem, że „coś słyszał, że campesinos (wieśniacy) tak mówią”. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 217 dla nich szumem semantycznym, wynikającym z dysonansu między narracją kościelną a ludowymi reinterpretacjami, do których przywykli w synkretycznym środowisku religijnym. O „braterstwie” Señora de la Soledad niewiele wiedzieli też ludzie wykształceni z Huaráz, poza głębiej zainteresowanymi miejscowymi tradycjami. Natomiast, jak się okazało, przekonanie o istnieniu „braci” Chrystusów stanowi składnik wiedzy potocznej Indian, jak również ludności metyskiej i kreolskiej spoza warstw wykształconych, czyli w praktyce przygniatającej większości społeczności lokalnych. Moje rozmowy na ten temat nie były wywiadami w modelowej postaci, lecz krótkimi wymianami zdań – z taksówkarzem, sprzedawcą świec, Indiankami na targu, nudzącym się ochroniarzem przed bankiem, starszym kelnerem w cebicherii, uliczną handlarką dewocjonaliami, portierem w klinice i wieloma innymi, przypadkowymi osobami, które spotykałam na co dzień w różnych miejscach i okolicznościach. Moje zainteresowanie budziła zarówno sama opowieść, jako składowa folkloru religijnego, jak też jej niedialektyczna logika, oparta na szczególnej konstrukcji elementów antytetycznych. Oto bowiem, z punktu widzenia Europejczyka, istniał tu rodzaj cząstkowego układu rodzinnego, złożonego z braci, z których każdy reprezentował pełnię tego samego boskiego bytu. Na domiar trudności, jeden z braci, pomimo ontologicznej identyczności z pozostałymi, co już tworzy figurę niemożliwą, uznawany jest za najważniejszego, lokując się w mentalnym i geograficznym centrum stworzonego w ten sposób obszaru kultowego. Oczywistym jest, że taka charakterystyka to obraz z rozmysłem strywializowany, mieszający treści teologiczne z wyobrażeniami ludowymi. Jego istoty nie da się ująć w kategoriach logiki klasycznej, podobnie jak figury Trójcy Świętej czy dualizmu andyjskiego, podlegających innym porządkom logicznym, choć równie uprawnionym i „konstruktywnym”, skoro gwarantują spójność i trwałość konceptualizacji. Początkowo, w przekonaniu, że mam do czynienia ze spójną opowieścią, usilnie dążyłam do jednoznacznego zidentyfikowania czterech „braci” Señora de la Soledad, gdyż ogólna ich liczba – pięciu, powtarzała się konsekwentnie w wypowiedziach, co odpowiadało liczbie wizerunków wymienionych przez Salazara Mejíę. Zdarzało się, co prawda, że informator wskazywał jedynie dwóch lub trzech „braci”, ale tylko dlatego, że pozostałych nie pamiętał, choć wiedział, że jacyś jeszcze istnieją. W zdecydowanej większości powtarzały się te same nazwy i lokalizacje, co u Salazara Mejíi, ale często też wskazywano pominiętego przez niego Señora de Burgos de Recuay, wymienionego przez Alba Herrerę. Długo borykałam się z kwestią ustalenia właściwej piątki „braci”, nie mając żadnych wątpliwości co do tej liczby. Wciąż jednak w wypowiedziach respondentów powtarzały się takie nazwy i lokalizacje, które nie pasowały do wcześniej odnotowanych wersji. Gdybym je wszystkie uwzględniła na równych prawach, otrzymałabym sześciu, siedmiu lub nawet ośmiu „braci”. Okazało się, że deklaracje te nie były precyzyjne, jak początkowo sądziłam. Mowa była o pięciu „braciach”, ale nie miałam pewności, czy informator mówi o pięciu „braciach” Proboszcz parafii Espiritu Santo w Huaráz [fot. 8], podobnie jak poprzedni, potwierdził w tonie żartobliwym, że słyszał, iż Señor de la Soledad ma „braci”, ale żadnych nie wymienił. Domingo Torres Vallejo [fot. 9], proboszcz Santy, również nie miał nic do powiedzenia na ten temat. Rafał Dryjański [fot. 10], proboszcz parafii w Pariacoto twierdził, że ludzie uważają tamtejszego Señora de Mayo za „brata” Señora de la Soledad. Gregorio Mazarina Paredes [fot. 11], emerytowany proboszcz parafii Belén w Huaráz, przyznał, że słyszał o „braciach” Señora de la Soledad i wymienił dwóch. Florencio Salazar Romero [fot. 12], wikary parafii w Recuay, słyszał, że Señor de Burgos (z Recuay) jest „bratem” Señora de la Soledad, ale o innych nie wiedział. Z kolei Magno Cueva Popuy [fot. 13], proboszcz parafii San Augustin w odległym Cajacay potrafił wymienić czterech „braci”: Señor de la Soledad, Señor de Cochas, Señor de Cajacay i Señor de Pomallucay. �218 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Señora de la Soledad, czy jego samego wlicza do tej piątki. W końcu zrozumiałam, że pomimo ostrożności, nakazującej dystansowanie się od wniosków wypływających z pierwszego wrażenia, uległam presji logiki, przywiezionej z Europy. Oczekiwałam jednoznacznego uporządkowania tam, gdzie go być nie mogło. Nie od razu dostrzegałam, że kryteria dywersyfikacji „braci”, pomimo iż operujące w strukturze „pięciokrotności”, rządzą się innymi prawami niż te, które stanowiły tę matrycę. Pojęłam, że czym innym jest stabilna struktura, a czym innym są nałożone na nią, już nie tak stabilne dystynkcje. Kluczem do zrozumienia zjawiska „braterstwa” Chrystusów okazała się głęboko zakodowana w kulturze struktura „pięciokrotności”, jak również figura „brata”. Deklarowana liczna pięciu „braci” ma tu znaczenie symboliczne, natomiast ich konkretna reprezentacja nie musi do niej pasować. Może zawierać mniej lub więcej „braci”, obejmować lub nie Señora de la Soledad, ale żadna wersja nie stoi w sprzeczności z przekonaniem, że jest ich pięciu. Sformalizowany porządek symboliczny egzemplifikowany jest wypowiedziami podporządkowanymi labilności indywidualnej pamięci – i taka właśnie zależność stanowi istotę paradygmatu. Cztery wolne miejsca w strukturze wypełniali „bracia” nie zawsze ci sami, choć w większości przypadków powtarzalni. Logiką ich doboru często rządziły lokalne aspiracje mieszkańców, pragnących, by to „ich” Chrystus uchodził za „brata” tego najważniejszego z Huaráz, w związku z czym np. w okolicach Recuay miejscowy Señor de Burgos obowiązkowo przynależał do jego „braci”, natomiast w odległej Pomabambie już niekoniecznie, gdyż dla tamtejszych mieszkańców oczywistym było, że miejsce to zajmuje „ich” Señor de Pomallucay. W ten sposób matrycę „pięciokrotności” wypełniali różni „bracia”, choć trzeba podkreślić, że ich dobór nie był całkiem przypadkowy, poddany kaprysom lokalnych ambicji mieszkańców. W zdecydowanej większości powtarzali się „bracia” wymienieni przez Salazara Mejíę, z ewentualną wymianą Señora de Chaucayán de Cajacay na Señora de Burgos de Recuay. Działo się tak za przyczyną dodatkowego kryterium, ograniczającego ambicje mieszkańców, skupionych wokół mniej znaczących sanktuariów. Bez wątpienia była nim rzeczywista sława i splendor wizerunku, mierzone popularnością ośrodka kultu jako miejsca pielgrzymkowego i przybytku ściągającego wielotysięczne tłumy Indian na doroczne fiesty patronalne. Kryterium to spełniają tylko te sanktuaria, w których znajdują się najstarsze, kolonialne wizerunki Chrystusa, wokół których ukształtowała się długa tradycja i rozbudowana otoczka legend. W konsekwencji powtarzalna konfiguracja „braci” Señora de la Soledad obejmuje faktycznie najstarsze i najcenniejsze krucyfiksy sprzed wieków. Nigdy nie zaistniały warunki do sformalizowania i zinterioryzowania stałego zestawu „braci” na całym obszarze prowincji Ancash. Uważam jednak, że powodem nie była rozległość terytorialna, utrudniająca uzgodnienie ich reprezentacji. Rzeczywiste przyczyny są dwie. Pierwsza jest oczywista, region Ancash to jednostka administracyjna, nie zaś homogeniczna etnia, a obserwowane w nim zjawiska kulturowe nie mają wiele wspólnego z przebiegiem jego granic. Drugi, ważniejszy powód braku stałego i powszechnie aprobowanego zestawu „braci” wynika wprost z mechanizmu rządzącego konceptualizacją mitu o pięciu „braciach” Chrystusach. Mechanizm ten posiada wymiar uniwersalny oraz regionalny, obecny w mitologii andyjskiej. Jego istotę stanowi niedomknięcie struktury jako cecha immanentna i bezwzględnie konieczna. Zanim przejdę do omówienia arcyważnego wzorca „pięciokrotności”, leżącego u podstaw zjawiska „braterstwa” Chrystusa w strukturze religijności andyjskiej, muszę na zasadzie dygresji poświęcić kilka zdań dwóm odniesieniom historycznym, mogącym być błędnie �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 219 traktowanymi jako etiologiczne w rozważaniach nad fenomenem „braci” Chrystusów. Pierwsze z nich, obecne u Alba Herrery, ale bliskie też Salazarowi Mejíi, upatruje genezy tego wątku w faktach historycznych, a mianowicie w procesach nasilonej ewangelizacji na przełomie XVI i XVII wieku, prowadzonej przez zakony franciszkanów, dominikanów i augustianów. Zgromadzenia te znane były ze szczególnego przywiązania do Chrystusa na Krzyżu i jego licznych intronizacji w różnych miejscach Peru. Taka teoria zakłada prawdopodobieństwo zawiązywania się „braterstwa” między krucyfiksami przybyłymi w Andy w zbliżonym czasie i popularyzowanymi przez te zakony. Wspomniany wyżej fakt, iż powtarzalna piątka „braci” obejmuje wyłącznie stare, kolonialne obiekty, osadzone w wielowiekowych tradycjach swoich regionów, mógłby wskazywać na słuszność tej teorii, gdyby nie istotny szczegół, że takich historycznych miejsc jest bez porównania więcej niż pięć. A zatem genezy „pięciokrotności” z pewnością nie odnajdziemy wśród czynników historycznych, związanych z chrystianizacją Peru. Gdyby tak było, to z pewnością idea „braterstwa” obejmowałaby znacznie większą liczbę zabytkowych Chrystusów niż tylko pięciu. A zatem, zgadzając się z przypuszczeniem, że opisane czynniki historyczne mogły mieć wpływ na kojarzenie ze sobą niektórych wizerunków, trzeba stanowczo stwierdzić, że nie miały one nic wspólnego z ideą „pięciokrotności”. Jej geneza kryje się zupełnie gdzie indziej. Istnieje jeszcze jedna przesłanka o charakterze historycznym, którą potencjalnie można by brać pod uwagę w rozważaniach nad genezą omawianego wątku. Piszę „potencjalnie”, gdyż w rzeczywistości nie pojawiła się dotąd w żadnych opracowaniach. Wspominam o niej dlatego, że chwilowo szłam tym tropem – tyleż zachęcającym, co błędnym. Zatem antycypując możliwość podobnych skojarzeń, uważam za wskazane sfalsyfikowanie płynących zeń wniosków. Mam na myśli typ ikonograficzny tzw. „Wielkiej rodziny Jezusa” w europejskiej sztuce przedtrydenckiej, ukazujący Marię z Dzieciątkiem w otoczeniu dzieci będących rodzeństwem Jezusa. Motyw ten zrodził się na gruncie niekończących się, do dziś trwających sporów, czy Jezus był jedynakiem, czy przeciwnie, miał czterech młodszych braci? Postanowienia Soboru Trydenckiego uznały tę drugą możliwość za niekanoniczną, w związku z czym w sztuce posoborowej motyw ten zanikł. Można jednak przypuszczać, że wcześniej pojawił się w Nowym Świecie, gdzie ikonografia chrześcijańska trafiała głównie za pośrednictwem tysięcy odbitek miedziorytniczych (luźnych i odbijanych na kartach ksiąg), stanowiących wzorce tworzonej tam sztuki sakralnej8. Nie da się wykluczyć, że mógł inspirować tworzenie się wątków w rozbudowanym i z natury rzeczy apokryficzno-synkretycznym imaginarium ludowej wiedzy religijnej. Sądzę jednak, że jeśli tak było (zagadnienie wymaga osobnych badań), to wpływ tego wzorca mógł być jedynie wtórny, wzmacniający nieporównanie silniejszą ideę, zakodowaną w rodzimej kulturze. Motyw czterech braci Jezusa z jego „wielkiej rodziny”, zdelegalizowany przez ojców soborowych, mógł sporadycznie nakładać się na andyjską strukturę „pięciokrotności”, legitymując ją chrześcijańskim odniesieniem. Oceniam jednak, że nie miał żadnego istotnego, a tym bardziej etiologicznego znaczenia. 8 Zob. E. Kubiak, Alegoria Eucharystii – wspólne wzory graficzne w malarstwie XVII i XVIII w. w Polsce i Peru, „Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej. Studia o Sztuce Prekolumbijskiej i Iberoamerykańskiej” 2011, nr 1, s. 213–242; eadem, Drzewo Życia albo Dzwon Śmierci, [w:] Artystyczne tradycje pozaeuropejskich kultur, red. B. Łakomska, Toruń 2009, s. 81–90. Pomimo poszukiwań, nie natrafiłam w Peru na przykłady malarskich realizacji motywu „Wielkiej rodziny Jezusa”. Od Ewy Kubiak, wybitnej badaczki sztuki kolonialnej w Ameryce Południowej, uzyskałam informację, że jej także nie jest znany ten motyw z terenów tego kraju. �220 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Reasumując, obie koncepcje o charakterze historycznym, dające pozór wyjaśnienia, mogą mieć tylko wtórne i drugorzędne znaczenie, jeśli ich treść przypadkowo nałoży się na wątek „pięciokrotności” o zupełnie innej, ahistorycznej genezie. W ramach naszego dyskursu można je całkowicie pominąć. Idea „pięciokrotności”, jako wzorca modelującego imaginarium religijne, nie istnieje w kanonicznych ani apokryficznych tekstach chrześcijaństwa, przybyłych z Europy. Pojawia się dopiero w narracjach apokryficznych, wytworzonych w Peru na skutek oddziaływania tradycji andyjskich na wątki chrześcijańskie. Wyrażone przeze mnie przekonanie o istnieniu silnej, endogennej struktury „pięciokrotności”, będącej rzeczywistym źródłem motywu „braci” Señora de la Soledad, przenosi rozważania w obszar przedhiszpańskiej kultury andyjskiej, nietkniętej jeszcze, zwłaszcza w obszarze kosmowizji, wpływami chrześcijaństwa. Pięciu „braci“ i niedomknięta struktura „pięciokrotności” Badacz kultury najwyżej położonego w Peru regionu Ancash, kulminującego śnieżnymi pasmami sześciotysięcznych szczytów Cordillera Blanca, ma świadomość naturalnych czynników, izolujących ten obszar od łatwo dostępnego pasa wybrzeża Pacyfiku oraz andyjskiej części Peru środkowego, z centrum w Cuzco. Costa, jak również stolica Tawantin Suyu oraz otaczające ją krainy opisywane były w większości kronik hiszpańskich z okresu kolonialnego, w przeciwieństwie do terytoriów andyjskich, leżących na północy dzisiejszego Peru. Analogicznie wygląda proporcja zainteresowań naukowców tymi obszarami. Opracowań etnograficznych i etnohistorycznych górskiej części regionu Ancash jest nieporównanie mniej niż tych, które dotyczą wymienionych regionów w centrum i na wybrzeżu Pacyfiku. Badanie kultury tej wysokogórskiej krainy wiąże się ze stopniowym rozpoznawaniem zarówno różnic, jak i wspólnych treści z resztą kraju. Dokonanie właściwej oceny, które elementy odzwierciedlają specyfikę regionu, a które stanowią cząstkę ponadregionalną, czy nawet panandyjską, jest miarą doświadczenia, przede wszystkim w terenie. Ważnym instrumentem diagnozy jest język. Keczua ancashino różni się mocno od keczua cusqueño, stwarzając pozór o wiele większego zdystansowania kulturowego właściwych im obszarów niż w rzeczywistości9. Przed laty, gdy rozpoczynałam badania, dysponowałam niewielką liczbą słów w keczua, używanych w środkowym Peru. Gdy stwierdzałam, że nie są rozumiane na północy, miałam wrażenie istnienia poważnych różnic między tymi regionami. Stopniowo jednak przekonywałam się, że słowa te mają w Ancash odpowiedniki leksykalne, a tradycyjny obraz świata bliski jest temu, o którym czytałam w publikacjach traktujących o Peru środkowym. W oparciu zarówno o literaturę naukową, jak i własne, skromne doświadczenia, uważam, że obszar Andów Peruwiańskich partycypuje we wspólnocie kulturowej, uniwersalnej na poziomie ponadregionalnym, możliwej do zdefiniowania jako etnos lub krajach hiszpańskojęzycznych etnia10. Bez wątpienia istnieje kulturowy mundo andino, 9 10 W.F.H. Adelaar, P.C, Muysken, The Languages of the Andes, Cambridge 2004. Odwołując się do terminu „etnos”, chodzi mi „bardziej o poczucie wspólnoty oparte na wspólnocie obiektywnych cech kultury aniżeli o to, by jedną z tych cech kultury był koniecznie wspólny język i o to by istniała ukształtowana świadomość odrębności, która […] tkwi potencjalnie w każdym poczuciu wspólnoty” (K. Kwaśniewski, Etnos…, s. 110). Na temat terminu „etnos” i „etnia” zob. też A. Posern-Zieliński, Etniczność. Kategorie. Procesy etniczne, Poznań 2005, s. 45–46. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 221 by przywołać zabarwiony patosem frazeologizm, z upodobaniem powtarzany przez badaczy i pisarzy peruwiańskich. Refleksje, które formułuję, służą wprowadzeniu w zagadnienie prawomocności posługiwania się niektórymi źródłami andyjskimi, wytworzonymi poza tą częścią Andów, w której prowadzę badania. Zawsze, zanim to robiłam, zadawałam sobie pytanie, czy zaczerpnięte z nich treści są na tyle uniwersalne, by służyć w uczciwym dyskursie badawczym. Czy mają zasięg wyłącznie regionalny, czy odzwierciedlają szerszy krąg zjawisk, w różnych miejscach odmiennie nazywanych, ale tożsamych na poziomie panandyjskim? W ocenie tych dylematów pomaga niezbędne minimum doświadczenia oraz pochodna mu intuicja. Pragnę szerzej omówić zjawisko „pięciokrotności” w kulturze andyjskiej, wychodząc od fenomenu „braci” Señora de la Soledad. Uważam, że genezy pięciu „braci” Chrystusów należy upatrywać w inherentnym w kulturze andyjskiej, modelującym czynniku klasyfikowania rzeczywistości przez pryzmat liczby „5”. W uzasadnieniu tej tezy odwołam się nie tylko do źródeł z terenu Ancash, ale też do wytworzonych poza tym regionem, daleko bardziej na południu. Dobierając materiały, zastanawiałam się nad ich wartością dla objaśnienia zjawiska, mającego miejsce w przestrzeni kulturowej Ancash – rozległej i zróżnicowanej geograficznie, ale niewielkiej w porównaniu z całym obszarem andyjskiego Peru. Upewniałam się jednak, że charakteryzują one nie tylko specyfikę tego obszaru, lecz także całego mundo andino. Wątek pięciu „braci” Chrystusów stanowi schrystianizowaną egzemplifikację archaicznego konstruktu ideowego, w którym osobną symbolikę posiadają liczba „5”, a osobną – „bracia”. Połączenie obu tych części dopełnia symbolikę, nadając całości nową wartość syntagmatyczną. Przechodząc do szczegółów, rozpocznę od lektury fundamentalnego źródła dla kultury andyjskiej, najstarszego zbioru mitów o poetyckim tytule Bogowie i ludzie z Huarochiri, nadanym przez ich tłumacza, José Maríę Arguedasa11. Jest to „anonimowy manuskrypt, spisany w keczua w 1598 lub 1608 roku, najprawdopodobniej na zlecenie proboszcza w San Damian de Checa, ojca Francisca de Avila”12. Ten bezcenny dla kultury andyjskiej tekst był przedmiotem wielu omówieni i wnikliwych egzegez. Mimo to nie dostrzeżono w nim nieprzypadkowego nagromadzenia około 60 kontekstów występowania liczby „5”. Najważniejszy z nich to obraz prefiguracji naczelnego boga Pariacaki. W odnośnym fragmencie czytamy: „Na tym świecie ten, którego nazywają Pariacaką, urodził się na Condorcoto jako pięć jaj”13, a także: „Tam mieszkał bóg Pariacaca w pięciu jajach”14. Następnie zaś: „Pariacaca wylągł się z pięciu jaj jako pięć sokołów […]. Te pięć sokołów wędrowało przemieniwszy się w ludzi”15. Pomijamy tu mniej istotny motyw sokołów, by śledzić dalsze poczynania nowo narodzonego boga. Mit zapoznaje nas z imionami ludzkich wcieleń Pariacaki, ale, co ciekawe, tylko z czterema: „Imiona tych pięciu: Pariacaca, Churapa, Puncho, Pariacaru. Nie znamy imienia jednego z pięciu [podkr. E.J.]”16. Żeby 11 12 13 14 15 16 Dioses y hombres de Huarochiri, edición bilingüe. Narración quechua recogida por Francisco de Avila (1598?), trad. José María Arguedas, estudio biobibliográphico P. Duviols, Lima 2012. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 121. Bogowie i ludzie z Huarochiri, s. 22. „Condorcoto – góra, przez którą po dziś dzień przebiega granica posiadłości wsi Cupara (Kuntur Qutu – Kondorzy Szczyt” (ibidem, s. 120). Ibidem, s. 25. Ibidem, s. 28. Ibidem, s. 36. �222 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich nie było wątpliwości, pradawny opowiadacz mitu raz jeszcze powtarza tę informację: „Imiona ich od pierwszego są: Pariacaca, potem Churapa, potem Puncho, potem Pariacaro. O jednym z nich nie wiemy. Tu zostaje puste miejsce, abyśmy wstawili, gdy będziemy wiedzieć. Sullcayllapa (Uwaga, słyszałem, że ma na imię Sullcayllapa) [podkr. E.J.]”17. Wyraźne powtórzenie tej informacji świadczy o tym, że nie jest przypadkowa. W drugiej wypowiedzi opowiadający próbuje przypomnieć sobie nazwisko piątego mężczyzny (czytaj: brata), ale imię Sullcayllapa wypowiada już bez takiej pewności, jak pozostałych, dodając, że je tylko zasłyszał. Dwukrotne powtórzenie, że nieznane jest imię piątego brata, przekazuje informację równie ważną, jak ta, która wymienia imionach pozostałych – równie ważną, a może nawet ważniejszą. Wahanie opowiadającego Indianina jest równie znaczące semantycznie, jak jego wypowiedź pozbawiona wahania – równie, a może bardziej znaczące. Nie jest istotne, czy imię Sullcayllapa18 faktycznie plątało mu się po głowie, czy rzucił je „na odczepnego”, indagowany przez dociekliwego zakonnika spisującego opowieść. Natomiast brzemienne treścią jest zdanie, które łatwo pominąć, błędnie traktując je jako nieistotne dopowiedzenie. Brzmi ono: „Tu zostaje puste miejsce, abyśmy wstawili, gdy będziemy wiedzieć”. Zdanie to sygnalizuje niezwykle ważną, wzmiankowaną wcześniej cechę „niedomknięcia” struktury. Wniosek jest jeden: mamy do czynienia ze zbiorem pięciu elementów z jedną niewiadomą, a starożytny tekst z Huarochiri ujawnia tę samą strukturę mitu, którą odkrywamy w przypadku Señora de la Soledad i jego „braci”, a także innych peruwiańskich Chrystusów. Potwierdzenie tej tezy znajdujemy w niezwykłym „pamiętniku” sędziwego, niepiśmiennego Indianina Gregorio Kunturi Mamani, tragarza w biednej dzielnicy Cuzco [fot. 14]. Dokument, o którym mowa, powstał dzięki pracy peruwiańskich antropologów Ricardo Valderramy Fernándeza i Carmen Escalante Gutiérrez, którzy w 1978 roku nagrali, a następnie przepisali i wydali opowiedzianą w keczua historię Gregorio19. Tłumaczenia z keczua na język polski dokonał Szemiński, zamieszczając je w antologii przełożonych przez siebie, oryginalnych tekstów historycznych o wielkim znaczeniu dla badań nad kulturą Inków i kultur andyjskich w ogóle20. W autobiograficznym opowiadaniu Indianina pojawia się wątek braci Chrystusa, będący charakterystycznym przemieszaniem apokryfów chrześcijańskich i motywów andyjskich. „Pan Pampa Marka ma braci, jest ich pięciu”21 – powiada Gregorio, mając na myśli Chrystusa ze wsi Pampa Marka. Potem snuje długą opowieść o tych braciach, starając się wymienić ich imiona i historie. Pierwszego nazywa Wiraqucha, co może być nawiązaniem zarówno do figury obcego (biały, brodaty), jak i andyjskiego Stwórcy. O jednych wie więcej, o innych prawie nic. Jeden z nich nosi imię Jacinto Roque, co stanowi zbitkę z postaciami św. Jacka i św. Rocha22. Ich historie nawiązują do andyjskiego 17 18 19 20 21 22 Ibidem, s. 62. Sullcayllapa w keczua cuzkeńskim znaczy „młodszy brat piorun”. R. Valderrama Fernández; C. Escalante Gutiérrez, Gregorio Condori Mamani: Autobiografía. Cuzco 1979. Inkowie o Inkach…, s. 173–283. Ibidem, s. 230. W religijności ludowej Andów bardzo ciekawa jest postać św. Rocha. W Mancos i okolicach (na pn. od Huaráz), gdzie święty ten czczony jest w szczególny sposób, miejscowy działacz kościelny Kiveth Elvis Rodriguez Romero [fot. 15] opowiedział mi, że San Roque miał pojawiać się wśród okolicznych skał w różnych wcieleniach: jako dziecko, dorosły mężczyzna i sędziwy starzec, a ludzie powiadali, że te trzy inkarnacje, to bracia. Miejscowi rozpoznają ich skamieniałe postacie wśród okolicznych monolitów o kształtach przy- �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 223 wątku „wędrującego boga”, który wystawia na próbę ludzi, zwierzęta i rośliny, nagradzając lub karząc. W swej wędrówce doznaje wielu trudów, a nawet choruje. Jego przygody pozostawiają trwałe ślady w terenie, pokazywane przez ludzi na dowód prawdziwości zdarzeń. Napotykamy obraz boga „pocącego się krwią”, silnie obecny w hiszpańskim i andyjskim folklorze religijnym i sztuce sakralnej. Jeden z braci pojawia się jako dziecko i bawi się z pastuszkami owiec i lam, będąc niewidzialnym dla dorosłych, a gdy dorasta, uzdrawia trędowatego. Potem objawia się na skale, kamienieje i zapoczątkowuje swój kult. Narracja kompiluje rozliczne wątki i fabuły, ale w opowieści można zidentyfikować niektórych „braci” Chrystusów, na przykład Señora de Huanca z miejscowości San Salvador w departamencie Cuzco czy Señora Quyllur Rit’i z sanktuarium pod świętą górą Ausangate. W końcowej części opowieści Gregorio niewiele sobie przypomina o pozostałych braciach: „Innym jego bratem jest Quyllur Rit’i, ale o jego cudzie nic nie wiem. Powiadają, że czyni cuda, ale po co mam mówić, że wiem. O jeszcze innym jego bracie też mówią, że cudowny. Znajduje się w Aklla Mayu, ale nie wiem, gdzie to”23. Ostatecznie Gregorio, choć utrzymuje, że braci było pięciu, wymienia tylko czterech. Mamy znów do czynienia z niedomkniętą strukturą „pięciokrotności”. Za chwilę wrócę do Bogów i ludzi z Huarochiri, ale teraz, by dopełnić omawiany wątek, sięgnę po inny mit. Opowieść o braciach Ayar to jeden z fundamentalnych tekstów etiologicznych dotyczących pochodzenia Inków. Jego obszerną wersję można znaleźć w dziele Inki Garcilasso de la Vegi (1539–1616)24, Juana de Betanzosa (1510–1576) czy Felipe Guamana Pomy de Ayali (1550–1616). Mit analizowany był szczegółowo przez José Maríę Arguedasa25, Franklina Pease García Yrigoyena26, Marię Rostworowską27, Szemińskiego i Ziółkowskiego28 oraz wielu innych. Opowiada o czterech braciach-herosach, którzy wraz z siostrami wyszli z jaskiń czy otworów w ziemi na górze zwanej Tambotoco, po czym wędrowali, zakładając Cuzco i biorąc w posiadanie kolejne ziemie. Dokonawszy demiurgicznego dzieła, kamienieli na granicach terytoriów, by ustanowić ponadczasowe znaki własności terytoriów w perspektywie wykraczającej poza długość ludzkiego życia29. „Na obszarze Andów przybranie kamiennej formy było jednym ze sposobów uwiecznienia bóstwa lub uświęcenia człowieka” – pisze Rostworowska, a dalej dodaje: „Zgodnie z andyjskimi wierzeniami kamienie guanca zaznaczały wzięcie w posiadanie jakiegoś obszaru”30. Pomijam bogactwo 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 pominających ludzi. Jednym z kanonicznych atrybutów tego świętego jest pies, obecny w jego legendzie hagiograficznej. W Mancos zwierzę to stało się szczególnie popularne. Duża figura św. Rocha w miejscowym kościele obdarowywana jest przez wiernych maskotkami, figurkami i zabawkami w postaci piesków, których Święty posiada ponad 400 [fot. 16]. Ibidem, s. 234. Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, Część Pierwsza uwag…, s.56–58. J.M. Arguedas, Formación de una cultura…, s. 173–174. F. Pease García-Yrigoyen, The Incas, transl. by S. Tegel, Lima 2011, s. 31–45. M. Rostworowska, Historia państwa Inków, przeł. P. Prządka-Giersz, M. Giersz, wprowadzenie i posłowie M. Ziółkowski, Warszawa 2007, s. 33–37. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 143–161. Na temat znaczeń andyjskiego skamienienia oraz huancas, czyli skamieniałych przodkach i herosach kulturowych piszę obszernie w rozdziale Święci andyjscy w systemie komunikatów i powinności. M. Rostworowska, op. cit., s. 35, 36. Guanca to odmiana nazwy kamiennego monolitu, których tysiące rozsiane są na ziemiach Andów. W regionie Ancash mają nazwę huancas. Różnice regionalne występują w pisowni, a nie w brzmieniu słowa. �224 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich szczegółów i różnorodność wersji tego mitu, spotykanego w rozlicznych źródłach, nawet współczesnych, notowanych przez etnografów. Interesuje mnie powtarzająca się liczba czterech znanych z nazwiska braci. Należy jednak pamiętać o istnieniu piątej osoby, pozornie tylko nieobecnej lub niewymienianej z imienia, czyli najważniejszego boga, zwanego Wira Qucha lub Słońcem. To właśnie na jego wezwanie wyszli z otworów ziemi czterej bracia. W różnych wersjach mitu powtarzają się odwołania do niego, świadczące, że działa wespół z braćmi, z których najstarszy i najważniejszy tytułuje się jego synem. Faktycznie w micie kreacyjnym występuje więc pięć postaci. Identyfikacja piątej z nich, jako boga-Stwórcy, wydaje się nie budzić wątpliwości. Czwórka znanych z imienia braci-herosów, wyraźnie sugeruje niezbędność istnienia piątego elementu, szczególnie, gdy przypomnimy mit o pięciokrotności antropomorficznego wcielenia Pariacaki poprzedzoną jego prefiguracją w postaci pięciu jaj. Ograniczę się do wersji zanotowanej przez Inkę Garcilasso de la Vegę. Czytamy w niej: Mówią, że po ustąpieniu wód [mowa o mitycznym potopie] pojawił się pewien człowiek w Tiahuanacu, które leży na południe od Cuzco, i taki był potężny, że podzielił świat na cztery części i nadał je czterem ludziom, których nazwał Królami: pierwszy zwał się Manco-Capac, drugi – Cola, trzeci – Tôcay, a czwarty – Pinahua [podkr. E.J.]”31. Za eufemistycznym określeniem „pewien potężny człowiek” kryje się oczywiście mityczny Stwórca, którego imię nie pada. Jest on piątą postacią, spajającą strukturę. Opowieść o braciach Ayar zlewa się z różnymi pokrewnymi wersjami, w których pojawia się pierwszy, mityczny władca Inków – Manqu Qhapaq32, ale klucz do zrozumienia ich sensu kryje się w podziale przestrzeni według wzorca: 4 + 1 = 5, czyli w strukturze czwórkowej plus piątym centrum. Abdón Yaranga Valderrama pisze: „Centrum to ma własny byt, rodzi uporządkowanie przestrzeni, jest miejscem spotkania się i połączenia różnych przestrzennych elementów strukturalnych. Centrum jest początkiem, końcem i miejscem połączenia przestrzennego [podkr. E.J.]”33. W omawianym micie centrum tym jest naczelny Bóg, stojący ponad bóstwami o niższej randze lub „półbogami” – herosami kulturowymi. Razem jest ich pięcioro. W przywołanych mitach istnieje subtelna różnica. „Pięciokrotność” Pariacaki zachodzi immanentnie w obrębie jego boskiego bytu, ale z tekstu można wywnioskować, że między jego czterema wcieleniami (braćmi) istnieje zróżnicowanie statusów. O piątym nic nie wiemy, poza tym, że również partycypuje w boskości Pariacaki. Nie jest to zatem „współistotność” w znaczeniu znanym z Trójcy Świętej, choć może budzić takie skojarzenie. Nieco inna kompozycja występuje w micie o braciach Ayar. Spotykamy w nim czterech braci-herosów oraz piątego Boga, o którym nie mówi się wprost, choć w oczywisty sposób współtworzy pięcioelementowy układ. 31 32 33 Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, op. cit., s. 56. Rzeczywista i mityczna historia pierwszego władcy Inków zlewa się we wspólną opowieść: „Manqu Qhapaq wydaje się założycielem jakiegoś państewka, ale zarazem twórcą systemu sojuszy” (J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 148). Zob. też obszerne omówienie tej postaci w: J. Szemiński, Manqu Qhapaq, król założyciel w inkaskiej tradycji historycznej, „Przegląd Historyczny” 1989, t. 80, z. 4, s. 689–704. A. Yaranga Valderrama, Koncepcja świata, czyli wizja kosmosu w cywilizacji andyjskiej, przeł. A. Krzanowski, [w:] Czas w kulturze, wybrał, opracował, wstępem zaopatrzył A. Zajączkowski, Warszawa 1988, s. 48. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 225 Huaráz u Zuidemy i zagadka czterech kolorów drzwi Cuzco ze swoimi podziałami na Górne (Hanan) i Dolne (Urin) oraz na cztery dzielnice (Chincha, Kolla, Anti i Kunti) wyznaczało wzorzec dla podziału państwa Tawantin Suyu na cztery części (Chincha Suyu, Kolla Suyu, Anti Suyu i Kunti Suyu). Punktem centralnym miasta, a zarazem całego Imperium – niezbędnym piątym elementem układu, była świątynia Quri Kanchy. Jak powiada Yaranga Valderrama, „centrum to ma własny byt”. Wzorzec Cuzco odzwierciedla się w podziałach przestrzeni poszczególnych terytoriów kraju, jak również obszarów wielu innych miast i wsi. Mówię tu jedynie o podziałach podstawowych, nie wnikając w skomplikowaną strukturę pozostałych, bardziej szczegółowych, którym poświęcono obszerne opracowania. Jak już wspomniałam, położony na północy region Ancash jest o wiele słabiej reprezentowany w źródłach kolonialnych niż region centralny. Uznałam, że punktem wyjścia do podjętych rozważań powinno być Cuzco i osnute wokół niego prawzorce mitologiczne, gdyż jest ono faktycznym „centrum”, z którego promieniowały zasadnicze idee w znacznym stopniu unifikujące kosmowizję ludów andyjskich. Ale region Ancash, a właściwie Callejón de Huaylas i Callejon de Conchucos, choć słabiej opisane, posiadają pewien korpus źródeł kolonialnych, po które można sięgnąć, porównując miejscowe dane z Peru centralnym. Są nimi m.in. zapisy księdza Rodrigo Hernándeza Príncipe z 1621 roku, które przytacza i omawia holendersko-peruwiański antropolog Reiner Tom Zuidema w fundamentalnym dziele El calendario Inca. W relacji tej XVII-wieczny wizytator opisuje między innymi zespół ayllu w pueblo Allauca, czyli w strukturze administracyjno-rodowej, rozlokowanej w czasach przedhiszpańskich na terenie dzisiejszego Huaráz. Dowiadujemy się, że był to układ czterech ayllu – Allauca, Picos, Chauca, Xullca, oraz piątego ayllu Chaupi. Dlaczego piąte wymieniam osobno? Otóż dlatego, że de facto nie istniało, tworząc się tylko okazjonalnie z mieszkańców czterech wymienionych ayllus w określonych porach roku oraz szczególnych sytuacjach, których autor niestety nie precyzuje. To piąte, niezwykłe ayllu, pełniło funkcję służebną i reprezentacyjną wobec pozostałych, będąc zarazem ich centrum, obdarzonym najwyższym statusem. Rola ta najpewniej wiązała się ze sferą religijności, a nie przyziemnej codzienności. Nazwa „Chaupi” – powiada Zuidema – oznacza „centrum, środek”34. Badacz ten przypomina inne przykłady tworzenia się dodatkowego, piątego ayllu, które opisał w swojej wcześniejszej książce35. W tym kontekście nawiązuje do dyskusji, dlaczego Kunti Suyu dzieli się na suyus IVA i IVB, czyli według podobnego mechanizmu wyłania z siebie piąty element? Analizując relacje Principe, zwraca uwagę na informację, że każdy z czterech ayllus w Allauca miał grupę czterech mitycznych braci-założycieli oraz piątego „ojca”. Ojcem tym dla dwóch ayllu był orzeł36 znad jeziora Yaro, a dla dwóch innych 34 35 36 R.T. Zuidema, El calendario Inca. Tiempo y espacio en la organización ritual del Cuzco. La idea del pasado, Lima 2010, s. 492. Słowo chaupi w keczua ancashino oznacza „centrum” lub „środek”, miejsce rozdzielania się drogi lub rzeki, a także środkowy palec, który bywa zwykle „najwyższy” w dłoni ustawionej pionowo (F. Carranza Romero, Diccionario Quechua…, s. 50). R.T. Zuidema, The ceque system of Cuzco: the social organization of the capital of the Inca, transl. E.M. Hooykaas, Leiden 1964. Jest to niewątpliwie pomyłka księdza Rodrigo Hernándeza Príncipe, gdyż orły nie występują w Cordillera Blanca. Najpewniej słysząc o wielkim ptaku o nieznanej nazwie, skojarzył go z orłem, podczas gdy niewątpliwie chodziło o kondora. To on szybuje wysoko nad górskimi jeziorami Cordillera Blanca. W Andach �226 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich była nim najważniejsza huaca37. A zatem nie tylko w strukturze przestrzennej oraz systemie pokrewieństw, ale także w zmityzowanej perspektywie historycznej odnajdujemy czterech braci-herosów oraz piąty element – zawsze wyraźnie wyodrębniony, obdarzony wyższym statusem głównego kreatora, ale ściśle zintegrowanego z pozostałymi czterema w ramach układu „pięciokrotności”. Do tekstu Zuidemy o czterech ayllu Allauki dodam własną obserwację, poprzedzając ją notką historyczną. Jak już pisałam w części Andyjski Pan Samotności – „wielka opowieść”, w 1572 roku, na mocy dekretu wicekróla Peru Francisco de Toledo (1515–1584), na obszarze Allauki powstała redukcja (reducción), w której skoncentrowano Indian z czterech ayllus, złożonych z 42 osiedli (llactas). Redukcja ta, nazwana San Sebastian de Pampa Guaraz, zapoczątkowała miasto Huaráz. Jego historia, zwłaszcza z okresu pierwszego stulecia, jest słabo znana, gdyż zasób archiwaliów, jak również księgozbiorów i pamiątek historycznych, uległ zniszczeniu podczas tragicznego trzęsienia ziemi w 1970 roku, które obróciło w gruzy 95% miasta [fot. 17]. Niewiele wiemy o sposobie rozlokowania Indian z czterech ayllus na obszarze redukcji, ale istnieją mocne przesłanki, by sądzić, że nie zostali ze sobą przemieszani. Osiedlili się w różnych częściach redukcji, tworząc zaczątki czterech istniejących do dziś dzielnic: La Soledad, Belén, San Francisco i Huarupampa [fot. 18]. Pomimo kataklizmów, jakie niszczyły miasto, pomimo migracji i napływu dziesiątek tysięcy nowych mieszkańców, a nawet pomimo głębokich przemian urbanistycznych, jakie zaszły w odbudowanym po trzęsieniu ziemi mieście, dzielnice te nadal istnieją i, co interesujące, utrzymuje się między nimi subtelna gra wzajemnych odniesień i stereotypów, wynikających z różnic statusów i tożsamości. Najwyżej w hierarchii ulokowana jest dzielnica La Soledad, w której znajduje się sanktuarium Chrystusa Señora de la Soledad. Pomiędzy pozostałymi również zachodzą pewne różnice, ale pomijam ich szczegółowy opis, poza istotnym szczegółem: dzielnice La Soledad oraz San Francisco, położone wyżej od pozostałych, uchodzą za lepsze i bardziej prestiżowe, co odpowiada rzeczywistości, gdyż faktycznie są znacznie bogatsze i „porządniejsze” od tych na dole. Układ ten stanowi replikę obserwowanego już paradygmatu „pięciokrotności”, w którym aktywne są cztery zhierarchizowane względem siebie elementy oraz piąty – nadrzędny wobec nich, ale komplementarny w ramach całej struktury. Tym piątym jest oczywiście sanktuarium Chrystusa Señora de la Soledad – centrum ich wszystkich, obdarzone własnym bytem sakralnym i materialnym. Sanktuarium to jest tym samym dla Huaráz, co świątynia Quri Kancha dla Cuzco. Nasuwa się jeszcze jedna ciekawa analogia z cytowanymi wcześniej mitami. Otóż najważniejsza dzielnica Huaráz – La Soledad, nazywa się tak samo, jak znajdujące się w niej „centrum”, czyli Chrystus Señor de la Soledad. Pamiętamy, że spośród braci – ludzkich wcieleń Pariacaki, pierwszy i najważniejszy nosił imię Pariacaca – takie samo, jak ten bóg w pełni swego „indywidualnego” bytu. 37 występuje także ptak z rodziny sokołowatych, który zwyczajowo zwany jest „orłem o czarnej piersi” (águila de pecho negro), ale przypuszczam, że to kondor był wzmiankowanym „ojcem” ayllu. Ibidem, s. 493. Mogła to być huaca, ale na podstawie bliższej znajomości okolic Huaráz przypuszczam, że była to raczej najważniejsza huanca, czyli któryś z licznych monolitów kamiennych, w wielu miejscach zachowanych do dziś, ustawionych in illo tempore na granicach własności ayllus, pośrodku nich lub w innych miejscach wyróżnionych przez mieszkańców ayllu. Huancas to – uogólniając – skamieniali przodkowie, najczęściej herosi-założyciele rodu lub ayllu. Natomiast huacas, według terminologii stosowanej na tym obszarze, to byty uświęcone w szerszym znaczeniu – od hierofanii naturalnych (np. góry), poprzez twory ludzkie (np. świątynie), aż do postaci bóstw. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 227 Francisco Gonzales w opisie miasta sprzed kataklizmu w 1970 roku pisze, że mieszkańcy czterech wymienionych dzielnic mieli zwyczaj malowania drzwi i okiennic swoich domów określonymi kolorami. W dzielnicy La Soledad był to niebieski, w San Francisco zielony, w Belem czerwony, a w Huarupampa szary38. Na nielicznych domach, które przetrwały trzęsienie ziemi w 1970 roku, nadal dają się zauważyć te kolory [fot. 19]. Interesujące, że spotyka się je również na starych domach w niektórych wioskach rozrzuconych na stokach Andów wokół miasta [fot. 20]. Hipoteza, którą aktualnie badam39, zakłada, że kolory te były przez wieki znakami identyfikacyjnymi członków czterech ayllu skoncentrowanych w redukcji, jak również ich członków mieszkających w okolicznych wioskach, które przetrwały od czasach przedhiszpańskich, odrodziły się na swych dawnych miejscach po rozluźnieniu rygorów osiedlania się w redukcji w XVIII wieku lub powstały w miejscach hiszpańskich estancias, przekształconych z czasem w wioski. Symbolika kolorów używanych przez mieszkańców ayllu może mieć jeszcze odleglejszą genezę, sięgając skomplikowanego systemu pokrewieństw z czasów inkaskich, a nawet przedinkaskich. Przesłanką do takiego mniemania jest opisany przez Szemińskiego przykład trzech grup: qullana, payan i qayaw w obrębie struktur krewniaczych w inkaskim Cuzco40. Grupom tym przypisane były odpowiednio kolory: biały, czerwony i czarny. Nie posiadam wystarczających kompetencji ani danych, by wyrazić w tej kwestii coś więcej, niż tylko przypuszczenie. Intuicja podpowiada jednak, że wzmiankowana symbolika kolorów w Huaráz i jego okolicach posiada odległą genezę przedhiszpańską, silnie uwarunkowaną złożonymi i trudnymi dziś do zrekonstruowania kontekstami kulturowymi, związanymi z systemem pokrewieństw. Liczba „5” w Cuzco i Huarochiri – zagadnienie dynamiki dyssymetrii Czas na zestawienie podanych przykładów z „braćmi” Chrystusami w Ancash. Zawarte w nich analogie nie budzą wątpliwości. Opowieści o „braciach” Señora de la Soledad mają tę samą strukturę, jak mit o Pariacace lub historia opowiedziana przez niepiśmiennego Indianina Gregorio. W innych częściach Peru także istnieją podobne wątki, poddane analizie przez Arrojo Aquilara41, który jednak analizuje je z innej perspektywy, nie poświęcając uwagi aspektom, które uważam za kluczowe. Szemiński pisze: 38 39 40 41 F. Gonzales, Huarás…, s. 11. Wśród tematów, które od kilku lat badam w rejonie Huaráz wraz z etnologiem Mirosławem Mąką, znajduje się zagadnienie identyfikacji tożsamościowej mieszkańców różnych części tego miasta oraz otaczających go okolic w dolinie Río Santa i na stokach Andów. Wśród działań podejmowanych w ramach tego projektu jest dokumentowanie fotograficzne najstarszych, zachowanych do dziś domów na tym terenie oraz pozyskiwanie informacji na ich temat. W świetle dotychczasowych ustaleń nieprzypadkowe używanie określonych kolorów drzwi i okiennic wydaje się bezdyskusyjne. Poszukiwania obejmują również inne elementy kultury, takie jak tradycyjne elementy strojów, w tym kody informacyjne zawarte w zdobnictwie kobiecych chust zwanych mantami. J. Szemiński, Myślane po kiczua, s. 55, 83. Po latach badacz ten ustalił istnienie jeszcze czwartej, ukrytej grupy pokrewieństw o nazwie karu. S. Arroyo Aguillar, op. cit., passim. �228 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Zuidemie udało się udowodnić, że organizacja społeczno-religijna Cuzco oparta była na więzach pokrewieństwa oraz, że model stworzony przezeń dla Cuzco jest szczególnym przypadkiem modelu powszechnego w środkowym i południowym Dolnym Peru oraz w Górnym Peru. Wykazał ponadto, że pewne modyfikacje opisanego modelu istniały jeszcze w XIX w. Późniejsze badania udowodniły natomiast, ze istnieją one nadal42 [podkr. E.J.]. Liczba „5” ma w kulturze andyjskiej ugruntowaną symbolikę. Odwołam się do przykładów zawartych w cytowanej pracy Szemińskiego. Czytamy w niej: „W Cuzco istniało […] dziesięć rodów, za założycieli których uchodzili władcy. Pierwsze pięć rodów należało do Dolnego Cuzco, następne pięć – do Górnego [podkr. E.J.]”43. Dowiadujemy się także o podziałach w obrębie IV suyu (wg klasyfikacji autora), w ramach rodziny i systemu pokrewieństwa w Cuzco: Podział piątkowy i dziesiątkowy, prócz oczywistego zastosowania w wojsku i wśród ludności wyrwanej ze swoich wsi na potrzeby władzy, występował przede wszystkim w organizacji suyu IV. W suyu tym klasyfikowano bowiem przybyszów, ludzi luźnych itd. W organizacji religijnej suyu IV było dzielone na pięć grup, a nie na trzy, jak w pozostałych suyu. Po dziś dzień w wielu miejscowościach suyu IV nazywa się picqa curi – pięciu synów, co podkreśla jego podział na pięć części44 [podkr. E.J.]. Omawiając inkaskie jednostki administracyjne, Szemiński pisze: „Najwyższa z nich nosiła nazwę hunu – dziesięć tysięcy, najniższa – picqa – pięć, co najprawdopodobniej jednak określało miejsce szefa jednostki w hierarchii, a nie jej liczebność [podkr. E.J.]”45. Podkreślenie symboliczności liczby „5” wydaje mi się bardzo ważne. Podobne wartości liczbowe dotyczą ayllu: „Ponieważ ayllu miały swe terytoria i ustaloną lokalizację przestrzenną, przeto należy się spodziewać, że podział dziesiątkowy i piątkowy mógł być również podziałem przestrzeni [podkr. E.J.]”46. Autor zauważa, że władcy Peru, uwzględnieni w spisie Fernando de Montesinosa (?–1652) z początku XVII wieku, pogrupowani są piątkami w cyklach czasowych, obejmujących pięć słońc47. Po czym dodaje: „Lista przodków Pomy również daje się podzielić na piątki, dziesiątki, można w niej wydzielić dużą środkową grupę ok. 30 władców, czy wreszcie pogrupować przodków na pięć części [podkr. E.J.]”48. Zwraca uwagę na powtarzającą się w źródłach informację o pięciu słońcach jako długości trwania cywilizacji według kosmowizji andyjskiej. Gdyby potraktować tę liczbę dosłownie, 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 J. Szemiński, Myślane po kiczua, s. 54. Ibidem, s. 58. Ibidem, s. 56–57. Autor precyzuje, że IV suyu „to grupa niekrewnych, obcych, przybłędów, sług, najdalszych przodków, grupa pradziadka i prababki” (s. 55). Skład tej grupy, najbardziej luźny, otwarty i niesformalizowany, wydaje się nieprzypadkowo związany z liczbą „5”, co uzasadniam w dalszej części wywodu. Ibidem, s. 58. Ibidem. Ibidem, s. 59. Jedno „słońce” obejmowało okres 500 lat i tyle trwały kolejnych cykle cywilizacyjne, kończące się kataklizmami pacha-cuti (s. 61). Ibidem, s. 58. W zdaniu tym mowa o Felipe Guamanie Poma de Ayala (1550–1616) ze szlachetngo rodu inkaskiego, wybitnym kronikarzu dziejów Inków, autorze słynnego, ilustrowanego manuskryptu El prima nueva corónica y buen gobierno (1615). �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 229 a nie umownie, oznaczałoby to 2500 lat, jako że jedno słońce odpowiadało 500 latom. Czytamy na ten temat: Informację o pięciu słońcach znalazłem również w dziełach kilku innych kronikarzy: Martina de Muruy, Felipe Guamana Pomy de Ayala, Joana Santacruz Pachacutiego Salcamagua oraz w relacji khipu-kamayuqów, mistrzów wiązania węzłów z dworu Waskhar Inki, podyktowanej dla wicekróla Vaca de Castro. Według Martina de Muruy, piąte słońce miało się skończyć w 1554 r. Tego rodzaju informacja świadcząca, że sam podbój hiszpański, albo jakieś wydarzenie z lat 1532–1572 uznane zostało za koniec epoki, koniec słońca, znajduje potwierdzenie u wielu kronikarzy. Ów koniec Guaman Poma de Ayala nazywa końcem czasów Inki, końcem Inka Paca49 [podkr. E.J.]. Zasadnicza część cytowanej pracy poświęcona jest wykazaniu, że w Peru końca XVIII wieku istniały kontynuanty andyjskiej wizji czasoprzestrzeni, a inkaski system pokrewieństwa stosowany był nadal do opisu stosunków międzyludzkich. Prawdziwość tej tezy została bezspornie dowiedziona. Nietrudno zauważyć, że wnioski – zgodnie z twierdzeniem autora – można odnieść do okresów późniejszych, a także do realiów dzisiejszej kultury. Przykład „braci” Señora de la Soledad jest tego egzemplifikacją. Analizując mit z Huarochiri i „pięciokrotność” boga Pariacaki, Szemiński i Ziółkowski zauważają: „Ta wielopostaciowość i możliwość działania naraz w kilku osobach-inkarnacjach jest cechą charakterystyczną andyjskich bóstw [podkr. E.J.]”50. Podstawa logiczna fenomenu Señora de la Soledad i jego „braci” zasadza się na niesprzeczności połączenia jednego bytu boskiego oraz czterech (lub pięciu) jego inkarnacji (co ważne, nie do końca określonych). Pamiętamy wszak o „strukturze niedomkniętej”, która zarówno w przytoczonych mitach, jak i w wypowiedziach moich respondentów implikowała niedookreśloność i bezimienność piątego brata. Jedynym przypadkiem skompletowania wszystkich pięciu imion „braci” Señora de la Soledad jest zestawienie Salazara Mejíi, będące wyjątkiem potwierdzającym regułę. Jako historyk, poruszał się w ramach logiki naukowej, więc skoro wiedział o istnieniu pięciu, to w najlepszej wierze ustalił ich tożsamość, najpewniej zestawiając częściej wymienianych „braci”51. Nie uwzględnił faktu, iż ludowe wersje opowieści o „braciach” Chrystusach uparcie nie precyzują tożsamości piątego z nich, sądząc zapewne, że wynika to z fragmentarycznej wiedzy bądź braku pamięci informatorów. Pragnął tę kwestię doprecyzować, nie przypuszczając, że właśnie to niedopowiedzenie stanowi niezbędny, komplementarny element struktury. Postępował dokładnie tak, jak ja na początku badań, zanim uwolniłam się od presji pozytywistycznego dyskursu. Opowieści mitycznej nie krępuje jednak ten rodzaj logiki, gdyż poddana jest rygorom własnej – takiej, która celowo nie domyka struktury, tylko uchyla ją na nieskończoność potencjalnych inkarnacji. „Pięć” stanowi liczbę umowną, jak większość innych w mitologii inkaskiej oraz w wizji „idealnego” państwa rządzonego przez Inkę52. Władza boga nad światem z założenia nie może zamykać się w czterech 49 50 51 52 Ibidem, s. 59–60. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 122. Nie mam wystarczających danych, by kategorycznie wnioskować, ale przypuszczam, że podobny mechanizm rządził badaniami Arroyo Aguillara, który śledził wątek „braci” Chrystusów w innych częściach Peru, podając ich „pełne”, pięcioosobowe zestawienia, choć samej idei „pięciokrotności” w ogóle nie poświęca uwagi. Zob. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 38–39. �230 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich regionach. Nieznane imię piątego brata to hipostaza wszechobecności boskiej, nieograniczonej w czasie i przestrzeni. Natomiast wyraźne określenie pierwszego i najważniejszego, wyznacza „centrum świata” integrujące czas i przestrzeń. Zastanawiając się nad potencjałem symbolicznym liczby „5”, powrócę raz jeszcze do mitów z Huarochori. Wspomniałam wcześniej, że liczba ta powtarza się tam w różnych kontekstach blisko 60 razy. Jeden z nich, dotyczący boga Pariacaki, omówiłam. Warto jednak przyjrzeć się również pozostałym. Wymienię tylko część z nich: „Poza tym wówczas umarli zmartwychwstawali piątego dnia […]”53 „Tak samo ich jadło dojrzewało piątego dnia od siewu […]” (s. 12) „Za pięć dni Morze wyleje, a wtedy świat się skończy […]” (s. 19) „Po pięciu dniach woda znów ustąpiła i zaczęła wysychać…” (ibidem) „Ach, co ty zobaczysz w tej wsi piątego dnia od dzisiaj!” (s. 30) „Kobieta odeszła ze wsi po pięciu dniach wraz z dziećmi i braćmi […]” (s. 31) „Za pięć dni wrócisz tu, aby ujrzeć, jak ja z nimi walczę […]” (s. 36) „Potem […] człowiek zawrócił, ale po pięciu dniach jednak znów przyszedł […]” (s. 37) „Pariacaca, ponieważ jest pięcioma ludźmi, zaczął podać deszczem z pięciu miejsc […]” (ibidem) „Gdy grzmiał i raził piorunami, to błyskało się z pięciu miejsc […]” (ibidem) „Ta Chaupiñamca jest teraz pięciosążnistą zastygłą skałą […]” (s. 47) „Huascowie wypełniwszy torby koką śpiewali i tańczyli przez pięć dni […]” (s. 49) „Wtedy ci ludzie […] poszli, abu wrócić zaledwie w pięć dni […]” (s. 59) „W jego święto kończyli te śpiewy i tańce piątego dnia […]” (s. 87) „Po pięciu dniach zerwał się wielki wiatr…” (s. 90) „Potem rozgniewany przez pięć dni gubił ten kraj…” (s. 91) „Ludzie, gdy znów się rozmnożyli, zamieszkali w Llantapie na pięciu górach […]” (s. 92) „Potem, po pięciu dniach, dusza znów wracała […]” (s. 93) „Już po wieczór wszyscy jego krewni tańczyli pięciokrotnie…” (s. 94) „A zatem również Conchanie urodzili się w głębi czasu i ziemi jako pięciu ludzi…” (s. 100) „Pięciokrotnie tłumaczył to człowiekowi zwanemu Llacxamisa […]” (s. 107) „Aż pięć razy nawodni ona kukurydzę añay […]” (ibidem) „Później […] zawsze chodzili pięć razy z dwoma lub trzema huacçami […]” (s. 108) „Tak więc w tylu ludzi rozmnożyli się synowie pięciu przybyszów z Yaurillanchy […]” (s. 109) „Przez pięć dni […] leżeli na jednym boku. Piątego dnia przewracali się na drugi […]” (s. 110) Zdecydowana większość kontekstów dotyczy cyklów pięciodniowych w różnych sytuacjach mitycznych lub rytualnych. Występuje także pięciokrotność osób, miejsc i miary (pięciosążnista). Cechą łączącą te konteksty jest dynamika, aktywność prowadząca do zmiany, albo przynajmniej stan kreatywny, naznaczony immanentną cechą koniecznej reprodukcji lub potencjalnej przemiany. Nawet motyw „pięciosążnistej skały”54, jako 53 54 Bogowie i ludzie…, s. 12. Odniesienia na tej i kolejnej stronie lokalizuję w tekście głównym z podaniem numeru strony. Wszystkie podkreślenia – E.J. Określenie „pięciosążnista skała” odwołuje się do hiszpańskiego sążnia – miary antropometrycznej odpowiadającej długości rozpostartych ramion mężczyzny. W poszczególnych krajach europejskich występowały niewielkie różnice w długości sążnia. Narrator tekstu mitów z Huarochiri używa już hiszpańskiej terminologii długości. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 231 skamieniałej kobiety zwanej Chaupiñamca, zawiera uśpioną dynamikę, polegającą na potencjalnej możliwości odwrotnej metamorfozy – kamienia w człowieka, co mieści się w kosmowizji andyjskiej. Skamienienie w Andach nie było bowiem, jak w wierzeniach europejskich, stanem nieodwracalnym. Natomiast „dzień” był najkrótszą, wyraźnie definiowalną jednostką czasu. Przedstawiał sobą podstawowy obraz cykliczności, metaforę każdego dłuższego odcinka czasu, a także ludzkiego życia i cywilizacji. Jego wyznacznikiem było słońce – rodzące się na wschodzie, nabrzmiewające mocą w miarę przybliżania się do zenitu i słabnące w trakcie wędrówki ku zachodowi. Inkaskie „słońce”, jako miara epoki cywilizacyjnej, kreśli swą drogę przez 500 lat od jej narodzin po upadek. Zarówno w przypadku pięciu dni, jak i pięciuset lat mamy do czynienia z multiplikacjami „pięciu”, występującymi w sytuacjach nacechowanych dynamiką przemiany. Rozmyślając nad istotą liczby „5” w kulturze andyjskiej, można rozpatrywać nieporównanie więcej kontekstów niż te, które przytoczyłam. Próba ich wyjaśnienia bywa skuteczna tam, gdzie dysponujemy danymi historycznymi. Przykładem może być kosmowizja inkaska, której cuzkeński wzorzec nałożył się mniej lub bardziej na obszar całego Tawantin Suyu. A zatem w wymiarze historycznym odpowiedź na pytanie w sprawie liczby „5” nie budzi wątpliwości, gdyż niewątpliwie funkcjonowała ona w kulturze Inków – w sposób dosłowny tam, gdzie było to możliwe, a w sferze idei generalnie. Przytoczony przez Szemińskiego i Ziółkowskiego55 opis inkaskich struktur administracyjnych pokazuje wyraźnie schemat multiplikacji liczby „5” i podwajania otrzymanych wyników zgodnie z mechanizmem andyjskiej dualności. Pierwotny jest system piątkowy, a nie dziesiętny, będący jego pochodną. Najmniejsza jednostka (nie licząc pojedynczego człowieka) to zawsze „5” i liczba ta powtarza się w niezliczonych kontekstach związanych z mitologią, strukturą administracyjną i wojskową, a także z podziałami przestrzeni56. Podwojenie następuje tak, jak w przypadku długości trwania mitycznych epok cywilizacyjnych, gdy mowa jest o 1000 lat, „ale taki 1000 składał się z dwóch 500-leci, które uważano już to za równoczesne, już to za kolejne”57. Natomiast 500 lat to oczywiście multiplikacja liczby 5. Jan Szemiński tłumaczy tę zasadę w bardzo obrazowy sposób: Jedno słońce trwało w rzeczywistości 500 lat. Kataklizm kończący trwanie słońca liczono raz jako kataklizm kończący trwanie dolnej saya całej istniejącej czasoprzestrzeni, a drugi raz jako kataklizm kończący trwanie górnej saya istniejącej czasoprzestrzeni. W ten sposób dwukrotnie liczono to samo 500-lecie, raz jako 500 lat dolnej saya, drugi raz jako 500 lat górnej saya, co razem dawało 1000-lecie. Przy takiej rachubie dwie nogi człowieka 30-letniego mają łącznie 60 lat58 [podkr. E.J.]. Historyk mógłby na tym poprzestać, ale etnologa dręczą pytania bardziej ogólnej natury. Pamiętając o powtarzalnych kontekstach, jednoznacznie nacechowanych dynamiką, skłonny jest dopatrywać się kulturowego sensu liczby „5” w ponadkulturowym mechanizmie dyssymetrii, wnikliwie przeanalizowanym przez Rogera Caillois. Uczony ten w błyskotliwym wykładzie dowiódł, że zarówno w przyrodzie, jak i kulturze: „Podczas 55 56 57 58 J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 38–39. Szereg konkretnych przykładów zawiera cytowana wielokrotnie praca J. Szemińskiego Myślane po kiczua, s. 54–62. Ibidem, s. 69. Ibidem, s. 61. �232 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich gdy dysymetria wywołuje zjawiska, symetria okazuje się bezwładem hamującym ich pojawianie się: «Konieczne jest, by pewne elementy symetrii nie istniały. To właśnie dysymetria tworzy zjawiska». W rzeczywistości nie tworzy ich ona, lecz umożliwia ich powstanie… [podkr. E.J.]”59. Mamy więc podstawę do spojrzenia na kulturę i symbolikę liczb przez pryzmat twierdzeń Caillois, wprawdzie niezupełnie pionierskich, ale precyzyjnie włączających zagadnienie w obszar refleksji etnologicznej. Zgodnie z takim postrzeganiem, układy symetryczne reprezentują stan entropii, natomiast dyssymetryczne – energetyczne dążenie do zmian, rewitalizacji lub reprodukcji systemu. „Parzyste” to symetria, a „nieparzyste” dyssymetria. „Pięć” jest dyssymetryczne, a jego przełożenie na symbolikę kulturową może mieć, jak sądzę, pragenezę w postrzeganiu przez człowieka własnej pięciopalczastej dłoni jako pierwszej, uniwersalnej egzemplifikacji „pięciokrotności”60, natomiast obu dłoni jako „dziesięciokrotności”, ale zawsze w dualistycznym rozdzieleniu na dwie. Postępując tym antropocentrycznym tropem, do którego zachęcają dociekania Caillois, konstatujemy, że pięciopalczasta dłoń ma kciuk – palec bez wątpienia najważniejszy dla motoryki dłoni61, ustawiony odmiennie niż pozostałe, ale ściśle z nimi współpracujący. Antropologia ciała, odczytująca niezliczoną ilość konwencjonalnych układów, tworzonych przez człowieka przy pomocy znaku dłoni, bez wątpienia uznałaby tę część ciała za archetyp dla kulturowych symbolizacji „pięciokrotności”. Kontynuując ten tok myślenia, musimy uwzględnić istnienie dwóch dłoni – ale jednej prawej, a drugiej lewej, co przekłada się na dalszy, przygniatający swą objętością bagaż konotacji kulturowych, związanych z symboliką „prawego” i „lewego”. Przytoczę tylko dwa skrótowe ciągi strukturalne związane z tymi pojęciami: PRAWY – Hanan (górny) – niebo – mężczyzna – dzień – światło – słońce LEWY – Hurin (dolny) – ziemia – kobieta – noc – ciemność – księżyc Oczywiście im bardziej szczegółowe są obszary kultury, podporządkowane takiej klasyfikacji, tym bardziej komplikują się rządzące nimi relacje. Jednak i te w obrębie zagadnień o dużej szczegółowości osadzone są w elementarnej grupie wyżej wymienionych opozycji bazowych62. Nie trzeba dowodzić – gdyż zrobił to przekonująco Caillois – że „przewaga prawej strony nie zna wyjątków i rozciąga się znacznie poza granice rodzaju ludzkiego”63, a zatem wywiera modelujący wpływ również w Andach. Oddziaływanie to wiąże się ściśle z charakterystycznym dla kultur andyjskich dualizmem. Prawa i lewa strona układów dualistycznych, lokujące się w tym samym ciągu strukturalnym, co opozycja „męskie – żeńskie”, 59 60 61 62 63 R. Caillois, Dynamika dyssymetrii, przeł. J. Krzywicki, „Literatura na Świecie” 1975, nr 1, s. 183. Warto zwrócić uwagę na motyw pięciopalczastej dłoni (oraz dwóch dłoni) w sztuce dawnego Peru. Szczególnie charakterystyczny jest przykład pięciopalczastej dłoni-góry w kulturze Moche [fot. 21]. Ale rozłożona dłoń, eksponująca pięć wyprostowanych palców, pojawia się bardzo często na różnych artefaktach archeologicznych. Jest to tematyka obszerna, godna osobnego opracowania. Od tysiącleci znana jest praktyka obcinania jeńcom kciuków, żeby pozbawić ich możliwości władania mieczem i włócznią, ale by mogli np. wiosłować na galerach. Ten aspekt praktyczny zespolił się z symbolicznym – odebrania mężczyźnie statusu wojownika, a zarazem władcy, czego dowodem jest obcinanie kciuków, a czasem też dużych palców u stóp, królom podbitych państw w czasach biblijnych (zob. Sdz 1: 6,7). Pozbawienie kciuka było więc równoznaczne z degradacją w ramach statusów społecznych. Obszerniej na ten temat w: J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 90–91. R. Caillois, Dynamika dyssymetrii, s. 190. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 233 znajdują odzwierciedlenie w niezliczonej ilości wątków wierzeniowych i folklorystycznych, w interpretacjach natury i motywach tworzonej sztuki. „Tukuy ima qhariwarmi – «wszystko jest kobietą i mężczyzną»” – cytuje indiańskie powiedzenie Baumann, i dodaje: „Prawo komplementarnych przeciwieństw wpływa na wszelkie formy trwającego istnienia, połączonego w pary”64. Jednakże stwierdzając istnienie układów dualistycznych, należy równie dobitnie powiedzieć o dyssymetrii, będącej kluczowym warunkiem ich witalności. Dyssymetrię tę zauważył i opisał Lévi-Strauss, który analizując dualizm i kosmowizję Indian Ameryki Południowej, stwierdza, że „wszelka jedność zawiera dwoistość i […] kiedy się ona urzeczywistnia, to pomimo wszelkich prób i starań, nie może być prawdziwej równości pomiędzy dwiema połówkami”65. Warto zacytować obszerniejszy fragment wniosków uczonego: Od tej dynamicznej dysproporcji zależy dobre funkcjonowanie systemu, który bez niej byłby w każdej chwili zagrożony stoczeniem się w stan bezwładu. Mity obwieszczają milcząco, że bieguny, według których uporządkowują się zjawiska naturalne i życie w społeczeństwie, a więc: niebo i ziemia, ogień i woda, „wysoko” i „nisko”, „blisko” i „daleko”, Indianie i nie-Indianie, współplemieńcy i cudzoziemcy itp. nigdy nie mogą być bliźniacze. Umysł stara się połączyć je w pary, lecz nie udaje mu się ustalić pomiędzy nimi równości. Ponieważ te właśnie odchylenia, zróżnicowane kaskadowo – jak je pojmuje filozofia mityczna – wprawiają w ruch maszynę świata66. Sądzę, że postrzeganie andyjskich kontekstów liczby „5” winno uwzględniać opisane uwarunkowania, zakorzenione głębiej niż tylko w specyfice jednej kultury. Świadomość najważniejszego sensu, zawartego w tej liczbie, pozwala na dostrzeżenie go we wszystkich kulturowych egzemplifikacjach „pięciokrotności” i śledzenie, w jaki sposób modeluje on narrację mityczną na poziomie konkretnych wypowiedzi. Sens, o którym mowa, osadza badania nad szczegółami w ramach spójnego dyskursu, ujawniając ważną zasadę porządkującą obraz świata. Powtarzalne elementy mitu rządzącego koncepcją pięciu „braci” Chrystusów w swym najgłębszym podłożu podporządkowane są zasadzie kreatywnej dyssymetrii. Układ „pięciokrotności” pozostaje częściowo otwarty, uruchamiając na swoich obrzeżach zjawiska dynamiki sprzyjającej nieustannej regeneracji. W ten sposób nieparzystość liczby „5” zostaje dodatkowo wzmocniona potencjałem aktywności, zapobiegającym skostnieniu systemu. Andyjscy bracia, czyli świat w systemie pokrewieństw Kosmowizja andyjska interpretuje świat jako złożony system niezliczonych pokrewieństw, istniejących na wszystkich szczeblach ogólności i we wszelkich obszarach rzeczywistości. Struktura rodzinna stała się wszechogarniającą matrycą, według której klasyfikowane są elementy natury i kultury. Zgodnie z jej kształtem żyją bogowie, ludzie, zwierzęta, 64 65 66 M.P. Baumann, Wszystko jest kobietą i mężczyzną..., s. 65, 67. C. Lévi-Strauss, Opowieść o rysiu, s. 79. Ibidem, s. 78. �234 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich góry, skały, jeziora i źródła. Nieprzypadkowo użyłam słowa „żyją” w odniesieniu do wszystkich przykładów. W andyjskim świecie nie ma rozgraniczenia na żywe i nieożywione elementy przyrody. Wszystko ma w sobie aktywny – widoczny bądź ukryty – potencjał życia i nic nie stanowi wyłączonego, w pełni autonomicznego bytu, bez jakichkolwiek koligacji „rodzinnych”. Przekonujemy się o tym, czytając teksty mitologiczne, analizując treści folkloru i wierzeń, rozpoznając kody zawarte w sztuce, poznając toponimię przesiąkniętą silną tendencją do pareidolii, analizując system klasyfikowania przestrzeni, a także prowadząc z Indianami zwykłe, codzienne rozmowy. Pierwszą wskazówką potwierdzającą wszechobecność matrycy „rodzinnej” w kulturze jest fakt nieporównanie szerszej znajomości pokrewieństw i powinowactw u przeciętnego Indianina niż ma to miejsce u Europejczyka. To, co w Europie jest domeną genealogów, żmudnie rekonstruujących drzewa rodowe tych, którzy szukają swych korzeni, w Andach pozostaje treścią potocznej świadomości niemal każdego – świadomości nabywanej od dziecka i starannie pielęgnowanej do śmierci. Znajomość własnej rodziny i krewnych, sięgająca nierzadko kilku pokoleń wstecz, ale też dziesiątek, jeśli nie setek osób żyjących współcześnie, tworzy fundamentalną wartość kulturową, spójną w planie synchronii i diachronii. Jest ona podstawą tożsamości Indianina, opartej na świadomości zakorzenienia w wielkiej rodzinie i na terytorium przez nią zajmowanym. Stare domy, nierzadko identyczne, jak te przed przybyciem Hiszpanów, poletka uprawne rozsiane czasem daleko, w różnych strefach wysokościowych, granice własności znaczone prastarymi murkami (pircas) oraz monolity huancas, w które in illo tempore skamienieli odlegli przodkowie lub rodzinne bóstwa opiekuńcze – w płynny sposób poszerzają obszar „oswojonego” świata, włączony w szeroko rozumianą strukturę rodu. Ta zaś łączy się w jeszcze szersze struktury ayllu, w których istnieje sieć kolejnych, endogamicznych relacji. Ale na ayllu się nie kończy, gdyż związki rodzinne powstają przecież w sposób nieograniczony w obrębie coraz większych struktur. Wszystkie te elementy, konstytutywne dla kultury, klasyfikowane są za pomocą rozbudowanej terminologii pokrewieństwa. Nie czuję się kompetentna, by nawet w niewielkim zarysie streścić całość zarysowanej problematyki, pomijając kwestię, że nie jest to tutaj konieczne. Zwrócę jedynie uwagę na kilka przykładów semantyczno-symbolicznego funkcjonowania słowa „brat”, jak również pochodnego mu „braterstwa”67. Na podstawie własnych obserwacji mogę stwierdzić, że określenie to pojawia się u Indian wyjątkowo często, a zakres jego zastosowań obejmuje nieograniczone obszary rzeczywistości, wykraczające daleko poza sferę stricte rodzinną. W pamięci pozostał mi drobny epizod, którego sens dopiero teraz pojmuję. Kilka lat temu szłam z zaprzyjaźnionym Indianinem od jego dziadka, schodząc z wysoko położonej wioski do Huaráz. W pewnym momencie ten przerwał rozmowę, wskazując na rosnącą przy drodze grupę eukaliptusów. Było ich pięć, wyrastających ze wspólnego, zrośniętego u dołu pnia. „To jest pięciu braci eukaliptusów, tak ludzie mówią” – rzekł do mnie, śmiejąc się. Nieświadoma ukrytych kontekstów, stanęłam koło drzew ze słowami: „A ja jestem ich siostrą”, co spotkało się zaskakująco entuzjastycznym przyjęciem i wykonaniem pamiątkowego 67 Na podobnych zasadach funkcjonuje „siostra”, choć w sposób mniej wyrazisty, niż w przypadku „brata”. W mitach z Huarochori odnajdujemy nawet opowieść o bogini Chaupiñamuce i jej pięciu siostrach-inkarnacjach (Bogowie i ludzie…, s. 55–58). Mit ten ma podobną strukturę, jak opowieść o pięciu inkarnacjach Pariacaki. Wzmiankuję o tym, ale bez pogłębiania wątku, ponieważ w wywodzie skupiam się na „bracie”. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 235 zdjęcia [fot. 22]. Dzisiaj myślę, że w braterstwie tamtych pięciu eukaliptusów było mniej przenośni, niż wtedy sądziłam, gdyż nazwanie ich braćmi nie wynikało ze spontanicznego skojarzenia mojego rozmówcy, tylko, jak mi rzekł, „ludzie tak mówią”. Dowodzi to, że miałam do czynienia z miejscowym mikrotoponimem, który zaistniał jako cząstka kultury, wpisując się w mityczne wątki „braterstwa”, wzmacniane faktem „pięciokrotności” drzew wyrastających z jednego pnia. Mechanizm tworzenia się podobnych skojarzeń pozostaje w zgodzie ze wzmiankowaną powyżej kosmowizją, w której brak wyrazistych rozgraniczeń na naturę i kulturę oraz na żyjące i nieożywione między elementami współtworzącymi zarówno bliski świat, jak i całe uniwersum. Innym przykładem – tym razem ze sfery przedmiotów nieożywionych (przynajmniej w europejskim postrzeganiu) – jest braterstwo słynnego dzwonu „Maria Angola” na wieży katedry w Cuzco oraz pozostałych dzwonów tej świątyni68 [fot. 23]. Dzwony w Europie już od głębokiego średniowiecza były najbardziej „żywymi” spośród instrumentów, otoczonymi niezwykle bogatą legendą69. Natomiast dzwony w Peru nie doczekały się jeszcze gruntownego opracowania etnologicznego, choć jest to temat fascynujący, znakomicie ukazujący mechanizmy synkretycznego łączenia europejskich i rodzimych wątków70. Więzy braterstwa istnieją już wśród andyjskich bogów. Jak pisze Rostworowska, obszernie omawiając związki bóstw: „Bogów i huacas andyjskie, tak samo jak ludzi, łączyły więzy rodzinne”71. W przypadku najważniejszego Stwórcy Pachacamaka były one nie mniej rozbudowane niż w olimpijskim panteonie Zeusa. Zgodnie z tym, co powiada uczona, związki takie istnieją także pomiędzy huacas, czyli najczęściej górami, w których bóstwa mieszkają lub które są z nimi utożsamiane. W folklorze i wierzeniach andyjskich góry zachowują się jak ludzie. Są ze sobą w różny sposób spokrewnione, przemieszczają się, rozmawiają ze sobą, a nawet walczą. Zbiory andyjskich cuentos y leyendas pełne są takich opowieści. Spotyka się je również w dolinie Rio Santa i w okolicach Huaráz, leżących między dwoma olbrzymimi pasmami górskimi Cordillera Blanca i Cordillera Negra [fot. 24], które w czasach mitycznych były braćmi bliźniakami zamienionymi w kamień72. Zdarza się, że Indianie wskazują góry będące braćmi. Nad miastem Huánuco wznoszą się trzy szczyty: Marabamba, Rondos i Paucarbamba. Nocami rozmawiają ze sobą, a dwa niższe (bracia) zwracają się do wyższego Taita (Ojczulku)73. Z powierzchownie schrystianizowanego mitu z okolic jeziora Chinchaycocha w regionie Junin dowiadujemy się, że „bracia niebiańscy”, dostarczyciele nasion i kukurydzy dla ludzi, walczyli ze sobą i spadli, zamieniając się w święte góry Apu Jirkas otaczające jezioro74. W rejonie kanionu Colca ludzie wskazują męską górę zwaną Tata Mallku – dostarczyciela wód do pól uprawnych, mającego żony, Apus, oraz 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 J.M. Arguedas, F. Izquierdo Ríos, Mitos, leyendas y cuentos peruanos, Madrid 2009, s. 46–47. Wśród obszernej literatury kampanologicznej na uwagę zasługuje interesująca praca etnograficzna: M. Zych, O dzwonniku. Vivos vocat, mortuos plangat, fulgura frangit, [w:] Człowiek – Zwierzę, Człowiek – Maszyna, pod red. A. Celińskiej i K. Fidler, Kraków 2006, s. 153–170. Wstępną próbę etnologicznego opisu dzwonów w Peru podjęłam wraz ze współautorem, zajmując się ważnym wątkiem wierzenia na temat tłuszczu Indian w materii dzwonów. Zob. E. Jodłowska, M. Mąka, Pishtaco…, s. 75–102. M. Rostworowskí, Pachacamac y el Señor de los Milagros…, s. 47. M. Yauri Montero, Leyendas ancashinas. Plantas alimencias y literatura oral andina, Lima 1990, s. 9–14. E. López Abújar, Cuentos andinos, Lima 1970, s. 7–17. S. Arroyo Aguillar, op. cit., s. 21. �236 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich braci – starszego Tata Mismi i młodszego Tata Warankate. Ci także mają swoje żony, siostry i dzieci, wskazywane wśród okolicznych gór75. W tradycyjnych tekstach kultury andyjskiej stosunek braterstwa bywa zwykle dosłowny, a nie metaforyczny. Nie znaczy to jednak, że braterstwo nie jest również treścią metafor. W opowieści o synu Pariacaki – Tutayquirim, narrator mówi: „Otóż dawnymi czasy także Checanie byli, jak słyszałem, Quintianami, młodszymi braćmi Quintian [podkr. E.J.]”76. Nieco dalej natrafiamy na zdanie, z którego dowiadujemy się, że nie tylko Pariacaca miał inkarnacje w postaci pięciu braci, lecz jego syn także nie był jedynakiem: „Niewiele dni później Tutayquiri, umówiwszy się z pozostałymi swymi braćmi, wyruszył, aby usunąć Yunkan z Llacsatamba [podkr. E.J.]”77. Część wrogiego ludu wyplenił, inna się poddała. „Tych, którzy go czcili, nie potraktował jednak jak psy, przeciwnie: «Mieszkaj sobie, ale poznaj mojego ojca. Odtąd żyjcie mówiąc o Checanach bracia». Powiecie: «Jesteśmy ich młodszymi braćmi» [podkr. E.J.]”78. Mamy więc do czynienia z braterstwem symbolicznym, a zarazem politycznym, co znacząco poszerza obszar semantyczny występowania słowa „brat”. W micie, którego fragmenty zacytowałam, niewątpliwie pobrzmiewają echa pradawnej, rzeczywistej historii tych ziem. W innych natomiast kontekst „braterstwa” przewija się w historii o współzawodnictwie obcych sobie kandydatów na męża. Obaj, związani tym samym celem, zwracają się do siebie „Bracie!”79. Również we współczesnych kodach językowych w Peru słowo „brat” w znaczeniach metaforycznych pojawia się zdecydowanie częściej niż w języku polskim, a przypuszczam, że także częściej niż w innych językach europejskich. W rejonie środkowo-południowego Peru znana jest opowieść o braciach, którzy in illo tempore wędrowali z północy na południe i pozostali tam, jako Chrystusowie, czczeni do dziś jako Señor de Wayllay de Wayllay, Señor de Wayllay de Hatun Huayllay de Lircay, Señor de Muruway de Tarma i Señor de Maynay de Huanta80. Reprezentuje ona niezwykle ciekawy, wręcz unikalny wariant, łączący archaiczne mity o braciach Ayar, czy nawet o wędrującym Wira Quchy, z mitem „braci” Chrystusów. Powiada wprost o przemianie braci, przemierzających te tereny, w wędrujących Chrystusów, którzy po tej metamorfozie nadal pozostają ze sobą w stosunku braterstwa. Odczytujemy wzorcowy obraz nałożenia się tych dwóch mitów, skutkujący narracją o wielkim ciężarze symbolicznym, transformującą zdarzenia historii w ahistoryczny dyskurs mityczny. Czterech andyjskich braci-demiurgów, którzy cywilizują ziemię, ustępuje czterem „braciom” Chrystusom, kontynuującym ich dzieło, przejmującym świat we władanie i roztaczającym nad nim opiekę. Jest to opowieść o odsłonie nowej epoki, w której tryumfuje Bóg przychodzący z innego świata, wypowiedziana językiem mitu inkorporującego nowe treści dziejowe i dokonującego ich translacji we własne środki wyrazu. Tkwi w niej niedopowiedziany „piąty element” w taki sam sposób, jak w micie o bogu Pariakace. Tym piątym jest Chrystus jako byt, który uległ podziałowi na inkarnacje „braci” i chociaż każda z nich stała się w pełni nim samym, zachował autonomię i ontologiczną tożsamość 75 76 77 78 79 80 Ibidem, s. 90. Wymieniony szczyt o nazwie Tata Mismi to wygasły wulkan, który nosi obecnie nazwę Misti (5825 m n.p.m.) i wznosi się nad Arequipą, stanowiąc cel łatwiejszych wypraw alpinistycznych. Ibidem, s. 50. Ibidem. Ibidem, s. 50–51. Ibidem, s. 25, 27. Ibidem, s. 168–169. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 237 jako ich „centrum”. Ta pierwotna logika, nieskrępowana dialektyką naukową, zezwala na poruszanie się w czasoprzestrzeni według zupełnie innych zasad. Jeśli przemyślimy ją, uwalniając się choć trochę (całkiem się nie da) od szablonów europejskiego myślenia, odkrywany, że opisuje świat jasno i konsekwentnie. Struktura opowieści stanowi replikę mitycznej wędrówki Wira Quchy, który „objawił się z jeziora Titicaca jako cztery osoby, czterech wira quchów, po jednym na każdą część andyjskiego świata z centrum w Tiwanaku”81. Odmiana tego mitu, zanotowana przez Christoualda de Molinę (1529–1585) około 1575 roku, powiada, że Wira Qucha wysłał na wędrówkę swoich czterech synów (a więc braci). Szemiński i Ziółkowski wyjaśniają: „Jeden maszerował przez góry, to jest przez Chinchay Suyu, dwaj inni szli przez Anti Suyu i Kunti Suyu. Dlaczego tekst nie wspomina maszerującego przez Qulla Suyu? Być może dlatego, że musiałby on iść na wschód, a nie na zachód. Działałby zatem na odwrót niż pozostali [podkr. E.J.]”82. Znów dostrzegamy opisany schemat „struktury niedomkniętej” – nie znamy imienia czwartego brata i prawie nic o nim nie wiemy. Schemat zawarty w micie o Wira Quchanie stanowi prawzorzec dla jego wszelkich późniejszych wariantów, w tym także dla opowieści o „braciach” Chrystusach. Cytowani badacze dodają, że „inkaski schemat opowieści o stworzeniu był schematem otwartym: można było doń dodać stworzenie wszelkich bytów obojga światów, nawet gdy sama opowieść o nich nie wspominała [podkr. E.J.]”83. Sądzę, że proponowany tu model struktury niedomkniętej ujawnia nowy aspekt tej otwartości. W mitach, które omawiam, rysuje się subtelna symbolika kierunków świata. Jeśli prześledzimy kierunek wędrówki „braci” Chrystusów, to zobaczymy, że posuwali się z północy na południe – odwrotnie niż czterej synowie Wira-Quchana, zanim zamienili się w Chrystusów. Jest to kierunek, z którego na tamte tereny przybyli Hiszpanie w 1533 roku. W andyjskich tekstach mitologicznych powstałych lub tylko przekształconych po kataklizmie pacha cuti konkwisty, a zwłaszcza po tragicznym okresu jej pierwszych dekad84, odnajdujemy negatywną waloryzację kierunków, z których nadeszli Hiszpanie. Zrozumiałe więc, że w ludowych opowieściach apokryficznych wędrujący Chrystus (bądź „bracia” Chrystusowie) nadchodzą z tej samej strony. Wątek ten „uległ skamienieniu”, pomimo późniejszych procesów inkulturacyjnych, w wyniku których nastąpiła głęboka interioryzacja kultu Chrystusa jako 81 82 83 84 J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 63. Ibidem, s. 67. Ibidem. Rozmiary ludobójstwa (bo niektórzy etnolodzy i historycy nie wahają się użyć tego słowa), jakie dokonało się w Ameryce Południowej i Mezoameryce w pierwszej połowie XVI wieku, były tak wielkie, że dane liczbowe szokują. Szemiński i Ziółkowski piszą, że „w ciągu zaledwie około 60 lat epidemie, długotrwałe wojny i wyniszczająca praca spowodowały spadek zaludnienia w skali imperium do poziomu (zależnie od obszaru) od 10% do 25% (sic!) sprzed konkwisty” (ibidem, s. 31). Tzvetan Todorov przytacza dane z szerszego obszaru: „Nie wdając się w szczegóły, dla oddania jedynie ogólnej idei […] przyjmijmy, że w 1500 roku populacja kuli ziemskiej liczy 400 milionów, z czego 80 milionów zamieszkuje obie Ameryki. W połowie szesnastego wieku, z tych 80 milionów pozostało 10. Jeśli zaś ograniczymy się do Meksyku – w przeddzień konkwisty było tam około 25 milionów ludności, a w 1600 już tylko milion. Jeśli słowa ludobójstwo użyto kiedykolwiek słusznie do precyzyjnego określenia danego zjawiska, to miało to miejsce właśnie w tym wypadku. Jest to rekord – jak mi się wydaje – nie tylko w liczbach względnych (wyniszczenie rzędu 90% i więcej), ale również absolutnych, ponieważ mówimy o unicestwieniu populacji liczącej, jak się ocenia, 70 milionów istnień ludzkich. Ta hekatomba nie wytrzymuje porównania z żadną masakrą dwudziestego wieku” (T. Todorov, Podbój Ameryki. Problem innego, przeł. J. Wojcieszak, Warszawa 1996, s. 149). �238 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich własnego boga, a jego miejscowe wcielenia stały się obiektami żarliwego kultu. Do dziś jednak istnieje ślad dysonansu poznawczego i emocjonalnego związanego z postacią Chrystusa, który jest – „nasz”, ale czasem – w zależności od kontekstu i okoliczności – „obcy”. Trauma kulturowa, która owładnęła psychiką i wyobraźnią Indian w czasie konkwisty i rządów kolonialnych, znalazła odzwierciedlenie w warstwie zrodzonych wtedy wierzeń. Dotyczy to nie tylko postaci Chrystusa czy innych postaci chrześcijańskiego kultu. Przekonałam się o tym, analizując powtarzalne szczegóły na temat pishtaco, figury demonologicznej powstałej w Andach w pierwszych dekadach XVI wieku i obecnej tam do dziś. Ten wyjątkowy w swej strukturze konstrukt wierzeniowy, będący wizualizacją i symbolizacją największych koszmarów Indian, mających swe źródło w obecności Hiszpanów, omówiłam w związku z wydarzeniami wokół pożaru, a potem trzęsienia ziemi, w których Señor de La Soledad uległ poważnym zniszczeniom. Otóż na terenie objętym moimi badaniami, czyli w Callejon de Huaylas, pishtaco zjawia się zawsze od zachodu, od strony oceanu, skąd przybyli Hiszpanie85. Nie jest to zgodne z prawdą historyczną, gdyż w rzeczywistości pierwsza ekspedycja Hiszpanów w 1533 roku nadeszła od strony gór, z północy, podążając z Cajamarki do Pachacamaka. Zdarzenie to zatraciło się jednak w zbiorowej pamięci, przykryte nieporównanie silniejszą, późniejszą ekspansją od zachodu, od Pacyfiku przez Czarną Kordylierę. Motyw wędrujących braci, czy to Wira Quchów, czy Pariacaków, czy Ayarów, czy występujących pod innymi imionami w rozlicznych wersjach opowieści, czy w końcu motyw „braci” Chrystusów – to oczywiste odmiany tego samego mitu, osadzonego w strukturze „pięciokrotności”, gdyż zawsze nad czterema działającymi w terenie jest piąty (a właściwie pierwszy!) – najstarszy i najważniejszy, który ich delegował i cały czas pozostaje ich „centrum”. W przypadku „braci” Chrystusów jest nim Chrystus najbardziej czczony, który pojawił się jako pierwszy, podczas gdy pozostali powędrowali dalej i osiedli w jego pobliżu. W wersjach przedchrześcijańskich bracia są tymi, którzy czynią sobie ziemię poddaną po pierwotnym akcie stworzenia – zasiedlają świat, wytyczają granice i kanały nawadniajace, sieją i sadzą rośliny jadalne i budują miasta. W wersjach chrześcijańskich bracia przynoszą temu światu nową religię, dbając o niego we wszystkich wymiarach ludzkiej egzystencji. Ich „poczwórność” oznacza stabilizację, a „pięciokrotność” kreację. Obie współtworzą strukturę tego samego paradygmatu, zapewniając niezbędną równowagę systemu, a językiem wypowiedzi mitu – fundamentalnym w kosmogonii andyjskiej – jest system pokrewieństwa. Zły i dobry Chrystus W trakcie badań, które prowadziłam wraz z etnologiem Mirosławem Mąka w Callejon de Conchucos, na wschodnich stokach Andów, trzęsienie ziemi, w wyniku którego obrywy skalne zatarasowały drogę przez góry w kierunku Huaráz, zmusiło nas do kilkudniowego przedłużenia pobytu w Pomabambie. Doświadczyliśmy tam serdecznej gościny i pomocy kilkuosobowej elity kulturalnej miasteczka86 [fot. 25]. Okoliczność okazała się szczęśli85 86 E. Jodłowska, M. Mąka, Pishtaco…, s. 210. W czasie badań w Pomabambie i jej okolicach służył nam za przewodnika i dostarczył wiele ważnych informacji Fernando Valverde Lavado – dziennikarz i szef miejscowego Radio Armonia Digital Pomabamba. Spotykaliśmy się w mieszkaniu zasłużonego w tym regionie lekarza Julio Adolfo Vidal Escudero, pasjonata �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 239 wa, gdyż od jej członków dowiedzieliśmy się, że w niewielkiej pobliskiej wiosce Cushuru odbędzie się doroczna fiesta patronal ku czci Santa Cruz de Cushuru, czyli – jak nam powiedziano – bardzo czczonego tam Chrystusa. Rzeczonego dnia, 24 września 2019 roku, w strumieniach deszczu dotarliśmy tam wraz z dwojgiem naszych znajomych z Pomabamby, po długim wspinaniu się krętą, błotnistą drogą, niemal doszczętnie zajeżdżonym autem. Punktem docelowym okazał się niezbyt rozległy plac usytuowany na szczycie wzgórza, stanowiącego najwyżej położoną część wioski. Z jednej strony ograniczała go pierzeja starych domów, z drugiej zaś uskok terenu uniemożliwiał zabudowę, więc w tamtym kierunku otwierał się rozległy widok zamglonych gór. Węższy bok placu zamykała stara kaplica z wieżyczką, podobna do setek innych, rozsianych po wysokogórskich wioskach Andów [fot. 26]. Na placu kręciło się już sporo osób, w tym kobiet w regionalnych strojach, rozkładających stoiska z piwem i słodyczami. Deszcz ustał i wyszło słońce. Ścieżkami z dołu w małych grupach nadchodzili ludzie, powoli wypełniając plac. Z oddali dobiegły nas dźwięki muzyki i spoza domów wyszła orkiestra, a wraz z nią kolorowy tłum dorosłych i dzieci oraz pokaźna grupa mężczyzn w kapeluszach, dźwigających na barkach dziesiątki skrzynek z piwem. Początkowo zdziwił nas ten widok, gdyż bez przeszkód mogliby ten ładunek przywieźć autem. Wkrótce jednak okazało się, że wnoszenie piwa jest czymś więcej niż tylko operacją techniczną. Mieliśmy do czynienia z rytuałem. Mężczyźni utworzyli szpaler i przy akompaniamencie muzyki, postępując przed barwnym tłumem uczestników fiesty, okrążyli plac wraz z kaplicą, demonstrując hojność mayordomo – fundatora piwa. Ciężkie skrzynki nie były niesione tak, jak byłoby najłatwiej – w dole, na wysokości kolan, trzymane z dwóch stron przez dwóch mężczyzn. Wnoszono je wysoko, na barkach, by ich liczba wzbudziła we wszystkich uznanie i szacunek dla fundatora [fot. 27]. Po jakimś czasie nadciągnęły druga orkiestra, kolejne grupy mieszkańców z okolicznych wiosek i dalsze transporty tak samo wnoszonego piwa. Plac wypełnił kilkusetosobowy tłum bawiących się Indian, którzy andyjskim zwyczajem tańczyli z butelkami w rękach, częstując się wzajemnie. Nasza obecność wzbudzała duże zainteresowanie, ale szczęśliwie sankcjonowana była przez towarzyszące nam, znane i poważane osoby z Pomabamby. Powiedziano nam, że na tej corocznej fieście nigdy wcześniej nie było żadnych gringos. Zabawa ciągnęła się godzinami, coraz głośniejsza i bardziej spontaniczna w miarę opróżniania kolejnych skrzynek z piwem. Soliści przekrzykiwali się w przyśpiewkach, kakofonia konkurujących orkiestr zlewała się w jeden wielki gwar [fot. 28]. Pomimo zawrotu głowy, wywołanego tańcem i niekończącymi się poczęstunkami, którym nie sposób było odmówić, znaleźliśmy czas, by wyrwać się z tłumu i odwiedzić kaplicę przyozdobioną wielkim banerem z wizerunkiem dwóch identycznych krzyży z ukrzyżowanym Chrystusem, adorowanych przez putta [fot. 29]. Wewnątrz, w prostym, pozbawionym dekoracji wnętrzu pomalowanym na niebiesko, koło prowizorycznego ołtarza, stała niewielka platforma procesyjna, a na niej, w otoczeniu wielobarwnych kwiatów, dwa niemal identyczne krucyfiksy niewielkich, może półmetrowych rozmiarów [fot. 30]. Polichromowane postacie Chrystusów, okryte czerwonymi sudario, najpewniej wyszły spod dłuta miejscowego twórcy. Reprezentowały typ historii regionu. W spotkaniach uczestniczyli m.in. Alcybiades Victor Cueva Villanueva – nauczyciel, działacz społeczny, z zamiłowania etnograf, dyrektor Instituto Educacion Superior Pedagogico Publico de Pomabamba, Miguel Genaro Flores Tinoco – nauczyciel, etnograf, specjalista od tańców i pieśni Chimaychi, a także Jhohan Escudero Escudero – dziennikarz i fotograf miejscowej gazetki. �240 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich najprostszej, prymitywnej rzeźby, oddziałującej minimalizmem wyrazistych szczegółów. Wpatrując się dokładniej, dostrzegliśmy, że Chrystus z prawej strony jest nieco większy i twarz ma bardziej okrągłą niż ten z lewej, o pociągłym obliczu. Ta podwójność, co zrozumiałe, intrygowała, tym bardziej, że wcześniej mówiono nam o Chrystusie, a nie o dwóch Chrystusach z Cushuru. Po pierwszym zaskoczeniu zaczęliśmy pojmować, że oto stoimy wobec dosłowności andyjskiego dualizmu w urzekającej prostotą symbolice. Na podłodze płonęło mnóstwo świec, a przy nich starsze Indianki wpatrywały się w ogień [fot. 31]. Nasza obecność wytrąciła je ze skupienia. Zagadnęliśmy, dlaczego jest dwóch, czemu nie jeden? Uśmiechały się, nie rozumiejąc, o co nam chodzi. Potem ponawialiśmy pytanie, rozmawiając z podchmielonymi tancerzami i muzykami, dedykującymi nam starą, ludową pieśń o chytrym lisie na punie. Podobnie jak w przypadku Indianek, odpowiedzi zadziwiająco rozmijały się z pytaniem, jakby jego sens pozostawał niejasny. Zawierały oczywistości, krótkie stwierdzenia na temat czci, jaką oddają Chrystusowi, powtórzenia, że to „nasz” i „tutejszy”, że zawsze tu przychodzą i że rokrocznie odbywa się fiesta. Słowem, szum semantyczny, całkowicie oderwany od istoty pytania, bez żadnego punktu styczności z kwestią „podwójności”. Zadając pytania, coraz bardziej rozumieliśmy ów szczególny stan zetknięcia dwóch porządków logicznych, wykluczający możliwość bezpośredniej translacji. Podjęliśmy rodzaj eksperymentu dla potwierdzenia tej niemożności i zarejestrowania środków językowych, wypełniających swym szumem martwe pole pomiędzy oboma porządkami. Jak pisała Tokarska-Bakir: „Im niższy rejestr słów, tym większej trzeba wrażliwości, by nie potraktować ich jako z w y k ł e g o p o w t a r z a n i a, p o s p o l i t e j r e d u n d a n c j i, nadmiaru i szumu, by przeniknąć i odrzucić pozór jałowości w powtórzeniu”87. W Cushuru zetknęliśmy się z czymś więcej; nie tylko z powtarzalnością i niskim rejestrem słów, czemu sprzyjała obfitość piwnego halucynogenu, ale też ze strzępami emocjonalnych narracji, próbujących w minimum słów wyrazić wielkość zgrzebnego Chrystusa jako centrum tożsamości mieszkańców tej zagubionej w górach wioski. Wypowiedzi te wywołało pytanie, w którym jedynym zrozumiałym punktem zaczepienia był dla respondentów podwójny krucyfiks. Kwestia jego dwoistości pozostawała jednak niezauważona, jakby semantycznie przeźroczysta, natomiast on sam wyzwolił potrzebę formułowania indywidualnych „małych opowieści”, dotykających sedna indywidualnej i zbiorowej tożsamości. W końcu pewien indagowany staruszek w mocno dionizyjskim nastroju wskazał trzymaną butelką baner ze zdjęciem krucyfiksów i z wysiłkiem dobierając hiszpańskie słowa, rzekł do mnie pouczającym tonem: „Gringa, to jest jeden Señor de Cushuru…, jeden. Ten jest zły, a tamten dobry…, jeden…, tak już jest”. Dalsze pytania nie miałyby sensu, więc tańcząc, nadstawiłam swój kubek, by mógł mi nalać kolejną porcję złotego trunku marki „Cristal”. Wywinąwszy się z kręgu podochoconych tancerzy, weszłam ponownie do kaplicy. Stare Indianki nadal siedziały na kamiennym schodku, jedna osłaniała mantą świece, by delikatne powiewy wiatru nie zaburzały sekretnych treści odczytywanych z płomyków. Z zewnątrz dobiegały muzyka i gwar fiesty. Spojrzałam na dwa krucyfiksy – ten z lewej, mniejszy, o bardziej wychudzonej twarzy i z zamkniętymi oczami, był zły. Ten z prawej, większy, o pełniejszym obliczu i otwartych oczach – dobry. Pierwszy już skonał, drugi był jeszcze żywy [fot. 32]. Kolejność wymieniania nie jest przypadkowa. W Polsce bardziej naturalna jest zbitka: „dobry i zły”. W Andach odwrotnie; zarówno w wypowiedzi staruszka, jak 87 J. Tokarska-Bakir, Obraz osobliwy…, s. 15. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 241 i innych, zauważyłam odmienną kolejność: najpierw mówi się „zły”, a potem „dobry”. Obserwowałam uważnie oba krucyfiksy, starając się uwolnić od optyki europejskiego postrzegania. Zaczęłam rozumieć, że tak naprawdę – mowa tu o prawdzie miejsca i kultury – moje widzenie dwóch krzyży było złudzeniem. Był tylko jeden, zadziwiająco podzielony między życiem a śmiercią. Miałam przed oczami przejmującą i piękną w swej pierwotnej surowości egzemplifikację andyjskiego dualizmu, przełożonego na język najprostszych symboli. Sędziwy Indianin zapewne na trzeźwo nie wypowiedziałby cytowanej kwestii. Tym bardziej doceniłam doniosłość rytualnego upojenia podczas andyjskich fiest i płynące zeń korzyści badawcze. Jego słowa „malo” i „bueno” zamykały w klamrze skrajności dwa wielkie, komplementarne obszary klasyfikacji świata, nierozdzielne, tak jak Chrystus, który w swej podwójności był tylko jeden. Wypowiadając je, staruszek bezwiednie uchylił do niego furtkę. Zastanawiając się nad fenomenem przekładu idei dualistycznej na język symboli, odtworzyłam sobie w pamięci inne napotkane przykłady „podwójności” andyjskich krzyży. W wiosce Huashao, pod zachodnimi stokami Huascáranu, znajduje się stara, malownicza kaplica, szczęśliwie ocalała z trzęsień ziemi i olbrzymich lawin, które nawiedzały ten rejon [fot. 33]. Gdy tam trafiłam, na kamiennych stopniach przed wejściem siedziało kilka kobiet, między którymi uganiały się małe dzieci. Co kilka minut przybywały następne panie, rozsiadając się na ocienionych schodkach. Okazało się, że w kaplicy odbędzie się zebranie w jakiejś sprawie ważnej dla wioski. W Andach obiekty takie służą nie tylko celom religijnym, lecz również (a może przede wszystkim) świeckim, zwłaszcza tam, gdzie nie ma „domu wiejskiego” ani innych pomieszczeń, mogących pomieścić większą liczbę ludzi. Mężczyźni nie przyszli, bo pracowali na polach, w odległym Huaráz albo niżej położonych miasteczkach doliny Rio Santa. Na zebranie przybyły więc ich żony lub córki. Pierwsze z nich pojawiły się już godzinę przed czasem, by zanim rozpocznie się zebranie odświeżyć aktualności towarzyskie i skonfrontować co bardziej efektowne nabytki w garderobie. Zebrania takie są cyklicznymi okazjami do spotkań kobiet, w większości spokrewnionych, mieszkających nierzadko daleko od siebie i nieczęsto się widujących. Po trzech kwadransach oczekiwania, w czasie których zdążyliśmy wyjaśnić, kim jesteśmy i co robimy, a nawet zyskaliśmy minimum sympatii (zwłaszcza dziewczynek obdarowanych cukierkami), nadszedł starszy, przygarbiony mężczyzna o lasce i ascetycznym wyglądzie anachorety. Był nim pobożny i szanowany doctrinero, pełniący posługi religijne w zastępstwie rzadko bywającego tu księdza, sprawujący także niektóre obowiązki świeckie z nadania społeczności [fot. 34]. Przywitaliśmy się, mężczyzna życzliwie, z powagą wysłuchał nas, po czym wielkim kluczem otworzył drzwi kaplicy, zapraszając gestem do wnętrza. Z szacunku postępowaliśmy krok za nim, aż do progu przed prowizorycznym ołtarzem, za którym, we wnękach w murze, świeciły złotem i kolorami miejscowe świętości. Kobiety i dzieci bez wyjątku zostały na zewnątrz, z zaciekawieniem zaglądając przez drzwi i szeptem wymieniając uwagi. Doctrinero ukląkł i pogrążył się w modlitwie odmawianej cichym szeptem. Kobiety i dzieci umilkły, my również czekaliśmy w milczeniu. Dopiero po dłuższej chwili nadszedł czas na rozmowę i prezentację zgromadzonych w kaplicy wizerunków. W jednej z wnęk znajdowały się dwa bliźniacze krzyże, nieco większe niż w Cushuru, bogato przybrane czerwonymi sudarios i barwnymi wstążkami [fot. 35]. Krucyfiksy osłonięto folią, co – jak wielokroć zauważyłam – pełni także funkcję ozdobną. Przeźroczysta folia bywa namiastką przeszklenia, służąc bardziej celom dekoracyjnym niż zabezpieczaniu przed kurzem. Spowita w nią rzeźba, �242 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich nawet słabiej widoczna, stanowi przejaw zobiektywizowanej estetyki [fot. 36]. Krucyfiksy, podobnie jak w wiosce Cushuru, nieznacznie różniły się wielkością. Tym razem nie padły określenia: „zły i dobry”, ale ikonografia była podobna. Większy Chrystus ucieleśniał życie, spoglądając smutno w swoją lewą stronę. Mniejszy dokonał już żywota, a jego głowa z zamkniętymi oczami pochylała się w prawo. Krzyż większego był zielony, mniejszego czarny, co niewątpliwie współtworzyło symbolikę. Doctrinero, obdarowany datkiem „na świece”, odprowadził nas do wyjścia. Dopiero wtedy kaplicę wypełniły kobiety, zasiadając na ławkach wzdłuż ścian [fot. 37]. Małe dziewczynki wciąż bawiły się na schodkach, chichocząc i nieśmiało dopominając się carmelos. Nad Huascaránem gęstniały chmury, stopniowo kładąc się cieniem na polach i gajach eukaliptusów [fot. 38]. Dualistyczne przedstawianie Chrystusa na Krzyżu nie dotyczy wyłącznie starych, ludowych wyobrażeń, ocalałych w prowincjonalnych kaplicach. Nieopodal Caraz znajduje się kompleks restauracyjno-hotelowy Recreo Campestre la Capullana, będący własnością bardzo zamożnej rodziny. Miejsce to jest popularne na mapie turystyki pielgrzymkowej, więc właściciele wybudowali przestronną kaplicę do użytku wiernych. Umieścili w niej dwa różnej wielkości krucyfiksy, będące replikami cudownego Señora de Pumallucay, do którego żywili szczególne nabożeństwo [fot. 39]. Bez wątpienia nawiązali w ten sposób do znanego sobie, popularnego na wsiach przedstawiania podwójnego Chrystusa na Krzyżu. Podwójność wizerunku nie jest wyłączną cechą przedstawień Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego. Tendencja taka dotyczy także jego innych wzorców ikonograficznych, jak również postaci świętych. Podczas badań w Peru spotkałam podwójnego św. Franciszka w kościele w Conococha (ok. 30 km od Huaráz) [fot. 40] oraz podwójną Virgen Dolorosa w Pomabambie (Callejon de Conchucos) [fot. 41]. W obu przypadkach dualistyczne rozdzielenie manifestuje się zróżnicowaniem wielkości figur, a u Virgen Dolorosa dodatkowo z symboliką złota przy postaci większej, a srebra przy mniejszej. W miasteczku Túcume (dep. Lambayeque) znajduje się Virgen Purísima Concepción w formie dwóch figur: dużej, wzrostu człowieka, zwanej La Virgen Grande, oraz małej, dziecięcej La Virgen Chica. Miejscowi wierni powiadają, że to matka i córka, co stanowiłoby paradoks, gdyby nie fakt, że w religijności ludowej zjawisko paradoksu zdaje się nie istnieć, a treści tak postrzegane tłumaczą się w ramach odmiennego porządku. Nie znam przyczyny, dla której konkretny wizerunek bądź wzorzec ikonograficzny byłby przedstawiany częściej niż inne w podwójnej formie, chociaż w praktyce przoduje w tym względzie Chrystus na Krzyżu. Fenomen ten przypuszczalnie zależy od trudnego do zdefiniowania impulsu aktywizującego potrzebę materializacji i obrazowania dualizmu przenikającego klasyfikację świata. Dualizm ten, jako głęboka reguła kulturowa, pozostaje w sferze pozarefleksyjnej, w naturalny sposób przenikając wszystkie sfery życia, a więc objawiając się także w sztuce. Ikonografia podwójności implikuje różnicę wielkości figur, natomiast dobór pozostałej symboliki cechuje margines dowolności, nie odbiegający od uniwersalnych kodów znaczeniowych, takich jak opozycje: „martwy – żywy”, „dół – góra”, „mały – duży”, „ciemny – jasny”, „srebro – złoto”. Owe opozycje dotyczą wzajemnych stosunków wynikających z reguł systemowych. Podstawą jest jednak dualistyczne rozdzielenie, ujawniające cechę niesymetryczności obu części, czyli, jak powiedziano wcześniej, dyssymetrii. Cecha ta, by powrócić do klasyków w osobach Caillois czy Lévi-Straussa, znamionuje otwarcie, oznacza impuls kreacji i życia, nawet tam – a może tam przede wszystkim – gdzie tajemnica śmierci Boga na krzyżu domaga się pozytywnej eksplikacji. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 243 Jednym z niezwykłych, dualistycznych przedstawień Chrystusa jest Niño Nakaq (Dzieciątko Nakaq) w Ayacucho, które obszernie omówiłam ze współautorem w książce o pishtaco88. Są to dwie niewielkie figurki dziecięce – jedna o jasnej skórze i szatach, druga ciemnoskóra, przyodziana w mundur wojskowy [fot. 42]. Każdy element ich stroju oraz wyglądu posiada symboliczne konotacje bądź nawiązuje do otaczających je legend etiologicznych. Najbardziej może szokować fakt, iż Niño Nakaq, jak sama nazwa wskazuje89, uważane jest za inkarnację pishtaco, czyli najstraszniejszej figury demonologicznej „zarzynacza” wytapiającego tłuszcz z Indian, ukształtowanej w wierzeniach mieszkańców Andów wskutek głębokiej traumy kulturowej konkwisty i okresu kolonialnego. W tym wypadku Dzieciątko Nakaq zwane też El Niño del Buen Morir (Dzieciątko Dobrej Śmierci) jest także zabójcą, ale wykonuje eutanazje z litości na osobach cierpiących, w stanie terminalnym, żeby skrócić im męki konania. Jasna figurka (a nie ciemna, jak można by się spodziewać!) dzierży krótki sztylet, będący atrybutem jej posłannictwa. Od niepamiętnych czasów przynoszono ją do domów umierających albo, jak wierzono, sama się zjawiała. Zwyczaj ten, co ciekawe, trwa nadal, choć oryginał zastępowany jest wierną kopią. Niño Nakaq z Ayacucho reprezentuje ekstremalny w swej symbolice i najdalszy od kanonu chrześcijańskiego przykład ikonografii Dzieciątka Jezus, a mimo to (lub dzięki temu) został wzorcowo „zoptymalizowany” w ramach synkretycznej religijności andyjskiej. Wśród wszystkich przytoczonych przykładów figuracji dualistycznego rozdzielenia ten wydaje się wręcz zdumiewający. Zjawiska tego rodzaju celnie komentuje Czaja: Wyobraźnia ludowa nie zna granic, ustanawia własne reguły gry. Często porusza się po trajektoriach obcych kościelnemu nauczaniu. Przyswaja i łączy składniki, których na zdrowy rozum połączyć się nie da. Ale co najciekawsze, z tych klocków wzajem do siebie niepasujących tworzy żywą i dobrze funkcjonującą całość90. Ciekawym przykładem podwójności jest Señor Cautivo de Ayabaca91. Mowa jednak nie o oryginale z kościoła w Ayabaca (w andyjskiej części regionu Piury, przy granicy z Ekwadorem), lecz o starej, dualistycznej replice, będącej od pokoleń własnością kreolskiej rodziny Rosales. Zarówno z wizerunkiem, jak i rodziną zetknęłam się w sanktuarium Señora de la Soledad w Huaráz, gdzie tradycyjnie raz do roku przybywają z hołdem dla najwyższego Apu w tej części Andów. Señor Cautivo prezentował się nad wyraz efektownie; były to dwie około półmetrowe figury, bogato przybrane i ozdobione [fot. 43]. Ich odmienność, sygnalizująca status, tkwiła w kolorze. Obie odziano w fiolet, ale prawy Chrystus nosił złotą koronę i nimb, ozdobione barwnymi klejnotami, szatę zaś z bogatym złotym haftem. Lewy natomiast posiadał skromniejsze, srebrne ozdoby głowy i szatę haftowaną w tym samym kolorze. Wdałam się w rozmowę z członkami rodziny w dniu ich największego święta. Dowiedziałam się, że wyzłocona figura jest znacznie starsza od srebrnej i od pokoleń należy do starej gałęzi Rosalesów, będąc od zawsze przedmiotem ich kultu. Srebrna pojawiła się później, choć i ona ma długą tradycję. Ufundowała ją nowa gałąź rodu, dla podkreślenia 88 89 90 91 E. Jodłowska, M. Mąka, Pishtaco…, s. 64–74. Nakaq to regionalna nazwa pishtaco, używana w środkowo-południowym Peru. D. Czaja, Gdzieś dalej…, s. 180. L. Millones, Dioses Familiares. Festivales populares en el Perú contemporáneo, Lima 1998, s. 25–26. �244 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich swojego znaczenia. Od tego czasu obie figury stały się nierozłączne, manifestując zarówno różnice statusów, jak i nadrzędną jedność. Pisząc to, odruchowo stosuję liczbę mnogą, choć jest to jeden Chrystus w dwóch wcieleniach. Momenty wahania pomiędzy singularis a pluralis odzwierciedlają grę nieustannych uzgodnień relacji, zachodzącą w obrębie dualistycznej pełni. Złoto-srebrny Señor Cautivo de Ayabaca reprezentuje jedną z możliwości definiowania obiektu kultu przez pryzmat pokrewieństw. O figurach nie mówi się „bracia”, lecz eksponuje się ich przynależność do dwóch gałęzi rodu. Señor Cautivo de Ayabaca od pokoleń pozostaje w relacji wasalnej z Señorem de la Soledad, jak setki innych Chrystusów pielgrzymujących corocznie do Huaráz, by oddać mu cześć i złożyć symboliczną ofiarę. Jest to interesujący przykład wpisania się prywatnego obiektu kultu w system relacji, wytworzony między Señorem de la Soledad z Huaráz a niezliczonymi Chrystusami w tej części Andów. Są nimi nie tylko wizerunki uznawane za jego „braci”. Jak podkreślałam, mówiąc o „strukturze niedomkniętej”, ich katalog bywa niedoprecyzowany, odmienny w zależności od miejsca, a nierzadko też statusu informatora. Umożliwia to nieskończenie dużą liczbę „braterstw” z Chrystusem w Huaráz, nawet jeśli nie pada słowo „brat”. Relacje takie mają charakter wasalny, bez nagatywnego wartościowania. Na podstawowym poziomie porównania europejska struktura feudalna może stanowić tu wzorzec. W tym znaczeniu Señor de la Soledad jest rzeczywistym „Seniorem”, oddającym wasalom lenno w postaci ich lokalnych obszarów kultu, lecz sprawującym nad nimi władzę senioralną jako „głowa rodziny”. Niezliczona liczba tych Chrystusów cyklicznie pielgrzymuje do Huaráz, by reaktywować swój hołd lenny, potwierdzając duchową i terytorialną inwestyturę. Złoto-srebrny Señor Cautivo de Ayabaca otrzymał inwestyturę duchową, ukierunkowaną na członków rodu Rosales, ale partycypuje także w terytorialnej, jako inkarnacja oryginału czczonego w kościele w Ayabaca jako największa świętość tamtych okolic. Dualistyczny Señor Cautivo de Ayabaca rodu Rosales nie jest w Peru zjawiskiem wyjątkowym. Wręcz odwrotnie, można mówić o dużej popularności rodzinnych „świętości”, mającej odległą genezę. Na ulicach Huaráz wielokrotnie obserwowałam mini-procesje złożone z członków jednej tylko rodziny, obnoszących przy akompaniamencie muzyki orkiestry niewielkie feretrony z figurami Chrystusa, Matki Boskiej lub świętych [fot. 44]. Były to prywatne, rodzinne fiesty, integrujące raz w roku jej członków. Niezbędnym elementem takiej procesji jest odwiedzenie świątyni Señora de la Soledad, by złożyć mu hołd i ofiarę. Rodzinna „świętość” zajmuje zawsze eksponowane miejsce w przestrzeni domu. Przechowywana jest zwykle w przeszklonej szafce lub gablocie, przed którą stoją świeże bukiety kwiatów i płoną świece. W indiańskim domu, w którym zwykle mieszkam, cyklicznie zjawia się na kilka tygodni stary krucyfiks, bogato przybrany i dekorowany kwiatami [fot. 45]. Przez resztę roku gości w domach pozostałych członków rodziny męża i żony. Przed gablotką z Chrystusem Ukrzyżowanym płoną świece w intencji powodzenia konkretnych przedsięwzięć czy pomyślnego powrotu z gór. Głowa rodziny wykonuje bowiem niełatwą, choć prestiżową pracę przewodnika wysokogórskiego. Jako madrina często dokładałam własną świecę w intencjach rodzinnych, ale własnych, zwłaszcza przed wspinaczkami lub odległymi wyjazdami w teren. Spotykało się to z przyzwoleniem i wielką aprobatą domowników. Kiedyś ofiarowałam im duży, ozdobny ryngraf z wizerunkiem Matki Boskiej Częstochowskiej, zapakowany w półprzeźroczystą folię. Trafił �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 245 na honorowe miejsce w gablotce, u stóp krzyża. Niestety, długo pozostawał nieodpakowany, co utrudniało dostrzeżenie jego niewątpliwej urody. W końcu zniecierpliwiona odważyłam się samowolnie otworzyć drzwiczki gablotki i zdjąć folię. Dopiero z czasem pojęłam, że błędnie odczytałam reguły miejscowej estetyki. Zgodnie z nimi przedmiot zapakowany w folię posiadał pewien naddatek statusu, więc nierozpakowanie go stanowiło wyraz uhonorowania ofiarodawcy. Później wielokrotnie trafiałam w kościołach i kaplicach na figury święte opakowane folią albo na wiszące w domach obrazki, z których nie zdjęto zabezpieczających narożników z folii i tektury. Podobne, czasem zaskakujące przejawy miejscowej estetyki, ale też kryteria hierarchizowania przedmiotów stanowią osobny, obszerny przedmiot badań, jak dotąd w niewielkim stopniu podejmowanych w odniesieniu do tej części Andów. Señor Crucificado de Santa W rozdziale tym przyjrzę się jednemu z najczęściej wymienianych „braci” Señora de la Soledad – Señorowi Crucificado de Santa, jedynemu, który zamieszkuje na wybrzeżu Pacyfiku, nie zaś wysoko w Andach, co czyni go pod tym względem wyjątkowym i zwraca uwagę na olbrzymi zasięg oddziaływania kultu Pana Samotności, obejmujący znaczne obszary costy, zdecydowanie odmiennej kulturowo od sierry [fot. 46]. Pozornie mogłoby się wydawać, że istniał naturalny kanał komunikacyjny pomiędzy rejonem Huaráz a tą częścią wybrzeża, biegnący wzdłuż rzeki Santa, mającej tutaj swoje ujście. Nic bardziej mylnego. Opuściwszy żyzne tereny wysoko położonych części doliny z miastami Huaráz i Caraz, rzeka na odcinku kilkudziesięciu kilometrów wcina się w wąski i głęboki Cañón del Pato. Zanim przed kilkudziesięciu laty nie poprowadzono tamtędy wąskiej drogi, drążąc kilkadziesiąt tuneli, nigdy nie było tam żadnego szlaku, gdyż na wielokilometrowych odcinkach pionowe ściany skalne opadają bezpośrednio do wzburzonych nurtów Río Santa. Piesze przejście tych odcinków było niemożliwe, o karawanach lam nie wspominając. Istniały dwa starożytne szlaki prowadzące z rejonu Huaráz na wybrzeże. Jeden prowadził przez grzbiet Czarnej Kordyliery przez Yaután i Pariacoto, kończąc się przy solniskach w okolicach Casmy. Drugi, bardziej na południe, biegł doliną Río de Culebras i dalej przez Pampas Brande. Tak więc geneza związków pomiędzy Chrystusem z Santa a Señorem de la Soledad z Huaráz pozostaje niejasna, gdyż położenie nad tą samą rzeką nie może ich tłumaczyć. Miejscowość Santa leży nieopodal dużego miasta przemysłowego Chimbote, którego ponure, wręcz katastroficzne oblicze uwiecznił José María Arguedas w swoim ostatnim, wieloznacznym dziele Lis z gór i lis z nizin92. Blisko półmilionowe Chimbote, zasilane rzeszami migrantów, przybywających z głębi Andów w poszukiwaniu pracy i lepszego życia, wyrosło w XX wieku na potęgę przemysłu rybnego i stalowego93. W ciągu ostatniego stulecia miasto 92 93 Lis z Gór i Lis z Nizin (El zorro de arriba y el zorro de abajo) w wydaniu książkowym ukazał się w 1971 roku w Buenos Aires, ponad rok po samobójczej śmierci pisarza, którą zapowiada i nad którą rozmyśla w tekście Dzienników, stanowiących część książki. W Polsce wydano ją w 1980 roku. Zob. J.M. Arguedes, Lis z Gór i Lis z Nizin, przeł. i wstępem opatrzyła Z. Wasitowa, Warszawa 1980. Antología de Chimbote. Toponimia, arqueología, geografía, historia, pesca, religiosidad, música, literatura, periodismo, expediciones y crónicas coloniales, Lima 2015. �246 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich przyćmiło niewielką pobliską Santę, której kilkuwiekowe dzieje znają nieliczni historycy94. Santa bowiem liczy ponad 450 lat, podczas gdy Chimbote przez większość tego czasu pozostawało małą wioską rybacką. Nowożytne dzieje Santy, czyli umownie te, które obejmują hiszpańską obecność w tej części Peru, rozpoczynają się 13 maja 1528 roku, w dniu przybycia w to miejsce Francisco Pizarra, który rzucił kotwicę w strategicznym miejscu wybrzeża, przy ujściu świętej rzeki Indian, Hatun Mayu – dzisiejszej Río Santa, rozdzielającej Białą i Czarną Kordylierę. Pozostawił tam dwóch Hiszpanów, którzy mieli rozpoznać okolicę pod kątem założenia osady. W kolejnych dekadach znacząco wzrastała liczebność Hiszpanów, którzy rozbudowywali osadę, przekształcając ją w niewielkie miasto. W 1547 roku kronikarz Pedro Cieza de León (1520–1554) opisał je, wspominając o licznej ludności hiszpańskiej oraz Indianach wyspecjalizowanych w przeprawach przez wzburzone wody rzeki Hatun Mayu przy jej ujściu95. W 1562 roku otrzymało ono prawa miejskie i oficjalną nazwę Villa de Santa María de la Parrilla. Niewiele wiadomo o kościołach i życiu religijnym Santy (bo wkrótce przyjęto taką skróconą nazwę) w najwcześniejszym okresie jej istnienia. Według miejscowej tradycji (wątpliwej od strony historycznej) od 1531 roku osada, a później miasto, miała swój kościół (lub kościoły), gdyż było to centrum duchowe i cywilizacyjno-tożsamościowe dla mieszkańców, tym ważniejsze, że funkcjonujące w otoczeniu mniej lub bardziej konfrontacyjnym względem akulturacyjnej działalności ewangelizacyjnej Kościoła chrześcijańskiego. Santa niewątpliwie miała swoją świątynię, ale o jej wczesnych dziejach brak informacji źródłowych. Przekazy w zasadzie milczą też na temat czczonych wizerunków w tym mieście. Piszę „w zasadzie”, gdyż z zabytkowym krucyfiksem w kościele w Sancie związana jest malownicza legenda, zgodnie z którą trafił tam wskutek zatonięcia przewożącego go statku, płynącego z Hiszpanii do Limy. Rzeźba miała być darem Karola V Habsburga (1500–1558), króla Hiszpanii w latach 1516–1556, albo – jak powiadają inne wersje – jego syna Filipa II Habsburga (1527–1598), władającego imperium hiszpańskim w latach 1556–1598. Docelowym portem była Lima, ale statek uległ katastrofie kilkaset kilometrów wcześniej, właśnie w okolicach Santy. Krucyfiks w cudowny sposób wplątał się w sieci rybaków i wydobyty z odmętów oceanu został umieszczony w miejscowym kościele. Można by konfrontować tę legendę z przekazami historycznymi, próbując szukać w niej śladów odległych zdarzeń, gdyby nie dwa fakty. Po pierwsze, w Peru szeroko rozpowszechnione są podania, przywiązane do wielu czczonych wizerunków (nie tylko Chrystusa, również Matki Boskiej), na temat fundowania ich przez któregoś z wymienionych władców. W rzeczywistości jednak, pomimo iż byli gorliwymi katolikami i mecenasami sztuki, brakuje źródeł historycznych potwierdzających jakiekolwiek ich fundacje dzieł sztuki sakralnej dla Nowego Świata. Fundacjami takimi i ekspediowaniem świętych wizerunków zajmowały się głównie zakony, które prowadziły tam działalność ewangelizacyjną. Natomiast miejscowe tradycje w Peru (jak i innych krajach pod władzą hiszpańską) od wieków przypisywały „królewską” proweniencję rozlicznym czczonym imagenes, nierzadko znacznie późniejszym niż XVI-wieczne, by przydać im dostojeństwa 94 95 Szkic dziejów Santy przedstawiam m.in. wg A. Gridilla, Ancash y sus antiguos corregimientos, t. 1: La conquista, Arequipa 1937, s. 329–330, 335–340; Diócesis de Huaráz…, s. 133–135, 218–219; C.A. Alba Herrera, Proceso de inserción… F. Bazán Blass, Historia de Chimbote, Lima 2005, s. 10. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 247 z powodu wieku i rzekomych koneksji z wybitnym władcą96. Imiona obu królów, wymieniane w kontekście świętych wizerunków, stały się figurami mitycznymi, tworzącymi autonomiczny topos legendarny, funkcjonujący poza porządkiem historycznym97. Po drugie, przytoczona legenda o zatopieniu statku przewożącego krucyfiks jest późniejszym, nieznacznie zmienionym wariantem hiszpańskiej legendy związanej z cudownym, XII-wiecznym krucyfiksem Cristo de Burgos, znajdującym się w kościele San Gil Abad w hiszpańskim Burgos. Niewątpliwie trafiła ona do Nowego Świata wraz z licznymi replikami tego słynnego krucyfiksu w okresie rozprzestrzeniania się jego kultu w krajach Ameryki Południowej. Zatonięcie statku jest przejawem woli Bożej, podobnie jak w obecne w legendach Starego i Nowego Świata niezrozumiałe zatrzymanie się zwierząt, transportujących święty wizerunek, albo samoistne powracanie wizerunku do konkretnego miejsca wbrew decyzjom ludzi. Wspominałam o tym w kontekście legend etiologicznych związanych z Señorem de la Soledad. Takie historie odzwierciedlają uniwersalny archetyp, w myśl którego bóstwo samo decyduje o miejscu swojego kultu i za pośrednictwem niezwykłych zdarzeń lub nietypowych zachowań zwierząt udomowionych (koni, wołów, lam – czyli mediujących między światem ludzi a naturą) przekazuje wiernym swą wolę. W przypadku Santy, a można twierdzić, że w przypadku większości obszarów peruwiańskiej costy i sierry, występuje jeszcze jedna prawidłowość, w którą wpisuje się przytoczona legenda. Chodzi o mityczne (choć w tym wypadku historycznie uzasadnione) postrzeganie strony zachodniej, a więc linii Pacyfiku, skąd przybyli Hiszpanie. Według popularnych, odnotowanych już w XVI wieku, ale i współcześnie, mitów andyjskich, Hiszpanie wyszli „z wody” lub „zza wody” i wszystko, co wiązało się z ich obcą ekspansją, przybyło z zachodu, od strony wybrzeża Pacyfiku. W przypadku podań na temat świętych wizerunków, nawet gdy czas sprawił, że uznano je za własne i otoczono autentycznym kultem, zachowała się mityczna kategoryzacja strony zachodniej jako kierunku kulturowej obcości. Przywiązana do Santy opowieść o wyłowieniu świętego krucyfiksu z Pacyfiku, jakby wyjęta wprost z pergaminowych kart Złotej legendy Jakuba de Voragine, w pełni wpisuje się w logikę opisanej waloryzacji kierunków świata. Przytoczone podanie, dotyczące genezy krucyfiksu czczonego w Sancie, pozornie nie ma związku z rzeczywistością historyczną, wyraziście ujawniając osadzenie w ahistorycznych strukturach mitycznych. Ale czyż fakt, że egzemplifikuje ono określony topos legendarny, pozbawia je wartości poznawczej, wynikającej z funkcjonowania w realnej, ściśle określonej rzeczywistości kulturowej? Z pewnością nie. Z braku twardych dowodów 96 97 Współczesny historyk Jose Dammert Bellido, emerytowany biskup Cajamarki, opisując Santę, bezkrytycznie stwierdza: „Czci się w tej miejscowości cudowny krucyfiks, który przysłał Karol V” (zob. idem, Doctrinas y curas de Ancash, [w:] Diócesis de Huaráz…, s. 156). Wynika z tego, że jedno z rozlicznych, identycznie brzmiących podań, związanych z wieloma wizerunkami w Peru, uznał za fakt historyczny, choć nie miał na to dowodów. Innym możliwym wytłumaczeniem tego nadużycia jest mitotwórcza ambicja autora, pragnącego wzbogacić krucyfiks z Santy możliwie najstarszą i najdostojniejszą proweniencją historyczną. Legenda ma jednak znacznie wcześniejsze dzieje. Alba Herrera podaje, że już w 1741 roku Francisco Antonio Cosme Bueno (1711–1798) w swym dziele o Peru utrzymywał, że krucyfiks w Sancie został przysłany przez Karola V. Z kolei w 1924 roku proboszcz w Sancie, dr Gaspar Gil Tornero (1878–1957), twierdził, że krucyfiks jest darem Filipa II (C.A. Alba Herrera, Proceso de inserción…, s. 96–97). Trzy przytoczone twierdzenia historyków odzwierciedlają próby swoistej reifikacji legendy do statusu faktu historycznego. Najbardziej znaną rzekomą fundacją Karola V jest sławny krucyfiks Taytacha Temblores w Cuzco (L. Millones, H. Tomeda, La cruz del Peru, s. 76). �248 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich historycznych, za to w obliczu rozlicznych mutacji opowieści spotykanej w wielu miejscach Peru, traktowanie go jako podstawy do wysuwania twierdzeń historycznych byłoby absurdem. Ale zdarza się – jak często bywa w Peru – że poszukując najstarszej wzmianki o jakimś świętym imagen, łatwiej natrafiamy na legendy niż na zapisy historyka. Jeśli zawarte są we wczesnych źródłach, to zyskują cząstkowy walor dokumentu, określając dolną granicę czasową zapisu konkretnego wątku. Z wizerunkiem Señora Crucificado de Santa wiąże się jeszcze jedna opowieść, którą zasłyszałam od miejscowego społecznika, miłośnika przeszłości miasteczka98. Otóż, jak już wspomniałam przy omawianiu podobnych szczegółów dotyczących Señora de la Soledad, zabytkowa rzeźba Chrystusa z Santy także nosi na szyi krwawe ślady cięć szabel chilijskich żołnierzy z czasów tzw. wojny o Pacyfik (1879–1884). Była to batalia, w której Peruwiańczycy doznali od Chilijczyków nadzwyczajnych okrucieństw, które pozostawiły wielopokoleniową traumę, przesłaniając pamięć o wcześniejszych tragediach konkwisty. Przez całe stulecie, aż do czasów terroru Świetlistego Szlaku, okres ten stanowił dla pokrzywdzonych i ich potomków apogeum zła. W stosunkach między oboma krajami, ale przede wszystkim we wzajemnym postrzeganiu siebie ludzi z tych krajów, wykopał rowy wrogości, niechęci i negatywnych stereotypów, częściowo żywych do dzisiaj. Okrucieństwa Chilijczyków nie uniknął także Señor Crucificado de Santa. Taka jest symboliczna retoryka mitu, zespalającego los narodu lub społeczności z losem ich świętości – te zaś przechowują widome znaki burzliwej historii, trwalsze niż zapis na kartach kronik. Ubóstwo źródeł pisanych utrudnia ustalenie, kiedy i w jakich okolicznościach Santa przekształciła się z podrzędnego miasteczka, nic nieznaczącego na mapie miejsc kultu w Peru, w jedno z najważniejszych sanktuariów Chrystusa na wybrzeżu Pacyfiku. Skromna literatura naukowa nie daje wyczerpującej odpowiedzi na pytanie, od jak dawna w miejscowym kościele znajduje się czczona rzeźba Señora Crucificado de Santa – duma miasta, cel pielgrzymek i centralny obiekt identyfikacji tożsamościowej ludności kreolskiej, dominującej w miejscowej społeczności. Sądzę, że możliwe jest ustalenie dolnej daty granicznej wykluczającej obecność tego krucyfiksu w Santa. Jest nią rok 1593, kiedy miasto wizytował arcybiskup Limy Toribio Alfonso de Monrovejo (1538–1606), jedna z najwybitniejszych postaci w historii ewangelizacji Peru, późniejszy święty (1726) i patron biskupów Ameryki Łacińskiej (1983)99. W zachowanych, szczegółowych aktach tej wizytacji100 brak bowiem jakiejkolwiek wzmianki o tym krucyfiksie, a jest nie do pomyślenia, by w przypadku jego obecności tak istotna informacja została pominięta. Relacje o świętych imagenes w wizytowanych miejscach stanowiły standard w aktach wizytacji kościelnych. Możemy więc uznać z niemal całkowitą pewnością, że w roku 1593 nie było jeszcze w Sancie cudownego krucyfiksu. Założenie to implikuje konieczność poszukiwań w dalszych dziejach miasta, zwłaszcza wśród zdarzeń, które mogły sprzyjać pojawieniu się wizerunku. Niewątpliwie za takie można uznać przybycie do Santy pierwszych misjonarzy franciszkańskich w lutym 1613 roku 98 99 100 Fernando Alejos Pareda – Gestor Cultural Turistico; rozmowa odbyła się w sierpniu 2019 roku. Literaturę źródłową na temat działalności Toribio Alfonso de Monrovejo w Peru podałam w rozdz. Señor de la Soledad – „wielka i mała opowieść”, w podrozdziale: San Sebastian de Guaraz – panorama kolonialna. Diario de la segunda visita pastoral del Arzobispo de los Reyes Don Toribio Alfonso de Mogrovejo, por Fray Domingo Angulo – Libro de Visitas, 1593, „Revista del Archivo Nacional del Peru” 1920, t. 1, nr 1, s. 59–61. Fragment opisu wizytacji Toribio de Monrovejo w Sancie znajduje się w: J.A. Salazar Mejía, Tradiciones ancashinas, s. 42–45. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 249 i założenie tam klasztoru pod wezwaniem św. Antoniego z Padwy101. W okresie tym franciszkanie napływali do Peru głównie z Sewilli. Wśród tych, którzy osiedlili się w Sancie, jako pierwszy wymieniony jest w dokumentach ojciec Francisco Galinado z Sewilli102. Informacja ta jest istotna z dwóch powodów. Po pierwsze, franciszkanie zarówno w Hiszpanii, jak i w Ameryce Łacińskiej intensywnie szerzyli kult Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego103. Na terenie departamentu Ancash istnieje kilka sanktuariów z czczonymi krucyfiksami, założonych przez franciszkanów. Po drugie, o czym wcześniej pisałam, w Sewilii znajdowało się centrum hiszpańskiej sztuki sakralnej, gdzie najwybitniejsi artyści tamtych czasów wypracowali wzorzec ikonograficzny Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego. W oparciu o materiał porównawczy hiszpańskich krucyfiksów z końca XVI i z XVII wieku, zwłaszcza powstałych w kręgu sewilskim, można domniemywać, że i ten z Santy mógł być tam wykonany. Domniemanie to nie jest poparte fachową analizą ikonograficzną historyka sztuki, gdyż – na ile zdołałam ustalić – żaden z nich nie badał omawianego zabytku104. Nie mogłam więc skorzystać z takiej ekspertyzy, a moje obserwacje nie są przesądzające105. Mogę jedynie zweryfikować mylne stwierdzenie historyka Claudio Augusto Alba Herrery, że Chrystus w Santa wykazuje podobieństwo do słynnego krucyfiksu Velázqueza z 1631–1632 roku106. Jeśli jest jakiś ślad podobieństwa, to w sylwetce Chrystusa, ale zdecydowana większość pierwszoplanowych szczegółów jest w obu wizerunkach zdecydowanie odmienna. Różnice istnieją w kształtach i rysach twarzy oraz ułożeniu palców rąk, stopy przybite są jednym gwoździem, a u Velázqueza dwoma, brak korony cierniowej, podczas gdy u Velázqueza są zarówno korona, jak i aureola. Można wskazać również szereg innych szczegółów, przeczących podobieństwu między tymi wizerunkami. Uważam za wielce prawdopodobną hipotezę, że pierwsi franciszkanie przywieźli i umieścili w kościele w Sancie krucyfiks, który z czasem zaistniał jako „cudowny”. Na jego sławę miały niewątpliwie wpływ burzliwe dzieje Santy w XVII wieku, często zagrożonej napadami piratów, przeniesienie się franciszkanów do Pomabamby (choć niewielka ich grupa pozostała w Sancie) oraz utrata praw miejskich w 1702 roku. Wszystkie te niedole Señor Crucificado de Santa szczęśliwie przetrwał, choć nie znamy szczegółów dotyczących go zdarzeń. Podobnie jak w wielu miejscach w Peru, gdzie zabytkowe wizerunki sakralne odnajdujemy w nowych, niedawno wybudowanych kościołach, ten krucyfiks także znajduje się w świątyni z ostatnich dekad, której architektura i wnętrze mogą konkurować o miano najbardziej chybionych projektów współczesnego budownictwa sakralnego w kraju. Nie przyćmiewa to wszakże ugruntowanej legendy i sławy krzyża, który tylko raz na pięć lat opuszcza główny ołtarz i wychodzi w procesji ulicami miasta. Wspomniany wcześniej 101 102 103 104 105 106 J. Heras, Tres siglos de presencia franciscana en el departamento de Ancash, [w:] Diócesis de Huaráz…, s. 218–219. Ibidem, s. 218. Zob. A. Tibesar, Comienzos de los franciscanos en el Perú, Iquitos 1991. Informacja przekazana mi przez proboszcza parafii Santa, ojca Domingo Torresa Vallejo 11 sierpnia 2019 roku. Niezależnie od niej, podjęte poszukiwania źródłowe nie przyniosły pozytywnego rezulatu. Nie miałam możliwości oglądnięcia całej rzeźby, zasłoniętej od pasa do kolan bogato zdobionymi sudario i cinturon – charakterystycznymi elementami przybrania krucyfiksów hiszpańskich i południowoamerykańskich. C.A. Alba Herrera, Proceso de inserción…, s. 96. Krucyfiks ten omówiłam w części: Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w., w rozdz. Misterium ciemności i półmrok. Casus „Ukrzyżowań” Zurbarána, Velázqueza i Pacheco. �250 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich miłośnik miejscowej tradycji Fernando Alejos Pareda dostarczył mi ciekawej informacji na temat dawnej trasy tej procesji, już od półwiecza nieodbywanej. Twierdził, że do lat 60. XX wieku wiodła ona uliczkami miasta w ten sposób, że tworzyła formę chacany. Jakkolwiek jest to oczywista legenda, jedna z wielu otaczających Señora Crucificado de Santa, to jednak sama jej treść daje do myślenia. Stanowi rodzaj dopowiedzenia szerszego sensu, jakim jest przestrzeń identyfikacji kulturowej wytworzona wokół tego Chrystusa. Chacana jest znakiem andyjskim, niezwiązanym z wybrzeżem Pacyfiku. Nazwa Chrystusa to Señor Crucificado de Santa, a nie Cristo de Santa, co wbrew lokalizacji odzwierciedla kanon andyjski. W końcu, jest on także jednym z najczęściej wymienianych „braci” Señora de la Soledad z Huaráz, co zacieśnia jego związki z obszarem Andów, a nie costy. Coroczna fiesta patronal, która trwa od 1 do 25 sierpnia, a swój día principal ma 11 sierpnia107, odbywa się z udziałem paso zabytkowego Chrystusa – jego wiernej kopii [fot. 47]. Miałam okazję przyjrzeć się jej z bliska – jest niewątpliwie znacznie młodsza od oryginału, może nawet wykonana w ciągu ostatnich dekad. Oba wizerunki, zarówno pierwowzór w ołtarzu, jak i jego paso, są rzeźbami animowanymi, z rękami wykonanymi oddzielnie, kładzionymi wzdłuż ciała, gdy Chrystus spoczywa w specjalnej przeszklonej gablocie – albo też montowanymi do korpusu, gdy rzeźba mocowana jest na krzyżu. Fiesta patronal łączy ceremonie kościelne z ciekawym repertuarem występów zespołów tanecznych i muzyczno-wokalnych – od kapel ludowych wykonujących muzykę ludową huayno, po młodzieżową orkiestrę symfoniczną z Chimbote (w 2019 roku). Występy odbywają się na placu przed kościołem oraz w jego wnętrzu. Zwraca uwagę całkowity brak tańców andyjskich, takich jak shaqshas, huanquillas czy pallas, zaś obecność np. marinery – tradycyjnego tańca wybrzeża peruwiańskiego, bliższego sercu kreolskich mieszkańców costy108. Obszar wokół kościoła opanowany jest przez setki straganów handlowych, oferujących w przytłaczającej większości tandetne, plastikowe wyroby „made in China” w szerokim asortymencie od zabawek dziecięcych, głównie militarnych, po ubrania. Nie brak wielkich dmuchanych trampolin i zamków dla dzieci oraz gier (np. bingo) dla dorosłych. Prócz tego niezliczone stoiska skwierczące smażonymi specjałami mięsnymi (potrawy z chancho, w tym popularny chicharon109), jak również oferujące słodycze, lody oraz napoje w pełnej gamie kolorów. Jedynym elementem osadzonym w miejscowej tradycji są przykościelne stoiska z dużymi, wielobarwnymi świecami o charakterystycznych, „tralkowatych” kształtach. Wśród straganów przewijają się tłumy miejscowych i przyjezdnych, w feerii migotliwych kolorów i kakofonicznym zgiełku muzyki, emitowanej z przekrzykujących się głośników – nieodzownym wyposażeniu handlujących. Między godziną 18.00 a 19.00 zapada zmrok, w którym feria przed kościołem zamienia się w spontaniczny spektakl barw, dźwięków i zapachów w mrowiu tysięcy tłoczących się ludzi. Z nastaniem ciemności następuje kulminacja obchodów – przed kościół, na obszernej 107 108 109 Fíesta Patronal Señor Crucificado de Santa del 01 al 25 de agosto. Programa oficial, 2019, Santa, Comunidad parroquial de Santa. Marinera uznawana jest za jeden z narodowych tańców peruwiańskich, związanych z kreolską tradycją mieszkańców miast wybrzeża Pacyfiku, szczególnie Limy i Trujillo. Wykonywana jest w dwóch odmianach: limeña – elegancka i stonowana, wywodząca się ze stolicy, oraz norteña – żywiołowa, o szybszym tempie, charakterystyczna dla północnej części wybrzeża. Nazwa marinera została nadana została tym tańcom w 1879 roku na cześć peruwiańskiej marynarki wojennej w czasie tzw. wojny o Pacyfik z Chile. Chancho to nazwa młodego prosiaka; chicharon to kawałki wieprzowiny smażone w głębokim tłuszczu własnym, mające postać dużych skwarków. �Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa • 251 platformie dźwiganej przez 17 portadores, wynoszony jest Señor Crucificado de Santa (paso), bogato przystrojony świeżymi kwiatami (białymi gladiolami, zwanymi też mieczykami o nieprzypadkowej symbolice). Równocześnie na placu przed kościołem rozpoczyna się imponujący pokaz ogni sztucznych, odpalanych z castillo – wielopiętrowych konstrukcji z bambusa, w niczym niezmienionych od kilkuset lat, używanych przy okazjach ważniejszych fiest na całym obszarze iberoamerykańskim. Konstrukcja ta usytuowana jest na wprost bramy kościoła i wynoszonego Chrystusa, który przystaje, by z wysokości krzyża nacieszyć oczy feerią ogni sztucznych. Ten sensualizm nie jest tylko poetyką opisu. Szalony spektakl rozbłysków i eksplozji przygotowany został właśnie dla niego, a szokujące Europejczyka, zdawać by się mogło, niestosowne zestawienie Męki Pańskiej z ludycznym widowiskiem pełnym życia, radości i świątecznego oszołomienia staje się egzemplifikacją innego, usankcjonowanego tradycją paradygmatu. Señor Crucificado de Santa opuszcza świątynię, by w procesji uświęcić miasto w corocznym rytmie odnowy zwierzchności i opieki, które nad nim sprawuje. Jego ukrzyżowane ciało, jego cierpienie nie są pierwszoplanowym przedmiotem kontemplacji, a niezrozumiały, soteriologiczny wymiar męczeństwa i zbawienia przyjmuje postać karnawałowego spektaklu radości w dorocznym święcie reaktywacji życia. ��CZĘŚĆ V Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci ��Terra incognita – andyjska sztuka sakralna na peryferiach Obserwacje i refleksje zawarte w niniejszym rozdziale dotyczą problematyki czczonych wizerunków świętych, zamieszkujących prowincjonalne kościoły i kaplice w Andach. Punktem wyjścia stało się pytanie o istnienie bądź nieistnienie procedur i mechanizmów ich ochrony, gdyż nie ulega wątpliwości, że znajduje się wśród nich wiele obiektów o dużej wartości historycznej. Celem rozważań nie jest jednak wyłącznie pozytywna lub negatywna odpowiedź na postawione pytanie, tylko dostrzeżenie uwarunkowań kulturowych, które odpowiedź tę wyjaśniają i tłumaczą. W toku wywodu kwestia ochrony zabytków zostaje odsunięta na dalszy plan (powracając w końcowej części), a pierwszoplanowym tematem stają się zjawiska związane z andyjską percepcją obiektów kultu – z tym, czym są dla ludzi w życiu codziennym i świątecznym. Przybliżę, jakich znaczeń nabierają nie tylko w kontekstach religijnych, lecz także w przestrzeni życia codziennego oraz – używając terminu Maurice Halbwachsa – w konstruowaniu i utrzymywaniu „społecznych ram pamięci”1 w planie synchronii i diachronii. Postaram się wskazać, że tworzenie tych ram polega na autokreacji kodu symbolicznego na temat statusów w ramach wspólnoty, wbudowanego w formę i estetykę strojów okrywających święte wizerunki. Rozwijając problematykę kodów symbolicznych zawartych w strojach świętych, przywołuję opinię Geertza. Twierdził on, że „dzieło sztuki jest skomplikowanym mechanizmem służącym określaniu relacji społecznych, podtrzymywaniu reguł społecznych, umacnianiu wartości społecznych [podkr. E.J.]”2. „Główny związek – dodawał badacz – między sztuką a życiem zbiorowym nie realizuje się w planie instrumentalnym, lecz semiotycznym”3. Obserwacje i uwagi, które przedstawię, dotyczą obszaru andyjskiego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem terenów departamentu Ancash. Jestem wszakże świadoma, że wiele z opisywanych zjawisk występuje (w mniej czy bardziej zbliżonej formie) znacznie szerzej – w całym Peru, czy nawet hiszpańskiej strefie Ameryki Południowej. Nie zaznaczam tego jednak przy każdym poruszanym wątku, ograniczając się do opisu obszaru kulturowego będącego przedmiotem moich zainteresowań. Zagadnienia ochrony zabytków i dzieł sztuki w Peru pozostają niemal całkowicie poza zainteresowaniami niniejszej pracy. Jest to szeroki, bardzo złożony kompleks problematyki, mającej swoich specjalistów oraz obszerną literaturę przedmiotu. Co więcej, problematyka ta, regulowana prawem peruwiańskim, wykracza poza ten kraj, stanowiąc przedmiot troski, zainteresowania i aktywnego udziału międzynarodowej społeczności uczonych. Peru jest pod tym względem jednym z kilku najważniejszych krajów na świecie, które z racji ogromnej kumulacji zabytków wielu kultur, datowanych na przestrzeni tysięcy lat, przyciągają badaczy, głównie archeologów, ale też historyków sztuki i konserwatorów z kilkudziesięciu krajów. W gronie tym specjaliści z Polski zajmują eksponowane miejsce, wieńcząc 1 2 3 M. Halbwachs, op. cit. C. Geertz, Wiedza lokalna…, s. 105. Ibidem. �256 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich swą pracę spektakularnymi odkryciami, takimi jak kultura Chancay opisana przez Andrzeja Krzanowskiego4, grobowiec w Huarmey odkryty przez zespół Miłosza Giersza5 czy największy w Peru kompleks urbanistyczny wyroczni pod świętą górą Coropuną, odkryty i badany przez polsko-peruwiański zespół archeologów pod kierunkiem Ziółkowskiego6. W badaniach sztuki kolonialnej ważny, niekwestionowany dorobek posiada Ewa Kubiak7, zajmująca się architekturą jezuicką oraz malarstwem kolonialnym, głównie cuzkeńskim. Wspominam jedynie o aktywności badaczy związanych z szeroko rozumianą sztuką, reprezentowaną zarówno przez obiekty archeologiczne, jak i architekturę i sztukę okresu konkwisty, Wicekrólestwa Peru oraz czasów niepodległości. Pomijam, bo wykracza to poza omawiany temat, wybitny wkład Polaków w badania nad historią Inków, mitologią ludów andyjskich, źródłami do dziejów kolonialnych, etnografią oraz wieloma innymi obszarami specjalistycznych zagadnień. Wzmiankuję o ogromnym potencjale międzynarodowych badań nad sztuką peruwiańską nie dlatego, by dodawać cokolwiek od siebie na ten obszerny temat. Jak wspomniałam, pozostaje on na uboczu poruszanych przeze mnie zagadnień. Piszę o tym po to, by skontrastować ten imponujący potencjał badań oraz przeznaczanych na nie środków z niemal nieistniejącym zainteresowaniem obiektami sztuki o wymiarze lokalnym, rozproszonymi w tysiącach peruwiańskich kościołów i kaplic, zwłaszcza na terenie Andów, na obszarach trudno dostępnych i przez to pozostających nie tylko poza szlakami turystycznymi, ale również poza świadomością badaczy. W Peru nagromadzenie zabytków najwyższej klasy, zwłaszcza przedhiszpańskich, jest tak duże, że mniej spektakularne obiekty sztuki z okresu ostatnich 500 lat, takie jak rzeźbione czy malowane wizerunki sakralne, poza kilkudziesięcioma najsłynniejszymi, znane są tylko lokalnie. By choć w przybliżeniu uświadomić sobie skalę liczbową, o jakiej mówimy w kontekście występowania obiektów sztuki, należy mieć na uwadze, że – statystycznie rzecz biorąc – w przeciętnym kościółku andyjskim znajduje się o wiele więcej czczonych wizerunków niż w podobnych, peryferyjnych kościołach europejskich. Wynika to ze złożonych przyczyn, które ukształtowały synkretyczne oblicze miejscowej religijności ludowej – przyczyn, które omawiam tutaj fragmentarycznie, poruszając ten temat w innych częściach tej pracy. Wnętrza niewielkich świątyń i kaplic, poza 4 5 6 7 A. Krzanowski, Essays on Archeology and Ethnology of Peruvian Andes. Ensayos sobre arqueología y etnología de los Andes Peruanos, Kraków 2016; idem, Kultura Chancay, środkowe wybrzeże Peru, Kraków-Warszawa 2008; idem, Prahistoria andyjskiej doliny. Studium przedhiszpańskiego osadnictwa w dorzeczu Alto Chicamy w północnych Andach, Peru, Wrocław 1984. M. Giersz, Królewski grobowiec w Castillo de Huarmey, Warszawa 2017; idem, Castillo de Huarmey: centro político Wari en la costa norte del Perú. Nuevas perspectivas en la organización política Wari, „Andes. Boletín del Centro de Estudios Precolombinos de la Universidad de Varsovia” 2016, vol. 9; Castillo de Huarmey. El mausoleo imperial Wari, ed. M. Giersz y C. Pardo, Lima 2014. M. Sobczyk, Arquitectura funeraria prehispánica en la región del Nevado Coropuna, Perú, „Andes. Boletín de la Misión Arqueológica Andina” 2000, nr 4; Proyecto Arqueológico Condesuyos, vol. 1, „Boletín de la Misión Arqueológica Andina” 2000–2001, nr. 3; Proyecto Arqueológico Condesuyos, vol. 2; „Boletín de la Misión Arqueológica Andina” 2005, nr 6. E. Kubiak, Reinterpretacje. Percepcja i recepcja dzieł architektury na przykładzie świątyń jezuickich Ameryki Południowej okresu kolonialnego, Łódź 2015; eadem, El equipamiento y decoración de las casas de la nobleza indígena en el Cusco colonial, [w:] Vestor la Arquitectura. XXII Congreso Nacional de Historia del Arte, t. 1, ed. R.J. Payo Hernanz, E.M. Martínez de Simón, J. Matesanz del Barrio, M.J. Zaparaín Yáñez, Burgos 2019, s. 851–856; eadem, Malarstwo szkoły kuzkeńskiej (esquela cusqueña) jako przejaw tożsamości andyjskiej, dawniej i dziś, „Roczniki Humanistyczne” 2017, t. 65, z. 4, s. 115–144. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 257 nielicznymi wyjątkami, wypełnione są nierzadko dziesiątkami wizerunków Chrystusa, Matki Boskiej i świętych [fot. 1]. W przeważającej liczbie są to rzeźby – dzieła miejscowej sztuki ludowej, ale także figury gipsowe i plastikowe, kupowane w sklepach z dewocjonaliami8. Obiekty malarskie reprezentowane są w znikomej mniejszości w stosunku do rzeźb. Z reguły w każdym kościele i kaplicy znajduje się wizerunek Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, najczęściej Señora de Mayo, będącego zwykle najważniejszym obiektem kultu. Zdarza się jednak, że bywa on umieszczany na uboczu, gdy zdominowany jest popularnością jednej z rozlicznych typów Matki Boskiej bądź wybranego świętego, w szczególny sposób adorowanego w danym miejscu. Nierzadko w jednej świątyni znajduje się kilka wizerunków zarówno Chrystusa, jak i Matki Boskiej, w różnych wersjach ikonograficznych. Prócz nich ołtarze oraz wszelkie możliwe miejsca wzdłuż ścian bocznych kościoła pełnią funkcję galerii świętych ukazanych w niezliczonych wersjach mniej lub bardziej kanonicznych przedstawień. Szczególne zainteresowanie etnografa budzą niepowtarzalne, indywidualne rozwiązania ikonograficzne niektórych świętych, związane z ich miejscowymi legendami hagiograficznymi, niemającymi nic wspólnego z żywotami „oficjalnymi”. Świętych wyłącznie regionalnych, których próżno szukać w vitis sanctorum aprobowanych przez Kościół, jest w Peru wielu, zwłaszcza w wioskach odległych, rzadko – czasem nawet rzadziej niż raz w roku – odwiedzanych przez księdza. Duchowny katolicki, przybywający raz na wiele miesięcy do odległej wioski, zajęty jest zbiorowym udzielaniem sakramentów chrztu i małżeństwa oraz modlitwą na grobach tych, którzy odeszli w okresie od jego poprzedniej wizyty. Brak mu czasu, ale też motywacji do szczegółowych oględzin wizerunków świętych w miejscowej kaplicy i weryfikowania prawa do ich adoracji. Kapłani, zwłaszcza ci, którzy przez długie lata sprawują opiekę duszpasterską w Andach i dobrze poznali realia kulturowe, podchodzą do tych spraw liberalnie, ze zrozumieniem i bez zbędnej ortodoksji, wiedząc, że przyniosłaby ona skutek odwrotny do zamierzonego. Miałam okazję wysłuchać pouczających opowieści polskich księży w Pariacoto – miasteczku, o którym głośno stało się po zamordowaniu w nim w 1991 roku przez Świetlisty Szlak dwóch polskich franciszkanów9. Obecnie (lata 2019–2020) funkcję proboszcza sprawuje tam ojciec Rafał Dryjański [fot. 3]. W parafii mieszka również nestor misjonarzy franciszkańskich w Peru, pełniący posługę od blisko 50 lat – ojciec Stanisław Olbrycht [fot. 4]. Obaj, a szczególnie o. Stanisław, są znakomitymi informatorami – niewyczerpanymi źródłami wiadomości o ludności Keczua zamieszkującej rozległe tereny trudno dostępnych gór Cordillera Negra. W przeciwieństwie do etnografa, odwiedzającego badany rejon przez kilka tygodni, czasem miesięcy, księża ci dysponują praktyką nierzadko dziesięcioleci kontaktu z miejscową ludnością. Można tylko ubolewać, że obce im są podstawy wiedzy etnologicznej, by unikatowe obserwacje i doświadczenia właściwie zinterpretować, ocenić i opisać. Są rzeczywistymi skarbnicami tysięcy faktów i zdarzeń kulturowych, które domagałyby się uporządkowania, ujęcia w konteksty i naukowego 8 9 Sklepy z dewocjonaliami istnieją w większości dużych miast Peru. Największym i najważniejszym centrum handlu artykułami religijnymi, skąd figury i obrazy trafiają do najodleglejszych zakątków kraju, jest kompleks sklepów i straganów ulokowanych wzdłuż Avenida Tacna oraz Jiron Huancavelica w Limie, w bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie sanktuarium Chrystusa Señor de los Milagros [fot. 2]. 9 sierpnia 1991 roku w Pariacoto zostali zamordowani przez bojowników Sendero Luminoso dwaj polscy franciszkanie: Zbigniew Strzałkowski i Michał Tomaszek, pracujący tam na misji. Wraz z nimi zginął alcalde Pariacoto, Justino León Maza. Zakonnicy zostali beatyfikowani w 2015 roku. �258 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich zapisu. Ojciec Rafał wraz z kilkoma franciszkanami z Pariacoto ma pod opieką duszpasterską ponad sto wiosek rozproszonych po zachodnich stokach Czarnej Kordyliery, na przestrzeni dziesiątek kilometrów. Większość z nich dostępna jest tylko samochodem terenowym, po wielogodzinnej i forsownej jeździe niełatwymi, często ryzykownymi drogami. Podczas spotkań ojciec Stanisław snuł opowieści o tym, jak do niedawna jeszcze wędrował pieszo po górach, z komunikantami i podręcznym zestawem paramentów do odprawiania mszy świętej, by dotrzeć do najdalszych, wysoko położonych wiosek. Łatwo w przybliżeniu obliczyć, z jaką częstotliwością bywały one nawiedzane przez księży. Zarówno w Czarnej Kordylierze, jak i w całych Andach kontakt ludności z księżmi katolickimi wygląda podobnie, choć miejscowości większe i lepiej skomunikowane bywają pod tym względem uprzywilejowane. W większości regionów andyjskich sytuacja niewiele się zmieniła od kilkudziesięciu lat, a obserwacje Posern-Zielińskiego, poczynione w latach 70. i 80. XX wieku, pozostają nadal aktualne: Według danych z 1960 r., przeciętna powierzchnia peruwiańskiej parafii wynosiła 720 km² i zamieszkiwało ją blisko 13 tys. wiernych. Po dwudziestu latach proporcje te wyglądają jeszcze gorzej, bowiem parafie nie zmniejszyły się, a liczba ludności znacznie wzrosła. Jeśli teraz uświadomimy sobie, jaki krajobraz kryje się pod tymi siedmiuset kilometrami kwadratowymi, ile na tym obszarze jest wsi i osad pozbawionych dróg dojazdowych, usadowionych nad głębokimi wąwozami lub leżących na wysokościach zapierających dech w piersiach człowieka z nizin, wówczas we właściwym wymiarze ujrzymy przeciętny teren pracy duchownego w Peru. […] Dlatego każda wizyta księdza odbywa się po uprzednich wzajemnych uzgodnieniach terminów, a także kosztów związanych z tak daleką peregrynacją. W praktyce sprowadza się to zazwyczaj do dwóch, trzech, a w niektórych wypadkach jednej tylko wizyty w ciągu roku, przeważnie w czasie fiesty i na wyraźne zaproszenie naczelników wspólnoty lub organizatorów święta. […] Incydentalna obecność księdza w osadzie sprawia, iż dzieci nie uczęszczają na naukę religii, noworodki nie są chrzczone w kościele, do ślubów przy ołtarzu przywiązuje się niewielką wagę, a zmarłych na miejsce ostatecznego spoczynku odprowadza tylko rodzina i sąsiedzi10. Na marginesie tych obserwacji warto wspomnieć, że opisana sytuacja od ponad stulecia sprzyja dynamicznej ekspansji kościołów protestanckich różnych tradycji, głównie pentakostalnego, czyli zielonoświątkowego (Iglesia Evangelica Pentacostal del Peru), ale też rozlicznych innych kongregacji i wspólnot11. Wykazują one wielką skuteczność w docieraniu do najodleglejszych zakątków Andów i pozyskiwaniu wyznawców, głównie wśród najuboższej ludności. Obecnie w każdej niemal wiosce znajduje się „kościół” którejś ze wspólnot protestanckich, choć zwykle jest nim jakiś zaadaptowany pustostan 10 11 A. Posern-Zieliński, Kraina Inkarrí. Szkice etnologiczne o Peru, Wrocław 1985, s. 218–220. Zob. A. Pietrzak, „Złoty wiek” chrześcijaństwa w Ameryce Łacińskiej, [w:] Dzieje kultury latynoamerykańskiej, s. 223–233. Z nowszych prac na ten temat: J.L. Pérez Guadelupe, Entre Dios y el César. El impacto político de los evangélicos en el Perú y América Latina, Lima 2017; J. Fonseca, Conceptos básicos para comprender el mundo evangélico en el Perú, „Revista Argumentos” 2018, vol. 12, nr 1, s. 34–41; M.M. Marzal, Tierra encantada…, s. 443–530; idem, Categorías y números en la religión del Perú hoy, [w:] La religión en el Perú al filo de milenio, ed. M.M. Marzal, C. Romero y J. Sánchez, Lima 2000, s. 21–55. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 259 czy garaż. W większych miejscowościach, takich jak Huaráz, nie brakuje jednak nowych, okazałych budynków, a nawet towarzyszącej im infrastruktury służącej różnym potrzebom wiernych. Pomijając kwestie związane z pluralizmem wyznaniowym, wspomnę o jego ważnym i jednoznacznie negatywnym aspekcie w rzeczywistości kulturowej Andów. Jest nim głęboka dezintegracja religijna dzieląca rodziny, przekładająca się na destrukcję tradycyjnych więzi społecznych i rozlicznych, unormowanych kulturowo sfer życia codziennego oraz przede wszystkim – świątecznego. Już w latach 80. XX w. pisał o tym Posern-Zieliński12, ja zaś przez ostatnich kilkanaście lat miałam możliwość obserwować „od środka” głębokie, niekorzystne skutki owej destrukcji, mieszkając w zaprzyjaźnionej rodzinie indiańskiej w Huaráz i pobliskiej wsi Unchus. Jej skutki dotykały zarówno członków rodziny, jak i relacji jej protestanckiej części z miejscową społecznością. Zróżnicowanie wyznaniowe rodzi trwałe, narastające z czasem uprzedzenia, osłabia więzy emocjonalne w rodzinie i staje się powodem nieobecności wyznawców jednej opcji na uroczystościach i fiestach drugiej. W warunkach względnie homogenicznego jeszcze społeczeństwa Indian, gdzie rytm cyklicznych obchodów świąt stanowi nadzwyczaj ważny czynnik konsolidacji rodziny, sytuacja takiego rozbicia przekłada się na głęboką i postępującą destrukcję instytucji rodziny u samych podstaw jej funkcjonowania. Równoległy nurt negatywnych skutków obejmuje rozliczne sfery nieuczestniczenia ewangelickich konwertytów w życiu społeczności, zwłaszcza w zajęciach tradycyjnie od wieków wykonywanych wspólnie, na przykład w dorocznym czyszczeniu kanałów nawadniających (limpieza de acequias) lub innych przedsięwzięciach wymagających pracy zbiorowej, ponieważ – jak uzasadniają – nie mogą brać udziału w „katolicko-pogańskich” rytuałach, które im towarzyszą. Powoduje to oczywiste antagonizmy wynikające nie tylko z faktu alienowania się ewangelików i rozluźniania więzów ze społecznością katolicką, ale też irytacji tej ostatniej nierównym wkładem pracy w przedsięwzięcia, z efektów których korzystają wszyscy na równych prawach. Czy szaty zasłaniają rzeźbę? – złuda pierwszego spojrzenia W czasie badań terenowych, prowadzonych w prowincji Ancash (2019), dotarłam do ponad 70 kościółków i kaplic, w zdecydowanej większości oddalonych od miast i ważniejszych tras komunikacyjnych. We wcześniejszych latach (2008–2016) odwiedziłam szereg podobnych obiektów w tym rejonie, w okolicach Chavín de Huantar oraz w wioskach wokół Kordyliery Huayhuash, a w środkowym i południowym Peru – w dolinie Urubamby, między Cuzco a Ollantaytambo i w pobliżu Arequipy. Dysponuję więc materiałem, który w moim przekonaniu pozwala na dostrzeżenie niektórych prawidłowości oraz sformułowanie odpowiedzi na postawione pytania dotyczące społeczno-religijnych aspektów obecności świętych wizerunków w społecznościach lokalnych. Zwróciłam uwagę na charakterystyczną cechę dużej liczby rzeźb, wypełniających kaplice i kościółki. Wśród figur o niewielkiej wartości 12 A. Posern-Zieliński, Wyznaniowa dezintegracja indiańskich społeczności chłopskich w peruwiańskich Andach i jej kulturowe skutki, „Etnografia Polska” 1985, t. 29, z. 2, s. 135–161; idem, Los efectos culturales de la expansión del protestantismo en las comunidades indígenas de América Latina. El caso andino, trad. por M. Socorro, „Ethnologia Polona” 1985, vol. 11, s. 149–175. �260 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich artystycznej i zabytkowej – w większości współczesnych lub pochodzących z niezbyt odległej przeszłości, częściej ze sklepu niż od artysty ludowego – wzrok przyciągają wizerunki o rysach i modelunku odbiegających od współczesnych standardów, zdradzające sędziwy wiek. Dostrzeżenie archaicznych cech rzeźby bywa jednak utrudnione lub wręcz niemożliwe z powodu przywiezionej z Hiszpanii i stosowanej od wieków praktyki ubierania rzeźb w bogato zdobione stroje, które zwykle zasłaniają całą postać poza głową, dłońmi i czasem stopami. Dodatkowo twarz często bywa mocno przesłonięta bujnymi puklami naturalnych ludzkich włosów, które używane są do wykonywania fryzur. Dotyczy to nie tylko najważniejszych wizerunków, znajdujących się w kościele, lecz także wszystkich innych, czasem niewielkich, rozproszonych po różnych miejscach świątyni. Bogato i barwnie przybrane figury, połyskujące złotem i srebrem, to niewątpliwie najbardziej charakterystyczny widok, z jakim spotykamy się w peruwiańskich świątyniach, nawet najmniejszych i najdalszych. Widok ten, choć sam w sobie interesujący, stanowi poważny problem dla badacza, szukającego starych, zabytkowych rzeźb, ukrytych wśród mnogości późniejszych, pozbawionych większej wartości historycznej i artystycznej. Wielokrotnie opuszczałam kościół czy kaplicę z poczuciem niedosytu z powodu napotkania rzeźby – krucyfiksu, Matki Boskiej lub postaci świętego, co do której nabrałam przekonania, że jest obiektem zabytkowym, może nawet kilkusetletnim, z okresu kolonialnego. Zdarzało się, że w ocenie utwierdzały mnie osoby towarzyszące, dysponujące wiedzą i doświadczeniem z zakresu historii sztuki. Nasze przekonanie nie mogło być jednak potwierdzone bliższymi oględzinami rzeźby ani zweryfikowane na podstawie dokumentacji fotograficznej, gdyż zdjęcie stroju nałożonego na rzeźbę było niemożliwe13. Ubieranie i rozbieranie czczonego wizerunku wchodzi bowiem w skład zrytualizowanych czynności, zastrzeżonych wyłącznie dla upoważnionych osób i dokonywanych w określonym czasie. W oparciu o takie doświadczenia, jak również o przesłanki zawarte w literaturze źródłowej, mam głębokie, choć nie poparte ekspertyzami przeświadczenie, że w kościółkach i kaplicach andyjskich znajduje się trudna do oszacowania, liczna reprezentacja rzeźby kolonialnej o dużej wartości historycznej i artystycznej. Obiekty te, właściwie rozpoznane, mogłyby w wielu przypadkach stanowić ważny przyczynek do historii miejscowości czy regionu. Zabytkowa rzeźba sprzed kilkuset lat w istotny sposób wzbogaciłaby źródła historyczne, potwierdzając zawarte w nich ustalenia i hipotezy, albo podważyła je, wskazując inne tropy badawcze. W przypadku braku takich źródeł obiekt stanowiłby inspirację do podjęcia poszukiwań historycznych, stanowiąc zaczyn do wyłonienia nieznanych wcześniej wątków. Perspektywa odnalezienia ważnych, historycznych obiektów sztuki sakralnej jest jednak nikła, gdyż prowadzenie zakrojonych na większą skalę poszukiwań nie jest w obecnych warunkach możliwe. Ukryte zabytki długo jeszcze zostaną poza zasięgiem i świadomością badaczy i instytucji naukowych. Postaram się uzasadnić tę opinię w oparciu o poczynione obserwacje i wiadomości uzyskane w trakcie badań terenowych. Rozpocznę od przypomnienia kluczowego, wspomnianego na wstępie faktu, że państwo peruwiańskie nie finansuje podobnych poszukiwań. Rzeczywistość ta, zewnętrzna w stosunku do przedmiotu moich zainteresowań, nie wymaga pogłębionego komentarza. Wspominam o niej, gdyż jest czynnikiem 13 Oglądnięcie figury Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego bez haftowanego sudario było możliwe tylko dwukrotnie w trakcie moich badań. Pierwszy raz w Pariacoto, dzięki zrozumieniu i życzliwości tamtejszego proboszcza, o. Rafała Dryjańskiego [fot. 5], drugi raz w Cayac, gdzie opierunka Señora de Cayac zdjęła na chwilę jego sudario, by przyozdobić go ofiarowaną przeze mnie chustą. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 261 skutecznie konserwującym określony system tradycyjnych, utrwalonych przez wieki aktywności kulturowych, wymagających dostrzeżenia i rzeczowego opisu. Fakt anonimowości niewątpliwie chroni też „nieodkryte” zabytki rzeźby przed zakusami huaqueros, którzy, jak się szacuje, rabują więcej artefaktów niż odkrywają ich archeolodzy i historycy sztuki14. Powyższe spostrzeżenia, charakterystyczne dla perspektywy europejskiej i jakże jednostronnie zdominowane jej hierarchią wartości, są jednak niezbędne. Pominięcie aspektów istotnych z punktu widzenia priorytetów nauki, której troskę stanowi ochrona materialnej substancji kultury, byłoby – także w przypadku etnologa, a może zwłaszcza wtedy – przejawem naukowej hipokryzji. Nie można udawać, że jest się wolnym od bagażu klasyfikacji, aksjologii i imponderabiliów własnej kultury, która w tym wypadku pozostaje w zgodzie z wartościami uniwersalnymi. Zachowując ostrożność, można testować skuteczność tego instrumentarium w odmiennym otoczeniu kulturowym, jednak ze świadomością nieuchronnych ograniczeń. Operuje ono słowami-kluczami, takimi jak „rzeźba”, „dzieło sztuki”, „zabytek” czy „ochrona spuścizny kulturowej”, definiowanymi zupełnie inaczej niż w rodzimym środowisku kulturowym, a ściślej mówiąc, niemającymi tam ekwiwalentnych odpowiedników. W dalszych rozważaniach przyjmuję więc perspektywę emic, starając się opisać istotę figury sakralnej w społecznościach andyjskich, szukając odpowiedzi na szeroko pojmowane pytanie, czym ona jest w rodzimym systemie kultury. Galeria świętych jako zwierciadło społeczności lokalnej Można stwierdzić, że, paradoksalnie, brak „oficjalnego” zainteresowania, jak również brak uzależnienia od państwowego sponsora, jest wyjątkowo korzystny zarówno dla zabytków, jak i dla zachowania nawarstwionych wokół nich tradycji kulturowych podtrzymywanych przez miejscową społeczność. Tworzą one wyrazisty system o elementach współzależnych, aktywizujący społeczność wsi czy regionu, utrwalający zbiorowe wartości oraz zaspokajający potrzeby ludyczne15. Jego pole oddziaływania jest tak szerokie, ponieważ działania kumulują w tradycyjnej fieście – andyjskim fenomenie kulturowym, posiadającym wszelkie cechy ludowego święta w znaczeniu europejskim czy nawet uniwersalnym, ale prócz nich wybitny potencjał elementów rdzennych, stymulujących trwanie tegoż fenomenu. Obserwujemy mechanizm polegający nas silnym zespoleniu organizmu społecznego z miejscowym panteonem świętych. Powiązanie to wytwarza klisze wzajemnej reprezentacji: członków społeczności w owym panteonie, a świętych w organizmie wiejskiej comunidad. Wiąże postać świętego z konkretną osobą (i jej rodziną) w ten sposób, że posiada on jej widome atrybuty (w postaci podpisanego stroju), ona zaś w swej społeczności łączona jest z tymże świętym. Klisze te zawierają czytelny zapis na temat aktualnej struktury obowiązujących statusów, wyrażających się poprzez takie związki. Moim celem jest zwięzłe omówienie wzmiankowanego systemu aktywności społecznych, ze zwróceniem uwagi na współzależność i niezbędność jego elementów. Nie pogłębiam dobrze znanych i dogłębnie opisanych zagadnień morfologii święta oraz jego wielorakiego znaczenia kulturowego, uznając je za aksjomatyczne. Skupiam się natomiast 14 15 Zob. R. Gündüz, El mundo ceremonial de los huaqueros, Lima 2001. M.M. Marzal, Los santos y la transformación religiosa del Perú colonial, Lima 2005, passim. �262 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich na specyfice owej współzależności, nadającej trwałość i witalność podejmowanym działaniom. Nie unikam pewnych uproszczeń, zbliżając się dzięki temu do sytuacji wzorcowej. Przyjmuję w niej za punkt wyjścia istnienie „modelowego” kościółka, w którym znajduje się czczony krucyfiks Señora de Mayo, najpopularniejszego Chrystusa, obecnego w większości andyjskich świątyń. Prócz niego zamieszkuje w nim Virgen, Matka Boska w jednej z rozlicznych postaci ikonograficznych, oraz święty bądź święta o szczególnym znaczeniu dla społeczności lokalnej. Prócz tych trzech najważniejszych wizerunków w „modelowym” kościółku znajduje się kilkanaście, a czasem kilkadziesiąt innych, otoczonych mniejszą estymą bądź uznawanych za patronów wąskich, ściśle określonych spraw. Starałam się prześledzić, w jaki sposób „żyją” one, włączone w działania motywowane kultem i adoracją, ale też potrzebą nieustannej aktualizacji swoistego zapisu symbolicznego na temat społeczności lokalnej i statusów jej członków. Najpewniej z trzema najważniejszymi wiążą się cykliczne fiesty, w których biorą udział wszyscy mieszkańcy wsi, a w przypadku sławniejszych wizerunków napływają przybysze z innych wiosek i zjawia się ksiądz. Fiesta Chrystusa Señora de Mayo ma miejsce na początku maja, fiesta ku czci Matki Boskiej odbywa się w jednym z dni maryjnych według kalendarza liturgicznego, natomiast fiesta patronal świętego lub świętej w dniu im poświęconym. W organizacji i przebiegu andyjskiej fiesty kluczowym aspektem społecznym jest procedura uzgadniania statusów w obrębie wspólnoty, w tym zwłaszcza nobilitacji jej wybranych członków oraz ich rodzin. Najważniejszą postacią staje się mayordomo, występujący zwykle wraz z małżonką [fot. 6]. Przeważnie zostaje nim człowiek dojrzały, a nawet starszy wiekiem, należący do grupy zamożniejszych, często piastujący jakieś poważne stanowisko wśród lokalnych autoridades. Ponosi on największy ciężar finansowy przygotowania święta, a jego obowiązkiem jest sporządzenie nowych, kosztownych szat dla świętego wizerunku, wokół którego odbywa się fiesta. Organizowanie fiest i obecność mayordomo wiążą się wyłącznie z najważniejszymi postaciami świętych w miejscowym kościele, a zatem ufundowany strój nakładany jest na tę, która posiada wysoki status w hierarchii czczonych wizerunków. W ten sposób następuje wyrazista koincydencja obu wysokich statusów – świeckiego mayordomo i sakralnego postaci świętej. Dochodzi do zadzierzgnięcia symbolicznego związku pomiędzy nimi, jak również wzajemnej legitymizacji potencjałami posiadanych autorytetów. Legitymizacji, co trzeba podkreślić, dwukierunkowej. Ustanowiony w ten sposób związek, w którym każda ze „stron” partycypuje w splendorze drugiej, trwa do momentu kolejnej fiesty, w trakcie której poprzedniego mayordomo zastępuje kolejny. Następuje cykliczna, przeważnie coroczna wymiana świeckiej strony dualistycznego związku, podczas gdy strona sakralna egzystuje w rytmie „długiego trwania”. Mayordomo prócz stroju dla świętego wizerunku i okolicznościowych sztandarów (niesionych przez niego i małżonkę), sponsoruje znaczną część jedzenia i napojów, orkiestrę, ognie sztuczne oraz inne potrzeby fiesty. Nierzadko prowadzi to do pozbycia się przez niego całego majątku, a nawet zadłużenia. Pomimo to chętnych nie brakuje, a kolejka kandydatów rozpisana jest na wiele lat do przodu16. Prócz mayordomo występują także inni darczyńcy 16 W miasteczku Carhuaz, nieopodal Huaráz, miejscowa procuradora kościoła pw. Virgen de Mercedes – Berta Nicole Obregon de Montoro [fot. 7], pobożna kobieta, której powierzono „trzymanie zeszytu” z rejestrem kandydatów, poinformowała mnie, że lista mayordomo na doroczne fiesty Matki Boskiej Virgen de Mercedes wypełniona jest do 2038 roku, czyli na 21 lat do przodu. Podobna liczba kandydatów na mayordomo �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 263 (obsequiantes)17, zapewniający odpowiednią ilość piwa, napojów bezalkoholowych, mięsa kurczaków, świnek morskich (cuy), owiec i krów. Większe fiesty ściągają prawdziwe tłumy i wymagają pokaźnych ilości żywności i napojów. Są to dziesiątki skrzynek piwa oraz setki sztuk zwierząt i ptactwa, nie licząc rozdawanych bułek i owoców, jak również cukierków, tradycyjnie rozrzucanych dzieciom [fot. 10]. Od kilkunastu lat przyjęło się drukowanie kolorowych folderów z informacjami na temat lokalnych fiest, zawierających ich program oraz – obowiązkowo – nazwiska mayordomo i wszystkich fundatorów, z dokładnym wyliczeniem ofiarowanych napojów i zwierząt [fot. 11]. Na temat fiesty i jej ważniejszych uczestników powstaje więc nie tylko przekaz ustny, lecz również drukowany. Nobilitacja społeczna mayordomo oraz jego rodziny, jak również pozostałych sponsorów, to kluczowy imperatyw, skłaniający ich do wielkich gestów ofiarności, nierzadko największych w życiu. Ofiarność ta, skutkująca niezbędnym wyposażeniem fiesty, jest podstawowym warunkiem materialnym jej organizacji. Gwarantowana corocznie przez kolejnych chętnych, długie lata oczekujących na swą kolej, zapewnia cykliczność święta w przewidywalnej przyszłości lat, a nawet dekad. Prestiż społeczny, zyskiwany dzięki nadzwyczajnemu wyróżnieniu, jakim jest funkcja mayordomo, stanowi silny impuls do dobrowolnego przeznaczania dorobku wielu lat pracy, a czasem całego życia, na cele fiesty. Mamy do czynienia z wzorcowym przykładem „daru z niczego”, dogłębnie opisanego w znakomitym studium Duvignaud18. Mayordomo traci majątek lub jego pokaźną część, ale wraz z rodziną zyskuje dożywotni szacunek oraz wszelką pomoc od rodziny i wspólnoty, zgodnie z zasadą andyjskiej reciprocidad, czyli współdziałania rodziny i wioski19. Hojność i ofiarność mayordomo nie są efektem kaprysu, szczególnej fantazji czy wyjątkowej pobożności. Jego osoba stanowi ogniwo w długim łańcuchu mayordomos, którzy byli przed nim i po nim nastąpią. Rytualna szczodrość jest naturalnym elementem fiesty, wprost proporcjonalnym do zyskiwanego prestiżu, szacunku i nobilitacji społecznej. Mayordomo zgłasza swą kandydaturę sam lub jest wybierany przez miejscowych autoridades, czyli przez campesinos darzonych przez wieś prestiżem i zaufaniem, piastujących już jakieś stanowiska w obrębie wspólnoty lub w szerszej strukturze administracyjnej. Status mayordomo jest tak nobilitujący, że zwykle chętnych nie brakuje. Zdarza się jednak, że to autoridades wybierają kandydata, który wszakże musi wyrazić zgodę. W takich sytuacjach, nawet gdy wskazanemu nie jest to na rękę, w praktyce nie może odmówić. Z dwóch powodów: po pierwsze, jego dotychczasowy status uległby fatalnemu obniżeniu, a on skazałby się na nieostentacyjny, ale wyczuwalny protekcjonalizm podszyty 17 18 19 zarezerwowała terminy na fiesty odbywające się w wioskach położonych na wschód od Huaráz, na stokach Białej Kordyliery (Unchus i Marián). Wśród kilkunastu poznanych osób, pełniących funkcję kronikarza fiest i związanych z nimi ludzi, wymienię jeszcze znakomitą informatorkę, Kreolkę Esperanzę Gallazdo [fot. 8], noszącą tytuł „Misionera Laica Católica, Responsabe de la Iglesia de Aqía”, która od kilkudziesięciu lat sprawuje opiekę nad sanktuarium Señora de Cayac (distrito de Aqía, prov. Bolonesi), oraz opiekunkę kościoła w Huasta (distrito de Huasta, prov. Bolognesi) Santosę Alvę Zavaletę [fot. 9], noszącą tytuł encargadora y llavera de la iglesia de Huasta. Mayordomo, obsequiantes, to nazwy używane w okolicach Huaráz. W innych częściach Andów funkcjonują odpowiedniki o innym brzmieniu. Katalog nazw funkcji sprawowanych w społecznościach wiejskich w związku z obchodami świąt jest bardzo obszerny. J. Duvignaud, Dar z niczego. O antropologii święta, tłum. Ł. Jurasz-Dudzik, Warszawa 2011. L.M. de la Torre (Achiq Pacha Saqil), C. Sandoval Peralta, La reciprocidad en el mundo andino. El caso del pueblo de Otavalo, Quito 2004. �264 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich lekceważeniem; po drugie, odmowa taka naznaczona byłaby konotacją religijną. W przeświadczeniu Indian równałaby się odmowie samemu świętemu, co niechybnie mogłoby skutkować sankcjami o charakterze nadprzyrodzonym. W czasie rozmów, które prowadziłam na ten temat, sankcje tego rodzaju nie były wysuwane na pierwszy plan, ale obawa przed nimi kryła się pod powierzchnią wypowiadanych słów. O wiele dobitniej mówili o nich informatorzy nieodległej od Huaráz wsi Hualcan, ale było to w latach 50. XX wieku. Jeden z nielicznych badaczy prowadzących wówczas prace w tym regionie, amerykański antropolog William W. Stein, zanotował wiele cennych informacji o instytucji mayordomo we wsiach okolic Huaráz. W Hualcan, nieopodal Huaráz, gdzie czczony jest wizerunek św. Urszuli, na pytanie, czy można odmówić zostania mayordomo, cytowany z imienia Nicacio Mateo odparł: Za wszelką cenę należy przyjąć stanowisko mayordomo. Należy to zrobić w każdy możliwy sposób, w obawie przed karą, że Dziewica Ursula wyrządziłaby mu jakieś zło. Trzeba to po prostu zrobić. Ktoś z rodziny mógłby zachorować i umrzeć, albo samemu można by umrzeć, albo zwierzęta mogłyby umrzeć, gdyby nie służył Dziewicy [Urszuli]. Z powodu tego strachu trzeba to robić najlepiej, jak się da20. Wypowiedź ta dobrze ilustruje andyjskie postrzeganie natury świętych, oparte na logice surowego, dychotomicznego podziału, niwelującego światłocienie na styku dobra i zła. Święty może nieść dobro, ale też może zesłać zło. Subtelności związane z kwestią miłosierdzia, przebaczenia i wyrozumiałości dla ludzkich błędów nie dochodzą do głosu. Prowadzi to do eliminacji postaw ambiwalentnych w postępowaniu człowieka. Dobro nagradzane jest dobrem, a zło złem, jakkolwiek kategorie te interpretowane są w systemie etyczno-moralnym. Informacje pozyskane w terenie, jak i odnalezione w źródłach, jasno wskazują, że kultura andyjska wytworzyła doskonały aparat perswazyjny, gwarantujący ciągłość tradycji stanowiących o tożsamości grupy. Składa się nań kilka elementów. Po pierwsze, presja społeczna dysponująca dotkliwą karą w postaci ostracyzmu i lekceważenia albo – przeciwnie – największą nagrodą, dającą prestiż, wysoki status i dożywotnie zabezpieczenie. Równocześnie dylematy kandydata na mayordomo rozgrywają się w sferze religijności. Wierzy on, że w zależności od podjętej decyzji czeka go nadprzyrodzona kara albo takaż nagroda. Świecka i sakralna perswazja współuczestniczą w procesie decyzyjnym, grając strachem i marzeniami kandydata. Tu jednak ważna uwaga. Z powyższych zdań można by opacznie wnioskować, że mamy do czynienia z ekwiwalencją potencjałów obu stron perswazji. W rzeczywistości proporcje te są nieporównywalne, a odmowa niemal nie wchodzi w grę – nie tyle z powodu doczesnych bądź metafizycznych lęków, lokujących się na dalszym planie, ile z powodu głęboko zinterioryzowanych przekonań społeczno-religijnych i bardzo często autentycznej dewocji. Gdy dodamy do tego oczekiwany splendor i poważanie, obejmujące mayordomo i jego rodzinę, otrzymamy silny zespół motywacyjny, eliminujący wszelkie możliwe rozterki. Korzyści etyczno-moralne związane z objęciem funkcji mayordomo dotyczą dwóch komplementarnych sfer życia – znacząco pogłębiają integrację ze społecznością lokalną oraz zacieśniają relacje z sacrum. W efekcie skutkują osiągnięciem 20 W.W. Stein, Hualcan: Life in the Highlands of Peru, Ithaca–New York 1961, s. 255. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 265 względnie pełnego bezpieczeństwa w trzech podstawowych aspektach psychologicznych: potrzeb, wartości i poczucia21. Omawiając strukturalne aspekty andyjskiego święta jako składowe integralnego systemu, należy pamiętać o zrównoważeniu akcentów i ukazaniu we właściwych proporcjach jego strony duchowej, wyrażającej się w przeżyciu religijnym. Społeczna gra hierarchizacji i uzgadniania statusów w obrębie wspólnoty, w której uczestniczy mayordomo, nie wyczerpuje pełni postrzegania jego osoby. Komplementarną jest perspektywa religijna, w której jego hojność interpretowana jest w kategoriach ofiary składanej postaci świętej. Caillois trafnie zauważa, że „dialektyka święta dubluje i odtwarza dialektykę ofiary”22. Dzięki temu funkcja mayordomo zyskuje silne zabarwienie religijne, a jego posiadacz status primus inter pares wśród wyznawców i czcicieli świętego wizerunku. Bogaty, opatrzony stosowną inskrypcją strój Chrystusa, Matki Boskiej lub świętego patrona staje się wizualnym znakiem pamięci o osobie fundatora – pamięci, w której odczuwanie szacunku wiąże się nierozerwalnie z afirmacją pobożności. Szaty przywdziewane przez figury święte stają się znakami symbolicznego zapisu na temat konkretnych członków wspólnoty lokalnej, cyklicznie aktualizowanymi w „pejzażu semiotycznym” świątyni. W jej wnętrzu znak w postaci sygnowanego nazwiskiem i datą stroju świętego wynosi osobę fundatora ponad inne. Rok, a w przypadku sławniejszych wizerunków okres krótszy, nawet kilkunastodniowy23, w którym figura święta występuje w szatach fundatora, to jego przysłowiowe „pięć minut”, zwykle najważniejsze w życiu, wynoszące go na wyżyny hierarchii społecznej, zapewniające rozgłos, szacunek i prestiż. Nie znaczy to jednak, że po upływie tego okresu pamięć o nim wygasa. Jego symboliczny związek z czczonym wizerunkiem traci namacalny atrybut szat świętego, zastępowany nowymi, ofiarowanymi przez kolejnego fundatora, ale pamięć i szacunek pozostają żywe, manifestując się w mowie, gestach i zachowaniach, a także we wspomnianej dożywotniej pomocy materialnej, jeśli takowej potrzebuje. Szaty świętego jako zapis, komunikat, sakralizacja i desakralizacja Symboliczno-metonimiczny zapis na temat członków społeczności lokalnej, pozostawiony na strojach świętych, nie dotyczy wyłącznie osób ważnych i bardziej zamożnych, którym dane było piastować zaszczytną funkcję mayordomo. Kryje się także w strojach niemal wszystkich figur znajdujących się w kościele24. Z jednej strony, o czym wspomniałam, skutecznie utrudniają one oglądanie rzeźb (o ile zakładamy, że pod szatą kryją się detale godne uwagi), z drugiej jednak – pomijając omawianą funkcję znaków – stanowią wyjątkowo ciekawą formę sztuki dekoracyjnej, godną osobnej monografii. Ograniczę się jedynie do ich skrótowej charakterystyki. Sporządzane są zwykle z błyszczącego atłasu lub aksamitu 21 22 23 24 R. Klamut, Bezpieczeństwo jako pojęcie psychologiczne, „Zeszyty Naukowe Politechniki Rzeszowskiej. Ekonomia i Nauki Społeczne” 2012, z. 19, s. 41–51. R. Caillois, Człowiek i sacrum, przeł. A. Tatarkiewicz, E. Burska, Warszawa 2009, s. 119. Przykładowo, szaty Chrystusa Señor de la Soledad w Huaráz zmieniane są co 15 dni. Do wyjątków zaliczyć można figury reprezentujące rzeźbę architektoniczną, to znaczy te, które współtworzą projekt ołtarzy i z reguły umieszczone są wysoko. Dotyczy to głównie ołtarzy kolonialnych, stosunkowo rzadko zachowanych w prowincjonalnych kościółkach i kaplicach. �266 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich i pokrywane misternymi haftami w kolorach złotym i srebrnym, z dodatkiem cekinów, imitacji kamieni szlachetnych, frędzli i koronek. W ornamentyce pojawiają się symbole eucharystyczne obok motywów florystycznych, rzadziej figury zwierząt i ptaków [fot. 12]. Prócz nich, zwykle w dolnej części, znajduje się wyraźna, haftowana inskrypcja z nazwiskiem fundatora i datą [fot. 13]. Dla mieszkańca Andów jest nie do pomyślenia, by rzeźba świętego w jego kościele pozostawała „naga”25. Bogate przybranie stanowi widzialny dowód adoracji i religijnego szacunku, ale w nie mniejszym stopniu upamiętnia osobę mayordomo lub tę, która strój fundowała. Szata, jej splendor oraz treść wyszytej inskrypcji stanowią wyrazisty komunikat na temat ścisłej łączności postaci świętej z konkretnym członkiem wspólnoty. Biorąc pod uwagę fakt, że stroje bywają co pewien czas wymieniane przez kolejnych sponsorów – treść tego komunikatu można poszerzyć: zgromadzenie świętych w kościółku odzwierciedla uaktualnioną stratyfikację miejscowej społeczności. Optykę semiotyczną trzeba wszakże poszerzyć dopowiedzeniem etnologiczno-religioznawczym, zwracając uwagę, że w reprodukowaniu symboli wzajemnych powiązań obserwujemy jedną z charakterystycznych cech religijności andyjskiej, polegającą na sensualnej bliskości postaci świętych z człowiekiem. Bliskości, która w tym wypadku przybiera postać szczególnego „zbratania się” konkretnej osoby (lub rodziny) z wybraną figurą. System komunikatów wizualnych przekazywanych przez kościelne „świętości” dotyczy zhierarchizowanej struktury wspólnoty. Główny obiekt kultu – na przykład nasz „modelowy” krucyfiks Señora de Mayo – ubierany jest przez osoby o najwyższym (na tę chwilę!) statusie społecznym i materialnym, a szata – wykonywana kunsztownie, z najdroższych materiałów i najpiękniejszych dodatków. Dwie inne „modelowe” figury – Matki Boskiej (Virgen) oraz świętego patrona wioski, z którymi wiążą się fiesty, również otrzymują stroje od znaczniejszych przedstawicieli wspólnoty, dysponujących odpowiednimi środkami. Inne, pomniejsze wizerunki (w sensie ważności, nie rozmiarów) bywają przybierane skromniej, adekwatnie do statusów i możliwości fundatorów. Uważam, że jednym z najistotniejszych powodów dużego nagromadzenia rzeźb w andyjskich kościołach jest fakt, że za pośrednictwem strojów-znaków zaspokajają potrzebę wizualnej symbolizacji członków społeczności oraz ich hierarchizacji, tworząc konstrukt, który Halbwachs określa mianem „społecznych ram pamięci”. Nawet najskromniejsza figura ma prostą szatę, usilnie ozdobioną na miarę możliwości ubogiego wiernego. Niektóre „sukienki” sprawiają wrażenie uszytych domowym sposobem i ręcznie udekorowanych przez dzieci [fot. 15]. Mnogość figur wyraźnie dowodzi, że istnieje silne zapotrzebowanie na nowe wizerunki, choć można domniemywać, że bardziej na demonstrowanie ich strojów jako znaków fundatorów. Stąd praktyka zamawiania u lokalnego wytwórcy nowych figur, kupowania ich w sklepach z dewocjonaliami (co wymaga dalekiej wyprawy do miasta), a nawet – w skrajnej sytuacji – posługiwania się dziecięcymi lalkami. W tym ostatnim przypadku nie ma niczego uwłaczającego – w religijności ludowej uświęcenie wizualnej reprezentacji obiektu kultu bywa kwestią intencji i potrzeby religijnej, 25 Spotkałam się z praktyką prowizorycznego malowania na korpusie figury świętego bielizny czy nawet listka figowego, pomimo iż korpus ten bywa zawsze zakryty strojem. Dotyczy to także głowy rzeźbionej jako łysa, z włosami zaznaczanymi prowizorycznie namalowaną, ciemniejszą plamą. Głowę bowiem zawsze okrywa fryzura wykonana z naturalnych ludzkich włosów. Przykłady takie można znaleźć zarówno rzeźbie historycznej, jak i współczesnej [fot. 14]. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 267 a forma zapośredniczenia stanowi kwestię umowną26. W chwili, gdy lalka staje się świętym, jej status ontologiczny zmienia się bezpowrotnie i nikt nie pamięta, czym była wcześniej. Natomiast demonstracja zapisu na temat rodziny oraz metonimiczna obecność poprzez szaty-dary w uświęconej przestrzeni kościoła stanowią bezcenną wartość symbolicznego potwierdzenia i religijnego usankcjonowania pozycji zajmowanej w organizmie społecznym. Kilkakrotnie w trakcie rozmów z informatorami przekonałam się, że ze strojów świętych członkowie wspólnoty odczytują nieporównanie więcej niż przybysz z zewnątrz, nawet uzbrojony w wiedzę i wrażliwość etnologa. Szaty te pełnią funkcję kodu informacyjnego nawet wtedy, gdy na niektórych brak inskrypcji. Ludzie, zwłaszcza starsi i związani z kościołem, doskonale wiedzą, kto i kiedy je fundował i jakie są związki konkretnych rodzin z poszczególnymi wizerunkami27. Znają nazwiska fundatorów z przeszłości, jak i tych, którzy oczekują na swą kolej. Nie muszą polegać wyłącznie na swej pamięci, choć u wielu bywa zdumiewająca, ogarniająca setki osób. Funkcjonuje wśród nich instytucja procuradorów – osób godnych zaufania, które „trzymają zeszyt” z wieloletnimi spisami fundatorów strojów oraz fiest, obejmujących lata wstecz i wiele do przodu28. Wielowarstwowy zapis, czy też komunikat, jakim są szaty świętych, obejmuje przeszłość, teraźniejszość i przyszłość, stanowiąc podskórny, niedostrzegalny z zewnątrz czynnik stabilizacji systemu i psychologicznej legitymizacji jego uświęconego kształtu. Zrozumienie tak ważnej funkcji omawianych strojów tłumaczy ich wszechobecność, jak również fakt, że widoczność samych rzeźb ogranicza się do niezbędnego minimum, najczęściej do twarzy i dłoni. Wyjątek stanowią krucyfiksy, gdzie nie sposób zasłonić widoku umęczonego ciała Chrystusa, będącego istotą wizerunku i nośnikiem bogatego kompleksu znaków o randze symboli. Ale i w tym przypadku strój andyjskiego Chrystusa nie ogranicza się do europejskiego perizonium, lecz rozbudowuje się w postaci obszernego sudario (sukienki sięgającej nierzadko poniżej kolan), cinturonu (szerokiego pasa) oraz wspaniałego espaldaru („pleców”, czyli trójkątnego tła rozpiętego pomiędzy poprzeczną belką krzyża a belką pionową na wysokości stóp Chrystusa). Każdy z tych detali ozdobiony bywa najwspanialej, jak to możliwe, z wyeksponowaniem wyrazistego, haftowanego tekstu na temat fundatora. Analiza opisanych zjawisk kulturowych prowadzi do wniosku, że jeden z ich zasadniczych sensów sprowadza się do tworzenia „pejzażu semiotycznego” w przestrzeni kościoła, polegającego na symboliczno-metonimicznym odwzorowaniu społeczności lokalnej oraz 26 27 28 Kilkakrotnie obserwowałam procesje, w których obnoszono wizerunek przybrany w strój całkowicie zasłaniający postać, włącznie z głową i dłońmi, a w jednym przypadku umieszczony w ciemnej, przeszklonej gablocie. Moje zdziwienie minęło, gdy uświadomiłam sobie, że religijność ludowa akceptuje symboliczne formy obiektów kultu, nie zawsze domagając się dosłowności. Wierni wiedzieli, że mają przed sobą czczony wizerunek, nawet jeśli był on całkowicie ukryty pod strojem – samym w sobie ważnym elementem symbolicznego przekazu. Wiadomym jest, że „zasłonięcie” świętego wizerunku może nawet wzmagać przeżycie numinotyczne, nawet gdy nie jest intencjonalnie zaplanowane. Mówię tu o związkach wizerunków z konkretnymi osobami (i ich rodzinami), ale nierzadko bywa też, że istnieją takowe powiązania z całymi wioskami, ayllu, lub z określonymi terytoriami, wyznaczonymi konfiguracją terenu (np. dolina andyjska) lub posiadaniem wspólnego przodka. W tym ostatnim przypadku postać Świętego w znacznym stopniu przejmuje tożsamość tego przodka. Podczas badań dwukrotnie – w Unchus i Carhuaz – pokazano mi zeszyty procuradorów wypełnione ręcznie tabelami i setkami nazwisk. Niestety, ponieważ ich treść dotyczy prawdopodobnie nie tylko fundatorów szat świętych, ale także innych wewnętrznych spraw wspólnoty, nie pozwolono mi wykonać zdjęć. �268 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich ciągłej aktualizacji obowiązujących w niej statusów. Jednakże niemniej istotnym pozostaje sens sakralnego „namaszczenia” organizmu społecznego w istniejącym kształcie oraz – odwrotnie – subtelnej desakralizacji wizerunków świętych do tego stopnia, by sprzyjała sensualnej bliskości z człowiekiem. Mówiąc o desakralizacji, punktem odniesienia czynię „modelową” sakralność typu europejskiego w jej kanonicznej formie. Zabieg ten służy wyłącznie uwypukleniu dynamiki opisywanej tendencji, a nie odniesieniu do jakiegoś faktycznego stanu wyjściowego, gdyż w świecie andyjskim nie istnieje żadna „modelowa sakralność” wizerunków świętych, skrojona na europejską modłę. Zachodzi natomiast podskórny proces „oswajania” wizerunku, transformujący jego kanoniczną ontologię w andyjską – taką, która od tysiącleci związana była z huancas, kamiennymi monolitami reprezentującymi przodków i herosów kulturowych. Postacie świętych w dużej mierze przejęły ich funkcję, o czym dalej napiszę więcej. „Kultura rzeźby”. Integralność figury i jej szat W rozważaniach nad fenomenem strojów andyjskich świętych warto porównać proporcje ich powierzchni z powierzchnią odkrytego ciała. Ten prosty zabieg daje do myślenia. Pomijając wyodrębniony przykład Chrystusa na Krzyżu, proporcja ta jawi się – co oczywiste – wielokroć korzystniej dla stroju niż dla odkrytego ciała. Można sądzić, że nie ma w tym niczego zaskakującego, gdyż w chrześcijańskiej tradycji ikonograficznej (pomijając sceny męczeństwa) odsłonięte fragmenty ciała stanowią zdecydowaną mniejszość w stosunku do tych zakrytych. Jednakże ikonografia andyjska (i południowoamerykańska w ogóle) ma swoją wyrazistą specyfikę. Zapewne nigdy nie robiono podobnych pomiarów, więc dla potrzeb tej analizy porównałam kilkadziesiąt sfotografowanych figur, ustalając w przybliżeniu, że uśredniona proporcja tych powierzchni wynosi 1:80–120, oczywiście na korzyść strojów. Ale nawet bez pomiarów korelacja taka rzuca się w oczy. Byłaby ona mniej istotna, gdyby nie fakt, że szaty pełnią dodatkowo funkcję przekazu, w Europie niemal zupełnie nieistotną. Są nośnikami zapisów, których w sztuce Starego Kontynentu nigdy nie umieszczano w tym miejscu. Fundatorów portretowano w dolnych częściach obrazów, w hieratycznym pomniejszeniu w stosunku do postaci świętych. Tam też umieszczano inskrypcje fundacyjne i towarzyszące im suplikacje. Nigdy nie służyły temu celowi szaty świętych, gdyż najpewniej uznano by to za zuchwałość i zniewagę. W Europie wizerunek ikonograficzny świętego stanowi integralną całość, niedopuszczającą nakładania nań treści z innego porządku. W przestrzeni obrazu (rzadziej rzeźby) miejsce dla inskrypcji dewocyjnych czy podobizny fundatora znajduje się poza obrysem wizerunku świętego – niżej niż jego postać. Uwidoczniona w tym porównaniu miara dystansu między człowiekiem a podobizną świętego (a tym bardziej między nim a podobizną Matki Boskiej czy Chrystusa) odzwierciedla różnicę w relacji między Bogiem a człowiekiem, oddzielającą europejską tradycję religijną od synkretycznej religijności południowoamerykańskiej. W pierwszej uformowały się usztywnione dystanse w bosko-ludzkich relacjach fizyczno-przestrzennych. W Andach natomiast dystanse te nie uległy takiej formalizacji, nie tylko z powodu historycznie krótszego trwania takich relacji, lecz także z racji przemożnego oddziaływania specyficznej duchowości tej kultury, przepojonej animistyczną „namacalnością” oraz epifaniczną zdolnością do zaistnienia „świętości” w całej przestrzeni wokół człowieka. Sądzę, że duchowość �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 269 ta była i jest czynnikiem sprzyjającym „brataniu się” ludzi z figurami świętych i – można rzec – w pewnym stopniu włączaniu ich do rodziny, a co za tym idzie, do wspólnoty lokalnej. Podłożem takiej tendencji jest, jak wspomniałam, przejęcie przez świętych funkcji pełnionych przez dawnych huancas. Formułowane tutaj uwagi nasuwają skojarzenie z proksemicznymi dystansami kulturowymi Edwarda T. Halla29. Moja drobna glosa do koncepcji tego uczonego, a raczej inspiracja jego obserwacjami, poszerza je mutatis mutandis z relacji międzyludzkich na relacje między człowiekiem a wizerunkiem świętego. Zabieg ten odkrywa istnienie podobnych zasad utrzymywania bądź niwelowania dystansów przestrzennych, jak w przypadku interakcji społecznych klasyfikowanych przez Halla30 lub szczegółowo opisanych przez Marcina Brockiego31. Lektura pracy tego ostatniego uświadamia, że w ramach specyficznego dla swojej kultury katalogu gestów i zachowań Indianin nawiązuje ze świętym wizerunkiem relacje podobne, jak z innym, darzonym szacunkiem, człowiekiem. Relacja ta bywa niekiedy tak głęboka, że z monologu może przekształcić się w dialog. Niejednokrotnie słyszałam zapewnienia, że rozmówca otrzymał od świętego wizerunku jakiś sygnał, będący odpowiedzią lub komunikatem gestycznym. W jednym przypadku byłam tego świadkiem. W sanktuarium Señora de Cayac pobożna opiekunka tego cudownego Chrystusa otuliła mu głowę szalem, który złożyłam w ofierze [fot. 16], po czym pogrążyła się w głębokiej, mistycznej kontemplacji. Po chwili spojrzała na mnie i rzekła z uniesieniem: „Zobacz, on się uśmiecha! Widzisz?”. Oczywiście można potraktować to zdarzenie jako indywidualne przeżycie osoby głęboko uduchowionej. Jednakże szereg innych, znanych mi opowieści o uśmiechających się Chrystusach32 i figurach Matki Boskiej skłania do zastanowienia zarówno nad kliszami w relacjach społecznych, przeniesionymi na kontakt z bóstwem. W systemie odwzorowującym przez świętych strukturę wspólnoty zawiązują się bliskie więzi duchowe między ludźmi a czczonymi wizerunkami, te związki przekładają się zaś na odpowiednie relacje proksemiczne. Dostrzeżenie tych więzi, manifestujących się między innymi „zawłaszczeniem” szat świętego, które de facto stają się ważniejszym nośnikiem komunikatów o człowieku niż o świętym, to zaledwie wstęp do badań tych zjawisk. W Andach stosunek liczby obrazów sakralnych do rzeźb wydaje się odwrotnie proporcjonalny niż w Europie. Zwłaszcza w prowincjonalnych kościołach obrazów jest niewiele lub nie ma ich wcale. Do pewnego stopnia można to tłumaczyć zniszczeniami kościołów na skutek trzęsień ziemi, ale przecież rzeźby także musiały ucierpieć. Obrazów jednak brakuje, za to istnieją niezliczone zastępy figur ubranych w ozdobne stroje33. Nasuwa się oczywiste 29 30 31 32 33 E.T. Hall, Ukryty wymiar, przeł. T. Hołówka, Warszawa 1976. Hall wyróżnia następujące dystanse u człowieka: intymny, indywidualny, społeczny i publiczny. Określa ich fizyczne zasięgi i różnicuje ze względu na przynależność do różnych tradycji kulturowych. Zwraca uwagę na różnorodność czynników współtworzących dystanse kulturowe, takich jak przestrzeń wizualna, dotykowa, termiczna czy węchowa. Większość jego ustaleń można bez trudu zastosować w relacji między człowiekiem a wizerunkiem świętym, z zastrzeżeniem, że opisują one tylko niektóre aspekty zachodzącej w tym przypadku gry dystansów, najpewniej innych niż w kręgach kulturowych omawianych przez Halla (por. uwagi w podrozdziale: Huancas, święci i ludzie). M. Brocki, Antropologia, język ciała, Wrocław 2000. Podobnych informacji udzieliła mi Lina Eve García Gamarra, wspominając doświadczenia swoje i koleżanki Isabel Leonidas Salazar Jácome z czasów ich młodości (lata 50. XX wieku), dotyczące figury Chrystusa Señor de la Soledad. W peruwiańskich kościołach spotyka się obrazy na terenach rzadziej nawiedzanych przez trzęsienia ziemi, ale tam, gdzie przewagę wiernych stanowią Hiszpanie i Kreole, dla których bliska jest tradycja malowanych �270 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich pytanie: czy tak olbrzymia przewaga rzeźb nad malarstwem, będąca cechą wyposażenia andyjskich (a można sądzić, że w ogóle południowoamerykańskich) kościołów, nie bierze się z faktu ich ścisłego powiazania z ikonosferą strojów? Godną zastanowienia jest hipoteza, w myśl której opisana procedura odzwierciedlania struktury statusów społecznych oraz ich nieustannej aktualizacji wytwarza od wieków stan nieustannego zapotrzebowania na figury świętych. Dzięki temu wytworzyła się swoista „kultury rzeźby” w świecie latynoamerykańskim. Tłumaczy ona zarówno nadmiar rzeźb, jak też marginalizację obrazów, które w swej dwuwymiarowej naturze wykluczają umieszczanie na nich trójwymiarowych strojów bądź jakichkolwiek innych form „zapisu” społecznego, cyklicznie aktualizowanego. Teoretyzując na ten temat, gdyby nawet istniało andyjskie malarstwo sakralne dopuszczające umieszczanie inskrypcji na temat fundatorów, to umożliwiałoby ono tylko prezentacją zapisu na temat pierwszego i jedynego fundatora. Malarstwo religijne nie mogłoby więc odgrywać roli instrumentu rozbudowanego i zmieniającego się przekazu na temat społeczności lokalnej – takiego, jakim stały się rzeźba sakralna i jej szaty. Dwuwymiarowy obraz jest bezwartościowy dla symbolizacji ukształtowanej z udziałem trójwymiarowych figur. Święty namalowany nie mógł reprezentować człowieka w taki sposób, w jaki robi to święty wyrzeźbiony. Niemożliwe jest społeczne przypisanie wizerunku malarskiego za pomocą cyklicznie zmienianych strojów, podczas gdy w przypadku rzeźby stało się ono najważniejszym sensem. W efekcie sensualna bliskość trójwymiarowej rzeźby, połączonej symboliczno-metonimicznymi więzami z człowiekiem, jest nieporównywalna w swej intensywności z wizerunkiem malarskim. Konstatacja ta może rzucić nowe światło na andyjską sztukę sakralną ostatnich stuleci, która w zasadzie, poza dość elitarnym fenomenem „szkoły cuzkeńskiej”34 i nieco mniej znanymi szkołami w Ayacucho i Potosi35, nie wytworzyła wyrazistych tradycji malarskich o szerszym znaczeniu. Natomiast niezliczone galerie świętych, w tym także lokalnych, znanych tylko na ograniczonym obszarze, otrzymują podobizny wyłącznie w postaci rzeźb. Sądzę, że uważna obserwacja wnętrza zagubionego w górach kościółka, uogólniona tysiącami podobnych przykładów, może pozwolić na wyciągnięcie interesujących wniosków, dotyczących wewnętrznych mechanizmów kulturowych, które ukształtowały i nadal kształtują andyjską ikonosferę sakralną. Poza treścią napisów, również ornamentyka stanowi czytelny, niewerbalny przekaz o fundatorze. Wprawdzie coraz rzadziej szaty świętych sporządzane są domowym sposobem, ręcznie haftowane i ozdabiane, ale nawet te zamawiane w wyspecjalizowanych zakładach rzemieślniczych noszą wyraziste piętno fundatora. Każdy z nich długo i szczegółowo uzgadnia z wykonawcą kolorystykę, treść i kształt napisów, rodzaj motywów figuralnych oraz wzór ornamentów, wiedząc, że dobór symboliki, a także kunszt napisów i bogactwo zdobień będą o nim świadczyć, stanowiąc wyznacznik statusu, który stara się podkreślić. Poprzez kosztowność stroju pragnie też wyrazić swoją dewocję, dając do zrozumienia, że on i jego rodzina pozostają w bardziej zażyłych relacjach z konkretnym wizerunkiem niż inni członkowie wspólnoty. 34 35 wizerunków sakralnych. W zdecydowanej większości nie są to miejsca położone wysoko w górach, również na obszarach objętych moimi badaniami. Zob. m.in. E. Kubiak, Malarstwo szkoły kuzkeńskiej (esquela cusqueña) jako przejaw tożsamości andyjskiej, dawniej i dziś, „Roczniki Humanistyczne” 2017, t. 65, z. 4, s. 115–144. Użycie terminu „szkoła malarska” w odniesieniu do trzech wymienionych ruchów artystycznych nawiązuje do klasyfikacji przyjętej przez historyków sztuki. Te trzy ośrodki artystyczne powstały w kręgu hiszpańsko-kreolskim, nie zaś indiańskim, co potwierdza tezę, że malarstwo nie było nigdy środkiem wyrazu w sztuce religijnej tworzonej przez Indian. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 271 Kolor szat, na których pojawia się „zapis”, jest zawsze odmienny od kolorystyki stroju wcześniejszego – tego, który zostanie zdjęty z figury [fot. 17]. Mam podstawy, by przypuszczać, że niektóre reguły sporządzania tych strojów podlegają szczegółowym kodyfikacjom, częściowo odnotowywanym w zeszytach, będących własnością procuradorów danego wizerunku. Fundator, zamawiający w zakładzie hafciarskim strój dla świętego, Matki Boskiej czy Chrystusa, tym dokładniej uzgadnia szczegóły jego wykonania, im ważniejsza i bardziej sławna jest postać, mająca przywdziać szaty36. Żaden strój w życiu fundatora nie jest tak ważny, kosztowny i opiniotwórczy na jego temat, jak ten, który sporządza dla świętego wizerunku. Trudno się zatem dziwić, że jego powierzchnia bywa starannie wykorzystywana na kunsztowne ornamenty i napisy. Niektóre idee i techniki artystyczne rodem z Hiszpanii zyskały w Peru ogromną popularność. Mam na myśli dążenie do hiperrealistycznego przedstawienia twarzy świętego, która musi oddziaływać na tyle silnie, by „nadrobić” braki ekspresji ciała, którego często fizycznie brakuje wewnątrz stroju, gdyż bywa zastępowane atrapą – prostym szkieletem z drewna, drutu i płótna37. W trakcie badań terenowych zdarzyło mi się zetknąć zarówno z wiekowymi, jak i współczesnymi rzeźbami sakralnymi, których części ukryte pod szatami zrobiono z drewnianych listew, płótna i skóry [fot. 18]. Praktyka ta sugestywnie dowodzi, jak ważną i niezbywalną „częścią” andyjskiego świętego jest jego szata. Ważną dlatego, że dzięki niej istnieje w całej pełni swego imagen – w taki sposób zbędne ciało, poza głową, dłońmi i stopami, ulega atrofii. Szata nie jest dodatkiem do figury, tylko jej komplementarną częścią. Mówiąc o „całej” figurze i jej „częściach”, odnoszę się do potocznego, europejskiego wyobrażenia „całości” rzeźbiarskiego wizerunku człowieka jako pełnej postaci. W Andach daje się zauważyć charakterystyczne rozwarcie między dbałością o realizm twarzy świętego a niestarannością dopasowania szat do sylwetki, którą okrywają. W mniejszym stopniu dotyczy to sławnych wizerunków, zwłaszcza Matki Boskiej, ale nad takimi sprawują pieczę artyści z „z górnej półki”, obdarzeni wrażliwością wykraczającą poza estetykę ludową. Inaczej jest na prowincji, przy czym dodać należy, że pisząc „prowincja”, mam na myśli ogromną większość obszaru Peru, poza punktowymi miejscami ważniejszych sanktuariów. Nie jest to kategoria definiująca przestrzenne oddalenie od centrów, gdyż „prowincjonalny” w tym rozumieniu może być kościół w samym środku Limy, nie tylko w niedostępnych górach. Oczywiście „prowincjonalność”, którą mam na myśli, nie ma znaczenia wartościującego. Wartość logiczna określenia zasadza się wyłącznie na opozycji z jakimś „centrum”, które trzeba zdefiniować, by mieć punkt odniesienia. Jednak to nie ono, tylko „prowincja”, reprezentuje badaną normę. Powracając do obserwacji rozwarcia między dążeniem do naturalizmu twarzy świętego a prowizorycznym markowaniem formy jego stroju, odnajdujemy kolejną wskazówkę do zrozumienia obowiązującej hierarchii wartości. Strój nie odgrywa służebnej roli wobec 36 37 Informacja na podstawie wywiadu przeprowadzonego w wyspecjalizowanym zakładzie hafciarskim w Huaráz, jednym z kilku rozlokowanych wzdłuż ulicy Malecón Norte. Konkurujące ze sobą zakłady szczycą się wykonanymi szatami, zwłaszcza jeśli przeznaczone były dla największych „świętości”, takich jak Chrystus Señor de la Soledad. Zob. J.M. Travieso Alonso, Escultura de papelón. Un recurso para el simulacro, „Revista Atticus” 2011, nr 14, s. 9–30; K. Kopania, Animated Sculptures of the Crucified Christ in the Religious Culture of the Latin Middle Ages, Warszawa 2010; T. Grzybkowska, Malowane figury i rzeźbiarskie obrazy. Hiszpański triumf potrydenckiej dewocji, [w:] Sztuka po Trydencie,s. 151–162. �272 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich ciała świętego i nie jest mu podporządkowany. Może być nieproporcjonalny względem korpusu, niedopasowany do figury – niwelujący, a nie podkreślający jej kształt, zazwyczaj zbyt obszerny. Obserwując to, rozpoznajemy podtekst logiczny. Ciało wewnątrz stroju wyobrażeniowo nie istnieje, więc nadmierne dopasowywanie szat do czegoś nieistniejącego – nierzadko również fizycznie – jest pozbawione sensu. Skłonność do postrzegania szat w formie dopasowanej do sylwetki świętego stanowi wyłącznie europejskie przyzwyczajenie, w myśl którego zachowanie proporcji anatomicznych stanowi istotne kryterium poziomu artystycznego dzieła. Komplementarność realistycznej głowy i obszernego, bogato zdobionego stroju nie uwzględnia istnienia wewnątrz korpusu, wpływającego na kształty i proporcje szat. Te mogą być zatem umowne, z reguły mocno przerysowane na rzecz stroju, stanowiącego wielowątkowy zapis na temat fundatora oraz jego relacji ze świętym. Zawarte na nim treści są nieporównanie ważniejsze niż funkcja okrywania postaci. Mamy do czynienia z formalno-estetycznym wzorcem, niebędącym deformacją europejskiego odpowiednika, lecz w pełni autonomicznym artefaktem sakralnym, konsekwentnie ukształtowanym przez rodzime czynniki kulturowe. Jeśli mowa o deformacji, to konieczne jest uściślenie. Uważam, że w pełni uprawnione jest porównywanie ikonografii andyjskiej ze wzorcami europejskimi, zwłaszcza hiszpańskimi, gdyż wtedy, dysponując modelem wyjściowym, można prześledzić ich ewolucję w nowym otoczeniu kulturowym. Pierwsza, powierzchowna analiza w oczywisty sposób dowiedzie, że rozliczne elementy wzorca uległy deformacjom, czy raczej przemianom, by uniknąć negatywnego ładunku zawartego w słowie „deformacja”. W ślad za tą konstatacją idzie jednak refleksja, że w nowej rzeczywistości kulturowej „deformacje” te stały się pełnoprawnymi elementami nowego, autonomicznego paradygmatu ideowo-estetycznego o silnym zakorzenieniu w miejscowej tradycji. Mamy do czynienia z dwoma porządkami. Porównania między nimi wymagają ostrożności, a wnioski płynące z badań każdego z nich nie mogą automatycznie dotyczyć drugiego. Nieco inny przykład, dobrze ilustrujący rewizję funkcji i hierarchii wartości szat świętego, stanowią stroje świętych biedaków – zakonników i pustynnych anachoretów, tradycyjnie odzianych w łachmany lub skromne habity. W Andach ci chrześcijańscy pobratymcy Diogenesa często lśnią złotem, srebrem i barwnymi ozdobami. Ubiory świętych biedaków nawiązują wprawdzie do kanonicznych pierwowzorów, ale często bywają bogato zdobione w sposób całkowicie obcy tradycjom europejskim [fot. 19]. U podłoża tej transmutacji ikonograficznej leżą te same przyczyny, które nadają szatom świętego w pełni wyemancypowaną funkcję, zdefiniowaną w ramach kultury andyjskiej. Podczas badań, w odpowiednich ku temu warunkach, kilkakrotnie pytałam o możliwość chwilowego zdjęcia bogatego stroju z figury świętego bądź Chrystusa, argumentując prośbę chęcią zobaczenia całej rzeźby i wykonania dokumentacji fotograficznej. Poza nielicznymi i zupełnie wyjątkowymi przypadkami38, prośby te spotykały się z całkowitym niezrozumieniem ze strony indiańskich, metyskich, a nawet kreolskich opiekunów wizerunku. Dla nich 38 Były tylko dwa takie wyjątki. Pierwszy – w Pariacoto, gdzie dzięki uprzejmości proboszcza o. Rafała Dryjańskiego mogłam zobaczyć figurę miejscowego Chrystusa Señora de Mayo bez zdobiącego ją stroju. Drugi – w sanktuarium Señora de Cayac (distrito de Aqía, prov. Bolonesi, dep. Chiquian), gdzie opiekunka wizerunku zdjęła z niego sudario, by wzbogacić strój ofiarowaną przeze mnie chustą [fot. 20]. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 273 cała rzeźba składała się z tego, co było widoczne – stroju oraz odsłoniętej twarzy i rąk świętego. Sugestia, by pozbawić figurę stroju, była dla nich nie tyle niestosowna, co absurdalna i niezrozumiała. Stopniowo zaczęłam pojmować, że w ich percepcji nie istnieje możliwość oddzielenia stroju od figury. Obie składowe stanowią ontologiczną jedność, będąc źródłem współzależnych komunikatów wizualnych. Jedna część nie może istnieć bez drugiej, gdyż pozbawiona komplementarnej składowej wyrażałaby cząstkowy i zdeformowany komunikat. Dla mieszkańca Andów nie istnieje jakaś część rzeźby ukryta pod strojem; w jego postrzeganiu brak śladu refleksji na ten temat. Od wieków w doświadczeniu Indianina nie istnieje forma religijnego obcowania z figurą nieubraną, a więc takowa wyobrażeniowo także nie istnieje. Strój jest rzeczywistym nośnikiem nie tylko treści współtworzącym imagen świętego, ale też kinetycznych bodźców wzrokowych utrwalających jego pamięciowy obraz. Mam na myśli subtelne i pełne gracji ruchy płaszczy świętych podczas procesyjnego obnoszenia figur, kołysanie się ich lśniących aureoli i nimbów czy rozwiewanie przez wiatr ludzkich włosów, z których wykonano fryzury. Kalka wyobrażeniowa postaci świętej kształtuje się jako składowa wszelkich związanych z nią wrażeń zmysłowych, a więc nie tylko tych, które powstają w wyniku obserwacji nieruchomej postaci we wnętrzu kościoła, lecz także zapamiętanych z jego „wyjść” procesyjnych podczas cyklicznych fiest. Abstrahując od rozlicznych bodźców sensorycznych, współtworzących imagen osoby świętej (feeria płomieni świec, dźwięki muzyki i pieśni, obłoki kadzideł i ich „zapach świętości”39), wrażenie wywierane przez stateczne falowanie ciężkich draperii szat, poruszających się miarowo w rytm muzyki i kroków cargadores, jest na wskroś przejmujące, o czym zaświadczam zarówno na podstawie własnych doświadczeń uczestniczenia w andyjskich i hiszpańskich procesjach, jak i rozmów prowadzonych z ludźmi, biorącymi w nich udział. Animacja i teatralizacja osiągane dzięki ruchom szat, ich migotliwym złoceniom i rozbłyskom promieni odbitych od wielobarwnych kamieni i cekinów, stanowią źródło głębokich przeżyć u pobożnych obserwatorów, ale prócz wywoływania religijnego dreszczu utrwalają wrażenie majestatu i dostojeństwa40. Bez impresyjnego oddziaływania stroju mentalny obraz Świętego byłby znacznie uboższy. Można powiedzieć, że szata jest nim samym, jego niezbywalną częścią. Figura świętego istnieje tylko wraz ze strojem i tylko jako to, co jest widoczne. 39 40 Zapach jako bodziec zmysłowy stanowi słabo dostrzegany i niedoceniany aspekt w badaniach nad naturą przeżycia religijnego. Zazwyczaj uwzględnia się wyłącznie doznania wizualne i słuchowe. Tymczasem „zapach świętości” – określenie kojarzone z powtarzalnym motywem, obecnym w opowieściach hagiograficznych, należałoby rozszerzyć na doznania wiernych w wielu zrytualizowanych sytuacjach obrzędowych, podczas których specyficzna mieszanka woni kadzideł, płonącego wosku, nieprzypadkowo dobranych kwiatów oraz rozlicznych innych odorantów współtworzy imaginarium sensoryczne obiektów kultu, stając się ich niezbywalną częścią. Pamięć węchowa jest równie trwała, jak pamięć innych zmysłów, niezmienna przez całe życie człowieka. „Świat jest kwalifikowany według zapachów” – pisze Zbigniew Libera po czym dodaje: „Każdy z nich ma swe pole skojarzeń; wiąże się z odpowiednimi rzeczami, miejscem, czasem, osobami. Zapach jest częścią osoby” (idem, Wstęp do nosologii, Wrocław 1996, s. 70, 72). Autor nie podejmuje wprawdzie tematyki „zapachu świętości”, ale w wielu miejscach inspiruje refleksje na temat kulturowego znaczenia zapachów. Cytowane stwierdzenie, że „zapach jest częścią osoby”, można śmiało rozszerzyć na andyjskich świętych, gdyż sensualnie są o wiele bliżsi człowiekowi niż w tradycji europejskiej. Por. interesujące uwagi na temat dramaturgii procesji religijnej: J. Wierusz-Kowalski, Dramat a kult, Warszawa 1977, s. 146–161. �274 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Przebieranie figury świętej – semantyka ukrywanej nagości W kontekście rozważań nad niezbędnością szat jako komplementarnej składowej figury świętego rodzą się pytania dotyczące newralgicznego momentu, gdy są one zdejmowane i zastępowane nowymi, co, jak powiedziałam, stanowi podstawę funkcjonowania wizerunku w „pejzażu semiotycznym” świątyni. Są więc momenty, gdy „obnaża” się figury. Czy przez tę chwilę tracą one swoją tożsamość, czy narusza to ich sakralność? Otóż sadzę, że moment ten stanowi modelowy przykład rite de marge – fazy marginalności (liminalnej) w obrzędzie przejścia, jakim jest zmiana stroju. Według klasycznej formuły Arnolda van Gennepa obrzęd przejścia, złożony z trzech podstawowych segmentów (wyłączania, marginalności i włączania), prowadzi do zmiany statusu bądź stanu41. W obszernym dziele uczonego brak wprawdzie przykładów, które można by uznać za analogiczne przypadki, gdyż dotyczą one wyłącznie ludzi w ich otoczeniu społecznym, ale uważam, że status figury świętej, obecnej w opisany sposób w życiu społeczno-religijnym wspólnoty, upoważnia do traktowania jej tak, jakby była ważną częścią tego organizmu. Proponowane przeze mnie poszerzenie kategorii uczestników rite de passage na postacie świętych wynika po części z inspiracji rozważaniami Michała Buchowskiego nad możliwościami dalszych interpretacji tego obrzędu42. Mówiąc o uczestnictwie świętego w życiu społeczno-religijnym wspólnoty, mam na myśli dwa aspekty, które wymienię hasłowo. Pierwszym jest ludowa percepcja figury świętej – nie jako rzeźby, dzieła sztuki ani nawet postaci reprezentującej tę właściwą w niebie, tylko jako autonomicznego bytu koncentrującego pełnię cech zawartych w obrębie jej synkretycznego imaginarium. Drugim natomiast jest symboliczno-metonimiczny związek figury z konkretnym człowiekiem (czy rodziną) poprzez fakt przywdziania ufundowanego, a czasem wykonanego przez nich stroju. Kontakt fizyczny fundatora ze strojem na etapie jego sporządzania przekształca się quasi-fizyczny kontakt ze świętym za pośrednictwem tegoż stroju. Uwzględniając oba te aspekty, powracam do kwestii „nagości” w momencie przebierania figury w nowy strój, czyli w chwili, którą uważam za fazę marginalności w obrzędzie przejścia. Traktuję przebieranie jako obrzęd, a użycie tego terminu uzasadnia zrytualizowany ciąg podejmowanych wówczas czynności43. Obrzęd ten bywa szczególnie rozbudowany w przypadku wizerunków Chrystusa na Krzyżu, zwłaszcza sławnych, otoczonych szczególnym kultem. Wnioski z obserwacji prowadzą do odpowiedzi na postawione pytanie, czy w okresie rite de marge, za jaki uważam moment „nagości” wizerunku, zachowuje on swoją sakralną tożsamość? Obserwacje poczynione w trakcie badań terenowych wykazały, że przebieranie figury świętej w nowy strój bądź chwilowe pozbawianie jej szat wynikające z konieczności przemieszczania wizerunku nigdy nie są czynnościami wyłącznie technicznymi. Zawsze towarzyszy im zespół zrytualizowanych zachowań, które odzwierciedlają społeczno-religijny status 41 42 43 A. van Gennep, Obrzędy przejścia. Systematyczne studium ceremonii, tłum. B. Biały, Warszawa 2006, s. 36–39. M. Buchowski, Magia i rytuał, Warszawa 1993, s. 132–146. Nie wnikam w zawiłości definicji obrzędu i rytuału, przyjmując nadrzędność tego pierwszego, jako konstruktu złożonego ze zrytualizowanych działań. Problematyka definiowania tych zjawisk wypełnia liczne prace antropologów kulturowych, omówione np. w pracy: M. Dąsal, Rytuały, obrzędy, ceremonie. Antropologiczna konceptualizacja rytuału, Kraków 2018. Lektura skłania do wyboru rozsądnego uproszczenia i położenia nacisku na intuicję badawczą. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 275 figury oraz stosowny dystans wynikający z istniejących relacji pomiędzy nią a członkami wspólnoty. Można wyróżnić dwa rodzaje wypracowanych zachowań: pierwszy ma charakter widowiska publicznego, drugi, przeciwnie, bywa starannie ukrywany przed wiernymi. Rozpocznę od omówienia pierwszego z nich w oparciu o przykłady cudownych krucyfiksów Chrystusa Señor de Mayo w Huaráz oraz Chrystusa Señor de Pomallucay w Pomallucay (koło San Luis w Callejon de Conchucos). Señor de Mayo stanowi paso słynnego Señora de la Soledad i bywa obnoszony w procesjach po mieście, odbywających się w pierwszej połowie maja. Podczas finalnej ceremonii, kończącej blisko dwutygodniowy okres świętowania, w kościele Soledad odbywa się pełne dramaturgii widowisko zdejmowania Chrystusa z krzyża i składania go do przeszklonej tumby (altar de cristal). Towarzyszy temu zdjęcie szat. Czynności te wykonują wyłącznie członkowie bractwa Sociedad Auxilios Mutuos del Señor de la Soledad, którzy jako jedyni mają bezpośredni dostęp do wizerunku. Ceremonia zdejmowania Chrystusa z krzyża odbywa się w centralnej części kościoła, na podwyższeniu platformy procesyjnej (anda). W otoczeniu tłumów wiernych, przy akompaniamencie przejmujących melodii odgrywanych przez orkiestrę, z głowy Chrystusa zdejmowany jest wspaniały, promienisty nimb (corona), potem zaś uwalniane są od gwoździ dłonie, a ruchome ręce opuszczane wzdłuż ciała [fot. 21]. Następnie, po wyjęciu wielkiego gwoździa przebijającego stopy, figura przenoszona jest na rękach członków cofradía do stojącej z boku, dużej przeszklonej gabloty, gdzie w myśl przekonania wiernych Señor de Mayo będzie „spał” aż do kolejnej fiesty [fot. 22]. Podczas ceremonii zwraca uwagę moment zdejmowania z głowy Chrystusa ozdobnego nimbu i równoczesnego owijania wokół jego ludzkich włosów białej, surowej materii, całkowicie pozbawionej ozdób. Zawój ten pozostanie na głowie Chrystusa przez cały czas spoczywania w tumbie [fot. 23]. Głowa z odsłoniętymi włosami, pozbawiona „ubrania” w postaci nimbu, niewątpliwie reprezentuje formę nagości wymagającej zakrycia. U podłoża tak pilnej konieczności zasłonięcia „gołej głowy”44 można dostrzec przyczynę związaną z uniwersalnym postrzeganiem seksualno-witalnej konotacji włosów45. Należy przypomnieć, 44 45 Używam potocznego polskiego wyrażenia „goła głowa” ze świadomością, że w języku hiszpańskim nie ma on dosłownego odpowiednika, czyli na poziomie werbalnym nie zachodzi bezpośrednie skojarzenie między odkrytą głową a nagością. Pomimo to semantyka nagości w omawianym kontekście dotyczy również głowy, co jednoznacznie wynika z przebiegu czynności. Seksualno-witalna konotacja włosów, na którą zwrócił uwagę Edmund Leach w klasycznej dziś pracy na ten temat (Magical Hair, „The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland” 1958, vol. 88, nr 2, s. 147–164), wydaje się stanowić regułę ponadkulturową, będąc przykładem symboliczno-metonimicznej interpretacji uniwersalnych cech biologicznych. Mam na myśli żywotność włosów rosnących w szybszym tempie niż ciało człowieka oraz ich wzrost bez względu na wiek człowieka, a nawet jakiś czas po jego śmierci. Ryszard Tomicki sięga jeszcze głębiej, zwracając uwagę na możliwe „odniesienia symboliczne między owłosieniem człowieka a tzw. puszkiem płodowym (lanugo)” (idem, Tabu, Warszawa 2010, s. 306). Nie jest mi znana żadna praca podejmująca problematykę seksualnej konotacji włosów w kulturach andyjskich, ale na podstawie przesłanek wynikających z własnych obserwacji przypuszczam, że takowa występuje również na tym obszarze. Mogę, podobnie jak Tomicki, wyznać „wiarę w istnienie archetypowej symboliki włosów” (idem, Poza społeczeństwem – w pobliżu boskości. Przyczynek do rozważań nad symboliką włosów, „Polska Sztuka Ludowa” 1987, nr 1–4, s. 170) w Andach. Nie ulega wątpliwości, że włosy, a precyzyjniej mówiąc: fryzury, były w kulturach andyjskich, zwłaszcza inkaskiej, ważnym elementem symbolizacji statusów społecznych – niemal identycznie, jak u omawianych przez Tomickiego Azteków. �276 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich że fryzura Chrystusa wykonana jest z włosów ludzkich46. Zasłonięcie włosów następuje w ścisłym związku z pozbawieniem Chrystusa stroju, będącego jego niezbywalnym wyposażeniem w okresie wielodniowej fiesty. Demonstrowanie nagości głowy w postaci odsłoniętych włosów byłoby wewnętrznie sprzeczne z kluczowym sensem zachodzącego rite de passage, jakim jest symboliczne „zasypianie” Señora de Mayo, a więc jego przemieszczenie w obszar metonimicznej bliskości śmierci. Hypnos i Tanatos to bracia bliźniacy; pierwszy wymaga tylko zasłonięcia włosów, drugi natomiast je odcina. Odwołanie do antyku greckiego nie jest nieuprawnionym pomieszaniem porządków. Sen jest bliski śmierci, a w wielu kulturach świata odkryte włosy mieszczą się w obrębie szeroko pojmowanego pola semantycznego nagości ciała. Kolejna faza obnażania figury następuje po przeniesieniu jej do szklanej tumby w kształcie wielkiej trumny. W chwilę po tym, jak spocznie w jej wnętrzu, wspaniale zdobione, sięgające poniżej kolan sudario zostaje zręcznie zdjęte przez kilku członków konfraterni, którzy przez tę chwilę szczelnie zasłaniają Chrystusa swoimi ciałami. Figura zostaje przykryta białym całunem bez żadnego akcentu kolorystycznego, konsekwentnie dopełniając biel zawoju na głowie. Señor de Mayo spoczywa w tumbie bez ubrania, jako że nieskazitelnie białe chusty nie są strojem, lecz neutralną zasłoną. Zanim zostanie tam złożony, po zdjęciu z krzyża bywa niesiony przez kościół – już bez nimbu, ale jeszcze w bogatym sudario, wciąż traktowany przez wiernych jak żywy, choć uśpiony człowiek. Setki rąk wyciągają się, by dotknąć jego ciała gołą dłonią lub chusteczką, traktowaną potem jak relikwia. Ci, którym się to udało, z przekonaniem rozpowiadają, że ciało Chrystusa było ciepłe. Natomiast po złożeniu figury do gabloty i zdjęciu stroju zmienia się status figury. Dla wiernych nie staje się zmarłym, złożonym do grobu, tylko Señorem uśpionym – w liminalnym zawieszeniu między życiem a śmiercią. Jeśli słyszę od Indianina „On śpi!”, to nie jest to europejski eufemizm śmierci zaczerpnięty z naszych konwencji językowych, tylko głębokie przekonanie, że Señor de Mayo rzeczywiście pogrążył się we śnie. Część wiernych klęczy jeszcze przez jakiś czas wokół szklanej tumby, ale oznaki adoracji słabną i cichną, stopniowo przekierowując się ku wspaniale przybranemu krucyfiksowi Señora de la Soledad na głównym ołtarzu. Przykład ten wyraziście obrazuje nadzwyczaj istotną rolę stroju jako rekwizytu stanowiącego niezbywalną część 46 Wątek ten widzimy w całej pełni w przytoczonej przez Inkę Garcilasso de la Vegę opowieści na temat Manqu Qhapaqa, uchodzącego za założyciela imperium Inków. Władca ten: „aby poddani […] różnili się jedni od drugich, a wszyscy od Inki, tudzież dla uniknięcia pomieszania i dla rozróżnienia prowincji i narodów, które kazał uczynić, i aby się nie upodobnili do Inki, rozkazał, aby jedni nosili fryzurę niczym czapkę opadającą na uszy, to znaczy z czołem po skronie odkrytym, ale z boków włosy miały dochodzić aż do koniuszków uszu. Innym kazał nosić włosy do pół ucha, trzecim – jeszcze krótsze, i żeby nikt nie ośmielił się nosić włosów tak krótkich jak Inka. Trzeba też zauważyć, że wszyscy ci Indianie, a zwłaszcza Inkowie, dbali o to, żeby włosów nie zapuszczać, i zawsze je nosili jednakowej długości, aby jednego dnia nie zdawały się znakiem tego, a drugiego tamtego” (Część pierwsza uwag…, s. 66; podkr. E.J.). Zarówno azteckie przykłady Tomickiego, jak i andyjskie według Inki Garcilasso de la Vegi obrazują sformułowaną przez C.R. Hallpike’a zasadę, w myśl której włosy dłuższe i nieuczesane symbolizują przebywanie poza społeczeństwem, a krótsze i łatwiej poddawane manipulacjom – znamionują bycie w społeczeństwie i podporządkowanie jego normom. Wszystkie fryzury Chrystusa, Matki Boskiej i świętych obu płci wykonywane są z włosów kobiecych, co pod tym względem unifikuje ich wizerunki. Oddawanie włosów przez dziewczyny i dojrzałe, a nawet sędziwe kobiety było i jest nadal gestem zaszczytnym i tym bardziej pożądanym, im wyższy jest status świętego wizerunku. Kobiety wierzą, że przyniesie im to zdrowie, powodzenie i szczęście we wszystkich sprawach życiowych. Zob. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 51. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 277 fizyczno-tożsamościowej identyfikacji figury świętej. Zdjęcie szat staje się rytuałem kończącym obowiązywanie określonego statusu figury jako przedmiotu kultu. Sekwencja czasowa „marginalności” w tym spektakularnym rite de passage mierzy się rytmem rozbierania figury, rozpoczętego na krzyżu, a zakończonego w szklanej tumbie. Rozbieranie to przemyślano w taki sposób, by nie było momentu okazania wiernym nagości figury. Wiemy jednak, że nie chodzi tu tylko o nagość cielesną, lecz także o charakterystyczne dla Andów kulturowe „nieistnienie” figury świętej bez szat, będących jej integralną częścią. Przy uwzględnieniu obu tych aspektów, rite de marge nabiera dodatkowej głębi. Możemy także dostrzec przestrzenny wymiar opisywanej fazy marginesu, ulokowanej pomiędzy krzyżem, z którego zdejmowany jest Chrystus, a szklaną tumbą, w której spocznie. Na tym odcinku odbywa się stopniowe rozbieranie figury. Jej „status sakralny” przed jego rozpoczęciem jest zupełnie inny niż po zakończeniu. Na krzyżu objawiał pełnię swej mocy w sprawach uznawanych za podległe jego patronatom. Zdjęcie stroju staje się ważnym znakiem transformacji tej tożsamości w postać Chrystusa w uśpieniu. Stan ten z natury rzeczy reprezentuje redukcję wszelkiego potencjału sprawczości. Z tą chwilą pełnię mocy taumaturgicznej „przejmuje” Señor de la Soledad w głównym ołtarzu, chociaż – by doprecyzować, nie tyle „przejmuje” ją od swego paso, ile na powrót aktywizuje własną, wyciszoną w okresie majowej celebry. Drugim przykładem jest zmiana stroju cudownego Chrystusa Señora de Pomallucay, nazywanego przez Indian „bratem” Señora de la Soledad z Huaráz, choć jego świątynia znajduje się na wschodnich stokach Andów, w odległości 11 godzin jazdy wąskimi i przepastnymi drogami. Uczestniczyłam tam w wieczornej części fiesty, podczas której zmieniano szaty Chrystusa na nowe, sporządzone przez kolejnego mayordomo i jego rodzinę. Señor de Pomallucay jest jednym z najstarszych krucyfiksów w tej rozległej części Andów47. Zapewne pochodzi z pierwszej połowy XVII wieku. Rzeźba, niewątpliwie znakomitego dłuta, posiada wymiary rosłego mężczyzny, bardziej masywnego i umięśnionego niż postura Señora de la Soledad. Wybitne, otoczone legendą dzieła sztuki emanują rodzajem charyzmy i dostojeństwa, wywierając głęboki wpływ na psychikę wiernych. Piszę „rzeźba” i „dzieło sztuki” z pełną świadomością europejskich odruchów klasyfikacyjnych, mających niewiele wspólnego z tym, czym jest dla Indian tutejszy Chrystus. Tu, w zagubionej w górach wiosce Pomallucay, wszelka oschłość emocjonalna motywowana opacznie pojętym zdystansowaniem naukowym byłaby badawczo przeciwskuteczna. W półmroku kamiennego wnętrza kościoła wzrok błądził po morzu świec płonących wewnątrz kręgów stojących i klęczących Indian, po ich twarzach oblanych miedzianym blaskiem [fot. 24]. Wyżej, prześwietlone obłoki dymu odsłaniały surowe oblicze Ukrzyżowanego, podczas gdy z głębin kościoła płynęło poważne andante niewidocznej orkiestry. Przeżycie takiego misterium zapada głęboko w pamięć i jest równie ważkie badawczo, jak odkrycia dokonane przy użyciu „szkiełka i oka”. Milcząca adoracja setek Indian nie została ani na chwilę przerwana, gdy przez tłum przecisnęli się członkowie miejscowego bractwa uzbrojeni w drabinę, a u stóp krzyża przystanęli odświętnie ubrani mayordomo z małżonką. Tym razem, inaczej niż Señora de Mayo w Huaráz, Chrystusa z Pomallucay przebierano na krzyżu, gdyż charakter uroczystości był odmienny48. Ale i tu mężczyźni umiejętnie zasłonili sobą wizerunek, gdy zdejmowali pur47 48 Zob. D. Frasnelli Tarter, El melancolico rostro. Pomallucay, Lima 1996. Señor de Pumallucay pozostaje na krzyżu przez cały rok, podobnie jak Señor de la Soledad w Huaráz. Obaj mają swoje paso, które bywają obnoszone w procesjach. �278 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich purowe sudario, zastępując je zielonym. Następnie z podobną zręcznością odpięli espaldar – wielkie, trójkątne „plecy” w tylnej części krzyża, zawieszając nowe, w identycznej kolorystyce, jak szata. Rozważając kwestię stroju i nagości Chrystusa na Krzyżu, należy na moment zastanowić się nad rzeczywistą funkcją espaldaru. Nie występuje on we wszystkich krucyfiksach, jedynie w najważniejszych i najbardziej czczonych, obnoszonych w procesjach. W Peru espaldar jest integralną częścią stroju, choć nie okrywa ciała, lecz stanowi jego tło. Nie istnieje możliwość oddzielenia go od tych elementów szat, które przylegają bezpośrednio do ciała Chrystusa (sudario i cinturon). Można rzec, że jest z nimi zespolony, jako niezbędny fragment nienaruszalnej części. Czysto teoretyczna możliwość użycia espaldaru odmiennego – wykonanego w innym czasie, w innej kolorystyce i ornamentyce, a także przez kogoś innego niż fundator stroju – byłaby w warunkach andyjskich pomysłem tak absurdalnym, że prawdopodobnie niezrozumiałym. Funkcjonalnie ów wielki trójkątny materiał przejmuje rolę przestrzeni do zapisu rozbudowanych komunikatów symbolicznych i innych znaków, dla których sudario i cinturon nie zapewniają wystarczającej ilości miejsca. Funkcja ta niewątpliwie utwierdza jego niezbędność, jak i ścisłą komplementarność z pozostałymi częściami stroju. Ale na tym nie kończy się jego funkcja. Bardzo ważna jest również ta, która zasadza się na psychologicznym i estetycznym wpływie, wywieranym na percepcję wiernego. W tym rozumieniu espaldar jest tym samym, czym długi płaszcz Matki Boskiej lub świętego, z wolna, majestatycznie kołyszący się w rytm kroków procesji [fot. 25]. Stanowi syntetyczną, wypracowaną formę plastyczną wertykalizującą krzyż. Jest zarazem odmianą monarszego płaszcza, jak i łopoczącym sztandarem, ze wszystkimi cechami psychologicznego oddziaływania, jakie wywierają te rekwizyty, poddane animującemu żywiołowi wiatru. Wracam jednak do kościoła w Pomallucay. Moment „nagości” rzeźby pozostał niedostrzeżony, a może niedostrzeganie go było ulotną składową rytuału. Indianie w skupieniu wpatrywali się w falujące płomienie świec, bo mogli z nich wyczytać więcej o łasce lub nieprzychylności Señora niż z jego ciemnego oblicza. Wróżebna funkcja ofiarnych świec, do dziś żywa i praktykowana, opiera się na złożonym zespole oznak odczytywanych ze szczegółów ich wyglądu – długości, kształtu, koloru i ruchomości płomienia, układania się kropel spływającego wosku oraz wielu innych symptomów o nadnaturalnej, jak wierzy się, proweniencji49. Zmiana szat Chrystusa dokonała się dyskretnie, gdzieś wysoko, w obłokach wonnego dymu, niemal nie zwracając uwagi zgromadzonego tłumu, wpatrzonego w drgające płomyki. A jednak zaszło coś ważnego: skończył się odcinek czasu oznaczony nazwiskiem poprzedniego mayordomo, a nastał czas nowy, najważniejszy w życiu tego, który po nim nastąpił. Personalizacja tej transformacji, odzwierciedlona w zmianie szat, które zawsze mają inny kolor niż poprzednie, to symbolizacja na poziomie struktury społecznej. Głębiej, w warstwie podwalin kultury, rozpoznajemy Eliadowskie „powtarzanie kosmogonii” wokół niewzruszonej axis mundi krzyża reprezentującego kosmiczne trwanie z cyklicznymi przesileniami, w niekończącym się rytmie kolejnych rewitalizacji. 49 Zob. M. Yauri Montero, El Señor de la Soledad…, s. 36–37, 90. Wróżebna rola świec w Andach stanowi tematykę dotychczas nie opracowaną, o wiele obszerniejszą niż na pozór się wydaje. Istnieją osoby wyspecjalizowane z pokolenia na pokolenie we wróżeniu ze świec, a ich wiedza sięga do odległej, przedhiszpańskiej przeszłości i pradawnych praktyk wróżebnych wykonywanych w oparciu o obserwację płonącego tłuszczu. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 279 Spośród kilku, które dane mi było oglądać, przytoczyłam ledwie dwa, ale reprezentacyjne przykłady rytualnej zmiany szat czczonej figury, odbywającej się w trakcie publicznych ceremonii z udziałem wiernych. Wspomniałam, że praktykuje się także przebieranie figur w warunkach całkowitej izolacji od wiernych. Sytuacja taka ma miejsce w zdecydowanej większości przypadków, wyłączając te, które – jak wyżej opisane – mają miejsce w trakcie cyklicznych fiest. Fundatorów szat dla najsławniejszych figur, takich jak Señor de la Soledad, jest tak wielu, że rytuały przebierania odbywają się nawet co kilkanaście dni. Fundator i jego rodzina zaledwie przez krótki okres cieszą się zaszczytem, często największym, jaki ich spotkał w życiu. Przebieranie figur świętych dotyczy też oczywiście pomniejszych wizerunków, wypełniających andyjskie kościoły i kaplice. W ich przypadku także – jeśli nie towarzyszy temu miejscowa fiesta – zmiana stroju odbywa się bez uczestnictwa wiernych. W przypadku Señora de la Soledad zmianą szat zajmują się wyłącznie członkowie Sociedad Auxilios Mutuos del Señor de la Soledad. W innych kościołach czynność ta sprawowana jest przez braci z konfraterni, jeśli takowe istnieją, albo powierzana zaufanym osobom, w szczególny sposób związanym z czczonymi wizerunkami swoją działalnością i osobistą dewocją50. Zarówno w przypadku przebierania Señora de la Soledad, jak i innych figur świętych, na których temat uzyskałam informacje, powtarza się intrygujący motyw szczelnego zamykania kościołów na czas dokonywania tej czynności. Podkreśliłam, że „szczelnego”, gdyż informatorzy powtarzali, że zamykane bywają nie tylko wszystkie drzwi kościoła, lecz także okna. Fakt ten daje do myślenia, kierując uwagę na pozaracjonalne (w „technicznym” tego słowa znaczeniu) przesłanki tych zabezpieczeń. W świątyni Soledad czynności te trwają około godziny, zawsze koło południa. W kościele w Olleros (30 km na pd. od Huaráz) odbywały się o tej porze, z udziałem dwóch pobożnych kobiet oraz matki jednego z moich informatorów – Williama Reyesa Milla51 [fot. 26], głęboko oddanej duchowo miejscowej Matce Boskiej Virgen de las Mercedes. Opowiadając o tym, jej syn wspominał o zamykaniu się kobiet w kościele, gdy zachodziła potrzeba przebrania figury w nowe szaty. Wspomniał o zabiegach kosmetycznych dokonywanych przy tej okazji na figurze Virgen – obmywaniu z użyciem perfum i kremów oraz pielęgnowaniu jej naturalnych włosów. Nie posiadam wystarczającej ilości danych, by mówić o potwierdzonej regule, ale moje informacje wskazują, że przebieraniem figur Chrystusa oraz świętych płci męskiej zajmują się mężczyźni, natomiast figur Matki Boskiej oraz świętych kobiet – kobiety. Powtarza się natomiast motyw przebierania figur w południe. Można zastanawiać się, czy ta pora przesilenia w cyklu dobowym ma związek z sensem dokonującej się przemiany. Brak na ten temat sugestii wyrażonych bezpośrednio przez informatorów, ale zbieżność wydaje się nieprzypadkowa. W klasycznym tekście o kulturowych „tablicach Mendelejewa” Ludwik Stomma zwrócił uwagę na południe jako jeden z czterech „czasów przejścia” (obok północy, świtu i zmierzchu), czyli „okresów wyłączonych z jakości poprzedzających je i następujących po nich chwil”52. Badacz ten analizował wprawdzie materiał słowiański, 50 51 52 Na temat osób świeckich, wyznaczanych przez społeczność lokalną do pełnienia posług religijnych, zob. G. Cock, Sacerdotes o chamanes en el mundo andino, „Historia y Cultura. Revista del Museo Nacional de Historia” 1983, nr 16, s. 138–139. William Reyes Milla – artysta fotograf z Huaráz, urodzony i wychowany w Olleros, specjalizujący się w fotografii sakralnej. L. Stomma, Antropologia kultury wsi polskiej XIX w., Warszawa 1986, s. 163. �280 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich ale w oparciu o własne ustalenia z terenów Peru53 uważam, że pory te mogą mieć podobną charakterystykę w tej części świata. Intuicja podpowiada, że graniczna rola czterech dobowych momentów przejścia, koncentrujących wokół siebie niezliczoną ilość wierzeń, zakazów i nakazów, istnieje w wymiarze ponadkulturowym, we wszystkich strefach geograficznych, gdzie pory te jednoznacznie się wyodrębniają. Stomma wykazał, że w tych czterech momentach (z różnym nasileniem) zachodzi największe prawdopodobieństwo pojawiania się istot demonicznych. Uwzględniając ogromną różnicę między demonologią słowiańską a andyjską, moje ustalenia do pewnego stopnia potwierdzają tę prawidłowość, z jedną wszakże istotną różnicą. Otóż południe – ów moment, gdy Słońce znajduje się w kulminacji, najbliżej zenitu – jest w Andach wolne od aktywności negatywnych sił demonicznych, jakkolwiek byśmy je klasyfikowali w ramach skomplikowanej, synkretycznej kosmowizji54. W tej części świata najbardziej niebezpieczne są szybko zapadający zmierzch oraz następująca po nim, bardzo zimna noc. W regionie Ancash chwile bezpośrednio poprzedzające zachód słońca noszą miano „pomarańczowej godziny” (la hora naranjada). Uważna obserwacja ludzi pozwala dostrzec w ich zachowaniach pewne napięcie, podświadome dążenie do zamknięcia się w bezpiecznym domu, zanim za horyzontem Czarnej Kordyliery zajdzie słońce. Zamykane są zwierzęta i milkną głosy bawiących się przy domach dzieci. Moment niknięcia słońca i nadejścia linii terminatora to czas wyodrębniony, naznaczony ciszą, której nie zakłóca nawet wiatr, nacichający o tej porze. Przychodzą na myśl słowa poety: „Wiatr wie, jak trzeba nacichać… / Za oknem – mrok się kołysze. / Nie widać świata, nie słychać, Lecz ja coś widzę i słyszę…”55. Leśmian ze swoją wrażliwością w niedościgły sposób opisuje głęboko zakorzeniony w człowieku niepokój nadchodzący wraz ze zmrokiem, przeżywany podobnie bez względu na położenie geograficzne. To czas spowolniony i zagęszczony, w którym rytm dnia ustępuje nieuchronnej potrzebie zreflektowania się i spojrzenia w metafizyczną głębię świata. Wierzenia ludowe wypełniają go opowieściami demonologicznymi, odzwierciedlającymi atawistyczny lęk człowieka przed ciemnością, przed brakiem opiekuńczego słońca. Całkowitym przeciwieństwem zachodu jest południe – apogeum władzy Słońca – świętego Inti – w synkretycznej mitologii i religijności andyjskiej zespolonego zarówno z ubóstwianym Inką, jak i Chrystusem. Południe to moment epifanii – maksymalnego przybliżenia się Słońca-Inti, czas nacechowany największym natężeniem pozytywnej energii boskości, która neutralizuje wszelkie zło. Jest to chwila sprzyjająca rytom kreacyjnym, zapewniająca rewitalizację. Próba interpretacji przyczyn, dla których przebieranie figur świętych odbywa się właśnie w południe, wiedzie właśnie ku takim, kreacyjno-apotropeicznym przesłankom, wbudowanym w kosmowizję andyjską. Moment ten wydaje się metafizycznie najbezpieczniejszy, skutecznie minimalizujący zagrożenia wpisane w naturę „fazy marginesu”. Wypracowane formy zdejmowania i nakładania stroju świętego, nieprzypadkowa czasoprzestrzeń oraz towarzyszące temu zabezpieczenia ujawniają spójne i komplementarne 53 54 55 Mam na myśli szczególnie kilkuletnie badania nad fenomenem wierzenia w pishtaco, w których znaczący okazał się wątek czasu pojawiania się tej istoty w obrębie doby. Zob. E. Jodłowska, M. Mąka, Pishtaco…, s. 103–127. W przeciwieństwie do zmierzchu i północy (rzadziej świtu) nie znalazłam ani jednej relacji o pojawieniu się pishtacos w południe (ibidem, s. 111–114). Prawidłowość tę potwierdza lektura peruwiańskich cuentos y leyendas populares, zawierających ludowe motywy istot demonicznych i nadprzyrodzonych. B. Leśmian, Samotność, [w:] idem, Napój cienisty, Warszawa 1936, s. 155. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 281 warstwy „tortu semantycznego” tworzącego sens rytuału. Dostrzegamy istotę mediacyjnej fazy rite de marge, w której tabuizowana jest nagość świętego, ale też – poprzez zdjęcie stroju – moment chwilowego zawieszenia jego statusu w społeczności lokalnej. Oba te czynniki wydają się ważne, oba chwilowo naruszają ustalony ład, ale intuicja podpowiada, że drugi z nich stanowi poważniejsze zagrożenie. Przypomnijmy bowiem raz jeszcze – święty wizerunek poprzez swoje szaty włączony jest w strukturę społeczności lokalnej i jako taki roztacza nad nią opiekę. Zdjęcie szat przerywa tę symbiozę, inicjuje „astrukturalny stan” oraz „chwilowe pęknięcie w «biegu rzeczy»”56 – by użyć poetyckich metafor Duvignaud. Moment ten, z natury rzeczy niepewny i metafizycznie niebezpieczny, wymaga społecznego odseparowania wraz ze wszystkimi czynnościami, które się wówczas dokonują. W kulturowo wypracowanych technikach separację tę zapewnia zasłonięcie wizerunku ciałami świeckich celebransów (o statusie mediującym między sferą sacrum i profanum) lub szczelne zamknięcie kościoła. Zamykanie kościołów, także ich okien, nie jest – jak powiedziałam – czynnością tylko techniczną, niesemiotyczną, mającą odizolować przypadkowe osoby od uczestnictwa w równie technicznej czynności zmiany stroju. Sam fakt tak starannej separacji wskazuje na oczywiste, pozatechniczne przesłanki odsunięcia niepowołanych osób. Oczywistym jest, że nie chodzi o to, by nie przeszkadzały, ani tym bardziej o to, by zapobiec dostaniu się ich przez okna (!). Obecność postronnych ludzi wykluczona jest dlatego, gdyż zmiany szat mogą wykonywać wyłącznie wybrani, których status społeczny możemy umownie nazwać „kapłańskim”, choć ich umocowanie bywa umowne, czasem odległe od potocznego obrazu kapłana. Jak powiada van der Leeuw: „Nawet w najmniejszym spośród nosicieli urzędu kapłańskiego żyje całe bogactwo mocy, choć nie przebija z niego cały jej blask”57. Wybrańcy ci – członkowie cofradias lub osoby o szczególnej charyzmie i pobożności – z racji swego specjalnego statusu mogą bezkarnie celebrować obrzęd, którego moment krytyczny, pozasystemowa „nagość” świętego wizerunku, jest ze wszech miar niebezpieczna. Aspekt metafizycznego niebezpieczeństwa, jakie stwarza faza marginalna dokonującego się rite de passage, nie wyczerpuje wszystkich sensów kryjących się w praktyce starannego zamykania kościołów. Dostrzegamy tu także wszelkie cechy działania rytualnego odzwierciedlającego uniwersalny mechanizm symbolizacji, dogłębnie opisany przez Stommę w klasycznym studium Mit Alkmeny58. Czynności „zamykające” podkreślają sytuację zamknięcia dotychczasowego stanu, czynności „otwierające” (tu: ponowne otwarcie drzwi i okien kościoła) towarzyszą jego kolejnemu otwarciu. Tym pierwszym jest kończący się stan symboliczno-metonimicznego powiązania figury z określonym członkiem społeczności, tym drugim zaś rozpoczynający się stan takiego powiązania z następną osobą. Wiemy jednak, że spersonalizowane związki stanowią tylko pierwszy, dystynktywny plan zjawiska. Ich potencjał semiotyczny odsyła do bardziej uniwersalnych mechanizmów spójności, gwarantujących koherencję grupy i jej trwania w czasie. Po nałożeniu nowych szat następuje reaktywacja przerwanych relacji społecznych, których konfiguracja powraca do pożądanego stanu equilibrium. Dostrzegamy z całą wyrazistością, że kwestia nagości, instynktownie kojarzona z rytuałem przebierania wizerunków, stanowi zaledwie zewnętrzną warstwę zagadnienia, 56 57 58 J. Duvignaud, Dar z niczego. O antropologii…, s. 51, 52. G. van der Leeuw, Fenomenologia religii, s. 267. L. Stomma, Mit Alkmeny, „Etnografia Polska” 1976, t. 20, z. 1, s. 99–110. �282 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich zdominowaną europejskim, a konkretnie: chrześcijańskim. komponentem, zaszczepionym w synkretyczne formy kultów andyjskich. Nie chodzi tu o etyczno-moralny stosunek do nagości. Właściwy sens kryje się w ponadkulturowej logice zachodzącego rite de passage, w którym moment nagości jest fazą marginesu (rite de marge). To, co przez pryzmat naszych przyzwyczajeń postrzegamy jako zakrywanie nagości świętego (ew. Chrystusa, Matki Boskiej), jest de facto – na poziomie głębokiego, strukturalnie zdeterminowanego sensu – zasłanianiem niebezpiecznej szczeliny w ciągłości kultury. Izomorfizm między reprezentacją świętych a społecznością lokalną sprawia, że z chwilą obnażenia figury następuje moment zawieszenia statusów, dotyczący zarówno jej, jak i społeczności. Jest to moment niebezpieczny, astrukturalny i pozasystemowy, a więc naznaczony tabu kulturowym. Warto dodać, że w trakcie przebierania figury zabronione jest, by w tym samym momencie były na niej elementy szat zdejmowanych i nakładanych. Dodatkowym zabezpieczeniem, by nie nastąpiła dramatyczna pomyłka, jest zasada, że kolejny strój musi być zawsze w kolorze jaskrawo odmiennym od poprzedniego. Logika strukturalna tego zakazu wydaje się czytelna. Pomieszanie strojów równałoby się pomieszaniu porządków, które zgodnie z regułą symboliczno-metonimicznej reprezentacji, zagroziłoby także społeczności ludzi. Świadomie używam określenia „nagość świętego”, by śledząc jej kontekst, ukazać strukturalne relacje między społecznością lokalną a miejscowym panteonem świętych. Czynię to jednak z perspektywy etic, czyli przez pryzmat jednej z możliwych konceptualizacji kultury, wypracowanej przez zachodnią myśl antropologiczną. Mam przekonanie, że taka analiza spójnie opisuje wewnętrzny porządek omawianych zjawisk. Trzeba jednak pamiętać też o perspektywie emic, czyli postrzeganiu tych samych zjawisk przez społeczność autochtoniczną. W narracji etnologicznej oba te punkty widzenia muszą się dopełniać, gdyż nawet wtedy, gdy badacz zdoła poznać i zrozumieć interpretacje dokonywane z pozycji autochtonicznych, to i tak skazany jest na ich werbalizację w terminologii naukowej, w sytuacjach szczególnie trudnych wspomagając się językiem poezji. Określenie „nagość świętego” jest kategorią umowną, niezbędną w strukturalnym ujmowaniu zjawiska. Natomiast w percepcji ludowej kategoria taka nie istnieje. Do zrozumienia tego dochodziłam stopniowo w trakcie badań terenowych. Jedno z istotnych pytań, na które szukałam odpowiedzi w prowincjonalnych kościołach, dotyczyło istnienia obiektów starej rzeźby sakralnej z okresu kolonialnego. Było to zainteresowanie bardziej historyka sztuki niż etnologa, ale wkrótce zaowocowało ciekawymi wnioskami etnologicznymi. Powrócę do opisanych wcześniej, nieudanych prób rozebrania świętego. Jak wcześniej wspomniałam, kilkakrotnie w sprzyjających sytuacjach pytałam, czy byłoby możliwe zdjęcie szat w celu oglądnięcia i sfotografowania całej, ukrytej pod nimi figury. Było to w sytuacjach, gdy widoczne spod stroju elementy ciała, czyli twarz i dłonie, wydały mi się wiekowe i zdradzały stylistyczne cechy baroku. Nigdy jednak, poza dwoma opisanymi wcześniej przypadkami, zupełnie nietypowymi, nie doszło do rozebrania figury. Indiańscy bądź kreolscy opiekunowie kościoła nie spełnili mej prośby. W ich reakcjach nie było zgorszenia pomysłem rozebrania figury, tylko zakłopotanie wynikające z niezrozumienia sensu mej prośby. Wtedy uświadomiłam sobie, że strój stanowi nierozdzielną część figury świętej, nie tylko w sensie technicznym, ale mentalnym. Gdy sugerowałam zdjęcie szat, aby zobaczyć całą figurę, nie rozumiano, o co mi chodzi. Dla nich cała figura składała się z głowy i stroju, a to, co było ukryte pod strojem, wyobrażeniowo nie istniało. Głowa i strój stanowią ontologiczną jedność. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 283 Rozdzielenie tych dwóch elementów spowodowałoby reductio ad nihilum wizerunku. Mentalne nieistnienie „ciała” świętego ukrytego pod strojem determinuje nieistnienie kategorii „nagości”, jak również związanych z nią odruchów. Nagość nie jest tu relewantną kategorią kulturową. To mentalne nieistnienie często pokrywa się z jego nieistnieniem fizycznym. Importowana z Hiszpanii tradycja bogatego ubierania figur świętych przejęła rozwiązania techniczne polegające na rzeźbieniu tylko głowy i dłoni świętego, a zastępowaniu reszty ciała prowizoryczną konstrukcją z drewna, listewek, skóry i płótna. Założenie, że figura będzie zawsze ubrana, przesądziło o atrofii tej części rzeźby, która znajduje się pod ubraniem. Redukcja taka sprzyjała pomnażaniu ilości wizerunków dzięki zmniejszenie ich kosztów. Z pewnością wiele figur, które oglądałam, nie miało pełnego, wyrzeźbionego ciała, tylko prowizoryczny szkielet, ale tego nie sposób było stwierdzić. Czasem sugerowały to tylko ewidentne deformacje odzianej w strój figury wskutek amatorskiego wykonania jej konstrukcji. Pozostając w obrębie perspektywy emic, mogę stwierdzić dwie rzeczy. Po pierwsze, Indianie nie znają kategorii „nagości” figury świętej – ani w znaczeniu etyczno-moralnym, ani fizyczno-rzeczowym. Po drugie zaś, figura święta bez stroju nie istnieje – ani w znaczeniu mentalnym, ani często fizycznym. Konstatacja ta może rodzić pytania, pozornie kwestionujące przeprowadzony przeze mnie wywód na temat rytuału zmiany stroju świętego jako rite de passage. Spróbuję przyjrzeć się tej alternatywie interpretacyjnej. Skoro figura święta bez stroju traci swoją ontologiczną tożsamość, a mówiąc wprost – nie istnieje, to może powstać wątpliwość, czy ciąg zrytualizowanych i poddanych ścisłym rygorom czynności zmiany stroju świętego wypełnia definicję rytuału przejścia. Koncepcja rite de passage zakłada bowiem transformację statusu tego samego bytu w inny status, z przejściem przez mediacyjną fazę marginesu. W fazie tej transformowany byt cały czas istnieje, choć jego natura mediuje pomiędzy starym a nowym statusem. Tu zaś, zgodnie z perspektywą emic, ów moment pomiędzy statusami, symbolizowanymi przez zdejmowane i nakładane szaty, stanowi ontologiczną próżnię, gdyż wtedy figura mentalnie nie istnieje. Powstaje rodzaj szczeliny w czasie, wypełnionej nicością, a nie mediacją. A skoro tak, to czy do opisu tej sytuacji nie byłaby właściwsza koncepcja przemiany metamorficznej, którą dogłębnie omawia Andrzej P. Kowalski w pracy Antropologia zamierzchłych znaczeń?59 W największym skrócie, jest to przekształcanie bytu bez jakiejkolwiek fazy przejściowej. Badacz zakłada istnienie tego rodzaju transformacji w kulturach „wczesnotradycyjnych”, o słabo rozwiniętej rytualizacji – zbyt słabo, by wypełnić społeczne warunki obrzędu przejścia. W naszym przypadku model ten, inspirowany perspektywą emic, prowadziłby do zastąpienia charakterystycznej dla rite de passage fazy marginesu obszarem „czasoprzestrzeni negatywnej”, w której ulotny epizod nieistnienia figury świętej rozgrywa się niejako poza czasem i poza przestrzenią. Przypomnę, że rzecz dzieje się w samo południe. Europejczyk, przyzwyczajony do tarczy zegarka lub elektronicznego wyświetlacza, kojarzy ten moment z ułamkiem sekundy, z przeskokiem wskazówki lub cyfry. W Andach, w zrytualizowanych zachowaniach przesilenie południowe jest bezczasową chwilą „pomiędzy”. Chwili tej nie można wyrazić w sekundach czy minutach. Nie jest abstrakcyjna, jak przeskok sekundnika w zegarku, tylko realna, coś może się w niej zdarzyć. Jest momentem zawieszenia, w którym rzecz dzieje się „poza czasem”, ale skoro się dzieje, to musi mieć 59 A.P. Kowalski, op. cit., Toruń 2014, s. 179–193. �284 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich swój wewnętrzny czas. Natomiast fizyczne i symboliczne zamknięcie kościoła wyodrębnia jego wnętrze jako miejsce „poza przestrzenią”. Podsumowując tę część rozważań, można stwierdzić, że zważywszy na omówione powiązanie figury z konkretnym członkiem społeczności lokalnej jawi się ona jako inny byt w starym stroju, a inny w nowym, choć oczywiście wciąż pozostaje tym samym świętym. Nie ma pomiędzy nimi fazy pośredniej, w której oba byty partycypują. Pamiętamy przecież – nie wolno mieszać zdejmowanego i nakładanego stroju; zabronione jest, by choć przez chwilę figurę okrywały równocześnie elementy starego i nowego stroju. Zamiast fazy pośredniej jest więc tylko czasoprzestrzeń wypełniona nicością. Zastanawiając się nad dwoma wzorcami interpretacyjnymi – rite de passage i „przemiany metamorficznej” – dochodzę do wniosku, że każdy z nich może znaleźć sensowne zastosowanie badawcze. Nie ma między nimi sprzeczności, gdyż wychodzą z innych założeń i innych klasyfikacji rzeczywistości. W zależności od przyjętej perspektywy znajdują oparcie w przekonującej bazie legitymizujących je szczegółów. Huancas, święci i ludzie Galerie świętych andyjskich oraz reprezentowanie przez nich członków społeczności lokalnych za pośrednictwem szat, a także silna tendencja do personalizacji relacji między postacią świętą a człowiekiem, to de facto triumf odwiecznych struktur religijności andyjskiej nad inkulturowaną teologią chrześcijańską. Twierdzenie to wymaga objaśnienia, gdyż uważam, że jest kluczem do zrozumienia strukturalnych i duchowych podstaw synkretyzmu andyjskiego. Opisane relacje między wizerunkami lokalnych świętych a członkami wspólnoty replikują wzorzec przedhiszpańskiej kosmowizji andyjskiej, której immanentną cechą był ścisły związek Indianina (na poziomie osobistym, rodzinnym, ayllu czy szerszego obszaru terytorialnego) z kamiennymi menhirami60 zwanym w Andach huanca. Duviols, autor dzieła La destrucción de las religiones andinas61, pozostawił ważną, choć niepozbawioną błędów rozprawę na temat kulturowej roli tych obiektów62, które tysiącami znaczą obszary bytowania człowieka w Andach i na wyżynach przedandyjskich od strony Pacyfiku. Badacz ten dowiódł, że te pionowe, falliczne głazy o zróżnicowanych wysokościach (od kilkudziesięciu centymetrów do kilku metrów) tworzyły na przestrzeni tysiącleci skomplikowaną strukturę obiektów o precyzyjnie zdefiniowanych charakterystykach, związanych z kultem przodków, w powiązaniu z mitologią i historią danych terenów oraz religijnym obrazem świata zamieszkujących go ludów rolniczych. Wbrew przyjętym zasadom translacyjnym63 Duviols zdecydowanie 60 61 62 63 Używam tej bretońskiej nazwy, ponieważ jest upowszechniona w kulturze Zachodu i budzi jednoznaczne skojarzenie z dużym, pionowym monolitem kamiennym. P. Duviols, La destrucción de las religiones andinas (durante la Conquista y la Colonia), trad. de A. Maruenda, Mexico 1977. P. Duviols, Un symbolisme…, s. 7–31. Słowo huanca kończy się na „a”. Hiszpanie, kierując się zasadami swojego języka, w którym rzeczowniki kończące się na „a” są rodzaju żeńskiego, tę samą zasadę stosowali w translacji rzeczowników z języka keczua, co stanowiło błąd na poziomie podstaw tego języka. W keczua rzeczowniki nie mają bowiem rodzaju; wynika on z kontekstu zdania i tworzy się w zależności od tego, kto (mężczyzna czy kobieta) jest autorem wypowiedzi. Duviols twierdzi więc, że w nauce utrwaliło się błędnie, iż huanca jest rodzaju żeńskiego. Zob. np. F. Julca Guerrero, C. Julca Guerrero, Quechua. Riqueza léxica y expresiva, Huaráz 2016, s. 49–51. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 285 opowiada się za rodzajem męskim keczuańskiego rzeczownika huanca, dowodząc, iż posiada on wyłącznie męską naturę64. W myśl wierzeń jest bowiem skamieniałą formą męskiego przodka (najczęściej założyciela ayllu lub wsi, albo też zdobywcy tych ziem), obarczonego archetypowymi własnościami obumierającego ziarna, dającego początek nowemu życiu65, jak też fallusa wbitego w płodne ciało Matki Ziemi (Pacha Mamy). Sprawuje opiekę nad plennością roślin, stojąc pośrodku pól lub większych skupisk upraw. Ale jego złożona semantyka obejmuje równocześnie funkcję axis mundi – osi łączącej Dolny Świat (Hurin Pacha), świat ludzi (Kay Pacha) i Górny Świat (Hanan Pacha)66. W układzie wertykalnym sakralizuje pola, włączając je w kosmiczny porządek istnienia, zaś w układzie horyzontalnym znaczy granice i obszary własności rolnych, nie tylko w prostym, materialistycznym rozumieniu, lecz także w związku z mityczną lub mityczno-historyczną wizją przeszłości danego terytorium, wiązaną z niegdysiejszą postacią skamieniałego protoplasty lub bohatera67. Terytorium całej grupy widziano jako terytorium podległe władzy boskich przodków założycieli. Wewnątrz niego wyodrębniały się mniejsze przestrzenie, nawet wielkości jednego poletka, a każdą z nich władało konkretne bóstwo, które we właściwym czasie i miejscu otrzymywało należne ofiary i modły. Każde z nich było zarazem przedstawicielem Stwórcy w jego aspekcie męskim lub żeńskim, ale zawsze lokalnym68. Huancas koncentrują w sobie wielowarstwowy zapis wiedzy, tradycji i kosmowizji przekazywanych przez dziesiątki, a nawet setki pokoleń, zabezpieczony przed niepamięcią dzięki ponadczasowej twardości kamienia. Z technicznego punktu widzenia materiał ten stał się niezniszczalnym nośnikiem mitycznej tradycji lokalnej, niezbędnej dla istnienia i przekazywania w czasie tożsamości kulturowej społeczności andyjskich. Huanca jest instrumentem nieustannego odtwarzania pamięci zbiorowej, ale nie tylko jako trwały i stabilny pomnik owej pamięci, wokół którego odbywają się rytuały i któremu składane są ofiary z cziczy, piwa i liści koki. W burzliwych momentach historii, zagrażających tożsamości kulturowej, huancas włączane były w millenarystyczne ruchy odnowy tradycji i oporu wobec Hiszpanów. W kronice Cristóbala de Moliny (1529–1585) znajdujemy przekaz na temat wieści roznoszących się wśród Indian, iż wszystkie huacas, „ile ich chrześcijanie poniszczyli i popalili, zmartwychwstały, i powstały z nich oddziały. […] Wszystkie wędrowały w powietrzu, przygotowując wydanie bitwy Bogu i zwycięstwo nad Nim”69. Przekaz ten dotyczy kontrkulturacyjnych ruchów „czcicieli wak’as (huacas)”, który miał miejsce w Peru w latach 64 65 66 67 68 69 Pogląd ten kwestionuje Szemiński, wskazując, że w kulturze andyjskiej, wyrażanej w kategoriach języka keczua, nie sposób kategorycznie zdefiniować rodzaju, który zależny jest, jak wspomniano w powyższym przypisie, od osoby mówiącego oraz innych kontekstów, koniecznych do uwzględnienia w każdym indywidualnym przypadku. Dualistyczna reguła klasyfikowania rzeczywistości przesądza, że huanca może łączyć w sobie potencjał męski i żeński. Duviols w swej zbyt daleko posuniętej generalizacji popełnia więc identyczny błąd z tym, który poddaje krytyce w źródłach hiszpańskich, tylko „w drugą stronę”. M. Eliade, op. cit, s. 343–345. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 90–101. B.S. Bauer, El espacio sagrado de los Incas. El sistema de ceques del Cuzco, segunda edición, actualizada y con apéndices nuevos, trad. por J. Flores Espinoza, Cuzco 2016; C. Farfán Lobatón, El huancas su simensión simbólica en la arqueología se la Sierra Central, „Arqueología y Sociedad” 2012, nr 24, s. 393–402. J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 112–114. Inkowie o Inkach…, s. 152. �286 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich 1560–1572 i w zbliżonej formie odrodził się w XVII wieku.70 Omawiając mechanizm relacji między społecznością lokalną a miejscowym panteonem świętych, przywołałam teorię „społecznych ram pamięci” Halbwachsa. Konteksty kulturowe, w jakich odgrywają swe role huancas, skłaniają do ponownego odniesienia się do jej założeń. Huancas przez wieki, a nawet tysiąclecia, służyły konstruowaniu „ram pamięci” w stopniu o wiele szerszym i bardziej wieloaspektowym niż postacie świętych. Chrześcijański panteon świętych, który przywędrował na tereny Andów, wszedł tam w relacje ze skomplikowaną siecią tych obiektów kultu. Nastąpiła amalgamacja dwóch wielkich tradycji kultowych, polegająca na włączeniu postaci świętych w istniejącą od tysiącleci strukturę kompetencji i patronatów huancas oraz w podział przestrzeni oparty na systemie pokrewieństwa. Analizując ten proces, nie można pominąć głęboko zakodowanego w kulturze wzorca klasyfikowania rzeczywistości za pomocą struktur pokrewieństwa. Zwerbalizowanym przejawem takiego postrzegania jest szereg określeń, takich jak taita, taitacha, mama, mamacha, mamita, tio, hermano, hermana, używanych w pieśniach i modlitwach kierowanych do świętych, Chrystusa i Matki Boskiej. Są to terminy pokrewieństwa oraz ich zdrobnienia, mające zastosowanie zarówno w kontaktach miedzy człowiekiem a bóstwem, jak i między istotami w panteonie bóstw. Omawiając huancas, należy zwrócić uwagę na ważną subtelność andyjskiego rozumienia skamienienia, które nadzwyczaj często – o wiele częściej niż w innych kulturach – przewija się w miejscowych mitach i legendach. Otóż w przeciwieństwie do petryfikacji znanych z folkloru europejskiego71, w Andach zamienienie się w kamień często nie jest rodzajem śmierci lecz intencjonalną formą bytowania, którą zgodnie z własną wolą przybiera umierający bohater. Opowieści utrzymują, że ten czy ów, „umierając, skamieniał”, „zamienił się w chwili śmierci w kamień” czy „udał się na wskazane miejsce, usiadł i skamieniał”72. W archaicznych tekstach można wręcz dostrzec rozdzielność pomiędzy semantyką śmierci i skamienienia – brak utożsamienia obu tych stanów. Metamorfoza w kamienną huanca stanowi jedynie zmianę formy bytowania, niekiedy nawet odwracalną. Ponownie wrócę do przemyśleń Kowalskiego na temat archaicznej metamorfozy, właściwej kulturom „wczesnotradycyjnym” i jego kategorii „przedrytualnej identyfikacji metamorficznej”, która „odwołuje się do niezapośredniczonego przeświadczenia identyfikacji” (a więc nie jest poprzedzona rites de passage). W konkluzji badacz ten trafnie definiuje istotę przeświadczenia, które w moim przekonaniu leży także u podstaw ludowej wizji huancas i związanych z nimi postaci przodków. Pisze mianowicie, że „utożsamienie się metamorficzne nie polega na przekraczaniu barier ontologicznych, na intelektualnym pokonywaniu 70 71 72 Zob. A. Posern-Zieliński, 1974, Ruchy społeczne…, s. 21–47, 86–103. W pracy tej pod nazwą wak’a (lub huaca) rozumie się znacznie szersze spektrum zjawisk i rzeczy (ibidem, s. 41), w obrębie których niewątpliwie są także opisywane przez Duviolsa kamienne huancas. Cytowany fragment z kroniki Cristóbala de Moliny powiada właśnie o nich, ale też o artefaktach, które można było spalić, więc zapewne o spotykanych także huacas drewnianych oraz związanych z nimi, zmumifikowanych zwłokach przodków (mallqui), będących obiektami czci i czynności rytualnych. Słowo huaca charakterystyczne jest dla środkowo-południowego Peru, a jego odpowiednikiem na północy jest huanca. Zob. także J. Pietraszczyk-Sękowska, Tradycje oporu w Andach. Mobilizacje indiańskochłopskie w Peru od XVI do XX wieku, Łódź 2015, s. 44–52. Zob. M. Mazurkiewicz, Kamień człekokształtny czyli życie ukarane, „Polska Sztuka Ludowa” 1987, nr 1–4, s. 74–77. P. Duviols, Un symbolisme…, s. 13, 16. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 287 szczególnego oporu związanego z koniecznością «anulowania» zastanych definicji poszczególnych bytów”73. Zaproponowana przez autora charakterystyka „transformacji metamorficznej” precyzyjnie oddaje istotę wierzeń związanych z huancas, choć jej konceptualizacja zrodziła się na gruncie doświadczeń badawczych nad prehistorycznymi kulturami europejskimi. Patrząc wszakże na chronologię historyczną, pewna część owych kultur rozwijała się równolegle z dawnymi kulturami na kontynencie południowoamerykańskim, które już przed tysiącleciami pozostawiały po sobie huancas. Wziąwszy pod uwagę ustalenia Duviolsa, jak również znane mi źródła, które je potwierdzają, można stwierdzić, że kulturową istotą andyjskich huancas było stanowienie i utrzymywanie na konkretnym terytorium kosmologicznego porządku świata ludzi (Kay Pacha), osadzonego w przeszłości mityczno-historycznej, w relacjach z przodkami i światem bóstw. Trzeba jednak podkreślić, że podstawowa rola huancas polegała zawsze na ich aktywnym, modelującym wpływie na teraźniejszość oraz na kształtowaniu wizji przyszłości, zgodnie z kreatywną funkcją wzorca mitycznego74. Przedstawione minimum informacji na temat huancas wydaje się niezbędne dla uzasadnienia tezy o replikacji wzorca przedhiszpańskiej kosmowizji andyjskiej w postaci paradygmatu relacji zachodzących między wizerunkami lokalnych świętych a członkami miejscowych społeczności. Upraszczając, święci (ale też Chrystus i Matka Boska) poniekąd zastąpili huacas, przejmując ich patronaty oraz rozbudowując je zgodnie z potrzebami, jakie niosły przemiany realiów cywilizacyjnych. Mówiąc o replice, mam na myśli przede wszystkim strukturę, a nie historycznie zmieniające się dystynkcje. W oparciu o nią przetrwały specyficzne cechy duchowości andyjskiej, jej sensualność i wzorce dystansów proksemicznych. Są to cechy komplementarne i współzależne, wzajemnie na siebie wpływające. Wielokrotnie w tej pracy przywołuję obrazy Indian, dla których punktem kulminacyjnym spełnienia aktu religijnego jest dotknięcie czczonego wizerunku. Dokonuje się ono bez porównania częściej niż w europejskich zachowaniach religijnych, nawet biorąc pod uwagę kultury ludowe, gdzie tendencja ta występuje częściej. Taktylny wymiar kontaktu z obiektem kultu zawiera najsilniejszy potencjał zmysłowy. Kiedyś w tekście, którego tytuł zatarł mi się w pamięci, przeczytałam trafne stwierdzenie, że dotyk jest najbardziej demistyfikującym ze zmysłów. Tokarska-Bakir pisze, że „w obrębie tego archaicznego sensorium, odzywającego się w ludowym sensualizmie, dotyk jest zmysłem podstawowym, uprzywilejowanym, aktywnie kształtującym także inne zmysły”75. Biologicznym wytłumaczeniem tej obserwacji jest fakt, że opuszki palców zawierają najwięcej receptorów dotykowych, a więc dostarczają maksimum informacji i wrażeń, jakie można uzyskać dzięki temu zmysłowi. Jest on najbardziej „bezpośredni”, więc jego aktywność w kontakcie z drugim człowiekiem oznacza „przekroczenie, za przyzwoleniem, granicy przestrzeni osobistej, wkroczenie w świat drugiego”76. W kontekście omawiania rite de passage opowiedziałam się za tezą, iż dialektyka tego obrzędu nie ogranicza się wyłącznie do środowiska społecznego, mogąc obejmować 73 74 75 76 A.P. Kowalski, op. cit., s. 188, 186, 192. T.E. Mallqui León, El huanca en la concepción andina de imagen del universo, „Hirka. Revista Regional de Cultura” 2006, nr 9, s. 9–13. J. Tokarska-Bakir, Obraz osobliwy…, s. 238. M. Brocki, op. cit., s. 252. �288 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich zrytualizowane czynności uskuteczniane wobec czczonego wizerunku, szczególnie w sytuacji, gdy jego relacja z człowiekiem nabiera cech typowych dla relacji międzyludzkich. W ślad za tak pojmowanym rozszerzeniem, pozostając w kręgu świętych wizerunków, skłonna jestem dostrzegać niektóre reguły proksemiki „międzyludzkiej” w relacjach między wizerunkami świętych a ludźmi. W odniesieniu do takich sytuacji przytoczona wyżej charakterystyka Brockiego pozostaje w całości prawdziwa, uwzględniając nawet warunek „przyzwolenia”. Z tą tylko różnicą, że przyzwolenie to nie wynika ze znaków mimicznych, gestów czy kinezyki głowy77, typowych w relacji między ludźmi, tylko z głębokiego przeświadczenia wiernego, że figura święta nie tylko przyzwala na dotyk, ale nawet go oczekuje. W wypowiedziach informatorów pojawiały się bowiem stwierdzenia, że figura „cieszy się”, czując ludzki dotyk, że odpowiada nań ciepłotą skóry, czy wręcz uśmiecha się, będąc przedmiotem okazywanej w ten sposób czci. Nie zmienia to faktu, że podstawową motywacją dotykania świętych jest „pobieranie” od nich energii świętości, jak również – co należy zauważyć – „włączanie” w ich świętość cząstki samego siebie, a więc tworzenie trwałej relacji między Bogiem a człowiekiem zapewniającej człowiekowi pomyślność w jego życiu ze względu na partycypację w uniwersalnym porządku kosmologicznym. W andyjskiej przestrzeni kulturowej kontakt człowieka ze świętym zachodzi według zbliżonych zasad proksemiki, jak w przypadku kontaktu między ludźmi. Sądzę, że w obu przypadkach obowiązują podobne dystanse przestrzenne, których wszakże nie można utożsamiać dokładnie z tymi, które ustalił Hall. Jego procedurę badawczą można zastosować również w Andach, ale wyłącznie jako sprawdzony szablon. Dlatego, włączając w dyskurs kategorie dystansów kulturowych Halla, robię to z przekonaniem o ich przydatności, stanowczo wszakże dystansując od szczegółowych ustaleń78. Rozważając kwestię dotykania świętych, poruszam się w obrębie tzw. dystansu intymnego, przyjmując na podstawie własnych obserwacji, że takowy istnieje, choć zapewne jego parametry są inne niż opisane przez Halla. Schemat zachowań i gestów osób, wchodzących w jego obszar, powtarza charakterystyczne elementy. Najważniejszym jest położenie końców palców lub całej dłoni na odsłoniętym fragmencie ciała świętego, w drugiej kolejności na jego szatach lub obuwiu, a jeśli to niemożliwe, to przynajmniej na obudowie lub szkle tumby, w której zamknięty jest święty [fot. 27]. W Pomallucay, podczas opisanej wcześniej ceremonii zmiany szat Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, z obu ramion wysokiego krzyża zwisają szerokie, ozdobne szarfy. Ustawiają się do nich długie kolejki Indian, często z małymi dziećmi, by ująć ich końce i przykładając do różnych części 77 78 Ibidem, s. 252–259. Mam na myśli przypuszczalną nieadekwatność szczegółowych (określonych w centymetrach i metrach) charakterystyk czterech dystansów Halla (intymnego, indywidualnego, społecznego i publicznego) względem andyjskich realiów kulturowych – tym bardziej, że uczony ten opierał swoje badania na rodzimej kulturze Stanów Zjednoczonych, posiłkując się przykładami z Europy, Japonii i Bliskiego Wschodu. Kultura Ameryki Południowej, a tym bardziej andyjska, nie były przez niego badane. Otwarte pozostaje nawet pytanie, czy w kulturze Andów w ogóle da się wyróżnić cztery dystanse zdefiniowane przez Halla, gdyż badań takich nie prowadzono. Od Szemińskiego otrzymałam informację, że keczuańskie zaimki wskazujące rozróżniają cztery dystanse, choć gramatycy keczua pod wpływem hiszpańskiego widzą tylko trzy. Te cztery to kay – ten, tu gdzie mówiacy, chay – ten, tam obok rozmówcy, chhaqay – ów, tamten, oddalony od obu, mówiącego i słuchacza, i wak – inny, już niewidoczny, usytuowany gdzie indziej. Dystanse tak określane zawarte są w dialekcie Cuzco. Bliżej na temat omawianych dystansów: E.T. Hall, op. cit., s. 165–187. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 289 głowy swojej lub dziecka, wyszeptać słowa modlitwy [fot. 28]. Według przekonania wiernych, praktyka ta skutkuje cudownym efektem uzdrowień dolegliwości, związanych z głową. Wizerunku dotyka się także chusteczką czy wacikiem (zdarza się, że przed figurami świętych stoją przygotowane misy z takimi wacikami [fot. 29] lub – co charakterystyczne – małymi świeczkami [fot. 30]). Niektórzy przygotowują na tę okoliczność chusteczki nasączone wonnymi perfumami. Przedmioty te zabierane są do domów, gdzie służą jako „akumulatory” mocy zaczerpniętej od cudownego wizerunku, zwłaszcza w praktykach terapeutycznych. Momentowi dotknięcia towarzyszy skupienie, pochylenie głowy i wypowiadane szeptem lub półgłosem słowa suplikacji. Na podstawie dotychczasowych obserwacji odnoszę wrażenie, że Indianie nie modlą się „w myślach”. Modlitwa lub jakikolwiek dialog z bóstwem muszą być wypowiedziane przynajmniej szeptem. Najpewniej ma tu znaczenie „magiczna moc słów”, które muszą wybrzmieć fonicznie, by zgodnie z ludowym sensualizmem osiągnąć nie tylko wartość semantyczną, lecz także pragmatyczną79. Obserwujemy wzorcowy przykład Gadamerowskiej „nierozróżnialności” – w tym wypadku signans słowa i signatum jego treści – wnikliwie przeanalizowanej z perspektywy etnologicznej przez Tokarską-Bakir80. Ale prócz tego aspektu istnieją także przesłanki kulturowe, wskazujące na rodzimą tradycję. Nie ma w niej miejsca na konceptualizację, w myśl której jakiekolwiek relacje między ludźmi, ale też między ludźmi a bóstwami, mogłyby zachodzić w myślach. Skutkiem tego nie istniało pojęcie grzechu (przewinienia) dokonywanego w myślach. Powodowało to (i nadal powoduje) duże problemy spowiedników i kaznodziejów, trafiających na barierę nieprzekładalności sensu grzechu popełnionego w myślach na kategorie języka keczua, w którym brakuje takiego ekwiwalentu znaczeniowego81. Dotyczy to również modlitwy, która dopóki pozostaje tylko w myślach, dopóty nie istnieje. Staje się nią dopiero wówczas, gdy zostanie wypowiedziana na głos lub przynajmniej szeptem. Istotą dotyku jest uruchomienie relacji metonimicznej, nadzwyczaj ważnej w religijności ludowej. Pisząc w jednym z artykułów82 o rytualnym przepijaniu do bóstwa (i wylewaniu dla niego resztek alkoholu ze szklanki), użyłam wraz ze współautorem metafory „adresu biometrycznego” nadawcy. Sądzę, że w omawianym przypadku można tę metaforę przywołać, gdyż istotny sens dotyku sprowadza się do nawiązania kontaktu bezpośredniego – do wzajemnego, dwukierunkowego przekazania cząstki tożsamości materialno-duchowej. Identyczna relacja zachodzi w sytuacji ubierania świętego w szaty 79 80 81 82 Literatura etnologiczna na temat zjawiska, które w ślad za innymi etnografami określam umownie „magiczną mocą słowa”, jest bardzo obszerna. Podstawowe wątki tego zagadnienia omawia praca: A. Engelking, Magiczna moc słowa w polskiej kulturze ludowej, [w:] Język a kultura, t. 1, Podstawowe pojęcia i problemy, J. Anusiewicz i J. Bartmiński (red.), Wrocław 1991, s. 36–45. J. Tokarska-Bakir, Obraz osobliwy…, s. 33–74. Autorka, wychodząc od Gadamerowskiej „nierozróżnialności” odnoszącej się w pierwszym rzędzie do sztuki, stosuje ten termin w badaniu przeżycia religijnego. Stwierdza m.in., że: „Magiczny obraz – pisze badaczka – w którym signans identyczny jest z signatum, i sakralny język, którego znaki, wizualne bądź dźwiękowe, uważane są za byty, wyposażone w siłę kreacyjną, stanowią dwa pierwotne filary religii” (s. 57). J. Szemiński, M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 124. M. Mąka, E. Jodłowska, Największe lody świata na polach śmierci. Efemeryczny performans z gatunku „tradycji wynalezionej” w Andach Peruwiańskich, „Prace Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Prace Etnograficzne” 2018, t. 46, nr 1, s. 16. �290 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich sporządzone przez konkretnego człowieka. Są one darem, a więc pars pro toto ofiarodawcy, aktywującym silną więź, która w przekonaniu wiernych jest więzią wzajemną. Semantyka daru jest nadzwyczaj obszernym przedmiotem refleksji etnologicznej, więc w kontekście szat świętych sygnalizuję jedynie ważną rolę kreowania „przyległości” darczyńcy i obdarowanego. Jak pisze van der Leeuw: „Kto «daje», kto składa ofiarę, zawsze daje coś z siebie”, po czym dopowiada: „Kto składa ofiarę, daje swoją własność, tzn. siebie”83. Zgodnie z pierwotnym sensem, złożenie ofiary zakłada otrzymanie adekwatnego rewanżu, a zatem jest to relacja dwukierunkowa. Taktylny wymiar kultu przekłada się na stały repertuar zachowań religijnych, obserwowanych zarówno podczas uroczystych fiest, jak i samotnych, indywidualnych modlitw w pustym kościele. Reprezentatywnym przykładem pierwszych jest obraz setek dłoni wyciągniętych, by dotknąć ciała Chrystusa zdejmowanego z krzyża i przenoszonego przez tłum wiernych do szklanej tumby. Przykłady drugich spotyka się co krok w kościołach Peru. Co rusz ogląda się tam wiernych pogrążonych w modlitwie, w większości przypadków trzymających dłoń na belce krzyża, stopie świętego, szkle odgradzającym jego wizerunek, a nawet ścianie, na której wisi krucyfiks, jeśli znajduje się on poza zasięgiem ręki. Niekiedy dla ułatwienia kontaktu dotykowego pod wysoko umieszczonymi wizerunkami ustawia się schodki lub niewielkie podesty [fot. 31]. Miejsca niezliczonych dotknięć bywają wypolerowane, czasem wręcz wyrzeźbione w drewnie lub kamieniu. Nierzadko samo dotknięcie nie wystarcza i na ścianie pojawiają się setki napisów i podpisów [fot. 32], których drobiazgowa analiza mogłaby stanowić przedmiot obszernych analiz, inspirowanych przemyśleniami Tokarskiej-Bakir. Jak stwierdzała badaczka: „Podpis […] znaczy: jestem tu sam, we własnej osobie, nie ma pomiędzy nami pośredników. Utrwalając imię, podpis ujawnia obecność tego, kto go składa. […] [Ponieważ] w postaci podpisu jest się b a r d z i e j niż gdyby imię nie zostało utrwalone w piśmie”84. Dodaje na temat takich zapisów, że ich „aspekt bytowy góruje nad epistemologicznym”85. Każdy obserwator religijności ludowej w Europie, ale też zachowań parareligijnych, takich jak dotykanie „na szczęście” pomników czy niektórych rzeźb w muzeach, uzna opis podobnych zachowań w Peru za przejaw uniwersalnych praktyk ludzkich, uskutecznianych zawsze i wszędzie. Różnica kryje się jednak w skali zjawiska, a także, jestem przekonana, w jego sensualnej intensywności zakorzenionej w tradycji. Postrzegając omawiane praktyki w kontekście historyczno-mentalnej spuścizny andyjskich kultur z czasów przedhiszpańskich, dostrzegam wyrazisty związek między prastarym kultem huancas a typem zachowań dewocyjnych wobec świętych. Zarówno specyfika symbolicznych i metonimicznych relacji między Indianami a lokalnymi świętymi, jak i repertuar z dawna zakodowanych zachowań religijnych wskazują na daleko idący wpływ duchowości i wzorców kulturowych typowych dla tradycji przedhiszpańskich. W tym kontekście w pełni zasadna wydaje się ocena religioznawców andyjskich, mówiąca o inkulturacji „wstecznej”, to znaczy o silnym modelowaniu chrześcijaństwa andyjskiego przez żywotny potencjał rdzennych tradycji86. 83 84 85 86 G. van der Leeuw, op. cit., s. 404. J. Tokarska-Bakir, Obraz osobliwy…, s. 136. Ibidem, s. 137, podobnie s. 169. Zob. D.R. Mazurek, „Bóg o indiańskim obliczu”…, s. 111–168. Zob. też rozumienie inkulturacji w: H. Maurier, Antropologia misyjna. Religie i cywilizacje w zderzeniu z uniwersalizmem. Przyczynek do dziejów współczesnych, przeł. J. Dembska, Warszawa 1997, s. 194–196. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 291 Mówiąc o tradycjach przedhiszpańskich, odruchowo myślimy o kształcie religijności andyjskiej sprzed konkwisty. Trzeba jednak pamiętać, że kształt ten nie uległ automatycznie zanikowi z chwilą przybycia Hiszpanów, a nawet przez długie stulecia później, pomimo mniej lub bardziej intensywnego „zwalczania idolatrii”. Historia odradzających się miejscowych kultów, ciągnąca się aż do XXI wieku, wypełnia wiele obszernych opracowań historycznych. Nie chodzi mi wszakże o spektakularne akty czynnego oporu, lecz o wymiar powszechności, obserwowany w postaci synkretyzmu andyjskiego, którego mniej przebadanym aspektem jest równoległe trwanie pradawnych praktyk religijnych obok oficjalnego kultu chrześcijańskiego, także przesiąkniętego duchowością i treściami rdzennej kultury andyjskiej. Mam na myśli nie tylko równoległość czasową, ale przede wszystkim kultywowanie obu form zachowań religijnych przez tych samych ludzi. W takim modelu przedchrześcijańska tradycja religijna w wymiernym stopniu istnieje nadal, choć pozbawiona instytucjonalnych struktur i egzystująca nieostentacyjnie na drugim planie oficjalnych praktyk. Nie ma dziś kapłanów dawnych kultów w „czystej” postaci, gdyż takowe są wyłącznie konstruktem zmityzowanej imaginacji. Niektórzy wprawdzie uważają się za nich, ale są zwykle eksponentami wtórnych, folkloryzujących87 tendencji skrajnego indygenizmu. Natomiast powszechnością na wsiach andyjskich88 jest specyficzna, bezkonfliktowa koegzystencja nurtów religijności chrześcijańskiej z przejawami kultów niemających z chrześcijaństwem nic wspólnego, choć niejednokrotnie zewnętrznie zabarwionych jego dystynkcjami. Jest to temat obszerny i wielowątkowy, którego nie będę rozwijać, ograniczając się do wyrywkowych przykładów z własnych doświadczeń. Poprzedzę je stwierdzeniem, iż w miarę pogłębiania badań nad religijnością ludową w Andach, coraz bardziej rozmywa się dychotomiczny podział na religię rdzenną i chrześcijaństwo, a coraz wyraźniej jawi się swoista nowa jakość – niepowtarzalny konstrukt kulturowy, w którym to, co najistotniejsze, zawiera się pod zewnętrzną warstwą szczegółów. Coraz wyraźniej narasta przekonanie, że obecny kształt religijności ludowej ma charakter łagodnie dynamiczny, bez rewolucyjnych ekstremów, ale też bez stagnacji. I że – co istotne – próba aksjologicznego naznaczenia religii andyjskiej jako wzorca „czystości” kulturowej w opozycji do antagonistycznej i obcej religii chrześcijańskiej to ogromne uproszczenie i oczywisty anachronizm. Dzisiejsza rzeczywistość religii na obszarach Andów to, jak powiedziałam, nowa jakość, choć słowo „nowa” należy rozumieć w kontekście bardzo już „długiego trwania” obu wielkich, współtworzących ją religii. Wbrew pozorom, jakość ta nie zespala nurtów całkowicie przeciwstawnych, a duchowość i kosmowizja ludów tej części świata nie stanowią w niej wyłącznej ostoi etyczno-moralnej. Pięćsetletnia historia chrześcijaństwa bezsprzecznie wniosła w tym względzie kolosalny wkład, który znacząco przemodelował tę duchowość, nasączając ją nowymi treściami, dawno już zinterioryzowanymi jako własne. Podam jeden tylko, ale nadzwyczaj ważny przykład. Jest nim kult Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego, który pomimo synkretycznego zespolenia z najważniejszymi figurami kultów andyjskich (góra-Apu, Słońce, Inka) wypełnił przestrzeń religijności ludowej strumieniem emocji obcych 87 88 W znaczeniu nadanym temu terminowi przez Józefa Bursztę. Zob. idem, Folkloryzm, [hasło w:] Słownik etnologiczny. Terminy ogólne, red. Z. Staszczak, Warszawa-Poznań 1987, s. 131–132. Kierując się intuicją, pozwalam sobie na taką generalizację, chociaż opieram się jedynie na badaniach we wsiach regionu Ancash, po wschodniej i zachodniej stronie Andów, a także częściowo we wsiach leżących w Cordillera Negra. �292 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich rdzennym kultom, a jednak ważnych dla ich współczesnego oblicza. Nieznany wcześniej obraz Boga cierpiącego śmiertelną mękę był w swoim skrajnym sensualizmie figurą szokującą, a zarazem radykalnie redukującą dystans wpisany w relację z najwyższym bóstwem. Uruchamiał sferę identyfikacji i wspólnoty losu, zwłaszcza w szerokich rzeszach ludzi biednych i pokrzywdzonych. Zdawał się być skrajnym zaprzeczeniem bóstwa w typie deus otiosus, paradoksalnie nie umniejszając przez to swojego boskiego majestatu. Andyjski Chrystus stał się fenomenem kulturowym, w unikalny sposób łączącym dwie wielkie tradycje religijne. Związek ten ma charakter synergiczny, wzajemnie wzbogacający i aktywizujący najszersze spektrum ludzkiej wrażliwości. Huancas w Ancash – dotknięte i rozmyślone Powracając do tezy o modelującym wpływie przedhiszpańskiej religijności andyjskiej na omówione relacje między człowiekiem a świętym, zwróciłam uwagę na paradygmatyczną doniosłość kultów huancas jako ich wzorca. Nie zamierzam powtarzać informacji zawartych w przywołanej pracy Duviolsa, opartej głównie na źródłach historycznych wytworzonych przez Hiszpanów w okresie konkwisty. Zamiast tego postaram się poszerzyć perspektywę o własne obserwacje. Pomimo trwającego przez wieki procesu destrukcji i desakralizacji dawnych obiektów kultu, w Peru nadal istnieją tysiące huancas rozrzuconych po polach i wsiach andyjskich. Większość znana jest tylko miejscowym, a dotarcie do nich nie jest łatwe. Po pierwsze dlatego, że przekroczenie bariery nieufności w tematach dzisiaj „wstydliwych” wymaga nie lada wysiłku. Po drugie zaś, nawet po uzyskaniu potwierdzenia, że gdzieś znajduje się huanca, zobaczenie jej wymaga bezwzględnie uzyskania zgody na wałęsanie się po czyichś polach, ogrodach i obejściach domostw. W przeciwnym razie można narazić się na reakcje nieprzyjazne, a w skrajnych przypadkach agresywne. Miejscowi Indianie, w dużej części pozostający w schizofrenicznym rozdwojeniu pomiędzy przywiązaniem do swoich tradycji a aspiracjami do cywilizacyjnej nowoczesności, nawet „dobrej grindze”, jak nazywali mnie w okolicach Huaráz, niezbyt chętnie udostępniali sekrety aż tak prywatne. Gdy pytałam o huancas – oczywiście nie wprost, tylko z należytą ostrożnością, wplatając pytania w bardziej neutralną narrację – z reguły długo udawali, że nie wiedzą, o co mi chodzi. Czasem na tym kończyły się próby, a czasem przełamywałam opór na tyle, by poznać choć lokalizację huanca, ale już nie w takim stopniu, by dowiedzieć się czegoś więcej o jej funkcjonowaniu w życiu ludzi. Sukcesem było dotarcie do kilku ciekawych obiektów, które stanowią świadectwo tysięcy lat kultury na tych ziemiach. Huancas sięgają bowiem głęboko przed okres inkaski. Obeliski megalityczne, które mogły być huancas, choć ich funkcji nie znamy, istniały już w epoce preceramicznej (ok. 4000–2500 lat p.n.e.)89, choć ich zwiększoną obecność w krajobrazie kulturowym Andów należy wiązać z późniejszymi dziejami rolniczego zasiedlania dolin andyjskich, głównie z kulturą Huari. Inkowie, podbijając w XV wieku dolinę Hatun Mayu (dzisiejszej Rio Santa), akceptowali 89 J. Szykulski, Pradzieje południowego Peru. Rozwój kulturowy Costa Extremo Sur, Wrocław 2005, s. 183– 187. Na temat huancas w regionie Ancash zob. też L. Arana Bustamante, Sin malicia ninguna… Transformación indígena colonial y estrategias socialesy culturales en un kuraka ilegítimo (Huaylas, 1647–48), Lima 2010, s. 180–183. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 293 ich istnienie, a być może nawet włączali się w związane z nimi celebry90. Obecnie huancas nie pełnią już funkcji kultowej w takim znaczeniu, jak w epoce przedhiszpańskiej czy nawet w pierwszych wiekach konkwisty i kolonializmu. Moja wiedza na temat ich współczesnej roli jest fragmentaryczna, oparta na kilku zaledwie przykładach. Systemowych badań nad tymi zabytkami nikt w regionie Ancash nie prowadził, a intuicja podpowiada, że ich wyniki byłyby zaskakująco owocne. Przypuszczalnie okazałoby się, że obecność huancas w świadomości i praktykach kultowych współczesnych Indian jest większa niż można by się spodziewać i wypełnia część skrywanego nurtu religijności ludowej, równoległego do oficjalnego kultu chrześcijańskiego91. W okolicach Huaráz natrafiłam na huancas we wsiach, na obrzeżach pól oraz w głębi andyjskich dolin położonych na wschód od miasta. Nieopodal Huaráz znajduje się kompleks archeologiczny Waullac z czasów kultury Huari (ok. V–VIII wiek)92, w którego centrum wznosi się monolit huanca o dużym znaczeniu w praktykach kultowych mieszkańców Huaráz i okolicznych wsi [fot. 33]. Zwyczajowo przychodzą tam młode pary w dniu poprzedzającym ślub kościelny, by pod monolitem złożyć ofiarę z ziół, papierosów, liści koki i cziczy [fot. 34]. Mężczyzna odmawia na głos długą „modlitwę” w języku keczua, cały czas dotykając kamienia. Następnie wchodzą do jednej z niskich budowli kamiennych, gdzie ponownie składają ofiarę, spalając jej składniki i obserwując płomienie świec, z których wróżą przyszłość. Jako madrina93 zostałam dopuszczona do tych rytuałów, odprawianych przez zaprzyjaźnionych Indian. Po kilku latach ponownie uczestniczyłam w ceremoniale ofiary, odprawianym w tym miejscu przez Indianina, który odziedziczył wiedzę na temat kosmowizji andyjskiej od swojego ojca i będąc człowiekiem wykształconym, skrupulatnie kultywował tradycyjne zwyczaje94. Ofiara dla huanca składała się z ziół, liści koki, płatków kwiatów, słodkich ciasteczek i ziaren prażonej kukurydzy, zwanych cancha. Rozbudowany obrzęd składał się z długich inwokacji modlitewnych w języku keczua przeplatanych grą na trzech rodzajach archaicznych fletów andyjskich oraz polewania cziczą przedmiotów 90 91 92 93 94 „Przypomnijmy – kosmowizja andyjska dawała możliwość inkorporacji obcych bóstw (wak’a) i oddawania im kultu nawet przez samych władców Imperium” (J. Szemiński., M. Ziółkowski, op. cit., s. 310); „religia inkaska była otwarta na nowe kulty i umiała je włączać w hierarchię kultów praktykowanych” (ibidem, s. 399; zob. też s. 128). Zob. J.V. Nuñez del Prado Béjar, La Iglesia Andina actual, „Historia y Cultura. Revista del Museo Nacional de Historia” 1983, nr 16, s. 147–159; M.M. Marzal, Categorías y números…, s. 21–55. F. Gonzales, Huarás…, s. 219-220. Instytucja padrinos polega na wyborze przez młodą parę dwojga „rodziców ślubnych” (padrino i madrina) – najczęściej ludzi starszych od nich, religijnych i poważanych przez otoczenie, którzy mają być gwarantami trwałości ich małżeństwa i przestrzegania w nim norm religijnych. W praktyce padrinos mają wiele obowiązków, zwłaszcza materialnych, wobec młodych, ale też cieszą się wielkim szacunkiem całej rodziny, krewnych i znajomych, będąc uważanymi za autorytety niemal na równi z biologicznymi rodzicami. W 2013 roku zostałam madriną w zaprzyjaźnionej rodzinie Indian w Huaráz, natomiast padrino został prowadzący ze mną badania etnolog Mirosław Mąka. Przypadki zawiązania tej formy pokrewieństwa duchowego pomiędzy rodziną indiańską a białymi przybyszami z zewnątrz zdarzają się bardzo rzadko i stanowią dowód obdarzania ich nadzwyczajnym zaufaniem, nie tylko przełamującym negatywny stereotyp gringo, lecz także nobilitującym ich ponad innych potencjalnych kandydatów z własnej grupy etnicznej. Zob. M.M. Marzal, La transformacion…, s. 51, 290–291. Cesar Vargas Arcé – założyciel instytucji kulturalno-edukacyjnej w Huaráz (Akademii Języka Quechua), Presidente de la Academia Regional de Quechua de Ancash. �294 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich ofiarnych, jak również podstawy monolitu huanca [fot. 35]. W wielu momentach ofiarnik dotykał kamienia i gest ten był bez wątpienia istotnym składnikiem rytuału. O istnieniu innej huanca, we wsi Marían, dowiedziałam się w trakcie dorocznego święta ku czci patrona sąsiedniej wsi Unchus – św. Michała Archanioła. Przypadkowo usłyszałam rozmowę, z której wynikało, że niektórzy uczestnicy fiesty pod koniec dnia tradycyjnie chodzą odwiedzać huanca. Powziąwszy taką informację, nie sposób było uwolnić się od pytań, jak wyglądają takie odwiedziny i co się tam dzieje. Usilnie dopytywałam moich indiańskich znajomych, sugerując chęć dołączenia do tych, którzy tam chadzają, ale wszelkie próby spełzły na niczym. Zapytani najwyraźniej udawali, że nie wiedzą, o czym mówię. Do rzeczonej huanca dotarłam kilka dni później, dzięki wskazówkom zaprzyjaźnionej Indianki. Jest ponad dwumetrowym monolitem obudowanym starym murkiem kamiennym, odgradzającym obszary poletek [fot. 36]. Niestety, nie udało mi się dowiedzieć, co się wokół niej dzieje, gdy przychodzą uczestnicy fiesty, ani uzyskać jakichkolwiek informacji, czy służy jakimś rytuałom. Niewątpliwie jednak miejsce to jest nadal aktywne w obrębie zachowań kulturowych o odległej genezie historycznej. Nadal funkcjonuje na nieformalnej mapie lokalnych obiektów kultu, choć brak jakichkolwiek danych (prócz porównawczych z innymi), by móc dociekać ich kształtu. Huanca w Marían znajduje się na liście obiektów, do których zamierzam powrócić, dokładając starań, by uzyskać o nich więcej informacji95. Inną huanca, ze wsi Llupa, spotkał los będący współczesnym signum temporis. Przed kilkudziesięciu laty kupił ją wraz z gruntami nowy właściciel, pochodzący z innej części Peru, niezwiązany kulturowo ani emocjonalnie z tym regionem. Stojący tam, może od tysiącleci, monolit został wykopany i przewieziony do centrum Huaráz, gdzie na skwerze przed siedzibą Casa de Guías (Domu Przewodników) zrobiono z niego pomnik z metalowym kondorem na szczycie i takąż sylwetką wspinacza [fot. 37]. Dziś już nikt nie pamięta, że to skamieniały heros ze „zdegradowanego” mitu. Eliade powiada: „Mit może ulec degradacji w legendę epicką, balladę lub powieść”, po czym dodaje uspokajająco: „Archetyp jest nadal twórczy, nawet jeśli został «zdegradowany» do najniższych poziomów”96. W tym wypadku degradacja przyjęła kształt pomnika, transformując wspaniały monolit w wyraziciela innych opowieści. Skamieniały heros nadal czuje ludzki dotyk, lecz tylko małych dłoni dzieci, bawiących się na tym skwerze. Na ciekawy przykład huanca natrafiłam przed laty we wsi Unchus w ogrodzie pełnym ziół leczniczych i warzyw, zasadzonych w pozornie chaotyczny sposób, całkowicie odmienny od grządek i rabatek, do których przywykliśmy w europejskich ogródkach przydomowych97. Pośrodku upraw stał blisko metrowej wysokości głaz. W pewnym momencie, w trakcie oprowadzania mnie po ogródku, właścicielka Margarita98 weszła na niego, prosząc, bym zrobiła jej 95 96 97 98 Na etapie opracowywania materiałów natknęłam się na informacje o prowadzonych na niewielką skalę badaniach inwentaryzacyjno-archeologicznych nad huancas w okolicach Huaráz, które objęły również huanca w Marían. Prace miały miejsce w 2005 roku. Zob. F. Bazán del Campo, La vaneración a los huancas en el Callejón de Huaylas, „Hirka. Revista Regional de Cultura” 2007, R. 4, nr 11, s. 2–6. O badaniach tych wspomina Alba Herrera (idem, Proceso de inserción…, s. 43–46). M. Eliade, Mit wiecznego powrotu, tłum. Krzysztof Kocjan, Warszawa 1998, s. 424, 426 Po kilku latach, gdy wróciłam w to miejsce, zorientowałam się, że zagospodarowanie ogródka opiera się na ścisłych regułach o takiej złożoności, że pełny opis stanowiłby materiał osobnego artykułu. Jest to jednak wątek tyleż ciekawy, co odbiegający od poruszanych tu treści. Margarita Agrypina Milla Lliuya, lat ok. 45, mieszkanka wsi Unchus. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 295 zdjęcie [fot. 38]. Sądziłam wówczas, że to zwykły głaz, nie przeczuwając w nim prastarego opiekuna wegetacji roślin zwanego chacrayok. (Huancas opiekujący się osiedlami ludzkimi zwane są marcayoc). Można spekulować na temat sensu zachowania Margarity. Może był to jej spontaniczny pomysł na efektowny kadr, a może miała jakąś skrytą motywację, wynikającą ze świadomości znaczenia tego kamienia. W obrazie Margarity stojącej na huanca etnolog skłonny jest dopatrywać się unikalnego przedłużenia axis mundi huanca ciałem kobiety, gestu własności kręgu żyznej ziemi, swoistego pomnika o silnym ładunku symbolicznym. Ale czy taka interpretacja, utrzymana w poetyce Eliadego, znajduje wystarczające uzasadnienie? Może nieznana mi motywacja Margarity miała zupełnie inne podłoże? Jest ewangeliczką, odrzucającą nie tylko kult świętych, ale także reliktowe odruchy dawnych kultów andyjskich. Czy fakt ten motywował jej zachowanie? Tego już się nie dowiem. Jedynym pewnikiem jest to, że wtedy także pojawiła się u niej potrzeba fizycznego kontaktu z huanca, dotknięcia jej, odnowienia sekretnej relacji, której natura pozostała już tylko w odruchach. Ale prócz motywacji prywatnych istnieje jeszcze wytłumaczenie natury historycznej. Wioska Unchus i jej dalekie obrzeża, sięgające wysokogórskich punas, to obszary zasiedlone przez Indian od niepamiętnych czasów, tysiąclecia wcześniej, zanim przybyli tu Hiszpanie. Do dziś nieopodal, we wsi Llupa, istnieją i są nadal użytkowane kamienne domy budowane na planie okręgu [fot. 39], identyczne z tymi, które opisywał Miguel de Estete (1495–1572), kronikarz Hernanda Pizzarro, gdy kilku pierwszych Hiszpanów przywędrowało tu z indiańskimi przewodnikami w 1533 roku w trakcie forsownej ekspedycji z Cajamarki do Pachacamac99. Nieco wyżej kamienista ziemia odsłania w wielu miejscach drobny materiał ceramiczny ze śladami archaicznych dekoracji. Huanca w ogródku Margarity może pamiętać niezliczone pokolenia, strzegąc zasiewów ziół i roślin jadalnych ab illo tempore. Na huancas natrafiłam także na granicach własności wsi, w dolinie Santa Cruz i Quillcayhuanca, na terenach odległych obecnie od ludzkich domostw. Piszę „obecnie”, gdyż w świętej dolinie Quillqayhuanca znajdują się liczne, zaledwie odnotowane, ale nigdy nieprzebadane przez archeologów, założenia urbanistyczne, obiekty sepulkralne i skały ze śladami malunków, jeszcze kilkadziesiąt lat temu częściowo rozpoznawalnych, dziś już w większości zatartych100 [fot. 40]. Zwraca uwagę sama nazwa doliny – Quillquayhuanca, co można przetłumaczyć, jako „pomalowana huancap”101. Trzy huancas [fot. 41] ograniczają zarośnięty dziś plac ceremonialny nad rzeką, pośrodku kolistego założenia urbanistycznego, najpewniej z kultury Huari, ale z nadbudową substancji murów z epoki Inków. Niegdysiejsze miasto, rozlokowane koliście na przeciwległych stokach doliny, składało się z dwóch części, przedzielonych rzeką. Jedna przeznaczona była dla żywych mieszkańców, druga dla zmarłych przodków. W pierwszej, po orograficznie lewej stronie rzeki, wśród wysokich chaszczy i krzewów, znajdują się resztki grubych murów, ledwie odsłonięte w niektórych miejscach [fot. 42]. W drugiej części stok usiany jest kamiennymi tumbami z otworami wejściowymi przy samej ziemi [fot. 43]. W wielu z nich bieleją kości i czaszki zmarłych pochowanych tu przed setkami lat. Kamienne huancas stoją pośrodku tego dawno wymarłego 99 100 101 F. Alvarez-Brun, Ancash. Una historia regional peruana, Lima 1970, s. 11–34. Fragmentaryczny opis doliny i znajdujących się w niej śladów kulturowych znajduje się w: M. Yauri Montero, Deidades Panandinas del Perú antiguo en el Callejón de Huaylas. Doses de Pumacayan, [s.l.] 2018, s. 23–24. F. Carranza Romero, Diccionario Quechua …, s. 181–182. �296 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich miasta. Obok nich od pokoleń wędrują pasterze owiec i krów ze swoimi stadami. Podobnej wielkości huanca znajduje się w także dolinie Santa Cruz, na granicy terenów wsi Cashapampa, na niewielkiej polance otoczonej starymi murkami z kamienia (pircas). Ta część doliny należy do rozległych terenów wypasowych wspólnoty kilku wsi. Indianie, z którymi wędrowałam w górę doliny, nic nie wiedzieli na jej temat, gdyż pochodzili z innych okolic. Monolit oraz dający się wciąż zauważyć plac wokół niego, gromadzący niegdyś tłumy, stopniowo pochłania bujna przyroda niskich pięter doliny. Moje nieliczne spotkania z huancas opisałam skrótowo, bo nie są zasadniczą treścią wywodu. Spotkań tych było niewiele, ale pozyskałam informacje o kolejnych lokalizacjach, które wykorzystam w dalszych badaniach. Bardziej systematyczne poszukiwania mają szansę poszerzyć wiedzę o współczesnym funkcjonowaniu tych obiektów w społecznościach indiańskich. Zdążyłam się przekonać, że praca nad tym zagadnieniem nie jest łatwa, gdyż spotyka się ze specyficzną „wstydliwością” Indian – ludzi XXI wieku, którzy nie odnaleźli jeszcze formuły narracyjnej pozwalającej na bezpieczne i zdystansowane mówienie na ten temat z obcymi, nawet darzonymi zaufaniem. Kategorie klasyfikacyjne, takie jak „folklor”, „tradycja”, „spuścizna kulturowa” czy tym podobne, znane są tylko młodemu pokoleniu wykształconemu w szkołach, ale i dla niego bywają czasem abstrakcyjne. Nałożenie obcych kulturowo konceptualizacji, kryjących się pod tymi określeniami, na własną kulturę bywa bardzo trudne, co sprzyja utrzymywaniu się dwóch równoległych, niemal odrębnych nurtów świadomości. Z jednej strony, młody absolwent szkół dysponuje pewnym poziomem wiedzy ogólnej, w ramach której pojawiają się wymienione kategorie, z drugiej zaś – pozostaje mentalnie członkiem tradycyjnej społeczności nieposiadającej w języku i sferze pojęć ich ekwiwalentów znaczeniowych. Odwoływanie się do tych terminów stwarza tylko pozory pomostu semantycznego pomiędzy informatorem a pytającym, zabezpieczając tego pierwszego przed antycypowaną śmiesznością. Odpowiadając, nadaje żywym jeszcze praktykom, będącym przedmiotem rozmowy, wykładnię interpretacyjną w oparciu o motywacje zrozumiałe i afirmowane przez „nowoczesnych” ludzi, w tym zwłaszcza gringos-badaczy. Jest to próba wciśnięcia tematu w ramy kategorii mniej lub bardziej deformujących istotę zjawiska, które wymyka się werbalizacji, zwłaszcza poza językiem keczua. Badacz bez doświadczenia będzie usatysfakcjonowany z otrzymania zrozumiałego wyjaśnienia, pozostając w nieświadomości, iż właściwy sens zjawiska i jego konteksty całkowicie mu umknęły. Tytułem przykładów można wymienić zarówno skomplikowaną problematykę huancas, jak i andyjskich świętych oraz ich sposób partycypacji w systemie semiotycznym utrwalającym „społeczne ramy pamięci”. W obu przypadkach – bardzo sobie bliskich – europejskie szablony badawcze cechuje nieskuteczność i winny być zastępowane wnikliwą analizą emiczną. Gdy jednak zupełnie brakuje owego pomostu semantycznego, a najczęściej tak bywa, respondentom pozostaje wypieranie tematu poza obszar dialogu. Doświadczając takich reakcji, nie można zapominać, że w Indianach drzemie mniej lub bardziej uświadamiana niechęć przed dopuszczaniem gringos do sekretów kultów, które od stuleci były przedmiotem ich agresji, a często bywają nimi nadal, zarówno ze strony katolickich księży, jak i rodzimych konwertytów–ewangelików. Niewątpliwie istnieje posttraumatyczna obawa przed wpuszczaniem obcych w hermetyczne zakątki duchowego orbis interior, przechowującego treści i znaki, które oparły się ewangelizacji. Przyczyny tej obawy wyblakły i zatraciły ostrość konfrontacji kulturowej, ale niewątpliwie żyją w odruchach zakodowanych w zbiorowej psychice. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci • 297 Praktyki związane z huancas, poza nielicznymi „upublicznionymi” obiektami, takimi jak w ośrodku archeologicznym Waullac, pozostają nadal w obrębie obrzędowości autochtonicznej, w tym także prywatnej, ograniczonej do wąskiej społeczności lokalnej, a nawet rodzinnej. Nie doczekały się jeszcze wtórnych racjonalizacji zaczerpniętych z zewnątrz, więc chroni je bariera nieprzetłumaczalności, oddzielająca od ciekawości obcych. Wstydliwość, zażenowanie, ignorowanie tematu, a nawet odruch irytacji z powodu zbyt daleko posuniętych pytań badacza – to psychologiczne reakcje będące pochodną owej nieprzetłumaczalności Dotychczasowe spostrzeżenia związane z huancas, nadal wykorzystywanymi w kontekstach rytualnych, pozwalają na wyraźne zaakcentowanie ważności taktylnego wymiaru relacji między człowiekiem a głazem naznaczonym hierofanią. Na poziomie paradygmatu zachowań sakrofanicznych (wg. terminu Buchowskiego102) dotyk okazuje się być niezbędnym warunkiem spełnienia kontaktu ze świętością – bez względu na to, czy jest nią huanca, czy figura świętego. Pełnia kontaktu nie istnieje bez dotyku, tak jak nie istnieje modlitwa „w myślach”. Obcowanie z bóstwem wymaga sensualnej dosłowności w zakresie każdego ze zmysłów i najlepiej w połączeniu ich wszystkich. Sensualność ta wyraża się także w inny sposób umykający świadomej percepcji. Otóż większość huancas, wokół których – jak w Waullac czy Marían – odbywają się ceremonie ofiarne, a zapewne też inne, nieznane mi praktyki, ma wymiary zbliżone do wzrostu człowieka, a biorąc pod uwagę przeciętny wzrost Indianina– wysokość większą od niego „o głowę”. Należy pamiętać, że geneza huancas sięga odległych tysiącleci, kiedy mitologia osnuta wokół nich nie była jeszcze „zdegradowana”, lecz stanowiła klarowną opowieść o skamieniałych przodkach i herosach kulturowych. Czy zatem owe powtarzalne proporcje nie są oznaką spójnej, hieratycznej imaginacji, wytworzonej wokół postaci ludzkiej jako wzorca? Prawdopodobieństwo takiego kryterium, zawartego w genezie huancas, wzbogaca je komponentem antropomorfizmu, wzmacniając perswazyjny walor opowieści mitycznej. Zestawiam ten domysł z obserwacjami, dotyczącymi andyjskich świętych, ale przede wszystkim Chrystusa. Można zauważyć, że zdecydowana większość animowanych figur Ukrzyżowanego, czczonych w szczególny sposób na obszarze Peru, jest nieco większa niż przeciętny wzrost Indianina (a więc zbliżony do wysokości huancas). Dlaczego większy, a nie podobny? Najpewniej dlatego, że mamy do czynienia z kodem proporcji hieratycznej, nadającej herosowi i bóstwu wymiar symbolicznie większy od człowieka, ale w takim stopniu, by figura budziła jednoznaczne skojarzenia antropocentryczne, nie odbiegając zanadto od wielkości człowieka. Huancas to figury-toposy andyjskie wytworzone wokół wielkiego ogólnoludzkiego archetypu, zwerbalizowanego przez Protogorasa z Abdery w słowach: „Człowiek jest miarą wszechrzeczy”. Rzeźbiarze i mistrzowie haftu Omawiając zjawiska związane z wizerunkami świętych w andyjskich kaplicach i kościołach, nie sposób pominąć merkantylnego aspektu nieustannego zapotrzebowania na stroje dla figur świętych. Najstarsze, jakie miałam okazje oglądać, datowane były na pierwszą połowę XIX wieku i reprezentowały znakomity poziom historycznego hafciarstwa sakralnego 102 M. Buchowski, op. cit., s. 88–93. �298 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich w Huaráz103 [fot. 44]. Ręczny haft praktykowany był jeszcze pod koniec XX wieku, do czasu, gdy zastąpił go maszynowy. Miarą zapotrzebowania na bogato zdobione stroje świętych może być zdumiewająca liczba wyspecjalizowanych zakładów, produkujących je jako główny asortyment. Wspominając o zakładach hafciarskich, tym bardziej należy zauważyć istnienie innych, nie mniej ważnych zakładów, zajmujących się renowacją starych rzeźb. Wracam tym samym do tematu zasygnalizowanego na wstępie tej części pracy, gdzie mowa była o funkcjonowaniu mechanizmów oddolnej, pozainstytucjonalnej ochrony obiektów sztuki religijnej. Pragnę uszczegółowić tę informację, zwracając uwagę na to, że procedura renowacji starych rzeźb z andyjskich kościółków jest immanentną częścią omawianego systemu, zespalającego w aktywną całość omówione aspekty fiest oraz szereg innych, pominiętych tu praktyk, skoncentrowanych na obiektach kultu. W oparciu o przekazy źródłowe, które wykorzystuję w różnych częściach tej pracy, mogę z całą pewnością stwierdzić, że ów system, uwzględniając zmienność realiów historycznych, liczy długie stulecia. Obecnie na terenie Huaráz pracuje kilku artystów nieprofesjonalnych, wyspecjalizowanych wyłącznie w renowacji starych, uszkodzonych lub wymagających odświeżenia rzeźb sakralnych [fot. 45]. Wśród nich nadal aktywny jest legendarny rzeźbiarz Godofredo Zegarra, autor niezliczonych figur świętych, a nawet całych ołtarzy w prowincji Ancash [fot. 46]. Artyści ci, choć raczej należałoby ich określić mianem dobrych rzemieślników, mają pełne ręce roboty. Ich warsztaty odwiedzane są przez przybyszów z bliższych i dalszych wiosek, przynoszących uszkodzone rzeźby. Naprawa polega na sklejaniu, uzupełnianiu ubytków, nakładaniu świeżych warstw gipsu i malowaniu. Koszt wykonania renowacji jest prywatnym wkładem sponsora lub grupy wiernych. Pojawia się niepokojące pytanie, jaki los spotyka prawdziwe dzieła dawnej sztuki kolonialnej, które zgodnie ze statystycznym prawdopodobieństwem raz na jakiś czas trafiają do tych – bądź co bądź – nieprofesjonalnych artystów-konserwatorów. Sądzę, że wbrew pierwszym obawom, jakie budzi ta wizja, los tych obiektów bywa lepszy niż gdyby niszczały bez żadnej ingerencji. Proste, niewyrafinowane techniki konserwatorskie nie zawsze oznaczają zniszczenie artefaktu. Można domniemywać, że wiele z nich powróciło na swoje miejsca, pokrytych świeżą warstwą gipsu i „upiększonych” nową malaturą, ale dzięki temu zabezpieczonych przed postępującą degradacją. Zawsze pozostaje cień nadziei, że kiedyś zostaną „odkryte” i „właściwie docenione”, choć mówiąc to, etnolog czuje relatywizm takiego podejścia. Cóż bowiem kryje się za określeniem, którego prowokacyjnie użyłam? Z jednej strony, „odkrycie” i „docenienie” oznacza pomnożenie zbiorów któregoś z muzeów oraz, być może, poszerzenie wiedzy o dziejach jakiegoś skrawka Andów. Z drugiej zaś strony, oznacza pozbawienie miejscowego sanktuarium odwiecznej „świętości” i niechybnie destrukcję omówionego systemu bądź jego części. Systemu wzajemnych społeczno-religijnych reprezentacji zachodzących pomiędzy grupą a jej odzwierciedleniem w galerii świętych, którego doniosłość starałam się pokazać. Trudno przesądzać, która droga jest słuszna, a kompromis nie wydaje się tutaj możliwy. 103 Były to stroje Chrystusa Señor de la Soledad przechowywane przez konfraternię Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad de Huaráz. Wyjątkową możliwość oglądnięcia i sfotografowania niektórych z nich zawdzięczam Jaime Liva Suarezowi, procuradorowi tego bractwa, oraz proboszczowi parafii Soledad Reinaldo Zawala Agilarowi. Miałam także okazję oglądać kolekcję strojów Chrystusa Señor de Mayo z ostatnich kilkudziesięciu lat w parafii Pariacoto, gdzie udostępnił mi je tamtejszy proboszcz, o. Rafał Dryjański. �Zakończenie ��Program badań nad Chrystusem Señorem de la Soledad obejmował łącznie pół roku pracy w terenie w latach 2016–2019, z wykorzystaniem części materiałów pozyskanych w trakcie wcześniejszych wyjazdów do Peru. Praca nad tekstem pracy trwała blisko dwa lata. Planowany zakres opracowania okazał się, z jednej strony, zbyt optymistyczny, z drugiej zaś – niepełny. Na niektóre – czasem kluczowe – tropy natrafiałam dopiero w trakcie badań Tematyka dotycząca pełnego cyklu świąt związanych z Panem Samotności okazała się tak obszerna i wymagająca dalszych, długotrwałych badań, że wolałam ją pominąć, niż prezentować fragmentaryczne wnioski. Zagadnienia związane z fiestami pojawiają się więc tylko w aspektach rozwijających i dopowiadających wątki nadrzędne, traktowane jako zasadnicze. Uwzględnienie całego kalendarium świąt związanych z Señorem de la Soledad, połączone z rzeczowym opisem towarzyszących im tekstów folkloru, zwłaszcza niebywale rozbudowanego repertuaru tańców, muzyki i pieśni, podwoiłoby objętość pracy i czas jej pisania. Pozostałe segmenty tematyczne rozrosły się natomiast proporcjonalnie do wyłanianego obrazu zagadnień i ich wzajemnych relacji. We Wstępie pisałam, że Señor de la Soledad nie doczekał się kompleksowej monografii naukowej i teraz, kończąc tę pracę, stwierdzam to ponownie. Po kilkuletnim, pogłębionym studiom, umożliwiającym orientację w całości zagadnień, oceniam, że pracy tej wiele brakuje do ideału monografii. Niewątpliwie jednak poszerza ona obszar analiz o wątki niedostrzeżone, a podejmowane wcześniej ujmuje odmiennie, przepracowując i redefiniując wielki paradygmat zjawisk kulturowych nawarstwionych wokół Pana Samotności. Nie podejmuję się tutaj streszczania rozdziałów, które zacierałoby subtelności „gęstego opisu”, kluczowego dla werbalizacji wrażliwej tkanki przeżycia religijnego. Nie rekapituluję także danych faktograficznych, zwłaszcza historycznych, których komplementarność wyklucza jakiekolwiek pominięcia. Ograniczam się tylko do kilku uwag nad synkretyzmem oraz rozumieniem paradygmatu kulturowego zjawisk związanych z Señorem de la Soledad. Nazywam je in gremio paradygmatem, gdyż pozostając w zgodzie z deklaracją metodologiczną we Wstępie, upatruję w nich istnienia logicznej struktury porządkującej przestrzenie zmiennych i często nieprzewidywalnych dystynkcji. Innymi słowy, dostrzegam spójny system nadający nadrzędny sens opisywanej klasie zjawisk. Ustalenia zawarte w pracy nie dają podstaw do formułowania twierdzeń aspirujących do miana definicji tego paradygmatu, ale z założenia nie starałam się go nadmiernie precyzować. Można bowiem zapytać, czy na pewno tak sformalizowany konstrukt myślowy spełniałby pokładane nadzieje? Czy nadzieje te nie byłyby wyrazem etnocentryzmu, wypływając z pozytywistycznych nawyków dyskursu naukowego? I w końcu: czy ich spełnienie nie usztywniłoby modelu, prowadząc do jego funkcjonalnej atrofii? Geertz ostrzega przed etnocentryzmem, jako „najsurowszą antropologiczną kategorią moralnego nadużycia”1, ale nawet bez jego dyrektyw antropolog rzucony w Andy szybko porzuca zakusy konstruowania doprecyzowanych w każdym szczególe modeli teoretycznych. Porzuca je nie w poczuciu porażki, lecz w przekonaniu, iż zawraca z błędnej drogi. 1 C. Geertz, Opis gęsty…, s. 53. �302 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich W moim przekonaniu paradygmaty „andyjskie” w samym jądrze własnego modelu ontologicznego zakładają niezbędny margines „niedomknięcia” – dokładnie takiego, jakie opisuję w rozdziale o pięciu „braciach” Chrystusach. Wiąże się ono z istotą andyjskiego dualizmu, będącego – jak wskazał Lévi-Strauss, a inni potwierdzili – strukturą dyssymetryczną i dzięki temu aktywną. Ale owo „niedomknięcie” ma także wymiar diachronii – mity chrystianizują się, procesy synkretyzmu transformują elementy religii i kultu, pojawiają się nowe formy zewnętrznych zagrożeń, wchodząc natychmiast w konteksty religijne, tak jak ostatnio pandemia2. Ów wielki paradygmat kulturowy, jakim jest Señor de la Soledad, jako axis mundi indiańskiego świata, nieustannie podlega fragmentarycznym metamorfozom i zawsze będzie wymagał adekwatnych korekt interpretacyjnych. Nie zmienia to faktu, że pozostaje strukturą porządkującą dla niezliczonych tekstów kultury. Rzecz w tym, by stwierdzając istnienie konkretnej relacji tekstu do głębszej struktury, nie traktować jej sztywno i dogmatycznie, jako „przyrodzonej” szeroko rozumianej kulturze andyjskiej, gdyż może być koniunkturalna, ograniczona do czasu i/lub miejsca, łatwo zastępowalna przez inną. Nie mnożąc przykładów, pozostanę przy pięciu „braciach” Chrystusach. Ów paradygmat posiada trzon strukturalny w postaci Señora de la Soledad oraz zmienne figury dystynkcji w osobach jego czterech „braci”, z których wszakże tylko trzech bywa nazywanych, a czwarty pozostaje nieznany. Na tym nie koniec komplikacji. Tożsamość owych trzech bywa różna w zależności od miejsca na terenie Ancash, a często też w zależności od społecznego umiejscowienia respondenta. W obu przypadkach podłoża deklaracji bywają czytelne w ramach ich własnej logiki. Tak więc elementami niezmiennymi są Señor de la Soledad oraz „niedomknięta” komórka tajemniczego piątego „brata”, którego tożsamości nikt nie zna. Z perspektywy antropologicznej jego istnienie w planie paradygmatycznym reprezentuje dyssymetryczny pierwiastek aktywnego otwarcia, zaś w planie symbolicznym nieograniczoność władzy Pana Samotności, nieskrępowanej żadnymi ograniczeniami czasoprzestrzennymi. W myśl tej logiki ów piąty, nieznany „brat” Chrystus, to „reszta świata”, jakkolwiek ów świat jest pojmowany, czyli sfera antycypowanej boskiej potencjalności, wykraczającej poza zdolność ludzkiej wiedzy i wyobraźni. Mamy do czynienia z wzorcowym przykładem paradygmatu o strukturze andyjskiej, uwzględniającego chrześcijański komponent uniwersalistyczny. Potrzeba zdystansowania i ostrożności w formułowaniu hipotez oraz tworzeniu modeli paradygmatycznych i symbolicznych wynika w dużej mierze z trudności, jakie powoduje trwające od stuleci zderzenie kultury europejskiej z andyjską, co w sferze religii objawia się synkretyzmem. Jego natura jest tak skomplikowana, że nawet wybitni badacze zagadnienia formułują sprzeczne definicje synkretyzmu, odmiennie odpowiadając na podstawowe pytanie: czy jest on syntezą, czy raczej fuzją treści i duchowości dwóch religii?3 Nie czując się kompetentną, by wnosić cokolwiek w kwestii całościowego definiowania zjawiska, ograniczę się wyłącznie do intuicji badawczej podpowiadającej, że synteza zachodzi w obrębie 2 3 W obecnym czasie pandemii, podobnie jak wielokrotnie na przestrzeni historii, Señor de la Soledad oraz inne czczone wizerunki Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w departamencie Ancash, np. Señor de Pomallucay, stały się powiernikami ludzkich trosk, pocieszycielami rodzin zmarłych, nadzieją głodujących i pozbawionych pracy. W Internecie pojawiają się ich wizerunki wraz z okolicznościowymi sentencjami, modlitwami i tekstami suplikacji, tworzącymi ważny nurt folkloru religijnego, będący świadectwem współczesnych form kultu w czasach ciężkiego kryzysu o mitycznych cechach andyjskiego pacha cuti [fot. 1]. Por. zestawienie różnych konceptualizacji synkretyzmu w: D. Mazurek, „Bóg o indiańskim obliczu”…, s. 258–261. �Zakończenie • 303 tych treści i emocji, które w obu kulturach są zbieżne, natomiast fuzja dotyczy obszarów o odmiennych porządkach logicznych, niepodlejących integracji z przyczyn strukturalnych. Istota synkretyzmu zasadza się zarówno na powstawaniu nowych strukturalizacji, jak i zgodnej egzystencji odmiennych, rodem z innych porządków kulturowych. Synkretyzmu nie da się sprowadzić do krótkich stwierdzeń, niemniej nawet uogólniona refleksja może być przydatna w rozważaniach nad paradygmatami współczesnej religii andyjskiej, w tym także nad obszarem zjawisk wokół Señora de la Soledad. Szemiński, omawiając problematykę zderzenia hiszpańskiej i inkaskiej wizji czasoprzestrzeni i organizacji społecznej formułuje ocenę, której sens dotyczy także konfrontacji dwóch religii. Jak pisze badacz: Możliwe jest na przykład, że w warunkach całkowitej dominacji jednego systemu pojęciowego, inny system funkcjonuje wyłącznie na marginesach życia społecznego. Częściej bywa, że współistniejące systemy pojęciowe rezerwują dla siebie pewne dziedziny życia. Jednak żaden z tych wariantów nie ma zastosowania w sytuacji, kiedy jeden z systemów jest pochodzenia europejskiego4. Pomimo iż ocena ta dotyczy realiów XVIII-wiecznego Peru, jej istota pozostaje aktualna, choć rozkład akcentów mógłby być dziś inny. Ostatnie zdanie cytatu zdaje się potwierdzać, że systemy europejskie, nawet pozareligijne, nie mogą być włączane w kulturę andyjską w stanie „czystym”, tylko dopiero po przepracowaniu przez miejscowe struktury pojęciowe i aksjologiczne5. Recepcja „nowego” następuje przez pryzmat pojęć i kategorii autochtonicznych, skutkując powstaniem nowej, synkretycznej formy. Jej nieprzewidywalność wynika z faktu, iż trudno antycypować, z którymi z nich „nowe” wejdzie w relacje i w jaki sposób zostanie przez nie przemodelowane. W badaniach nad synkretyzmem andyjskim ważna jest obserwacja zjawisk zachodzących na styku uniwersalistycznych dążeń Kościoła, obecnych od zawsze w jego „misji cywilizacyjnej”6, a strukturalnym oporem poddanej im kultury, będącym znacznie poważniejszym wyzwaniem, niż czynny sprzeciw motywowany przesłankami ideowymi. Szemiński zamyka swój wywód ważną uwagą, iż „można się spodziewać, że postępowanie opisane w systemie hiszpańskim jako nielogiczne z punktu widzenia celów będzie sensowne w systemie inkaskim”7. Konstatacja ta stanowi in extenso komentarz do niektórych zjawisk opisanych w tej pracy, takich jak np. indiańska konceptualizacja cudu, a raczej jej nieistnienie (w wersji europejskiej), redefiniujące paradygmat modlitwy i fizycznie oddziałujące na przestrzeń świątyni poprzez eliminowanie z niej wot jako artefaktów kanonicznej wersji cudu. Pod maską zdarzeń, które jesteśmy skłonni określać mianem cudu, 4 5 6 7 J. Szemiński, Myślane po kiczua, s. 87. Znakomitym przykładem obrazującym tę zasadę jest europejski w swych założeniach system szkolnictwa w społecznościach amazońskich badanych przez Tarzycjusza Bulińskiego. Autor przejrzyście ukazuje jego całkowicie odmienny od europejskiego paradygmat kulturowy, ukształtowany w realiach światopoglądowych i aksjologicznych miejscowej ludności. Zob. T. Buliński, Szkoła w amazońskiej puszczy. Formy i znaczenia edukacji w społecznościach tubylczych na przykładzie Indian E’ñepá w Wenezueli, Gdańsk 2018. Zob. H. Maurier, Antropologia misyjna. Religie i cywilizacje w zderzeniu z uniwersalizmem. Przyczynek do dziejów współczesnych, przeł. J. Dembska, Warszawa 1997, s. 103–105. Już same tytuły podrozdziałów mówią na ten temat wiele: Wyższość europejskości i chrześcijaństwa i Misja cywilizacyjna. J. Szemiński, op. cit., s. 87. �304 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich odkrywany zupełnie inną od europejskiej koncepcję relacji z Bogiem, opartą na kosmowizji andyjskiej jako jej systemie ideowym i pojęciowym. Powiązanie wymienionych fenomenów kulturowych – modlitwy i cudu – jako komponentów wspólnego paradygmatu, odmiennego w wersji kanonicznej i andyjskiej, nie było dotąd rozpatrywane, choć szereg innych, ważnych rozważań na ten temat zawierają dzieła Marzala. Współzależności w obszarze koncepcji modlitwy i zdarzeń mirakularnych to jeden z niezliczonych przykładów oddziaływania zasad porządkujących, wymagających uważnego rozpoznania. Z perspektywy etnologa synkretyczny kształt religii i religijności andyjskiej to zjawisko nadzwyczaj ciekawe, stanowiące „nową jakość” kulturową na styku dwóch religii i cywilizacji. Wciąż nową, fascynującą i obiecującą badawczo, pomimo iż trwającą blisko pięć stuleci. Nigdy jednak proces jej tworzenia nie zastygł w skończonej formie i nigdy nie został „oswojony”, pozostając nieustannie we wrażliwych relacjach z szerokim kontekstem historii. Badania nad fenomenem Señora de la Soledad były, jak sadzę, owocną drogą wiodącą od wstępnych, często uproszczonych, a nawet naiwnych założeń, poprzez niełatwą, lecz wielce satysfakcjonującą pracę w terenie, niejednokrotnie przybierającą ekstremalną formę etnologicznej przygody, aż po pracę nad tekstem, w której trakcie rodziły się nowe pytania, choć towarzyszyła jej również bolesna świadomość, jak wiele jeszcze można było zrobić. Dla równowagi, ów końcowy etap był także okresem kojarzenia faktów i dokonywania małych „odkryć” możliwych dopiero podczas kompleksowej analizy materiałów. Mając nadzieję, że praca wnosi pewien wkład w badania andyjskie, czerpię przyjemność z przekonania, że tym, którzy ją przeczytają, odsłoni (lub wzbogaci) fascynujący obraz Andów. Zgodnie z przywołanym już stwierdzeniem Taylora, w myśl którego antropolog „powinien wychodzić od tego, co widział, a czego może nikt już nigdy nie ujrzy”. �Spis ważniejszych respondentów Alamo, Julio (Ur. 1929) Członek bractwa Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad de Huaráz. Alejos Pareda, Fernando Działacz kultury i nauczyciel z Santa, pasjonat lokalnej historii, Gerente de Cultura, Educación, Deporte y Servicios Sociales en Municipalidad Provincial del Santa, Gestor Cultural Turístico. Allegre, Willy Mieszkaniec Yungay, malarz amator, znawca regionu i tradycji, przewodnik po okolicach Yungay. Alva Zavaleta, Santosa Kluczniczka i opiekunka kościoła w Huasta (prov. Bolognesi), encargadora y llavera de la iglesia de Huasta. Ardiles Pomma de Moreno, Voletta Pisarka, poetka, nauczycielka, miłośniczka kultury i działaczka społeczna w Huaráz; laureatka nagrody państwowej Palmas Magisteriales del Peru w 2020 roku. Barcelos Neto, Aristóteles, Brazylijczyk, etnolog i filmowiec, twórca filmów etnograficznych dotyczących regionu Ancash. Blanco Espinoza, David Mayordomo święta patronalnego El Senor de Pomallucay, mieszkaniec San Luis (Callejon de Conhucos). Camones Gonzales, Magno Alberto Przewodnik andyjski, dyrektor Asociación Guías de Montaña de Huaráz. Cristóbal Valverde, Leovigildo Jorge (Ur. 2 X 1953 w Ticllos, prov. Bolognesi, distr. San Pedro). Artysta malarz z Madrytu, nagrodzony wieloma nagrodami. Pochodzi z rodziny farbiarzy i tkaczy, trudniących się tym rzemiosłem od pokoleń. Znawca etnografii regionu Ancash oraz starych malowideł naskalnych w regionie Tambo Machay, w okolicach jeziora Conococha, które są inspiracją dla jego twórczości. Camones Gonzales, Magno Alberto Przewodnik andyjski, dyrektor Asociacion Guías de Montaña de Huaráz, znawca tradycji regionu. Carranza Romero, Francisco Profesor języka keczua, wykładowca uniwersytecki w Limie i w Seulu (Korea Pd.), jeden z najwybitniejszych znawców etnografii regionu Ancash, autor wielu książek i artykułów na ten temat. Urodzony z małej miejscowości Quitaraksa (distr. Huallanca) w Białych Kordylierach. �306 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Cueva Popuy, Magno Proboszcz parafii San Agustin w Cajacay. Cueva Villanueva, Alcybiades Victor Nauczyciel w Pomabambie, działacz społeczny, z zamiłowania etnograf, Director Institito Educacion Superior Pedagogico Publico de Pomabamba Duran Castromonte, Freddy (Ur. 8 X 1956) Rzeźbiarz i restaurator starych figur sakralnych w Huaráz. Dryjański, Rafał Polak, franciszkanin, proboszcz parafii w Pariacoto (Cordillera Negra). Escudero Moreno, Freddy Nauczyciel z San Luis (Callejon de Conchucos), znawca tradycji związanych z Chrystusem w kwestii fiesty Señor de Pomallucay. Escudero Escudero, Jhohan Dziennikarz z Pomabamby, fotograf miejscowej gazety, etnograf amator. Fajardo, Anita Mieszkanka Huaráz, szeroko znana i ceniona pieśniarka pieśni Chimaichi z Callejon de Conchucas. Znawczyni tradycji Ancash, o których wiedzę odziedziczyła po mamie Maura Fajardo Morillo. Flores Tinoco, Miguel Genaro Nauczyciel z Pomabamby, etnograf, specjalista od tańców, pieśni Chimaychi i fiest lokalnych. Professor en Ministerio de Educacion. Freddy, (Padre) Ksiądz w parafii Soledad w Huaráz. Gallazdo Esperanza Kreolka, opiekunka kościoła w Aqía (distr. de Aqía, prov. Bolonesi), Misionera Laica Católica. Garcia Alvarón, Gumercindo, (Atusparia) Wnuk Pablo Atusparii, przywódcy powstania chłopskiego, założyciel i właściciel prywatnego muzeum Campestre Villa Garcia Marían – Huaráz, CLUB Campestre VILLA Garcia. García de Gamarra, Lina Eve Kreolka, wieloletnia pracownica biblioteki Dirección Desconcentrada de Cultura Áncash w Huaráz. Gonzalez Moreno, Washington (Ur. 6 V 1944 w Limie) Księgarz i wydawca w Huaráz, właściciel jedynej księgarni naukowej w tym mieście, będącej nieformalnym centrum kultury, gdzie spotykają się naukowcy, pisarze i literaci, intelektualista, propagator kultury. Guerrero Falcón, Dante Gawędziarz, kolekcjoner pamiątek i fotografii z nieistniejącego kreolsko-metyskiego Huaráz. Huarac, Victor Mieszkaniec wsi Unchus, pobożny ewangelik, znakomity znawca Cordillera Blanca, gdzie od lat 60. XX wieku pracował jako tragarz przy wyprawach alpinistycznych, znawca folkloru i tradycji regionu. �Spis ważniejszych respondentów • 307 Leiva Suarez, Jaime Procurador bractwa Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de el Señor de la Soledad de Huaráz, Director de anda (dyrektor animacji platformy procesyjnej), oraz tesorero – skarbnik, sprawujący pieczę nad kolekcja historycznych szat Señora de la Soledad. Leonidas Salazar Jácome, Isabel Gorąca czcicielka Señora de la Soledad, depozytariuszka wiedzy na jego temat z okresu ponad 60 lat, związana swoją dewocją ze świątynią Soledad. Lopez Dominguez, Noemi Folklorystka z Huaráz, specjalistka od tańców ludowych, czcicielka Señora de la Soledad sprawująca wielokrotnie cargo w czasie fiesty Señora de Mayo, czyli karmienia grup muzyków; narratorka w filmach dokumentalnych (w tym Bartoselosa Neto) o folklorze Huaráz. Macedo Rodriguez, Zoraida Juana (Ur. 23 IX 1952) Mieszkanka Huaráz w barrio Huarupampa, oddana czcicielka Señora de la Soledad, współorganizatorka obchodów majowej fiesty w dzielnicy Centenario. Maceda, Concha Mieszkanka Olleros, czcicielka i depozytariuszka wiedzy o Chrystusie Senior de Santa Cruz z Olleros, aktywistka i organizatorka święta patronalnego w Olleros. Maguiña Villarreal, Harold Valerio Przewodnik andyjski z Huaráz, etnograf i wykładowca w Centro de Estudios de Altas Montañas w tym mieście. Mazarina Paredes, Gregorio Emerytowany proboszcz parafii Belén w Huaráz, działacz społeczny, etnograf i kolekcjoner starych rzeźb kościelnych. Milla Cochachin, Cristian Prawnik z Huaráz, archeolog amator. Milla Lliuya, Daniel Joshue (Ur. 4 VIII 1979) Przewodnik wysokogórski w Asociación Guías de Montaña de Huaráz, mieszkaniec indiańskiej dzielnicy Nueva Florida, rodzina w wiosce Unchus. Milla Lliuya, Margarita Agrypina Mieszkanka Unchus, ewangeliczka, znawczyni podań, legend i tradycji z okolic Unchus. Milla Silverio, Marcel (Ur. 25 VI 2004) Uczennica znająca liczne legendy i wierzenia, zwłaszcza z okolic Unchus, nieskrępowana autocenzurą często spotykaną u starszych. Montes Mota, Melchior Jeden z najważniejszych przedstawicieli Indian, szef lokalnych alcaldes pedáneos, varayoq – ten który dzierży varę (laskę starszeństwa); ostatni żyjący twórca unikatowych ozdób woskowych o nazwie velones, zdobiących ołtarz Señora de la Soledad i procesje z udziałem Señora de Mayo. Moreno Suarez, Maria Victoria Bibliotekarka w Huaráz, archeolog, specjalistka od kultury Recuay. Obregon de Montoro, Berta Nocole Procuradora de Iglesia kościoła pw. Virgen de Mercedes w Carhuaz koło Huaráz, „trzyma zeszyt” z rejestrem kandydatów na mayordomo oraz wszelkimi zapisami na temat fiest wokół tego wizerunku na wiele lat wstecz. �308 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Olaza Henostroza, Tito Filmowiec i historyk Huaráz, posiada bogate archiwum po ojcu, również fotografiku i historyku pasjonacie regionu. Olbrycht Stanisław Franciszkanin, gwardian i były proboszcz misji w Pariacoto (Cordillera Negra), od ponad 40 lat misjonarz w Peru, a wcześniej w Boliwii. Olivas Weston, Marcela Lic. Directora DDC Ancash (Dirección Desconcentrada de Cultura Áncash). Quintana Pohl, Katia Yanina Nauczycielka nauczania początkowego z Huaráz, pracowniczka przedszkola w Catac. Quirós Romero, Juan Manuel Wydawca periodyku „Alpamayo” poświęconego kulturze Ancash, fotograf i filmowiec, szef wydawnictwa Killa Editorial, etnograf amator. Ramirez Ríos, Blanca Teodosía, Schica-schica Soledana Od kilkudziesięciu lat sprzedawczyni domowego sorbetu zwanego raspadilla na ulicznym stoisku przy świątyni Soledad, czcicielka Señora de la Soledad, depozytariuszka wiedzy o wszelkich zdarzeniach związanych z tym wizerunkiem na przestrzeni ostatniego półwiecza. Reyes Milla, William Artysta fotograf z Huaráz, doskonały informator i gawędziarz, pochodzący z Olleros. Robles, Donato (Lat 91) Były sacristián z kościoła w Pariacoto, przechowuje wiedzę o miejscowych tradycjach i zdarzeniach od lat 40. XX wieku. Rodríguez Linares, Victor Andrés Zasłużony dyrektor muzeum Museo de Arqueología Antropología e Historia Natural de Ranrahirca w Ranrahirca; udostępnił archiwalia muzeum, znawca historii regionu, z zamiłowania etnobotanik. Rodriguez Romero, Kiveth Elvis Muzyk, działacz kościelny z Mancos, czciciel miejscowego wizerunku św. Rocha (San Roque). Roque Mata, Mardonia Luperina (Lat 76) Mieszkanka wsi Raivas, depozytariuszka rozległej wiedzy folklorystycznej z regionu Unchus i Raivas. Salazar Mejía, José Antonio Historyk, etnograf, działacz kultury w Huaráz, wieloletni dyrektor Desconcentrada de Cultura de Áncas, autor wielu książek i artykułów na temat regionu. Salazar Romero, Florencio Wikary z parafii San Ildefonso z Recuay. Silverio Salazar, Judith (Ur. 14 II 1979) Mieszkanka dzielnicy Nueva Florida, pochodzaca z Unchus. Sotelo Falcón, Julio César Historyk, etnograf, fotograf i wydawca miejscowej gazety regionalnej „Minerva”. Sotelo Montoro, José Luis, pseud. art. „Joselo”, „Puma de los Andes” Muzyk, kompozytor, śpiewak, etnograf, i animator kultury. Działacz edukacyjny i bloger. �Spis ważniejszych respondentów • 309 Sotomayor Alba, Yolanda Nauczycielka w Huaráz, córka zasłużonego fotografa Miguela Sotomayora Castro (1918– 2002), właścicielka bogatego zbioru fotografii i archiwaliów dotyczących historii Huaráz i regionu. Sotomayor Alba, Elena (Ur. 14 VI 1952) Córka zasłużonego fotografa Miguela Sotomayora Castro (1918–2002). Valverde Cuba, Máx Proboszcz parafii Esprítu Santo w dzielnicy San Francisco w Huaráz. Valverde Robles, Miguel „Micha” Artysta malarz, znany i ceniony w Huaráz i regionie Ancash, miłośnik i znawca miejscowych tradycji. Valverde Silva, Dario Edmundo Działacz kultury w Pariacoto, nauczyciel, historyk amator i pasjonat regionu; właściciel miejscowej rozgłośni radiowej „Sáenz Peña-Pariacoto”. Valverde, Juana Cueva de Działaczka kulturalna w Pariacoto, miłośniczka regionu. Valverde Lavado, Fernando Działacz kultury w Pomabambie, szef lokalnej rozgłośni radiowej „Radio Armonia Digital de Pomabamba”. Vargas Arce, Cesar Mieszkaniec Huaráz. Założyciel instytucji kulturalno-edukacyjnej Academia Regional de Quechua de Ancash, znawca tradycji indiańskich i regionu Ancash. Vidal Escudero, Julio Adolfo Doktor nauk medycznych, zasłużony hematolog, praktykujący lekarz w Pomabambie, a także dziennikarz, pisarz i pasjonat historii regionu. Zmarł 25 II 2020 r. Walter, Doris Francusko-szwajcarska etnograf specjalizująca się w etnobotanice, etnografii i języku keczua w Cordillera Blanca i regionie Ancash. Yanac Milla, Migueas Manuel (Ur 2 II 2002) Mieszkaniec Marían dobrze znający tradycje okolic Huaráz, tłumacz z keczua, towarzyszący mi podczas wywiadów z osobami starszymi, nieznającymi hiszpańskiego. Yanac, Guido Legendarny przewodnik andyjski z Huaráz, pierwszy peruwiański zdobywca Huascaranu w 1953 roku, informator o pionierskich wyprawach alpinistycznych w Cordillera Blanca. Yanac, Genaro Syn Guido Yanaca, przewodnik wysokogórski, informator o starych estancias, dawnych właścicielach ziemskich w okolicach Huaráz i ich relacjach z ludnością autochtoniczną. Yauri Montero, Marcos (Ur. 1934 w Huaráz) Wybitny pisarz, poeta, etnograf i historyk; jedyny badacz, który poświęcił uwagę wizerunkowi Señora de la Soledad. Wykładowca uniwersytecki w Limie, autor wielu książek o fundamentalnym znaczeniu dla historii i etnografii regionu Ancash. �310 • Pan Samotności, Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Zawala Agilar, Reinaldo Proboszcz parafii Soledad w Huaráz. Zegarra Angeles, Godofredo (Ur. 8 XI 1929) Legendarny rzeźbiarz z Huaráz, twórca ołtarzy i figur sakralnych w regionie Ancash, twórca istniejącego wizerunku Señora de Mayo i konserwator rzeźby Señora de la Soledad po jej uszkodzeniu w trzęsieniu ziemi w 1970 roku; depozytariusz rozległej wiedzy o Huaráz i regionie. Zegarra Rodriguez, Pilar Alcira (Ur. 5 VIII 1971) Córka Godefredo Zegarry promująca dorobek ojca, działaczka kultury w Huaráz. �Bibliografia Acosta Luna, Olga Isabel, 2011, Milagrosas imágenes marianas en el Nuevo Reino de Granda, Frankfurt am Main: Iberoamericana, Vervuert Verlag. Adelaar, Wilhelm F.H.; Muysken, Pieter C., 2004, The Languages od the Andes, Cambridge (i in.): Cambridge Univerity Press. Alba Herrera, Claudio Augusto, 2006, El golpismo religioso en Huarás, „Hirka. Revista Regional de Cultura”, nr 8, s. 4–6. Alba Herrera, Claudio Augusto, 1996, Huaras. Historia de un pueblo en transformacion, Caras: Ediciones „El Inca”. Alba Herrera, Claudio Augusto, 2017, Huaras. Historia de un pueblo en transformación, Huaráz: Dirección Desconcentrada de Cultura de Ancash, Killa Editorial. Alba Herrera, Claudio Augusto, 2009, Huaylas en la historia, Caraz: Ediciones „El Inca”. 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Vivos vocat, mortuos plangat, fulgura frangit, [w:] Człowiek – Zwierzę, Człowiek – Maszyna, pod red. A. Celińskiej i K. Fidler, Kraków: Stowarzyszenie Antropologiczne „Archipelagi Kultury”, s. 153–170. Mapy Cordillera Blanca Nord (Perú), Skala 1:100 000, Innsbruck 2006, Herausgegeben im Rahmen der Alpenvereinskartographie vom Oesterreichischen Alpenverein. Cordillera Blanca Süd (Perú), Skala 1:100 000, Innsbruck 2005, Herausgegeben im Rahmen der Alpenvereinskartographie. Oesterreichischen Alpenverein, Alpenverein Südtirol. Cordillera Blanca, Negra, Huayhuash y Callejón de Huaylas. Skala 1: 285 000, b.m. 2010–2011, Felipe Díaz Bustos. �Bibliografia • 333 Departamento de Ancash. Mapa fisico politico compilado por el Instituto Geografico Militar, Escala 1:400 000, Lima 1976, Instituto Geografico Militar. Peru, Skala 1:500 000, Clermond-Ferrand 2010, Data Huber/Michelin, Propriétaires-éditeurs. Peru Nord & Süd, Skala 1:1 200 000, Vienna 2009, Freytag-Berndt u. Artaria. Filmy El terremoto y El Señor, reż. Aristóteles Bartoselos Neto, 2005, prod. brazylijsko-peruwiańska, ed. Giuliano Ronce i Aristóteles Bartoselos Neto, wytwórnia LISA. https://vimeo.com/43970188 Cruces Vivas, Cruces Protectoras, reż. Aristóteles Bartoselos Neto, 2006, prod. brazylijsko-peruwiańska, ed. Fernanda Frasca i Aristóteles Bartoselos Neto, wytwórnia LISA. https://vimeo.com/43968726 Jaime Leiva Suarez. Los Soldados de Pilatos, reż. Tito Olaza, 2013, prod. peruwiańska, wytwórnia RedCondor Film. https://vimeo.com/59802992 Tayta Mayo – Huaráz, reż. Juan Manuel Quirós Romero i William Reyes Milla, 2020, prod. peruwiańska, wytwórnia Photography Films. https://www.facebook.com/watch/? v=2647026725546104&extid=fWXwASy1Wy4ZkdZR ��STRESZCZENIE Ośrodek kultu Chrystusa Señor de la Soledad w Huaráz, w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich. Antropologia synkretyzmu i tożsamości kulturowej. Praca stanowi rekonstrukcję etnohistorycznych uwarunkowań kształtowania się ośrodka kultu Chrystusa Señor de la Soledad (Pan Samotności) w Huaráz, w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich. Na wstępie analizuję wzorzec ideowy i ikonograficzny figury Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego przyjęty w Europie po Soborze Trydenckim, który przez Hiszpanię trafił do Peru. Następnie charakteryzuję andyjskie podłoże kulturowe, religijne i historyczne, by ukazać czynniki współtworzące proces formowania się synkretycznego obrazu Pana Samotności. Pisząc o „wielkiej opowieści”, śledzę 500-letni rozwój relacji między tym Chrystusem a Indianami, którzy uznali go za swojego Boga. Stał się ich axis mundi – osią tożsamości kulturowej i centralną postacią schrystianizowanej kosmowizji. Istotnym ustaleniem pracy jest zauważenie sposobów modelowania religijności Indian przez andyjskie struktury mitologiczne oraz tradycyjny system pokrewieństw. Wpływ ten, będący elementem tzw. wtórnej inkulturacji, przejawia się w ważnym wątku pięciu „braci” Chrystusów, obecnym w folklorze religijnym Peru. Praca proponuje ponadto nową perspektywę badań nad kultem świętych w andyjskiej religijności ludowej, ukierunkowaną na ich rolę w tworzeniu i aktualizowaniu społecznych ram pamięci, poprzez włączanie ich w symboliczne i metonimiczne relacje z członkami miejscowych społeczności. ��ABSTRACT Señor de la Soledad Christ worship center in Huaráz, in the northern Peruvian Andes. Anthropology of syncretism and cultural identity. This work is a reconstruction of the ethnohistorical conditions of the formation of the center of the cult of Christ, Señor de la Soledad (Lord of Solitude) in Huaráz, in the northern Peruvian Andes. At the outset, I analyze the ideological and iconographic pattern of the figure of Christ Crucified, adopted in Europe after the Council of Trent, which was brought to Peru through Spain. The Andean cultural, religious and historical background are characterized as well to show the factors co-creating the process of forming a syncretic image of the Lord of Solitude. Writing about the “great story”, I follow the 450year development of the relationship between this Christ and the Indians who recognized him as their God. He became their axis mundi – the axis of cultural identity and the central figure of Christianized cosmovision. An important finding of the work is noticing the ways of modeling Indian religiosity by Andean mythological structures and the traditional system of kinship. This impact, which is part of the so-called “secondary inculturation” manifests itself in the important theme of the five brothers-Christs present in the religious folklore of Peru. The work also proposes a new perspective on the study of the cult of Saints in Andean folk religiosity, focused on their role in creating and updating the social framework of memory, by including them in symbolic and metonymic relationships with the members of local communities. ��Ilustracje * * Jeżeli w podpisach nie zostały podane inne źródła, wszelkie materiały ilustracyjne należą do autorki. ��Wstęp �Fot. 1. Peru na mapie Ameryki Południowej i umiejscowienie regionu Ancash w granicach Peru. Domena publiczna. �Fot. 1 c.d. Region Ancash – mapa ukazująca konfigurację terenu i obszar objęty badaniami. ��Europejskie źródła teologiczne i ikonograficzne wizerunku Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w XVI–XVII w. �Fot. 1. „Wdowy” symbolizujące Mater Dolorosa w wielkopiątkowej procesji w Sewilli, 2015. Blog „Połącz Kropki”, Katarzyna Tutko-Borcowska, https://polaczkropki.pl/2015/06/02/semana-santa-w-kordobie-3/ Fot. 2. Virgen de la Soledad kościele San Isidro w Madrycie. Acosta Luna, Olga Isabel, 2011, Milagrosas imágenes marianas en el Nuevo Reino de Granda, Frankfurt am Main: Iberoamericana, Vervuert Verlag, str. 167. �Fot. 3. Virgen de la Soledad, przypisywana Alonso Cano, II poł. XVII w. Domena publiczna. Fot. 4. Przykłady odbitek graficznych z wizerunkiem Virgen de la Soledad – XVII–XVIII w. Acosta Luna, Olga Isabel, 2011, Milagrosas imágenes marianas en el Nuevo Reino de Granda, Frankfurt am Main: Iberoamericana, Vervuert Verlag, str. 168. �Fot. 5. Wczesne przykłady wizerunków Virgen de la Soledad – XVII w. Acosta Luna, Olga Isabel, 2011, Milagrosas imágenes marianas en el Nuevo Reino de Granda, Frankfurt am Main: Iberoamericana, Vervuert Verlag. Str. 170. Fot. 6. Matka Boska Bolesna w kościele franciszkanów w Krakowie, ok. 1510 r. https://forumdlazycia.wordpress.com/2016/12/07/bolesne-objawienia-matki-bozej-o-aleksander-posacki-sj-3/. �Fot. 7. Chrystus z Małej Pasji Albrechta Dürera z 1509–1510 r. Domena publiczna. Fot. 8. Dominikos Theotokopulos, El Greco, Chrystus na krzyżu z widokiem Toledo w tle, 1604, Colección Santander. Domena publiczna. �Fot. 9. Francisco Pacheco, Chrystus na krzyżu, 1614, olej na płótnie, Grenada, kolekcja Gómeza Moreno. Domena publiczna. Fot. 10. Francisco de Zurbaran, Ukrzyżowanie, ok. 1635 r. olej na płótnie, Sewilla, Museo de Bellas Artes. Domena publiczna. �Fot. 11. Diego Rodríguez de Silva y Velázquez, Chrystus na Krzyżu, 1632, Madryt, Muzeum Prado. Domena publiczna. Fot. 12. Wizerunek Chrystusa Matthiasa Grünewalda w retabulum ołtarzowym w Isenheim, 1512 r. Domena publiczna. �Fot. 13. Widok Jerozolimy z Liber Chronicarum Hartmana Schedla, Norymberga 1493. Schedel, Hartmann, 1493, Liber Chronicarum, Inkunabuł: domena publiczna, https://www.wbc.poznan.pl/dlibra/publication/499107/edition/410623/content Fot. 14. Widok Toledo jako Jerozolimy na obrazie El Greco. Domena publiczna. �Andyjski Pan Samotności „wielka opowieść” �Fot. 1. Jaskinia Guitarrero, miejsce odnalezienia najstarszych śladów bytności człowieka w dolinie Rio Santa, datowanych na schyłek plejstocenu. �Fot. 2. Centrum ceremonialne Wilcahuain w pobliżu Huaráz. Fot. 3. Centrum ceremonialne Wayllac na wschodnich obrzeżach Huaráz. Fot. 4. Centrum ceremonialne Tumshucaico w pobliżu Caraz. https://www.tripadvisor.com/Attraction_Review-g304037-d4783438-Reviews-Tumshukaiko-Caraz_Ancash_Region.html#photos;aggregationId=&albumid=&filter=7&ff=110326778. �Fot. 5. Ruiny inkaskiego tambo. Pueblo Viejo na obrzeżach Recuay. Fot. 6. Inkaski most linowy w Andach wg XIX-wiecznego rysunku z dzieła: George Suiera, Peru. Incidents of trave and exploration in the Land of the Incas, New York 1887. �Fot. 7. Drogi inkaskie, przecinające masyw Cordillera Blanca, pomiędzy Olleros a Chavín de Huantar. �Fot. 8. Widok wzgórza Pumacayan w Huaráz. Fot. 9. Graffiti „Salvemos Pumacayan” („Ratujmy Pumacayan”) na cokole pomnika w pobliżu wzgórza Pumacayan. �Fot. 9 c.d. Graffiti „Salvemos Pumacayan” („Ratujmy Pumacayan”) na murze domu w pobliżu wzgórza Pumacayan. Fot. 10. Centrum ceremonialne Kuntur Wasi w pobliżu Cajamarki. https://www.flickr.com/photos/enperu/2579685052. �Fot. 11. Centrum ceremonialne Cerro Sechín nieopodal wybrzeża Pacyfiku. �Fot. 12. Chavín de Huantar, największe i najważniejsze centrum ceremonialne w tej części Andów. �Fot. 13. Zagadkowe usytuowanie ośrodka kultowego Pumacayan dokładnie na linii prostej pomiędzy Cerro Sechín a Chavín de Huantar. Fot. 14. Spotkanie i wywiad z prof. Johnem W. Rickiem w Chavín de Huantar w 2013 r. �Fot. 15. Kilkupoziomowe korytarze i galerie podziemne w Chavín de Huantar. �Fot. 15 c.d. Kilkupoziomowe korytarze i galerie podziemne w Chavín de Huantar. �Fot. 16. Głaz z nieckami wypełnianymi wodą lub chichą w Chavín de Huantar. Fot. 17. Jedyny zachowany kamień z Pumacayan, ozdobiony reliefami z wizerunkiem człowieka i zwierząt – w zbiorach Museo Arqueologico de Ancash „Augusto Soriano Infante” w Huaráz. �Fot. 18. Spotkanie i wywiad z etnologiem i pisarzem Marcosem Yauri Montero, Lima, październik 2019 r. Fot. 19. Wyschnięte źródła na wzgórzu Rataquenua nad Huaráz. �Fot. 20. Malowidła na skałach, grobowce i ślady założeń budowlanych z okresu przedinkaskiego w świętej dolinie Quillquayhuanca kilkanaście kilometrów na wschód od Huaráz. �Fot. 21. Motywy węża wyrzeźbione na kamieniach w Chavín de Huantar i Cuzco. �Fot. 22. Tęcza nad Huaráz – zjawisko atmosferyczne głęboko osadzone w wierzeniach i mitologii ludów andyjskich. Fot. William Antonio Reyes Milla. Fot. 23. Kanały wyrzeźbione w skale o finezyjnych kształtach naśladujących węża, Quenco. https://laplacamadre.files.wordpress.com/2013/12/andes6-qenko3.jpg. �Fot. 24. Słynna scena spotkania Ataw Wallpy z Pizarrem w Cajamarce 16 listopada 1533 r. Felipe Guaman de Ayala, Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno, 1615, http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/386/es/image/?open=idm46480313243952&imagesize=X. Fot. 25. Fragmenty rozległego kompleksu archeologicznego Pacha Kamaq na wybrzeżu Pacyfiku (obecnie w granicach Limy). �Fot. 25 c.d. Fragmenty rozległego kompleksu archeologicznego Pacha Kamaq na wybrzeżu Pacyfiku (obecnie w granicach Limy). Profesor Krzysztof Makowski od wielu lat kieruje prowadzonymi tu pracami archeologicznymi. �A B C D Fot. 26. Strzeżenie pól przed ptactwem i zwierzętami. A – styczeń, B – luty, C – marzec, D – kwiecień. Felipe Guaman de Ayala, Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno, 1615, http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/386/es/image/?open=idm46480313243952&imagesize=X. �Fot. 27. Kaplica boczna sanktuarium Señora de la Soledad w Huaráz. Fragment muru kamiennego wykonany prawdopodobnie z głazów Pumacayan. Fot. 28. Indianie wpatrujący się w płomienie ofiarnych świec, pełniących funkcję wróżebną. Wygląd płomienia, spływającego wosku i sposobu spalania się świecy to elementy skomplikowanego systemu znaków wróżebnych, który na poziomie ogólnym znany jest większości Indian, a na poziomie wyspecjalizowanym stanowi wiedzę niektórych tylko osób, przekazywaną z pokolenia na pokolenie. �Fot. 29. Wnętrze Santuario Nuestra Señora de la Soledad w Limie. Fot. 30. Virgen de la Soledad – figura stanowiąca część Grupy Ukrzyżowania przy krucyfiksie Señora de la Soledad w Huaráz. �A B Fot. 31. Przykłady założeń ikonograficznych Chrystusa na Krzyżu wraz z Grupą Ukrzyżowania w peryferyjnych kościołach andyjskich w Chacas (A) i Aquia (B). �Fot. 32. Sanktuarium Chrystusa Señor de la Soledad w Huaráz przed trzęsieniem ziemi w 1970 r. http://noticierolibre.com/929960993715040/las-iglesias-catolicas-de-la-ciudad-de-huaras-antes-y-despues-del-terremoto-de-1970/ Fot. 33. Współczesny kościół Chrystusa Señor de la Soledad w Huaráz. W głębi wzgórze Rataquenua. �Fot. 34. Figura św. Sebastiana w Sagrario de San Sebastian w Huaráz. �Fot. 35. Zakrystianin Donato Robles z Pariacoto. Fot. 36. Señor de Mayo z Pariacoto. Poniżej mural na jednym budynku z Pariacoto ilustrujący legendę o pojawieniu się wizerunku. �Fot. 37. Virgan de la Dolorosa (Virgen de la Soledad) z Grupy Ukrzyżowania, świątynia Soledad, Huaráz. Fot. 38. Św. Jan Ewangelista z Grupy Ukrzyżowania, świątynia Soledad, Huaráz. Fot. 39. Św. Maria Magdalena z Grupy Ukrzyżowania, świątynia Soledad, Huaráz. �Fot. 40. Señor de la Soledad – widok ogólny. �Fot. 41. Twarz Señora de la Soledad. �Fot. 42. Sudario i cinturón na biodrach Señora de la Soledad. Fot. 43. Gwoździe w dłoniach i stopach Señora de la Soledad. �Fot. 44. Fotografia archiwalna Señora de la Soledad z ok. połowy XX w. Na espaldarze widoczna jest duża ilość wot. https://www.facebook.com/678876142124957/photos/pb.100064809363596.-2207520000/4905043722841490/?type=3. �Fot. 45. Symulacja ukazująca ideę wpisania Cruz del Sur (w zwierciadlanym odbiciu) w kompozycję figur Señora de la Soledad oraz trzech postaci pod krzyżem. Symulacje autorki. �A B Fot. 46. Kształt konstelacji Cruz del Sur widzianej przez dawnego Indianina andyjskiego (A) oraz chrześcijanina (B). Symulacje autorki. �A B C D Fot. 47. Przykłady chacan rzeźbionych w kamieniu lub wyobrażonych na ceramice. A: budowle w Puma Punku: https://podroze.onet.pl/ciekawe/puma-punku-tajemnicze-swiatynie-w-boliwii/nzy1tjh. B, C: chacana w ceramice: https://thetinkuy.wordpress.com/the-chakana/. �Fot. 48. Rysunek Pacha Cuti’ego z Cruz del Sur w odbiciu lustrzanym w stosunku do rzeczywistego widoku. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/c/c7/Santa_Cruz_Pachacuti_Yamqui_cosmologia.gif. U dołu – replika złotej płyty, która rzekomo miała się znajdować w świątyni Quri Kanchy w Cuzco, wykonana na podstawie rysunku Pacha Cuti’ego (Museo del Convento de Santo Domingo Qorikancha w Cuzco). Symulacje autorki. �Fot. 49. Symulacja odbicia lustrzanego Cruz del Sur, którego efektem jest widok tej konstelacji na rysunku Pacha Cuti’ego. Symulacja autorki. �Fot. 50. „Wodne lustro”, w którym dawni Indianie andyjscy obserwowali nocne niebo. Fot. z pracy: E. Salazar Garcés, The Inka Astronomy Handbook. Cultural Astronomy: Archaeo & Ethno Astronomy, Lima 2018, s. 43. �Fot. 51. Figura Virgen Inmaculada Concepción przed domem Melchiora Montesa Moty w Huaraz. Fot. 52. Melchior Montes Mota, ostatni twórca vozdób woskowych velones i konserwator rzeźb religijnych. �Fot. 53. Współczesne i historyczne velones z wosku – obiekty zanikającej sztuki sakralnej. �Fot. 54. Melchior Montes Mota prezentuje odnowione przez siebie rzeźby oraz woskowe velones. Fot. José Luis Sotelo Montoro (u dołu). �Fot. 55. Señor de la Soledad (w głębi) i Señor de Mayo w świątyni Soledad podczas fiesty majowej. Poniżej Señor de la Soledad (z lewej) i Señor de Mayo (z prawej) – widok z bliska. �Fot. 56. Achiwalne zdjęcia powodzi w Huaraz w 1941 roku. Domena publiczna. �Fot. 57. Śmierć Ataw Wallpy (1533) wg rysunku Guamana Pommy de Ayali (1609). W rzeczywistości Ataw Wallpa został uduszony garrotą w Cajamarce. Felipe Guaman de Ayala, Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno, 1615, http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/2006/poma/386/es/ image/?open=idm46480313243952&imagesize=X. Fot. 58. Egzekucja Tupaca Amaru I (1572) wg rysunku Guamana Pommy de Ayali (1609). Został ścięty na Plaza de Armas w Cuzco. Felipe Guaman de Ayala, Nueva Corónica y Buen Gobierno, 1615, http://www5.kb.dk/permalink/ 2006/poma/386/es/image/?open=idm46480313243952&imagesize=X. Fot. 59. Egzekucja Tupaca Amaru II (1781) wg anonimowej ryciny z XVIII w. Został poddany torturom i rozerwany końmi na Plaza de Armas w Cuzco. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Tupac_amaru_execution.jpg �Fot. 60. Przykłady dekoracji figur sakralnych w barwach narodowych Peru. �Fot. 61. Potrójna szrama na lewym policzku Señora de la Soledad, ukryta pod włosami. �Fot. 62. Wizyta u Gumarcindo Garcia Alvaróna, prawnuka Pablo Atusparii, przywódcy powstania chłopskiego w 1885 r. U dołu portret Atusparii i jego prawnuka. �Fot. 63. Fotografie archiwalne Huaráz zniszczonego trzęsieniem ziemi w 31 maja 1970 r. Domena publiczna. �Fot. 64. Rzeźbiarz Godofredo Zegarra Angeles z rodziną przy odtworzonym przez siebie krucyfiksie Señora de Mayo, który uległ zniszczeniu w trzęsieniu ziemi w 1970 r. Poniżej artykuł z gazetki Revista de la Sociedad de Auxilios Mutuos de El Señor de la Soledad z 1982 r., poświęcony twórczości rzeźbiarskiej artysty. �Chrystus żujący kokę – kilka „małych opowieści” o „oswojonym” Bogu �Fot. 1. Mutsaki – ucałowanie stóp Señora de la Soledad w czwartek po Środzie Popielcowej. Fot. William Antonio Reyes Milla. �Fot. 2. „Mały ale groźny” – Señor de Santa Cruz z Olleros. Fot. William Antonio Reyes Milla. Fot. 3. Wg. wypowiedzi wiernych „obrazy biorą udział we mszy św.”. Święcenie prywatnych wizerunków Señora de la Soledad w czasie fiesty majowej. �Fot. 4. Przykłady krzyży typu calvario z atrybutami Męki Pańskiej. Domena publiczna (u góry). �Fot. 5. Weqlla (Tillandsia fendleri) – wysokogórski epifit, którego liście i kwiaty używane są do dekoracji krzyży karnawałowych. Fot. 6. Krzyże wiejskie (cruces campesinas) „żyją”, poruszane podmuchami wiatru – ich ramiona i „głowa” wywołują skojarzenia z sylwetką tańczącego człowieka, takiego jak Indianin po lewej stronie. Zdjęcie wykonane przed sanktuarium Soledad. Fot. William Antonio Reyes Milla. �Fot. 7. Cruces campesinas mogą przyjmować różne dekoracyjne kształty, znacznie odbiegające od klasycznej formy krzyża. Fot. William Antonio Reyes Milla. �Fot. 8. Krzyż o tradycyjnym kształcie „ukryty” za kwietnym cruce campesino ewokuje dwoistą symbolikę – służebności wobec niego, a zarazem stabilnej konstrukcji warunkującej istnienie. Domena publiczna. �Fot. 9 W przedsionkach czy pod chórami kościołów andyjskich można spotkać oparte krzyże, w większości w kolorze zielonym, do których mocowany jest Señor de Mayo podczas majowych procesji. Niektóre z nich, jeśli nie są zbyt ciężkie, mogą być wykorzystywane jako konstrukcja kwietnych krzyży karnawałowych. Na fotografiach krzyże w Aqia i Huasta. Fot. 10. Tsampi z owoców i butelek z alkoholem obnoszone są w korowodach razem z cruces carnavales oraz uczestniczą w tańcach i praktykach obrzędowych o charakterze wegetatywnym na terenach wiosek. Na zdjęciu po lewej tradycyjny roncadora z bębnem i fletem pinquillo z wioski Rivas nad Huaraz. Po prawej archiwalne i współczesne zdjęcie świątecznego korowodu z tsampi; na dolnym twarze kobiet pobielone są mąką z białej kukurydzy. Domena publiczna. �Fot. 11 Krzyże miejskie zwane bordadas wykonywane są we wszystkich dzielnicach Huaraz, a także przybywają do Señora de la Soledad z innych miasteczek doliny Río Santa (Carhuaz, Yungay, Caraz). Są bogato wyszywane motywami florystycznymi i symbolami eucharystycznymi, z montowanymi płaskimi bądź reliefowymi wizerunkami Chrystusa. Przechowywane bywają w kościołach lub specjalnych kaplicach, takich jak na górnej fotografii, wykonanej w kaplicy na wzgórzu Pumacayan. Domena publiczna (u dołu). �Fot. 12 Tłum uczestników święta cruces carnavales przed świątynią Soledad. Największe, kilkumetrowe „krzyże wiejskie” przybywają z dużych wsi otaczających Huaraz; tysiące mniejszych przynoszą rodziny, a nawet indywidualne osoby (fot. poniżej). Fot. William Antonio Reyes Milla. �Fot. 13. Gra roncadoras na bębnie i flecie pinquillo reprezentuje najbardziej archaiczną formę muzyki andyjskiej, prawdopodobnie niezmienionej przez tysiąclecia. �Fot. 14. Martes guerra w Huaraz to gremialne oblewanie się wodą we wtorek przed Środą Popielcową. Fot. William Antonio Reyes Milla. Fot. 15. Do stałego repertuaru fiesty cruces carnavales należy bielenie twarzy papką z mąki kukurydzianej lub obsypywanie się mąką w stanie sypkim. Fot. William Antonio Reyes Milla. �Fot. 16. Obraz Ostatnia wieczerza Marcosa Zapaty (1710–1773) z przedstawieniem peruwiańskich owoców oraz świnki morskiej cuy jako dań biesiadników. Domena publiczna https://elblogdegustavodelgadillo.wordpress.com/2014/05/07/la-ultima-cena-de-zapata-colonialismo-resistencia-y-contextualizacion/. Fot. 17. Preinkaskie chulpas – budowle grobowe; po lewej w dolinie Quillkayhuanca, po prawej w okolicy przełęczy Yanashallash (4700 m n.p.m.) w głównej grani Cordillera Blanca, między Olleros a Chavin de Huantar. Domena publiczna. �Fot. 18. Archiwalne zdjęcia Señora de la Soledad otoczonego srebrnymi wotami, wykonane około poł. XX w. U dołu kobieta kreolska z domowym wizerunkiem Pana Samotności na fotografii wykonanej przed trzęsieniem ziemi w 1970 r., po którym wota zniknęły z otoczenia krucyfiksu. Domena publiczna (u góry). �Fot. 19. Señor de los Afligidos w Ucuchá. Wota ofiarowanie przez społeczność kreolską zamieszkującą od pokoleń tę miejscowość. Fot. 20. XVI-wieczny krucyfiks w kościele La Merced w Limie otoczony tysiącami wot. �Fot. 21. Wota w zbiorach Museo Señor de Los Milagros w Limie. Fot. 22. Ordery i emblematy wojskowe ofiarowane jako wota, przy wizerunku San Martin de Porres, w kościele Convento Santo Domingo w Limie. �Fot. 23. Folder reklamowy i logo na samochodzie, Politécnico Señor de la Soledad w Huaráz. Fot. 24. Zasłużona instytucja kształcenia dzieci i młodzieży – Institución Educativa „Señor de la Soledad” w Huaráz. �Fot. 25. Collegio Bilingüe „Señor de la Soledad” założone przez migrantów z Huaráz w portowej dzielnicy Limy, Callao. Domena publiczna. Fot. 26. Orkiestra „Señor de la Soledad” z dzielnicy Soledad w Huaráz. Domena publiczna. �Fot. 27. Luksusowe apartamenty „Soledad” w Huaráz. Fot. 28. Restauracja „Añañau Soledad” w Huaráz. Fot. 29. Identyfikator drogerii „Señor de la Soledad” w Huaráz. Fot. 30. Taksówka nalężąca do przedsiębiorstwa przewozowego „Mars Soledad” w Huaráz. �Fot. 31. „Prowadź mnie, Panie Samotności” – suplikacje modlitewne do Señora de la Soledad umieszczane na szybach samochodów w Huaráz. Fot. 32. Modne liternictwo stosowane w napisach na szybach samochodów. Fot. 33. Wiersz ku czci Señora de la Soledad na szybie samochodu w Huaráz. �Fot. 34. Graficzne uproszczenie głowy Señora de la Soledad stało się charakterystycznym emblematem naklejanym na szyby i karoserie samochodów w Huaráz. Fot. 35. Graffiti szablonowe z wizerunkiem twarzy Señora de la Soledad na murze w Huaráz. ��Pięciu „braci” Chrystusów – liczba „5” w matriksie systemu pokrewieństwa �Fot. 1. Señor de Cochas (distr. de Ocros, prov. Ancash). Domena publiczna. Fot. 2. Señor de Pomallucay (distr. C.F. Fitzcarrald, prov. Ancash). �Fot. 3. Señor de Chaucayán de Cajacay (distr. Bolognesi, prov. Ancash). Fot. 4. Señor de Santa (distr. Santa, prov. Ancash). �Fot. 5. Señor de Burgos de Recuay (distr. Recuay, prov. Ancash). �Fot. 6. Orlando Jara Papayan – historyk, znawca regionu Ancash, właściciel księgarni i wydawnictwa „Hirca” w Huaráz. Fot. 7. Reynaldo Zavala Agilar – proboszcz parafii Soledad w Huaráz w sanktuarium Chrystusa Señora de la Soledad. Fot. 8. Proboszcz parafii Espiritu Santo w Huaráz, podczas przygotowań do mszy świętej w kaplicy w wiosce Unchus, podczas dorocznej fiesty patronalnej św. Michała Archanioła, 9 października. �Fot. 9. Domingo Torres Vallejo – proboszcz Santy podczas dorocznej fiesty patronalnej Señora de Santa (12 sierpnia), nad wizerunkiem paso tego Chrystusa. Główny wizerunek Señora de Santa, będący zabytkową rzeźbą z okresu kolonialnego (fot. 4) opuszcza swoje miejsce w głównym ołtarzu tylko w nadzwyczajnych okolicznościach, raz na kilka lat, natomiast w cyklicznych ceremoniach zastępuje go późniejsza replika. Wizerunek otaczają członkowie rodziny mayordomo. Fot. 10. O. Rafał Dryjański – proboszcz parafii w Pariacoto (pierwszy z lewej) – wraz z polskimi braćmi franciszkanami oraz ojcem Stanisławem Olbrychtem (pierwszy z prawej). Zdjęcie wykonano w jadalni plebanii w Pariacoto (sierpień 2019 r.) – miejscu codziennych posiłków i rozmów. �Fot. 11. Gregorio Mazarina Paredes – emerytowany proboszcz parafii Belén w Huaráz w swoim domu (sierpień 2019 r.). Duchowny jest znanym w mieście społecznikiem, organizatorem rozlicznych form życia religijnego, ale też publicystą i kolekcjonerem, posiadającym zbiór starych, uratowanych przed zniszczeniem rzeźb sakralnych. Fot. 12. Florencio Salazar Romero – wikary parafii w Recuay (po prawej) w sanktuarium Señora de Burgos de Recuay (2019 r.). Fot. 13. Magno Cueva Popuy – proboszcz parafii San Augustin w Cajacay, życzliwy i otwarty w rozmowach na temat ludowych form religijności (2019 r.). �Fot. 14. Gregorio Kunturi Mamani (1908–1979) z żoną Asuntą Qispi Waman. Ten ubogi, niepiśmienny tragarz z przedmieść Cuzco jest autorem niezwykłego pamiętnika sporządzonego przez peruwiańskich antropologów na podstawie nagrań magnetofonowych – jednego z ważniejszych źródeł etnograficznych z lat 70. XX w. Inkowie o Inkach. Antologia, spolszczył, przypisami i komentarzami opatrzył Jan Szemiński, Warszawa 2015, s. 181. Fot. 15. Kiveth Elvis Rodriguez Romero – działacz kościelny w Mancos (na pn. od Huaráz) w kościele San Roque w tym miasteczku. W głębi po prawej widoczny jest czczony w tym miejscu krucyfiks (2019 r.). �Fot. 16. Figura św. Rocha w kościele w Mancos (na pn. od Huaráz). Pies jako atrybut świętego stał się przedmiotem ofiar wiernych, które w postaci setek figurek, maskotek i zabawek wypełniają otoczenie figury. �Fot. 17. 31 maja 1970 r. Huaráz nawiedziło najtragiczniejsze w jego historii trzęsienie ziemi, które obróciło w gruzy 95% zabudowy i spowodowało śmierć około 18 tys. mieszkańców. Niemal cała spuścizna budownictwa kolonialnego, w tym zabytkowych kościołów i kaplic, a także wypełniających je obiektów sakralnych, zniknęła bezpowrotnie. Zniszczeniu uległy też archiwa, biblioteki i zbiory muzealne, przez co badania nad historią miasta i regionu napotykają na poważne trudności. Fot. z archiwum Gregorio Mazarina Paredes (u góry). U dołu katalog wystawy zdjeć archiwalnych Huaráz; Guerrero Falcón, Dante, (2003), Exposición fotografica „Mística de un pueblo… Huaráz en el recuerdo”. Muestra: Miguel Sotomayor Castro, Huaráz: Barrick Pierina.. �Fot. 18. Historyczne plany Huaráz, obrazujące rozplanowanie miasta, kontynuujące tradycję XVI-wiecznej redukcji. Mapka u góry – wg: C.A. Alba Herrera, Huarás. Historia de un pueblo en transformacion, Caras 1996, s. 119. Mapka u dołu – wg: Atlas geografico del Peru, publicado a expensas del Gobierno Peruano, siendo Presidente el Libertador Gran Mariscal Ramon Castilla, por. Mariano Paz Soldan, Paris 1865. �Fot. 19. Uliczka José Olaya to jedyny większy fragment Huaráz ocalały z trzęsienia ziemi w 1970 r., dziś bezcenny kompleks architektoniczny, będący przykładem dawnego budownictwa kolonialnego i XIX-wiecznego w tym mieście. Zieleń drzwi, balkonów i okiennic to kolor charakterystyczny dla tego rejonu miasta. Na dolnym zdjęciu widoczne są latarnie gazowe, niegdyś oświetlające tę i inne ulice w Huaráz. �Fot. 20. W nielicznych starych domach w Huaráz, ocalałych z trzęsienia ziemi w 1970 r., zachowała się odmienna kolorystyka drzwi, okien i balkonów, od najdawniejszych czasów charakterystyczna dla czterech historycznych dzielnic miasta. Podobną kolorystykę spotyka się do dziś w starych domostwach w okolicznych wsiach. �Fot. 21. Ceramiczne motywy dłoni-gór w kulturze Moche rozwijającej się w rejonie północnego wybrzeża Peru w okresie od I w. p.n.e. do ok. 850 r. n.e. Jeden z licznych przykładów inspiracji ludzką dłonią w sztuce peruwiańskiej costy i sierry. �Fot. 22. Pięciu braci – eukaliptusów wyrastających z jednego pnia w wiosce Unchus. Przykład mikrotoponimu odwołującego się do idei braterstwa. Fot. Daniel Joshue Milla Lliuya Fot. 23. Słynny dzwon Maria Angola na wieży katedry w Cuzco. Jose Maria Arguedas zanotował legendę o jego braterstwie z innymi dzwonami. http://campaners.com/php/fotos_campana.php?numer=9970&pag=3. �Fot. 24. Mapa departamentu Ancash z 1873 r. sporządzona przez Antonio Raimondiego (1826–1890), której maniera graficzna podkreśla spójność, a zarazem opozycyjność dwóch równoległych pasm Cordillera Blanca i Cordillera Negra – skamieniałych, mitycznych braci bliźniaków. Zgodnie z archetypem dyssymetrii układów dualistycznych, Biała Kordyliera jest znacznie wyższa i obfitująca w życiodajną wodę ze strumieni i lodowców, a Czarna – niższa, sucha, niemal pozbawiona wody. Pomiędzy nimi od tysiącleci kwitną i giną kultury doliny Río Santa (Hatun Mayu). Mapa departamentu Ancash wg. Antonio Raimondi, 2006, El departamento de Ancachs y sus riquesas minerales (1873). Mapa del departamento de Ancachs con la nueva provincia de Dos de Mayo del departamento de Huánuco (1873). Incluye la presentación de dibujos inéditos de sus libertas de viajes y de la oficina de redacción de la obra El Perú. Compilación y estudio introductorio de L.F. Villscorta Ostolaza, Lima: Fondo Editorial Universidad Mayor de San Marcos. �Fot. 25. Pomabamba w Callejon de Conchucos na wschodnich stokach Andów. Spotkanie w gościnnym domu doktora Julio Adolfo Vidal Escudero (siedzi, w głębi za stołem). Na zdjęciu są także: Fernando Valverde Lavado (siedzi, na bliższym planie), Alcybiades Victor Cueva Villanueva (siedzi, w brązowej bluzie), Miguel Genaro Flores Tinoco (stoi) oraz autorka i Mirosław Mąka. Zdjęcie wykonał Jhohan Escudero Escudero (24 września 2019). Fot. Escudero Escudero, Jhohan. Fot. 26. Wiekowa kaplica w Cushuru udekorowana z okazji fiesty patronalnej Señora de Santa Cruz (24 września 2019 r.). �Fot. 27. Rytualne wnoszenie piwa zakupionego przez mayordomo na fiestę patronalną w Cushuru. Piwo niesione jest tak, by wyeksponować jego obfitość, a niosący je mężczyźni kilkakrotnie okrążają plac przed kaplicą. Korowodowi towarzyszy muzyka orkiestr a uczestnicy fiesty podążają za nim tanecznym krokiem. Fot. 28. Plac przed kaplicą w Cushuru wypełniony setkami tańczących i raczących się piwem Indian. Kobiety w większości ubrane są w stroje regionalne. Kolor wstążki na kapeluszu to komunikat na temat statusu – panna, mężatka, wdowa w okresie żałoby, wdowa szukająca drugiego męża. �Fot. 29. Na banerze rozwieszonym przed kaplicą w Cushuru widnieje podobizna dwóch bliźniaczych krzyży adorowanych przez putta o stylistyce zaczerpniętej z XIX-wiecznej estetyki europejskiej. Fot. 30. Podwójny wizerunek Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego w Cushuru. �Fot. 31. Indianki adorujące podwójny krucyfiks, skupione przede wszystkim na obserwacji płomieni świec. Są jak współczesne westalki andyjskie, strażniczki ognia, nieprzerwanie płonącego przy czczonych wizerunkach. Fot. 32. Zły i dobry Chrystus, ale tylko jeden… Urzekająca egzemplifikacja dualizmu andyjskiego wyrażonego w minimalistycznym repertuarze symboliki. �Fot. 33. Stara kaplica w wysokogórskiej wiosce Huashao, położonej na zachodnich stokach Huascaranu (6768 m n.p.m.), najwyższego szczytu Peru. Na stopniach gromadzą się kobiety, oczekując na zebranie wiejskie. Fot. 34. Pobożny i szanowany doctrinero, pełniący obowiązki religijne w Huashao w zastępstwie rzadko bywającego tu księdza. Mężczyzna nosi miano llavero czyli klucznika, gdyż tylko on dysponuje kluczem do kaplicy. �Fot. 35. Podwójny krucyfiks w kaplicy w Huashao, zabezpieczony folią pełniącą funkcję dekoracyjną, podobną do szyby, za którą bywają umieszczane wizerunki sakralne. Fot. 36. Kaplica w Huashao. Figura Chrystusa owinięta na stałe przeźroczystą folią. Folia ta pełni funkcję dekoracyjną, a nie ochronną. �Fot. 37. Zebranie wiejskie kobiet w kaplicy w Huashao, służącej również potrzebom cywilnym. Fot. 38. Surowy krajobraz lodowców Huascaranu, obserwowany sprzed kaplicy w Huashao. �Fot. 39. Dualistyczny Señor de Pomallucay w prywatnej kaplicy w Recreo Campestre la Capullana koło Caraz. Fot. William Antonio Reyes Milla (u dołu). �Fot. 40. Podwójna figura Świętego Franciszka w kościele w Conococha (distr. Recuay, dep. Ancash). Fot. 41. Podwójna figura Virgen Dolorosa w Pomabambie (Callejon de Conchucos). �Fot. 42. Dualistyczna figura Niño Nakaq w Ayacucho. Ekstremalny przykład synkretycznej koncentracji kilku wątków wierzeniowych w jednym wizerunku. �Fot. 43. Dualistyczny wizerunek złoto-srebrnego Señora Cautivo de Ayabaca przybyłego z hołdem i ofiarą do Señora de la Soledad w Huaráz. Poniżej złoty i srebrny sztandar z wizerunkiem Señora Cautivo. �Fot. 44. Huaráz. Jedna z wielu procesji prywatnych z wizerunkiem czczonym przez jedną rodzinę, dla której stanowi on zwornik tożsamości i samoidentyfikacji oraz oś integracji i cyklicznej odnowy relacji. �Fot. 45. Prywatna kapliczka rodzinna z wizerunkiem Chrystusa Ukrzyżowanego Señor de Exaltación de Rivas w indiańskim domu na przedmieściach Huaráz, gdzie mieszkałam przez wiele miesięcy w trakcie badań. Na dolnym zdjęciu ryngraf z podobizną Matki Boskiej Częstochowskiej, umieszczony w gablotce u stóp Chrystusa, nierozpakowany z koperty foliowej. �Fot. 46. Señor Crucificado de Santa w ołtarzu głównym w snktuarium w Sancie. Fot. 47. Paso Señora Crucificado de Santa – późniejsza kopia rzeźby w ołtarzu, przygotowywana do procesji podczas święta patronalnego. �Święci andyjscy w strukturze społecznych ram pamięci �Fot. 1. Kaplica w Hueta Jaja. Typowy dla Andów przykład dużego nagromadzenia figur świętych w jednym miejscu. �Fot. 2. Jeden z setek sklepów z dewocjonaliami przy Avenida Tacna oraz Jiron Huancavelica w Limie. �Fot. 3. O. Rafał Dryjański OFM, proboszcz parafii w Pariacoto w Cordillera Negra. Fot. 4. O. Stanisław Olbrycht OFM, rezydent parafii w Pariacoto w Cordillera Negra, misjonarz z 50-letnim stażem pracy duszpasterskiej w różnych rejonach Andów. Fot. 5. Przeglądanie kolekcji szat Chrystusa Señor de Mayo w zakrystii kościoła w Pariacoto. Najstarsze pochodzą z lat 60. XX w. �Fot. 6. Mayordomo z żoną podczas fiesty patronalnej San Miguel Arcangel we wsi Unchus nieopodal. Huaráz. �Fot. 7. Procuradora kościoła pw. Virgen de Mercedes w Carhuaz, Nicole de Montoro. Dysponuje kluczem do świątyni i prowadzi wieloletnie spisy mayordomos oraz innych fundatorów strojów świętych. Fot. 8. Esperanza Gallazdo, procuradora i Misionera Laica Católica, Responsabe de la Iglesia de Aqía w Aqía w prowincji Bolonesi. Obok przewodnik i tłumacz z keczua Daniel Milla Lliuya. Fot. 9. Santosa Alva Zavaleta, encargadora y llavera, „trzymająca klucz” do kościoła w Huasta w prowincji Bolonesi. �Fot. 10. Dostatek jedzenia i piwa podczas fiest patronalnych w Unchus (prov. Huaráz), Marían (prov. Huaráz) i Cushuru (prow. Piscobamba). �Fot. 11. Przykładowe spisy i foldery drukowane z okazji fiest, zawierające listy darczyńców z wyszczególnieniem ufundowanych przez nich napojów, jedzenia i innych świadczeń na rzecz uroczystości. �Fot. 12. Motywy eucharystyczne i florystyczne na elementach stroju Chrystusa Señora de Mayo w Pariacoto. �Fot. 13. Przykłady nazwisk fundatorów wyhaftowanych na elementach strojów Chrystusa i świętych. �Fot. 14. Na głowach Chrystusa i świętych włosy nie są rzeźbione, tylko markowane ciemniejszą plamą koloru; podobnie umownie zaznaczane są elementy bielizny. Na głowę nakładana jest peruka sporządzona z naturalnych ludzkich włosów. Figura może mieć większą liczbę peruk, które są również, podobnie jak szaty, fundowane przez wiernych. �Fot. 15. Skromne, ręcznie wykonane hafty spotykane są na starszych elementach szat świętych z okresu sprzed upowszechnienia się nowoczesnych zakładów hafciarskich, ale występują także współcześnie, na strojach fundowanych przez ubogich wiernych, których nie stać na sfinansowanie haftu maszynowego. �Fot. 16. Señor de Cayac jest jednym z kilku Chrystusów w Andach, których postać objawiła się ludziom w kamieniu. Jego ciało, podrzeźbione przez artystę, stanowi fragment naturalnej skały. �Fot. 17. Señor de Pomallucay w szatach purpurowych oraz zielonych, nałożonych w czasie fiesty patronalnej. Obowiązuje zasada, że kolejny strój ma wyraźnie odmienną kolorystykę niż poprzedni. �Fot. 18. Przykłady stelaży i atrap części ciała świętych, zastępujących pełną rzeźbę. Na pierwszym zdjęciu widoczne są ręce Matki Boskiej, zastąpione ruchomą atrapą z płótna, na dwóch następnych konstrukcje z drewna i drutu. José Miguel Travieso Alonso, 2011, Escultura de papelón. Un recurso para el simulacro, „Revista Atticus” nr 14 (maj), s.26. �Fot. 19. Przykład niezgodnego z kanoniczną ikonografią stroju św. Franciszka. Zamiast skromnego habitu bogato zdobiony płaszcz. Na zdjęciach figury w Conocochy i w Huasta. �Fot. 20. Przebieranie figury Señora de Mayo w Pariacoto. Na zdjęciu proboszcz Rafał Dryjański, o. Stanisław Olbrycht (w głębi) oraz autorka. �Fot. 20 c.d. Przebieranie figury Señora de Cayac w Cayac. Procuradura Esperanza Gallazdo demonstruje okrycie zdjęte z Chrystusa. Na zdjęciu poniżej głowa Chrystusa otoczona jest szalem podarowanym przez autorkę, a na przykryciu leży obrazek przywieziony z Polski. Na dolnym zdjęciu Chrystus jest bez szat; widać pomalowaną rzeźbę w kamieniu stanowiącą integralny fragment większej skały. �Fot. 21. W finale fiesty patronalnej figura Señora de Mayo zdejmowana jest z krzyża i przenoszona do szklanej tumby. Nimb na głowie i poszczególne części stroju stopniowo, w miarę zdejmowania, zastępowane są okryciami z białego, pozbawionego dekoracji płótna. �Fot. 22. Po przeniesieniu do szklanej tumby figura Señora de Mayo spoczywa tam aż do następnej fiesty patronalnej za rok. Fot. 23. Figura Señora de Mayo spoczywa szklanej tumbie pod białym przykryciem, z płóciennym zawojem na głowie zamiast nimbu, zakładanego tylko na czas fiesty patronalnej. �Fot. 24. Indianie zgromadzeni wokół Señora de Pomallucay w dniu jego święta 14 września, wpatrzeni we wróżebne płomienie świec. �Fot. 25. Wizualny efekt delikatnego falowania i miarowego poruszania się szat świętych w trakcie procesji współtworzy zmysłowe imaginarium figury świętej. Na zdjęciu Virgen de Chapi w procesji ulicami Arequipy. Fot. 26. Znakomity przewodnik i fotograf z Huaráz, William Reyes Milla. Na zdjęciu wraz z campesino z Cordillera Negra w trakcie badań terenowych. �Fot. 27. Fizyczny dotyk figury świętej stanowi jedno z podstawowych zachowań kultowych w Peru. Sensualizm dotknięcia nadaje wymiar spełnienia w relacji z bóstwem; bez niego byłaby ona niepełna i mniej skuteczna. �Fot. 28. W sanktuarium w Pomallucay z ramion krzyża zwisają dwie szerokie, ozdobne szarfy. Ustawiają się do nich długie kolejki Indian, którzy przykładają końce szarf do czoła swojego lub dzieci, pozostając tak przez kilkadziesiąt sekund. Praktyka ma charakter terapeutyczny. �Fot. 29. Przed niektórymi figurami świętych można spotkać koszyki wypełnione wacikami. Wierni pocierają nimi figurę i zabierają do domów wraz z pozyskaną w ten sposób „energią świętości”. Sanktuarium Nuestra Señora de la Soledad w Limie. Fot. 30. Częstą praktyką jest pocieranie figury albo chroniącej ją gabloty małymi, przeznaczonymi do tego celu świeczkami. Na zdjęciu liczne ślady takich świec pozostawione na szybie tumby, w której spoczywa Señor de Mayo w Huaráz. �Fot. 31. Przed wyżej umieszczonymi figurami ustawiane są specjalne podesty lub schodki, umożliwiające dotknięcie „świętości” w czasie modlitwy. Na zdjęciu wierny w bazylice Nuestra Señora de la Merced w Limie. Fot. 32. Fragmenty ściany kościoła wokół czczonego krucyfiksu Cristo de la Esperanza pokryte setkami nazwisk i suplikacji modlitewnych. Bazylika Nuestra Señora de la Merced w Limie. �Fot. 33. Sitio arqueologico Waullac koło Huaraz z monolitem huanca pośrodku. Fot. 34. Przygotowania do rytuału ofiary w intencji zdrowia, przed huanca w Waullac. Mistrzem ceremonii jest Cesar Vargas Arce z Huaraz. �Fot. 35. Dotyk stanowi ważny aspekt sensualnego kontaktu z huanca. Na zdjęciu górnym po lewej: autorka, Mirosław Mąka i Cesar Vargas Arce z Huaráz. Na zdjęciu po prawej przedmioty ofiarne i akcesoria rytuału rozłożone przed huanca. U dołu rytualna gra na flecie dla Apus gór podczas ceremonii ofiarnej. �Fot. 36. Huanca na obrzeżach wioski Marian koło Huaraz. Kamienny murek dzielący posiadłości pochodzi z późniejszego okresu. Fot. 37. Huanca z wioski Llupa, przeniesiona do centrum Huaraz i zamieniona na pomnik. �Fot. 38. Margarita Agrypina Milla Lliuya stojąca na huanca pośrodku swojego ogródka w wiosce Unchus koło Huaraz. �Fot. 39. Archaiczne formy użytkowanych do dzisiaj kamiennych chat we wsi Llupa nad Huaráz. �Fot. 40. Skała w dolinie Quillquayhuanca ze śladami prastarych malunków, kilkadziesiąt lat temu jeszcze częściowo czytelnych, ale nieudokumentowanych na fotografii. Obecnie nie są już możliwe do identyfikacji. Fot. 41. Huancas przy placu pośrodku nieprzebadanego przez archeologów, założenia urbanistyczno-funeralnego w dolinie Quillquayhuanca. �Fot. 42. Zarośnięte fragmenty murów dawnego miasta w dolinie Quillquayhuanca. Fot. 43. Jedna z licznych chulpas na stoku doliny Quillquayhuanca. �Fot. 44. Zabytkowy espaltar i szaty Señora de la Soledad, wykonane w 1915 r. – przykład kunsztu dawnego hafciarstwa religijnego w Huaraz. �Fot. 44 c.d. Detale zabytkowego espaltaru i szat Señora de la Soledad z 1915 r. �Fot. 45. Warsztat rzeźbiarza Freddy’ego Castromonte w Huaráz, zajmującego się renowacją drewnianych i gipsowych figur świętych. �Fot. 46. Legendarny rzeźbiarz Godofredo Zegarra Angeles w swojej pracowni w Huaráz. ��Zakończenie �Fot. 1. U góry: Modlitwa do Pana Samotności w czasie pandemii, na stronie fb. Dirección Desconcentrada de Cultura Áncash: https://www.facebook.com/profile/100064695458526/ search/?q=oraci%C3%B3n%20en%20tiempos%20de%20pandemia. U dołu: „pandemiczny” Señor de Mayo w Pariacoto, wystawiony w bramie zamkniętego dla wiernych kościoła ze stojącym obok o. Bogdanem Pławeckim, polskim franciszkaninem na misji w Pariacoto. Strona Parafii „Señor de Mayo” w Pariacoto na fb: https://www.facebook.com/profile. php?id=100067385802066&sk=photos_albums. Oba zdjęcia wykonano w sierpniu 2020 r. ��� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Pan Samotności. Señor de la Soledad z Huaráz w północnych Andach Peruwiańskich Subject The topic of the resource Antropologia religii ; etnohistoria ; synkretyzm religijny ; sanktuaria religijne ; Ameryka Południowa ; Peru ; Andy Peruwiańskie Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Elżbieta Jodłowska Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PTL Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Language A language of the resource pol. Type The nature or genre of the resource książka Description An account of the resource 497 stron, ilustracje kolorowe Relation A related resource seria ; PRACE I MATERIAŁY ETNOGRAFICZNE - TRAVAUX ET MATERIAUX ETHNOGRAPHIQUES Tom XXXVIII Andy peruwiańskie Huaraz Jezus Chrystus - kult sanktuaria religijne Señor de la Soledad Señora de Mayo synkretyzm religijny https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/036a5ba0c5fe23a65fe39032ff076e1b.pdf bc5e841da2d159df73babee17b14086e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5455 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource pogranicze polsko-czeskie edukacja międzykulturowa tożsamość narodowa Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5072 Title A name given to the resource Tożsamość narodowa w szkołach na pograniczu polsko-czeskim / Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego Description An account of the resource Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego; pod red. Haliny Rusek,Agnieszki Pieńczak i Jacka Szczyrbowskiego, s.120-139 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Grabowska, Barbara Language A language of the resource pol ang. cz. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Cieszynie Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Barbara Grabowska Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach Instytut Nauk o Edukacji Tożsamość narodowa młodzieży na Śląsku Cieszyńskim Wprowadzenie We współczesnym świecie dominującej wieloznaczności człowiek, a zwłaszcza człowiek młody, staje przed coraz trudniejszym zadaniem samookreślenia. Zadanie to jest szczególne ze względu na okres rozwojowy, jakim jest dorastanie1, ale także, a może przede wszystkim, ze względu na kontekst kulturowy płynnej ponowoczesności. Agendy socjalizacyjne wprowadzają człowieka w różnorodne sfery kultury, za pośrednictwem których poznaje on wartości, zdobywa doświadczenie i wiedzę umożliwiającą mu poznawanie siebie i dokonywanie refleksji. A dzisiejszy zróżnicowany świat sprawia, że tkwimy w „pułapce wieloznaczności”2 i, jak zauważa Zygmunt Bauman, człowiek współczesny przechodzi w życiu przez wiele nieskoordynowanych wzajemnie, często rozbieżnych, czasem sprzecznych światów społecznych. Co więcej, w każdym momencie życia człowiek zamieszkuje jednocześnie kilka takich rozbieżnych światów. W rezultacie jest „wykorzeniony” z każdego z nich i nie jest „u siebie” w żadnym. Można go nazwać „obcym uniwersalnym”. Chciałoby się powiedzieć, że jest on „w pełni u siebie” tylko sam ze sobą3. Opisana powyżej sytuacja może dotyczyć zwłaszcza członków mniejszości narodowych, którzy funkcjonują często równolegle w dwóch kulturach, mniejszościowej i większościowej. Przedmiotem rozważań w prezentowanej pracy pragnę uczynić kwestie tożsamości etnicznej/narodowej młodzieży, członków mniejszości narodowej w perspektywie porównawczej z młodzieżą pochodzącą z grup większościowych, polskiej i czeskiej. 1 W okresie dorastania młody człowiek przechodzi kryzys tożsamości, i aby go pokonać musi scalić dotychczasową wiedzę o sobie, skonfrontować ze swoją przeszłością i koncepcją przyszłości. Zob. I. Obuchowska: Drogi dorastania. Warszawa 1996. 2 Określenie Zygmunta Baumana. 3 Z. Bauman: Wieloznaczność nowoczesna. Nowoczesność wieloznaczna. Warszawa 1995, s. 134-135. �Barbara Grabowska: Tożsamość narodowa młodzieży na Śląsku Cieszyńskim 107 Rozumienie tożsamości w naukach społecznych Poszukiwanie tożsamości jest najistotniejszym, najtrwalszym i najtrudniejszym zadaniem w rozwoju człowieka, ponieważ sukces bądź niepowodzenie w zbudowaniu jasno określonej tożsamości ma istotne implikacje dla wielu ważnych funkcji psychicznych, takich jak autoregulacja, przetwarzanie informacji odnoszących się do Ja, doświadczanie afektu, wyznaczanie celów, spostrzeganie innych, czy też zachowania wobec innych4. Zygmunt Bauman pisze, że tożsamość jest jedną z „najbardziej uniwersalnych ludzkich potrzeb, potrzeb przynależności lub bycia akceptowanym, potrzeb bezpieczeństwa”5. Jednak, dociera ona do świadomości wtedy dopiero, gdy pytamy „kim jestem” i „gdzie jest moje miejsce” – a pytamy wówczas, gdy prosta, jednoznaczna i natychmiastowa odpowiedź nie przychodzi łatwo, przysparza kłopotu, wymaga zastanowienia6. Bez określenia „kim jestem” człowiek nie jest w stanie w pełni funkcjonować w społeczeństwie. Spośród procesów społecznych stwarzających rosnące zapotrzebowanie na dyskurs tożsamościowy wymienia się7 przyśpieszoną indywidualizację i bezprecedensową ruch­liwość współczesnych ludzi, a w kontekście tożsamości zbiorowej wskazuje się na renesans etniczności, zmierzch idei państwa narodowego, uznanie dla zasady wielo­ kulturowości, nowe ruchy społeczne, bunt przeciwko kolonializmowi i wewnętrznemu kolonializmowi, feminizmie i innych. Ważnym czynnikiem wpływającym na proces kształtowania się tożsamości jest – zdaniem Anthonego Giddensa8 – kulturowy aspekt globalizacji. Zaawansowanie procesów komunikacyjnych pozwoliło na rozłączność pomiędzy doświadczaniem społecznych sytuacji a miejscem, w jakim takie doświadczenie się realizuje9. Analizując literaturę przedmiotu dotyczącą tożsamości człowieka należy zauważyć, że istnieje wieloznaczność i nieprecyzyjność w zakresie tego pojęcia. Zdarzają się też podejścia kwestionujące sens używania tego pojęcia poprzez używanie określeń „porzucenie tożsamości” czy „koniec tożsamości”10. Krytykę pojęcia tożsamości w sposób najbardziej radykalny przeprowadził Rogers Brubaker11. 4 Zob. Umysł społeczny. Poznawcze i motywacyjne aspekty zachowań interpersonalnych. Red. Forgas, K. D. Williams, L. Wheeler. Gdańsk 2005. 5 Z. Bauman: Ziemia, krew, tożsamość, „Przegląd Polonijny” 1993, nr 4, s. 8. 6 Z. Bauman: Tożsamość. Wtedy, teraz, po co? W: Idee a urządzanie świata społecznego. Red. E. Nowicka, M. Chałubiński. Warszawa 1999, s. 43. 7 Zob. J. Szacki: O tożsamości (zwłaszcza narodowej), „Kultura i Społeczeństwo” 2004, nr 3, s. 11-12. 8 Zob. A. Giddens: Nowoczesność i tożsamość. „Ja” i społeczeństwo w epoce późnej nowoczesności. Warszawa 2007. 9 Zob. B. Misztal: Teoria socjologiczna a praktyka społeczna. Kraków 2000, s. 151 i n. 10 Zob. Z. Bokszański: Tożsamość aktora społecznego a zmiana społeczna. W: Zmiana społeczna. Teorie i doświadczenia polskie. Red. J. Kurczewska. Warszawa 1999, s. 55. 11 Zob. A. Jasińska-Kania: Wstęp. W: Współczesne teorie socjologiczne. Red. A. JasińskaKania, L. M. Nijakowski, J. Szacki, M. Ziółkowski. Warszawa 2006, s. 1117. �108 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Pojęcie tożsamości ma charakter interdyscyplinarny i jest jedną z podstawowych kategorii w psychologii, socjologii, antropologii, filozofii, a nawet w lingwistyce. Wielu badaczy przyjmuje psychologiczną perspektywę badawczą. Podkreślają oni przede wszystkim stosunek podmiotu do samego siebie. W psychologii podkreśla się, że tożsamość to zespół wyobrażeń, sądów i przekonań wobec siebie – koncepcja siebie. W ujęciach socjologicznych tożsamość bywa odnoszona do wzorów zachowań, postaw jednostek będących wynikiem wpływu środowiska społecznego. Przeważają prace w aspekcie fenomenologii i interakcjonizmu, a można znaleźć prace na gruncie hermeneutycznym, czy strukturalnym. W socjologii pojęcie tożsamości przeszło przemianę statusu teoretycznego, od determinującego wpływu społeczeństwa, stereotypowego wyobrażenia o roli wynikającej z tradycji, terminu akcentującego równość i niezmienność do zdolności wyboru, poczucia władzy i autonomii, akceptacji róż­ nicy, a nawet niejednoznaczności naszego doświadczenia. Podstawowe założenia teoretyczne The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure MEIM12 Jean S. Phinney konstruując narzędzie odwołała się do teorii tożsamości społecznej Henriego Tajfela oraz do modelu tożsamości Erika Eriksona i koncepcji statusów tożsamości Jamesa Marcia. Poczucie przynależności do grupy oraz własne zaangażowanie jednostki w osiągnięcie tożsamości są, w ujęciu autorki, wspólne dla wszystkich grup etnicznych. Tożsamość jest budowana na bazie uznania pewnego systemu wartości istotnych dla danej sfery życia społecznego, na przykład rodzinnego, religijnego, etnicznego. Wywodzi się ona z wiedzy na temat własnej grupy (rodzinnej, religijnej, etnicznej), jej historii, roli, powołania. Tożsamości towarzyszy także element samooceny budowanej w kontakcie z inną kulturą, akceptacji własnych norm i wartości. Jak zauważa Henri Tajfel, tożsamość społeczna wynika z wiedzy jednostki co do tego, iż należy ona do pewnych grup wraz ze znaczeniem emocjonalnym i wartością przypisywaną członkowstwu grupowemu13. Poprzez należenie do różnych grup i kategorii społecznych człowiek kształtuje swoją tożsamość społeczną. Ważnym elementem teorii jest identyfikacja z grupą, czyli definiowanie siebie w terminach przynależności grupowej. Zdaniem H. Tajfela, na poczucie tożsamości społecznej składa się zjawisko akcentuacji, polegające na pomniejszaniu różnic pomiędzy osobami uznawanymi za reprezentantów własnej zbiorowości oraz przecenianiu różnic pomiędzy osobami zakwalifikowanymi do własnej i innych grup. Identyfikacja z grupą i dążenie – na co wskazywał H. Tajfel – do jej 12 J. S. Phinney: Conceptualization and Measurement of Ethnic Identity: Current Status and Future Directions. „Journal of Counseling Psychology” 2007, vol. 54, no 3, s. 271-281. http://www.lifespan-resilience.human.cornell.edu/Ong%20Publication%20Pdfs/Phinney. Ong.2007.pdf. Aktualizacja 24.10.2009. 13 H. Tajfel: La categorisation sociale. W: Introduction à la psychologie sociale. Ed. S. Moscovici. Paris 1972, s. 31. Za: A. Kwiatkowska: Tożsamość a społeczne kategoryzacje. Warszawa 1999, s. 86. �Barbara Grabowska: Tożsamość narodowa młodzieży na Śląsku Cieszyńskim 109 faworyzacji oraz dewaluacji reprezentantów innych społeczności jest istotne do budowania poczucia tożsamości i kształtuje się w procesie socjalizacji pierwotnej i wtórnej na bazie wielu różnicujących kryteriów, takich jak język, religia, historia, tradycje. Pozytywna ocena własnej grupy, szczególnie mniejszościowej, i siebie jako członka grupy są istotne, bowiem członkowie mniejszości narodowych mają często niższy status w społeczeństwie większościowym, są gorzej w nim reprezentowani, muszą zabiegać o należne im prawa, a bywa, że są przedmiotem uprzedzeń i dyskryminacji. Sposób postrzegania grupy mniejszościowej jest istotny dla jej członków, bowiem na jego bazie budowane jest poczucie wartości grupy. Tożsamość człowieka kształtuje się przez całe życie, jednak okresem najważniejszym, przełomowym jest – nie tylko zdaniem Erika H. Eriksona – wiek dojrzewania. Z epigenetycznego punktu widzenia nikt nie może do końca „wiedzieć”, kim „jest”, dopóki nie spotka i nie „sprawdzi” obiecujących partnerów w pracy i w miłości. Trzeba pamiętać, jak pisze Erikson14, że podstawowe wzorce tożsamości muszą być rezultatem (1) selektywnej afirmacji i odrzucenia identyfikacji z okresu dzieciństwa oraz (2) tego, w jaki sposób aktualne procesy społeczne identyfikują młodych ludzi – w najlepszym razie rozpoznając ich jako osoby, które mają stać się tym, kim już w zalążku są, i którym – takim, jakie są – można zaufać. Z kolei społeczność czuje się rozpoznana przez jednostkę, która prosi o takie rozpoznanie. Siła życiowa młodego człowieka w okresie dorastania wiąże się z jego doświadczeniami z okresu dzieciństwa. Wówczas rozwija się umiejętność trafnego współdziałania konceptualnego ze światem rzeczywistym. Doświadczenia budowane są dzięki sile życiowej rozwijającej się w tym okresie, jaką jest kompetencja, poczucie fachowości. Kłopotliwe z jednej strony jest dążenie dzieci do „robienia rzeczy dobrze, a nawet perfekcyjnie”15, z drugiej strony wskazuje się na pęd do opanowania różnych umiejętności, dziecięcą gotowość do uczenia się. W innym miejscu swoich rozważań E. H. Erikson zauważa, że mieć poczucie kompetencji oznacza dla dziecka rozumieć świat narzędzi w kulturze. Owa chłonność stanowi uzasadnienie wprowadzenia treści kształcenia do programu szkolnego pomocnych młodemu człowiekowi w budowaniu własnej tożsamości, wyposażania go w narzędzia rozumienia coraz bardziej skomplikowanego świata. W okresie dorastania następuje uporządkowanie i integracja wiedzy o sobie i o innych, następuje ocena własnych zachowań, ale na plan dalszy schodzą już opinie innych osób – nawet tych znaczących. Młody człowiek odwołuje się do własnych standardów i do porównań z innymi osobami. Erik H. Erikson podkreślał rolę czynników społeczno-kulturowych w procesie kształtowania tożsamości człowieka. Autor wyodrębnił cztery aspekty (czynniki) tożsamości: 1. świadome poczucie jednostkowej tożsamości; 2. nieświadome dążenie do ciągłości osobistego charakteru; 3. bezgłośna realizacja syntezy ego; 4. podtrzymywanie wewnętrznej solidarności z tożsamością i ideałami grupy16. 14 E. H. Erikson: Dopełniony cykl życia. Poznań 2002, s. 90. 15 E. Erikson: The life cycle: epigenesis of identity. W: Developmental psychology. Ed. H. Fitzgerald. New York 1970, s. 46-81. Za: L. Witkowski: Rozwój tożsamości w cyklu życia. Studium koncepcji Erika H. Eriksona. Toruń 2000, s. 134. 16 E. Erikson: The Problem of Ego Identity. W: Identity and Anxiety. Survival of the Person in Mass Society. Ed. M. R. Stein, A. J. Vidich, D. M.White. Glencoe 1960. Za: A. Kłos­ kowska: Kultury narodowe u korzeni. Warszawa 1996. �110 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Kolejnym elementem w założeniach teoretycznych rozważań J.S. Phinney jest koncepcja Jamesa Marcia17, który wychodząc z założeń teorii E. Eriksona, zaproponował jej empiryczną operacjonalizację w postaci statusów tożsamości, które umożliwiają mierzenie stopnia rozwoju tożsamości. Autor wyłonił dwa aspekty jej kształtowania się: eksplorację (poszukiwanie połączone z przejściem kryzysu, w którym dotychczasowe wartości i wybory są ponownie rozpatrywane) i podejmowanie zobo­wiązania (podejmowanie decyzji prowadzi do zobowiązania się do pewnych wartości lub ról). Ich kombinacja – przejście, lub nie, etapu eksploracji oraz podjęcie lub niepodjęcie zobowiązania pozwoliło autorowi na wyróżnienie czterech statusów tożsamości18: 1) moratorium – młody człowiek doświadczył kryzysu lub kryzys nadal trwa, nie przyjął jeszcze zobowiązania lub jest ono niejasno określone, pozostaje w stanie niepewności; 2) tożsamość przejęta – doszło do przejęcia zobowiązania z pominięciem okresu kryzysu. Młody człowiek bezkrytycznie hołduje standardom uznawanym przez innych, zwykle rodziców, zaakceptował zobowiązanie wyznaczone przez kulturę lub rodziców; 3) tożsamość rozproszona – młody człowiek nie przechodzi kryzysu (chociaż mógł go doświadczyć w przeszłości) i nie podjął zobowiązania. Rozproszenie, zagubienie może zatem oznaczać albo wczesny etap procesu (przed kryzysem), albo niepowodzenie w przejęciu zobowiązania po kryzysie; 4) tożsamość osiągnięta – jednostka przeszła kryzys i doszło do przejęcia zobowiązania w obszarze ideologicznych i zawodowych celów19. Elementy wyróżnione przez J. Marcia, a odnoszone do różnych dziedzin życia, w tym do polityki, kariery zawodowej, przyjaźni, związków intymnych, religii, ról związanych z płcią, istotne są również w koncepcji J. S. Phinney, przy czym autorka skupia się zwłaszcza na życiu członków mniejszości narodowych i etnicznych, bowiem oni, z racji życia pośród większości, przypisują większe znaczenie pochodzeniu narodowemu, niż członkowie społeczeństwa większościowego. Młody człowiek podejmuje dodatkowe zadania związane z postrzeganiem siebie jako członka grupy mniejszości narodowej w społeczeństwie większościowym. Dotychczasowe rozważania – zarówno teoretyczne, jak i empiryczne – wskazują, że tożsamość ma wieloaspektową/wielowymiarową budowę, jest strukturą dynamiczną, zmienną w czasie. Wśród podstawowych elementów tożsamości grupowej J. S. Phinney skupia się na identyfikacji siebie jako członka grupy, poczuciu przynależności do grupy oraz poszukiwaniu tożsamości etnicznej/narodowej. Pomiar tożsamości etnicznej/narodowej W niniejszych badaniach skupiłam się na poznaniu elementów składowych tożsamości narodowej młodych ludzi. Interesowało mnie, jak młodzi ludzie budują swoją tożsamość narodową, jakie podejmują działania, aby dokonać samookreślenia. W badaniach zastosowałam The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM)20, narzędzie 17 Zob. H. Bee: Psychologia rozwoju człowieka. Poznań 2004, s. 366-367. 18 Autor zaznacza, że nie są to kolejne etapy tożsamości. 19 H. Bee: Psychologia rozwoju człowieka,…, s. 366-367. 20 J. S. Phinney: The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for use with adolescents and young adults from diverse groups. „Journal of Adolescent Research” 1992, nr 7, �Barbara Grabowska: Tożsamość narodowa młodzieży na Śląsku Cieszyńskim 111 skonstruowane przez J. S. Phinney do pomiaru procesu rozwoju tożsamości etnicznej u młodzieży i młodych dorosłych. Kwestionariusz bada dwa składniki tożsamości: poszukiwanie tożsamości etnicznej (zorientowane na rozwój poznawczy) i poczucie przynależności do grupy (zaangażowanie emocjonalne). Kwestionariusz jest zbudowany z dwóch podskal, które mogą być wykorzystywane w badaniach niezależnie od siebie: poszukiwanie – pięć stwierdzeń i zaangażowanie, afirmacja przynależności – siedem stwierdzeń. Poszukiwanie zawiera stwierdzenia dotyczące starań, by dowiedzieć się więcej na temat własnej grupy etnicznej/narodowej i udziału w życiu społeczno-kulturowym grupy. Są to stwierdzenia: staram się poszukiwać nowych informacji na temat mojej grupy etnicznej/narodowej, takich jak: historia, tradycje, zwyczaje”; „jestem aktywnym członkiem organizacji lub grup społecznych, do których przynależą głównie członkowie mojej grupy etnicznej/narodowej”; „dużo myślę o tym jaki wpływ na moje życie będzie miało pochodzenie etniczne”; „po to, by dowiedzieć się więcej o moim pochodzeniu etnicznym/ narodowym często rozmawiam z innymi ludźmi z mojej grupy etnicznej/narodowej”; „pielęgnuję tradycje i zwyczaje charakterystyczne dla mojej grupy etnicznej/narodowej, to jest jedzenie, muzykę, obyczaje”. Afirmacja przynależności do grupy, zaangażowanie emocjonalne jest badane za pomocą stwierdzeń: mam jasne poczucie mojego pochodzenia etnicznego/narodowego i co ono znaczy dla mnie”; „jestem szczęśliwa/y, że jestem członkiem mojej grupy etnicznej/narodowej”; „mam silne poczucie przynależności do mojej grupy etnicznej/narodowej”; „bardzo dobrze zdaję sobie sprawę co znaczy dla mnie przynależność do mojej grupy etnicznej/narodowej”; „jestem dumna/y z mojej grupy etnicznej/narodowej”; „czuję silne przywiązanie do mojej grupy etnicznej/narodowej”; „czuję się dobrze z faktem mojego etnicznego i kulturowego pochodzenia”. Kwestionariusz zawiera jeszcze trzy punkty niestanowiące części skali, a będące samookreśleniem etnicznym/narodowym badanego i określeniem przynależności etnicznej/narodowej jego rodziców. Badany odnosi się do poszczególnych stwierdzeń posługując się skalą pięciostopniową, obejmującą oceny od 5 do 1, gdzie 5 oznacza zdecydowanie się zgadzam, a 1 zdecydowanie się nie zgadzam. W ten sposób określa stopień, w jakim dane stwierdzenie go charakteryzuje. Identyfikacja narodowa młodzieży na Śląsku Cieszyńskim Badania przeprowadzono jesienią 2009 roku wśród uczniów ze szkół średnich w Cieszynie i w Czeskim Cieszynie. Ogółem badaniami objęto 350 osób (w tym 42 uczestników warsztatów21 i 308 osób biorących udział w badaniach właściwych. W bas. 156-176. http://w3.fiu.edu/srif/ArchivedPagesJK/Phinney/MEIM-1999.doc. Aktualizacja 24.10.2009. Kwestionariusz nie był jeszcze stosowany w badaniach w Polsce i jest to próbne jego użycie. 21 Badania przeprowadzono w dwóch turach: w trakcie warsztatów organizowanych w ramach grantu Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 112 daniach wzięło udział 121 uczniów ze szkół polskich (wszystkie osoby narodowości polskiej), 126 osób uczących się w szkołach czeskich (większość uczniów narodowości czeskiej, jedna Wietnamka, jeden Polak, Włoch i Amerykanin) oraz 113 uczniów ze szkół z polskim językiem nauczania z Czeskiego Cieszyna. Struktura narodowości młodzieży z ostatniej szkoły jest bardziej zróżnicowana, dlatego omówię ją bardziej szczegółowo (zob. tabela 1). Większość uczniów uczących się w szkole z polskim językiem nauczania jest naro­ dowości polskiej, a ich rodzice i dziadkowie są w większości Polakami. Przy czym struktura narodowościowa rodzin jest często złożona. Rodzin czysto polskich, w których rodzice i dziadkowie z obu stron są Polakami jest 32% i tylko jedno dziecko z tych rodzin jest narodowości czeskiej. Tabela 1 Narodowość uczniów ze szkół z polskim językiem nauczania (dane podano w procentach) Kategoria polska czeska polsko-czeska śląska zaolziańska Kobiety 68 23 3 5 2 mężczyźni 56 22 7 11 4 ogółem 63 23 5 7 3 Źródło: badania własne Kolejne 16% badanych uczniów narodowości polskiej ma obydwoje rodziców narodowości polskiej, ale ich dziadkowie (co najmniej jedna osoba) są mieszani narodowościowo. Najliczniejszą grupę stanowią uczniowie z rodzin mieszanych narodowościowo (43%), w których jeden z rodziców jest narodowości polskiej i co najmniej jedno z dziadków jest Polakiem. Uczniowie ci są w większości narodowości polskiej (80%). Dwóch uczniów narodowości czeskiej ma rodziców narodowości czeskiej, ale dziadków narodowości polskiej i czeskiej. Całość badanej grupy dopełniają uczniowie narodowości czeskiej (9%) pochodzący z rodzin czeskich (rodzice i dziadkowie narodowości czeskiej). Ten szczegółowy opis wskazuje na złożoną kwestię narodowości obywateli Republiki Czeskiej mieszkających na Śląsku Cieszyńskim. Ludność polska zamieszkująca od wieków te tereny w sposób naturalny w życiu codziennym obcuje z czeską więkna Śląsku Cieszyńskim. W 1200-lecie Cieszyna, realizowanego w latach 2009-2010 przez Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji oraz Kongres Polaków w RC. W warsztatach uczestniczyło 45 uczniów, po 15 ze szkół: Gimnazjum z polskim językiem nauczania w Czeskim Cieszynie, Gimnazjum w Czeskim Cieszynie, Liceum Ogólnokształcącego Towarzystwa Ewangelickiego w Cieszynie. W badaniach właściwych uczestniczyli uczniowie ze szkół w Polsce – Zespół Szkół Ogólnokształcących w Skoczowie (52 osoby), Zespół Szkół Zawodowych w Skoczowie (55 osób) – łącznie 108 osób; w Czechach – w Gimnazjum w Czeskim Cieszynie (103 osoby) oraz w Gimnazjum z polskim językiem nauczania w Czeskim Cieszynie (97 osób). �Barbara Grabowska: Tożsamość narodowa młodzieży na Śląsku Cieszyńskim 113 szością, słowacką mniejszością, a wyrazem tego są liczne małżeństwa mieszane narodowościowo22. Jak zauważa E. Nowicka, jest to tradycyjnie uznany wskaźnik przełamywania dystansu społecznego i psychicznego, a także kulturowego, między grupami etnicznymi i narodowymi pozostającymi w kontakcie23. W szkole czeskiej uczy się tylko (czy też aż) jeden uczeń narodowości polskiej i mający rodziców i dziadków Polaków, ale również ośmiu uczniów narodowości czeskiej mających matki polskiej narodowości i pięciu uczniów mających ojców Polaków. Kolejnych 16 uczniów posiada w pokoleniu dziadków co najmniej jedną osobę narodowości polskiej. Sumując możemy powiedzieć, że 25% badanych uczniów narodowości czeskiej ma polskich przodków. Częstym zjawiskiem na pograniczu Śląska Cieszyńskiego jest zmiana identyfikacji narodowej w ciągu życia jednostki, konwersja narodowa. W poprzednim systemie ludzie dokonywali takiej zmiany kierowani chęcią awansu zawodowego, chęcią lepszego życia czy pozyskania innych korzyści. W przypadku konwersji narodowej niekoniecznie musi dojść do równoczesnego zerwania z kulturą poprzedniej identyfikacji. Jednym ze wskaźników dokonanej konwersji jest posyłanie dziecka do szkoły czeskiej. Szkoła w środowisku zróżnicowanym kulturowo nie jest tylko miejscem zdobywania wiedzy, lecz także – a może przede wszystkim – w szkole mniejszościowej dokonuje się transmisja wartości kultury narodowej, ducha narodu. W badanej grupie uczniów ze szkoły czeskiej w pokoleniu dziadków było 29 (25%) małżeństw polsko-czeskich. Narodowość polską dla swoich dzieci (rodziców badanych uczniów) wybrało już tylko 13 małżeństw (11%). A ci wszyscy zdecydowali o narodowości czeskiej dla swojego dziecka. Na małej wprawdzie próbie możemy prześledzić zjawisko ubytku liczebności grupy polskiej na Zaolziu. Również w przypadku tych badań znajduje potwierdzenie wcześniejsza tendencja – opisana przez Tadeusza Siwka – częstszego pozostawania przy polskiej narodowości dzieci pochodzących ze związków Polaków z Czeszkami, niż Polek z Czechami24. Narodowość badanych i ich przodków, to tylko jeden z elementów przeprowa­ dzonych badań. Zasadniczym ich celem było poznanie stopnia poczucia przynależności do grupy narodowej, czyli grupy określonej przez jej dziedzictwo kulturowe, w tym wartości, tradycję, a także poznanie starań, jakie podejmują młodzi ludzie, aby dowiedzieć się więcej o swojej grupie narodowej. Poszukiwanie tożsamości narodowej i zaangażowanie w nią przez badaną młodzież Jednym z elementów procesu tworzenia tożsamości jest samodzielne poszukiwanie odpowiedzi na pytanie „kim jestem”? Polega ono na łączeniu w spójną całość własnych doświadczeń z przeszłości, bieżących informacji, własnych oczekiwań dotyczą22 Zob. H. Rusek: Kulturowe wzory życia polskich rodzin na Zaolziu a asymilacja. Katowice 1997, s. 25; A. Szczypka-Rusz: Elementy tradycji kulturowej a społeczności polskiej na Zaolziu. W: Kulturowe, społeczne i edukacyjne wyznaczniki dróg życiowych młodzieży z Zaolzia. Red. T. Lewowicki. Katowice 1994, s. 53. 23 Zob. E. Nowicka: Dylematy i strategie tożsamościowe. Dzieci z małżeństw mieszanych. W: Globalizacja a tożsamość. Red. J. Zdanowski. Warszawa 2003, s. 222-241. 24 Zob. T. Siwek: Małżeństwa Polaków w Republice Czeskiej, „Zwrot” 1995, nr 9, s. 27. �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 114 cych przyszłości ze społecznymi potrzebami grupy narodowej. Człowiek może podejmować szereg działań, aby lepiej zrozumieć własną sytuację i położenie własnej grupy narodowej. Wysiłki te prowadzą do ukształtowania nie tylko własnej tożsamości, ale także świadomości narodowej. Tabela 2 Poszukiwanie tożsamości i zaangażowanie w tożsamość narodową przez badanych z uwzględnieniem środowiska szkolnego ucznia Kategorie poszukiwanie zaangażowanie uczniowie ze szkół w Polsce uczniowie ze szkół w Czechach 2,43 3,53 2,92 3,33 uczniowie ze szkół w Czechach z polskim językiem nauczania 3,09 3,59 Źródło: badania własne Pisałam wcześniej, że młodzież z grupy mniejszościowej wkłada dodatkowy wy­siłek w kształtowanie własnej tożsamości. Tezę tę potwierdzają wyniki badań przedstawione w tabeli 2. Uczniowie ze szkół z polskim językiem nauczania, bo tę szkołę najczęściej wybierają członkowie mniejszości narodowej, poszukują informacji na temat swojej grupy narodowej, chcą poznać jej historię, tradycje, są aktywnymi członkami organizacji polskich na Zaolziu, myślą o swoim życiu w kontekście pochodzenia narodowego, bo nawet wybór szkoły jest taką decyzją, a zarazem deklaracją narodowościową. Dla porównania w tabeli 2 zestawiłam wyniki uczniów z Zaolzia z wynikami uczniów ze szkół większościowych, w Polsce i w Czechach. Członkowie społeczności większościowej też budują swoją tożsamość, przy czym w swojej tożsamości narodowej odwołują się do jednej grupy narodowej, do jednej kultury. Ich narodowość również jest czymś jasnym, danym, chociaż podlegającym refleksji. Przyjrzyjmy się zatem wynikom z uwzględnieniem narodowości ucznia. W szkole z polskim językiem nauczania kilku uczniów wpisało w miejscu swojej narodowości narodowość zaolziańską, polsko-czeską i śląską. Ta ostatnia może nie budzić zdziwienia, bo była ujęta w spisie powszechnym w Republice Czeskiej, ale już dwie wcześniejsze tak. Uczniowie pomylili narodowość z poczuciem tożsamości narodowej. Wyniki zawarte w tabeli 3 wskazują, że wysiłek związany z poszukiwaniem tożsamości narodowej jest ważnym zadaniem dla uczniów z grupy polskiej mniejszości narodowej, jak również dla uczniów innych narodowości ze szkoły czeskiej, osób narodowości wietnamskiej, amerykańskiej i włoskiej. �Barbara Grabowska: Tożsamość narodowa młodzieży na Śląsku Cieszyńskim 115 Wykres 1 Poczucie tożsamości uczniów ze szkół czeskich - czuję się... 80 70 60 50 % 40 78,7 30 20 10 0,0 12,6 7,9 12,6 2,5 0,0 0 Czechem Polakiem Zaolzianinem Ślązakiem Europejczykiem obywatelem świata w jednakowym stopniu każdym Źródło: A. Szczurek-Boruta, B. Grabowska: Dynamika…, s. 37 Wykres 2 Poczucie tożsamości uczniów ze szkół z polskim językiem nauczania – czuję się … 30 25 20 % 15 10 22,0 16,9 29,9 29,9 17,7 16,1 5 5,5 0 Czechem Polakiem Zaolzianinem Ślązakiem Europejczykiem obywatelem świata w jednakowym stopniu każdym Źródło: A. Szczurek-Boruta, B. Grabowska: Dynamika…, s. 47 �116 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Tabela 3 Poszukiwanie tożsamości i zaangażowanie w tożsamość narodową przez badanych z uwzględnieniem narodowości ucznia uczniowie uczniowie uczniowie innej narodowości polskiej narodowości czeskiej narodowości* uczniowie uczniowie uczniowie uczniowie uczniowie uczniowie ze szkół ze szkół ze szkół ze szkół z ze szkół ze szkół czeskich z polskim czeskich polskim czeskich z polskim językiem językiem językiem naucz. naucz. naucz. poszukiwanie 2,4 3,19 2,91 2,72 3,57 3,27 zaangażowanie 3,4 3,71 3,32 3,12 3,48 3,79 kategorie Legenda: * - w kategorii narodowości uczniowie podali narodowość: śląską, zaolziańską, polsko-czeską, łotewską, włoską. Źródło: badania własne W okresie dorastania – jak pisał Erik H. Erikson – młody człowiek szuka wiedzy o sobie poprzez wewnętrzną refleksję i dlatego ten okres jest tak istotny w rozwoju poczucia tożsamości. To czas poznawania siebie i swojego miejsca w świecie, swojej roli w życiu, to poszukiwanie tożsamości – w wielu jej wymiarach – i próby jej określenia. Bardzo ważne jest w tym okresie wypróbowywanie siebie w nowych rolach społecznych, dokonywanie samodzielnych poszukiwań i wyborów życiowych. Poszukiwanie tożsamości wiąże się z funkcjonowaniem w grupie społecznej, z angażowaniem się w jej życie. Najwyższy poziom zaangażowania w kształtowanie swojej tożsamości naro­dowej deklarują uczniowie ze szkoły z polskim językiem nauczania. Oni też najczęściej pisali, że są aktywnymi członkami organizacji społecznych. Tabela 4 Poszukiwanie tożsamości i zaangażowanie w tożsamość narodową przez badanych z uwzględnieniem środowiska rodzinnego i szkolnego ucznia rodzice narodowości rodzice narodowości rodzice narodowości polskiej czeskiej polskiej i czeskiej uczniowie uczniowie uczniowie uczniowie uczniowie uczniowie ze szkół ze szkół ze szkół ze szkół ze szkół ze szkół czeskich z polskim czeskich z polskim czeskich z polskim językiem językiem językiem naucz. naucz. naucz. poszukiwanie 2,40 3,10 2,88 3,06 3,02 3,11 zaangażowanie 3,4 3,59 3,41 3,63 3,52 3,61 kategorie Źródło: badania własne Dla młodego człowieka w okresie dorastania bardzo ważne jest wsparcie ze strony bliskich osób, wsparcie emocjonalne, a także przyzwolenie dla dokonywania samodzielnych poszukiwań i wyborów. Tabela 4 zawiera wyniki badań z uwzględnieniem �Barbara Grabowska: Tożsamość narodowa młodzieży na Śląsku Cieszyńskim 117 środowiska rodzinnego i szkolnego ucznia. Wsparcie rodziców, nauczycieli i innych osób znaczących optymalizuje budowanie tożsamości przez młodego człowieka. Środo­wiskiem najbardziej sprzyjającym poszukiwaniu tożsamości – w kontekście rozważań o tożsamości członków mniejszości narodowych – jest szkoła z polskim językiem nauczania. Wyniki badań potwierdzają opinie przekazywane od pokoleń o roli szkoły mniejszościowej w procesie kształtowania człowieka. Szkoła wzmacnia kulturotwórczą rolę rodziny, tak polskiej, jak i mieszanej narodowościowo. Okres dorastania, to również czas manifestowania sprzeciwu wobec otaczającego świata i eksperymentowania, często ze sobą. Istotne w tym czasie jest poczucie więzi z rodziną, z grupą społeczną, o czym pisze między innymi Jerzy Nikitorowicz25, wskazując, na potrzebę świadomych działań wspierających zachowanie swojej tożsamości w nowej kulturze, co może prowadzić do ukształtowania wielowymiarowego poczucia tożsamości. Wówczas młody człowiek będzie siebie określał jako mieszkańca Zaolzia, Polaka i obywatela Czech. Jak potwierdzają wyniki wcześniejszych badań i analiz teoretycznych „identyfikacja z jedną kulturą nie wyklucza, a nawet wspomaga identyfikację z kolejną”26. Próba podsumowania Kształtowanie tożsamości jest zadaniem wymagającym od człowieka coraz bardziej refleksyjnego stosunku do samego siebie i otaczającego go świata. Poprzednie pokolenia mogły korzystać ze wzorów przekazywanych w procesie socjalizacji, mogły naśladować osoby znaczące. A dzisiejszy świat wymaga wręcz od człowieka dokonywania wyboru między współzawodniczącymi ze sobą stylami życia, a dążenie do emancypacji i indywidualizacji sprawia, że młodzi ludzie prezentują niechętny sto­ sunek do proponowanych przez dorosłych scenariuszy życiowych. Jak wskazują wyniki omówionych badań członkowie mniejszości narodowych przypisują większe znaczenie pochodzeniu narodowemu, niż członkowie grup większości narodowych. W procesie budowania tożsamości liczy się nie tylko wiedza dotycząca własnej grupy narodowej przekazana w procesie socjalizacji, to nie tylko doświadczenia związane z przynależnością do tej grupy. Dla młodego człowieka ważne jest podjęcie samodzielnych poszukiwań, badań, eksploracji, mających w efekcie doprowadzić do ukształtowania jasnej identyfikacji narodowej. Działania ze strony wychowawców, rodziców powinny pobudzać – a na pewno nie hamować – takich poszukiwań. U podstaw tożsamości narodowej leży bowiem poczucie przynależności do grupy, daje ono poczucie siły, a nawet dumy, na co wskazywał Henri Tajfel. Bibliografia: Bauman Z.: Tożsamość. Wtedy, teraz, po co? W: Idee a urządzanie świata społe­ cznego. Red. E. Nowicka, M. Chałubiński. Warszawa 1999, s. 43 Bauman Z.: Wieloznaczność nowoczesna. Nowoczesność wieloznaczna. Warszawa 1995, s. 134-135 25 Zob. J. Nikitorowicz: Kreowanie tożsamości dziecka. Wyzwania edukacji międzykulturowej. Gdańsk 2005. 26 Tamże, s. 90. �118 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Bauman Z.: Ziemia, krew, tożsamość. „Przegląd Polonijny” 1993, nr 4, s. 8 Bee H.: Psychologia rozwoju człowieka. Poznań 2004 Bokszański Z.: Tożsamość aktora społecznego a zmiana społeczna. W: Zmiana społeczna. Teorie i doświadczenia polskie. Red. J. Kurczewska. Warszawa 1999, s. 55 Erikson E. H.: Dopełniony cykl życia. Poznań 2002 Erikson E. H.: The Life Cycle: Epigenesis of Identity. W: Developmental psychology. Ed. H. Fitzgerald. New York 1970, s. 46-81. Za: L. Witkowski: Rozwój tożsamości w cyklu życia. Studium koncepcji Erika H. Eriksona. Toruń 2000, s. 134 Erikson E. H.: The Problem of Ego Identity. W: Identity and Anxiety. Survival of the Person in Mass Society. Ed. M. R. Stein, A. J. Vidich, D. M.White. Glencoe 1960. Za: A. Kłoskowska: Kultury narodowe u korzeni. Warszawa 1996 Giddens A.: Nowoczesność i tożsamość. „Ja” i społeczeństwo w epoce późnej nowoczesności. Warszawa 2007 Jasińska-Kania A.: Wstęp. W: Współczesne teorie socjologiczne. Red. A. JasińskaKania, L. M. Nijakowski, J. Szacki, M. Ziółkowski. Warszawa 2006, s. 1115-1118 Mead M.: Kultura i tożsamość: studium dystansu międzypokoleniowego. Warszawa 2000 Misztal B.: Teoria socjologiczna a praktyka społeczna. Kraków 2000 Nikitorowicz J.: Kreowanie tożsamości dziecka. Wyzwania edukacji międzykulturowej. Gdańsk 2005 Nowicka E.: Dylematy i strategie tożsamościowe. Dzieci z małżeństw mieszanych. W: Globalizacja a tożsamość. Red. J. Zdanowski. Warszawa 2003, s. 222-241 Obuchowska I.: Drogi dorastania. Warszawa 1996 Phinney J. S.: Conceptualization and Measurement of Ethnic Identity: Current Status and Future Directions. „Journal of Counseling Psychology” 2007, vol. 54, no 3, s. 271-281 Phinney J.: The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for use with adolescents and young adults from diverse groups. „Journal of Adolescent Research” 1992, nr 7, s. 156-176 Rusek H.: Kulturowe wzory życia polskich rodzin na Zaolziu a asymilacja. Katowice 1997 Siwek T.: Małżeństwa Polaków w Republice Czeskiej, „Zwrot” 1995, nr 9, s. 27 Szacki J.: O tożsamości (zwłaszcza narodowej), „Kultura i Społeczeństwo” 2004, nr 3, s. 11-12 Szczypka-Rusz A.: Elementy tradycji kulturowej a społeczności polskiej na Zaolziu. W: Kulturowe, społeczne i edukacyjne wyznaczniki dróg życiowych młodzieży z Zaolzia. Red. T. Lewowicki. Katowice 1994, s. 49-57 Tajfel H.: La categorisation sociale. W: Introduction à la psychologie sociale. Ed. S. Moscovici. Paris 1972, s. 31. Za: A. Kwiatkowska: Tożsamość a społeczne kategoryzacje. Warszawa 1999, s. 86 Umysł społeczny. Poznawcze i motywacyjne aspekty zachowań interpersonalnych. Red. Forgas, K. D. Williams, L. Wheeler. Gdańsk 2005 Źródła internetowe: www. w3.fiu.edu/srif/ArchivedPagesJK/Phinney/MEIM-1999.doc. www.lifespanresilience.human.cornell.edu/Ong%20Publication%20Pdfs/Phinney. Ong.2007.pdf. �Barbara Grabowska: Tożsamość narodowa młodzieży na Śląsku Cieszyńskim 119 Shrnutí Národnostní identita mládeže na území Těšínského Slezska V práci jsem se snažila ukázat prvky, které vytváří národnostní identitu členů národnostní menšiny ve srovnání s mládeží ze skupiny dominující. V teoretické části jsem uvedla krátkou charakteristiku jak společenské vědy chápou tuto identitu, poněkud v širším měřítku jsem charakterizovala Teorii společenské identity /Teoria Tożsamości Społecznej/ H. Tajfela a model identity E. Eriksona, spolu s koncepcí postavení identit J. Marcia. Ve výzkumech jsem použila The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM), nástroj, který vytvořil J. S. Phinney k měření procesu rozvoje etnické totožnosti u mládeže a mladých dospělých. Summary National identity of youth in Cieszyn Silesia In the presented study, the author undertakes an attempt at recognizing the elements which constitute national identity of the national minority in comparison to the youth from the dominating group. In the theoretical part, the understanding of identity in social sciences was briefly discussed and H. Tajfel’s Theory of Social Identity was characterized more broadly, as well as E. Erikson’s model of identity and J. Marcia’s concept of identity statuses. In the research, The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) was applied - a tool designed by J. S. Phinney for measuring the process of development of ethnic identity which occurrs in youth and young adults. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/c9abc9d294a2453025d4d0d0f7a08906.pdf 24f81d6d2c6add8fe8ec4f994c4265cc Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5458 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource media lokalne Śląsk Cieszyński - tożsamość lokalna Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5075 Title A name given to the resource Rola lokalnych mediów tradycyjnych i elektronicznych w kształtowaniu tożsamości lokalnej na Śląsku Cieszyńskim / Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego Description An account of the resource Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego; pod red. Haliny Rusek,Agnieszki Pieńczak i Jacka Szczyrbowskiego, s.157-169 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Guzowski, Rafał Language A language of the resource pol ang. cz. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Cieszynie Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Rafał Guzowski Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach Instytut Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa Rola lokalnych mediów tradycyjnych i elektronicznych w kształtowaniu tożsamości lokalnej na Śląsku Cieszyńskim Ewolucja i konwergencja lokalnych mediów Przeobrażenie się systemu politycznego w Polsce wymusiło wiele zmian w życiu społecznym. Jedną z nich było wprowadzenie pluralizmu form własności w mediach masowych i likwidacja wszechobecnej cenzury prewencyjnej. Dało to asumpt do przeobrażeń lokalnych mediów, chociaż od samego początku, w szczególności prasa, borykała się z trudnościami. Na mapie prasy w Polsce można jednak zauważyć, że Górny Śląsk, z uwzględnieniem Śląska Cieszyńskiego, był jednym z tych regionów, gdzie prasa rozwijała się najprężniej. Na przeszkodzie dalszemu rozwojowi prasy lokalnej stanęły przede wszystkim problemy ekonomiczne, a zwłaszcza płytki rynek reklamowy i trudności z pozyskiwaniem reklamodawców1. Zdaniem medioznawcy Stanisława Michalczyka: media lokalne rozwijały się tam, gdzie wystąpiły jednocześnie i we wzajemnym powiązaniu trzy istotne czynniki. Po pierwsze, rozwijały się one na tych obszarach, gdzie istniał określony potencjał oświatowy i intelektualny (…). Po drugie media lokalne istniały tam, gdzie obecne było zapotrzebowanie na 1 E. Jaska: Rola lokalnych środków masowego przekazu w rozwoju regionów, http://kpaim. sggw.waw.pl/files/nauka/41/IV/35.%20Ewa%20JASKA.pdf 2010-01-29, 16:56, s. 5 �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 158 druk periodyczny, czyli tam, gdzie poziom oświaty i możliwości odbiorcze danej społeczności lokalnej były dostatecznie duże. Po trzecie – w tych środowiskach, gdzie były określone możliwości technicznopoligraficzne. Dzisiaj te czynniki nie straciły swej aktualności2. Redakcje lokalnych tytułów spełniają jedną z najważniejszych ról w systemie komunikacji na obszarze gminy czy powiatu. Jak wynika z prowadzonych badań przez LBS3 prasa lokalna jest najważniejszym źródłem informacji na temat najbliższej okolicy. (...) Gazety są postrzegane, jako niezmiernie istotne, często najistotniejsze źródła informacji na temat spraw lokalnych. (…) Prasa lokalna jest najczęściej wykorzystywanym źródłem danych na temat działalności lokalnych polityków, urzędów gmin i miejskich, władz samorządowych4. Potrzeby społeczności lokalnej na szybko podaną i dobrze przygotowaną informację związane są z wolnością słowa. Gazety lokalne wydawane w odpowiednich odstępach czasowych z biegiem czasu przestawały być aktualne. Demokratyzujące się społeczności lokalne wyrażały potrzebę dostarczania w stosunkowo szybkim okresie informacji, o takim charakterze, jak prasa lokalna. Ów głód informacji, popyt na świeżą i aktualną wiadomość zaczęły zaspokajać lokalne serwisy internetowe. Schemat 1 Droga przekazu informacji Źródło: opracowanie własne 2 „Gazeta Uniwersytecka” Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, nr 7 (127). Kwiecień 2005. Rozmowa miesiąca, wersja elektroniczna wywiadu http://gu.us.edu.pl/node/225821, 2010-01-29, 17:16 3 Lokalne Badania Społeczne powstały w 2001 roku. LBS specjalizuje się w realizacji projektów badawczych na poziomie gminy, miasta, powiatu lub regionu. Na podstawie: http:// www.lokalnebadania.com/?page_id=7 2010-01-29, godz. 20:51 4 M. Jóżko:, Prasa lokalna i regionalna jako element społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. W: Media lokalne a demokracja. Red. J. Chłopecki, R. Polak. Rzeszów 2005, s. 112-113. �Rafał Guzowski: Rola lokalnych mediów... 159 Od kilku lat zauważalna jest tendencja lokalnych wydawców prasowych, w tym również funkcjonujących na Śląsku Cieszyńskim, do uruchamiania serwisów internetowych, które są aktualizowane niemalże codziennie. Dzięki temu odbiorca trady­ cyjnego medium posiada możliwość stałego kontaktu z nadawcą. Część z redakcji traktuje stronę www jako uzupełnienie podstawowej działalności, zachowując regułę codziennej (lub czasowej) aktualizacji, umieszczając jedynie część artykułów i informacji, a tym samym zachęcając do kupienia wydania tradycyjnej gazety (np. „przeczytaj więcej w nowym numerze”, „temat szerzej omawiamy w nowym numerze, który od najbliższego piątku będzie dostępny w kioskach”). Media, które od początku lat 90. XX wieku utrzymały się na rynku, zdążyły już wypracować swoisty kapitał. Lokalni wydawcy niejako z mocy samego funkcjonowania na rynku, zostają obdarzani zaufaniem społecznym a czytelnicy – odbiorcy, nadają ton i kierunek misyjności. Uzasadnione zatem jest stwierdzenie Stanisława Michalczyka, że (...) rozwój internetu może wzmacniać lokalność - wiele witryn internetowych dotyczy bezpośrednio problematyki lokalnej (...). Uważam jednak, że paradoksalnie internet jest spoiwem procesów lokalnych5. Kiedy zawiązywały się realne szanse na przetrwanie nowo-powstałych periodyków, społeczeństwo polskie stopniowo uzyskiwało dostęp do międzynarodowej sieci6. Wtedy też zaczęły zawiązywać się pierwsze lokalne serwisy internetowe: gminne (prowadzone przez samorządy) oraz prywatne lub społecznościowe (zakładane przez mieszkańców bądź podmioty gospodarcze). Obecnie internet staje się podstawowym środkiem komunikacji i organizacji we wszystkich sferach ludzkiej działalności, korzystają z niego ruchy społeczne oraz polityczne, firmy, przedsiębiorstwa państwowe oraz obywatele. Zaczynająca się era informacji, o której wspomina Tomasz GobanKlass, mimowolnie wpływa na popyt i podaż informacji7. Internet stał się również niezastąpionym składnikiem ruchów społecznych, na co miały wpływ między innymi takie czynniki, jak: 1. ruchy społeczne ery informacji koncentrują się wokół wartości kulturowych, 2. ruchy społeczne w społeczeństwie sieciowym muszą wypełniać lukę, która jest spuścizną ery przemysłowej; tworzą się one spontanicznie, często w następstwie jakiegoś wydarzenia nagłośnionego przez środki masowego przekazu lub w odpowiedzi na jakiś kryzys, 3. źródłem władzy są w coraz większej mierze globalne sieci, a nie instytucje państwa; zaczynają dominować ruchy społeczne, uciekające się do symbolicznych akcji8. Obecnie homo sapiens uzyskał nową odmianę: homo informaticus. Człowiek staje się świadkiem gwałtownego rozwoju technologii informacyjnej, zmiany te znacząco 5 „Gazeta Uniwersytecka” Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, nr 7 (127) Kwiecień 2005, Rozmowa miesiąca…, 6 International Network (ang. skrót – internet). 7 M. Castells: Galaktyka internetu – refleksje nad internetem, biznesem i społeczeństwem. Poznań 2003, s. 157. 8 Tamże, s. 157-163. �160 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví wpływają na niemal każdy aspekt życia: od życia w obrębie zbiorowości lokalnych, po uczestnictwo w strukturach globalnych, od form spędzania wolnego czasu przez relacje ekonomiczne, po pracę. Cechą charakterystyczną dla homo informaticus jest postęp i racjonalizm9. W tym miejscu ważne jest jednoznaczne podkreślenie istotnej roli mediów lokalnych, bowiem rozpatruje się je tutaj jako istotny element demokracji lokalnej, partycypacji obywatelskiej oraz roli, jaką odgrywają w kształtowaniu i utrzymywaniu tożsamości lokalnej. Praktycznie z dnia na dzień nowe technologie stają się coraz to nowsze, osoby korzystające z dorobku wiedzy i innowacji technologicznej muszą niejako przystosowywać się do obsługi urządzeń, czy programów. Społeczeństwo w epoce internetu będzie albo refleksyjne, albo nie będzie go wcale. Antony Giddens sformułował to w postaci twierdzenia o podwójnej hermeneutyce10. Zgodnie z tym ujęciem ludzie czerpią impulsy do bardziej efektywnych działań. Zdaniem Giddensa większość czuje się w tych warunkach zmuszona do poszerzania swojej wiedzy i stosowania jej w praktyce. Przytaczany tu autor wskazuje na trzy zasadnicze determinanty11: 1. im bardziej rozwinięte i złożone staje się społeczeństwo, tym więcej wytwarza wiedzy o sobie: interesach, strukturach, konfliktach, szybkości i kierunku zmian, 2. im więcej ma wiedzy o sobie i ją wykorzystuje, tym szybszym zmianom ulęgają dotychczasowe struktury jak i codzienne praktyki, miejsce starych struktur zajmują nowe struktury i instytucje zapośredniczone przez wiedzę, 3. nowa wiedza wymusza nowe działanie; jednostki – obywatele wyzwoleni z ograniczeń dotychczasowych struktur na nowo definiują swoją własną tożsamość, interesy, potrzeby, sytuacje. Funkcjonowanie mediów w środowisku lokalnym Lokalne redakcje o ugruntowanej pozycji i wypracowanym zaufaniu społecznym mają istotny wpływ na budowanie opinii i kształtowanie poglądów lokalnej społeczności. Szczególnie ważną rolę mediów lokalnych, funkcjonujących na pograniczu, jest budowanie wzajemnej tolerancji na odmienność i różnorodność. Niebezpieczeństwem dla społeczeństwa z zakresu pogranicza jest obojętność mediów lokalnych na budowane i umacniane stereotypy. 9 W. Wątroba: Homo informaticus w globalnym świecie. W: Społeczeństwo informacyjne – aspekty funkcjonalne i dysfunkcjonalne. Red. L. H. Haber, M. Niezgoda. Kraków 2006, s. 441-443. 10 Zgodnie z tym ujęciem poznanie, w tym socjologiczne, czerpie z wiedzy ludzi o ich własnych działaniach i ich obserwacji. Z kolei ludzie czerpią z tej wiedzy impulsy do bardziej efektywnych działań. Większość ludzi zdaniem Giddensa czuje się w tych warunkach zmuszona do poszerzania swojej wiedzy. www.sai.spik.swps.edu.pl/pliki/sai_abstrakty.pdf 200706-04, s. 4 (Materiał z konferencji pt. Społeczne aspekty Internetu. Warszawa, 2-3 grudnia 2005). 11 Za: K. Krzysztofek: Społeczeństwo w dobie internetu: refleksyjne czy algorytmiczne? W: Internet – społeczne aspekty medium. Red. Ł. Jonak i in. Warszawa 2006, s. 28-29. �Rafał Guzowski: Rola lokalnych mediów... 161 W kształtowaniu i przekazywaniu stereotypów szczególną rolę odgrywa przebywanie w społecznościach pogranicza etnicznego i wyznaniowego, w których najczęściej występują różne stereotypy wobec innych12. Przywoływany tutaj Jerzy Nikitorowicz podnosi, że media są jednym z elementów życia społecznego, który wpływa na poziom aktywności i społecznej aprobaty dla występowania i ewentualnego umacniania stereotypów. Musimy się nauczyć żyć w warunkach widocznego zróżnicowania kulturowego, ograniczać różne formy wykluczenia, marginalizacji, jakie powstają w warunkach braku „treningu do różnorodności” (...), w perspektywie efektywnie wykorzystać istniejące zróżnicowanie dla pomyślnego rozwoju miasta (...)13. Lokalne media de facto mają narzuconą przez odbiorcę misję, która promować ma lokalność i regionalizm. Odbywać się to może poprzez14: ••promowanie dziedzictwa kulturowego oraz zamiłowania do tradycji regionalnej, ••ruch, którego celem jest resuscytacja regionalnego życia kulturowego, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem i podkreśleniem charakteru lokalnego, ••uświadamianie celowości uczestnictwa w życiu kulturalnym i pielęgnowanie zwyczajów regionalnych, ••promowanie i przedstawianie działalności miłośników danego regionu, ••podkreślanie specyfiki i oryginalności obszaru, ••pokazywanie i popularyzacja gwary i kultury. Troska o tożsamość lokalną w nowoczesnych mediach na Śląsku Cieszyńskim Wcześniej została wykazana ważność i swoista rola mediów lokalnych w podtrzymywaniu i kultywowaniu tożsamości oraz tradycji lokalnej. Z przeprowadzonych badań autorskich wynika, że społeczeństwo i jego reprezentacja (rozumiana tu jako stowarzyszenia) nie wykorzystują możliwości, jakie daje istnienie nowoczesnych mediów. Badania zostały przeprowadzone w bardzo wąskim obszarze, ich przedmiotem stały się lokalne serwisy internetowe (o charakterze gminnym – prowadzonym przez Urzędy Miast oraz o charakterze prywatnym – najpopularniejsze serwisy prowadzone przez podmioty prywatne). Dokonana została analiza treści informacji w dwóch okresach: 18-25 grudnia 2009 i 18-25 stycznia 2010 roku (okresy badania I i badania II wybrano ze względu na szczególne okoliczności15). 12 J. Nikitorowicz: Pogranicze, tożsamość, edukacja międzykulturowa. Białystok 1995, s. 36. 13 A. Sadowski: Wielokulturowe społeczeństwa regionalne (jako pożądany kierunek przeobrażeń społeczności lokalnych i regionalnych w Polsce). W: Społeczności lokalne. Teraźniejszość i przyszłość. Red. B. Jałowiecki, W. Łukowski. Warszawa 2006, s. 131. 14 H. Skorowski: Regionalizm w ujęciu podmiotowym. W: Europa Regionu. Regionalizm jako kategoria aksjologiczna. Warszawa – Krosno 2006, s. 65-72. 15 Badanie I – obejmuje okres przygotowań świąteczno-noworocznych; badanie II – obejmuje okres związany z Dniem Babci i Dniem Dziadka. �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 162 Tabela 1 Zestawienie ogólnej liczby prezentowanych wiadomości, z uwzględnieniem tych dotyczących kultury regionalnej i tożsamości jastrzębie.pl W tym o „kulturze i tożsamości” jasnet.pl W tym o „kulturze i tożsamości” cieszyn.pl W tym o „kulturze i tożsamości” ox.pl W tym o „kulturze i tożsamości” BADANIE I BADANIE II 11 0 22 0 1 0 33 5 27 1 31 0 3 0 31 1 Źródło: opracowanie własne na podstawie wyników badań W zakresie analizowanych treści prezentowanych przez poszczególne serwisy internetowe należy zaznaczyć, że zaprezentowane w powyższej tabeli informacje „w tym o kulturze i tożsamości” mieszczą się szczegółowe wyznaczniki: zapowiedzi imprez masowych i relacje z nich (pozbawione elementów tradycji, np. koncerty pop, kabaretony itp.), zapowiedzi imprez, których tematyka związana jest z elementami kultury lokalnej oraz relacje i publikacje związane z regionalizmem oraz kultywowaniem lokalnych zwyczajów. Ponadto dla określenia aktywności redakcji oraz społeczności lokalnej (rozumianej tu jako jednostkowe działania oraz akcje informacyjne podejmowane przez organizacje społeczne) dokonano rozróżnienia na: wiadomości własne redakcji, informacje nadesłane przez instytucje – jednostki budżetowe, kulturalnooświatowe oraz na informacje nadesłane przez mieszkańców i stowarzyszenia. Celem rozróżnienia źródła informacji było uzyskanie odpowiedzi na zagadnienie związane z efektywnym, i co ważniejsze aktywnym elementem działalności w zakresie promocji i rozpowszechnianiu wiedzy o kulturze i elementach regionalizmu. W omawianym okresie prowadzenia badań I oraz badań II nie zanotowano aktywności w sferze przekazu informacji z przedmiotowego zakresu. Ani poszczególni mieszkańcy, ani też stowarzyszenia działające na terenie danych miejscowości nie przekazywały informacji dotyczących poruszanej problematyki. Nie oznacza to, że działania takie nie były podejmowane. Być może na przeszkodzie w nawiązaniu współpracy z lokalnymi mediami w zakresie promocji kultury i utrzymywaniu elementów tożsamości lokalnej stoi jeden lub więcej z następujących czynników: • brak wiedzy o istniejących redakcjach, • brak umiejętności w formułowaniu zaproszeń dla redakcji, • brak umiejętności w zakresie podejmowania współpracy z mediami, bądź niechęć do mediów, • niewiara w podejmowane działania lub cechy osobowościowe koordynatorów, • „tradycjonalizm medialny” – przyzwyczajenie do jednego tytułu prasowego bez uwzględnienia innych mediów, w tym elektronicznych. �Rafał Guzowski: Rola lokalnych mediów... 163 Uzasadnione może być twierdzenie, że wiele działań w zakresie krzewienia kultury i podtrzymywania tożsamości lokalnej jest z założenia „małomedialnych” lub „nie nadających się do publikacji”. Taka teza zdecydowanie utrudnia, a wręcz uniemożliwia eksport informacji o wydarzeniu poza obszar samych adresatów i ich najbliższego otoczenia. Tabela 2 Predominujące elementy kultury i tożsamości lokalnej, które mogą znaleźć się w mediach lokalnych Jastrzębie Zdrój Cieszyn inscenizacja o Czarnym rycerzu; promowanie wkładu społeczności Jastrzębia w proces transformacji systemowej w Polsce16; inscenizacja legendy O założeniu Cieszyna; rozmowy i wywiad z przedstawicielem Koła Macierzy Ziemi Cieszyńskiej17; recytacje i publikacje wybranych utworów poetyckich twórców regionalnych; podania i baśnie ze Śląska Cieszyńskiego; prezentacje stroju cieszyńskiego; promocja gwary jabłonkowskiej (i dialektu jabłonkowskiego) Źródło: opracowanie własne1617 Elementy kulturotwórcze oraz utrzymujące tożsamość lokalną są różne dla obu omawianych gmin. Jest to uwarunkowane przede wszystkim historią i rozwojem danych społeczeństw na przestrzeni wieków. Elementem spajającym mieszkańców danej miejscowości jest przywiązanie do tradycji i możliwość efektywnej asymilacji „obcych”. W przypadku Jastrzębia Zdroju znaczny napływ ludności miał miejsce w latach 70. i 80. XX wieku, kiedy to następował rozwój przemysłu ciężkiego. Mimo tak niewielkiej odległości między analizowanymi miastami, różnice kultury lokalnej i przywiązanie do tożsamości wydają się nieporównywalne. Adekwatnym przykładem może być w tym miejscu przywołana już wcześniej gwara jabłonkowska. Jest ona charakterystyczna dla rdzennych mieszkańców Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Region Śląska cieszyńskiego wyróżnia się wąską wymową samogłoski ę w każdej pozycji i brakiem mazurzenia. (…) Różnica jest zauważalna w wymowie np. czorny i czarować, mioł i miała zogón i zasioć. Samogłoska ta różni się od o jasnego brakiem labilizacji, która na terenie Śląska Cieszyńskiego występuje w bardzo zróżnicowanym nasileniu; od łociec, łuwidzieć aż do zupełnego jej braku, tj. wymowy ociec, uwidzieć18. 16 Pamięć Jastrzębska – ruch powołany w trosce o zachowanie pamięci społecznej o ważnych wydarzeniach z przeszłości Jastrzębia Zdroju i jego okolic, oraz o wybitnych postaciach z nim związanych (zob. więcej: www.pamiec.jasnet.pl. 17 Macierz Ziemi Cieszyńskiej (początkowo: Macierz Szkolna dla Księstwa Cieszyńskiego, zob. więcej: www.mzc-istebna.blog.onet.pl). 18 www.skarbnica.ox.pl/19,gwara-cieszynska 2010-02-23, 19:30 �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 164 Zupełnie inne podejście do gwary mają internauci korzystający z forum jasforum. pl. Jeden z użytkowników napisał: Jeżeli chcemy żeby 2010 był rokiem śląskiej mowy to warto zastanowić się nad sposobem realizacji kampanii promocyjnej tego języka19. Rozgorzała dyskusja, gdzie głównie padało stwierdzenie: Jastrzębie jako chyba jedyne miasto na śląsku nie ma zwyczaju godać tylko mówić. Mieszkańcy Jastrzębia to ludzie z całej polski, którzy swego czasu przyjechali tu do pracy i rzadko spotykam osoby mówiące po śląsku. Mało tego dla niejednego jest dziwne słyszeć np. w autobusie kogoś porozumiewającego się śląską gwarą więc myślę, że ta akcja to raczej nie u nas20. Swoistego podsumowania dokonał użytkownik „Myszak” pisząc: Fakt, że jest cała masa ludności napływowej, ale przecież starsze Jastrzebioki (jeżeli tak to się pisze) jeszcze po śląsku mówią. U mnie w rodzinie nie mówi się gwarą, ale jak tylko idziemy na odwiedziny do babci, tato przestawia się na śląski. W ten sposób może i nie mówimy, ale rozumiemy21. Mimo różnic, cechą charakterystyczną mieszkańców Jastrzębia Zdroju i Cieszyna jest nadal niesłychanie niski poziom aktywności w sferze działalności podtrzymującej tożsamość. Deklarowana otwartość mediów elektronicznych Każdy z serwisów internetowych, który był przedmiotem badań posiada stopkę redakcyjną z danymi teleadresowymi. Oznacza to, że redakcja jest otwarta na aktywność i głosy internautów. Na potrzeby niniejszego opracowania dokonano quasi eksperymentu22. Tabela 3 Postawa wydawców na aktywność odbiorców Redakcja/wydawca Odpowiedź jastrzębie.pl Każda informacja nadesłana do redakcji oceniana jest indywidualnie. Nie zamieszczamy, co do zasady, informacji o charakterze komercyjnym. Proszę o nadsyłanie informacji i jeśli będą one zgodne z założeniami naszej strony, to zostaną zamieszczone. Z poważaniem Olga Majkowska Naczelnik Wydziału Informacji 19 www.jasforum.pl/2010-rokiem-slaskiej-mowy-t-494.html, użytkownik „kooperatysta”, post z dnia 28-12-2009, 13:31; 2010-02-22 20 Tamże, użytkownik „Kruk”; post z dnia 28-12-2009, 23:03; 2010-02-22 21 www.jasforum.pl/2010-rokiem-slaskiej-mowy-t-494.html, post z dnia 29-12-2009, 17:03; 2010-02-22 22 W dniu 23 lutego 2010 r. na adresy mailowe – kontaktowe – czterech redakcji wysłano zapytanie o następującej treści: „Witam serdecznie! Czy istnieje możliwość umieszczenia na łamach Waszego portalu informacji dotyczących imprez kulturalnych promujących elementy kultury lokalnej i podtrzymujących tożsamość lokalną? Z góry dziękuję za odpowiedź i pozdrawiam Waszą redakcję. Z poważaniem, Katarzyna Muśler”. �Rafał Guzowski: Rola lokalnych mediów... jasnet.pl cieszyn.pl ox.pl 165 Dzień dobry, taka możliwość oczywiście istnieje. Pozdrawiamy serdecznie Jasnet Witam, istnieje możliwość zamieszczania takich informacji (zapowiedzi i relacje z imprez etc.) na naszym portalu pod warunkiem, że dotyczą one miasta Cieszyna. Pozdrawiam Marek Kądziela Biuro Promocji i Informacji Urząd Miejski w Cieszynie tel. (033) 47-94-243 Witam! Ogromnie ogólne pytanie :) Proszę przesłać informacje na adres redakcja ox.pl Myślę, że są duże szanse na umieszczenie np. w dziale Kalendarz imprez itp (interesują nas informacje głównie dot Śląska Cieszyńskiego) Pozdrawiam Przemysław Lose redakcja ox.pl Źródło: opracowanie własne na analizy zawartości stron23 Z powyższego zestawienia wynika, że lokalne redakcje dają możliwość i deklarują otwartość na inicjatywy pochodzące od społeczeństwa24 – w zakresie przekazywania informacji, zapowiedzi imprez kulturalnych, jak również relacji i publikacji związanych z historią i tradycjami poszczególnych miejscowości. Bazą do opracowań mogą być publikacje prezentowane na poszczególnych stronach internetowych. Z analizy treści serwisów poddanych badaniom wynika, że redakcje podjęły trud i starania w przygotowanie oraz prezentowanie informacji dotyczących kultury lokalnej i tożsamości. Warto w tym miejscu dodać, że serwisy informacyjne prowadzone przez gminę są oficjalną kanwą elementarnej wiedzy z zakresu historii i tożsamości. Tabela 4 Zawartość działów traktujących o historii i tożsamości Serwis Zawartość jastrzębie.pl dział: Dla mieszkańców Historia, zabytki, ludzie Historia – ogólne informacje dotyczące dziejów i czasów współczesnych miasta. Zabytki – prezentacja graficzna i historyczna zabytków Oni tworzą historię – zakładka poświęcona osobistościom, które zapisały się na kartach jastrzębskiej historii; lub właśnie kształtują naszą teraźniejszość. Są wśród nich bohaterowie czasów wojny, ale również artyści, pedagodzy, sportowcy 23 Autor dysponuje pełną dokumentacją związaną z cytowanymi informacjami. 24 Każda z redakcji odpisała na e-mail w ciągu 12 godzin od wysłania zapytania. �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 166 jasnet.pl dział: Pamięć Jastrzębska cieszyn.pl dział: Historia i tradycja ox.pl dział: Skarbnica Działy z zakresu: historia Jastrzębia Zdroju; wydarzenia lat 80. XX wieku; osoby zasłużone dla miasta i regionu; zabytki; wspomnienia mieszkańców; archiwum fotografii; „Jastrzębie w kronikach filmowych” - archiwum „Kroniki Filmowej” prezentującej miasto (filmy do oglądania przez internet). Dzieje miasta ; Dzieje Ratusza; Moneta w dawnym Cieszynie; Miasto i jego mieszkańcy; Osobistości; Zabytki; Tradycje cieszyńskie; Cieszyn w starej fotografii; Czy wiesz że...; Cieszyńskie tramwaje; Najstarszy cmentarz w Cieszynie O regionie: Architektura Cieszyńska; Geografia Śląska Cieszyńskiego; Miejscowości Śląska Cieszyńskiego; Skoczów Kronika; Etnografia (Pieśni w Cieszyńskiem, Gwara cieszyńska, Kuchnia cieszyńska, Ludność Śląska Cieszyńskiego) Źródło: opracowanie własne na podstawie analizy zawartości stron25 Opracowane informacje prezentowane na stronach internetowych dają podsta­wowy zakres wiedzy dla wszystkich zainteresowanych. Zatem zarzut, że internauci nie mają dostępu do podstawowych informacji z zakresu historii i kultury swojej miejscowości wydaje się najzupełniej nieuzasadniony. Mimo wszechstronnych możliwości w zakresie prezentacji kultury i elementów regionalnych, jakie dostępne są w internecie, taka tematyka należy do niszowych zainteresowań. Kultura i tradycja lokalna jest przypisana do niewielkiej grupy korzystających z internetu, tym bardziej należy zachować ostrożność przy wnioskowaniu dotyczącym oddziaływania i zależności w przypadku sublokalnych informacji pojawiających się w elektronicznych mediach. Konkluzje W XXI wieku ogromną rolę w zakresie propagowania i zachęcania do udziału w życiu kulturalnym będą odgrywały media elektroniczne. Jednym z powodów jest możliwość multirelacjonowania owych wydarzeń poprzez informację pisaną, fotoreportaż lub wideorelację. Internet daje również ogromne możliwości dotyczące odbioru samych informacji, chociażby przez wręcz nieograniczoną repetycję publikacji. Jednak w tej sferze należy wiele jeszcze uczynić, aby wiadomości czy szersze opracowania zagadnień pojawiały się w lokalnych serwisach internetowych. Prezentowane treści powinny być natomiast przedstawiane w atrakcyjnym i łatwym do odbioru formacie, tak aby każdy, bez względu na wiek, umiejętności obsługi komputera czy sprawne poruszanie się w sieci, miał możliwy i niczym nieograniczony dostęp do publikacji. Warto również pamiętać, że za kulturę i podtrzymywanie tradycji lokalnej odpowiadają nie tylko same media, ale również władze samorządowe administrujące gminnymi serwisami informacyjnymi oraz stowarzyszenia i ruchy społecznościowe działające na tym polu, jak również sami obywatele – mieszkańcy. Przemiany społeczne jakie towarzyszą nam w teraźniejszości, prędzej czy później również obejmą tą sferę życia w społecznościach lokalnych. 25 Analizy zawartości dokonano 23-02-2010; www.jastrzebie.pl, www.cieszyn.pl, www.jasnet.pl, www.ox.pl. �Rafał Guzowski: Rola lokalnych mediów... 167 Bibliografia: Castells M.: Galaktyka internetu – refleksje nad internetem, biznesem i społeczeństwem. Poznań 2003 Jóżko M.: Prasa lokalna i regionalna jako element społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. W: Media lokalne a demokracja. Red. J. Chłopecki, R. Polak. Rzeszów 2005, s. 110-121 Krzysztofek K.: Społeczeństwo w dobie internetu: refleksyjne czy algorytmiczne? W: Internet – społeczne aspekty medium. Red. Ł. Jonak i in. Warszawa 2006, s. 26-35 Nikitorowicz J.: Pogranicze, tożsamość, edukacja międzykulturowa. Białystok 1995 Sadowski A.: Wielokulturowe społeczeństwa regionalne (jako pożądany kierunek przeobrażeń społeczności lokalnych i regionalnych w Polsce). Red. B. Jałowiecki, W. Łukowski. Społeczności lokalne. Teraźniejszość i przyszłość. Warszawa 2006, s. 129-145 Skorowski H.: Regionalizm w ujęciu podmiotowym. W: Europa Regionu. Regionalizm jako kategoria aksjologiczna. Warszawa – Krosno 2006, s. 62-79 Wątroba W.: Homo informaticus w globalnym świecie. W: Społeczeństwo informacyjne – aspekty funkcjonalne i dysfunkcjonalne. Red. L. H. Haber, M. Niezgoda. Kraków 2006, s. 436-447 Źródła internetowe: www.cieszyn.pl www.gu.us.edu.pl/node/225821, 2010-01-29, 17:16. Gazeta Uniwersytecka Uniwersytetu Śląskiego, nr 7 (127). Kwiecień 2005. Rozmowa miesiąca, wersja elektroniczna wywiadu www.jasforum.pl/2010-rokiem-slaskiej-mowy-t-494.html,użytkownik „kooperatysta”, post z dnia 28-12-2009, 13:31; 2010-02-22; użytkownik „Kruk”; post z dnia 28-12-2009, 23:03; 2010-02-22 www.jasnet.pl www.jastrzebie.pl www. kpaim.sggw.waw.pl/files/nauka/41/IV/35.%20Ewa%20JASKA.pdf 2010-01-29, 16:56. E. Jaska: Rola lokalnych środków masowego przekazu w rozwoju regionów, s. 5 www.ox.pl www.lokalnebadania.com/?page_id=7 2010-01-29, godz. 20:51 www.mzc-istebna.blog.onet.pl ww.sai.spik.swps.edu.pl/pliki/sai_abstrakty.pdf 2007-06-04. Materiał z konferencji pt. Społeczne aspekty Internetu. Warszawa, 2-3 grudnia 2005, s. 4 www.skarbnica.ox.pl/19,gwara-cieszynska 2010-02-23, 19:30 Shrnutí Úloha místních médií tradičních i elektronických ve formování místní identity na území Těšínského Slezska Hlavním tématem článku je problematika spojená s aktivním využitím internetu ze strany občanů bydlících na území Těšínského Slezska a části Horního Slezska. Publikace se snaží poskytnout odpověď na otázku: zda tyto společnosti využívají nové technologie ke kultivování �168 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví a udržování lokální totožnosti anebo nikoliv. Autor analyzuje aktivity místních společenství a využívání z jejich strany lokálních internetových servisů k popularizaci a prezentaci identity a místní kultury. Předkládá analýzu vlastních provedených výzkumů týkajících se městských internetových servisů založených a provozovaných Úřadem města v Cieszyně a Úřadem města v Jastrzębi-Zdroji. V článku byly rovněž uvedeny výsledky analýzy obsahu těchto internetových stránek, jichž tématika se týká obou měst. Summary The role of local traditional and electronic media in shaping local identity in Cieszyn Silesia The subject matter of the study is the issue of active use of the Internet by the inhabitants of Cieszyn Silesia and partially of Upper Silesia. An attempt is made by the author to find out whether these societies use new technologies for cherishing and consolidating the local identity or not. An analysis is also made of the activeness of local communities and of their use of local internet services to promote local identity and culture. The analysis of the author’s own research into town internet services, established by the City Councils in Cieszyn and Jastrzębie Zdrój, is presented. Moreover, the article provides the results of the analysis of websites which concern both cities. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/ea8d62445d8322cbd9c4bd8c23340118.pdf ed2afbfb7b7b571e6148b1e1b9d84920 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text ��Podolskie zielniki �POLSKIE TOWARZYSTWO LUDOZNAWCZE SOCIÉTÉ POLONAISE D’ETHNOLOGIE Redakcja serii PTL „Prace Etnologiczne” Izabella Main – redaktor naczelna Anna Witeska-Młynarczyk – zastępczyni red. naczelnej Katarzyna Mirgos – sekretarz redakcji Izabela Kujawa – członkini redakcji Aleksandra Turowska – członkini redakcji PRACE ETNOLOGICZNE Tom 27 pod redakcją naukową Izabelli Main �Iwa Kołodziejska Podolskie zielniki Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze Wrocław 2023 �Recenzje Danuta Penkala Agnieszka Halemba Redakcja wydawnicza Adrian Nikiel Korekta Maria Zebrany Projekt okładki Katarzyna Main-Liszka Projekt dofinansowany ze środków budżetu państwa, przyznanych przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki w ramach Programu „Doskonała nauka II” © Copyright by Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze and Autorka, Wrocław 2023 ISSN: 0239-6726 ISBN: 978-83-64465-64-2 Wydawca Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze 50-383 Wrocław, ul. Fryderyka Joliot- Curie 12 www.ptl.info.pl, e-mail: ptl@ptl.info.pl tel. +48 71 375 75 83 �Spis treści Podziękowania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 I. Wstęp . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Pytania badawcze . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Kontekst, w którym szukałam odpowiedzi na pytania badawcze . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Nici relacji umożliwiające pisanie antropologii . . . . . . . . . 4. Proces wyboru terenu badań – środek czy peryferium . . . . . 13 15 15 22 27 II. Stroyinci i ich okolice – wielogatunkowa etnografia powiązań . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Infrastruktura . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Okolice . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Ludzie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1. Prawosławni i katolicy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2. Język . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.3. Praca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4. Lasy, łąki, krajobraz wsi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. Wielowymiarowe splątania ludzi i środowiska . . . . . . . . . 5.1. Sezonowość – kolejny wymiar splątania . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2. Codzienne splątania z roślinami . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. Badaczka – aktorka w wielowymiarowej sieci . . . . . . . . . . 6.1. Ja jako obca osoba we wsi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 33 33 40 41 41 43 45 49 57 57 59 63 66 Iwa Kołodziejska 5 �6.2. Moje gospodynie i ich wpływ na pozycję badaczki w terenie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 III. Zielniki mentalne – ważne relacje z roślinami . . . . . . . . . . 81 1. Dlaczego w ogóle gatunek i czy mówienie o nim ma sens? . . . 84 1.1. Czym dla botaników jest gatunek i jak go nazwać? . . . . . 89 2. Analiza zielników mentalnych . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 2.1. Komu oddać głos i jak? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 3. Przykłady z zielników: nici zielnika Haliny i innych z nim powiązanych . . . . . . . . 98 3.1. Roślina uważana za najważniejszą . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 3.2. Narracje o zdrowym jedzeniu i ukraińskości . . . . . . . . 101 3.3. „Chemia” i oczyszczanie organizmu . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 3.3.1. Zaufanie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 3.3.2. Relacje z „państwem” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 3.3.3. „Swojskość” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116 3.3.4. Wielogatunkowość . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 4. Przykłady z zielników: nici zielnika Nataszy i innych z nim powiązanych . . . . . . . 118 4.1. Relacja z miejscem i krajobrazem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 4.2. Płeć roślin, płeć zielników . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 4.3. Różnice między zielnikami mężczyzn i kobiet . . . . . . . 125 4.4 .Mieć rośliny, mieć wiedzę – budować prestiż? . . . . . . . 131 4.5. Ekonomiczne przyczyny zbierania roślin . . . . . . . . . . 132 4.6. Jak zbierać? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 5. Wyjątkowa roślina – wyjątkowe relacje . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 6. Indywidualny język zielników . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 7. Dziecięce zielniki . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 7.1. Główne przyczyny różnorodności dziecięcych zielników mentalnych . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 IV. Wypowiedziane, dotknięte, spisane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 1. Tworzenie lokalnej wiedzy o roślinach – jak o tym piszą inni . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 2. Teksty pisane i ich rola w tworzeniu wiedzy o roślinach . . . . 156 2.1. Standaryzacja i różnorodność . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 2.2. Książki moich rozmówców . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 2.3. Struktura tekstu i jej wpływ na przekaz wiedzy . . . . . . 167 Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 6 �2.4. Czasopisma – struktura tekstu i jej wpływ na przekaz wiedzy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178 2.5. Sposoby porządkowania treści w czasopismach . . . . . . 184 2.6. Zapamiętane i zapisane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 3. Doświadczenie i praktyka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 194 3.1. Ilustracje w tekstach pisanych . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 3.2. Wiedza w ciele – jak rozpoznać roślinę? . . . . . . . . . . . 201 3.3. Poruszanie się w środowisku . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 210 4. Przekaz wiedzy – komu, kiedy, jak? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 4.1. Przekaz poziomy i skośny . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 218 4.2. Przekaz pionowy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 222 4.3. Uczenie się w dzieciństwie i znaczenie przekazu pionowego . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 4.4. Nauka przez obserwację . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227 4.5. Autorytet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 230 5. Wielość wielostopniowych taktyk tworzenia wiedzy i jej przekazu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 V. Podsumowanie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237 VI. Bibliografia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243 Spis ilustracji . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 Tabela 3. Rozmówczynie i rozmówcy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267 Tabela 4. Taksony spotkane       w zielnikach mentalnych moich rozmówców . . . . . . . 279 Ilustracje . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289 Iwa Kołodziejska 7 ��Podziękowania Podziękowania w książkach czy podczas odbioru nagród wydają mi się zawsze trochę pompatyczne, a przez to mają w sobie nutę śmieszności, z drugiej strony dziękowanie – jako takie – uważam za istotne. W końcu pisałam tę pracę uwikłana w sieci różnych ważnych relacji, za które jestem ogromnie wdzięczna. Na pewno nie wymieniłam tu wszystkich, wobec których odczuwam wdzięczność, staram się natomiast wymienić tych, bez których wsparcia ta praca by nie powstała lub byłaby czymś zupełnie innym – gorszym. Na pierwszym miejscu chcę podziękować prof. dr hab. Magdalenie Zowczak przede wszystkim za to, że zdecydowała się podjąć ryzyko opieki nad pracą z pogranicza różnych dziedzin i miała cierpliwość do mojego procesu twórczego, była gotowa dzielić się swoimi wątpliwościami i uwagami. Jestem też ogromnie wdzięczna koleżankom i kolegom z Ogrodu Botanicznego UW, w którym pracowałam przez większość czasu pracy nad rozprawą, za wyrozumiałość i różnego rodzaju wsparcie, a także inspirujące dyskusje z koleżankami z pracowni edukacji. Krysi Jędrzejewskiej-Szmek, że była gotowa przejąć większość moich ogrodowych obowiązków w kluczowym momencie badań. Kierownik dr Hannie Werblan-Jakubiec za ogromną otwartość na moje pomysły i potrzeby, a także finansowe wsparcie wyjazdów na konferencje, które były dla mnie ważnym źródłem merytorycznej inspiracji. Iwa Kołodziejska 9 �Dr. hab. Marcinowi Zychowi za to, że uwierzył, że ten tekst kiedyś powstanie i wybaczył mi „zdradę” nauk biologicznych. Chciałabym serdecznie podziękować wszystkim studentkom i studentom z laboratorium etnograficznego „ Autorytety świeckie i religijne na Podolu Wschodnim” za wspólny czas spędzony na Podolu i inspirujące rozmowy. Bardzo dziękuję wszystkim osobom, które miały udział w kręceniu materiału filmowego w Stroyinciach: Iwonie Kaliszewskiej, Oldze Rembielińskiej, Rafałowi Rukatowi i Jackowi Wajszczakowi. Jackowi chcę też podziękować za montaż filmu i jego pokazy w Stroyinciach i Polsce. Jestem bardzo wdzięczna Ewie Wołkanowskiej-Kołodziej za sesje zdjęciowe i refleksje z terenu. Ogromnie, ogromnie dziękuję Brunkowi za cierpliwość, otwieranie drzwi w terenie oraz umożliwienie mi przejścia na inny poziom jako badaczce. Wyrazy wdzięczności należą się też Kubie Pochrybniakowi za przygotowanie dla mnie bazy danych, która bardzo mi pomogła w analizie materiału terenowego i ułożeniu wszystkiego w głowie. Bardzo ułatwiła mi pisanie. Za inspirację intelektualną chciałam podziękować wszystkim uczestnikom spotkań grupy Padise, a szczególnie Zsoltowi Molnarowi, Ingvarowi Svanbergowi, Renacie Sõukand, Monice Kujawskiej, Łukaszowi Łuczajowi i Andrei Pieroniemu; uczestniczkom seminarium „Pluralizm medyczny w ujęciu antropologicznym. Badania, problemy, perspektywy”, a przede wszystkim prof. dr hab. Danucie Penkali- Gawęckiej za zaproszenie na nie, a także do specjalnego numeru „ Anthropology & Medicine”. Iwonie Kaliszewskiej należą się podziękowania za wspólne myślenie o Ukrainie, pomoc w znalezienie terenu, badania ze studentami, a także przyjacielskie wsparcie. Chcę bardzo serdecznie podziękować wszystkim tym osobom, które wierzyły, że ten tekst powstanie (gdy ja całkiem wątpiłam) oraz dzieliły się ze mną tą wiarą, za wszystkie pytania: czy piszę?, a także wysłuchiwanie moich niepokojów. Przez te lata były to różne osoby, ale w ostatniej, najtrudniejszej dla mnie fazie za podtrzymywanie na duchu i zachęcanie dziękuję: Iwonie, Zuz, Radce, Marcie, Kasi, Kini, Marcie, Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 10 �Nikodemowi i Piotrowi. To Wasze wsparcie spowodowało, że powstała ostateczna wersja tego tekstu. Jadzi i Grzesiowi dziękuję za logistyczne wspieranie mojego pisania, a także wszelką troskę. W Winnicy zawsze mogłam liczyć na pomoc, wsparcie i przyjacielską rozmowę z Iriną Batyrevą, a także Nadzieżdą. Tej ostatniej dziękuję też za szczodre dzielenie się wiedzą o roślinach. Ogromną wdzięczność kieruję do wszystkich mieszkańców Stroyinciów, Kobeleckiego i Hrisziwców, którzy poświęcili mi czas, tłumaczyli swój świat, gościli mnie i troszczyli się o to, bym czuła się tam jak najlepiej. Szczególnie ciepło chcę podziękować Irinie i Toli, babie Adeli, Halinie Anatolevnej, didowi Toli, a także Ninie i Adeli, Witii i babce Ludwince, Nataszy oraz cioci Lusi. Ponadto wszystkim dzieciom, które zaangażowały się w pracę przy filmie, oraz Kristinie i Ksiuszy za przedstawianie mnie osobom, które uważały za ciekawe dla mnie. Dziękuję też roślinom, które mnie inspirowały i wspierały w pisaniu, przede wszystkim: Camelia sinensis, Robinia pseudoacacia, Matricaria chammomilla, Juniperus communis, Cuminum cyminum, Carum carvi i wielu wielu innym. Napawa mnie pewnym niepokojem to, że zapomniałam o kimś, kto był ważny, a komu to zapomnienie sprawi przykrość. Jestem wdzięczna i tym, których tu nie wymieniłam, a wsparli mnie w czasie badań i pisania. Badania były finansowane z grantu NCN nr 2011/01/N/HS3/03332 Iwa Kołodziejska 11 ��I. Wstęp Ta książka jest wielowątkowym opisem relacji łączących ludzi i rośliny w środkowoukraińskiej wsi i jej okolicach. Przedstawiony w niej materiał badawczy pochodzi z dłuższych i krótszych pobytów na Podolu między wiosną 2009 a latem 2018 roku, jednak rdzeń pracy stanowią materiały zebrane podczas etnograficznych badań terenowych w latach 2012 i 2013, prowadzonych do pracy doktorskiej. To, że obserwowałam i analizowałam ludzko-roślinne powiązania, wynikało z moich własnych zainteresowań – jestem antropolożką kulturową i biolożką, ale temat ten przyszedł do mnie również od ludzi, których spotykałam na Podolu. Ich wrażliwość na rośliny i codzienne z nimi interakcje, poszukiwanie roślin przydatnych w domowych apteczkach, troska o rośliny ozdobne czy wreszcie deklaracje dotyczące tego, jak istotne są dla poszczególnych osób konkretne rośliny, powodowały, że byłam utwierdzana w tym, iż podzielamy z moimi rozmówcami zainteresowanie florą. Pytania o rośliny właściwie nigdy nikogo nie dziwiły, a temat badań dotyczący wiedzy o roślinach był przez moich rozmówców uznawany za istotny. Jest to monografia przedstawiająca ludzi i rośliny żyjących w konkretnym momencie i czasie, opisuje praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach, czyli procesy, które są zmienne i przebiegają bezustannie. Oznacza to, że to, co jest tu opisane, pokazuje stan z chwili zbierania materiału i zapisywania jego analizy. Siłą rzeczy od tego czasu zmieniały się sieci Iwa Kołodziejska 13 �relacji moich rozmówców, czy też pojawiały się nowe teksty teoretyczne, bo bardzo wiele badaczek i badaczy w ostatnim czasie zwróciło się ku relacjom z aktorami innymi niż ludzcy. To, co dla tej książki kluczowe, czyli spojrzenie z etnograficzną wrażliwością na opisywanych ludzi, rośliny i sieci relacji, w które są zanurzeni i które współtworzą, daje możliwość poznania konkretnych ludzko-roślinnych spotkań i przyjrzenie się im w świetle wybranych przeze mnie – autorkę – koncepcji teoretycznych. Daje też czytelniczce i czytelnikowi pole do własnych interpretacji opisanych ludzko-roślinnych splątań, dlatego starałam się, by opis był jak najbardziej gęsty. Zmiany w relacjach ludzi i roślin zostały bardzo przyspieszone przez eskalację działań wojennych Rosji na terytorium Ukrainy od 24 lutego 2022 r., wpływają na to wywołane wojną zmiany społeczne (np. związane ze wzmożeniem dyskusji dotyczących ukraińskiej tożsamości) i środowiskowe (np. niszczenie siedlisk, czy wzmożone zapotrzebowanie na drewno opałowe). Dlatego tym bardziej wydaje mi się istotna możliwość spojrzenia na to, jak były kształtowane indywidualne relacje ze środowiskiem w środkowoukraińskiej, dość dużej wsi, do czasu ogromnego nasilenia migracji ludzi wewnątrz i na zewnątrz Ukrainy, do czasu bardzo intensywnego i gwałtownego wpływu na trajektorie ludzkich biografii i przyrodę. Wymieniona w tytule wiedza jest przeze mnie traktowana jako praktyka społeczna. Opisuję to, jak jest tworzona i jaka jest wielowątkowa i zmienna, zarówno w warstwie dyskursywnej, jak i (a może: przede wszystkim) w tych warstwach, które są trudne do zwerbalizowania, są wiedzą ucieleśnioną, tworzoną w ciele i poprzez nie. Celem moich badań był opis i analiza relacji łączących ludzi i rośliny w wybranych miejscowościach obwodu winnickiego. W głównej mierze analizowałam lokalne praktyki związane z roślinami w szerokim kontekście życia codziennego. Struktura książki do pewnego stopnia odzwierciedla te splątane nici relacji, czytelnikowi daje możliwość wędrowania po nich i stopniowego zanurzania się w nie, a mnie – autorce – umożliwiła jak najmniej hierarchiczne przedstawienie opisywanych aktorów. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 14 �I. 1. Pytania badawcze Jadąc w teren, byłam ciekawa, dlaczego i po co ludzie zbierają rośliny. Wraz z kolejnymi powrotami i analizą uzyskanego materiału coraz lepiej widziałam, że to, co mnie nurtuje najgłębiej, to relacyjność: leżące u podłoża różnych działań moich rozmówców relacje, zarówno te przez nich zauważane, jak i te niezwracające ich uwagi. To właśnie zrozumienie relacji daje szansę odpowiedzi na pytanie, dlaczego i po co ludzie zbierają rośliny. Jest tak, ponieważ ludzie nie wybierają świadomie i celowo z wachlarza rozpościerających się przed nimi możliwości tego, które rośliny będą zbierać, czy będą je zbierać i czemu to zbieranie ma służyć (np. samoleczeniu). Raczej zachowują się zgodnie z tym, jakie mają relacje (poruszają się po ich niciach) czy to z innymi ludźmi, miejscem, w którym żyją, instytucjami, władzą, roślinami (w tym leczniczymi) i wieloma innymi aktorami życia codziennego. Jest to wzajemne, sprzężone oddziaływanie. Dlatego przede wszystkim pytam o relacje, jakie łączą spotkanych przeze mnie ludzi z roślinami. Jednak ze względu na zakres tego pytania skupiam się na tych relacjach, które są istotne w codziennych praktykach moich rozmówców. Ma też dla mnie znaczenie, które z licznych relacji z roślinami, tworzonych przez rozmówców i ich tworzących, są dla nich osobiście ważne. Analizuję też inne relacje, np. ze służbą zdrowia, jeżeli mają znaczenie dla praktyk związanych z roślinami. Ujmując to najbardziej ogólnie, pytam o to: • Które relacje z roślinami są dla moich rozmówców ważne? • Jak przebiega proces tworzenia wiedzy o świecie roślin (tu badam zarówno narracje, jak i praktyki)? • Jak wyglądają praktyki zbieracze moich rozmówców i co na nie wpływa? I. 2. Kontekst, w którym szukałam odpowiedzi na pytania badawcze W tym rozdziale zawrę opis wykorzystanych metod badawczych i przybliżę warunki, w jakich toczyły się moje badania, czyli opiszę ich szeroko rozumiany teren. Na przykładach pokażę wpływ wybranych metod na rozwój sytuacji badawczej. „Teren” będzie oczywiście widoczny Iwa Kołodziejska 15 �w całości tekstu. Będę naświetlać jego cechy, pokazując, jak powstały poszczególne wyniki badań i jakie predyspozycje, zarówno rozmówców, jak i moje, a także jakie sploty wydarzeń wpłynęły na kształt analizowanego materiału. Tu jednak szczególnie się na nim skupię. Badania terenowe są doświadczeniem osobistym, wynikającym ze splotu bardzo wielu czynników, czymś, co może się wydarzyć tylko raz (por. Okely 1996: roz. 2.). Dlatego całość tego, co mogę powiedzieć o badanych zagadnieniach, powstała w tyglu: rozmówcy; ja-badaczka; sytuacje, w których się znalazłam wraz z rozmówcami; środowisko przyrodnicze, w którym byliśmy zanurzeni (czy może raczej, z którym 1 byliśmy splątani [ang. entangled ]); materiały, zarówno te pisane, które czytałam wraz z rozmówcami, jak też wcześniej i później sama, oraz te, które czytali moi rozmówcy przed spotkaniem ze mną; rośliny, które akurat były dostępne i widoczne dla rozmówców i dla mnie, w tym te zebrane przez rozmówców. Każdy z wymienionych aktorów jest tworzony przez sieci licznych i różnorodnych relacji ze wszystkimi pozo2 stałymi aktorami i nie tylko nimi . Zastosowane przeze mnie metody badań są powszechnie używane w antropologii i etnobiologii. Gros materiału pochodzi z obserwacji uczestniczącej – w terenie spędziłam ponad 9 miesięcy, kilkakrotnie tam wracając między lipcem 2009 roku a grudniem 2013 r. Wracałam też regularnie w miejsca badań później – po ich zakończeniu, utrzymując powstałe w trakcie badań relacje z rozmówcami. Mimo że powroty w teren po 2014 roku nie dostarczały już systematycznie zbieranego materiału badawczego, są one ważnym źródłem do rozumienia kontekstów zmian zachodzących w relacjach ludzi i roślin w środkowej Ukrainie do 2019 roku, kiedy to powstał mój doktorat stanowiący podstawę tej książki. W 2012 r. pięć miesięcy mieszkałam nieprzerwanie 1. Pojęcie to wywodzi się z nurtu badań nad materialnością (antropologicznych i archeologicznych), wskazuje na wzajemne powiązania i współwytwarzanie się poszczególnych aktorów. Powodujące, że na pewnym poziomie są bardzo trudni do rozdzielenia. To jacy jesteśmy jako ludzie, wynika z tego, w jakim żyjemy środowisku, gdyż jesteśmy przez nie współwytwarzani i je współwytwarzamy. Splątanie (entanglement) odnosi się również do sprawczości, która nie wynika z samej istoty poszczególnych aktorów, ale objawia się w interakcji między nimi (Ihde, Malafouris 2018). 2. Rozwinięciu tego wątku poświęcę więcej miejsca w rozdziałach: II Stroyinci i ich okolice – wielogatunkowa etnografia powiązań oraz III Zielniki mentalne – ważne relacje z roślinami. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 16 �we wsi Stroyinci (Строїнці) na Podolu Wschodnim, w rejonie tywrow3 skim obwodu winnickiego . Obserwowałam codzienne życie mieszkańców Podola, biorąc czynny udział w praktykach bezpośrednio lub pośrednio związanych z roślinami, takich jak np. wypasanie krów, praca w polu, zabiegi lecznicze czy gotowanie. Przeprowadziłam 100 nagranych na dyktafon, częściowo ustrukturyzowanych wywiadów z 63 dorosłymi mieszkańcami wsi, większość z nich (51) stanowiły kobiety. Dwadzieścia dwie spośród tych osób były szczególnie zainteresowane tematem, z nimi przeprowadziłam więcej niż jeden nagrany wy4 wiad. Wśród nich tylko dwie osoby były mężczyznami . W moich notatkach terenowych pojawiają się też krótkie historie roślinne zasłyszane od osób, z którymi nie przeprowadziłam dłuższej nagranej rozmowy, a także opisy zaobserwowanych praktyk osób, które spotykałam, mieszkając w Stroyinciach. Do rozmówców docierałam klasycznie: metodą „kuli śniegowej”, dzięki „odźwiernym” oraz zaczepiając osoby pracujące w ogródkach, 5 czy siedzące na ławeczkach przed domami . W maju i listopadzie 2013 roku razem ze współpracownikami nagraliśmy kilkanaście godzin ma6 teriału filmowego . W nagraniach wzięło udział dwadzieścioro dzieci i pięcioro dorosłych mieszkańców Stroyinciów. Ponadto przeprowadziłam 7 bardziej ustrukturyzowanych wywiadów z osobami sprzedającymi w aptekach w dwóch miastach, które są dla moich rozmówców lokalnymi centrami: Tywrów (ukr. Тиврів) i Żmerynka (ukr. Жмеринка). Prowadziłam też obserwację uczestniczącą u osoby leczącej praktykującej w Winnicy – stolicy obwodu. Istotną częścią materiału badawczego są liczne nieformalne rozmowy spisane w notatnikach badawczych, a także analiza składu gatunkowego i sposobu przechowywania kolekcji roślin posiadanych przez moich rozmówców. Próbę całkowitej anonimizacji rozmówców i miejsca uznałam za daremną, ale też niewłaściwą, ponieważ moi rozmówcy chcieli, 3. Wyjaśnienia dotyczące zasad transkrypcji, zapisu nazw miejscowości i roślin znajdują się na końcu tego podrozdziału, a także w podrozdziale II.3.2 Język. 4. Tę dysproporcję wyjaśniam w dalszej części rozdziału. 5. O języku, w jakim prowadziłam badania, piszę w II rozdziale książki (II.3.2 i II.6). 6. Dwoje studentów (Olga Rembielińska i Rafał Rukat) oraz dwoje absolwentów Instytutu Etnologii i Antropologii UW (Iwona Kaliszewska – wówczas doktorantka i Jacek Wajszczak). Iwa Kołodziejska 17 �by Stroyinci pojawiły się w czyjejś książce, czuli się z tego w pewien sposób dumni. Wielu z nich chciało też być wymienionych w pracy. Zdecydowałam się jednak wymieniać ich w sposób, w jaki się do nich zwracałam lub o nich rozmawiałam we wsiach. Powoduje to niejednorodność używanych imion i zwrotów grzecznościowych, jednocześnie oddaje koloryt codziennego języka rozmów. Umożliwia to im rozpoznanie samych siebie w tekście (na tyle, na ile jest on dostępny, będąc napisanym po polsku), ale nazwiska osób (nie będących osobami publicznymi) nie są ujawnione, w wypadku niektórych osób pojawiają się otczestwa. Robiłam dokumentację fotograficzną i zielnikową badań. Częścią dokumentacji fotograficznej, a jednocześnie prezentem dla rozmówców, były zorganizowane w sierpniu 2013 roku sesje fotograficzne 7 pt. „Ja i ważna dla mnie roślina” . Był to element wzajemności w stosunku do rozmówców, podobnie jak przygotowanie z uczniami stroyinieckiej szkoły filmu o relacjach ludzi i roślin oraz poprowadzenie w tej szkole warsztatów z heliografii połączonych z rozmową z ucznia8 mi o najważniejszej dla nich roślinie . Materiał zielnikowy został zdeponowany w zielnikach ogrodów botanicznych we Lwowie (Ogród Botaniczny Państwowego Uniwersytetu Lwowskiego im. Iwana Franka, Ботанічний сад Львівського державного університету ім. Ів. Франка) i w Warszawie (Ogród Botaniczny Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego). Na materiał zielnikowy składają się zarówno klasyczne botaniczne zielniki roślin zbieranych i suszonych przeze mnie podczas badań, jak też zasuszone rośliny otrzymywane od rozmówców. Nie mają wyglądu klasycznych zielników i nie są rozpłaszczone na kartach zielnikowych. Ich wartość z punktu widzenia botanika jest mniejsza, ale dla mnie i one stanowią ważną część dokumentacji relacji między ludźmi a roślinami. Podczas badań zbierałam również dokumentację fotograficzną czytanych przez rozmówców czasopism i książek dotyczących roślin. Dwa 7. Zdjęcia robiła Ewa Wołkanowska-Kołodziej. Sesjom towarzyszyła prowadzona przez Ewę i mnie rozmowa z fotografowanymi o roślinach. 8. Heliografia – rysowanie słońcem – na papierze światłoczułym układaliśmy rośliny i ich fragmenty, tak przygotowane obiekty naświetlaliśmy. Pod wpływem słońca nieosłonięte partie ciemniały, zostawał dość abstrakcyjny (zależnie od szczelności przylegania fragmentów roślin do papieru), negatywowy obraz ułożonych obiektów. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 18 �najbardziej popularne czasopisma z lat 2011–2013 i trzy ważne dla rozmówców książki poddałam analizie. Pojęciem operacyjnym, które umożliwia mi opis całokształtu wiedzy badanych o roślinach, jest zielnik mentalny. W skład zielnika konkretnej osoby wchodzą wszystkie rośliny, które ta osoba zna i są dla niej ważne wraz ze wszystkimi opowieściami dotyczącymi tych roślin, czy cielesnymi doświadczeniami i praktykami z nimi związanymi – całym szerokim kontekstem, w którym dla poszczególnych osób funkcjonują konkretne rośliny i nićmi relacji, którymi są splątani i przez które są tworzeni nosiciele zielników i zawarte w nich rośliny. Zielniki mentalne poszczególnych osób są nieco podobne do średniowiecznych herbarzy, zawierających poza obrazem rośliny, opisem jej właściwości, liczne opowieści o użytkowaniu, wierzenia i przepisy. Są też czymś więcej, bo nie znajdują się zapisane na kartach książki, są również wszystkimi procesami, które dotyczą ludzkiej wiedzy i umiejętności związanych z roślinami znajdującymi się w zielniku. Dlatego dotyczą zarówno wiedzy ucieleśnionej, jak i tej bardziej dyskursywnej. Kluczowa jest w nich zmienność i czasowość. Staram się to pokazać na licznych przykładach w pracy. Wskazując, że wprowadzanie nowych roślin do zielników jest ciągłym procesem odbywającym się przez całe życie, zależnym od zbiegów okoliczności i wszystkiego tego, co kształtuje życia moich rozmówców. Słowo mentalny w terminie „zielnik mentalny” może być trochę mylące, ponieważ w zachodniej nauce i rozumieniu potocznym najczęściej to, co mentalne, wiązane jest z rozumem, który, między innymi ze względu dziedzictwo chrześcijaństwa, jest rozumiany jako oddzielony od ciała. Dlatego może się wydawać, że skoro zielnik jest mentalny, to wiąże się z dychotomią umysł / ciało. Od hołdowania jej jestem jak najdalsza. Mentalny ma tu oznaczać po prostu to, że nie jest to jakiś zielnik, fizyczny zbiór zasuszonych kart zielnikowych, ale taki, który w większości mieści się w nierozerwalnie splecionych z ciałem umysłach rozmówców. Jest ich i w nich. Zielniki mentalne (jak powiedziałam wyżej) to nie tylko obrazy w głowie danej osoby, lecz także ucieleśnione (embodied) doświadczenia i umiejętności, fragmenty sieci relacji, w jakie wchodzą z roślinami moi rozmówcy. Termin ten może wydawać się workowaty, niemniej pozwala na całkiem dobre uchwycenie relacji i bardzo złożonych powiązań, umożliwia też ograniczenie się w opisie Iwa Kołodziejska 19 �do części nici relacji (opisanie wszystkich jest oczywiście zadaniem niewykonalnym), a jednocześnie nie skupianie się na tylko jednym aktorze roślinnym, jak robią to na przykład badacze z Matsutake Worlds 9 Research Group . Jest narzędziem umożliwiającym opis bardzo złożonej, zmiennej w czasie i między poszczególnymi aktorami rzeczywistości. Jestem świadoma ograniczeń tego terminu, jednak zdecydowałam się nań, by na chwilę zatrzymywać fluktuujące sieci relacji i mieć możliwość ich opisu (Kołodziejska-Degórska 2012). Podejmując decyzję o tym, jak zapisywać nazwy roślin, miejscowości, imiona rozmówców, cytaty, trafiłam na liczne rafy natury polityczno-etycznej. Do problemu języka wracam w pracy kilkakrotnie w różnych kontekstach: pisząc o tożsamości moich rozmówców (II.3.2), wyjaśniając zapis nazw botanicznych (III.1, III.1.1), omawiając pisane źródła wiedzy o roślinach mieszkańców Podola (IV.2). Tu przedstawię własne kryteria wyboru zapisu języka czy może raczej języków badań. Nazwy miejscowości niemające polskich odpowiedników, podobnie jak nazwy roślin, podaję zgodnie ze standardem National 2010 przyję10 tym rezolucją nr 55 Rady Ministrów Ukrainy 27 stycznia 2010 r . Jest to jeden z równolegle obowiązujących wśród Ukraińców standardów zapisu alfabetem łacińskim, najnowszy spośród nich. Używanie standardu IPA byłoby pewnie najbardziej neutralne, ale wydaje mi się kłopotliwe w odbiorze dla czytelnika. Nazwy mają lokalne i indywidualne oboczności, które zapisywałam ze słuchu, szczególnie różnice między głoskami ї (yi), і (i), и (y) mogły ulegać zatarciu (w stosowanej przeze mnie transkrypcji dopuszczalny jest zapis pierwszych dwóch jako i, podobnie jak й [i/y dawniej j], staram się jednak je różnicować), tym bardziej, że nie miałam do czynienia z literackim ukraińskim, a językiem mówionym typowym dla środkowej części Ukrainy. Głoski ґ i г są bardzo różnie wymawiane przez moich rozmówców, zwykle bliżej ґ (g) niż г (h). Dlatego najczęściej zapisuję ją znakiem g. Stosuję jeden standard zapisu bez względu na to, czy słowo użyte przez rozmówczynię 9. Grupa badaczek i badaczy z różnych dziedzin nauk, a także artystek i artystów skupionych wokół Anny Tsing i projektu dotyczącego dokumentowania kulturowych i ekologicznych przejawów życia gąski sosnowej. Szczególną uwagę poświęcają praktykom zbierania gąski sosnowej i procesom związanym z jej utowarowieniem (Tsing 2015), https://people.ucsc.edu/~atsing/migrated/matsutake/. 10. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Romanization_of_Ukrainian#Notes-table-1 Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 20 �lub rozmówcę jest literackie ukraińskie, literackie rosyjskie, czy jest to lokalna oboczność. Jeśli nazwy miejscowości mają polską wersję, to podaję je w tej wersji ze względu na to, by tekst był bardziej czytelny, choć w pełni zdaję sobie sprawę z tego, że może to być uznane za zabieg o charakterze kolonialnym. Niemniej gdybym prowadziła badania w Europie Zachodniej, pewnie też pisałabym Paryż, a nie Paris, czy Rzym, a nie Roma, i chcę, by spolszczone nazwy ukraińskie były tu tak samo traktowane. W miejscu, gdzie nazwa pada po raz pierwszy, podaję również oryginalną pisownię. Ze względu na wygodę czytelników słowa z lokalnego języka, niebędące nazwami roślin lub miejscowości bez polskich odpowiedników, piszę w wersji spolszczonej: np. czaj, a nie chai; Natasza, a nie Natasha. Zostałam przekonana do tego, by robić tak ze względu na wygodę czytelników, mimo że niektórzy z moich rozmówców mogliby uznać to za działanie spolszczające (praktykę kolonialną) i spodziewać się, że będę tak transkrybować słowa, by i oni mogli je przeczytać. Z tego względu nazwy roślin, jako istotne dla przedmiotu pracy, piszę zgodnie z jednym z lokalnych standardów. Pozornie prosta decyzja dotycząca zapisu tego, co słyszałam, pokazuje uwikłanie tekstu w bardzo różne sieci relacji. Nie ułatwiały tego zadania: wielość standardów obowiązujących równolegle wśród samych Ukraińców, będąca pokłosiem politycznej walki o język jako element tożsamości, oraz to, że mój tekst powstawał w języku polskim, w którym obowiązują inne zasady transkrypcji – do których stosowanie się powinno być powodowane poprawnością językową obowiązującą w pracach naukowych. Jednocześnie język ten może być traktowany jako język kolonizatora, ponadto czytelnicy polskich prac antropologicznych dotyczących obszaru Ukrainy są przyzwyczajeni do spol11 szczonego, fonetycznego zapisu lub polskiej transliteracji . Ze względu na to, by cytaty z rozmów i notatek były zrozumiałe również dla czytelników nieznających ukraińskiego, podaję je w tłumaczeniu na polski. 11. Począwszy od 24 lutego 2022r., wraz z rozszerzeniem działań zbrojnych na całe terytorium Ukrainy, język jeszcze mocniej stał się polem walki tożsamościowej. Przykładem mogą być choćby memy z trudnym do wymówienia dla Rosjan słowem паланиця (palanytsia), czy plakaty z hasłem: „Mów po ukraińsku, żeby odróżnić się od wroga” – szczególnie powszechne we Lwowie (obserwacje: maj-wrzesień 2022 r.). Iwa Kołodziejska 21 �I. 3. Nici relacji umożliwiające pisanie antropologii Nie tylko treścią, ale i samą strukturą tego podrozdziału, prezentującego inspiracje teoretyczne, chcę wskazać na podstawowe założenie moich badań inspirowane teorią i analizą sieci społecznych (SNA – Social Network Analysis). Mianowicie, że każda rzeczywistość utkana jest z przeróżnych sieci relacji, które na różne sposoby oddziałują między sobą, tworzą się nawzajem, z siebie nawzajem wynikają, są ze sobą splecione. Nie są one właściwościami aktorów, ale ich tworzą i są przez nich tworzone. W tym podrozdziale pokażę splątania nici relacji tworzące mnie – badaczkę i tym samym ten tekst. Stosowane pojęcia teoretyczne opisuję bardziej szczegółowo w toku narracji w kolejnych rozdziałach (najbardziej nasycony pod tym względem jest rozdział IV) i dyskutuję je w kontekście wyników moich badań; tu wyłącznie pokazuję, w jakim miejscu wśród teorii antropologicznych usytuowałam swoje badania i analizę. Staram się wskazywać, że to usytuowanie wynika nie tylko ze świadomych wyborów (choć pewnie to na nie wypadałoby kłaść nacisk w tekście, który ma udowodnić moją naukową sprawność), lecz także z mniej lub bardziej przypadkowych relacji z ludźmi i tekstami, z którymi jestem splątana (entangled). Relacyjność jest konceptem spajającym cały tekst zarówno formalnie, jak i treściowo (jest on kluczowy dla mojego sposobu rozumowania). Moje myślenie o pisaniu tekstu antropologicznego jest inspirowane książkami Judith Okely (przede wszystkim Own and other culture [1996]), Veeny Das (bardzo ważna w moim patrzeniu na to, jak pisać o badaniach, była Affliction. Health, Disease, Poverty [2015]) i Anny Tsing (zarówno ­forma, jak i treść jej The Mushroom at the end of the world. On the Possibility of Life in Capitalist Ruins [2015] są bardzo zbieżne z tym, jak rozumiem sploty relacji między ludzkimi i nie-ludzkimi aktorami i jak chciałabym je przedstawiać w tekście). Co dla mnie kluczowe, wszystkie te autorki, podobnie jak wielu innych antropologów, poważnie traktują postulaty: gęstego opisu (Geertz 2005), przywiązywania wagi do etnograficznego szczegółu i wychodzenia od doświadczenia terenowego, które dopiero pozwala na tworzenie, czy stosowanie odpowiedniej teorii (np. Das 2015: 13–16). Dlatego w dalszych fragmentach pracy staram się w jak najgęstszy sposób przedstawić różnych ludzkich i nie-ludzkich aktorów, tworzących i tworzonych Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 22 �przez relacje, które poddaję analizie. Podobnie jak wspomniane autorki: Okely, Das i Tsing, nie ukrywam swojego miejsca i usytuowania w szeroko pojętym terenie oraz wpływu mojej pozycji na przedstawiany wywód. Na kształt mojej antropologicznej analizy, ale też na to, jaka jest moja 12 etnografia , niebagatelny wpływ miała cała sieć relacji, która powstała dzięki temu, że na początku studiów doktoranckich spotkałam badaczki i badaczy z powstającej wówczas grupy nazwanej Padise (od miejsca pierwszego spotkania zainicjowanego przez Renatę Sõukand) – przekształciła się ona później w grupę zajmującą się badaniami etnobiologicznymi w szeroko rozumianej Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej 13 w ramach International Society of Ethnobiology . Coroczne spotkania (przez kilka kolejnych lat), wymiana czytanych tekstów i doświadczeń, poznawanie metod badawczych stosowanych przez innych jej członków wpływały na mój sposób myślenia o etnobiologii. Niebagatelne znaczenie miało, że większość z nich prowadzi badania w miejscach zbliżonych kulturowo i historycznie do mojego terenu. Było to tym bardziej inspirujące, że do wczesnych lat dwutysięcznych w Europie niemal nie prowadzono badań etnobiologicznych liczących się w światowej literaturze i odwołujących się do metod stosowanych (również przez badaczy europejskich) w innych kręgach kulturowych (Svanberg, Łuczaj 2014). W cytowanej przeze mnie literaturze jasno widać wpływ tych nici relacji. Zwrócę tu uwagę tylko na jedną, odbijającą się w moim wywodzie o tym, jak ludzie rozpoznają rośliny – jest to nić wiodąca przez splątanie (entanglement) z Renatą Sõukand powiązaną wówczas z Eesti Kirjandusmuuseum (Estońskim Muzeum Literatury) z Tartu. Instytucja ta w swoim profilu badawczym i myślowym jest silnie związana z tartuską szkołą semiotyki. Może trochę paradoksalnie: bardzo ważne nici splatające się w moją antropologiczną analizę wiodą do prowincjonalności i niemal 12. Etnografię rozumiem jako proces badawczy i opis wyników, natomiast antropologię jako rozumienie tego, jak w danej kulturze (poznanej przez etnografię) tworzony jest świat i na jakich założeniach się opiera (Hastrup 2008: 71). 13. Ze względu na zainteresowania badaczek i badaczy definicja Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej była rozciągana na cały obszar byłego Związku Radzieckiego. Do grupy należały też osoby pracujące na innych kontynentach, ale zajmujące się badaniem migrantów z Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej. Iwa Kołodziejska 23 �nieistnienia w Polsce etnobiologii jako dziedziny nauki. Siłą rzeczy wynika z nich konieczność szukania własnych ścieżek, co daje pewną świeżość patrzenia i wiąże się z korzystaniem z tekstów i koncepcji, które niekoniecznie są zadomowione w etnobiologii „głównego nurtu”. Widać tu lektury wynikające z wykształcenia w Instytucie Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego i kontaktów z tworzącymi go osobami. Te inspiracje zaowocowały choćby tym, że odwołuję się do, wymagającej pewnej dozy sprytu i pozwalającej wykorzystać skłonność do zmiany, mētis (Scott 1998; Klekot 2018), a nie 14 tylko wiedzy ucieleśnionej, jak jest to przyjęte w etnobiologii ; tym, że mówię w etnobotanicznym kontekście wprost o sprawczości, co było zaskoczeniem dla uczestników seminarium Botanical Ontologies organizowanego w 2014 roku przez TORCH (The Oxford Research Center in the Humanities). Nie znaczy to, że etnobiolodzy nie zauważają „sprawczości”, ale raczej rzadko stosują ten termin i to odwoływanie się wprost do „sprawczości” było źródłem zaskoczenia, a nie, rzecz jasna, sam termin. Ze względu na nici relacji łączące mnie z warszawską antropologią wyjaśnię krótko w tym miejscu, dlaczego postanowiłam posługiwać się przy analizie sposobów tworzenia lokalnej wiedzy o roślinach ingoldowskim terminem wayfaring (tłumaczonym przeze mnie jako buszowanie bądź kluczenie) (2006) a nie levi-straussowskim 15 pojęciem brikolaż, majsterkowanie (Levi-Strauss 1969) . Oba terminy 14. Według Ewy Klekot „mētis oznacza spryt i przemyślność, zdolność błyskawicznej reakcji na zmieniający się układ sił, a zarazem umiejętność wyczekiwania w ukryciu lub przebraniu na dogodną okazję. Mētis to wiedza pozwalająca wykorzystać skłonność do zmiany” (2018: 84). Mētis jest wiedzą z doświadczenia i intuicji, ugruntowaną w konkrecie. Wyjaśniam to pojęcie na przykładach w rozdziale Wiedza w ciele – jak rozpoznać roślinę? 15. W rozdziale IV pokazuję historię i konteksty stosowania w etnobotanice takich pojęć, jak: wiedza lokalna o środowisku/lokalna wiedza ekologiczna (LEK), wiedza tradycyjna (TK) i im pokrewnych. Tu wspomnę tylko, że w swoim kontekście badawczym za najbardziej adekwatny uważam termin wiedza lokalna (Geertz 2005) i odnoszę go zarówno do wiedzy o środowisku, jak i o roślinach (będących „elementem” środowiska przez nie tworzonym i je tworzącym). Etnobotanicy w swoich definicjach wiedzy lokalnej właściwie nie odwołują się wprost do koncepcji wiedzy lokalnej Clifforda Geetza. Niemniej większość z nich, definiując lokalną wiedzę o środowisku, stosuje podobne kryteria do geertzowskiego common sense – w polskim tłumaczeniu – wiedzy potocznej, zdefiniowanego przez tego autora w zbiorze esejów Wiedza lokalna. Dalsze eseje z zakresu antropologii interpretatywnej (Geertz 2005a). Według Geertza wiedzę potoczną Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 24 �wskazują na składanie, kombinowanie (łączą się, choć ich autorzy o tym nie mówią, z wiedzą typu mētis), wolę jednak, w wypadku analizy wyników moich badań, mówić o buszowaniu, ponieważ wskazuje ono na ruch, poruszanie się w krajobrazie. Określenie bricoleur przywołuje raczej na myśl osobę siedzącą w warsztacie pełnym różnych przedmiotów i ich fragmentów i majsterkującą w ramach ich podręcznego zestawu, brak mi w tym obrazie kontaktu ze środowiskiem przyrodniczym i ruchu, które są kluczowe dla splatania zielników mentalnych przez moich rozmówców. Inną gałęzią literatury i badań antropologicznych, do których nie zawsze głęboko sięgają etnobiolodzy, jest antropologia medyczna. Lektura tekstów z dziedziny antropologii medycznej, a także zaproszenie mnie przez prof. Danutę Penkalę- Gawęcką do uczestnictwa w seminarium Pluralizm medyczny w ujęciu antropologicznym. Badania, 16 problemy, perspektywy w kwietniu 2013 r. , zaowocowały tym, że pojawiają się w tej rozprawie elementy opisu i analizy krajobrazu medycznego (rozumianego za Hsu [2008]), których prezentacja dobrze 17 naświetla wiele relacji moich rozmówców z roślinami . Nie wchodzę jednak głębiej w zagadnienia antropologii medycznej i analizę charakteryzują: „naturalność” – sposób, w jaki się rzeczy mają, czym są w swojej prostocie, „praktyczność” – rozumiana w szerokim sensie ludowej mądrości, roztropności, a nie tylko materialnej użyteczności, „przezroczystość” (thinnes) – przedstawianie spraw takimi, jakimi zdają się być, niezaprzeczanie oczywistości oczywistego, „niemetodyczność” – bezwstydne i obcesowe bycie ad hoc mądrości zdroworozsądkowej, nielogiczność, różnorodność współwystępujących elementów, oraz „dostępność” – każdy dysponujący w miarę sprawnymi władzami umysłowymi potrafi uchwycić zdroworozsądkowe wnioski, w wypadku myśli potocznej każdy ma się za eksperta (Geertz 2005: 92, 94–98). Wiedza potoczna jest czymś co „nie potrzebuje żadnych dowodów, ot, po prostu życie. Świat jest [tu] swoim własnym autorytetem” (Geertz 2005: 83). 16. Gdybym chciała jeszcze bardziej podkreślić przypadkowość splątań nici relacji, to musiałabym powiedzieć, że zaproszenie na seminarium było poprzedzone przypadkowymi spotkaniami na konferencjach. 17. Nie wdaję się tu głęboko w dyskusję, czy lepiej mówić o krajobrazie medycznym – stosując określenie nawiązujące do geograficznego pojęcia krajobrazu, czy bardziej celowe byłoby użycie terminu medicoscape (por. Hörbst, Krause 2004; Hsu 2012; Hörbst, Wolf 2014). Ze względu na znaczące skupienie analizy na lokalności, inaczej niż jest to w większości tekstów z antropologii medycznej odwołujących się do teorii przestrzeni (spatial theory), zdecydowałam się na ten pierwszy (por. Zanini, Raffaetà, Krause, Alex 2013). Iwa Kołodziejska 25 �zebranego materiału, na przykład pod kątem rozumienia zdrowia, mimo że jest to jak najbardziej możliwa ścieżka. Moje podejście do aktorów roślinnych jest splątane z aparatem pojęciowym etnografii wielogatunkowych, teorią aktora-sieci i SNA (social network analysis). Mimo że nie odwołuję się bezpośrednio do Bruno Latoura (np. 2009; 2010) czy Donny Haraway (1988; 2008), to ich koncepcje są integralną częścią przedstawionych przeze mnie rozważań np. Anny Tsing czy młodego badacza medycyny tybetańskiej Jana van der Valka. Myśli Donny Haraway leżą głęboko u podłoża mojego stosunku do tworzenia list taksonów (jednostek taksonomicznych, np. gatunków) roślin, które widzę za nią jako: „heterogeniczne multiplikacje, które są jednocześnie wyraźne i niepoddające się wciskaniu w jednorodne szufladki i zbiorcze listy” (1988: 586). Nie wszystkie nici relacji, choć ważne w „wewnętrznej warstwie” splotów, są widoczne w moim tekście, zapewne nawet nie zdaję sobie sprawy z wielu z nich, ponieważ nie sposób znać inspiracje wszystkich cytowanych autorów. Rzecz jasna, próba takiego poznania, a co więcej, jego opis, byłyby niemożliwe i bezcelowe. Powiązania z etnobiologią „głównego nurtu” widać np. w tym: jak mówię o lokalnych taksonomiach – przytaczając koncepcje Brenta Berlina (Berlin, Breedlove, Raven 1968) i Roya Ellena (2006); czy w analizie sposobów przekazu wiedzy i odwoływaniu się do Luigiego Luci Cavalli-Sforzy i Marcusa Feldmana (1981) oraz autorów przez kolejnych ponad 30 lat rozwijających ich myśli; a także (choć można dyskutować, czy jest to w pełni „główny nurt”, a nie jego „odnoga”) w szukaniu inspiracji w tomie Making knowledge pod redakcją Trevora Marchanda (2010). Z kolei nici relacji łączące mnie z popularyzacją wiedzy i to, że za ważny element etyki badaczki uważam udostępnianie tworzonej w wyniku badań wiedzy, powoduje, że staram się pisać prostym językiem, unikając, jeśli to tylko możliwe, skomplikowanych słów, które miałyby służyć odróżnieniu się (dystynkcji) oraz powierzchownemu uprawomocnieniu tekstu i wniosków jako „prawdziwie naukowych” (por. stosunek moich rozmówców do „technicznego” języka książek IV.2.3, IV.2.5, IV.3.1 i IV.3.2). Niemniej mimo wysiłków zapewne nie zawsze mi się to udaje. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 26 �Przekraczanie granic dyscyplin i mieszanie (mam nadzieję, że wyłącznie w pozytywnym sensie) sposobów myślenia charakterystycznych dla różnych dziedzin jest na pewno widoczne w tej pracy. Do pewnego stopnia może być to jej zaletą, ale wiąże się też z zagrożeniami takimi, jak niespójność przekazu czy być może zbyt powierzchowne potraktowanie niektórych koncepcji. I. 4. Proces wyboru terenu badań – środek czy peryferium Opiszę teraz dokładniej konteksty, w których wykorzystywałam metody badawcze przedstawione we fragmencie Kontekst, w którym szukałam odpowiedzi na pytania badawcze. Dokładna ich deskrypcja wydaje mi się ważna dla dobrego osadzenia analizy materiału badawczego, o czym wspominałam w części Nici relacji umożliwiające pisanie antropologii. Tego rodzaju opisy bywają pomijane w etnobiologii, gdzie opis metod i terenu często sprowadza się do informacji ile, jakiego rodzaju wywiadów zostało przeprowadzonych, informacji o wieku i płci rozmówców, miejscu prowadzenia badań. Wynika to z tego, że teksty pisane przez etnobotaników mają zwykle strukturę przypominającą prace przedstawicieli nauk przyrodniczych. Powszechna obecnie w antropologii autorefleksja nad miejscem badacza i współtworzeniem przez nie18 go terenu badań nie jest często spotykana w etnobotanice . Warto więc zaznaczyć, że w ostatnim czasie zaczyna się to zmieniać, np. Susanne Grasser z kolegami postulowali bardziej szczegółowe opisywanie szeroko pojętego terenu i tego, jak badaczka lub badacz się w nim poruszali (2016), a Rainer Bussmann wraz ze swoją grupą badawczą pokazali w ilościowych badaniach etnobotanicznych, że zaplecze ideologiczne i wiedza badacza wpływają na wyniki badań, w tym wypadku: ilościowe wskaźniki zaniku tradycyjnej wiedzy o roślinach – TEK 19 (2018) . Postaram się o dość gęsty opis terenu i mojej w nim pozycji, 18. Etnobotanicy z kolei są bardzo wrażliwi na włączanie badanych w proces przygotowania i prowadzenia badań, na odwzajemnienie i łatwość wykorzystania, nawet nieświadomego, społeczności badanej przez badacza (patrz kodeks etyczny ISE 2006). Wynika to z historii dyscypliny. 19. Bussmann i in. wysnuwają ze swoich wyników badań inny wniosek, sugerują mianowicie, by etnobotanicy szkolili odpowiednią liczbę lokalnych społecznych badaczy (2018). Współpraca z nimi mogłaby zaowocować większą liczbą wywiadów i przebadaniem całej Iwa Kołodziejska 27 �by przybliżyć doświadczenie terenowe, nie unikając opisu jego cielesności, bo to ono jest źródłem, które poddaję dalszej analizie. Bada się poprzez własne ciało ze wszystkimi jego możliwościami i ograniczeniami, to przez nie i to wszystko, co nas ukształtowało, postrzegamy sytuacje badawcze. Jednocześnie ciało badaczki jest też tym, co najpierw postrzegają rozmówcy, stykając się ze mną. Ono podlega również (choć oczywiście nie tylko) ocenie z ich strony (por. Downey 2010). Taki opis da czytelnikowi możliwość krytycznego przyjrzenia się źródłom interpretowanych przeze mnie materiałów. Myśląc o badaniach dotyczących relacji ludzi i roślin, postanowiłam prowadzić je w miejscu, gdzie rośliny będą tematem codziennych rozmów, będą dla ludzi ważne, a co za tym idzie, zielniki mentalne osób, które spotkam, będą mogły być rozbudowane. Ponieważ szczególnie interesuje mnie tworzenie wiedzy o roślinach (ang. making knowledge, za np. Marchand 2010) w warunkach, w których można korzystać z wielu jej źródeł, zależało mi na ujęciu wpływu różnego rodzaju mediów na kształt wiedzy o roślinach i sposób jej przekazywania. Wiedzę rozumiem szeroko – włączam w nią praktyki i umiejętności (Ingold 2002). Przy takich wstępnych założeniach Ukraina (znana mi z wcześniejszych projektów badawczych) wydała się bardzo dobrym miejscem do szukania terenu badań, rozumianego jako pole badań, miejsce i te20 matyka. W Ukrainie , ze względu na dużą popularność medycyny ludowej (ukr. narodna medycyna) – o tym, jak rozumiem ten termin, będę populacji, a co za tym idzie – otrzymaniem bardziej wyczerpujących danych, na których podstawie można wyciągać wnioski dotyczące zmian w TK (wiedzy tradycyjnej). Moim zdaniem nie rozwiązuje to jeszcze problemu wpływu badającego na to, jakie dane otrzyma. Autorzy widzą ten wpływ w: zapleczu badawczym, teoretycznym i ideologicznym, konkretnym celu badań, jaki sobie stawiają badacze, metodach badawczych, liczbie badanych, czasie spędzonym w terenie (na te dwa ostatnie czynniki najbardziej wpływa szkolenie lokalnych badaczy). Uważam za oczywiste, że tego wpływu nie da się zniwelować, dlatego kluczowa jest refleksja nad pozycją badacza bądź badaczy w terenie, dotyczy to każdego badacza, czy to pochodzącego z badanej społeczności, czy spoza niej. W artykule badacze i badaczki nie podają żadnych informacji o swojej pozycji społeczno-kulturowej (positionality) w badanej społeczności, wiadomo tylko, kto spośród autorów reprezentuje instytucje badawcze i jakie, a kto społeczności lokalne i jakie. 20. Stosuję formę „w Ukrainie”, mimo że słowniki poprawnej polszczyzny (np. hasło „na” Markowski 2004) jej jeszcze nie uznają, za to w korpusie języka polskiego, który bazuje na tekstach pisanych z książek, gazet i internetu jest on coraz powszechniej spotykany. Robię to ze względu na zrozumienie dla wrażliwości wielu Ukraińców (głównie Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 28 �pisała dalej – bardzo rozbudowane zielniki mentalne są czymś często 21 s­ potykanym . Łączy się to z dużym zainteresowaniem dzikimi roślina22 mi leczniczymi i jadalnymi . Ponadto ludzie mają dostęp do materiałów pisanych – książek i czasopism o roślinach leczniczych. Zwyczaj prenumerowania gazet na wsi i czytelnictwa pozostał tu od czasów ZSRR, kiedy to takie działania były promowane przez państwo. Działania państwa sprzyjały również zwracaniu uwagi ludzi na rośliny; np. aby zwiększyć pozyskiwanie żywności z dzikich stanowisk po wybuchu wojny z Niemcami (22 czerwca 1941 r.) wydano w ZSRR kilka książek opisujących zastosowania najpospolitszych dziko rosnących roślin pokarmowych (Keller 1941, Gllerbach, Korjakina i in. 1942, Tarchevskij 1942 za Pirożnikow 2014). mieszkających w diasporze i zachodniej Ukrainie), bo moi rozmówcy sami często używali rosyjskojęzycznej formy „na Ukrainie” (por. Saweneć 2012). 21. Przyjmuję tu pojęcie emik – stosowane przez moich rozmówców i obecne powszechnie w ukraińskim dyskursie publicznym. Obejmuje ono między innymi samoleczenie i ziołolecznictwo. Nie używam polskiego terminu medycyna ludowa, ponieważ w powszechnym odbiorze w Polsce jest on zupełnie inaczej nacechowany niż termin narodna medycyna w ukraińskim środowisku językowym. Słowo narodna jest przez moich rozmówców wartościowane zdecydowanie pozytywnie, nie jest wiązane z zacofaniem czy przaśnością. Pisząc o medycynie reprezentowanej przez lekarzy pracujących w przychodniach zdrowia i szpitalach, w których bywają moi rozmówcy, stosuję termin „medycyna oficjalna”. Odwołuję się tu do tego, że jest ona wspierana przez państwo. Z kilku względów unikam takich terminów, jak medycyna „konwencjonalna” czy „biomedycyna”. Po pierwsze: termin „medycyna oficjalna” jest najbliższy rozumieniu emik – w moim terenie badań mówi się czasem o tej medycynie oficiina, czyli właśnie oficjalna; po drugie: zarówno dla mnie, jak i dla rozmówców istotne jest, że w kontaktach z jej przedstawicielami często są niezbędne nieoficjalne, do pewnego stopnia pozasystemowe (jak dalece stały się nieodłączną i nieodzowną częścią systemu, można dyskutować) opłaty; po trzecie: techniki stosowane przez lekarzy medycyny oficjalnej często czerpią z narodnej medycyny i niezachodnich systemów medycznych, np. medycyny chińskiej – ta ostatnia w wielu kontekstach jest nazywana komplementarną, a nie konwencjonalną (por. Penkala- Gawęcka 2007). 22. Przewaga liczebna roślin leczniczych w zielnikach mentalnych pozostaje w zgodzie z obserwacjami (etno)biologów na całym świecie, świadczących o tym, że spośród roślin użytkowanych przez ludzi najwięcej gatunków jest zbieranych właśnie ze względu na zastosowanie w lecznictwie (Hamilton 2004; Schippman i Leaman 2006). Ważne by pamiętać, że termin „rośliny lecznicze” nie jest czymś łatwo definiowalnym; można mówić np. o continuum między roślinami leczniczymi a jadalnymi (Pieroni i Quave 2006; Ferreira Júnior i in. 2015). Iwa Kołodziejska 29 �Poszukiwałam też terenu, który można by nazwać „typowym” – niewyróżniającym się dużą różnorodnością biologiczną roślin czy sławą regionu będącego źródłem najsilniej działających roślin leczniczych, takiego, skąd pochodzi większość dostępnych na rynku ukraińskim ziół – Karpat lub Krymu (do czasu aneksji w marcu 2014 r.). Ważne było dla mnie, by było to miejsce, gdzie ludzie wykazują stosunkowo dużą mobilność, mają przeciętny dostęp do oficjalnej służby zdrowia, gdzie wsie nie wyludniają się i jest zachowany przekaz międzypokoleniowy (rodzice, dzieci, dziadkowie mieszkają w tej samej okolicy). Są to oczekiwania wobec terenu niemal w stu procentach odwrotne w stosunku do tego co, jeszcze do niedawna uważano za najwłaściwszy i naj23 ciekawszy teren dla etnobotaniczki . Jak widać z powyższego akapitu, szukałam takiej metaforycznie rozumianej środkowości i postanowi24 łam ją znaleźć w nomen omen środkowej Ukrainie . Będące jej częścią Podole Wschodnie znałam z badań prowadzonych z grupą laboratoryjną Świeckie i religijne autorytety na Podolu Wschodnim, współprowadzoną z Iwoną Kaliszewską w latach 2009–2011 w IEiAK UW. Wiedziałam, że ludzie w tych okolicach zbierają dzikie rośliny, mają w domach czasopisma dotyczące zdrowego trybu życia i narodnej medycyny i że ten region spełnia pozostałe moje kryteria. Jeżdżąc z Murafy (gdzie współprowadziłam zajęcia ze studencką grupą laboratoryjną) przez Tywrów do Winnicy, mijałam dość rozległą wieś, położoną na długich, niewysokich wzgórzach wśród lasów, 25 i muszę się szczerze przyznać, że estetycznie przypadła mi do gustu . Jednocześnie była wystarczająco duża, z dobrze rozwiniętą infrastrukturą, by mogła stać się moim głównym miejscem prowadzenia badań; tak też się stało. Wieś Stroyinci była dla mnie punktem wyjścia. Z czasem teren trochę się rozszerzył o miejsca, które dla stroyinczan 23. W całym tekście używam zamiennie i równoważnie rodzaju męskiego i żeńskiego, żeby nie psuć płynności tekstu stosowaniem obu form po przecinku, a jednocześnie podkreślić, że mam na myśli zarówno badaczki, jak i badaczy. 24. Oczywiście zdaję sobie sprawę, że to, czy coś jest centralne, czy peryferyjne, zależy od perspektywy. Z zachodniej perspektywy i zgodnie np. z definicją Derluguiana całą Ukrainę można by uznać za miejsce peryferyjne, choćby ze względu na sposób funkcjonowania służby zdrowia (2005). Przez miejscowych wzgórza są nazywane garbami (ukr. горб) i ja w niektórych miejscach tekstu będę się posługiwała tą nazwą. 25. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 30 �są punktami odniesienia: ośrodki miejskie Żmerinka, Tywrów, Winnica, a także wsie otaczające Stroyinci, dla których to Stroyinci są punktem odniesienia. Stroyinci były moją bazą, a to, co działo się w innych miejscowościach, stanowiło kontekst, służyło poszerzeniu rozumienia zjawisk zachodzących w Stroyinciach. Poruszając się szlakami relacji ludzi i roślin, trafiałam do tych miejsc, do których udawali się moi rozmówcy. Miejsca te były ważne głównie przy poszukiwaniu roślin leczniczych i oczywiście wielu innych sprawach, które jednak wykraczają poza zasięg tematyczny tej pracy. Iwa Kołodziejska 31 ��II. Stroyinci i ich okolice – wielogatunkowa etnografia powiązań Przyjmując perspektywę wielogatunkową, staram się przedstawić splątania różnych aktorów, traktując ich na tyle na równi, na ile – będąc człowiekiem – potrafię; biorę też pod uwagę ich wpływ na przedmiot 26 mojej analizy – sposoby praktykowania wiedzy o roślinach . Dlatego w poniższym rozdziale piszę zarówno o infrastrukturze wsi, zbiorowiskach roślinnych, miejscach, w które jeżdżą moi rozmówcy, oczywiście o rozmówcach, „odźwiernych”, badaczce, innych zwierzętach, roślinach. Wszyscy oni są splątani w opisywane sieci relacji, są ingoldowskimi ‘biosocial becomings’ – biologiczno-społecznymi „stającymi się” (Ingold 2013a). Taki opis w pewnym, choć z pewnością niewyczerpującym, stopniu odpowiada na postulat Anny Tsing, by rozszerzać pojęcie wspólnoty i uwzględniać w opisie etnograficznym latent commons – utajone wspólnoty (2015: 255). II. 1. Infrastruktura Stroyinci są stosunkowo dużą wsią, w 2012 roku w radzie wsi (ukr. cільська рада, сільрада) powiedziano mi, że liczą trochę ponad 1500 26. W rozdziale III.1 wyjaśniam kłopotliwość słowa gatunek oraz piszę o krytyce pojęcia wielogatunkowość (rozdział III) ze względu na składający się na nie termin gatunek. Iwa Kołodziejska 33 �osób [notatka VasSR.04.2012]. Zgodnie ze spisem powszechnym z 2001 roku obwód winnicki, w którym leżą Stroyinci, należy do regionów wiejskich, czyli takich, w których nie więcej niż 50% ludności mieszka w miastach. Jest to najdalej wysunięty na wschód obwód o takiej strukturze demograficznej. Obwód winnicki jest też jednym z 3 spośród 25 ukraińskich obwodów o najniższym odsetku mężczyzn. Statystycznie na 1000 kobiet przypada tu 840 mężczyzn (ukr cenzus 2001), tę demograficzną prawidłowość widać też w Stroyinciach. Dlatego wiele spośród moich rozmówczyń mieszkało samotnie, miało za sobą doświadczenie śmierci lub odejścia partnera. Wieś jest dość rozległa (po przekątnej, dostępnymi ścieżkami, ma 4.2 km, chcąc obejść wieś dookoła po granicznych ulicach, trzeba by przejść około 9 km), wzgórza i znajdujące się między nimi wąwozy w naturalny sposób dzielą ją na różne obszary – swego rodzaju dzielnice. Na wypłaszczonym dużym szczycie głównego wzgórza znajduje się część nazywana sowchozem, w niej poza biurem (kantorą) położonego w pobliżu dawnego sowchozu sadowniczego znajdują się szkoła, przedszkole, przychodnia zdrowia (medpunkt), apteka, dawna sowchozowa stołówka, służąca obecnie mieszkańcom w czasie dużych uroczystości, takich jak np. wesela, popadający w ruinę dawny hotel pracowniczy (ukr. khurtozhytok, hurtożytok), budynek rady wsi (ukr./ros. 27 silrada/selrada), w którym mieszczą się też poczta i zakład fryzjerski . 28 Rozmowa w pokoju księgowej rady wsi : To pomieszczenie, w którym teraz jesteśmy, to było kiedyś biuro kołcho29 zu . A potem, już kiedy powstał radgosp, już oni przenieśli się do tamtego biura [tego, które jest obecnie biurem STOV-u Podillia – jednej z posowchozowych firm działających w Stroyinciach]. A rada wsi znajdowała się w budynku domu kultury. Poczta, bank też tam były, 27. Podaję słowa najczęściej używane przez rozmówców. Więcej wyjaśnień dotyczących języka znajduje się dalej w tekście. 28. Tekst wszystkich cytatów z wywiadów podaję we własnym tłumaczeniu. Oryginały dostępne w moim archiwum. 29. Bywa, że stroyinczanie mówią zamiennie sowchoz, radgosp, albo kołgosp. Gospo­ darstwo w ich wsi za czasów ZSRR było państwowe, a nie kolektywne, czyli było sowchozem (ros.) lub radgospem (ukr.). Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 34 �ja kiedyś pracowałam w banku, dwadzieścia jeden lat, tak, ja jestem pracownikiem bankowości. A potem nas przenieśli tu [na Sowchoz]. No centrum wsi... jest tak jakby tam [na dole garbu, koło cerkwi], ale tak czy inaczej, więcej ludzi mieszka tu, to już zrobili tu, tak jakby. [Maria, K. 55, wyw. DW_A0142]. Również w tej okolicy znajdują się kościół i cmentarz katolicki oraz jeden z trzech stroyinieckich sklepów – największy i najlepiej zaopatrzony. W latach 60. XX w. w tej części wsi ze środków sowchozowych, z inicjatywy kierownika Petra Kasko (Касько Петро Тимофійович), zostało zbudowanych kilkadziesiąt domów jednorodzinnych wzdłuż dwóch asfaltowych ulic, są tu także dwa niewysokie bloki. Mieszkający „na Sowchozie” – jak to określają stroyinczanie – mają dostęp do bieżącej wody i gazu, ulice w tej części wsi są asfaltowe, pnie drzew i kra30 wężniki regularnie bielone . Inaczej wygląda centralna część wsi, gdzie znajduje się dom kultury nazywany klubem. W jego wymagającym remontu budynku mieści się wiejska biblioteka, przed nim stoi tak zwany pomnik nieznanego żołnierza, poświęcony mieszkańcom wsi, którzy zginęli podczas wielkiej wojny ojczyźnianej. Za zakrętem drogi, w najstarszej części wsi, znajduje się cerkiew. Uliczki są tu kręte, oddające rzeźbę terenu – kształt jarów i wzgórz, nie ma tu nigdzie asfaltu poza główną drogą Krasne (Красне) – Jaroszenka, przecinającą wieś oraz położoną na granicy północnej części wsi, wybitą kocimi łbami drogą, prowadzącą do sowchozowych sadów, nazywającą się nomen omen Sadowa. W wielu miejscach nie ma bieżącej wody ani gazu. Gospodarstwa poza Sowchozem są rozproszone, a odległości między różnymi częściami wsi są postrzegane jako duże. Szczególnie latem, kiedy są wysokie temperatury i zimą, gdy spadnie dużo śniegu, dystanse bywają trudne do pokonania, szczególnie dla starszych osób. Wejście na główne wzgórze dzielące Sowchoz od reszty wsi bywa dla niektórych osób przeszkodą nie do pokonania przy niesprzyjających warunkach pogodowych. Część wsi, również poza Sowchozem, ma dostęp do bieżącej wody i gazu, w niektórych miejscach jest też kanalizacja, jednak w większości gospodarstw są sławojki, a czerpanie wody ze studni jest ważnym codziennym obowiązkiem. Woda ze studni jest czerpana 30. Ja też będę w tekście nazywała tę część wsi Sowchozem. Iwa Kołodziejska 35 �również w licznych gospodarstwach z dostępem do bieżącej wody, jako 31 że jest ona uważana za smaczniejszą i lepszą . Nie we wszystkich obejściach są studnie, na wielu ulicach są wspólne ujęcia, które obsługują kilka lub nawet kilkanaście gospodarstw, do których czasem trzeba donosić wodę z dość znacznych odległości. Słyszałam jednak nie raz, że teraz to nic w porównaniu z tym, co było w latach po drugiej wojnie światowej, kiedy po wodę chodziło się w głębokim kopnym śniegu z koromysłem na ramionach do jeszcze bardziej oddalonych studni. Nieopodal cerkwi, przy głównej drodze, znajduje się drugi ze stroyinieckich sklepów spożywczo-przemysłowych, tzw. Czajnia – sklep ten dawniej był lokalnym barem, stąd powszechnie używana nazwa (od ukr. czaj – herbata, choć nie tylko herbatę tu pito...), oficjalnie nazywa się Kalinoczka, ale nigdy nie słyszałam, by ktoś o nim tak mówił. W Czajni są stoliki: jeden wewnątrz, drugi pod daszkiem na zewnątrz – klienci często przysiadają przy tych stolikach, piją herbatę lub latem kwas, czasem coś mocniejszego, i rozmawiają z aktualnie dyżurującą sprzedawczynią. Tu zawsze można się dowiedzieć, kto umarł, kto się urodził, kto wyjechał, kto przyjechał, zachorował bądź wyzdrowiał, jakie prace są aktualnie wykonywane w posowchozowych przedsiębiorstwach itp., itd. Jednym słowem – wszystkiego, co aktualne i ważne dla stroyinczan. We wsi jest jeszcze jeden sklep, przez niektórych nazywany katolickim, w północnej części wsi. Późną wiosną 2012 roku pojawiły się jeszcze w okolicy Czajni i na Sowchozie budki z pieczywem. Zarówno sklepy, jak i budki, należą do powstałych po rozwiązaniu sowchozu przedsiębiorstw rolnych. Ich szefowie są nazywani współczesnymi panami i sformułowanie to dobrze oddaje, jak z punktu widzenia większości mieszkańców wsi wyglądają z nimi relacje. Uwidacznia się to choćby w przestrzeni wsi: kantora STOV-u Podillia – jednej z dwóch posowchozowych firm, znajdująca się, jak wspomniałam, na Sowchozie 32 – ma szyby z weneckiego szkła i robi wrażenie niedostępnej . Pola 31. W Winnicy też często ludzie korzystają z osiedlowych studni, które są dla nich źródłem dostępu do wody uznawanej za będącą lepszej jakości (por. Caldwell 2011: 114-115). 32. W 2015 roku pracownicy firmy oraz jej współwłaściciele zorganizowali przejęcie firmy. Był to już czas, kiedy smartfony i Internet stały się bardziej dostępne dla mieszkańców Stroyinciów. W związku z tym filmiki z tych wydarzeń są dostępne na: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=f6hc0WQfMlQ [dostęp 18.10.2022], czy: https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=q-eZSWJv8U8 [dostęp 18.10.2022]. Wydarzenia były również komentowane Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 36 �i sady należące do firm są strzeżone przez strażników z bronią i psami, od jakiegoś czasu większość zatrudnianych strażników pochodzi spoza wsi. Obecność ich i psów budzi lęk i jest źródłem opowieści o tragicznych wydarzeniach z ich udziałem. Nie trzeba kraść ani mieć takich intencji, by bać się strażników. Kiedyś zbierałam grzyby na granicy sadu ze znajomymi stroyinieckimi dziewczynkami. Nagle dało się słyszeć szczekanie psów. Mimo że nie byłyśmy na terenie należącym do firmy, dziewczynki szybko ustaliły, że musimy uciekać, bo psy są tresowane, by rzucać się na ludzi, a nikt nie będzie sprawdzał, czy przekroczyłyśmy granicę pól czy nie. Później opowiedziały mi kilka „mrożących krew w żyłach” historii o strażnikach i ich psach. Oczywiście jednocześnie obecność strażników powoduje też próby przechytrzenia ich. Ukształtowanie terenu i historia zabudowywania wsi powodują, że między gospodarstwami są liczne tereny wspólne – niezabudowane i nieuprawiane: fragmenty łąk i lasków – takich jak ten, w którym zbierałam grzyby z dziewczynkami. Z jednej strony zwiększa to obszar wsi, a z drugiej powoduje, że blisko jest do miejsc, gdzie można zbierać dzikie rośliny. Moi rozmówcy mają silny, emocjonalny stosunek do tych przestrzeni, mają one nazwy w lokalnej toponimii. Na Sowchozie jest też bardziej zagospodarowana zielona przestrzeń wspólna, zwana parkiem. Stworzono ją mniej więcej w latach 60. XX w. Posadzono tam egzotyczne drzewa: np. pokalta (surmia bignoniowa, Catalpa bignonio33 ides Walter), które są ważne dla niektórych z moich rozmówców . w mediach: https://www.vinnitsa.info/news/kolishniy-direktor-kinuv-spivzasnovnikiv-ta-investora-na-agrofirmu-stov-podillya.html [dostęp 18.10.2022], czy: http://vlasno. info/ekonomika/3/biznes/item/3761-kerivniki-podillya-zaperechuyut-rejderstvo-u-stro jintsyakh?tmpl=component&print=1 [dostęp 18.10.2022]. 33. W tabeli na końcu książki znajduje się zestawienie wszystkich zasłyszanych nazw lokalnych. W tekście jako podstawowe podaję nazwy lokalne. Parafrazując wypowiedź konkretnego rozmówcy, używam nazwy, która padła w wypowiedzi, pisząc ogólnie o taksonie, podaję wszystkie nazwy, z którymi się spotkałam, lub najczęściej spotykaną. W nawiasie podaję nazwę polską i łacińską. Jeśli wielokrotnie powtarzam jakąś nazwę, to dla wygody czytelnika poprzestaję na nazwie lokalnej. Więcej o nazewnictwie i języku, jakim mówi się o roślinach, znajduje się w dalszych częściach pracy – głównie podrozdziałach III.1. i IV.2. Problemowi zapisu nazw roślin i ich botanicznemu oznaczaniu poświęcam osobny fragment w rozdziale III – III.1 i III.1.1. Iwa Kołodziejska 37 �Maria: [mówi o pokalcie] Tak, tak trochę jak kashtan [(kasztanowiec zwyczajny, Aesculus hippocastanum L .)], ale taka duża, duże takie i bardzo ładne kwiaty. W tym miejscu, tu jest bardzo dużo takich egzotycznych drzew. IK: A skąd się tu wzięły? Maria: Zakładali park, tu było dużo tego wszystkiego, zakładali park, ja nie wiem, skąd je przywieźli, te wszystkie sadzonki. Piękne. Ot, klen [(klon pospolity, Acer platanoides L .)], widzicie klen? IK: Tak, on też jest taką kulą. Maria: Tak, taki kulistokształtny. O, a to drzewo, nie wiem, jak się nazywa, ale to ciekawe drzewo. Podobne do riabiny [(jarzębu pospolitego, Sorbus aucuparia L .)]. [Maria, K. 55, wyw. DW_A0142] Obecność we wsi apteki i przychodni zdrowia (medpunktu) miały znaczenie dla moich badań. Jakość usług lekarzy przychodni była różnie postrzegana przez rozmówców. Do lekarza to trzeba jechać do Winnicy, tu nie pomagają, wzywałam ich już trzy razy, mieli przyjść, zmierzyć ciśnienie, dać zastrzyk i nie przyszli. Możesz umierać, a oni się nie pofatygują. [Adela, K. 87 lat, Notatki/ VI 2012] U nas w przychodni są bardzo dobrzy lekarze, dają zastrzyki i kro34 plówki [Hala, K. 55, Notatki/8.04. 2012] Poza zielonymi przestrzeniami wspólnymi są we wsi oczywiście również ogrody przydomowe. Są różnej wielkości, większość ich powierzchni zajmują jadalne rośliny uprawne, ale wiele osób ma również choć trochę roślin ozdobnych – szczególnie te wczesnowiosenne, takie jak rast (kokorycz, Corydalis cava (L.) Schweigg. & Körte, C. solida (L.) Clairv.) i podsnizhniki (śnieżyczka przebiśnieg, Galanthus nivalis L.), bywają przenoszone z lasu. W ozdobnej części wielu ogrodów mają swoje miejsce rośliny lecznicze, takie jak: miata (mięta – różne gatunki i odmiany, Mentha spp.) czy melisa (melisa lekarska, Melissa officinalis L.). Wymiana i kupowanie roślin uprawnych i ozdobnych jest jedną z ważnych praktyk mieszkańców wsi. W ogrodach przeważnie pracuje 34. Moi rozmówcy bardzo cenią podawanie leków w postaci kroplówek, jest to charakterystyczne zarówno dla Ukrainy, jak i Rosji. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 38 �się ręcznie, we wsi właściwie nie ma w tej chwili koni ani prywatnych traktorów. Pożyczenie sobie konia lub traktora, które mogłyby ciągnąć pług, wymaga odpowiedniego kapitału ekonomicznego lub społecznego, których wielu stroyinczan nie posiada. Ręczne glebogryzarki/ciągniki jednoosiowe (ukr. motoblok) są urządzeniami, które stają się coraz bardziej dostępne dla mieszkańców wsi, umożliwiają szybsze i łatwiejsze przekopanie niewielkiego ogrodu. Pewnie stopniowo będą przynosiły zmniejszenie udziału całkowicie ręcznej pracy, choć tempo tych zmian może być wolniejsze, niż by się wydawało jeszcze kilka lat temu, ze względu na kryzys wywołany wojną na wschodzie kraju. Trzeba pamiętać, że czynniki ekonomiczne to nie wszystko, jednocześnie praca ręczna jest wysoko ceniona. Na przykład Larisa, spytana przez znajomego w okresie sadzenia ziemniaków (koniec kwietnia/początek maja), jaką metodą będzie sadziła resztę ziemniaków, która jej jeszcze została, powiedziała, że ma bardzo ładne ziemniaki, więc szkoda ich pod maszynę (sadzarkę), bo je potnie, można ewentualnie pod pług, 35 a najlepiej będzie posadzić ręcznie [K. 34, Notatki/ V 2012]. Ręcznie, u wszystkich moich rozmówców, okopuje się rośliny (podhortanie – robienie kopczyków wokół roślin), postępuje się tak z ziemniakami, niektórzy okopują również kukurydzę i fasolę, bo zapobiega to przechylaniu się roślin i wyrastaniu chwastów (spontanicznie pojawiających się roślin, niechcianych przez rolnika i utrudniających wzrost roślinom 36 uprawianym) . Jest to żmudna i dość ciężka praca, nieraz wykonywana częściej niż raz w ciągu sezonu, podobnie jak gracowanie gleby wokół upraw. Praca ręczna i niepryskanie chemicznymi środkami ochrony roślin upraw są zagadnieniami trochę bardziej skomplikowanymi, którym poświęcę więcej uwagi w dalszej części pracy, opisując zielnik Haliny Anatolevnej. Tu tylko wspomnę, że ze względu na bliskość posowchozowych sadów opryski są elementem krajobrazu kulturowego. Kiedy pojawia się dźwięk maszyn opryskujących wokół domów (szczególnie tych sąsiadujących z sadami), zaczyna się bieganina, słychać okrzyki: 35. Piszę o poszczególnych osobach tak, jak się do nich zwracałam i o nich mówiłam, z zachowaniem form grzecznościowych ciocia/baba/did, ewentualnie otczestwa, jeżeli w taki sposób o danej osobie mówiłam, będąc w terenie. 36. Często rośliny spontanicznie pojawiające się na polach są na nich tolerowane i wykorzystywane w celach leczniczych, czy jako rośliny jadalne, będące źródłem witamin i innych wartościowych związków zarówno dla ludzi, jak i zwierząt gospodarskich. Iwa Kołodziejska 39 �chowaj pranie! Doświadczałam tego często, mieszkając u pierwszej z gospodyń, która udzieliła mi gościny w czasie badań. Drugie gospodarstwo było położone w zacisznym zaułku z dala od sadów. Środki ochrony roślin podlegają międzysąsiedzkim wymianom. Są dość drogie, więc jeśli da się je pozyskać, nie ponosząc dużych wydatków i nie podejmując wysiłku jechania po nie do miasta, to oczywiście się z tego korzysta. Dostęp do nich mają niektórzy pracownicy firm powstałych po rozpadzie sowchozu i bogatsi gospodarze. Któregoś razu szłam drogą prowadzącą w stronę Jaroszenki i zobaczyłam jednego z właścicieli większych indywidualnych gospodarstw, często bywającego w mieście. Stał na schodkach przed domem i przelewał strzykawką, zanurzaną w plastikowym kanistrze, środek ochrony roślin do plastikowej butelki. Później dał tę butelkę sąsiadowi, który po nią przyszedł. W takich okolicznościach środki są traktowane inaczej. Nie myśli się o przekazywanej substancji chemicznej jako o czymś bardzo niebezpiecznym i trującym. Mówi się ewentualnie o tym, że taki sposób przekazywania tych środków nie jest legalny, ale jak ktoś potrzebuje i sam nie ma dostępu, to czemu się z nim nie podzielić? II. 2. Okolice W pozostałych miejscowościach, w których prowadziłam badania (Winnica, Żmerinka, Tywrów, Kobeleckie [Кобелецьке], Hrysziwcy [Гришівци]) nie mieszkałam nigdy dłużej niż kilka dni. Obserwacje, rozmowy i wywiady prowadzone w tych miejscach traktowałam wyłącznie jako sposób na uzupełnienie kontekstu, coś, co pomaga w lepszym zrozumieniu tego, co dzieje się w Stroyinciach. W miastach poruszałam się szlakami moich rozmówców, szczególny nacisk kładąc na szlaki związane z poszukiwaniem roślin – ważne przede wszystkim okazały się apteki. W Winnicy miałam więcej kontaktów, np. z osobami leczącymi, i znałam ją lepiej jeszcze z czasu poprzednich badań. Winnica liczy 400 000 mieszkańców, są tu szkoły wyższe, do których uczęszczają mieszkańcy Stroyinciów, szpitale i urzędy. Częściej niż do Winnicy stroyinczanie jeżdżą do miasta rejonowego – Tywrowa, tu bywają u dentysty, to tu zwykle trafiają do szpitala czy domu porodowego, aptek, większych sklepów czy na targ. Bywają tu też na różnych regionalnych uroczystościach, np. dniach rejonu tywrowskiego, Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 40 �po to, by przedstawić swoją wieś. W Żmerince zwykle bywają mieszkańcy Stroyinciów przejazdem, bo jest tam ważny węzeł kolejowy, przy okazji często robią zakupy, polecali mi apteki, w których bywają. Odwiedziłam je i przeprowadziłam wywiady z osobami w nich pracującymi. Podobnie zrobiłam w tywrowskich aptekach. Kobeleckie jest wsią liczącą około 300 mieszkańców i leżącą nieopodal Stroyinciów. Ludzie stamtąd czasem przyjeżdżają do pracy w Stroyinciach, choć w leżących bliżej Hrisziwcach, będących siedzibą rady obu wsi, też jest posowchozowa firma zajmująca się głównie hodowlą krów i produkcją mleka. W Hrysziwcach mieszka nieco poniżej 500 osób. W obu wsiach są cerkwie, ale nabożeństwa zwykle odbywają się w większych Hrisziwcach. Kobeleccy katolicy często przychodzą do kościoła w Stroyinciach, bo do ich wsi ksiądz dojeżdża rzadko; to oni mają szczególnie dużo kontaktów ze stroyinczanami. II. 3. Ludzie II. 3.1. Prawosławni i katolicy W Stroyinciach są dwie świątynie, do których, przynajmniej na większe święta, chodzi duża część mieszkańców: znajdująca się w centrum błękitna, drewniana cerkiew, należąca do Patriarchatu Moskiewskiego, i położony w górnej części wsi naprzeciwko Sowchozu kościół katolicki. Katolicy stanowią w Stroyinciach mniejszość, liczą, że jest ich około 80 chałup. W czasie mojego pobytu w Stroyinciach został oddany do użytku nowy, budowany od wielu lat, budynek kościoła. Wcześniej nabożeństwa odbywały się w przystosowanej do tego celu sali. Ksiądz do Stroyinciów dojeżdża raz w tygodniu lub rzadziej, z odległej o20 km Murafy. Batiuszka natomiast mieszka na miejscu, w domu tuż koło cerkwi. We wsi jest też kilka rodzin protestantów, którzy nie mają tam swojej świątyni. W Stroyinciach są trzy cmentarze: dwa prawosławne – stary i nowy blisko siebie, po dwóch stronach drogi, daleko od cerkwi, która jest w centrum wsi, oraz jeden katolicki, znajdujący się za kościołem. Na cmentarzach nie ma starych krzyży i nagrobków, jakie można zobaczyć w położonych niedaleko Krasnym czy Murafie. Większość grobów jest ziemnych z prostym metalowym krzyżem i bardzo wiele osób takie uważa za ładniejsze, ale bardziej pracochłonne w utrzymaniu. Wymagają okopywania, odchwaszczania, obsadzania barwinkiem Iwa Kołodziejska 41 �i przed większymi świętami obsypywania brzegów jaśniejszą – rudawą, gliniastą ziemią. Można robić z niej też wzory – najczęściej krzyże na środku mogiły. Starsze osoby coraz częściej kupują tak zwane nagrobniki – betonowe obramówki na mogiłę, zapobiegające obsypywaniu się ziemnych krawędzi. Ludzie dość często definiowali siebie i swoich sąsiadów poprzez wyznanie. Myślę, że wydawało się to informacją szczególnie ważną w rozmowach ze mną – osobą z Polski – kraju automatycznie kojarzącego się z katolicyzmem, dlatego podkreślano to, że jakaś osoba jest katoliczką bądź katolikiem. Bycie prawosławnym było traktowane jako stan domyślny i raczej nie podawano mi tej informacji w pierwszej kolejności. Katolicyzm bywa przez niektórych stroyinczan, szczególnie prawosławnych, nazywany polską wiarą. Niemniej stroyinieccy katolicy (inaczej niż dzieje e w Murafie), z wyjątkiem jednej czy dwóch osób, nigdy nie mówią o sobie, że są Polakami. Nie słyszałam o nikim, kto w latach 2012–2013 w Stroyinciach miałby Kartę Polaka lub się o nią starał. Tak o uczestnictwie w nabożeństwach mówiła jedna z moich prawosławnych rozmówczyń: Natasza: ja rzadko chodzę, no ja i tak, do cerkwi chodzę i do kościoła czasem. A to ten, a to ikonę nosili po domach, a to i ja wzięłam do siebie 37 tę polską ikonę . Jaka to jest różnica, Matka Boska jedna, czy ona jest polska, czy prawosławna. I wszystko inne takie samo. I modlitwy takie 38 same, tylko że w kościele to po polsku mówią teraz to ... Ot, my mówimy Bogurodzico dziewico, a wy Maryja. O, to tak samo, jak te same pierogi, [śmieje się] ale w innej misce. [Natasza, k. ok. 55, DW_A0118] W ramach badań uczestniczyłam w nabożeństwach – zarówno w kościele katolickim, jak i w cerkwi. Moja obecność na nabożeństwach miała większe znaczenie dla katolików niż dla prawosławnych i była źródłem nowych znajomości i bliższych kontaktów – właściwie wyłącznie w wypadku tych pierwszych. Szczególnie dbałam o to, by być na wszystkich świętach, podczas których są święcone rośliny, czy to w kościele, czy 37. Chodzi o obraz Matki Boskiej Częstochowskiej. 38. Było tak w Stroyinciach mniej więcej do 2010 roku, obecnie msze odbywają się w języku ukraińskim, ludzie mają modlitewniki po ukraińsku i tak się modlą. Czasem po mszy odmawiają modlitwy po polsku. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 42 �w cerkwi. Zdarza się, że ludzie święcą sobie nawzajem rośliny w świątyni, do której chodzą, a także wymieniają się święconymi roślinami niezależnie od konfesji. Chodzą też do siebie nawzajem na prowody (zaduszki, odwiedziny zmarłego na cmentarzu w konkretnych okresach po śmierci), a nabożeństwa, związane np. z zakończeniem edukacji w szkole podstawowej (ukr. vypusk), odbywają się i w jednej, i w drugiej świątyni z udziałem wszystkich uczniów kończących szkołę. Nie obserwowałam żadnych konfliktów o podłożu religijnym, czasem zastanawiano się tylko, czy nowy (w parafii od 2011 roku) batiuszka nie mówi źle o katolikach. Niezależnie od tego, czy rzeczywiste, czy też domniemane, niepochlebne wypowiedzi batiuszki o katolikach nie przekładały się negatywnie na codzienne kontakty między sąsiadami. Wielokrotnie słyszałam ludzi rozważających, czy przez wzgląd na sąsiadów obchodzących swoje święto można dziś pracować. Na przykład Natasza (k. 55) bardzo przepraszała mnie podczas wywiadu za świniobicie w katolicki Poniedziałek Wielkanocny: nie powinno tak być, że bije się świnię w święto, ale Wielkanoc tydzień po tygodniu w tym roku i nie byłoby kiedy jej bić [Notatki/9.04.2012]. Ludzie w ogóle często się zastanawiają, czy można danego dnia wykonywać niektóre prace, czy można prać, czy można rąbać, używać innych ostrych narzędzi, i starają się przy tym brać pod uwagę jedne i drugie święta. Małżeństwa mieszane są bardzo powszechne i nie słyszałam, żeby ktoś uważał to za problem, czy nawet utrudnienie w codziennym życiu. II. 3.2. Język Poszukiwana przeze mnie przy wyborze terenu badań „środkowość” odbija się również w języku, którym mówią stroyinczanie i w którym prowadziłam badania. Jadąc w teren, początkowo swobodnie porozumiewałam się po rosyjsku, byłam osłuchana z ukraińskim, ale znałam w nim zaledwie kilka słów, nie przeszkadzało to moim rozmówcom, niektórzy pytali, czy wolę rozmawiać po rosyjsku, ale większość nie zwracała na to uwagi i była zadowolona, że oni mnie bez problemu rozumieją i ja rozumiem ich. Dość szybko przejęłam język, którego słuchałam, mieszkając w Stroyinciach. Cieszyło to moich rozmówców, obserwowali tę zmianę i zdarzało mi się usłyszeć: teraz mówisz jak nasza! Język, którym zaczęłam mówić, jest surżykiem – mieszanką leżącą gdzieś blisko środka na skali kontinuum między rosyjskim Iwa Kołodziejska 43 �a ukraińskim. Surżyk, zdaniem Laady Bilaniuk, amerykańskiej antropolożki lingwistycznej ukraińskiego pochodzenia, nie jest językiem o określonych ramach, gdyż jest bardzo zmienny i różni się znacznie w zależności od tego, kto nim mówi i z jakiego regionu Ukrainy pochodzi (2005). Oznacza to, że język, którym na co dzień mówią stroyinczanie, różni się od literackiego ukraińskiego. W szkole nauczyciele ukraińskiego często poprawiają swoich uczniów, by inaczej akcentowali wyrazy, konstruowali zdania, użyli innego, bardziej „ukraińskiego” słowa. Takie poprawianie i pilnowanie tego, jak się mówi, jest charakterystyczne nie tylko dla sytuacji bycia uczniem. Ludzie wychwytują niektóre rusycyzmy i poprawiają się nawzajem, np. mówi się po wodu (по воду), nie za wodoju (за водою) – w kontekście chodzenia po wodę 39 do studni (por. korekcja językowa, Bilaniuk 2005) . Na co dzień ludzie dużo myślą i mówią o języku. Łączy się to zarówno z polityką językową państwa (dyskusje o języku urzędowym, które nawet przed aneksją Krymu i początkiem wojny co jakiś czas wracały w parlamencie i mediach, np. po wyborze Wiktora Janukowycza na prezydenta, który w kampanii wyborczej obiecał wprowadzenie języka rosyjskiego jako drugiego urzędowego), jak i tym, w jakim języku są prowadzone oglądane przez nich programy telewizyjne i na jakim kanale je oglądają (por. Bilaniuk 2012). Jednak w moich rozmowach z mieszkańcami Podola pojawiało się to szczególnie często, bo z ich inicjatywy dyskutowaliśmy sprawy nazewnictwa roślin; opiszę to dokładniej w rozdziale o uczeniu się ze źródeł pisanych (IV.2 i kolejne podrozdziały). Wynika to z tego, że ludzie funkcjonują w sytuacji dwujęzyczności i w zwykłych rozmowach pojawiał się czasem językowy wątek tożsamościowy. Rozmówcy swój język traktowali jako ten, który dla mieszkańców każdego zakątka kraju powinien być zrozumiały, bo jest „pośrodku” między rosyjskim ze wschodu i ukraińskim zachodniej Ukrainy. We wsi często podkreślano, że oni są tacy ze środka, jak pojadą na zachód, to mówią na nich 39. Na stronach dotyczących poprawności językowej (np. onlinecorrector.com.ua/поводу/ dostęp 19.01.2018) i forach internetowych, na których poruszane bywają kwestie języka, zarówno ta, jak i podobne kwestie bywają bardzo żywo dyskutowane. Było tak też przed Majdanem (por. np. wpisy z października 2013 r. https://gramota.turbotext.ru/q/1746.html, dostęp 19.01.2018). Pobieżna analiza takich wypowiedzi wskazuje na różne tożsamościowe napięcia odzwierciedlane w języku: miasto (tu do niedawna dominował rosyjski) – wieś, silne akcentowanie tożsamości ukraińskiej/kozackiej – sprzeciw wobec łączenia tożsamości ukraińskiej z językiem. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 44 �moskale, jak pojadą na wschód, to mówią, że oni są banderowcami – 40 a jacy z nich banderowcy czy moskale ? Oni są po prostu mieszkańcami środka Ukrainy. Gdy już mieszkałam jakiś czas w Stroyinciach i byłam uważana za kompetentną językowo, znajomy, który był jednym z moich kluczowych rozmówców i z którym często się spotykałam, poprosił mnie o pomoc językową. Jest osobą dużo czytającą, a kiedy do niego przyszłam, czytał akurat Senekę. Dał mi książkę do ręki i powiedział: może ty zrozumiesz, oco tu chodzi, co to za słowo: zahlannyi (захланний)? Przetłumaczyłam je na rosyjskie i używane w Stroyinciach – żad41 nyj, zhadnyi (жадный) – chciwy . Na co Witia zareagował ze złością: No oczywiście i teraz to ma sens! Po co używają takiego dziwnego zapadianskiego (chodzi o zachodnioukraińskie) słowa! Zamiast napisać po prostu żadnyj i każdy by zrozumiał! [Notatka 11.08.2012] II. 3.3. Praca Na to, jakim językiem ludzie mówią i jak siebie postrzegają jako Ukraińców „środka” – ani moskali, ani banderowców – wpływają ich kontakty zewnętrzne: migracja zarobkowa (szczególnie ta wewnątrz Ukrainy i do Rosji), wyjazdy na studia, kontakty z rodzinami w innych częściach kraju. Podobnie wpływa migracja na wiedzę o roślinach; 40. Kiedy na przełomie 2014 i 2015r., na fali wydarzeń na wschodzie kraju i Krymie, w telewizji mówiono dużo o Stepanie Banderze, spotkałam w Czajni znajome kobiety – rozmawiały o tym, że muszą koniecznie obejrzeć film o Banderze, który będzie pokazywany w telewizji, żeby się w końcu dowiedzieć, kto to był. Śmiały się: mówią o nas, że my banderowcy, a my nawet nie wiemy, kto to ten Bandera był! W innym miejscu z kolei usłyszałam rozmowę: K 1: Bandera, Bandera, a jak właściwie ten Bandera miał na imię? K2: Nie wiem, nie pamiętam, jakoś tak... K1: Jakieś takie dziwne, zapadianskie (zachodnioukraińskie) imię miał... Kobiety zwróciły się do mnie z pytaniem, czy ja wiem. Odpowiedziałam: Tak, Stepan. K1: Może i Stepan, dziwne imię... Postać Bandery nie należy do ich doświadczenia osobistego ani pochodzącego z przekazu pokoleniowego. Osoby, które skończyły szkołę przed 1991 rokiem, mogły nie spotkać się z tą postacią również podczas edukacji szkolnej. 41. W ukraińskim jest też używane podobnie brzmiące słowo zhadibnyi, żadibnyj (жадібний), znaczące tak samo chciwy, zachłanny, łapczywy. Według Wikisłownika jest też rzadko spotykane słowo o tym samym znaczeniu, brzmiące bardzo podobnie do rosyjskiego: żadnij (жадний) [https://pl.wiktionary.org/wiki/%D0%B6%D0%B0%D0%B 4%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B9#uk, data dostępu 19.01.2018, Словник української мови Академічний тлумачний словник (1970–1980) http://sum.in.ua/s/zakhlannyj, data dostępu 18.10.2022]. Iwa Kołodziejska 45 �ludzie poznają rośliny charakterystyczne dla innego typu siedlisk: np. torfowisk i borów sosnowych zachodniej Ukrainy, dowiadują się o nowych zastosowaniach znanych im roślin albo o nowych, nieznanych im roślinach. Wśród roślin ważnych dla moich rozmówców szczególnie te lecznicze są przedmiotem wymiany informacji w warunkach mobilności. W czasach Związku Radzieckiego mieszkańcy Stroyinciów często wyjeżdżali do pracy zarówno poza obręb Ukraińskiej Socjalistycznej Republiki Radzieckiej, jak i na jej terytorium. Szczególnie osoby wykształcone w zawodach technicznych wyjeżdżały do pracy w fabrykach – inżynierowie, pracownicy techniczni niższego i wyższego szczebla. Większość z tych osób wróciła do Stroyinciów w latach 90. XX w., bo ich miejsca pracy zostały zlikwidowane. Innym ważnym kierunkiem migracji stroyinczan było miasto Nojabrsk [Ноябрьск] w JamalskoNienieckim Okręgu Autonomicznym na północy Federacji Rosyjskiej, gdzie znajdowali zatrudnienie w przemyśle naftowo-gazowym. Wyjazdy do Nojabrska, według moich rozmówców, były najbardziej nasilone w latach 80. XX w. (miasto powstało w 1976 r.). Zatrudnienie w przemyśle rafineryjnym dawało stabilną pracę, dobrą zapłatę i emeryturę w wieku 55 lat. Wiele osób wraca z północy Rosji na emeryturę do rodzinnej wsi. Lata 90. XX w. były okresem zwiększonej mobilności, ludzie na własną rękę jeździli sprzedawać plony na terenie Ukrainy – głównie na targu w Odessie, z którą jest bezpośrednie połączenie kolejowe, i w różnych miejscach Rosji. To drugie wymagało więcej zachodu i organizacji. Ludzie na własną rękę kombinowali transport ciężarówką, czasem nawet ciężarówką chłodnią, jechali przez Rosję i sprzedawali, aż pozbyli się całego towaru (por. Humphrey 2010, o Ukraińcach przyjeżdżających z towarem do Rosji od końca lat 80.). Sprzedawali głównie jabłka, którymi płacono pracownikom w ostatnich latach funkcjonowania miejscowego sowchozu. Było to dla ludzi – szczególnie kobiet, które nie miały doświadczenia dalekich wyjazdów związanych ze służbą wojskową – ważne doświadczenie. Bywało, że opowiadając o tej podróży, dużo uwagi poświęcały różnicom środowiskowym, opowiadając np. o innych lasach albo tym, że dla mieszkańców północy Rosji ich jabłka były bardzo wielkie [np. wyw. DW_D0224, Notatki/05.06.2012]. Niemniej są też osoby, które nie mają takiego doświadczenia mobilności. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 46 �Spotkałam w Stroyinciach starszą panią (miałam z nią dość regularny kontakt), która, usiłując sobie wyobrazić, jak duża jest Polska, pytała, czy jest taka, jak Winnica, czy większa. Pokazuje to też, jak zróżnicowana jest ta wieś, mieszka tu dużo osób ze średnim i wyższym wykształceniem, ale są też starsze kobiety, które zakończyły edukację na 3-4 klasach podstawówki. Mężczyźni, nawet starsi, są zwykle bardziej bywali w świecie, choćby dlatego, że mieli doświadczenie służby wojskowej w czasach ZSRR. Nie spotkałam w Stroyinciach nikogo, kto jeździłby na dłużej do pracy na Zachód niż na zbieranie truskawek czy malin w sezonie; nadal głównym kierunkiem migracji zarobkowej jest Wschód. Podobne wnioski odnośnie do miejscowości środkowej Ukrainy mieli Leontina Hormela i Caleb Southworth (2006). Zgadzam się z Hormelą i Southworthem, że istotną rolę odgrywa w tym kontekście znajomość języka i rosyjskiego rynku pracy (2006). Potwierdzał to również Vasil Dymitrovich, przewodniczący rady wsi wStroyinciach, mówiąc, że jeśli ludzie wyjeżdżają za granicę (a wyjeżdżają, w niektórych rejonach wsi część domów jest opuszczonych), to głównie do Moskwy. Jeśli jadą na Zachód, to najczęściej do Włoch [Notatki/03.04.2012]. Wydarzenia 2014 roku zaczęły trochę zmieniać sytuację, ale wiele osób mających pracę w Rosji (również nielegalni migranci zarobkowi) nadal pracuje tak, jak pracowało. Migracja nie jest w Stroyinciach jedynym sposobem na zdobycie pracy. Poza państwowymi posadami w szkole, przedszkolu, domu kultury, bibliotece, przychodni zdrowia czy radzie wsi, można też pracować na przykład w jednym z dwóch posowchozowych przedsiębiorstw – większym STOV Podillia i mniejszym TOV Obrii. Obecność obu tych pracodawców wyraźnie odznacza się w krajobrazie wsi, zarówno pojętym wprost geograficznie, jak i szerzej rozumianym krajobrazie kulturowym: to z nimi związane są otaczające wieś sady – jabłoni, wiśni i grusz, pola aronii, porzeczek i borówki amerykańskiej, będące, podobnie jak sowchozowe sady z czasów Związku Radzieckiego, powodem do dumy mieszkańców; opryski, o których wspomniałam wyżej; opowieści o groźnych psach i strażnikach, a także realny lęk przed nimi, wpływający na to, gdzie się chodzi, a jakich miejsc unika, to jak i gdzie pasie się krowy. Gdyby nie te przedsiębiorstwa, nie byłoby malowniczych grupek pracownic STOV-u Podillia, stojących w białych Iwa Kołodziejska 47 �chustkach na głowach, z wiadrami w rękach, czekających na transport na dalej położone pola i rozmawiających o wszystkich najważniejszych dla nich i wsi sprawach; inne byłyby relacje między mieszkańcami wsi czy po prostu ich kapitał ekonomiczny. Krótko mówiąc, to one są głównymi pracodawcami w tej okolicy, są duże i zajmują rozległy obszar, a to, jak ich właściciele postępują ze swoimi pracownikami, kształtuje wiele procesów we wsi. Właścicielem i założycielem powstałego w 2003 roku TOV-u Obrii jest Andrii Grigorovich Bahrii (Андрій Григорович Багрій). Firma zatrudnia około 60 osób (UA region info Obrii). Jak mówią stroyinczanie, nie jest łatwo tam dostać pracę, bo Bahrii zatrudnia tylko tych, którym ufa, ale jeśli już się ją dostanie, to jest się traktowanym uczciwie i warunki pracy są dobre. Inaczej wyrażają się o powstałej w 2002 r. rolniczej spółce Podillia, w której przynajmniej czasowo pracuje wielu mieszkańców wsi. Zatrudnia ona ponad 200 osób, z których część jest dowożona z okolicznych miejscowości (UA region info Podillia). Wielokrotnie słyszałam narzekania na to, jak firma jest zarządzana i jak źle traktuje się w niej ludzi, można też było co jakiś czas usłyszeć nawoływania do buntu co bardziej dotkniętych a przedsiębiorczych pracowników. Na dyrektorów obu firm – Andriia Bahriia i Andriia Slobodianiuka (Андрій Леонідович Слободянюк), ale przede wszystkim na tego ostatniego – mówiono „pan”. Nawiązywało to do stosunków feudalnych i tego, jak moi rozmówcy widzieli sytuację materialną dyrektorów oraz relacje z nimi. W jednej wsi są dwaj właściciele. Ten płaci swoim ludziom, a tamten swoim. I tak stali się panami. A co, nie tak? Tak. Oni nazywają się spółką akcyjną. A oni tacy sami panowie. [Tonia, K 50, DW_A0131] W 2015 roku nastąpiło wrogie przejęcie z użyciem siły firmy STOV Podillia i pojawili się nowi zarządzający, w sądzie w Winnicy toczą się postępowania w tej sprawie. Relacje ze stroyinieckich wypadków były obecne w obwodowych mediach, nagrania z wydarzeń są dostępne w internecie [zob. na przykład: https://www.vinnitsa.info/news/ kolishniy-direktor-kinuv-spivzasnovnikiv-ta-investora-na-agrofirmu-stov-podillya.html, więcej linków w przypisie 32.]. Nie będę tu opisywała całej sprawy, jako że wydarzyła się już po zakończeniu zbierania Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 48 �przeze mnie materiału badawczego i nie ma również wpływu na jego analizę. Interesujące jednak jest pojawienie się nagrań w sieci i sama jakość filmów robionych przez mieszkańców wsi. Dobrze pokazuje to zmianę w dostępie do internetu oraz znaczną poprawę sprzętu fotograficznego, jakim dysponują stroyinczanie, jedno i drugie jest w dużym stopniu powiązane ze spadkiem cen smartfonów. Internet o szybszym łączu pojawił się w 2015 roku, już po zakończeniu moich właściwych badań. Ludzie korzystają z niego głównie przez telefony. Bardzo szybko młodzież zaczęła intensywnie korzystać z czatów i portali społecznościowych. W czasie prowadzenia przeze mnie badań ludzie nie mieli telefonów, które umożliwiałyby wygodne korzystanie z internetu czy robienie dobrej jakości zdjęć. Dlatego fotografie robione przeze mnie w trakcie badań i wspólne kręcenie filmu z uczniami miejscowej szkoły były dobrymi sposobami odwdzięczania się za czas poświęcony mi przez rozmówców. Podczas badań tylko raz spotkałam się z szukaniem informacji o roślinach w internecie. Sława, mężczyzna przed sześćdziesiątką, wrócił do Stroyinciów z Nojabrska i koniecznie chciał posadzić w swoim ogródku roślinę, którą tam poznał. Zamierzał ją znaleźć w internecie, by się upewnić, czy na Podolu będzie dobrze rosła, i zorientować się, jak można ją pozyskać, czy jest dostępna w kraju. Przyzwyczajenie do miejskiej infrastruktury, a także rosyjska emerytura pracownika położonego na dalekiej Północy gazociągu, były czynnikami, które spowodowały, że jako jeden z niewielu we wsi miał komputer z dostępem do sieci. Trudno było mu jednak znaleźć informacje o roślinie, którą znał jako kanufer, dlatego przyszedł do mnie i poprosił, bym mu pomogła. Udało mi się odnaleźć łacińską nazwę rośliny – Tanacetum balsamita L ., a dzięki temu również jej zdjęcia oraz różne informacje o niej. Sława poznał roślinę na ilustracjach i był bardzo wdzięczny za pomoc. Była to jedna z tych sytuacji, w których zostałam potraktowana jak ekspertka. Więcej o tym zagadnieniu piszę w podrozdziale: II. 6. Badaczka – aktorka w wielowymiarowej sieci. II. 4. Lasy, łąki, krajobraz wsi Wspominałam już o tym, że Stroyinci od wschodu i południa są otoczone lasem, od północy – sadami, łąkami i mniejszymi fragmentami Iwa Kołodziejska 49 �lasu, od zachodu są łąki i pola. Wspominałam też o tym, że stroyinczanie podróżując, spotykają się z zupełnie innymi lasami. Teraz poświęcę chwilę na przybliżenie stroyinieckich zbiorowisk roślinnych. W okolicy zdecydowanie przeważają lasy liściaste, są to grądy, w których dominują grab pospolity (Carpinus betulus L .) i dąb szypułkowy (Quercus robur L .) z domieszką lipy drobnolistnej (Tilia cordata Mill.), klonu zwyczajnego (Acer platanoides L .) oraz brzozy omszonej (Betula pubescens Ehrh.). W niewielkim fragmencie stroyinieckiego lasu rosną świerki (Picea abies (L .) H.Karst.). Na północy jest też nieduży skrawek lasu zdominowanego przez pochodzącą z Ameryki robinię akacjową (Robinia pseudoacacia L .). Łąki są suchymi łąkami dorzecza południowego Bugu (Kuzemko i in. 2014). Są to zbiorowiska roślinne, które powstały w klimacie subkontynentalnym z roczną średnią temperaturą wahającą się między 7 a 9 °C, średnią temperaturą stycznia od -4 do -6 °C, a lipca +18 to +20 °C i średnimi rocznymi opadami od 600 do 650 mm (Lipinsky, Diachuk, Babichenko 2003). Pod tego rodzaju opisem kryje się bardzo wiele związków i interakcji między tworzącymi ten las gatunkami, klimatem, glebą, wodami podziemnymi itp. Na przykład to, że jest to grąd, oznacza, że dużo światła do dna lasu dociera tylko wczesną wiosną, zanim graby, dęby, lipy i klony rozwiną liście, wtedy to rośliny dna lasu na potęgę kwitną i zawiązują nasiona. Tak robi też rast (kokorycz - różne gatunki, Corydalis spp.) – uwielbiana i z radością oglądana każdej wiosny przez wielu stroyinczan. Jej nasiona po lesie roznoszą mrówki, wynagradzane przez roślinę specjalnym tłuszczowym ciałkiem dołączonym do każdego nasienia. Lasek robiniowy jest z kolei przykładem na sukces gatunku przywiezionego z innego kontynentu (Ameryki Północnej) w XVII w. jako gatunek ozdobny, któremu udało się rozprzestrzenić na wszystkich kontynentach oraz w znaczący sposób wpływać na warunki w środowisku, w którym rośnie, użyźniając glebę i wypierając organizmy wcześniej tam rosnące (Seneta, Dolatowski 2000). Ma ona poczesne miejsce w zielnikach wielu moich rozmówców. W całej pracy, a także w opisie terenu badań, staram się oddać głos rozmówcom, co jest zupełnie oczywiste i nieodzowne w pracy antropologicznej, choć niewątpliwie obarczone różnymi trudnościami, możliwymi potknięciami etycznymi i potencjalnymi błędami interpretacyjnymi (por. Hastrup 2008: 159-174). W związku z modą w polskiej Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 50 �i światowej humanistyce na podejście posthumanistyczne i etnografię wielogatunkową (multispecies ethnography, np. Eduardo Kohn 2013) pewnie można by oczekiwać, że przy takim temacie przedstawię teren badań również z perspektywy aktorów roślinnych. Czy da się tak naprawdę uczciwie oddać głos roślinnym aktorom rosnącym w stroyinieckich lasach, na przychaciach, łąkach? Można próbować, ale jest to z pewnością bardzo trudne, a każda taka próba niesie ze sobą ryzyko niepowodzenia, ewentualnej nadinterpretacji i antropomorfizacji roślinnego punktu widzenia. Zawsze będzie to bardzo moje widzenie obserwowanych interakcji (np. Van der Valk 2017, czy dyskusja na łamach HAU dotycząca książki Eduardo Kohna „How the forests think”, Descola 2014). Jest tak tym bardziej, że, jak pisze Kirsten Hastrup, nawet nie wszystkie tubylcze światy można oddać w naszym języku (2008: 163). „Nie wiemy w sposób absolutny, kim są tubylcy”, tym bardziej nie wiemy w sposób absolutny, kim jest roślina, tak bardzo różna od nas w codziennym sposobie istnienia. Punkt widzenia tubylca jest zawsze zapośredniczony. Punkt widzenia rośliny, siłą rzeczy, jeszcze bardziej (Hastrup 2008: 163). To, że jestem biolożką, na pewno ułatwia mi widzenie roślinności roślin w całym jej skomplikowaniu, w sieci powiązań ekologicznych i na przykład wraz z procesami fizjologicznymi zachodzącymi wewnątrz rośliny (zob. koncepcja Daly’ego i Sheparda dotycząca podkreślania roli roślinnych związków chemicznych jako mediatorów ludzko-roślinnych relacji [2019], czy próba przedstawienia relacji roślinno-ludzkich poprzez skupienie na interakcjach związanych ze zjadaniem roślin i ekologii chemicznej, którą podjęłyśmy 42 z Moniką Kujawską [Kołodziejska, Kujawska 2020]) . Widzenie relacji 42. Pisząc o „roślinności roślin”, nawiązuję do uwagi Tima Ingolda skierowanej do archeologów prowadzących dysputę nad materialnością i ontologią rzeczy oraz ich sprawczością, by nie zajmowali się teoretyczną, oderwaną od materiału, z którego zrobione są rzeczy, materialnością, ale „rzeczowością rzeczy” (ang. the thingness of the thing), czyli fizycznymi właściwościami materiałów, w całym skomplikowaniu ich powiązań i relacji. Przedmioty są sprawcze nie ze względu na to, że są wyposażone w sprawczość jako taką, ale ze względu na relacje, w jakich pozostają, na to, jak są włączone w prądy życia. Właściwości materiałów nie są stałymi niezmiennymi cechami substancji, ale wynikają z procesów w nich zachodzących i relacji zachodzących w nich i w związku z nimi (Zobacz: Ingold T. „Materials against Materiality”, Archaeological Dialogues 14: 1, 2007, 1-16, wraz z odpowiedziami). https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/archaeological-dialogues/issue/C04C1D91EC5E839A227184293CF3AD83 [dostęp 16.02.2019 r.]. Iwa Kołodziejska 51 �jest dla mnie bardzo ważne, ale nie ukrywam, że postrzegam je z ludzkiej perspektywy – bo czy Anna Tsing, opisując zależności między nicieniami Bursaphelenchus xylophilus, sosnami, chrząszczami żerdziarkami, ludźmi, i gąskami sosnowymi (matsutake), nie opisuje ich z ludzkiej perspektywy, ludzkim językiem? Nawet (a może właśnie szczególnie) jeśli zaczyna opis od słów: „nazywaj mnie Bursaphelenchus xylophilus. Jestem małą robakopodobną istotą (...)” (Tsing 2015: 156). Jestem przekonana, że dużo łatwiej, choć wciąż niestety niezwykle trudno, jest nam ludziom, czy bardziej precyzyjnie mnie, białej kobiecie, wyjść poza perspektywę kolonialną, czy europejską niż poza perspektywę ludzką i przejść do roślinnej. Nie twierdzę jednak, że nie warto próbować, wyobraźnia etnograficzna (rozumiana za Paulem Willisem) pozwala nam lepiej zrozumieć ludzkich uczestników badania, potrzebujemy podobnego rodzaju wyobraźni, by zrozumieć podmioty inne niż ludzkie. Kluczowa jest tu obserwacja tych podmiotów i głęboka, praktyczna wiedza o nich. Tak jak dla teorii antropologicznej „uchem igielnym” jest etnografia, terenowy konkret. Tak, w wypadku teorii posthumanistycznej „uchem igielnym” muszą być wiedza i obserwacja z gruntu nauk przyrodniczych. Prowadząc badania, nie mogłam uczciwie i z zachowaniem rygorystycznej metodologii obserwować poza-ludzkich aktorów, szczególnie że nie chciałam skupić się na jednym taksonie. Dlatego skupiłam się na tym, co mogłam dobrze wykonać, i na tym, by moja etnografia była jak najbardziej gęsta. Niestety wiele tekstów posthumanistycznych, w moim odczuciu, nie przeciska się przez wspomniane „ucho igielne”. Do wyjątków, moim zdaniem, należą np. prace Anny Tsing. W wypadku tych badań jest to możliwe dlatego, że pracuje ona z dużym zespołem i na dodatek skupia uwagę na jednym gatunku, np. gąsce sosnowej, czy grupie gatunków – tak jak w jej obecnym projekcie nad różnymi gatunkami jagód. W warunkach, w których prowadziłam badania, i przy postawionych sobie pytaniach, a także w obliczu materiału terenowego, takie podejście uznałam za najwłaściwze. Moi rozmówcy zazwyczaj nie widzą rosnących wokół nich roślin jako istot realizujących swoje życiowe cele (por. Lescureux 2006). Rzadko zastanawiają się nad sieciami relacji między rośliną, z której w jakiś sposób korzystają, a innymi aktorami żyjącymi w okolicy. Najczęściej, choć nie w każdym kontekście, rośliny są dla nich dość bezwolnym środkiem do realizacji ich ludzkich celów. Dlatego i ja raczej nie będę Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 52 �używała swojej wiedzy o biologii do rozszerzania opisu relacji rozmów43 ców ze światem roślinnym . Nie będę poświęcała też miejsca rozważaniu, czy zmiany w życiu roślin są realizacją ich celów ewolucyjnych 44 i przykładem na to, że potrafią zatrudnić ludzi do realizacji tych celów . Mam na myśli np. to, że niektóre z nich uwodzą swoimi kwiatami nie tylko zapylaczy, lecz także ludzi, i z tego względu są przenoszone z lasu do ogródków, gdzie są otaczane opieką, chronione przed roślinożercami, nawożone itp. Tak w Stroyinciach postępuje np. Sława, przenosząc do ogródka podsnizhnik (śnieżyczkę przebiśnieg, Galanthus nivalis L .). Nie będę próbowała odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy tego właśnie chcą podsnizhniki, będę ich historię opowiadała z perspektywy Sławy. Rośliną, która zaczyna nabierać coraz większego znaczenia w krajobrazie podolskich wsi, jest korin. Ci z rozmówców, którzy ją znają i uważają za ważną, nie znają jej nazwy, mówią, że nie wiedzą, jak się nazywa, ale mówią na nią korin, bo to ta jej część jest użytkowana. Korin (szkarłatka amerykańska, Phytolacca americana L .) pojawił się w Stroyinciach przywieziony przez Lonię – kostoprawa (nastawiacza kości), który posadził go w swoim ogródku, by leczyć nim bóle stawów. Owoce korinia smakują lokalnym ptakom i to one zaczęły rozsiewać korin po okolicy. Niezależnie od tego, czy Sława i inni moi rozmówcy zauważają to, co ostatnio zaprząta wyobraźnię warszawskich i kijowskich intelektualistów – że rośliny są dużo mniej nieme i nieruchome, niż by się wydawało – to zwracają oni czasem uwagę, że człowiek jest produktem tego, co leży również poza ludzkim kontekstem, a to właśnie Eduardo Kohn uznał za kluczowe dla etnografii wielogatunkowej i antropologii więcej niż ludzkiej (beyond the human anthropology). W dużym stopniu ta antropologia stawia sobie za cel, by nauczyć się doceniać i rozumieć, 43. Mam wykształcenie biologiczne, zrobiłam magisterium z biologii zapylania, spędzam dużo czasu na co dzień wśród botaników, rozmawiając o roślinach i opowiadając o nich zwiedzającym Ogród Botaniczny UW, gdzie pracowałam przez ostatnich 14 lat do 30.04.2019 r. 44. Nie zrobię tego też, dlatego że uważam, iż przy obecnej wiedzy o życiu roślin trudno dojść w tych rozważaniach dalej niż np. Marijke van der Veen (2014), pokazująca, że udomawiając rośliny, realizujemy ich cel życiowy – rozprzestrzeniamy ich nasiona i ułatwiamy zdobywanie nowych siedlisk. Z drugiej strony: roślinom owadopylnym w dużych monokulturach często trudno o efektywne zapylenie. Iwa Kołodziejska 53 �do jakiego stopnia człowiek jest produktem tego, co leży poza ludzkim kontekstem (Kohn 2013). Niezależnie od tego, jakie interakcje zachodzą między nie-ludzkimi aktorami w stroyinieckich lasach i czy te interakcje mają dla moich rozmówców jakiekolwiek znaczenie, same lasy są dla nich przestrzeniami znaczącymi i wpływającymi na ich codzienność. Wiele osób mówiło mi, że tu w Stroyinciach jest blisko do lasu i dlatego jest to zdrowe miejsce [np. Wiera, K. 35, notatka/1.04.2012]. Póki byłam we wsi nowa, ludzie często sami zaczynali opowiadać mi o lesie i pytać o to, czy już w nim byłam. Pytali mnie też, czy podoba mi się wieś. Kiedy odpowiadałam, że jest ładna, mówili od razu, że też tak uważają i że jest tu las, który jest piękny [np. Notatka/25.04.2012]. To, jak dalece dla wielu moich rozmówców w świadomy sposób ważne jest przebywanie w lesie lub wśród przyrody, dobrze pokazuje historia opowiedziana mi przez świeżo emerytowaną, pięćdziesięcioletnią listonoszkę. Mówiła mi, że pracując, zawsze chodziła przez cmentarz, bo jest zielony, i głowa jej odpoczywała, myśli układały się same. Czasem siadała przy pomniku nieznanego żołnierza, sortowała pocztę i tak głęboko wypoczywała, że od razu wiedziała, jak dalej iść, żeby jak najszybciej trafić we wszystkie miejsca, do których miała dotrzeć. Opowiadała, że lubi i teraz czasem przyjść, posiedzieć na cmentarzu. Spotkałam ją, gdy właśnie tam siedziała w towarzystwie starszej znajomej. Cisza, spokój, zieloność i świętość miejsca są dla niej źródłem uspokojenia [Notatki/25.04.2012]. Temat piękna okolicy często powracał, mówiono mi na przykład, że teraz powinnam dokądś pójść, bo kwitnie jakaś roślina i jest pięknie. Na przykład ciocia Wiera zachęcała mnie, bym zobaczyła, jak kwitnie cheremkha (czeremcha zwyczajna, Prunus padus L .). Ona, idąc do pracy, przechodzi tamtędy i może się napawać jej widokiem i zapachem [Notatki/29.04.2012], więc zależało jej, żebym też tego doświadczyła. Szczególnie często działo się to wiosną: różne osoby wyrażają radość z tego, że zakwitła jakaś roślina, choć niewątpliwie kwitnięcie podsniezhnikov, pidsniezhnikov (śnieżyczka przebiśnieg, Galanthus nivalis L .) było witane z najbardziej powszechnym entuzjazmem. Ci, którzy wiedzieli, że nie wszędzie w lasach wiosną jest taki dywan przebiśniegów, jak w ich lesie, traktowali je jak wyróżnik okolicy i powód do dumy, np. Wiktor, nauczyciel biologii w miejscowej szkole [M. ok 50, film Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 54 �„Ludzie i rośliny”]. Mimo że stroyinczanie są społecznością rolniczą, piękno widzą częściej w dzikiej przyrodzie niż w polach uprawnych. Nigdy od nikogo nie słyszałam nic o urodzie pól czy ogrodów jako takich, ewentualnie tylko o poszczególnych roślinach znajdujących się w tych ogrodach. Zachowanie moich rozmówców jest sprzeczne z obserwacjami Jacka Olędzkiego prowadzonymi pół wieku temu wśród mieszkańców Kurpiowskiej Puszczy Zielonej (1963). Moi rozmówcy, inaczej niż mieszkańcy kurpiowszczyzny, nie zwracali uwagi na pożyteczność zachwycających ich roślin. Większość nie wykorzystywała podsnizhnikov, nikt nie korzystał z rasti (kokoryczy – różne gatunki, Corydalis spp.), ale zwracano uwagę na ich piękno. Walor estetyczny nie musiał wiązać się z wartością użytkową. Źródło tych różnic w postrzeganiu piękna przyrody wydaje się leżeć w stosunku do „dzikości” jako takiej oraz znaczeniu potrzeby kontroli, a także okiełznywania przejawów różnorodności i nieuporządkowania. Jestem gotowa zaryzykować twierdzenie, że wynikają one z wpływu różnych denominacji chrześcijańskich dominujących na obu obszarach. Na Kurpiach kluczową rolę odgrywa Kościół rzymskokatolicki, którego kler tradycyjnie podkreśla władzę człowieka nad „wszelkim stworzeniem” często prowadzi do strachu przed „dzikim” i „nieokiełznanym”, a także do braku szacunku do szeroko rozumianej przyrody i podkreślania jej podrzędnej i użytkowej funkcji w stosunku do człowieka. Dlatego to, co budzi estetyczny zachwyt, będzie naznaczone ręką człowieka – oswojone i ujarzmione. Oczywiście nie dzieje się tak zawsze. Mimo głębokiego zakorzenienia katolicyzmu (podobnie jak i innych denominacji chrześcijańskich) w dualistycznej wizji świata i ostrym podziale na: świat przyrody, to co ludzkie i to co boskie, w wielu kontekstach świat przyrody jest gloryfikowany jako boski twór, a to co „naturalne” jawi się jako czyste i nieskażone cywilizacyjnym zepsuciem (Binde 2001). Z kolei na Podolu religią dominującą jest prawosławie, w którym struktura hierarchiczna kleru i odbijające się na życiu codziennym mieszkańców wsi pragnienie sprawowania kontroli nad wiernymi i otacza45 jącym ich światem są słabsze . Można to zobaczyć na przykładzie podejścia prawosławnego i katolickiego kleru do znachorek, szeptuch 45. Oczywiście nie znaczy to, że prawosławie, podobnie jak inne religie monoteistyczne (por. o praktykach leczniczych Żydów w Galicji [Tuszewicki 2015]), rękami swojego kleru nie stara się prowadzić kontroli, jednak skala jest zdecydowanie mniejsza. Iwa Kołodziejska 55 �i innych przedstawicieli narodnej medycyny. Niektórzy prawosławni księża nie tylko nie tępią tych praktyk, ale potrafią nawet zajmujące się nimi osoby pobłogosławić, natomiast Kościół katolicki w znacznej mierze przyczynił się do zmniejszenia znaczenia praktyk medycyny ludowej w Polsce w XX w. (Libera 2003). Katolicy ze Stroyinciów mają na co dzień dużo mniej kontaktu z księżmi niż np. mieszkańcy nieodległej Murafy. Kiedy współprowadziłam w latach 2009–Murafie, zarówno ja, jak i studenci spotykaliśmy się z głośnym wyrażaniem wątpliwości przez tamtejsze osoby leczące wyznania katolickiego, czy spowiadać się ze swoich praktyk, czy nie, i świadomością, że ksiądz prawosławny nie jest równie restrykcyjny w sprawie tych praktyk i ich źródeł (zob. praca licencjacka Justyny Szymańskiej dotycząca praktyk uzdrowicielskich na Podolu Wschodnim 2011 i Szymańska 2016). Przyjeżdżający z Polski księża katoliccy i zakonnice są bardzo krytyczni w stosunku do praktyk narodnej medycyny. Wydaje się, że czują obowiązek i potrzebę roztoczenia nad nimi kontroli. Z drugiej strony można wskazywać, że znaczenie mogłoby mieć kojarzenie dzikości z biedą i głodem, będącym bliskim doświadczeniem dla rozmówców Olędzkiego i nieznanym większości moich rozmówców, zakładam jednak, że nie jest tu ono kluczowe, szczególnie, że nawet ci mieszkańcy Stroyinciów, którzy głodu doświadczyli, mówią z ogromną atencją o roślinach, które ich uratowały i jadają je do dziś. Z kolei z analizy zapisków polskich zesłańców na Syberię i do Kazachstanu, prowadzonej przez Ewę Pirożnikow, wynika, że odnosili się z niechęcią do pożywienia z dzikich roślin, a za prawdziwy pokarm uważali wyłącznie produkty rolnicze, nawet jeśli dziko rosnące rośliny ratowały im życie (2014). Dlatego uważam, że należy szukać przyczyny tych różnic gdzie indziej niż tylko w doświadczeniu głodu, które miałoby regulować stosunek do dzikości. Oczywiście moje obserwacje od ostatnich obserwacji Jacka Olędzkiego w Murzynowie dzieli nie tylko przestrzeń, lecz także czas (niemal 60 lat). Niemniej nie sądzę, by to zmiana publicznego dyskursu o przyrodzie na przestrzeni w ciągu tych lat owocowała takim postrzeganiem piękna przyrody przez moich rozmówców (rzadko mają kontakt z filmami przyrodniczymi i nowymi dyskursami nobilitującymi dzikość przyrody). Dlatego uważam, że różnice odzwierciedlają raczej wpływ lokalnych warunków niż czasów. Wpływ czasu na narracje o pięknie przyrody można raczej zauważyć w cyklu sezonowym. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 56 �Najbaczniejszą uwagę na piękno przyrody, a szczególnie lasu, zwracają mieszkańcy Podola wiosną, gdy po okresie zimowej przerwy pojawiają się liście i kwiaty. Innym siedliskiem, o którym często mi wspominano, były porastające wzgórza łąki. To na nich zbiera się wiele roślin leczniczych, zajmujących prominentne miejsca w zielnikach mentalnych. Niektóre garby były szczególnie ważne dla konkretnych rodzin: np. Tania, Wasia i Maja wielokrotnie opowiadali mi o garbie bierezowka, na którym ich rodzina najczęściej zbiera rośliny lecznicze. Miejsce to nazywa się bierezowka, bo, jak mówi Tania, kiedyś były tam brzozy. To jest niesamowity garb, bo jak kiedyś próbowaliśmy sprawdzić, jakie tam są rośliny, to okazało się, że na nim jest cała książka o roślinach leczniczych, którą mamy w domu! [Notatka/ 1.04.2012] Podobnie o wyjątkowości tego garbu wypowiadają się inne osoby pochodzące z okolic ulicy Sadowej, np. babka Hala [Notatka/29.04.2012]. Ludzie mieszkający w innych częściach wsi odwołują się raczej do innych miejsc. O znajdujących się na terenie wsi stawach rzadko się wypowiadano inaczej niż w celu określenia punktu w topografii wsi. Ludzie z tych stawów nie korzystają, nie wolno w nich łowić ryb (należą do posowchozowej firmy STOV Podillia) ani się kąpać, ze stawu korzystają krowy podczas wypasu. Późną wiosną osoby mieszkające blisko stawów zwracają uwagę na to, że są one środowiskiem życia żab, które bardzo hałasują i przeszkadzają spać [Notatki/26.04.2012]. II. 5. Wielowymiarowe splątania ludzi i środowiska II. 5.1. Sezonowość – kolejny wymiar splątania Przy zbieraniu materiału do pracy było dla mnie bardzo ważne to, by być w terenie we wszystkich porach roku, a także by spędzić tam szczególne dużo czasu w sezonie wegetacyjnym, kiedy ludzie zbierają rośliny. Wiele tematów w ogóle by się nie pojawiło w wynikach moich badań, gdyby nie to, że byłam w terenie w odpowiednich momentach. Kiedy przyjechałam do Stroyinciów pod koniec marca na pierwszy i najdłuższy wyjazd badawczy (ponad 5 miesięcy), moją uwagę przykuło to, Iwa Kołodziejska 57 �że ludzie bardzo dużo mówili o pięknie lasu – o czym pisałam już powyżej – i o podsniezhnikach (śnieżyczka przebiśnieg, Galanthus nivalis L .). Już pierwszego dnia u cioci Hali, u której mieszkałam przez pierwsze dwa miesiące, pojawił się temat podsniezhników. Ciocia Hala zaproponowała, żeby mój trzyletni syn, z którym byłam w terenie (o czym więcej napiszę poniżej), chodził z nią do lasu na podsniezhniki. Plan ten nie miał nigdy dojść do skutku, ale chęć pójścia do lasu, zobaczenia, jak w tym roku kwitną, była bardzo powszechnie wyrażana przez stroyinczan. Ludzie często mnie pytali, czy już je widziałam, rozmawiali między sobą o tym, kto je już w tym roku widział i czy ktoś z nich w tym roku już je zbierał. Temat ten, zupełnie przeze mnie nie wywoływany, bo poruszany przez ludzi, którzy nie wiedzieli jeszcze, że interesuję się roślinami, znikł zupełnie, gdy tylko pidsniezhniki przekwitły. Podobnie było z sokiem z brzozy (Betula pendula i Betula pubescens) i zbieraniem kilku innych roślin, było to szczególnie wyraźnie widoczne wiosną. Ten pierwszy wczesnowiosenny okres badań nie był bardzo bogaty w opowieści o roślinach, ludzie często dziwili się: o czym tu teraz mówić, skoro nie ma żadnych roślin, ususzone zapasy na zimę się kończą, a teraz nic jeszcze nie rośnie, nie ma co zbierać i o czym mówić. Niemniej był to ważny okres dla moich badań, bo mogłam stopniowo wchodzić w społeczność, dawać się poznać, wchodzić w relację z nowymi osobami, coraz lepiej rozumieć konteksty i sposoby funkcjonowania tej wsi. Przyzwyczaić ludzi do swojego widoku, a także zaciekawić ich sobą, co ułatwiało późniejsze, bardziej owocne badawczo rozmowy. Dla wielu z rozmówców sezonowość tematu moich badań była kluczowa, dlatego też tym bardziej istotne były powtarzające się spotkania z tymi samymi osobami. Dobrze ilustruje to historia mojego umawiania się na wywiad z ciocią Tonią [K. 55]. Któregoś dnia w połowie maja ciocia Tonia podeszła do mnie i powiedziała, że chętnie się ze mną spotka, by poopowiadać o roślinach. Ucieszyłam się, mówiąc, że bardzo chętnie, ale że mogę się spotkać dopiero za półtora tygodnia, bo wyjeżdżam (jechałam na konferencję). Rozczarowała się trochę i powiedziała, że wtedy to już będą inne rośliny, a teraz jest akacia (robinia akacjowa, grochodrzew biały, Robinia pseudoacacia L .), veronika (przetacznik 46 ożankowy, Veronica chamaedrys L .), hlid (głóg, Crataegus sp.) . To były 46. Głogi (będące niezależnie od gatunku jednym lokalnym taksonem) funkcjonują we wsi pod dwiema nazwami: ukraińską – hlid lub hlod, oraz rosyjską – boiaryshnik. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 58 �te rośliny, które akurat wtedy kwitły [Notatki/10.05.2012]. Spotkałyśmy się po moim powrocie, ponieważ spytałam ją o to, jakie zapasy roślinne już zdążyła zrobić, dlatego wspomniała jeszcze raz opisywane wyżej rośliny. Niemniej bywa, że poza sezonem w zielnikach mentalnych moich rozmówców rośliny przesuwają się na dalszy plan. Na przykład dopiero będąc w terenie zimą zorientowałam się, jak bardzo powszechne jest zbieranie malinochy, czyli pędów maliny na herbatę. W lecie słyszałam o tym od kilku osób, a zimą, kiedy jest sezon na malinoche, spotykałam się z tym w niemal każdym gospodarstwie. Innym czynnikiem, przywołującym myślenie i mówienie o danej roślinie, jest choroba. Dlatego pytałam też o choroby, które pojawiały się w poprzednich wywiadach, by dowiedzieć się więcej o roślinach leczniczych. Najchętniej jednak do wywoływania opowieści o poszczególnych roślinach korzystałam z tego, co moi rozmówcy mieli w domach – ich kolekcji zebranych roślin, zbieranych przez nich przepisów na leki ziołowe z gazet i książek. Starałam się też jak najwięcej czasu spędzać z rozmówcami na dworze – w ich ogrodach, na spacerach w poszukiwaniu roślin leczniczych czy na łąkach podczas wypasania krów. II. 5.2. Codzienne splątania z roślinami W koncepcję usytuowania mojego szeroko rozumianego terenu badań w warunkach „środkowości”/centralności wpisuje się też założenie, że próbuję przedstawić relacje z roślinami zwykłych mieszkańców wsi na Podolu Wschodnim. Mimo że miałam kontakty ze specjalistami – osobami leczącymi innych roślinami, farmaceutkami – pracownicami aptek, lekarzami, nauczycielami biologii, to nie profesjonalna wiedza i praktyki były właściwym przedmiotem moich badań, a wiedza potoczna i codzienne praktyki związanie z roślinami. Dla rozmówców było początkowo pewnym wyzwaniem zrozumienie, że najbardziej interesują mnie ich codzienne praktyki. Zanim się z tym oswoili, często wyrażali niepokój, czy znajdę w Stroyinciach i okolicy specjalistów, którzy mogliby mi pomóc w wykonaniu mojego zadania. Za potrzebnych mi specjalistów uważano ludzi, którzy byliby znanymi w okolicy osobami leczącymi, do których chodziłoby się po radę, dając coś w zamian. Bardzo szybko zorientowałam się, że osoby, które mówią Tu podaję zgodnie z nazwą użytą przez rozmówczynię. Iwa Kołodziejska 59 �o sobie, że niczego nie zbierają i nie są roślinami szczególnie zainteresowane, zwykle znają i często stosują różne zioła. Przekonanie ich, że właśnie taka wiedza jest dla mnie interesująca i że rozmowa z nimi będzie ważna w moich badaniach, wymagało ode mnie trochę wysiłku. Przykładem może tu być jedna z pierwszych spotkanych przeze mnie w Stroyinciach osób – Lena, pracująca jako sprzedawczyni w jednym ze sklepów. Kiedy powiedziałam jej po co przyjechałam, zdziwiła się i poinformowała mnie, że tu we wsi nie ma specjalistów, właściwie nikt nie zbiera dzikich roślin – trav – i jeżeli chciałabym się czegoś o takim temacie dowiedzieć, to powinnam rozmawiać z kobie47 tami sprzedającymi zioła na targu w Jaroszence (ukr. Ярошенка) . Mówiąc, że nie zna żadnych roślin, opowiadała dalej o tym, jakie kiedyś zbierała albo dostawała od znajomych, np. ostatnio ktoś jej przyniósł miatkę, miatę (mięta, różne gatunki i odmiany, Mentha spp.) i melisę (melisa lekarska, Melissa officinalis L .), a sama zwykle zbiera lipę (różne gatunki i mieszańce, Tilia spp.), romashkę (rumianek pospolity, Matricaria chamomilla L .) i buzok (dziki bez czarny, Sambucus nigra L .) [Notatki/02.04.2012]. Wśród moich rozmówców, o czym już wspominałam wyżej, zdecydowanie przeważały kobiety. Wynikało to z kilku przyczyn, jedną z nich, choć chyba najmniej istotną, była demograficzna: jak wspomniałam, w Stroyinciach i okolicznych wsiach jest więcej kobiet niż mężczyzn. Co ważniejsze, dla wielu kobiet temat dzikich roślin jest interesujący i ważny, łączy się z tym, za co są tradycyjnie odpowiedzialne jako gospodynie – żywieniem i leczeniem rodziny oraz zwierząt gospodarskich – moi rozmówcy nie posiadali koni, które zwykle przynależą do sfery męskiej (por. jak Sarah Phillips pisze o leczących babkach i ich roli w tradycyjnie patriarchalnym ukraińskim społeczeństwie [2004]). W Stroyinciach i Kobeleckiem spotkałam kilku mężczyzn, którzy byli na tyle zainteresowani tematem, że chcieli o tym dłużej rozmawiać, Targ odbywa się właściwie w Peńkiwce (ukr. Пеньківка). Jaroszenka jest nazwą stacji kolejowej i niewielkiej miejscowości do niej przylegającej. Po drugiej stronie torów, już w rejonie szargorodzkim, znajduje się większa wieś – Peńkiwka – i to ona jest najbliższą miejscowością, w której odbywa się targ, 3 km prostą drogą od Stroyinciów. Jednak ze względu na znaczenie stacji kolejowej dla stroyinczan, często nazywają oni Jaroszenką 47. obie miejscowości. Ze stacji kolejowej w Jaroszence można pojechać do Winnicy czy Żmerinki, ale też np. do Odessy i dalej, do Moskwy, co ma duże znaczenie dla mobilności mieszkańców Stroyinciów. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 60 �pokazywali mi swoje kolekcje roślin, bywali ze mną na łąkach i w lesie, interesowały ich zarówno rośliny lecznicze, jak i dzikie rośliny jadalne. Były takie rośliny i czynności zbieracze, które stanowiły bardziej męską domenę, np. zbiór soku z brzozy. Podział ze względu na płeć był również widoczny wśród dzieci, szczególnie jeśli chodzi o zabawy roślinami (rozwinę ten temat w dalszej części pracy). Niemniej trudno powiedzieć, żeby szczególne zainteresowanie roślinami wśród dzieci, z którymi rozmawiałam, miało charakter genderowy. Spotkałam dwoje dzieci (dziewczynkę – Nadię i chłopca – Andrija), dla których uczenie się o roślinach leczniczych było czymś, czemu poświęcały dużo wolnego czasu. Myślę, że dziewczynki, nawet jeśli w dzieciństwie nie są szczególnie zainteresowane roślinami, to wchodząc w dorosłość poznają rośliny lecznicze, bo jest im to potrzebne, np. gdy zakładają rodziny i muszą zacząć troszczyć się o dzieci i ich szeroko rozumiane zdrowie. Potwierdzały to opowieści kobiet między 32. a 45. rokiem życia, które często powtarzały, że dawniej nie były zainteresowane roślinami, więc od rodziców i dziadków mało się nauczyły, ale teraz same szukają wiedzy wśród koleżanek, starszych mieszkańców wsi i ze źródeł pisanych. Wątek różnic między męskimi a żeńskimi zielnikami mentalnymi będę rozwijała w dalszej części pracy. Tu tylko tłumaczę, dlaczego zdecydowanie więcej rozmów przeprowadziłam z kobieta48 mi . Oczywiście mogło na to wpłynąć również to, że sama jestem kobietą, a ponieważ byłam w terenie z dzieckiem, byłam traktowana jak pełnoprawna kobieta, przypisywana do sfery kobiecej. Raczej nie czułam, bym ze względu na moją pozycję badaczki była traktowana jak honorowy mężczyzna czy wymagające opieki dziecko, co zdarza się badaczkom w terenie i czego doświadczałam podczas wcześniejszych wyjazdów badawczych (por. np. Hryciuk 2008: 59). 48. W literaturze etnobotanicznej Patricia Howard szczególnie zwraca uwagę na wpływ płci kulturowej na wyniki badań i nierzadko spotykany brak reprezentacji jednej z płci w badaniach. Myślę, że można uznać ją za pierwszą badaczkę, która w tym polu badawczym tak wyraźnie zwracała uwagę na ten problem. Na przykład w tomie pod jej redakcją Women & Plants: Gender Relations In Biodiversity Management & Conservation, London: Zed Books 2003, czy artykule pokonferencyjnym: Gender Bias in Ethnobotany: Propositions and Evidence of a Distorted Science and Promises of a Brighter Future, Proceedings of the International Society of Ethnobiology 9th International Congress and Society for Economic Botany 45th Annual Meeting, 2006. Iwa Kołodziejska 61 �Tematyka moich badań dobrze wpisywała się w to, o czym mieszkańcy podolskich wsi lubią rozmawiać. Często udawało mi się usłyszeć zupełnie przypadkiem ludzi mówiących o roślinach, przede wszystkim tych leczniczych. Podobnie bywało, jeśli to ja wywoływałam temat, zwłaszcza kobiety wciągały się bardzo w przypominanie sobie różnych, ważnych dla nich roślin, i jeśli sytuacja temu sprzyjała, zapraszały do rozmowy i inne osoby, szczególnie jeżeli na przykład nie mogły sobie przypomnieć jakiejś nazwy. Któregoś razu, jadąc do Winnicy autobusem, rozmawiałam z kobietą o używanych przez nią roślinach. Powiedziała: Jest taka o – chereda (uczep trójdzielny, Bidens tripartita L .). Nie znałam wtedy jeszcze tej rośliny i nie kiwnęłam głową ani nie zrobiłam miny pełnej zrozumienia, tylko czekałam na dalsze wyjaśnienia. Ona zorientowała się natychmiast i zwróciła się do osób siedzących w pobliżu w marszrutce: jak jest chereda po rosyjsku? 49 – Chereda – to po rosyjsku, po naszemu – didove voshchi . – A..., no to po rosyjsku chereda. Dobrze jest w niej kąpać małe dzieci, uspokaja je. [Notatki/maj 2012] Niemniej, co nie jest bardzo zaskakujące, zdarzało mi się usłyszeć odmowę rozmowy. Zwykle osoby, odmawiając rozmowy, informowały, że nie mają nic do powiedzenia o roślinach, one ich nie zbierają, nie znają, w domu mają tylko... I tu zwykle padało około czterech nazw spośród następujących taksonów: zeroboi, zveraboi, zvirobii (dziurawiec zwyczajny, Hypericum perforatum L .), buzyna (dziki bez czarny, Sambucus nigra L .), derevii, tysachilistnik, kyrvavnyk, krovavnik, korovnyk (krwawnik pospolity, Achillea millefolium L .), romashka, rumianok, dika romashka, romashka likarska, romashka taka polova, rumianec (rumianek pospolity, Matricaria chamomilla L .), miatka, miata (mięta różne gatunki i odmiany, Mentha spp.), melisa (melisa lekarska, Melissa 50 officinalis L .) . Odmówił mi też rozmowy lokalny kostopraw (nastawiacz 49. Nazwa powszechnie używana na Podolu Wschodnim również w wersji didove voshi, ale raczej nie spotykana w innych regionach Ukrainy (Gorofianiuk sine anno). 50. Takson to jednostka taksonomiczna, np. gatunek lub rodzaj. Rozmówcy bardzo czę- sto posługują się taksonami z poziomu rodzaju. W botanicznej taksonomii rodzajem jest np. lipa (Tilia), a gatunkiem lipa drobnolistna (Tilia cordata) czy lipa szerokolistna (T. platyphyllos). Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 62 �kości). Wypytał mnie dokładnie, po co zbieram te wszystkie informacje, a gdy dowiedział się, że sama nie praktykuję leczenia ludzi i że nie planuję tego robić, powiedział, że nie podzieli się ze mną wiedzą, bo to wyraz braku szacunku do roślin leczniczych z mojej strony, taka wiedza dla samej wiedzy. Kto lekarz, ten lekarz, kto kucharz, ten kucharz, a nie tak... Leczenie to poważna sprawa, trzeba znać rośliny, modlitwy, to poważna sprawa. Zawahał się chwilę i powiedział, że gdybym chciała leczyć, pewnie też by się nie dzielił, bo to jego wiedza, a na dodatek on też tak naprawdę nie zajmuje się travami, bo żeby to robić, trzeba by robić tylko to [notatka/10.04.2012]. Większość z pozostałych rozmówców zajmowała się leczeniem domowym i na co dzień dzieliła się tą wiedzą z krewnymi, sąsiadami, a często też z przypadkowo napotkanymi osobami. Niewątpliwie to, że rozmawiałam głównie z osobami zainteresowanymi tematem, może wpływać na moje przekonanie, że jest on istotny dla mieszkańców Podola. Jednak nawet osoby odmawiające rozmowy ze względu na swój brak kompetencji, przyznawały, że znają rośliny i używają ich, chociaż niewielu, więc własną wiedzę postrzegały jako powszechną i tym samym nieinteresującą dla badaczki. Ponadto podkreślały jak ważne, ze względu na sytuację w służbie zdrowia, jest samoleczenie. Dlatego uważam, że znaczenie dzikich roślin w tym regionie jest duże. Szczególnie istotne są rośliny używane w lecznictwie domowym. Dalej postaram się przedstawić konteksty i wyjaśnić przyczyny tego znaczenia. II. 6. Badaczka – aktorka w wielowymiarowej sieci Ponieważ antropolożka jest swoim własnym narzędziem badawczym, przedstawię tu różne elementy mojego doświadczenia w terenie. Uważam, że to kim jestem, czy byłam podczas prowadzenia badań, było bardzo ważne dla procesu badawczego, moich relacji z rozmówcami i światem roślinnym – czyli ze wszystkimi aktorami tych badań, nie wyłączając mnie samej. Dużym zaskoczeniem było dla mnie to, jak poważnie traktowali moją pracę rozmówcy; nie uważali jej za dziecinną, studencką zabawę, a za poważne zajęcie – pracę. Myślę, że wpłynęło na to kilka czynników: to że przyjechałam z dzieckiem i to na dość długo (ponad 5 miesięcy Iwa Kołodziejska 63 �podczas pierwszego wyjazdu), że ze względu na wiedzę botaniczną bywałam traktowana jak ekspertka, i co nie mniej ważne, że temat badań był czymś, co interesowało moich rozmówców, czymś, co uważali za istotne. Przykładem może być tu następująca wypowiedź: Taka praca za 50 lat może być bardzo interesująca i potrzebna. – rodzina Tani (Tania, Wasil, Maja i jej mąż) [Notatki/01.04.2012] Niewątpliwie jednak czynnikiem, który najsilniej skłaniał rozmówców ku myśleniu, że to co robię, musi być poważną sprawą, był mój przyjazd z dzieckiem – wówczas trzyipółletnim synem. Uważali, że musiał być istotny powód tego, by dziecko tak męczyć podróżą; za zwyczajne zachowanie uznaliby zostawienie dziecka w domu w Polsce. Dlatego też, widząc mnie z synem i wiedząc, że przyjechałam tu prowadzić badania, stroyinczanie często rozpoczynali znajomość pytaniem o to, czy moi rodzice nie żyją. Początkowo było to dla mnie bardzo zaskakujące otwarcie rozmowy, jednak dzięki kolejnym pytaniom szybko zaczęłam rozumieć, skąd to założenie. Gdy odpowiadałam, że żyją, natychmiast słyszałam pytanie, poparte szczerym zdumieniem malującym się na twarzy: to czemu nie zostawiłaś syna z nimi? Tłumaczenie, że nie chciałam go zostawiać i uważałam, że lepiej będzie go zabrać, że będzie to dla niego ciekawe doświadczenie, wydawało się im dość dziwaczną, trudną do zrozumienia fanaberią. Dlatego, po pierwszych doświadczeniach, odpowiadałam po prostu, że moi rodzice pracują i nie mieliby możliwości zajęcia się wnukiem. Takie tłumaczenie budziło pewne współczucie, lecz także przekonywało rozmówców, że moje badania to musi być poważna sprawa, skoro zdecydowałam się je robić mimo tak, ich zdaniem, niesprzyjających okoliczności, jakimi wydawała im się konieczność zabrania dziecka w podróż za granicę. Zarówno mieszkańcy Stroyinciów, jak i w ogóle Ukraińcy, wyjeżdżając do pracy za granicę, zwykle zostawiają dzieci rodzinom, przede wszystkim dziadkom (por. Kychak 2012: 181; Jelonek 2010). Informacja o tym, że przyjechałam do Stroyinciów pracować, i że mam ze sobą dziecko, krążyła po wsi. Ludzie wiedzieli, że robię coś w związku z roślinami i dlatego na początku pobytu byłam często pytana, czy to prawda, że pracuję u Slobodianiuka (STOV Podillia) i jestem niemiecką agronomką, która przyjechała pomóc rozkręcać Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 64 �produkcję czipsów z jabłek, albo u głowy sielrady (sołtysa), który ma spory sad i niewielką firmę, a był moim sąsiadem przez pierwsze dwa miesiące w Stroyinciach. Wydawało im się, że powinnam wykonywać konkretną pracę w określonych godzinach, skoro zdecydowałam się na tak długo przyjechać i to na dodatek z dzieckiem. Zdarzało mi się, że ktoś mnie pytał, czy nie mogłabym mu załatwić ciekawych szczepów jabłoni lub krzewów owocowych. Byłam traktowana jak profesjonalistka – osoba posiadająca specjalistyczną wiedzę, mogąca udzielać rad, a także osoba mogąca funkcjonować samodzielnie w tej społeczności, mogąca coś dać, a nie tylko wymagająca opieki, zagubiona „obca” (por. Hryciuk 2008). Spotykałam osoby, szczególnie młodszych mężczyzn, którym trudno było zrozumieć, że jestem gotowa tak wiele wysiłku włożyć w pisanie pracy – zdobycie dyplomu. W dobrej wierze próbowali mnie przekonać, że mogę to prościej i przyjemniej rozwiązać. Na przykład jeden z nauczycieli z miejscowej szkoły przekonywał mnie usilnie, bym szybko w dwa tygodnie zebrała trochę materiału od ludzi, pożyczyła książki o roślinach leczniczych, przepisała i pojechała do Polski, gdzie będę mogła wygodniej żyć, a przecież nikt nie przyjedzie sprawdzać, czy jestem na Podolu. Odzwierciedla to zarówno sytuację edukacji wyższej w Ukrainie – często spotykane kupowanie zaliczeń i dyplomów (obserwacja własna, por. Morris, Polese 2014) – jak i to, że niektórym osobom trudno było zrozumieć, że dobrowolnie chcę spędzać czas na ukraińskiej wsi, skoro jestem miastowa i to z Polski. Wielu osobom niezrozumiałe wydawało się też, że interesują mnie ich sposoby użycia roślin, a nie te, które są dostępne w książkach i farmakopeach. Niewątpliwie zależało to od rozmówcy, ale też bardzo zmieniało się w czasie mojego pobytu we wsi. Długość pierwszego pobytu i kolejne powroty do wsi również przyczyniły się wydatnie do poważnego traktowania mojej pracy przez rozmówców, a także do zrozumienia i docenienia tego, że dokumentuję ich wiedzę, praktyki i sposoby życia. To, że przyjechałam w teren z synem i co jakiś czas odwiedzał mnie mąż, nie tylko wpływało na to, że moja praca była uważana za coś poważnego. Wspomniałam już o tym, że jako matka byłam traktowana jak pełnoprawna kobieta. Niemniej ważne dla mojego wejścia w teren i pozycji w nim było to, że mój syn bardzo chciał pójść do przedszkola; nie miał ochoty zostawać u nikogo w domu z dziećmi, które do przedszkola Iwa Kołodziejska 65 �nie chodzą. Dzięki temu nie wyróżniałam się i rozwiązałam problem opieki nad dzieckiem w czasie pracy tak, jak inni miejscowi, którzy nie mają z kim zostawić dziecka, albo uważają, że przedszkole będzie dla niego dobrym miejscem do rozwoju. Podobnie o zaletach badań z rodziną pisze Zofia Sokolewicz, choć dotyczyło to męskich badaczy: „W latach 50. i 60. XX wieku za dobrą i skuteczną praktykę badawczą uważano wyjazdy z rodziną. Dokumentują ją książki żon badaczy: Rosemary Firth, Laury Bohannan, Elizabeth Bowen i wielu innych. Rodzina antropologa pomagała mu „upodobnić” się do badanych, miał te same troski jako mąż i jako ojciec rodziny jak jego badani.” (Sokolewicz 2016: 139). Dla mnie zaowocowało to bliskimi kontaktami z dyrektorką przedszkola (bardzo wpływową osobą we wsi), z którą ostatecznie bardzo blisko się zaprzyjaźniłam, innymi osobami pracującymi w przedszkolu oraz rodzicami dzieci tam chodzących. Zyskałam też okazję do obserwacji praktyk związanych z uczeniem dzieci i uczestniczenia we wspólnych pracach na rzecz przedszkola. Byłam też czasem proszona o to, by opowiedzieć, jak pracuje się z dziećmi w przedszkolach w Polsce, lub przywieźć polskie materiały dydaktyczne dotyczące nauki przyrody, które np. powstawały w Ogrodzie Botanicznym UW, gdzie pracowałam. W takich chwilach pełniłam rolę partnerki, osoby mogącej dać informację zwrotną czy wręcz ekspertki. Byłam bardzo wdzięczna za możliwość posłania syna do przedszkola, bo ogromnie ułatwiło mi to badania, a było możliwe wyłącznie dzięki dobrej woli Haliny Anatolevnej i temu, że umiała to załatwić. Ponieważ ludzie są w tych okolicach bardzo pozytywnie nastawieni do dzieci, są nimi zainteresowani, często chcą im dać coś do jedzenia, sprawić jakąś przyjemność, zagadać, to zdarzało mi się na przykład, że byłam zapraszana na truskawki, by syn mógł je sobie pozbierać. Takie zaproszenie zawsze było dobrą okazją do rozmowy i poznania nowych osób, których mogłabym nie spotkać, gdyby nie ich chęć sprawienia przyjemności mojemu dziecku. Co ciekawe, nie dotyczyło to wyłącznie starszych kobiet, również mężczyźni zachowywali się w ten sposób [Notatki/15.06.2012]. II. 6.1. Ja jako obca osoba we wsi Pojawienie się obcej osoby we wsi w oczywisty sposób budziło potrzebę przypisania mnie do kogoś. Stroyinci nie są miejscem turystycznym Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 66 �czy pielgrzymkowym, nie są też miejscem, do którego przyjeżdżali badacze, i dla wielu osób pierwszym odruchem była próba przypisa51 nia mnie do jakiejś rodziny . Zastanawiano się nad tym i pytano mnie o to, „czyja jestem”. Były osoby, które chętnie żartowały na temat tego, że jestem ich, jestem córką, kuzynką, wnuczką znalezioną przez internet; chociaż we wsi, w czasie mojego prowadzenia badań, dostęp do internetu był bardzo ograniczony. Ten żart brał się z tego, że ludzie chętnie i powszechnie oglądali program telewizyjny Żdi menja (pol. Czekaj na mnie). Był on rodzajem reality show, pokazującego spotkania dawno rozdzielonych rodzin. Jak to zwykle bywa, w sytuacji badaczy wchodzących w bliższą relację z badanymi, był to z jednej strony akt przygarnięcia mnie, skrócenia dystansu, okazania przyjaźni. Z drugiej strony mógł służyć wzmocnieniu własnego kapitału w oczach sąsiadów – pokazaniu im, że ma się bliską relację z kimś przyjezdnym. Tu rolę odgrywały pozytywne konotacje obcości. Temat obcości w tej wsi był dość znaczący, szczególnie kobiety często wspominały o tym, ile lat mieszkają w cużej (obcej) wsi. Mogły mówić o tym, ciężko wzdychając, że już 40 czy 50 lat mieszkają w cużej wsi. Wspominają o tym szczególnie kobiety, których mężowie umarli, a one zostały w miejscu, do którego się za nimi przeprowadziły. Obcość bywa podkreślana w stosunku do niektórych osób nieurodzonych w Stroyinciach, ale mieszkających w nich od wielu lat. Na przykład Halina Mikhailiwna proponowała mi, bym przychodziła do niej do domu, kiedy potrzebuję popracować nad książkami. Mówiła, że chce się o mnie zatroszczyć, bo zna cużynu, wie, że różnych rzeczy potrzebuję, przecież nie mam też swojego pola. Ona w 1965 r. przeprowadziła się z mężem do Stroyinciów – mąż był stąd – i dostała pracę jako planistka produkcji w sowchozie, gdyż miała skończoną edukację w technikum. Z żywym poczuciem krzywdy mówiła mi o tym, że nie dostała niczego od teściów, może mąż coś dostał, ale ona nie. Ona nie dostała nic nawet wtedy, kiedy ich ogród był jeszcze młody i słabo 51. Zupełnie inaczej było w pobliskiej Murafie, w której współprowadziłam grupę laboratoryjną, gdzie badania prowadzili winniccy etnografowie i lingwiści. Do Stroyinciów przyjeżdżają ludzie z okolicznych wsi do pracy w dwóch, opisanych już przeze mnie, posowchozowych firmach. Przyjeżdżali również przed rokiem 1990 do pracy w sowchozie, był nawet w centrum wsi wybudowany dla nich hotel pracowniczy (hurtożytok), który obecnie niszczeje. Iwa Kołodziejska 67 �rodził. [K. ok. 70, Notatka/06.06.2012 i DW_A0145]. Konieczność kupowania produktów spożywczych w słabo zaopatrzonych sklepach była czymś, co szczególnie u starszych gospodyń wywoływało troskę o mnie. Ustawiało mnie w pozycji przybranej córki, która musiała, by nie obrazić przybranej matki, przyjmować różne produkty spożywcze, którymi chciano mnie obdarować. To obdarowywanie, które często pozwalało gospodyniom pozbyć się już niechcianych przetworów (szczególnie dużo przetworów dostawałam wiosną, kiedy ludzie czyścili piwnice), ustawiało mnie w pozycji osoby obdarowywanej, w pewien sposób słabszej w relacji. Nie chcę, by zabrzmiało to tak, że nie doceniam tych gestów, po prostu zdaję sobie sprawę z ich ambiwalencji i uwikłania w relacje władzy, zawiłości gościnności i pozycji badacza w terenie (por. Hryciuk 2008). Są też one związane z głęboko zakorzenionymi zwyczajami obdarowywania jedzeniem w celu podtrzymywania wspólnoty (por. Straczuk 2013). Jako cuże określały się czasem też osoby, które były kolejnym pokoleniem mieszkającym w tej wsi, ale ich rodziny przeprowadziły się tu w wyniku akcji rozkułaczania. Nie wiem, jak dalece temat obcości po tylu latach mieszkania we wsi był wywoływany moją obecnością – osoby obcej – miastowej, i to jeszcze z zagranicy, a w jakim stopniu jest czymś, co jest tak żywo obecne i bez czynnika aktywującego wspomnienia w mojej postaci. Niewątpliwie zdarzało mi się słyszeć osoby określające innych mieszkańców wsi jako obcych, mówiono o nich najczęściej używając określeń narodowości – mołdowanie, kacapy. Obcy, będący cudzoziemcami, pojawiający się w tych okolicach, to najczęściej Mołdawianie, dlatego też kilka osób, wiedząc, że jestem obca, zastanawiało się, czy nie jestem Mołdawianką [Notatka/03.06.2012]. Jednak mimo iż cużości, której, jak widać z powyższych przykładów, trudno się pozbyć nawet po wielu latach życia we wsi, stawałam się z czasem coraz bardziej swoja. Duże znaczenie dla ludzi miało to, że kilkakrotnie do nich wracałam, czuli, że nie zapominam o nich i relację z nimi traktuję jako coś długotrwałego. W związku z tym, że do 2015 roku moi rozmówcy nie korzystali z internetu, utrzymywanie kontaktu na odległość było trudniejsze. Teraz z kilkoma osobami utrzymuję kontakt przez internet, do innych co jakiś czas dzwonię, a odwiedzanie Stroyinciów uważam za pewnego rodzaju zobowiązanie, choć oczywiście i przyjemność. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 68 �Na to, że stawałam się stopniowo coraz bardziej swoja, wpływała moja chęć pomagania w różnego rodzaju pracach w ogrodzie i na polu, 52 czy uczestnictwo w wypasaniu krów . Właściwie nie sama chęć pomagała zmieniać relację z rozmówcami, a to, że okazywałam się przydatna, dzięki czemu mogłam tę pomoc z jednej strony traktować jak praktykę wzajemności, z drugiej strony była ona dla mnie źródłem ważnych obserwacji i okazją do rozmów. Przy tego rodzaju praktykach ogromne znaczenie ma cielesność badaczki. Dobrą ilustracją może być zupełnie przypadkowa historia, która bardzo zmieniła postrzeganie mnie nie tylko wśród jej uczestników, lecz także innych mieszkańców wsi, którym była opowiadana przez Tolę. Pewnego czerwcowego dnia pomagałam przy sianokosach teściom Toli, którego dziadek był ojcem dyrektorki przedszkola, do którego chodził mój syn i moim najbliższym sąsiadem w drugim z domów, w których mieszkałam podczas pierwszego pobytu w Stroyinciach. Widłami umiałam się posługiwać w miarę sprawnie dzięki praktyce na rumuńskiej Bukowinie, dlatego moim zadaniem było wrzucanie skoszonego i zgrabionego siana na wóz. Na szczycie już całkiem sporej fury stał Tola i układał siano tak, by jak najwięcej udało się zmieścić. Nagle pożyczony od rodziny z Krasnego koń spłoszył się i ruszył. Akurat byłam dość blisko niego, skoczyłam, złapałam stanowczo za uzdę i osadziłam konia w miejscu. Tola uznał, że tylko dzięki mojej przytomności i szybkości reakcji nie spadł z bardzo już wysokiej fury, co mogło być niebezpieczne, szczególnie że parę lat wcześniej miał groźny wypadek samochodowy, w którym poważnie uszkodził kręgosłup i wiele narządów wewnętrznych. Przez ten przypadek zyskałam jego ogromny szacunek, który stopniowo przerodził się w trwającą do dziś przyjaźń z nim i jego żoną Irą. Tola opowiadał znajomym o tym, że nie jestem zwykłą miastową, bo zrobiłam coś takiego. Budziło to zaciekawienie i przełamywało lody z wieloma rozmówcami. W teren wchodzimy ze swoim ciałem, które jest mniej lub bardziej silne, zwinne, z takimi, a nie innymi zdolnościami manualnymi, wreszcie z bardziej lub mniej odporną florą bakteryjną w żołądku, większą 52. O tym, że ostatecznie stałam się „dość swoja” świadczy to, że w 2018 roku zostałam poproszona o zostanie matką chrzestną syna moich stroyinieckich znajomych. Prośba była argumentowana tym, że chcą, żebym weszła do rodziny, została ich kumą. Od czerwca 2018 r. jestem kumą w Stroyinciach. Iwa Kołodziejska 69 �czy mniejszą zdolnością wydzielania dehydrogenazy alkoholowej, warunkującą naszą odporność na picie napojów wyskokowych. To ostatnie miało również wpływ na moje badania, bo łatwość trawienia alkoholu, a co za tym idzie – zachowywanie jasnego umysłu podczas picia, i brak kaca później bardzo ułatwiały mi pracę, kiedy spotkania były okraszone dużą ilością samogonu. Nasze ciało, nasza fizjologia w oczywisty sposób warunkują to, jak funkcjonujemy w terenie podczas badań, choć często się do tego nie przyznajemy. Jako kobieta mogłabym na pewno łatwiej odmówić picia, a proponowano mi więcej alkoholu niż miejscowym kobietom i bardziej na mnie naciskano, jeśli zdarzało mi się odmawiać albo nie dopić całego kieliszka naraz. Zwykle autorami tych nacisków byli mężczyźni. Sądzę, że raczej nie wynikało to z tego, że byłam traktowana jak honorowy mężczyzna, chodziło zapewne o to, by mnie sprawdzić, był to rodzaj testu na wytrzymałość dla mnie – Polki. Obcość wynikająca z tego, że przyjechałam z Polski, była mało znacząca w porównaniu z innymi moimi obcościami. W przeciwieństwie do wielu innych miejsc w Ukrainie, w których byłam, zdawała się nie mieć tu wielkiego znaczenia, choć w oczach niektórych rozmówców, szczególnie tych będących katolikami, trochę mnie oswajała i czyniła mniej obcą. Niewątpliwie ze względu na moje polskie pochodzenie, przypisywano mnie raczej do Kościoła Rzymskokatolickiego niż Cerkwi prawosławnej (bywałam i tu, i tu). Niemniej katolicy rzadziej tutaj niż np. w sąsiedniej Murafie (gdzie byłam z grupą laboratoryjną studentów Instytutu Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW) mówili o sobie Polacy, niemal się do tego nie odwoływali. Myśl o robieniu Karty Polaka nie była istotnym tematem, jak miało to miejsce w innych znanych mi wsiach. Tematy polityczne wynikające z mojej przynależności narodowej niemal się nie pojawiały. Moja polska obcość była mniej ważna niż inne rodzaje obcości, np. bycie spoza tej wsi czy zbyt szybkie chodzenie. Dużo gorzej moje umiejętności, znajomość kodów poruszania się czy predyspozycje cielesne sprawdzały się, jeśli chodzi o coś, co wydawałoby się bardzo błahe, a zwracało uwagę spotykanych przeze mnie osób, mianowicie niebłocenie butów. W okolicy gleby są bardzo gliniaste i niepodobieństwem było dla mnie wejść w deszczowy dzień na wzgórze czy przejść drogą i nie mieć bardzo ubłoconych butów. Zwracało to uwagę, szczególnie, że bardzo dba się tu o czystość Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 70 �butów. Podobnie budziło zainteresowanie to, że, zdaniem spotykanych osób, biegam, a nie chodzę, co bywało wyznacznikiem mojej obcości, wywoływało pytania i uniemożliwiało wtopienie się w otoczenie. Zdradzało mnie to dużo bardziej niż język, który szybciej upodabniał się do sposobu, w jaki mówiono na podolskich wsiach. Zdarzało mi się w innych miejscach Ukrainy usłyszeć, że muszę być gdzieś ze środkowej Ukrainy, nigdy jednak nie opanowałam swobodnego krzyku z głębi trzewi, którym wywołuje się gospodynię czy gospodarza, wchodząc na ich podwórko. Dużo lepiej sprawdzałam się przy wypasaniu krów i była to jedna z bardziej cenionych przez moich rozmówców praktyk wzajemności, jakie stosowałam. Każdy, kto posiada krowę, pasie po kolei sąsiedzkie stado. Na stado może się składać nawet 100 krów, które trzeba upilnować, by nigdzie nie weszły w szkodę, nie zjadły nic, co może spowodować u nich wzdęcie, nie zgubiły się... Większość mieszkańców wsi, przede wszystkim kobiet, bardzo nie lubi wypasu, często płacą komuś za zastępstwo i uwolnienie ich od tego obowiązku. Bywa też, że potrzebują zewnętrznego wsparcia, bo do upilnowania stada potrzeba co najmniej trojga pasterzy. Mnie wypasanie sprawiało ogromną radość, dawało poczucie wolności poruszania w sposób i w tempie, które lubię, była to okazja do biegania, której nie miałam w innych okolicznościach, możliwość spędzenia czasu w pobliżu zwierząt i obserwacji praktyk związanych z wypasem. Sądziłam pierwotnie, że będzie to dobra okazja do rozmów o roślinach. Zazwyczaj się to nie sprawdzało, ale na pewno było bardzo dobrym sposobem wsparcia osób, które poświęcały mi swój czas. Na tych przykładach widać, jak bardzo wyniki badań są tworzone przez sploty (entanglements) wydarzeń, tego, kim jesteśmy również cieleśnie. Moja wiedza botaniczna bardzo ułatwiała badania, bo nawet w sytuacji, kiedy nie mogłam od razu zobaczyć rośliny, o której mi opowiadano, umiejętność zadania właściwych pytań była bardzo pomocna i umożliwiała dogadanie się, o jaką roślinę chodzi. Później zawsze starałam się zweryfikować pierwotną identyfikację, gdy już roślina była dostępna. Rozmówcy cenili to, że sprawnie przyswajałam nowe dla mnie nazwy, umiałam rozpoznawać rośliny lub szybko się tego uczyłam. Niektórzy kluczowi rozmówcy, szczególnie zainteresowani roślinami, chcieli, żebym dzieliła się z nimi tym, co sama wiem (w rozdziale IV Wypowiedziane, dotknięte, spisane przytaczam jeden z bardziej Iwa Kołodziejska 71 �charakterystycznych i ciekawych przykładów takiej sytuacji), albo tym, czego dowiedziałam się od innych rozmówców. Z jednej strony świadczyło to o tym, że traktują mnie po partnersku, jak „ekspertkę”. Z drugiej – było dla mnie dość niezręczną sytuacją, zwłaszcza na początku badań miałam duże wątpliwości. Chyba miałam gdzieś głęboko zakorzeniony niepokój, że nie powinnam tak bardzo bezpośrednio wpływać na to, co jest przedmiotem moich badań, choć oczywiście samą swoją obecnością i zadawanymi pytaniami też wpływałam. Badacz w terenie nigdy nie jest przezroczysty, zawsze w wyniku procesu badawczego zmienia zarówno badanych, jak i siebie. Dlatego dość szybko pozbyłam się tej wątpliwości. Chęć oddania czegoś w zamian badanym, a w dodatku dania im takiego daru, o jaki proszą, powodowały, że zapytana o jakieś zagadnienia botaniczne, zawsze udzielałam odpowiedzi zgodnej z moją najlepszą wiedzą. Dlatego też stawałam się czasem elementem bezustannego procesu przetwarzania wiedzy i praktyk związanych z roślinami. Dzielenie się wiedzą dawało mi dodatkową możliwość obserwacji tego, jakie informacje są dla moich rozmówców ciekawe i w jaki sposób tworzą swoją wiedzę o roślinach. Nigdy, niepytana, nie opowiadałam rozmówcom niczego o roślinach, czego nie dowiedziałabym się wcześniej w Stroyinciach. Niemniej szczególnie przed osobami, z którymi nie spotykałam się wielokrotnie, w pewnym stopniu skrywałam swoją tożsamość botaniczki. Wolałam pozostawać w roli pojętnej uczennicy. Źródłem drugiej, może nawet ważniejszej wątpliwości, była troska o własność intelektualną rozmówców. Jednak w związku z tym, że zgadzali się, bym opublikowała informacje, którymi się ze mną dzielili, i ze względu na to, że zawsze chętnie i szczodrze wymieniali się między sobą informacjami o roślinach, uznałam, że mogę, zapytana, dzielić się tym, czego się dowiedziałam podczas badań i tym, co wiedziałam wcześniej. Moja własna wrażliwość na świat, w którym jestem zanurzona, owocuje skupianiem się na powiązaniach między różnymi rodzajami bytów go tworzącymi, widzę na co dzień rośliny jako współkształtujące mój świat, w ogromnej większości kontekstów nie czuję, wynikającej z bycia ssakiem naczelnym, wyższości wobec roślin, zakładam ich sprawczość w relacjach (Ihde, Malafouris 2018). Niemniej badając, starałam się nie poszukiwać na siłę u rozmówców horyzontalnego postrzegania samych siebie w relacjach z roślinami. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 72 �II. 6.2. Moje gospodynie i ich wpływ na pozycję badaczki w terenie Oczywiście to, kim są „odźwierni”, ma ogromny wpływ na to, co się zo53 baczy . Już trochę pisałam o różnych osobach, które odegrały istotną rolę podczas moich badań, czy ułatwiały mi kontakt z nowymi rozmówcami. Także to, gdzie i u kogo się mieszka, ma duże znaczenie dla pozycji badacza w terenie. Na kilka miesięcy przed planowanym pięciomiesięcznym wyjazdem na badania pojechałam ze znajomą miejscową etnografką z Winnicy – Iriną Batyrevą – by uzyskać zgodę rady wsi na prowadzenie badań i obietnicę pomocy w znalezieniu miejsca do mieszkania. W sielradzie powitano mnie ciepło i powiedziano mi, że to doskonały pomysł, by takie badania przeprowadzić w ich wsi, i że na pewno znajdzie się miejsce do mieszkania, ale że jest jeszcze zdecydowanie za dużo czasu do mojego przyjazdu, by można było rozmawiać o szczegółach. Na kilka tygodni przed przyjazdem zaczęłyśmy z Iriną przypominać o sprawie przewodniczącemu rady wsi. To on pomógł mi znaleźć pierwsze z czterech miejsc, w których mieszkałam w czasie kolejnych przyjazdów do Stroyinciów (podczas pierw54 szego, najdłuższego tam pobytu, mieszkałam u dwóch gospodyń) . Znalezienie tego pierwszego mieszkania nie było takie proste. Osoba, która początkowo zgodziła się mnie przyjąć, tuż przed moim przyjazdem się wycofała, uznając, że warunki, które ma w domu, nie są odpowiednie dla osoby miastowej z Polski, przyjeżdżającej z dzieckiem. Ostatecznie sołtysowi udało się namówić na przyjęcie mnie bliską sąsiadkę – Halę. Była emerytką z Jamału, która trzy lata wcześniej wróciła do rodzinnej wsi. Wracając, kupiła nowy dom – największy we wsi, należący dawniej do dyrektora sowchozu, położony w centrum Stroyinców niedaleko cerkwi i sklepu zwanego Czajnią. Było to bardzo dobre miejsce na początek badań, bo centralnie położone, umożliwiające obserwację dynamiki życia wsi. Ponadto moja gospodyni uwielbiała wiedzieć, co się w okolicy dzieje, zbierała i chętnie mi przekazywała 53. Osoby ułatwiające wejście w teren, dające dostęp do wielu różnych rozmówców, wprowadzające w badaną społeczność. Niekoniecznie muszą być kluczowymi rozmówcami (por. Hammersley i Atkinson 2000) 54. Dwa z nich należą do tej samej rodziny i mieszkałam w jednym albo drugim w zależ- ności od tego, która lokalizacja była akurat logistycznie wygodniejsza dla jej członków. To nie ja wybierałam – przyjeżdżałam do nich i byłam informowana, w którym z domów mam mieszkać. Iwa Kołodziejska 73 �wszystkie okoliczne plotki. Miała przy tym wielką łatwość ferowania wyroków na temat bliższych i dalszych sąsiadów i z lubością dzieliła się ze mną tymi opiniami. Było to dość krzywe zwierciadło, ale umożliwiało mi dowiadywanie się różnych rzeczy o ludziach i trzymanie ręki na pulsie aktualnych wydarzeń. Od gospodyni mogłam dużo nauczyć się o jamalskiej migracji mieszkańców Podola, poznać wielu prawosławnych (ona sama była prawosławna), ułatwiało mi to też uczestnictwo w życiu lokalnej cerkwi. Pasją cioci Hali były egzotyczne rośliny i różne odmiany róż, które sprowadzała do swojego ogrodu, korzystając z prenumerowanych katalogów roślin ozdobnych. Prenumerowała również czasopismo z poradami dotyczącymi zdrowia i narodnej medycyny – „Babushka”, któremu poświęcę trochę miejsca w III i IV roz55 dziale . Oba prenumerowane magazyny często pożyczała przyjaciółkom, spotykały się też w kuchni letniej Hali, by rozmawiać o ciekawych i inspirujących informacjach pozyskanych z czasopism. Często bywałam przy tych rozmowach i stanowiły one dla mnie cenny materiał badawczy. Moja gospodyni, dzięki własnym doświadczeniom wynajmowania mieszkań w Rosji, nie miała kłopotu z wynajęciem mi pokoju, braniem za wynajem pieniędzy, i nie krygowała się, jeśli chodzi o warunki bytowe. Były one zresztą bardzo dobre, miałam dostęp do bieżącej wody, pralki automatycznej i toalety wewnątrz domu. Hala miała bardzo komercyjny stosunek do mojej obecności w jej domu. Szybko się okazało, że cena, którą płacę za pokój, wydaje się wielu moim znajomym bardzo wygórowana. Może niesłusznie, ale we wsi (w innych wsiach nikt mnie o to nie pytał) nie mówiłam, ile płacę cioci Hali za wynajem. Gospodyni cieszyła się z tego, że we wsi nie mówię, ile ode mnie bierze za mieszkanie. Opowiadałam o tym poza wsią, np. gdy pytali mnie o to znajomi etnografowie z Winnicy. Byli bardzo zbulwersowani tym, że płacę ich zdaniem za dużo, zakładali, że wynajęcie pokoju na wsi powinno kosztować połowę tego, co płaciłam. Za sumę, którą wydawałam na wynajem, ich zdaniem mogłabym znaleźć dwu- trzypokojowe mieszkanie w Winnicy. Informacją o cenie pokoju nie dzieliłam się we wsi z kilku względów: nie chciałam, by ludzie uznali, że mam dużo pieniędzy i w związku z tym dzieli mnie od nich przepaść; zależało mi na tym, by wiedzieli, że chętnie mogę pomóc przy pracach 55. Pozostawiam oryginalną transkrypcję nazwy czasopisma. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 74 �w ogrodzie, wypasaniu zwierząt itp., zbudować z nimi swego rodzaju zażyłość kulturową (Herzfeld 2007; Hastrup 2008); nie chciałam też wyjść na naiwną dziewczynę z Polski, która dała się oszukać na cenie wynajmu. Niemniej uważałam, że w związku z tym, że mam w grancie pieniądze przeznaczone na mieszkanie, powinnam uczciwie płacić gospodarzom. Chciałam też zachować jakiś rodzaj lojalności wobec mojej gospodyni – skoro osoby spoza wsi tak gorszyły się tym, że suma, którą płacę, jest bardzo wygórowana – nie chciałam przyczyniać się do zwiększania kontrowersji wokół jej postaci. Oczywiście można dyskutować z taką postawą. Można się też zastanawiać, czy poddawanie tego pod dyskusję we wsi nie byłoby źródłem interesującego materiału badawczego, byłby on jednak tylko kontekstem mojego tematu badań, a nie główną ich treścią. Dlatego, zwłaszcza że nie miałam jeszcze wówczas wielu relacji we wsi i ludzie mnie dopiero poznawali, wolałam zachować temat opłat w tajemnicy. Na pytania odpowiadałam, że nie wiem, czy Hala chciałaby, żebym o tym opowiadała. Z ciocią Halą nawzajem tworzyłyśmy swoje tożsamości. Starając się zrozumieć swoją pozycję w tej relacji, odwoływałam się do Kirsten Hastrup i przyglądałam się temu, jak wzajemnie wikłałyśmy się w relację i poddawałyśmy uprzedmiotowieniu (2008: 161). Któregoś razu zaczęłam rozmawiać z gospodynią o tym, że znajomi z Winnicy mówili mi, że w takiej cenie, za jaką wynajmuję pokój, są mieszkania w Winnicy i że byli zdziwieni. Nie chciała o tym rozmawiać, mówiąc, że na pewno mnie oszukują i tyle. Zresztą jak chcę, to już znam ludzi i mogę się przeprowadzić. Większość spotkanych osób pytała mnie o to, u kogo mieszkam, a ciocia Hala była dość kontrowersyjną postacią – dużo i oceniająco opowiadała o ludziach, miała pieniądze, które przywiozła z Jamału, a jej relacje ze starzejącą się matką i mężczyznami były przedmiotem plotek. Dlatego często przychodziło mi odpowiadać na pytania, czy Hala dba o to, by jej mama miała co jeść, i czy gospodyni ma męża. Raczej wszyscy wiedzieli o tym, że jej mąż nie żyje, umarł 3 lata wcześniej, ale Hala miała nowego partnera – rozwodnika i dawnego uhażora. Ludzie byli ciekawi, jak wygląda życie intymne mojej gospodyni. Jej obecny partner wyjechał na jakiś czas do pracy do Moskwy i Hala czekała na jego powrót. Dla ludzi – szczególnie kobiet – interesujące i problematyczne było to, czy Hala „kogoś ma”. Dużo jest samotnych Iwa Kołodziejska 75 �kobiet we wsi, powszechny wśród kobiet w średnim wieku i starszych jest dyskurs o nieprzydatności mężczyzn, o tym, że trudno o dobrego, 56 co nie pije i nie romansuje . Zwykle robiłam wrażenie mniej zorientowanej w relacjach intymnych gospodyni, niż byłam w rzeczywistości. To, jak było oceniane prowadzenie się gospodyni, wpływało na moją sytuację i pozycję w terenie. Mieszkanie u cioci Hali otwierało drzwi jej bliskich przyjaciół, ale u innych osób budziło lekką nieufność lub troskę o mnie i dużo ciekawości. Jak zwykle w takich sytuacjach, gdy antropolożka lub antropolog mieszkają w badanej społeczności, doświadczałam konfliktu lojalności (Horolets 2016). Starałam się sobie z nim radzić, jak opisałam powyżej. Ciocia Hala potrafiła dobrze rozgrywać moją obecność w swoim domu. Było to dla niej do pewnego stopnia źródłem prestiżu i zainteresowania ze strony sąsiadów. Na początku czerwca 2012 roku przeprowadziłam się do innej części wsi, dalej od głównych asfaltowych dróg, w ślepo zakończoną uliczkę na niewielkim pagórku. Tu nie było doprowadzonego gazu i wody ani studni na podwórku, wszyscy mieszkańcy uliczki spotykali się przy wspólnej studni, o którą razem dbali. Moja nowa gospodyni – baba Adela – nie miała też telewizora ani wielu przyjaciółek, które potrzebowałyby opowiadać wszystkie okoliczne plotki. Z jednej strony trochę zmniejszył się mój krąg informacji, przestałam mieszkać w centrum wsi, z drugiej strony dużo lepiej zakorzeniłam się lokalnie. Dość szybko stałam się swoja na ulicy, zlokalizowana i wiązana z konkretną częścią wsi – postrzeganą jako dość neutralna. Zmiana miejsca zamieszkania wyniknęła ze znajomości z dyrektorką przedszkola – Haliną Anatolevną, do którego chodził mój syn i zaowocowała głębszymi relacjami z nią i jej rodziną, które utrzymuję do dziś. Halina Anatolevna zaproponowała mi przeprowadzkę do sąsiadki jej ojca i kuzynki zarazem – baby Adeli. Baba Adela i jej mieszkająca w Winnicy córka nie chciały ode mnie pieniędzy, miałam tylko kupować butle gazowe i być wsparciem dla baby w gospodarstwie. Byłam czyjaś (ze wszystkimi tego pozytywnymi i negatywnymi dla sytuacji badawczej konsekwencjami) i musiałam się za to odwzajemniać w sposób odpowiadający tej pozycji, pieniądze nie są tu właściwą walutą. Gospodyni często powtarzała, że sama moja obecność daje jej poczucie bezpieczeństwa, bo nie 56. Więcej dalej w tekście – fragment o roślinach dla mężczyzn i dla kobiet, III.4.2 Płeć roślin, płeć zielników i III.4.3 Różnice między zielnikami mężczyzn i kobiet. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 76 �mieszka samotnie i jakby miała wylew albo zawał, to ktoś wezwie pomoc, zajmie się nią. Traktowała mnie bardziej jak wnuczkę niż lokatorkę i takie też miała wobec mnie oczekiwania. Nie byłam źródłem prestiżu, raczej nie służyłam do zarządzania reputacją, bo baba obracała się w wąskim kręgu rodziny i znajomych, którzy też nie umieszczali mnie w takich rolach. Baba Adela miała zupełnie inne doświadczenia w życiu niż ciocia Hala, nie wyjeżdżała właściwie poza najbliższą okolicę – kończącą się na mieście obwodowym, nie miała kontaktu z wynajmowaniem mieszkań czy pokoi, za to miała dużą, utrzymującą bliskie zależności rodzinę, w której wymiana różnego rodzaju usług bez użycia pieniędzy była czymś oczywistym. Ponadto była katoliczką i moje polskie pochodzenie było dla niej źródłem bliskości ze mną. Baba Adela wkrótce po tym, gdy u niej zamieszkałam, zaczęła wyrażać oczekiwanie, że będę razem z nią gotowała. Gotowanie było dla niej szczególnie istotne w niedzielę, choć w ogóle baba Adela poświęcała dużo uwagi jedzeniu, lubiła to robić i trudno jej było zaakceptować, że chcę iść z kimś rozmawiać w czasie, który uważała za najwłaściwszy na wspólne gotowanie. Często zdarzało się, że mówiła stanowczym tonem: przygotuj ziemniaki, będziemy dziś robiły pierogi. Przygotowywanie posiłków stało się dużo bardziej kolektywną i czasochłonną czynnością, niż gdy mieszkałam u cioci Hali, u której tylko dzieliłyśmy się niezależnie przygotowanym jedzeniem. Dodatkowo było dla mnie źródłem zupełnie nowych, drobnych, cielesnych doświadczeń i wymagało ode mnie zdobywania umiejętności związanych np. z gotowaniem bez bieżącej wody, gdy nie można obrócić się do kranu i opłukać dłoni sklejonych ciastem. To że, jak się okazało, mogę mieszkać w trudniejszych warunkach – w starym, mniejszym domu, chodzić do studni po wodę oraz to, że pomagam mojej starszej gospodyni, zyskiwało mi przychylność ludzi. Jednocześnie prace fizyczne, które wykonywałam – pielenie grządek, przewracanie i przenoszenie siana, zatykanie gliną zmieszaną z końskim nawozem dziur w ścianach starej obory czy regularne przynoszenie wody – były dla mnie ważnym źródłem kontekstu, w którym osadzone są interesujące mnie sieci relacji. Dawały możliwość spotkania i poznania sąsiadów. Sama baba Adela nie uważała warunków za trudne, zupełnie jej to nie krępowało, jak niektórych mieszkańców wsi, którzy, ze względu na ich zdaniem nieodpowiednie warunki Iwa Kołodziejska 77 �mieszkaniowe, nie chcieli wynająć mi pokoju. Nie było to dla niej ważne pole zarządzania reputacją (Horolets 2016). Szybko zaproponowała mi, bym przestała korzystać z latryny, bo wynoszenie jej zawartości jest kłopotliwe (latryna miała pojemność jednego wiadra) i byśmy wraz z synem zaczęli chodzić za potrzebą na pole za domem. Jak wspomniałam, przeprowadzka zacieśniła moje relacje z rodziną Haliny Anatolevnej – wielokrotnie odwiedzałam ją i jej rodzinę, do dziś utrzymujemy stały kontakt, a nawet w 2018 roku zostaliśmy kumami. Z pewnością na tę bliskość wpłynęło kilka zbiegów okoliczności: np. ten, że mogłam odwdzięczyć się Halinie Anatolevnej za pomoc poprzez opiekę nad jej ojcem – didem Tolą – najbliższym sąsiadem baby Adeli. Halina Anatolevna, gdy did skręcił bark, bez wahania poprosiła mnie o pomoc w dojeniu didowej kozy i przygotowywaniu dla niej i drobiu dodatkowych porcji jedzenia – siekanie liści buraków cukrowych, zbieranych na polu dida Toli. Muszę przyznać, że nigdy nie zostałam bardzo wydajną dojarką, mimo wcześniejszego przyuczenia przez babę Adelę, ale moje wysiłki były doceniane. Relacje z moimi gospodyniami i rodziną Haliny Anatolevnej nigdy nie były źródłem najlepszych wywiadów, co oczywiście nie znaczy, że nie stanowiły bardzo dobrego materiału badawczego. To była przestrzeń obserwacji, a także ważna szansa na wejście w społeczność. Nie byli kluczowymi rozmówcami, choć Halina Anatolevna i jej krewni stali się dla mnie bardzo ważnymi znajomymi, a czas spędzony z nimi istotnie wpłynął na moje rozumienie relacji tworzących wiele z dogłębnie zanalizowanych przeze mnie zielników mentalnych. Czy można powiedzieć, że ten pozorny brak uczestnictwa w badaniach wynika z konfliktu bycia zarazem gościem i profesjonalną badaczką – antropolożką (Horolets 2016)? Myślę, że niekoniecznie. Nie były to osoby o najbardziej rozbudowanych zielnikach mentalnych, nie czuły się wyjątkowo kompetentne, jeśli chodzi o interesujący mnie temat. Ponadto relacja z nimi kształtowała się przez lata i mimo że większość z nich nie udzieliła mi długich wywiadów, poznałam ich zielniki mentalne poprzez obserwację uczestniczącą, jak również nagrywałam ich krótsze wypowiedzi przy różnych okazjach. Opisałam tak szczegółowo rozterki związane z relacjami z gospodyniami i innymi osobami spotykanymi w terenie, bo na wiele sposobów ukształtowały moje relacje z różnymi aktorami w terenie. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 78 �Umożliwiły też przyjrzenie się samej sobie w roli badaczki i nie tylko. Niejednokrotnie zastanawiałam się, jak bardzo w tym spotkaniu (tej grze?) jesteśmy równe – ile daję i ile dostaję, oraz jakie mam prawo do wykorzystania wiedzy, którą się ze mną dzielono. Jakiego rodzaju znaczenie ma to, że niezależnie od tego, gdzie mieszkam w czasie badań i co robię, pozostaję osobą z Polski? Czyli z tego świata, do którego można chcieć przyjechać do pracy – uprzywilejowanego Zachodu. Jestem zawsze baumanowską turystką, która może wyjechać, zbliża się do ludzi, a głównym celem nie jest bliskość jako taka, ale możliwość opisania doświadczenia (por. Pietrowiak 2016). Z drugiej strony wielu rozmówców bez problemu radziło sobie z tym, by skorzystać na różne sposoby z mojej obecności. Zależności z niektórymi poznanymi w Stroyinciach osobami trwają nadal. To, że zostałam kumą, spowodowało, że mam obowiązki, np. pomaganie i udzielanie gościny pracują57 cym w Polsce osobom związanym z moimi kumami . Bliskość bliskością, ale przecież polska kuma to też prestiż i konkretne profity... Będąc w terenie, podlegałam stałej ocenie i kontroli wyglądu (wzrost, tusza, kolor cery) i zachowania. Nie jestem w tych rozważaniach szczególnie odkrywcza, są raczej typowe dla ducha czasów, w których piszę tekst, i grupy społecznej, w której się obracam. Są to dość klasyczne rozważania dotyczące etyki badań etnograficznych. 57. Ich przyjazd przypadł na rok 2018, czyli długo po zakończeniu badań. Wojna na wschodzie Ukrainy wpłynęła na kierunki migracji Ukraińców, w tym mieszkańców mojego terenu badań. Iwa Kołodziejska 79 ��III. Zielniki mentalne – ważne relacje z roślinami Oczywiście nie da się w sposób wyczerpujący opisać niczyjego zielnika mentalnego, tak jak nie da się prześledzić pełnej sieci relacji osób i roślin. Opis jest, siłą rzeczy, wycinkiem, w którym zostają zamrożone wciąż zmienne, dynamiczne relacje. Niemniej pojęcie to ustawia moją perspektywę patrzenia na badane zagadnienia – interesują mnie te praktyki i relacje z roślinami, które są ważne dla moich rozmówców. W myśleniu wychodzę od osoby – nosiciela zielnika, a nie np. od typu relacji czy danego taksonu roślin. Nie ograniczam zainteresowania do roślin leczniczych, ozdobnych, jadalnych czy opałowych. Pytałam o to, jakie ro58 śliny ceni, zbiera, ma – konkretna osoba, jakie rośliny uważa za ważne . Podobny do mojego sposób podejścia do zbieranych danych etnobotanicznych mają Shannon i współpracownicy (2017). Bywało, że jakiś popularny i powszechnie znany takson nie pojawiał się w rozmowach z osobą o bardzo bogatym zielniku mentalnym. Oczywiście otwarte pytania 58. Można to podejście zestawić ze znajdującym się blisko przeciwległego bieguna podejściem, które przyświecało twórcom Polskiego Atlasu Etnograficznego (dalej PAE) – dla mnie szczególnie istotna jest jego część dotycząca wykorzystania roślin. Zastosowanie bardzo precyzyjnych kwestionariuszy wymuszało zarówno na informatorze, jak i bada- czu wypełnianie rubryk, które domagały się podporządkowania się z góry narzuconej klasyfikacji. Tak zebrane dane są dużo łatwiej kategoryzowalne, ale czy lepiej opisują złożoność interesujących badaczy zagadnień – śmiem wątpić (por. Wróblewski 2016). Iwa Kołodziejska 81 �w wywiadach i nieformalne rozmowy nie owocują pełną listą taksonów roślin znanych danej osobie. Tak samo sprawa się ma ze „swobodnym wymienianiem” (ang. free listing), będącym metodą powszechnie stosowaną przez etnobotaników, a polegającą na tym, że prosi się o wymienienie wszystkich przychodzących na myśl terminów związanych z jakąś domeną, np. nazwy roślin leczniczych czy rodzaje drewna na opał (pod warunkiem, że w danej społeczności istnieją takie domeny, jak drewno opałowe czy rośliny lecznicze [Martin 2004: 213-214]). Tylko w wypadku bardzo ubogich zielników być może mogłoby to mieć miejsce. W moim opisie zielnika Witii (piszę o nim więcej w rozdziale IV., głównie IV.4.2) nie pojawił się polyn (bylica piołun, Artemisia absinthium L.), choć była to roślina powszechnie znana, a Witia jest osobą o wyjątkowo bogatym zielniku. Miałam też dobry dostęp do jego zielnika, wielokrotnie spotykałam się z Witią na nagrywane wywiady i nieformalne, notowane rozmowy. Kilkakrotnie i w różnych porach roku chodziliśmy zbierać rośliny, zarówno w lesie, jak i na łąkach, sadziłam z nim i jego matką rośliny w ich przydomowym ogródku. Witia brał też udział w filmie i sesjach zdjęciowych. Wydaje mi się całkiem nieprawdopodobne, by tej rośliny nie znał. Jednak, pewnie dlatego, że polyn nie był dla niego ważny, mimo 59 wielu rozmów nigdy nie przyszedł mu do głowy . Nie znaczy to, oczywiście, że w innych okolicznościach i czasie polyn nie wplącze się w nowe sieci relacji w zielniku Witii i nie zmieni całkowicie swojej w nim pozycji. Wiedza o danej roślinie i używanie jej na co dzień nie są tym samym. W związku z tym, że zależało mi na badaniu praktyk i tych fragmentów zielników, które są dla moich rozmówców ważne, nie stosowałam innych sposobów wywoływania opowieści o roślinach niż uczestniczenie w codziennych działaniach rozmówców i oglądanie ich kolekcji. Nigdy nie prezentowałam im sama roślin ani nie przynosiłam zdjęć, okazów zielnikowych itp. (por. Martin 2004), uznając próby poznania całkowitej wiedzy danej społeczności czy osoby za nierealne i w moim rozumieniu mało celowe. Czy w ogóle mają sens, deklarowane przez różnych badaczy, próby poznania całkowitej wiedzy o roślinach jakiejś społeczności? Czy tak ustawione badania odpowiadają na jakieś istotne pytania poza zaspokojeniem potrzeby badacza, by mieć pełną listę znanych 59. Jeszcze więcej szczegółów i taksonów może znikać przy badaniach opartych wyłącznie na wywiadach skategoryzowanych i ankietach. Metody statystyczne i ilościowe, dobór próby, do pewnego stopnia służą redukcji tego problemu. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 82 �gdzieś roślin? Potrzeby wzmacnianej przez system szkolnictwa i oceny wiedzy, wykształcony w kręgu cywilizacji europejskiej (Perry et al. 2014). Pozwolę sobie zostawić to pytanie otwartym. Siłą rzeczy, mimo że starałam się być maksymalnie otwarta na zielniki moich rozmówców takie, jakimi są – z wielością szczegółów i relacji w nich zawartych – już na etapie prowadzenia badań dokonałam pewnych cięć, podobnie jak zrobili rozmówcy, gdy wprowadzali mnie w świat swoich relacji z roślinami. Działo się tak choćby dlatego, że słowo rośliny (roslyny, rastenia) jest niemal nieużywane przez moich rozmówców. Oczywiście znają ten termin, ale nie używają go, mówiąc na co dzień o roślinach. Rzadko potrzebują ogólnego terminu określającego te organizmy, zwykle używają nazw taksonów, np. kartoplia, buzok – szczególnie jeśli mówią o roślinach uprawnych. Mówiąc ogólnie o dzikich roślinach, rosnących na okolicznych łąkach, mogą powiedzieć – buriany, a mówiąc o dzikich roślinach leczniczych, najczęściej powiedzą travy. Powoduje to ograniczenia przy zadawaniu pytań i może kierować uwagę rozmówców np. w stronę roślin leczniczych. Z podobną sytuacją miałam do czynienia, prowadząc badania wśród górali bukowińskich w Rumunii, jednak tam to takie słowa jak drzewa, zioła (berlinowskie formy życiowe [Berlin i in. 1968]) wykraczały poza używany na co dzień słownik moich rozmówców i miałam uczucie, że nie trafiam na coś dla nich istotnego (Kołodziejska-Degórska 2011). Kategoria rośliny mogła być dla moich stroyinieckich rozmówców tzw. kategorią ukrytą (ang. covert category), a ponieważ poznanie lokalnej taksonomii nie było moim celem, nie zastosowałam narzędzi badawczych umożliwiających sprawdzenie, czy „rośliny” rzeczywiście ją stanowią (Berlin i in. 1968). Kolejne cięcia nastąpiły na etapie decyzji, które rośliny obecne w zielnikach mentalnych uznam za przedmiot analizy. Badania etnobotaniczne cechuje tendencja do skupiania się na roślinach dziko rosnących, i ja z kilku względów też tak robię. Niemniej definicja roślin dziko rosnących nie jest, wbrew pozorom, prosta, można raczej mówić o kontinuum od rzeczywiście dzikich do niewątpliwie uprawnych (Harris 1989, za Cruz-Garcia, Howard 2013). W analizie uwzględniam wszystkie rośliny, które biolog uznałby za dziko rosnące w tej części świata, a także te rośliny uprawne – jadalne i ozdobne – które mają miejsce w zielnikach moich rozmówców jako rośliny o innym zastosowaniu niż to, które można by uznać za podstawowy cel ich uprawy. Będą to np. ziemniaki, jeśli są używane w postaci Iwa Kołodziejska 83 �okładu z gotowanych bulw na klatkę piersiową dla leczenia kaszlu, a nie w celu przygotowania posiłku. Jest to kategoria etik, ponieważ ostatecznie to ja decyduję, które taksony i ich zastosowania analizuję. Niemniej moje rozumienie musi być bardzo bliskie emicznemu, ponieważ rozmówcy rzadko opowiadali mi o roślinach, które by się nie mieściły w tych ramach (por. Sõukand, Kalle 2016). Dobrze sprawdzało się pytanie o rośliny, które ludzie zbierają, gdyż wykluczało rośliny uprawne, a pojawiały się one zwykle, gdy opowieść ogniskowała się wokół konkretnej przypadłości i wtedy nie były to „podstawowe” zastosowania tych taksonów. Zdaję sobie też sprawę, że „dzikość” jest terminem konstruowanym w różnych celach, często nacechowanym dużym ładunkiem emocjonalnym i znaczeniem politycznym (por. McElwee 2007). Fragmenty zielników mentalnych, które pokazywali mi rozmówcy, zawsze starałam się zobaczyć szeroko w sieci powiązań, w które są wpisane. Zachęcałam rozmówców do opowiadania historii związanych z poszczególnymi roślinami, mówienia o doświadczeniach i odczuciach z nimi związanych. Nie jest to bardzo powszechne podejście w badaniach etnobotanicznych, ale moim zdaniem bardzo wartościowe (o wykorzystaniu metody zbierania historii mówionych, oral histories, w badaniach etnobotanicznych, por. Jernigan 2012 czy MüllerSchwarze 2006). Częściej pokazuje się np. relacje z ciałem jedzącego – działanie lecznicze, skład chemiczny roślin. W moich badaniach ten aspekt jest właściwie pominięty, nie poświęcam uwagi wpływowi właściwości chemicznych rośliny na organizm ją jedzącego, jak np. Shikov i in. 2014 czy Mikropoulou i in. 2018. III. 1. Dlaczego w ogóle gatunek i czy mówienie o nim ma sens? Jest jeszcze jedno zagadnienie związane z opisem zielników mentalnych rozmówców, nad którym nie mogę tak po prostu przejść do porządku dziennego – problem gatunku jako podstawowej jednostki taksonomicznej, do której się odwołuję. Jak pisałam wcześniej, na pytania o zbierane przez ludzi rośliny otrzymywałam odpowiedzi, w których padały nazwy lokalne lokalnych taksonów. Zazwyczaj z poziomu biologicznego rodzaju, czasem gatunku (patrz przypisy 46 i 50). Niektóre funkcjonujące w zielnikach mentalnych rozmówców nazwy mogą oznaczać kilka lokalnych taksonów i botanicznych gatunków (por. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 84 �Ellen 2006). Na przykład w niektórych zielnikach podorozhnik to babka zwyczajna (Plantago major L .), a w innych – rdest ptasi (Polygonum 60 aviculare L . sensu lato) . Rośliny bardzo od siebie różne, jednak żyjące w podobnych siedliskach – przydrożach, stąd podorozhnik. Wiele osób ma świadomość funkcjonowania obu tych taksonów pod nazwą podorozhnik. Otwartość na to, że pod jedną nazwą mogą kryć się różne rzeczy, jest bardzo duża i wynika ze specyfiki języka, którym mówią mieszkańcy Podola (patrz podrozdział IV.2 i kolejne). Również słowo materinka może oznaczać dwie rośliny, w większości zielników jest to lebiodka pospolita (Origanum vulgare L .), nazywana też dushyca, ale w niektórych jest to nazwa macierzanek: piaskowej i zwyczajnej (Thymus serpyllum L . i Thymus pulegioides L .), częściej nazywanych tak, jak i po rosyjsku: chebrec lub chabrec. Wynika to najpewniej z podobieństwa przyjętej przez botaników nazwy rosyjskiej i ukraińskiej.    Fot. 1. �Oba podorozhniki: po prawej Polygonum aviculare, po lewej Plantago major (autor: Johann Georg Sturm, rysownik: Jacob Sturm [domena publiczna]). 60. Podorozhnik – botaniczna nazwa ukraińska i rosyjska rodzaju Plantago. Rozmówcy Plantago major nazywali następująco: podorozhnik, babka, podorozhnik velikii, podorozhnik sherokolistyi, shyroki lyst. Polygonum aviculare zarówno przez botaników ukraińskich, jak i rosyjskich bywa nazywane sporysh, w obu językach funkcjonuje więcej niż jedna nazwa dla rodzaju Polygonum i gatunku Polygonum aviculare. Iwa Kołodziejska 85 �Bywało, że w zielnikach wielu rozmówców niewielkie znaczenie miało to, o jaki konkretnie gatunek chodzi, szczególnie gdy właściwości i potencjalne zastosowania różnych gatunków są postrzegane jako podobne. Zwykle dotyczyło to różnych gatunków należących do jednego rodzaju (np. dwa różne gatunki babki). Alina: Teraz co jeszcze? Podorozhnik. 61 IK: Aha. Ma takie szerokie liście, tak? Alina: Tak. Jest taki maleńki i jest duży. Są różne, ale zasadniczo one są wszystkie takie same. Pożytek z jednego taki, jak i z drugiego. Podorozhnik, on, ot na przykład, przeciął tam sobie palec czy coś innego. I podorozhnik zrywać i zgnieść go i przyłożyć do ranki, momentalnie ustaje krwotok. [Alina K. ok. 40 Hrisziwcy DW_D0239] Często gatunki należące do jednego rodzaju mogą być trudne do rozróżnienia, ale łączenie gatunków w jeden takson lokalny może dotyczyć gatunków, które wydają się być łatwe do rozróżnienia, jak wymieniane przez Alinę gatunki podorozhnika (babki, Plantago). Bowiem nie tożsamość gatunkowa rośliny ma tu znaczenie, a jej zastosowanie (por. ciekawe rozważania na ten temat w kontekście medycyny tybetańskiej w doktoracie Jana van der Valka [2017]). Kiedy właściwości są postrzegane jako różne, ludzie wyraźnie podkreślają, o który gatunek im chodzi. W Stroyincach na przykład rosną dwa gatunki robinii – akacia, akacia bila (robinia akacjowa, grochodrzew biały, Robinia pseudoacacia L .) i akacia tia rozova (robinia szczeciniasta, Robinia hispida L .). Pierwsza z nich jest ważną rośliną w zielnikach wielu rozmówczyń: służy do podmywania i irygacji kobiecych narządów rodnych, jest pita w postaci smacznych herbat, miała znaczenie podczas głodu w 1947 roku. Druga występuje głównie jako „nie ta akacia, która jest ważna, lecznicza, smaczna”. Niektórzy doceniają jej walor ozdobny, ale właściwie nie słyszałam, by ktokolwiek o niej mówił w innym kontekście, niż porównując z drugim gatunkiem 61. Dopytuję, by wiedzieć, czy chodzi o sporysh, podorozhnik (rdest ptasi, Polygonum aviculare L . sensu lato), czy któryś gatunek babki, w większości badanych przeze mnie zielników ważne miejsce zajmowała babka zwyczajna – podorozhnik, babka, podorozhnik velikij, podorozhnik sherokolistyi, shyroki lyst (Plantago major L .), występujące w okolicy inne gatunki babek były niemal nieobecne w zielnikach. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 86 �akaci. Temu podkreśleniu różnicy czasem też służy przydomek biała – bila, stosowany wobec robinii akacjowej. Jest on też elementem ukraińskiej nazwy botanicznej. Bywa też tak, że rośliny, których biolodzy nie uznają za przynależące do różnych gatunków, dla moich rozmówców są na tyle inne, że mają dwuczłonowe nazwy służące ich rozróżnieniu. Nici relacji genetycznych, widoczne dla biologa, nie są widoczne gołym okiem, często nie mają też żadnego znaczenia dla moich rozmówców. Dobrym przykładem jest tu rast. W terenie moich badań – z punktu widzenia biologa występują jej dwa gatunki. W obrębie jednego z nich występują osobniki o dwóch kolorach kwiatów (fioletowych i białych). Corydalis solida (L .) Clairv. – po polsku kokorycz pełna, ma kwiaty fioletowe, w jaśniejszym, lekko przydymionym odcieniu, niż Corydalis cava (L .) Schweigg. & Körte – kokorycz pusta, która jest też często wyższa. Oba gatunki przez moich rozmówców są nazywane rast. Niektórzy rozmówcy zwracali uwagę na różnicę między nimi, ale nie uważali jej za istotną. Kwitną wiosną, nim w lasach rozwiną się liście, wspominałam już o tym, że mają swoje miejsce w zielnikach głównie ze względów estetycznych. Za odrębny gatunek uważano egzemplarze kokoryczy pustej Corydalis cava (L .) Schweigg. & Körte, o białych kwiatach. Zatem biolodzy i moi rozmówcy zupełnie inaczej rozkładają akcenty, ponieważ inne nici z sieci relacji z kokoryczami są dla nich ważne. W zielnikach rozmówców wartość ozdobna jest tym zastosowaniem, które jest przede wszystkim wiązane z kokoryczami, dlatego kolor kwiatów przyczynia się do traktowania bilej rasti jako innego gatunku niż rasti o kwiatach fioletowych. Pokrewieństwo i mniej rzucające się w oczy różnice morfologiczne są z kolei nićmi ważnymi dla biologów. Drobne różnice w kształcie i kolorze fioletowych kwiatów oraz pokroju rośliny są właściwie ignorowane przez rozmówców, nie zasługują na nadanie tym roślinom przydomków, które by je odróżniały. Pozostaje pytanie, czy skoro to nie wystarcza, by nadano im różne nazwy, to badacz ma prawo uznać, że to jeden takson lokalny (por. Poncet, Vogl, Weckerle 2015)? Iwa Kołodziejska 87 �Fot. 2. �Bukiet z rasti (kokorycz pusta o dwóch kolorach kwiatów, Corydalis cava) zrobiony przez Sławę podczas majówki. W tle widać runo usiane kwiatami. W zielnikach mieszkańców Podola jeden takson lokalny może jednocześnie występować pod wieloma nazwami. Przyczynia się do tego specyfika języka, którym mówią mieszkańcy środkowej Ukrainy (por. II.3.2 Język). Dla przykładu podaję nazwy używane przez rozmówców do określenia krwawnika pospolitego (Achillea millefolium L .): tysachilistnik (botaniczna nazwa rosyjska rodzaju Achillea), derevii (botaniczna nazwa ukraińska rodzaju Achillea), kyrvavnyk, krovavnik, korovnyk (oboczności ludowej nazwy ukraińskiej – kyrvavnyk). Obecność Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 88 �niektórych nazw rosyjskich jest wynikiem czytania przez ludzi książek i czasopism dotyczących narodnej medycyny. Lektura wpływa też na to, że oznacza się przydomkiem gatunkowym lokalny takson, mimo braku praktycznej potrzeby jego oznaczenia. Na przykład w Stroyinciach rośnie tylko jeden gatunek kasztanowca, nie ma też żadnych charakterystycznych jego odmian. W wielu zielnikach pojawia się kashtan (kasztanowiec zwyczajny, Aesculus hippocastanum L .), na jego kwiatach robi się nalewkę służącą do smarowania bolących stawów. W części zielników są nici relacji prowadzące do książek i powodujące, że przynajmniej w rozmowie z badaczką osoby w ten zielnik zaplątane mają potrzebę podkreślenia, że chodzi o kinskij kashtan. Często można usłyszeć: kashtan, kinskii kashtan. Pod taką nazwą funkcjonuje ta roślina w większości tekstów pisanych, nawiązuje ona do oficjalnej nazwy łacińskiej. Osoby więcej czerpiące z materiałów pisanych częściej mówią kinskii kashtan. Podobną prawidłowość można zaobserwować w wypadku wielu lokalnych taksonów. III. 1.1. Czym dla botaników jest gatunek i jak go nazwać? Rozważania dotyczące nazewnictwa i lokalnych taksonomii są klasycznym nurtem etnobotaniki, bardzo prężnym pod koniec lat 60. i w latach 70. XX wieku. Wtedy powstawały prace Brenta Berlina, Dennisa E. Breedlove’a i Petera H. Ravena czy wczesne badania Roya Ellena (Berlin i in. 1968, Ellen 2006). Jednak, co dla mnie ważne, z podobnymi rozterkami klasyfikacyjnymi i brakiem jednomyślności zmagają się również biolodzy. Zależy mi na zarysowaniu, na jakich zasadach działa klasyfikacja botaniczna, by jasne było, że nie jest ona jakąś bezspornie akceptowaną prawdą objawioną i że widzę, jak podlega procesom tworzenia wiedzy, jak jest uwikłana politycznie i ideologicznie. To, że decyduję się na tłumaczenie nazw lokalnych na oficjalne nazwy łacińskie, ma służyć ułatwieniu łączenia nazwy z konkretnymi bytami i ich sieciami relacji, a nie odnosić do „obiektywnej prawdy” o jakimś taksonie. To taksony lokalne są dla mnie najważniejsze i podstawowe. Dlaczego wprowadzam łacinę, choć jej obecność może utrudniać płynne czytanie tekstu, zamiast stosować oficjalne nazwy polskie lub ukraińskie? Robię tak, ponieważ nazwy w językach narodowych – czy to polskim, czy ukraińskim – nie są zestandaryzowane. Jedna nazwa może odpowiadać kilku taksonom. To nazwy łacińskie oddają namysł biologów nad klasyfikacją Iwa Kołodziejska 89 �organizmów żywych i chcę, by miał on tu swoje miejsce. Szczególnie że historia tego namysłu jest dość burzliwa. Jak każda myśl naukowa podlegał wpływom zmian aktualnie dominujących koncepcji filozoficznych i obyczajowych (por. Ellen, Reason 1979). Ilustracją niech będzie to, że na przełomie XVIII i XIX w. uznano taksonomię i botanikę za dziedziny, które przestały być odpowiednie dla wychowywanych purytańsko kobiet. Stało się tak, ponieważ przedstawiona przez Karola Linneusza (Carla von Linné) koncepcja dwuczłonowego nazewnictwa i klasyfikacji roślin odnosiła się do obserwacji organów płciowych w kwiecie. Męskie elity doszły do wniosku, że zajmowanie się taksonomią mogłoby źle wpłynąć na morale kobiet: wywołać ich zgorszenie i zepsucie, w końcu język botaniki pełen był odniesień do seksu i płci... (Fara 2004: 41-42). W XX w. ogromny zamęt w klasyfikacji wprowadziły metody filogenetyki molekularnej. Zaczęto tworzyć drzewa pokrewieństw (drzewo filogenetyczne, rodzaj grafu) i wywracać do góry nogami ustalony wcześniej system klasyfikacji organizmów żywych, opierać go na bliskości ewolucyjnej, a nie na morfologicznym podobieństwie. Tym samym zmieniano też nazewnictwo, bo w nazwach organizmów jest zapisane ich pokrewieństwo. Każda obowiązująca nazwa musi zostać zatwierdzona przez Międzynarodowy Kongres Botaniczny lub IAPT (International Association for Plant Taxonomy) i zapisana w Międzynarodowym Kodeksie Nomenklatury Botanicznej. Obecnie obowiązujące nazwy zostały zatwierdzone podczas Międzynarodowego Kongresu Botanicznego w Shenzhen w Chinach w 2017 roku. Dotyczy to oczywiście wyłącznie nazw łacińskich. W książce łacińską nomenklaturę botaniczną podaję za The Plant List (theplantlist.org), wybierając nazwy najnowsze, uznane za przyjęte (ang. accepted) w momencie pisania pracy. Kwestia, czym jest gatunek i jak konkretny gatunek powinien być nazwany, bynajmniej nie jest czymś przyjmowanym bezspornie, całkowicie jasnym nawet dla biologów i taksonomów. Ponadto botanicy z różnych środowisk i o różnym temperamencie mają tendencję do rozdrabniania bądź scalania klasyfikacji; wśród etnobotaników – zwykle w kontekście wiedzy lokalnej – mówi się o tym jako o napięciu między splitters a lumpers (np. Nolan 2001, Ellen 2006, van der Valk 2017). Po raz pierwszy bardzo intensywna debata o tym, jak klasyfikować Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 90 �– scalać czy rozdrabniać – pojawiła się na początku XIX wieku wraz z napływem gatunków i herbariów z kolonii. Europocentryczna klasyfikacja przestała się sprawdzać, potrzebne były nowe systemowe rozwiązania (Bonneuil 2002). Radzieccy botanicy słynęli z płodności w oznaczaniu nowych gatunków i podgatunków, zdecydowanie można ich było umieścić po stronie splitters. Podobne podejście można spotkać wśród botaników ukraińskich, w ich pracach często pojawiają się gatunki nieakceptowane w oficjalnych spisach flory czy na zbierających dane o nazwach gatunków portalach internetowych, jak The Plant List (theplantlist.org). Na przykład w dotyczącej flory Podola pracy Kuzemko i współpracowników zamieszczono specjalną tabelę z taksonami przez nich oznaczonymi na Podolu, ale nieakceptowanymi we Flora Europaea (2014). Różnice populacji z odmiennych siedlisk mogą powodować zaklasyfikowanie tych populacji jako podgatunków albo być uznane za nieistotne (por. Tsing 2015: 229-230 o chińskich taksonomach). Do pewnego stopnia jest to problem polityczno-tożsamościowy, coś, co więcej mówi o ludziach konstruujących taksonomie niż o roślinach jako takich. Służy pokazaniu własnej odrębności i wyjątkowości poprzez liczbę gatunków na danym etnicznym/narodowym terytorium. Podobnie jest z pojęciem endemizmu (występowania danego taksonu wyłącznie na danym terytorium), chętnie wykorzystywanym przez biologów, gdy chcą podkreślić wyjątkowość gatunku lub ekosystemu. Bardzo często jest to terytorium rozumiane w pojęciu geografii politycznej, a nie fizycznej; czyli nie jest to roślina endemicznie występująca na jakiejś np. wyspie, ale endemit polski czy ukraiński. Na innym stanowisku, odmiennym od tego, zakładającego, że taksonomia często świadczy o konstruującym ją badaczu, stoi Kozłowska ze współpracownikami, twierdząc, że precyzyjne oznaczenie gatunków używanych w praktykach leczniczych różnych etnosów jest podstawą do zrozumienia ich kultur (their [medicinal plants] correct botanical provenance is an essential basis for understanding the ethnic cultures) (2018: 1). Absolutnie nie mogę się z tym zgodzić, ale można uznać, że każdy stoi na stanowisku swojej nauki i dla farmaceutów czy biologów (szczególnie taksonomów) dokładne oznaczanie jest kluczowe. Zmiany w nazewnictwie i systematyce są odzwierciedlone w samej pełnej nazwie łacińskiej gatunku. Zawiera ona pisaną od wielkiej litery Iwa Kołodziejska 91 �i kursywą nazwę rodzajową, np. Melilotus, pisany od małej litery kursywą przydomek gatunkowy, np. officinalis, oraz inicjały autorów, czyli osób, które oznaczyły ten gatunek jako pierwsze np. (L.) Pall. I tak nostrzyk żółty Melilotus officinalis (L.) Pall. został pierwotnie oznaczony i nazwany przez Linneusza (L.), ale później ta nazwa została przez Pallasa (Pall.) przypisana innemu typowemu okazowi zielnikowemu i obecnie obowiązuje sposób oznaczenia zaproponowany przez Petera Simona Pallasa. Celowo, podając w pracy nazwy łacińskie gatunków, zapisuję je w pełnej formie wraz z inicjałami autorów, unaoczniam tym samym zmienność nomenklatury botanicznej, jej poleganie na autorytecie konkretnego oznaczającego i wadze przechowywanych w zbiorach typowych okazów zielnikowych. Podkreślam proces tworzenia wiedzy (por. van der Valk 2017). Ponadto symbolicznie pokazuję splątanie sieci relacji – włączam człowieka w nazwę rośliny. Decydując się w czasie badań na zbieranie okazów zielnikowych, dotykam globalnych sieci powiązań naukowców i zielników – tu rozumianych jako instytucje. Nie zawsze miałam możliwość oznaczenia taksonów lokalnych do poziomu gatunku, czasem oznaczałam je tylko do poziomu rodzaju, w takich sytuacjach zamiast przydomku gatunkowego podaję skrót sp. od species – gatunek, w innych wypadkach jest to spp. – co oznacza więcej niż jeden gatunek z tego rodzaju, ssp. znaczy podgatunek – subspecies. W wypadku niektórych taksonów, np. Taraxacum officinale i Polygonum aviculare, nazwa zawiera skrót agg. lub sensu lato; oznacza to, że mamy tu do czynienia z grupą gatunków, które trudno jest dokładnie oznaczyć (może w ogóle nie ma sensu tego robić), bo wyka62 63 zują się bardzo dużą zmiennością , . Agg. jest skrótem od łacińskiego agregatum (łączony, zbiorowy) i stosuje się go dla rojów gatunków, 62. T. officinale agg. jest wyjątkiem od przyjętej przeze mnie zasady, że nazwy łacińskie podaję zgodnie z The Plant List (theplantlist.org), tam T. officinale ma kategorię unresolved, a organizm „typowy” (nominatywny) – użyty do opisu gatunku – to T. campylodes – mikrogatunek z Laplandii, czyli z niewielkim prawdopodobieństwem ten, który jest spotykany na ukraińskich łąkach i trawnikach. Dlatego tym bardziej uznaję za właściwe traktowanie zbieranych przez moich rozmówców mniszków jako roju gatunków, a nie T. campylodes. O ogromnej zmienności Taraxacum i dyskusji wokół jego właściwej nazwy patrz Kirschner i Štěpánek (2011). 63. Jeżeli kiedyś jakiś zwolennik bardziej szczegółowych podziałów (splitter) będzie chciał to oznaczać, teoretycznie może skorzystać z zebranych przeze mnie okazów zielnikowych. Temu też może służyć taka dokumentacja. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 92 �często apomiktycznych (wytwarzających nasiona bez zapłodnienia), sensu lato to po łacinie – w szerokim rozumieniu, termin stosowany dla blisko spokrewnionych, trudnych do rozróżnienia gatunków. Od jakiegoś czasu w biologii mówi się o kryzysie koncepcji gatunku, a właściwie nigdy nie był on tak do końca precyzyjnie zdefiniowany, choć każdy przyrodnik (i nie tylko) intuicyjnie rozumie, o co chodzi. Mam nadzieję, że powyższe przykłady dają, do jakiegoś stopnia, obraz źródeł tego kryzysu (por. Hey 2006). Poniżej przytaczam treść zaproszenia na seminarium w Zakładzie Paleobotaniki i Ewolucji Wydziału Biologii UW (23 listopada 2018); uświadamia ona, że kryteria tego, czym jest gatunek, są do pewnego stopnia ilościowe, a nie jakościowe: 64 Czy mamy nową definicję gatunku: 3% < różnicy w sekwencji COI? Herbert w 2003 r. zaproponował, aby dwa klady uważać za różne gatunki, jeśli różnica w sekwencji COI (podjednostka i oksydazy cytochromu c) będzie większa niż 3%. Niższe wartości (0,7%-2,2%) mają sugerować niedawną dywergencję kladu. Alexey A. Kotov stwierdził w 2007 r., że znanych jest obecnie 620 gatunków wioślarek. Prognozował, że dzięki ukrytej różnorodności (ang. cryptic diversity) istniejących gatunków wioślarek może być 2-4 razy więcej. Czy na świecie istnieje drugie tyle ukrytych gatunków zwierząt? Czy, aby znaleźć nowy gatunek, wystarczy wykazać różnicę ponad 3% w sekwencji COI i znaleźć apomorfię? W mojej pracy podstawowe znaczenie mają taksony lokalne, czyli te, które są wyróżniane przez rozmówców. Wydaje się, że oznaczanie roślin zgodne z klasyfikacją botaniczną nie jest bardzo obce moim rozmówcom. Oczywiście jest kategorią etik, ale korespondującą dość dobrze z kategoriami emik. Jest to stan rzeczy zupełnie inny niż w badaniach Jana van der Valka dotyczących medycyny tybetańskiej, gdzie emicznie gatunek nie miał znaczenia – jakiś zbiór taksonów botanicznych składał się na lokalne rozumienie danego taksonu. Rozwijam tę myśl w rozdziale IV. W jeszcze jednym kontekście odnoszę się do pojęcia gatunku. Użyłam terminu etnografia wielogatunkowa (rozumianego tak, jak u Anny Tsing: relacyjnie). W tym miejscu, gdy już wyjaśniłam, jak 64. Do tej pory zwykle przyjmuje się pięcioprocentową różnicę. Iwa Kołodziejska 93 �uwikłanym pojęciem jest „gatunek”, chcę pokazać, że zdaję sobie sprawę z krytyki terminu etnografia wielogatunkowa, właśnie ze względu na obecność używanego w nim członu gatunek. Na przykład Tim Ingold zauważa, że ma on służyć podkreśleniu odejścia od antropocentryzmu, a bazując na koncepcie gatunku, jest to termin głęboko antropocentryczny (2013). Krytykowana przez Ingolda Anna Tsing przyznaje, że gatunki nie zawsze są właściwymi jednostkami (units) do opisu życia skomplikowanego ekosystemu – lasu. Termin „wielogatunkowy” jest tylko surogatem/zamiennikiem (a stand-in for), służącym wyjściu poza myślenie skoncentrowane na wyjątkowości człowieka (human exeptionalism) (Tsing 2015). Jak już pisałam wcześniej, na razie nie widzę możliwości (niezależnie od tego, jak bardzo może to być kuszące), a w wypadku moich badań też celu, odejścia od pojęcia gatunku. Myślę, że dobrze pokazuje on elementy sieci relacji, w które uwikłana jest wiedza moich rozmówców. Te, które przedstawiłam powyżej, są akurat tymi nićmi relacji, które widzę ja – badaczka, a które nie są poddawane refleksji przez rozmówców. Niemniej uważam za istotne pokazanie kontrowersji wokół samego pojęcia gatunku. Jednocześnie ja jako badaczka, z pełną świadomością decydując się na tłumaczenie wiedzy moich rozmówców na język botaniki (sam w sobie niedoskonały, choć często ubierany w piórka precyzji i naukowej doskonałości), zdaję sobie sprawę z tego, że mogę tym samym odzierać ją z jej skomplikowania i różnorodności, przyczyniać się do jej standaryzacji i być może uproszczenia (por. van der Valk 2017). Podobnie na jej standaryzację mogą wpływać źródła pisane – szczególnie książki, z których korzystają moi rozmówcy. Jak ta standaryzacja przebiega w praktyce, pokażę w kolejnym rozdziale (IV Wypowiedziane, dotknięte, spisane). Czy można uznać, że wszystkie te rozważania o przynależności gatunkowej mają jakiekolwiek znaczenie z punktu widzenia roślin będących przedmiotem działań klasyfikacyjnych? Trudno jednoznacznie odpowiedzieć na to pytanie. Wydaje mi się pewne to, że i dla nich granice gatunku często są nieostre (my próbujemy na siłę uczynić je ostrymi), a świadczy o tym choćby wielość tzw. międzygatunkowych krzyżówek, które pozostają płodne. Dawna, jak też najbliższa ludzkiemu doświadczeniu i intuicji, definicja gatunku, zakładała, że płodne potomstwo jest tylko efektem rozmnażania osobników jednego gatunku. Gdy opuścimy królestwo zwierząt, takie definiowanie gatunku staje się Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 94 �bardzo problematyczne ze względu na coraz lepiej znane naukowcom zawiłości sposobów rozmnażania takich organizmów, jak np. grzyby, o bakteriach nie wspominając (por. np. Tsing 2015: rozdział 17 Flying spores). Dlatego, im więcej wiadomo o organizmach zupełnie inaczej rozmnażających się niż ssaki; o tworzeniu „międzygatunkowych” kompleksów – są nimi np. porosty, również wiele gatunków grzybów tworzy takie asocjacje – biolodzy coraz częściej mówią, że pojęcie gatunku, takie jakim je znamy, być może, legnie w gruzach. Ponadto do niedawna wydawało się, że określenie, co to jest osobnik, może być trudne w wypadku roślin czy grzybów, ale nie zwierząt takich, jak ssaki. Jednak wiedza o relacjach ssaków, np. z żyjącymi w ich przewodach pokarmowych bakteriami, przy głębszym zastanowieniu może mocno nadszarpnąć nasze widzenie siebie jako jednostek (por. Gilbert, Sapp, Tauber 2012). Czy wpłynie to na sposób, w jaki zgodnie z wiedzą potoczną postrzegamy gatunki i osobniki? Pewnie nieprędko. III. 2. Analiza zielników mentalnych III. 2.1. Komu oddać głos i jak? Wśród zarejestrowanych przeze mnie 158 lokalnych taksonów ro65 ślin są takie, o których usłyszałam, poznając tylko jeden zielnik . Oczywiście nie musi to znaczyć, że nie były obecne w większej liczbie zielników, mogły po prostu nie zostać wymienione. Oznacza to na pewno, że nie były wystarczająco ważne w kontekście naszej rozmowy, oglądania zbiorów itp. Nie znaczy to jednak, że nie miały dużego znaczenia w innych kontekstach. W wypadku 20 zielników, które znam bardzo dobrze, prawdopodobieństwo pominięcia jakiejś ważnej rośliny (po niciach relacji, z którą dana osoba często się porusza) jest bardzo nikłe. Są i takie lokalne taksony, które pokazano mi w co najmniej kilku lub większości poznanych przeze mnie zielników. W aneksie 65. Jeżeli w zebranym materiale zielnikowym, z punktu widzenia botaniczki, pojawiały się dwa gatunki, ale w zielnikach mentalnych rozmówców były uznawane za jeden, to są policzone jako jeden. Jest tak np. z beriozą. Natomiast jeżeli, np. jak w wypadku bilej rasti (kokorycz pusta, Corydalis cava (L .) Schweigg. & Körte, egzemplarze o białych kwiatach) osobniki o białych kwiatach, których botanicy nie uznają za osobny gatunek, są w zielnikach wyróżniane jako niezależny gatunek lokalny, to jest on uwzględniony w liczbie 158 taksonów lokalnych. Iwa Kołodziejska 95 �zdecydowałam się przedstawić tabelę wszystkich, które się pojawiły. Zaznaczam jednak te, które pojawiły się w dwóch lub jednym zielniku, choć etnobotanicy zwykle unikają przedstawiania informacji pochodzących od jednej osoby (Łuczaj 2008). Jednak to nie skład lokalnych taksonów w zielniku świadczy, moim zdaniem, o jego specyfice czy wyjątkowości. Każdy zielnik jest wypadkową sieci relacji tworzących danego rozmówcę. Każdy z aktorów jest jednocześnie uwikłany w sieci relacji, zależny od nich, lecz także je wytwarza. Wzajemny wpływ i wytwarzanie się są zwrotne (por. Ihde, Malafouris 2018). Czy mam prawo oddawać głos akurat tym, a nie innym aktorom? Trudne pytanie, na które niełatwo znaleźć dobrą odpowiedź. Mnie osobiście bliski jest sposób rozumowania Kirsten Hastrup: „antropolodzy często dostrzegają zróżnicowanie opinii na poziomie lokalnym, a problem reprezentatywności rysuje się niezwykle ostro” (Hastrup 2008: 161). Przychodzi podejmować decyzję, jak bardzo można skupić się na tym, co indywidualne. Relacje z roślinami obrazowane w opisie zielników z jednej strony pokazują powiązania z całą społecznością i nie-ludzkimi aktorami, z drugiej – widać w nich pewną dozę indywidualizmu. Bycie etnobiolożką wiąże się z funkcjonowaniem pomiędzy dziedzinami – antropologią i biologią, dla drugiej z nich reprezentatywność próby i statystyczna istotność obserwacji są bardzo ważne. Nieprzystawalność tych podejść potencjalnie rodzi napięcie. Chyba we wszystkich badaniach etnobotanicznych pokazujących use reports (UR), czyli dane o poszczególnych użyciach konkretnego lokalnego taksonu, trafiają się pojedyncze sposoby użycia, jakieś wyjątkowe indywidualne rozwiązania (więcej o UR, np. Tardío i Pardo de Santayana 2008). Mogą wynikać albo z wyjątkowych umiejętności czy wiedzy osoby, która o nich opowiedziała badaczom, albo z samego sposobu prowadzenia badań i tego, że u nikogo innego badacze nie zaobserwowali akurat takiego użycia. W imię reprezentatywności te pojedyncze sposoby użycia (UR) danego taksonu zwykle są pomijane, choć np. Pieroni i Sõukand stosują UI (use instances), przypadki użycia, które definiują jako precyzyjnie opisane UR, zliczane niezależnie od liczby osób wymieniających/deklarujących takie konkretne użycie (2018). Opisując zielniki mentalne trzeba, jak mówi Hastrup, uważać, by nie próbować dekonstruować kultury do postaci ludzi, z których każdy przeżywa własne, niepowtarzalne życie, bo kategoria „ludzie” przestaje Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 96 �mieć wspólne odniesienie, a w związku z tym sama antropologia rozpływa się jako teoria (2008: 169). Starając się nie skupić nadmiernie na indywidualnych relacjach, próbowałam jednak pokazać specyfikę i wyjątkowość zielników, zwracając jednocześnie uwagę na wspólnotę doświadczeń, które nadały opisywanym przeze mnie zielnikom ich kształt. Co więcej, jestem głęboko przekonana, że nawet patrząc z perspektywy jednostki, jeśli tylko odpowiednio ustawimy sposób patrzenia, to zauważymy, że „nigdy nie byliśmy jednostkami (monadami)”, by posłużyć się zgrabną parafrazą Latoura z tytułu artykułu Gilberta, Sappa i Taubera (2012). Nawet w obrębie jednego osobnika jesteśmy „wieloosobniczy”, a w obrębie gatunku wielogatunkowi, choćby ze względu na liczne mikroorganizmy, które w nas żyją i nas współtworzą, nie mówiąc o innych relacjach, w które jesteśmy uwikłani (por. np. Ingold 2013; Konczal 2018). Zaznajamiając się zielnikami, poznajemy ich nosicieli, to, co dla nich ważne, historie i spotkania, które ich ukształtowały, sieci bardziej globalnych zależności, w jakie są uwikłani. Michael Mucz, opisując środki lecznicze stosowane przez migrantów z Ukrainy, mieszkających w zachodniej Kanadzie (migracja z XIX i początku XX w., głównie z Galicji i Bukowiny), podkreśla, że nie tylko wsie, lecz także rodziny miały swoje warianty terapii i stosowanych środków leczniczych (2012: 13). Bardzo charakterystyczne dla zielników wszystkich moich rozmówców jest to, że są dynamicznie zmienne w czasie, tak jak relacje, z których wynikają. Wszyscy rozmówcy byli zainteresowani ciągłym zdobywaniem wiedzy o roślinach. Zielniki odzwierciedlały ich aktualną sytuację życiową: np. czy mieli małe dzieci, cierpieli na jakieś choroby, czy akurat niedawno spotkali kogoś, kto podzielił się z nimi nową, wartościową wiedzą, wpływ dyskursów medialnych, z którymi się ostatnio zetknęli itp. Kształt indywidualnych zielników wynika zarówno z szerszych kulturowych procesów, jak i na nie wpływa. Badając wiedzę jakiejś społeczności o roślinach, warto pamiętać, że powstaje ona w wyniku indywidualnych interakcji uwikłanych w globalne procesy. Dla mnie bardzo ważna jest wzajemność, obustronność tych relacji. Analizując szczegółowo kilka zielników, pokażę cechy, które przewijały się w wielu poznanych przeze mnie zielnikach, ale w tych opisanych były wyraźnie dominujące. Iwa Kołodziejska 97 �III. 3. Przykłady z zielników: nici zielnika Haliny i innych z nim powiązanych III. 3.1. Roślina uważana za najważniejszą Pytanie o ważne dla danej osoby taksony roślin było osią moich badań. Zadawałam je, prowadząc wywiady, ale to dwie, w pewnym sensie dodatkowe, aktywności, związane z odwzajemnieniem – sesje zdjęciowe i warsztaty z heliografii prowadzone w stroyinieckiej szkole – były momentem, kiedy prosiłam rozmówców, by zdecydowali się na jeden lub dwa lokalne taksony, te najważniejsze, a nie po prostu ważne. Dla niektórych osób odpowiedź była oczywista, bo w ich zielnikach była taka dominanta (w każdym razie w czasie, kiedy o tym rozmawialiśmy), inne nie widziały możliwości jednoznacznego wyróżnienia jakiegoś lokalnego taksonu. Umówiłyśmy się z Haliną Anatolevną na sesję zdjęciową, spotkałyśmy ją (Ewa Kołodziej i ja) pod przedszkolem, w którym pracowała. Przyniosła ze sobą dwa pęczki suszonych roślin ze swojej kolekcji, obie rośliny miały żółte kwiaty – zveraboi (dziurawiec zwyczajny, Hypericum perforatum L .) i repiashok (rzepik pospolity, Agrimonia eupatoria L .). Jako pierwszy pokazała repiashok, chciała się z nim sfotografować, bo jest dla niej bardzo ważną rośliną: Halina: Jest repiashok, kwitnie na żółto, a potem takie zielone bąbelki się czepiają [owoce z haczykowatymi wyrostkami]. To taka trava [roślina lecznicza], którą jako jedyną mam zawsze, ona jest od żołądka, oczyszcza woreczek żółciowy, przewody żółciowe, jak jakiś atak mam... Zaparzam. IK: A pani zawsze go używała, czy gdzieś, od kogoś... Halina: Nie, nie zawsze. No ale już z sześć lat go stosuję. 66 IK: A skąd się pani o nim dowiedziała? Halina: Mi Luda powiedziała. IK: A, Luda! Halina: Że jej ciocia to pije, kiedy jest jej źle. [K. 60 DW_A0156] 66. W oryginalnej wypowiedzi jest grzecznościowa forma drugiej osoby liczby mnogiej – „wy”. Decydując się na tłumaczenie wywiadów, zastępuję ją odpowiednią formą grzecznościową używaną w języku polskim. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 98 �Obecnie dla Haliny Antolewnej jest to roślina o kluczowym znaczeniu. Kiedy jej synowa znalazła zawinięty w gazetę suszony repishok, repiashok, repeshok, parilo (rzepik pospolity, Agrimonia eupatoria L .), od razu wiedziała, że to musi być teściowej, ponieważ to pierwsza roślina, która się z nią kojarzy jej bliskim. Choć jeszcze sześć lat temu Anatolevna nie wiedziała, że ma ona zastosowanie, które może być dla niej tak użyteczne, że jest to ziele, które może przynieść jej taką ulgę. Zielniki konkretnych osób są zmienne w czasie, wrastają w nie kolejne taksony i nowe zastosowania roślin mających już swoje miejsce w zielnikach; pojawiają się nieznane wcześniej historie z nimi związane. Z kolei inne taksony mogą tracić na znaczeniu i przesuwać się na dalsze miejsca w zielniku, sieci relacji z nimi związanych się rozluźniają. Częstokroć nowe dolegliwości zdrowotne są przyczyną poszukiwania i poznawania nieznanych dotąd taksonów roślin leczniczych (por. Soldati, Hanazaki, Crivos, Albuquerque 2015). O tym, że repiashok jest kluczową travą dla Haliny Anatolevnej, wiedzą jej bliscy. Mimo że Anatolevna jest bardzo wpływową postacią we wsi, raczej nie jest dla osób spoza najbliższej rodziny źródłem wiedzy o roślinach. Nie jest też postrzegana przez pryzmat relacji z żadną rośliną, jak to jest w wypadku innej powszechnie znanej w Stroyincach osoby – dida Mitii. Historię o tym, że od choroby wrzodowej żołądka uratował dida podorozhnik, babka, podorozhnik velikij, podorozhnik sherokolistyi, shyroki lyst (babka zwyczajna, Plantago major L .), można usłyszeć od różnych osób, ale przede wszystkim, oczywiście, od niego samego. Jest to niewątpliwie najważniejsza roślina w jego zielniku, od kiedy poznał i wypróbował na sobie to konkretne jej zastosowanie. Did dużo chodzi po wsi, pomaga w cerkwi i chętnie dzieli się wiedzą o podorozhniku, zachęca ludzi do jego zbierania. Podkreśla, że należy go zbierać w okresie kwitnienia oraz że po to, by złagodzić jego mało przyjemny smak, dobrze jest dodać do niego jedną z roślin, które przyniosła Halina Anatolevna na sesję zdjęciową, a która pojawiała się we wszystkich poznanych przeze mnie zielnikach – zveraboi (dziurawiec zwyczajny, Hypericum perforatum L .). To jedna z tych roślin, o czym już wspominałam, która jest ważna nawet dla osób uważających się za niezainteresowane sprawą i niezbierające. Swoją drogą, jest to roślina uważana za ważną w bardzo wielu kontekstach kulturowych (choćby: dane dla terenów Iwa Kołodziejska 99 �Polski, Adam Paluch [1984], wykorzystanie w Iranie [Nejad, Kamkar, Giri, Pourmahmoudi 2013], stosowanie przez potomków Bułgarów w Argentynie [Kujawska 2013], przez Indian Ameryki Północnej [Moerman 1998]). Przedstawiana we wszystkich analizowanych przeze mnie książkach o roślinach leczniczych, często przewijająca się w czytanych przez rozmówców czasopismach. Na sfotografowanie się właśnie z tą rośliną zdecydował się Witia, dla którego wybór jednego taksonu z niezwykle bogatego zielnika był bardzo trudny. O zielniku Witii powiem więcej w rozdziale IV, głównie IV.3 Doświadczenie i praktyka. Dla zielnika mentalnego Haliny Anatolevnej jest bardzo charakterystyczne to, jak istotna jest w nim warstwa narracyjno-ideologiczna. Wiele nici jej zielnika ma charakter bardziej narracyjny niż praktyczny. Spośród ponad 30 roślin, które mi pokazała w swoim zielniku, wiele jest takich, których nie zbiera ani nie używa na co dzień. Nie jest to tylko moja obserwacja: Halina: Jedna kobieta mi mówiła: no ty taka jesteś, dla siebie nie robisz. 67 Nam opowiadasz, każesz nam robić . A sama... Sama potrzebujesz leczenia. [K. 60 DW_A0156] W moich rozmowach z kobietami często powtarzało się zdanie, że zbierają jakąś roślinę, ale właściwie jej nie używają (rozwinę ten wątek, porównując zielniki mężczyzn i kobiet), jednak w wypadku Haliny Anatolevnej jest tak, że znajomość roślin w niewielkim stopniu przekłada się na praktykę zbieraczą. Jej spora wiedza ma mało praktyczny charakter i ludzie są tego świadomi. IK: Często panią pytają o travy [rośliny lecznicze]? Halina: Tak. A co pani robi z tego, a co z tego? Pytają ją o travy, bo jest osobą ważną w lokalnej społeczności, w wielu sprawach ludzie liczą się z jej zdaniem, zasięgają porady. Pytają ją też o rośliny lecznicze, choć nie jest z nimi kojarzona, nie należy do osób obdarowujących innych travami, raczej sama jest ich odbiorczynią, wie jednak, jak je stosować. 67. Zbierać rośliny, przygotowywać z nich lekarstwa. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 100 �III. 3.2. Narracje o zdrowym jedzeniu i ukraińskości Nieraz słyszałam, jak Anatolevna podkreślała wartość dzikich roślin jadalnych. Gdy została wybrana na rozmówczynię przez Ksjuszę i Janę – dziewczynki biorące udział w projekcie filmowym – poświęciła dużo uwagi dzikim roślinom jadalnym. Chciała wpłynąć na zielniki mentalne dziewczynek i spowodować, by doceniały rośliny, które spotykają w swoim środowisku życia i z nich korzystały. Ksjusza: Zna Pani jakieś rośliny lecznicze? Halina: Znam dużo roślin. Bo z roślinami jest związane... W ogóle roślinami u nas leczyli się od dawien dawna, to pierwsze, czym ludzie zaczęli się posługiwać przy leczeniu się. Rośliny zawsze nam pomagają, byśmy mogli poprawić swój stan. Mówią, że człowiek chodzi stopami po tym, i nawet się nie zastanawia, po tym, co daje jemu największy potencjał życiowy. No chcę wam powiedzieć, że u nas na Ukrainie ludzie wykorzystują dużo roślin leczniczych i w swoim odżywianiu, nie tylko do leczenia, ale i dla wzbogacenia diety, dla odżywiania. Jest taka roślina jak loboda (komosa Chenopodium sp.), wszyscy znacie [jest dobrze znana jako roślina towarzysząca uprawom], mówią to chwast [używa najpierw rosyjskiego słowa sarniak], o chwast [i dalej ukraińskiego burian], tak chwast, ale jak nazywają lobodu 68 (komosę, Chenopodium sp.) chwastem, to wydaje się to obraźliwe . Dlaczego? Powiem wam. Loboda (komosa, Chenopodium sp.), ona przede wszystkim jest ochroną dla kobiet (oberih żinoczyj) w dawnych czasach, żeby kobieta urodziła bez bólu i żeby poród przebiegł szybko dobrze, bez żadnych niepotrzebnych wydarzeń, młoda – przyszła mama do swojej diety dodawała lobodu (komosę, Chenopodium sp.). Wykorzystywano ją na zupy, barszcze, o, zielony barszcz my gotujemy głównie ze shchavliu (szczawiu zwyczajnego, Rumex acetosa L .), jeszcze dodajemy szczypior z cebuli [(Allium cepa L .) – nie traktuję tu jej ani dwóch kolejnych roślin jako analizowanych taksonów z zielnika, ponieważ są to rośliny uprawne stosowane zgodnie z podstawowym celem uprawy] pietruszkę (Petroselinum crispum (Mill.) Fuss), koper (Anethum graveolens L .) i mamy zielony 68. Najczęściej pokazywano Ch. album, ale nikt już teraz jego nie zbierał. W materiałach pisanych pojawia się wymiennie z Atriplex hortensis. Iwa Kołodziejska 101 �barszcz, a dawniej zielony barszcz gotowało się z dziesięciu trav. Do niego wrzucali: lobodu, cebulę, marchewkę – młode pędy, liście, samą nać, botwinę z buraka – to się mówi o tam, tylko kaczętom i młodym gęsiom, a dlaczego im się to daje? No dlatego, że jest to bardzo pożywne. Nie dlatego, żeby tylko żołądek zapchać. Kropyvu dodawali obowiązkowo dvudomnu (pokrzywę zwyczajną, Urtica dioica L .), znacie?, bo jest jeszcze taka zhalka kropyva (pokrzywa żegawka Urtica urens L .), jest jeszcze taka roślinka – mokrec (gwiazdnica pospolita, Stellaria media (L .) Vill.), znacie taki drobny? Czy wam teraz pokazać? Jana: [Kiwa głową, żeby pokazać.] Halina: Pokażę, on u nas tu rośnie. Taka drobna, ale ona pomaga ludziom w tym, żeby poprawić wzrok. Nawet zakroplić trochę przy katarakcie [zaćmie], to bardzo piecze, ale bielmo, zaćma, która rośnie (…) to się rozpuszcza. A jeśli mokrec (gwiazdnica pospolita, Stellaria media (L .) Vill.), jeśli przyzwyczaić się, żeby dodawać go do jedzenia, barszczu, to on poprawia, daje swój efekt. Tak samo ta loboda, ją obowiązkowo dodawano do diety. [Opowiada dalej o tym, że loboda ratowała ludzi w czasach głodu]. A takie hrycyki, pastusha sumka (tasznik pospolity, Capsella bursa-pastoris (L .) Medik.) też u nas rośnie jak chwast, o zobaczcie taki, tak roślinka, ją wykorzystują na sałatki. Dlaczego? Dlatego, żeby... U prawie każdej osoby z wiekiem pogarsza się przemiana materii i zaczynają się odkładać sole. Złogi soli, toksyn (szlaki), zaszlakowanyj organizm. To żeby go oczyścić, wystarczy jeść każdego dnia, dodawać do sałatki z pomidorów, ogórków te hrycyki, po prostu tak je kroić jak cebulę, pietruszkę, koper. I to już wystarcza, a jak jeszcze pić herbatę, po 3 stołowe łyżki dziennie. Jedną stołową łyżkę suszu zaparza się i potem po trzy stołowe łyżki dzienne się pije – rano, w południe i wieczorem. Tego wystarczy, żeby po dwóch tygodniach człowiek powiedział: mnie wszystkie stawy bolą. A dlaczego bolą, bo wypłukuje wszystkie niepotrzebne sole mineralne, a przy tym jakie wypłukuje, właśnie te, których inaczej pozbyć się nie ma jak, nie uratni soli [sole kwasu moczowego, chodzi zapewne o złogi moczanowe], a oksality [szczawiany, sole i estry kwasu szczawiowego], one są twarde i w inny sposób nie można się ich pozbyć. Odkładają się w stawach. [K. 60 Film_00148] Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 102 �Halina Anatolevna zwraca dziewczynkom uwagę na to, że stoją na kawałku przedszkolnego trawnika, a rośnie tu tyle roślin, które są niezbędne dla człowieka. Mówi: Gdybyśmy więcej roślin jedli, nie musielibyśmy tyle chemii (khimii) przyjmować po to, by się leczyć. Wszystko co potrzebne dla człowieka, jest tu. Wskazuje palcem i mówi o tym, że kulbabka (mniszek lekarski, Taraxacum officinale agg.), po której chodzimy, jest dobra na sałatki, z jej kwiatów można robić rodzaj dżemu. Ma działanie wykrztuśne, przeciwzapalne, wzmacnia organizm. (...) Podorozhnik sherokolistyj (babka zwyczajna, Plantago major L .), wszędzie wokół rośnie nam po nogami, ale jeśli go brać i po trochu jeść, to układ trawienny będzie pracował o wiele lepiej. [K. 60 Film_00148] W warstwie deklaratywnej tego zielnika dużą wagę przywiązuje się do dzikich roślin jadalnych. Pomieszkiwałam i jadłam wielokrotnie u Haliny Anatolevnej, widywałyśmy się bardzo często, uczyła mnie gotować różne potrawy, ale nigdy nie widziałam, by wykorzystywała dzikie warzywa liściaste (jest to termin z porządku etik, moi rozmówcy nie używają wspólnego określenia na te rośliny). Wielu innych rozmówców, szczególnie wiosną, gotowało z dzikich warzyw liściastych. Na przykład częstym dodatkiem do zielonego barszczu była pshenichka (ziarnopłon wiosenny, Ficaria verna Huds.), gotowano barszcz z dwóch gatunków kropyvy – pokrzyw (Urtica dioica i U. urens). A tak Anatolevna mówiła o niej i innych dodawanych do barszczu roślinach niemal rok wcześniej w rozmowie ze mną: 69 Halina: Do zielonego barszczu dobre to okrągłe, wiesz ... IK: Wiosną kwitnie na żółto? Halina: Tak, żółte. Można je dodawać do barszczu. (…) Jeszcze loboda (komosa, Chenopodium sp.), też można dodać. W niej białka i skrobi jest dużo. IK: Zdarza się, że robicie z lobodą (komosa, Chenopodium sp.)? Halina: Teraz nie. 69. Ma na myśli pshenichka (ziarnopłon wiosenny Ficaria verna Huds.), wiele osób nie używa nazwy na tę roślinę, nie wiem, czy tu rozmówczyni po prostu zapomniała, czy należy do tych osób, w których zielnikach ta roślina jest nienazwana. Iwa Kołodziejska 103 �IK: Teraz już nie. Tak? Halina: A nie, a może należałoby. Bo ci ludzie, którzy używali tych wszystkich roślin, nie chorowali tak jak my. [K. 60 DW_A0156] Nie spotkałam nikogo, kto jadłby współcześnie lobodę (komosę, Chenopodium sp.). Cała opowieść Haliny Anatolevnej o dzikich warzywach liściastych rozpoczyna się od odpowiedzi na pytanie Ksjuszy, czy zna jakieś rośliny lecznicze. Tak jak zauważa wielu innych badaczy, mamy tu do czynienia z kontinuum między roślinami leczniczymi a jadalnymi (np. Pieroni i Price 2006, Etkin 2007, Leonti 2014). Lecznicza funkcja diety, a szczególnie dzikich roślin jadalnych, jest podkreślana w czytanych na Podolu czasopismach. Być może powinnam uznać za zdarzenie dodatkowo podkreślające to, że dzikie warzywa liściaste są ważne dla Anatolevnej głównie w warstwie narracyjnej jej zielnika, iż podczas nagrania do filmu, pokazując dziewczynkom mokrec (gwiazdnicę pospolitą, Stellaria media (L .) Vill.) zerwała sporysh, podorozhnik (rdest ptasi, Polygonum aviculare L . sensu lato). Podczas tego samego nagrania zerwała też sporysh (rdest ptasi, Polygonum aviculare L . sensu lato), nazwała go sporyshem i powiedziała, że może uratować życie człowiekowi, jeśli się go je, bo oczyszcza nerki z piasku i kamieni. Można go też dodawać do sałat. Myślę jednak, że był to dość przypadkowy błąd, być może sytuacja nagrywania spowodowała, że Anatolevna w nim tkwiła. To, że lecznicze i spożywcze stosowanie mokrecu nie jest przez nią praktykowane, nie musi znaczyć, że roślina nie jest zapamiętana w jej ciele i rozpoznawana dzięki skumulowanej, niewerbalnej wiedzy. Z drugiej strony można by uznać, że taksonomia botaniczna nie ma tu zastosowania i rozmówczyni traktuje te dwa gatunki botaniczne jako jeden lokalny. Niemniej inne spotkania z nią, np. podczas pielenia w ogrodzie dida Toli, przeczą takiej koncepcji. Dobre poznanie czyjegoś zielnika mentalnego wymaga wielu spotkań w różnych okolicznościach. Niewątpliwe dzikie rośliny jadalne w jej zielniku są bardziej powiązane nićmi związanymi z czytaniem, zbieraniem i przekazywaniem opowieści, dyskursami dotyczącymi tego, co jest zdrowe, niż nićmi codziennej praktyki, które splątywałyby te rośliny z jej ciałem, z metabolizmem. W wypowiedzi Anatolevnej wybrzmiewa wyraźnie, że kiedyś ludzie nie chorowali tak jak dziś, przy zdrowiu utrzymywała ich lepsza dieta, Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 104 �czy to jedzenie dzikich roślin, czy spożywanie mniejszej ilości produktów zwierzęcych. Oni jedli więcej tego czystego takiego. A mięso w domu, kto to jadał, tak jak teraz? [K. 60 DW_A0156] Są to ważne nici nadające kształt wielu poznanym przeze mnie zielnikom. Na przykład Nina, kobieta koło czterdziestki, samotnie wychowująca dwóch synów i przywiązująca dużą wagę do diety oraz obecności w niej dzikich roślin, przyjmowanych szczególnie w postaci naparów, mówi o tym, że ludzie kiedyś mniej chorowali dzięki temu, że w ich diecie było więcej gorzkich substancji, które również były pozyskiwane z dzikich roślin. N: A polyn (bylica piołun, Artemisia absynthium L .) pasuje tylko majowy, tylko wtedy, kiedy on kwitnie – w maju. Jego zbierają tylko w maju. J: Aha. A teraz on nie... N: On jest bardzo wspomagający i my teraz dla profilaktyki powinniśmy go pić, dlatego, że my odwykliśmy od gorzkiego. Kiedyś ludzie więcej spożywali gorzkiego, a my przywykliśmy do wszystkiego takiego 70 słodkiego, słodkiego, takie słodkie i słone, wędzone, ale nie gorzkie . A nasz organizm pracuje normalnie tylko wtedy, kiedy on odczuwa troszeczkę goryczy. Także ciut, kropelkę goryczy trzeba kiedyś pić. [Nina, K. ok. 40 DW_A0150] Współcześnie w diecie pojawiają się substancje, których kiedyś nie było, ich obecność wpływa na zdrowie. Podobnie jak zmiana głównych składników pożywienia. Tak mówi o tym Maria, kolejna osoba, dla której poznawanie i zbieranie roślin łączy się z troską o dietę, dostarczanie sobie odpowiednich produktów. Sposób odżywiania starych ludzi. Był piec. W piecu wszystko dusiło się do wieczora. I w pole, mówiła babcia, że u nich były woły i swoja ziemia, i dzieci, jak były małe, to paliło się rano w piecu, dawało się śniadanie, potem obiad w południe nieśli w pole, a kolację w domu, to wszystko to w piecu było ciepłe. Przede wszystkim kasze, ryż – toż nie nasza uprawa, nie ukraińska, były jagły, pszeniczne, owsiane, to ludzie byli mocni, krzepcy. Od odżywiania, szczególnie kasze, one 70. Mówiąc za pierwszym razem „słodkiego”, używa słowa ukraińskiego, za drugim rosyjskiego. Iwa Kołodziejska 105 �przecież oczyszczają organizm z soli [złogów toksyn]. A teraz my już tego nie stosujemy. Ja teraz myślę, no koniec, przechodzę na zdrowe odżywianie. [Maria, K. 55 DW_A0142] Maria: Co jest najważniejsze, dlaczego nasi pradziadowie, dziadowie długo żyli? Oni przecież nie znali marynowania (консервації). Oni wszystko kiszone. Kiszone, ono co? Kwas. Kwas zabijał wszystkie komórki rakowe w organizmie. IK: A pani też kisi? Maria: Tak. Ale ja tylko kapustę. 71 IK: Kapustę ? Maria: Kapustę i pomidory. No ogórki też kiszę. [Maria, K. 55 DW_ A0142] Pobrzmiewa w tych wszystkich wypowiedziach myśl, że dawniej ludzie żyli dłużej, byli zdrowsi niż dziś. Halina Anatolevna ujmuje to też tak: Halina: My teraz wszyscy jesteśmy chorzy. Nie ma zdrowych. Jak nie jedno, to drugie. Oni jedli więcej tego czystego takiego. A mięso w domu, kto to jadał, tak jak teraz? [K. 60 DW_A0156] Myślę, że można to łączyć z wizją „złotego wieku”, złotego wieku „naturalności”, czasu, kiedy ludzie byli bliżej natury, lepiej jedli, a dzięki temu byli zdrowsi, żyli dłużej, nie chorowali tak, jak teraz (Zowczak 1993). Wyraźnie wybrzmiewa w wypowiedziach rozmówczyń to, że źródłem siły była przyroda, sieci relacji z roślinami. Jedli lobodę (komosę, Chenopodium sp.) w czasie głodu, bo nie było czego jeść, ale podświadomie sobie pomagali, poprawiali zdrowie – Halina Anatolevna, jedli więcej gorzkiego np. polyn (bylicy piołun, Artemisia absynthium L .) – Nina, jedli różne kasze z tutejszych – ukraińskich roślin uprawnych i kiszonki – Maria. Odwołanie do przodków wskazuje też na znaczenie i siłę więzi społecznych, choć źródłem zdrowia wydają się być relacje z nie-ludzkimi aktorami, a nie ludźmi (por. Baines 2018: 20). 71. Zdziwiłam się, bo mało kto ze znanych mi osób kisił akurat kapustę. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 106 �Ta wizja „złotego wieku” splata się z dyskursem tożsamościowym, można by ją wręcz żartobliwie nazwać „złotym wiekiem ukraińskich gospodarzy”. Jest ona podtrzymywana i promowana w czasopismach 72 czytanych przez moje rozmówczynie . Przede wszystkim „Babushka” i różne wydawnictwa pokrewne (np. „Lechimsia vmeste”), związane z tym czasopismem, uwypuklają takie wątki, są one szczególnie sil73 ne w warstwie ilustracyjnej . Okładki i ryciny wewnątrz numerów posiadanych przez rozmówców i dostępnych na rynku w czasie moich badań przedstawiają zwykle rumiane kobiety w wyszywankach, młodsze zwykle w wiankach na głowach, z warkoczami, mężczyzn właściwie wyłącznie starszych, zwykle brodatych, często też długowłosych. W wielu numerach można obejrzeć sceny w drewnianych chatach z bali ze świętym kątem, ludzi przygotowujących się do obchodzenia świąt – robiących palmy wielkanocne, wyściełających podłogę tatarakiem na zelone sviata itp. Często w tle ilustracji widać kopuły cerkwi, ikony lub modlitewnik (np. „Babushka” nr 6, lipiec 2013). Tworzy to romantyczną wizję wiejskiej szczęśliwości i wiejskość jest tu zdecydowanie waloryzowana pozytywnie, jednocześnie splatając się z wątkiem tożsamościowym, elementem duchowej zażyłości (por. Caldwell 2011). Sposoby leczenia, historie z nim związane i opowieści o roślinach publikowane w tych gazetach pochodzą z różnych regionów Ukrainy, a nawet całego obszaru byłego ZSRR. Większość czasopism nie jest przeznaczona wyłącznie na rynek ukraiński, np. wydania „Babushki” dostępne na Podolu są kierowane na rynki ukraiński i mołdawski. Niemniej moi rozmówcy odczytują je jako bardzo ukraińskie, mówiące o ukraińskiej narodnej medycynie. Warto tu zaznaczyć, że gros listów od czytelników pochodzi z tego kraju. Ich wpływ na kształt wiedzy o terapiach i roślinach bywa wyraźny, często kształtuje popularność (modę) na wykorzystanie danej rośliny. Dzięki tekstowi z gazety w ogródkach w Stroyincach zaczął pojawiać się lubystok (lubczyk ogrodowy, Levisticum officinale W.D.J.Koch) opisany jako roślina, bez której nie mogą się obyć żadna Ukrainka i ukraiński ogród. Rozmówczyni, 72. Książkom i czasopismom współtworzącym relacje moich rozmówców z roślinami i będącymi bardzo ważnymi nićmi w opisywanych przeze mnie splątaniach poświęcam cały następny rozdział. 73. Zostawiam oryginalny zapis alfabetem łacińskim tytułu czasopisma. Iwa Kołodziejska 107 �która mi o tym opowiadała, nie znała wcześniej tej rośliny (widziałam ją tylko w kilku ogrodach, we wszystkich była od niedawna i z tego samego źródła), ale ją sobie sprowadziła do ogrodu, skoro lubystok powinien w nim być. Zna jego właściwości opisane w gazecie, ale jeszcze ich nie wykorzystywała [Tonia K. 55 notatka 15.07.2012]. Może wydać się interesującą ta mała popularność lubystku (lubczyku ogrodowego, Levisticum officinale W.D.J.Koch) w odwiedzanych przeze mnie wsiach, szczególnie w Stroyinciach, ponieważ pozostaje ona w sprzeczności z tym, co pisze o najpopularniejszych na Podolu roślinach leczniczych Vasyl Iosipovich Shevchuk. Uważa, że to jedna z takich roślin, które można spotkać w niemal każdym ogródku i że jedną z pierwszych rzeczy, które robiła młoda gospodyni, było posadzenie w ogródku lubystku (1997: 37). Jego obserwacje pochodzą z lat 70./80. XX w. i wcześniejszych. Raczej nie jest możliwe, by w tych latach był popularny w moim terenie badań i został tak szybko i skutecznie zapomniany. Wynika z tego, że można mówić o dużej zmienności między wsiami w tej okolicy lub, ewentualnie, że mająca charakter popularnonaukowy książka jest częściowo oparta na innych materiałach źródłowych niż własne obserwacje w regionie. Opisując lubystok (lubczyk ogrodowy, L. officinale W.D.J.Koch) Shevchuk nie odwołuje się do własnych doświadczeń ani konkretnych miejscowości, jak robi to przy niektórych innych opisach (1997). Moi rozmówcy często mówią o Ukraińcach jako o tych, którzy leczą się roślinami, albo podkreślają to, że jakieś rośliny są szczególnie ważne dla ich narodu. W tym drugim kontekście najczęściej są wymieniane: kalyna (kalina koralowa, Viburnum opulus L .), chornobrivcy (aksamitka rozpierzchła, różne odmiany, Tagetes patula L ., różne odmiany), soniashnik, podslonuh, podsoniashnik (słonecznik 74 zwyczajny, Helianthus annuus L .) [np. notatki 15.11.2013] . Niemniej 74. Według The Plant List (theplantlist.org, dostęp 13.10.2018) Tagetes patula jest synonimem T. erecta, natomiast baza Missouri Botanical Garden (missouribotanicalgarden.org/plantfinder/plantfindersearch.aspx, dostęp 13.10.2018) uznaje je za osobne gatunki. Rozmówcy za chornobrivcy o właściwościach leczniczych uważają te o płaskich kwiatostanach (niepełnych), o kwiatach języczkowych (tzw. płatkach) zabarwionych na dwa kolory: pomarańczowy i głęboko czerwony, wpadający w brąz. O nich też, zdaniem rozmówców, jest piosenka Chornobryvciv naseiala maty (autor Микола Сингаївський, https://nashe.com.ua/song/3414, dostęp 5.01.2019, „Mama wysiała aksamitki”) Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 108 �każda z tych roślin jest też obecna na wiele innych sposobów w zielnikach rozmówców. Sytuowanie ich w roli taksonów tożsamościowo-twórczych pokazuje ciekawe splecenia nici relacji z roślinami, ponieważ tylko pierwsza z nich – kalina koralowa – jest rośliną rodzimą i występującą dziko w tym regionie. Dwa pozostałe taksony przybyły z Ameryki jako rośliny uprawne: aksamitka rozpierzchła w XVI w. (Podbielkowski 1992), słonecznik w XVII w. Ogromne ekonomiczne znaczenie upraw słonecznika na terenie Ukrainy datuje się od początku XX w. Co ciekawe, pozyskiwanie oleju słonecznikowego na skalę przemysłową rozpoczęto nie w Ameryce, a w Rosji, i głównym bodźcem do opracowania procesu tłoczenia było poszukiwanie wydajnej rośliny oleistej, której olej mógłby być stosowany w długich okresach postu zalecanych przez Cerkiew prawosławną (Marek 2018: 455). To taki drobny przyczynek do globalnych powiązań zielników moich rozmówców. Fot. 3. �Pieczony przez ciocię Lusię korowaj ozdobiony kalyną (kaliną koralową, Viburnum opulus L.) na dniach rejonu w Tywrowie, 23 sierpnia 2013 r. Iwa Kołodziejska 109 �O ukraińskości mówi się też w kontekście specyficznej ukraińskiej fizjologii przystosowanej do rodzimej diety. Nie było tego widać akurat w przytoczonej wypowiedzi Haliny Anatolevnej, bo wtedy mówiła ogólnie o ludziach, nie o Ukraińcach. Niemniej w innych wypowiedziach zarówno ona, jak i inne rozmówczynie odnosiły się do „naszych przodków, naszych dziadów” i wyraźnie ważna była zażyłość kulturowa rozumiana w podstawowy Herzfeldowski sposób, czyli wiązana z tożsamością narodową (Herzfeld 2007). Wyjątkowo dobitnie o specyficznej ukraińskiej fizjologii mówiła baba Adela, choć dla niej ważniejsze w tym kontekście było jedzenie pochodzenia zwierzęcego niż roślinnego. Baba, która miała nadciśnienie i lekarz kazał jej ograniczyć tłuste potrawy, a szczególnie wieprzowinęczęsto powtarzała, że nie może się go słuchać, bo fizjologia Ukraińców jest taka, że żeby dobrze funkcjonować muszą zjeść codziennie sało (słoninę), powinien być to kawałek co najmniej wielkości pudełka od zapałek [notatka/lipiec 2012] (por. z wynikami badań Tomasza Rakowskiego we wsi Bolęcin o uzdrawiającej mocy tłustego – dającego siłę, wzmacniającego organizm [2010], o znaczeniu tłuszczu i tłustych potraw pisze też Joanna Mroczkowska w swoim doktoracie [2015]). Baba Adela stawia opór nieodpowiadającemu jej dyskursowi lekarzy i mediów (temu samemu, który pobrzmiewa w wypowiedziach Haliny Anatolevnej – a mięso w domu, kto to jadał, tak jak teraz? [K. 60 DW_A0156], i Niny – a my przywykliśmy do wszystkiego takiego słodkiego [Nina, K. ok. 40 DW_A0150]). Nawiązując do ukraińskiej fizjologii, tłumaczy, że byłoby dla niej skrajnie niebezpiecznie przestać jeść sało, dzięki temu, między innymi, zachowuje poczucie sprawczości w polu własnej diety i zdrowia. Jednocześnie baba Adela przetwarza na swoje potrzeby dyskurs tożsamościowy (por. Polese, Morris, Pawłusz, Seliverstova 2017: np. 3) i odwołuje się do elementów ukraińskiego gastronacjonalizmu (por. DeSoucey 2010). Justyna Straczuk, pisząc o Białorusi i Podlasiu, uznaje potrawy tłuste za przypisane męskim gustom; baba Adela i wiele moich rozmówczyń z pewnością by się z nią nie zgodziły (2013: 194). Michael Mucz w książce szczegółowo opisującej samoleczenie migrantów ukraińskich w Kanadzie przytacza historię z rodzaju tych, które często można usłyszeć, rozmawiając o roślinnym leczeniu w różnych miejscach na świecie. Jego rozmówca opowiada o tym, jak to poszedł do lekarza z chorym palcem, lekarz zasugerował bardzo inwazyjną Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 110 �terapię: amputację, pacjent się na to nie zdecydował, uciekł się do zastosowania środka roślinnego – podbiału pospolitego (Tussilago farfara L .) – i uratował palec. Opisuję tę klasyczną historię, bo kanadyjski lekarz podsumował to wydarzenie słowami: „Ukraińcy to wariaci” (2012: 15), łącząc taki sposób leczenia z całą grupą etniczną, a nie konkretną osobą. Moi rozmówcy w wielu kontekstach zrobiliby to samo i czuliby się bardzo dumni z takiej asocjacji. Niemniej Mucz, mówiąc o przyczynach stosowania samoleczenia w dużym stopniu opartego na roślinach, podkreśla wyłącznie te ekonomiczne (koszt leków i wizyt lekarskich) i geograficzne (odległość do najbliższego szpitala, osady migrantów ukraińskich były izolowane). Ciekawe, czy w warunkach tej migracji (XIX/XX w.) kwestie tożsamościowe nie odgrywały istotnej roli? Wydaje się to mało prawdopodobne, ale być może nie odgrywały. Jeżeliby tak było, to należałoby uznać, że bardzo ważne dla połączenia relacji z roślinami z relacjami z państwem narodowym miały dopiero tożsamościowotwórcze zabiegi po rozpadzie Związku Radzieckiego, jak i istnienie Ukraińskiej Socjalistycznej Republiki Radzieckiej w obrębie państwa Rad. Z drugiej strony nie można zapominać, że migranci do Kanady wyjeżdżali z monarchii austro-węgierskiej, a nie z Ukrainy, byli zwykle biednymi mieszkańcami wsi i małych miasteczek podróżującymi za chlebem i ich identyfikacja z ukraińskością jako taką zapewne była bardzo nikła. Mimo tego, że zarówno moi rozmówcy z Podola, jak i wiele osób pochodzących z Ukrainy, które spotkałam poza kontekstem badań (np. podczas konsultowanych i wspieranych przeze mnie działań artystycznych Dagny Jakubowskiej dotyczących migrantów i roślin), podkreślało związek ukraińskości ze zbieraniem dzikich roślin – „my, Ukraińcy, zbieramy rośliny”, to byłabym ostrożna z uznaniem kwestii tożsamościowej za kluczową, bezpośrednią przyczynę zbierania roślin, może raczej narracje tożsamościowe są opowieściami podkreślającymi 75 wagę tego zbierania . 75. Działania artystyczne Dagny Jakubowskiej, o których piszę, to: spacer i seria interwencji artystycznych w krakowskich mieszkaniach w październiku 2014, pokazująca rzeczywistość ukraińską „od kuchni”, http://pl.naszwybir.pl/kongres-kuchenny/; Zielnik Ukraiński. Chwasty. Dzikie rośliny. Strategie przetrwania – interwencja artystyczna i spacer etnobotaniczny w sierpniu 2015 w Ramach Archipelagu Jazdów, http://archiwum.u-jazdowski.pl/index.php?action=aktualnosci&s2=1&id=1279&lang=. Iwa Kołodziejska 111 �Fot. 4. �Okładka i zdjęcie strony 18 z wnętrza numeru pisma „Babushka. Ozdorovitelnye sovety” (nr 6 z 2013 r.). III. 3.3. „Chemia” i oczyszczanie organizmu W przytoczonej rozmowie z Haliną Anatolevną, prowadzonej przez Janę i Ksjuszę, pojawią się dwa wątki, z którymi można się spotkać w bardzo wielu kontekstach i różnych kręgach kulturowych, ale tu mające swój specyficzny koloryt charakterystyczny dla kontekstu poradzieckiego – wątek khimii i oczyszczania organizmu. Poddam je teraz analizie, ponieważ obie narracje mają wpływ na praktykę zbierania roślin, wchodzenia z nimi w nowe relacje lub rozwijanie tych już istniejących. W swojej pracy doktorskiej Polityka smaku. Rola jedzenia w tworzeniu, podtrzymywaniu i negocjowaniu więzi społecznych i rodzinnych w Dąbrowie Białostockiej i okolicach Joanna Mroczkowska poświęca sporo miejsca rozważaniom o „chemii”, jednak w jej terenie badań nie wiązało się to w żaden sposób ze zbieraniem dzikich roślin, rośliny pojawiały się wyłącznie w kontekście uprawy ogródka i zakupu jedzenia je zawierającego (2015). Mroczkowska, pisząc o okolicach Dąbrowy Białostockiej, łączy mówienie o „chemii” między innymi ze zmianami w sferze kobiecej. Nie pojawia się u niej w ogóle wątek zbierania dzikich roślin jadalnych czy leczniczych jako tych, które miałyby wpłynąć na poprawę stanu zdrowia, być sposobem na unikanie „chemii”, jak to jest w kontekście moich Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 112 �badań. Pojawia się u niej co prawda informacja o zbieraniu i jedzeniu lebiody na przednówku, ale obrazuje tu ona poziom biedy w regionie i głód. Nie jest pozytywnie postrzegana (2015). Koresponduje to z koncepcją Łukasza Łuczaja o herbofobii i herbofilii (2008a). Mieszkańcy Podola byliby tu herbofilami w przeciwieństwie do mieszkańców okolic Dąbrowy Białostockiej. Niemniej wiele innych wątków i ich interpretacji wydaje się bardzo podobnych do tego, co obserwowałam podczas moich badań. W związku z tym, że w zielnikach moich rozmówców dominowały zastosowania roślin w celach leczniczych, to i wątek khimii wybrzmiewał mocniej, kiedy mówiono mi o nich niż o jedzeniu. W przytoczonym na początku rozdziału III.3.2 fragmencie rozmowy z Haliną Anatolevną pojawia się wątek oczyszczania organizmu z nadmiaru szkodliwych soli. Przypadłością, na którą cierpi wielu moich rozmówców i członków ich rodzin, są bóle stawów, nóg czy kręgosłupa. Zwykle szuka się ich etiologii w odkładaniu się szkodliwych soli w organizmie. Wiele roślin pojawia się w zielnikach mentalnych ze względu na to, że są pomocne w radzeniu sobie z tego rodzaju bólami. Ważne w tym kontekście są np. siren, buzok (bez lilak, Syringa vulgaris L .) i kashtan, kinskii kashtan (kasztanowiec zwyczajny, Aesculus hippocastanum L .) – robi się z nich nalewki na spirytusie i stosuje zewnętrznie na bolące miejsca. Jednak wiele osób za kluczowe w radzeniu sobie z tym problemem uważa rośliny, które pomagają pozbywać się soli – najbardziej powszechnie stosuje się młode pędy hrushy, hrushy dichki (grusza – unika się stosowania odmian uprawnych, stara się stosować dziką gruszę – Pyrus communis, Pyrus spp., często tworzy mieszańce i bardzo trudno spotkać czysty gatunek). Anatolevna podkreśla to, że sole odkładają się dlatego, że ludzie przeszli na dietę bogatszą w produkty zwierzęce, roślinna dieta nie wywoływała, jej zdaniem, takich skutków. Nikt z rozmówców nie powiązał bezpośrednio oczyszczania organizmu z prawosławnymi postami, choć niektórzy podkreślali, podobnie jak Anatolevna, związek odkładania się soli z dietą bogatą w produkty zwierzęce. Wpisuje się to w modne – również poza Ukrainą – dyskursy dotyczące diet oczyszczających. Są obecne w czasopismach i medialnych materiałach dotyczących narodnej medycyny. W aptekach są dostępne mieszanki ziół mające służyć oczyszczeniu organizmu (korzysta z nich np. Alina K. ok. 40 [DW_D0239]), jednak Iwa Kołodziejska 113 �większość rozmówców stosowała w tym celu pędy dzikich grusz i podkreślała, że jest to stara wiedza, coś, co w ich zielnikach ma kategorię „praktykowane od zawsze”. III. 3.3.1. Zaufanie Halina Anatolevna w ostatnich latach rzadko zbiera rośliny, czasem kupuje ziołowe mieszanki w aptece, co jest dość wyjątkowe na tle większości rozmówców, którzy nie mają dużego zaufania do mieszanek ziół w torebkach sprzedawanych w aptekach. Ona też nie wypowiada się o nich z wielką estymą, ale uznaje, że jest to wygoda, na którą warto sobie od czasu do czasu pozwolić. Chętniej korzysta z roślin, które czasem zbierze dla niej ktoś znajomy. Zapytana o herbaty, które pija, wymieniła: sporysh (rdest ptasi, Polygonum aviculare L . sensu lato), deviasil (oman, Inula sp.), air (tatarak zwyczajny, Acorus calamus L .) – nie rośnie w okolicy; Halina Anatolevna kupuje jego kłącze. Robi też herbatę z landyshy (konwalii majowych, Convallaria majalis L., ale trzeba znać dawkę, bo może być niebezpieczna, pije, bo ma problemy z sercem (większość rozmówców używających tej rośliny robi z niej nalewkę na spirytusie). Poza tym chętnie pije lipę, podkreśla, że jest dobra na przeziębienie. W zimie obserwowałam, że często pija napary ze świeżo ściętych pędów malin i czarnych porzeczek. Gdy chorowała, prosiła, by synowa nacięła jej gałązek i przyniosła, żeby mogła zrobić sobie napar. W większości rozmów w roli środków pomagających unikać khimii pojawiały się rośliny pite w postaci herbat. Klever, koniushyna ma w sobie dużo soli mineralnych, żeby nie pić witamin z apteki, możemy spożywać koniushynu. [Anatolevna, K. ok. 60, Film_00148] Tak samo, przypuśćmy, my, ot ja lubię stale popijać herbatę z mięty, ja lubię po prostu takie. Czarną herbatę jakoś odrzuciłam i melisu [melisę lekarską, Melissa officinalis L .]. [Tonia, K. 46 DW_A0168_1] Nie jest to pełny obraz. Mimo że dużo częściej słyszy się o leczeniu i wykorzystywaniu roślin do leczenia niż w celu zachowania zdrowia, to szczególnie dyskurs dotyczący „naturalności” i tego, żeby nie Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 114 �zaszkodzić sobie różnymi działaniami (szczególnie produktami spożywczymi zawierającymi „chemię” lub modyfikowanymi genetycznie) jest bardzo rozpowszechniony (por. Patico 2003). Leki ziołowe, na dodatek zebrane osobiście, są często przeciwstawiane „chemicznym”. Takie zdanie jak to wypowiedziane przez dida Tolę (83) powtarza wiele osób: „chemiczne lekarstwa jedno leczą, a drugie kaleczą”. Tego rodzaju odczucia są spójne z powszechną w różnych częściach świata wiarą w bezpieczeństwo i naturalność roślin leczniczych (por. Whyte, van der Geest, Hardon 2002). Oczywiście nie oznacza to, że moi rozmówcy nie korzystają z aptecznych leków – zarówno do samoleczenia, jak i wtedy, gdy są przepisane przez lekarzy. III. 3.3.2. Relacje z „państwem” Moim zdaniem bardzo istotnymtłem do zrozumienia, w jakie sieci relacji wplątana jest khimia, są: brak zaufania do instytucji państwa oraz różnego rodzaju produktów i powiązana z nimi potrzeba produkcji „swojego” jedzenia, a przede wszystkim „swoich” leków. Jest to też sposób dyskursywnego odcinania się od elit, ciągłe podkreślanie, że sami to zrobiliśmy, sami się postaraliśmy, bo: co oni jeszcze wymyślą, jak spróbują nas dobić [Ira, K 33, notatka szczepienia, maj 2012], służy to pokazaniu dystansu do „onych” – władzy, która powinna o nas dbać, a tego nie robi. Samoleczenie również wpisuje się w ten sposób myślenia o sobie i świecie, są to nici relacji z państwem jako tym, które powinno być odpowiedzialne za zdrowie swoich obywateli, a nie staje na wysokości zadania (por. Bazylevych 2009). Maryna Bazylevych pisze o tym, że ze względu na sposób funkcjonowania służby zdrowia w Ukrainie odpowiedzialność za zdrowie pacjentów, nawet w najbardziej podstawowym zakresie, spada na nich samych (2009). To o kupowanych w aptece lekach często mówi się, że nie wiadomo, co zawierają, „oni wkładają tam glinę czy coś, te leki nie mają właściwości, nie działają” (takie zdanie powtarzało się w wielu rozmowach, np. notatka z rozmowy z pasterzami 10.08.2013, Tonia, notatka maj 2012). W czasie moich badań wątek fałszowania leków pojawiał się też niejednokrotnie w mediach (notatka grudzień/styczeń 2013/14). Również produkty ziołowe rozmówcy wolą zebrać sami lub ewentualnie kupować od osób, z którymi mogą wejść w interakcję, spotkać się twarzą w twarz, zbudować z nimi relację zaufania (Kołodziejska-Degórska 2016). Iwa Kołodziejska 115 �III. 3.3.3. „Swojskość” Wydaje się, że pojawianie się wielu taksonów roślin w zielnikach rozmówców jest powodowane potrzebą kontroli nad tym, czym się leczy i co się je – a przede wszystkim pije w postaci herbat pitych dla przyjemności (ang. recreational teas [Sõukand i in. 2013]); daje to poczucie sprawczości. Dobrym przykładem na to, że robienie rzeczy samemu, „swojskość” produktów, czyni je czystymi i bezpiecznymi, jest następująca, nagrana przeze mnie w Winnicy opowieść: Ira: Wiem, że starsze babcie, to generalnie takimi silnymi ludźmi były, że bez spryskiwacza mogły pryskać. Pryskały venikem (miotłą). IK: Ta-ak? Ira: Tak. Truciznę w wiadrze rozpuszczały – i miotłą, miotłą, tak miotłą, raz, raz, raz. I to wujek Kola opowiadał, znaczy mąż siostry mojej mamy, opowiadał, że u nich tam była taka, no ona już była dosyć stara, taka masywna, silnej budowy, mówi, dobra kobieta, nie chorowała na nic przez całe życie, to ona o tak, mówi, tę, znaczy, rozpuściła, znaczy, zamieszała palcem, jeszcze tak spróbowała, nie... Coś, mówi, ono słabiutkie, nie wystarczająco mocne. Jeszcze jego trzeba tu dodać. To ona sama na smak próbowała czy ono mocne, czy słabe, i nic jej nie było [śmiech]. Tak i ona tak sobie pryskała, tak sobie radziła, tak. [K. 33 Ira DW_B0134] Bywało, że kiedy pojawiało się dużo stonki ziemniaczanej, niektórzy rozmówcy decydowali się podjąć próbę zdobycia chemicznych środków ochrony roślin i stosowali je w swoich przydomowych ogrodach. Niemniej ta praktyka nie zmieniała narracji o własnych, niepryskanych warzywach. Zainteresowaniem cieszyły się też sadzeniaki ziemniaków (kupowano je szczególnie, jeśli nie wystarczyło własnych albo gospodarze byli ciekawi jakiejś nowej odmiany), które były zaprawione i tym sposobem zabezpieczone przed koloradzkim żukiem (stonką ziemniaczaną Leptinotarsa decemlineata Say); rośliny rozwijające się z bulw były toksyczne dla owadów. Takie ziemniaki były przedstawiane jako ziemniaki „bez chemii”, „ekologicznie czyste”. Nie chodziło tu o zaufanie do okresów karencji ani rozpad środków owado- i grzybobójczych, bo to one są głównie używane w ogrodach przydomowych, Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 116 �środków chwastobójczych się nie stosuje. Rośliny towarzyszące uprawom są usuwane ręcznie przez gracowanie i pielenie, lecz także, szczególnie później w sezonie, gdy rośliny uprawne są już większe, akceptuje się ich obecność. Moim zdaniem brak zmiany narracji wynikał z poczucia kontroli nad własnym ogrodem, osiąganego dzięki własnej pracy, znajomości ziemi i odmian, dzięki temu, że stosowanie środków chemicznych może być włączone w sieć bliskich relacji, staje się sprawdzone, znajome, obserwowalne gołym okiem – znajoma babka bada nasycenie roztworu środków owadobójczych na smak, stają się przez to sprawdzone, znane – również dla tych, którzy tylko to obserwują lub o tym słyszą. Analogicznie jest z przelewaniem środków ochrony roślin, o którym pisałam w podrozdziale II.1 Infrastruktura. Podobnie jak w badaniach, które podejmowały Melissa Caldwell (2011), Cynthia Gabriel (2005) i Jane Zavisca (2003), bliskość w sieci relacji wpływa na uznawanie przez rozmówców produktów za czyste ekologicznie (ekologicheskij chistyj), można również powiedzieć, że czyste ekologicznie oznacza samodzielnie wyprodukowane (self produced). Pojęcie samodzielności jest rozciągnięte na osoby bliskie, dobrze znane, silnie związane z nami w sieciach relacji. Odgrywa tu również rolę ogromne poszanowanie dla ręcznej pracy i osobistego wysiłku (por. Caldwell 2011 i Humphrey 2010). Tak o zagadnieniu „swojskości” pisze Joanna Mroczkowska: „Swój” – oznaczający stosunek posiadania wobec produktu, który teraz pochodzi z nieznanego najczęściej źródła, z miasta lub miasteczka (por. alienacja producenta i produktu/efektów pracy), „swój” oznaczający również znany, „swój” – taki jak dawniej, i wreszcie wytworzony dzięki pracy rąk własnych, rodziny i sąsiadów. Opozycją jest tu obcy, „chemia” – źródło choroby. „Swoje” jest kategorią, która potrafi godzić sprzeczności z różnych dyskursów. Na przykład ciasto z galaretką niebieską lub zrobione w Stanach jest ciągle swoje, o ile zrobione jest przez kobietę-matkę-gospodynię (Mroczkowska 2015: 144). III. 3.3.4. Wielogatunkowość W niektórych kontekstach zwierzę (stonka), które jest blisko splecione z rozmówcami w sieciach relacji, ale postrzegane bardzo negatywnie, bo ludzi łączy z nim jedzenie tej samej rośliny, czyli są dla siebie konkurencją, i zwykle jest traktowane wręcz jak wróg, może stać się bliskie: Iwa Kołodziejska 117 �Bardzo dużo pojawiło się takich ziemniaków, które tam, wyhodowane odmiany, co ich nie je stonka. No i takie ziemniaki jakby, ot z początku, pierwszy okres uprawiali, potem przyszła informacja, czy ktoś swoim rozumem do tego doszedł, że jeśli ich nie je stonka, to znaczy, że one są już tak złe, że ludzie nie powinni ich jeść. [K. 33 Ira DW_B0134] Czasem zwierzę, nawet takie jak stonka ziemniaczana, staje się bliskie, nam podobne. Jeśli ono nie chce jeść ziemniaków, my też nie powinniśmy. Skomplikowanie i różnice w niciach naszych fizjologii, związków tworzących nas i owada, znikają. Są to akurat te różnice, które z punktu widzenia fizjologa zwierząt są kluczowe. Zupełnie inne związki chemiczne mogą być trujące dla owada i dla człowieka. III. 4. Przykłady z zielników: nici zielnika Nataszy i innych z nim powiązanych Tak jak w zielniku Haliny Anatolevnej bardzo ważna była warstwa dyskursywna i fakt posiadania wiedzy, która nie musiała koniecznie być na co dzień praktykowana, tak w zielniku Nataszy ogromnie ważna była praktyka. Natasza jest niezwykle dumna ze swojej pamięci i tego, że zna bardzo wiele roślin leczniczych i przepisów na ich przygotowywanie. Należy do grupy rozmówców, którzy szczególnie aktywnie zbierali wszelkie informacje o roślinach i szybko sprawdzali je w praktyce. Wszyscy moi dorośli rozmówcy byli otwarci na wiedzę o roślinach, ale nie wszyscy jej aż tak aktywnie poszukiwali i nie wszyscy tak chętnie rozwijali umiejętności niezbędne do praktykowania tej wiedzy. Według mnie spośród 63 dorosłych osób, z którymi przeprowadziłam wywiady, 22 miało bardzo rozbudowane zielniki, a spośród nich 11 (10 kobiet i 1 mężczyzna) wykazywało szczególną pasję zbierania i poznawania roślin oraz poszukiwania nowej wiedzy i pogłębiania już posiadanej. Wydaje mi się, że te liczby świadczą o wysokiej istotności wiedzy o roślinach dla mieszkańców terenu moich badań. III. 4.1. Relacja z miejscem i krajobrazem Natasza w dzieciństwie mieszkała, jak mówi, w górach, w okolicach Kamieńca Podolskiego. Jej ojciec zginął w wypadku, gdy była jeszcze dzieckiem. Po jego śmierci przeniosła się z matką i trójką rodzeństwa Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 118 �do Stroyinciów. Była najmłodsza, a matki nie było stać na to, by i ona się uczyła; pozostałe siostry zdobyły wykształcenie. O jej mamie mówiono w Stroyinciach worożka; umiała leczyć modlitwą, zamawiać choroby, lała wosk, spalała beszyhu (dwa rodzaje: pierwszy – wywoływana przez paciorkowce róża, drugi – opuchlizny różnego pochodzenia, głównie na twarzy). Gdy ją poznałam, była już poważnie chora i rzadko kogoś przyjmowała, ale o swojej praktyce chętnie opowiadała. Mówiła też, że Natasza ma dar do roślin. Ciocia Natasza nie przejęła daru matki, ale praktyki duchowe były dla niej bardzo ważne, regularnie chodziła do cerkwi, zawsze przypominała mi o wszystkich świętach, podczas których można było poświecić rośliny, dbała o to, bym brała udział w ważnych wydarzeniach w cerkwi. Z Nataszą spotykałam się wielokrotnie, uwielbiała być nagrywana – czy to na dyktafon, czy kamerą, ma ogromny zapał edukacyjny i stara się przekazać swoją wiedzę każdemu, kto ma ochotę słuchać. W jej zielniku bardzo są widoczne sieci relacji z miejscami, w których bywała lub mieszkała. Natasza mówi czasem o okolicach Kamieńca Podolskiego i wspomina piękno tamtych miejsc, tamtejszy lasostep i rośliny, których nie może spotkać w Stroyinciach – jedną z nich jest goricvit (miłek wiosenny, Adonis vernalis L .), inną son-trava (najprawdopodobniej szafran, Crocus sp.): Natasza: son-trava. No to teraz sadzą. Ta sama son-trava, czekaj, jak ona się nazywa? Jakoś, o tak wczesną wiosną, one wyłażą, o jak tylko śnieg zejdzie, ta son-trava wychodziła. [K. ok 55, DW_B0133] Dla jej zielnika ważne było, że jako dziecko chodziła, obserwowała, co starsi ludzie zbierali, zawsze miała kontakt z przyrodą, co wpłynęło w istotny sposób na nici jej zielnika. Krajobrazy dzieciństwa zapadły jej w pamięć, ale, jak mówi, tam tylko wyrosła, a całe życie przeżyła tu i to zastosowania tutejszych roślin zna. Pamięta tylko, że starzy ludzie zbierali, ale nie wie dlaczego, tego już nie miała okazji się nauczyć i sama zacząć zbierać, bo tu są inne siedliska. W zielnikach często widać nici wynikające z mobilności rozmówców. Najczęściej dotyczy to miejsc, w których pracowali lub wychowali się. Tak dla dida Toli bardzo ważny był paslion (psianka czarna, Solanum americanum Mill.), o którego jedzeniu w dzieciństwie nikt inny mi nie wspominał. Did wychował się na Chersońszczyznie i tam dzieci często go jadły. Podkreślał, że może być trujący i to ważne, by jeść czarne, Iwa Kołodziejska 119 �dojrzałe owoce. Częstował mnie nimi, ciepło wspominając dzieciństwo. Roślina, którą znał did z dzieciństwa, rośnie też w Stroyinciach – jest stosunkowo kosmopolityczna, występuje na siedliskach synantropijnych (związanych z człowiekiem i jego działalnością). Choć pochodzi z Eurazji, przystosowała się doskonale do życia w Amerykach, Australii i południowej Afryce. Inaczej jest z son-travą cioci Nataszy: Natasza: U nas były fioletowe tam na pagórkach. A tu ja widzę, Lesia [jej córka], o to kupiła, to ta sama son-trava, ale one i żółte, i białe, i niebiesko-fioletowe, jakie zechcesz. J: Aha. N: Ja zapomniałam, jak one się nazywają [naciska na mnie, żebym podała polską nazwę]. J: Noo... mnie się wydaje, że u nas mówią na nie krokusy. H: O, tak, dokładnie, krokusy. U nas [w okolicach Kamieńca] to była son-trava i ją też zbierali – na co? Nie wiem na co, ale starzy ludzie zbierali. I ja kiedyś zbierałam, ale już nie pamiętam. Już minęły lata. Ja odwykłam od tamtego. Ja tam tylko dorastałam, a całe życie tutaj przeżyłam. [K. ok. 55, Natasza DW_B0133] W związku z tym, że nie miałam okazji zobaczyć son-travy, nie mam pewności, że rzeczywiście chodzi o jakiś gatunek krokusa/szafranu (Crocus sp.), tak jak wyniknęło z naszej rozmowy. Tym bardziej, że son-trava jest potoczną nazwą sasanek (Pulsatilla sp.), które występują w lasostepie w podobnych miejscach co goricvit (miłek wiosenny, Adonis vernalis L .). Nie ma to takiego znaczenia, ważne, że jest to roślina powiązana w zielniku Nataszy nićmi wspomnień z dzieciństwa, nićmi wiążącymi ją z innymi typami siedlisk niż te, wśród których mieszka w Stroyinciach. Jest jedną z tych osób, które bardzo zwracają uwagę na powiązanie roślin z siedliskami, na których występują, często podkreślała, w jakim miejscu, na jakiej glebie, czy wśród jakich innych roślin można spotkać takson lokalny, o którym mi akurat opowiadała. Tak Natasza mówi o zmianach w krajobrazie po wizycie u rodziny w okolicach Kamieńca i robi porównania z florą Stroyinciów: Natasza: Tak, co tam rośnie, rumianec [rumianek pospolity, Matricaria chamomilla L .], on tam rośnie, i shavlia [szałwia, Salvia Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 120 �sp.] na pagórkach, na górach po prostu. I polynu [bylica piołun, Artemisia absynthium L .] tam pełno. A dawniej nie było. IK: A czemu teraz tak. Jak to się... Natasza: Rozsiał się czy co. Ale dawniej jego tyle nie było. No jak, był, ale rzadziej. Tam teraz wszystko polynom. IK: Gdzie tam? Natasza: Na górze. Tam wszystko porosło. Całe wzgórze w polyni [bylicy piołun, Artemisia absynthium L .], a tutaj go tyle nie ma. No jest. Tu jest trochę, tam jest trochę. A to wysiało się. IK: A tam inaczej z niego korzystają niż tu? Natasza: Nie, wszystko tak samo. [K. ok 55, DW_B0133] Natasza porównuje, że w okolicach Kamieńca rośnie więcej polynu (bylicy piołun, Artemisia absynthium L .) niż tu – w Stroyinciach, ale zauważa też zmianę. Mówi, że wcześniej aż tak dużo go nie rosło. Zmiany zauważane w środowisku, wynikające z różnych sieci relacji, mają swoje miejsce w wielu zielnikach. Czasem są to uświadamiane sieci relacji z ludzkimi aktorami – np. często rozmówczynie (przede wszystkim katoliczki) opowiadały mi o tym, że za kościołem rosło dużo burkunu (nostrzyka, Melilotus albus Medik. i Melilotus officinalis (L .) Pall.) – żółtego i białego, obecnie nie ma już go tyle – jak mi mówiono – pewnie przez to, że dużo osób o tym wiedziało i go zbierało. Burkun (nostrzyk, Melilotus albus Medik. i Melilotus officinalis (L .) Pall.) jest bardzo ważną rośliną w zielnikach wielu moich rozmówców – jest uważany za jeden z lepszych środków wspomagających gojenie się ran. Niektórzy wyróżniają dwa lokalne taksony – burkun zholtyi, burkun zhinochyi (nostrzyk żółty, Melilotus officinalis (L .) Pall.) i burkun bilyj, burkun muzhskoi (nostrzyk biały, Melilotus albus Medik.) – odpowiednio żeński i męski. W wielu zielnikach pojawiają się rośliny uważane za męskie i żeńskie, ale tylko burkun ma to zapisane w lokalnej nazwie. III. 4.2. Płeć roślin, płeć zielników Na przykład ciocia Stasia, która po operacji oczu zaczęła zbierać rośliny, wcześniej miała bardzo dużą wadę wzroku (-15 dioptrii) i nie mogła zbierać, bo nie widziała dobrze, tak opowiada o właściwościach burkunu (nostrzyk żółty i biały, Melilotus albus Medik.; Melilotus officinalis (L .) Pall.): Iwa Kołodziejska 121 �Stasia: I burkun, burkun na przykład, ot jak noga tam spuchnie, czy jakaś rana, to jest męski i jest żeński, jest biały i jest żółty burkun. IK: Aha, żółty. A który jest męski? Stasia: A ot, wie pani (wy znajete), na pewno biały męski, a żółty żeński. Jeden jest pachnący, a drugi nie. IK: Mhm. Stasia: To nim trzeba rany przemywać, potem toż miałam na każdym palcu wołokno [choroba ludowa, objawy trochę jak przy zastrzale, wyciąga się długie włókno z palca lub innej części ciała, bardzo ważne, by go nie urwać] i to babka, ona wyciąga, to do babki chodziłam, zamówiła [od zamowy, a nie zamówienia] mi i tymi ziołami i wszystko żeńskie trawy powinny być. [K. 60, DW_A0132] Za każdym razem dopytywałam, czy kobiety powinny stosować wyłącznie żeński burkun (nostrzyk żółty, Melilotus officinalis (L .) Pall.), a mężczyźni – męski (Melilotus albus Medik.), i dowiadywałam się, że właściwie jest to bez znaczenia. Hala: To jest męski [Hala pokazuje mi zasuszony burkun], biały – męski. IK: Aha. Hala: A żeński – żółty. IK: Czy mężczyźni powinni stosować tylko biały? Hala: Jakikolwiek. Wiecie jeszcze co? Jak jest jakaś rana, na przykład na nogach, to zaparzać go i nim przemywać. Dimitr: O, a to jest żółty. IK: Aha, jest i żółty. I zbieracie jeden i drugi? Hala: Ja jeszcze go wrzucam do herbaty, bo to dobre dla organizmu. Dobrze oczyszcza organizm. Dimitr: Wymywa sole. [K. ok. 70 Hala, M. 78 Dimitr DW_A0129] Zbierają ten, który akurat uda się znaleźć, bo burkun potrafi zmieniać miejsca, znikać – jak już wspominałam. Obecnie w zielnikach moich rozmówców płeć burkunu łączy się wyłącznie z kolorem. Tak o męskich i żeńskich kolorach roślin pisze ukraińska lingwistka i etnografka Inna Gorofianiuk: Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 122 �Ciekawe prawidłowości widać, jeśli chodzi o związek koloru kwiatu z jego przynależnością do płci: różne gatunki roślin o białych kwiatach uważa się za dialektowe nośniki (діалектоносія) płci męskiej, a kolorowe, szczególnie żółte – żeńskiej. (…) Burkun jest żeński i męski, o to żeński żółty, a męski biały (o nostrzyku żółtym, burkun lekarski, Melilotus officinalis L . – wieś Ivaniv, rejon Kalinivski) (2009: 57, tłumaczenie własne). Niestety, autorka poprzestaje na opisie tego faktu i nie daje żadnych wyjaśnień. Są jednak takie rośliny, które wprawdzie nie mają w nazwie zakodowanej płci, ale są zdecydowanie polecane kobietom lub mężczyznom. Mówi się o tym często z porozumiewawczym uśmieszkiem, bo ich działanie jest łączone z podnoszeniem lub obniżaniem sprawności seksualnej i popędu płciowego. Rośliny te są obecne w zielnikach zarówno kobiet, jak i mężczyzn, a przedstawiciele obu płci dość swobodnie dzielili się ze mną tymi informacjami. Tymczasem spośród migrantów paragwajskich w Argentynie, wśród których prowadziła badania Monika Kujawska, tylko mężczyźni opowiadali o afrodyzjakach (2015). Larisa mówi mi tak: petrushka (pietruszka zwyczajna, Petroselinum crispum (Mill.) Fuss), pasternak (pasternak, Pastinaca sativa L .), od tego im się chce, miata nie robi im dobrze, zmniejsza mężczyznom ochotę na seks. Z seksu nici (seksa nul). Nie mam mężczyzny, to nie używam. [K. 34 Larisa, notatki 19.06.2012, 20.06.2012] Tak opowiada o przepisie przywiezionym przez brata z Kijowa Alina – nauczycielka wf z Hrisziwców: Alina: O, ta buzyna, tu rośnie. IK: Aha, tak, widzę. Alina: Tak zwyczajna, czarna. O, z owoców. 76 IK: Z owoców ? Alina: Właśnie z owoców – to w ogóle bardzo super ważna właściwość buzyny. Szczególnie dla mężczyzn, którzy są już w dojrzałym wieku. U kogo zdarzają się choroby na tle seksualnym. IK: Aha. 76. Dziwię się, bo większość rozmówców uważa owoce za niejadalne. Wielu łączy je ze złem, z diabłem. Iwa Kołodziejska 123 �Alina: Trzeba brać o te owocki buzyny, nastawiać najlepiej na spirytusie. A później przyjmować trzy razy dziennie po łyżeczce od herbaty. I wszystko odnowi się [śmieje się]. IK: Nigdy o tym nie słyszałam. Alina: Tak, to taki zwykły narodny [ludowy] sposób. To mój brat przyjechał z Kijowa i jak on zobaczył tę buzynu, on już jest pod czterdziestkę. I on, jego żona skubie, on sobie słoik nazbierał, no generalnie, on mówi, spróbuj nawet swojemu Tarasowi, mówi, spróbuj dla profilaktyki. Ja powiedziałam: dobrze. [K. ok. 40 Hrisziwcy DW_D0239] Stosunek do tego, czy to dobrze, by było seksa nul, zależy oczywiście od konkretnej osoby i jej relacji. Nie zaobserwowałam tu żadnej tendencji zależnej od płci, raczej rozmówcy stosują te rośliny zależnie od aktualnej potrzeby – swojej lub partnera. Dość klasycznie, jak na wschodnioeuropejski kontekst, choć nie tylko, w zielnikach nie ma roślin, które zwiększałyby popęd seksualny kobiet (por. Talko-Hryncewicz 1893; Kujawska 2015). Są natomiast takie, które mogą spowodować poronienie. Mówiono mi o nich zawsze jako o tych, na które powinny uważać osoby ciężarne. Mimo że w byłym Związku Radzieckim zwykle swobodnie mówi się o aborcjach (zdarzało mi się słyszeć takie historie od moich rozmówczyń), to w zielnikach nie ma roślin celowo stosowanych jako środki poronne. Być może jest tak dlatego, że moje rozmówczynie nie uciekały się w tej kwestii do świata roślinnego, tylko udawały się po pomoc do przedstawicieli medycyny oficjalnej. Nie drążyłam jednak zbyt głęboko tego tematu, więc nie mam całkowitej pewności. Nikt nie mówił mi o obecności środków antykoncepcyjnych w jego zielniku mentalnym. Tonia M. w ten sposób opowiada o roślinach, które mogą spowodować poronienie: Tonia: Są nawet takie zioła (travy), które, kiedy kobieta jest w ciąży, to ich nie może pić, bo mogą spowodować poronienie, na przykład miata [mięta, różne gatunki i odmiany, Mentha spp.]. Miaty nie można wtedy dawać do picia! IK: Kiedy kobieta jest w ciąży, tak? Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 124 �Tonia: Tak, kiedy jest ciężarna, ona wywoła... W ogóle miata jest niekorzystna, szczególnie dla mężczyzn! Dlatego jak tak zgodnie z wierzeniem, to oni stają się impotentami, tak właśnie od miaty. IK: Tak? Tonia: Tak! Właśnie mężczyźni nie powinni pić miaty. Niby ziółko – ziółko, wszystko smaczne. No, a nieprawda, że całkowicie, no ale za bardzo wciągać się w nią nie należy. Żadnej travy nie należy nadużywać, moim zdaniem.[K. 55 DW_A0131] Moi rozmówcy wierzą w moc i działanie roślin, obserwują ich działanie na sobie, więc właściwie nigdy nie traktują ich lekko. Wiele roślin o działaniu afrodyzjakalnym lub obniżającym popęd seksualny ma w swoim wyjątkowo bogatym zielniku Witia. Chętnie i zabawnie o nich opowiada. Jedną z jego ulubionych opowieści jest historia o pasternaku (pasternak, Pastinaca sativa L .), który został mu polecony przez starszą kobietę na weselu jako środek utrzymujący w zdrowiu zęby. Mimo podeszłego wieku miała ona wszystkie własne zęby i twierdziła, że zawdzięcza to pasternakovi (pasternak, Pastinaca sativa L .). Witia postanowił wypróbować, ale niedługo stosował tę kurację, bo miała działanie afrodyzjakalne, co nie było mu wówczas na rękę. Powiedział mi, że może staruszka mogła sobie chrupać ten pasternak, ale on, mężczyzna w sile wieku i bez kobiety, musiał z tej terapii zrezygnować i pogodzić się z ewentualnymi chorobami zębów. [M. ok. 50 Witia DW_D0224, DW_A0122] III. 4.3. Różnice między zielnikami mężczyzn i kobiet Są jednak takie zastosowania roślin, o których właściwie nigdy nie słyszałam od mężczyzn. Są to rośliny związane z dbaniem o skórę niemowląt i pierwszą ich rytualną kąpielą, zniechęcające do picia alkoholu i zapobiegające męskiej zdradzie (por. Howard 2003, żaden z autorów tomu nie wspomina o roślinach zapobiegających zdradzie czy alkoholizmowi, ale jest wiele przykładów roślin należących do żeńskiej sfery, np. tych związanych z opieką nad dziećmi). Ciocia Natasza mieszka z dwoma wnukami – synami syna; dzieci córki przychodzą w odwiedziny; jej rodzina jest mocno ze sobą związana, często się widują, troszczą się o siebie. Ważnymi nośnikami troski są dla Iwa Kołodziejska 125 �77 nich rośliny lecznicze i zabiegi babki – matki Nataszy (baba Hania zmarła po zakończeniu głównego okresu badań). Dlatego, jak wiele kobiet w jej wieku, ma w zielniku mentalnym bardzo dużo roślin związanych z troską o dzieci. Ważna w tym kontekście jest np. peonia, peony, pivonia, roza (piwonia, różne gatunki i odmiany, Paeonia spp.), w której płatkach kąpie się po raz pierwszy w życiu dziewczynkę, żeby była piękna i lubiana przez chłopców. Niezależnie od płci dziecka pierwsza kąpiel jest bardzo ważna i zawsze dodaje się do niej zioła. Później też często kąpie się dzieci w travach, szczególnie jeśli mają jakieś kłopoty ze skórą. Jedną z najważniejszych roślin służących do tego jest chereda, didovi voshchi, didive voshi, didovi voshi, babini voshchi (uczep trójdzielny, Bidens tripartita L.). Tak mówi o niej moja rozmówczyni: Natasza: To jest chereda (uczep trójdzielny, Bidens tripartita L .). Chereda po narodnomu (w lokalnym dialekcie) to didovi voshi. IK: Jak? Natasza: Didovi voshi. One jak dojrzewają, to takie są, że czepiają się ubrań. J: A, aha. Natasza: One tak mocno się czepiają, że ich odczepić się nie daje. Jeżeli przejdziesz przez to, wyjdziesz z niego niczym jeż. [K. ok. 55 Natasza DW_B0116] Widać w tej wypowiedzi różnorodne nici relacji Nataszy z tą rośliną i relacje cheredy z innymi aktorami (np. zwierzętami – w tym ludzkimi – rozsiewającymi ją poprzez przenoszenie na powierzchni swoich ciał). W domu Nataszy jest wanna (ważna aktorka sieci tego zielnika), co nie jest powszechne w domach moich rozmówców, dlatego w jej zielniku jest wiele roślin, które wykorzystuje w postaci „wanien”, np. kąpiele w gałęziach hvoiny, sosny (sosna zwyczajna, Pinus sylvestris L.) stosowane przy przeziębieniu i zapaleniu płuc (kolejno cała rodzina się moczy), czy wanny z suszonych liści beriozy, berezy (brzozy brodawkowatej i omszonej, Betula pendula Roth i B. pubescens Ehrh.) działające oczyszczająco. Są też takie umiejętności, które mogą być lepiej zakorzenione w męskich zielnikach. Przykładem niech będą aktywności związane 77. Stosuję tu termin babka jako określenie osoby leczącej. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 126 �ze zbiorem soku z beriozy, berezy – nie chodzi o wiedzę, bo teoretycznie wszyscy wiedzą, jak to zrobić, przy użyciu tej lub innej techniki. Natasza zwykle wszystkie części roślin zbiera sama, ale zbieranie soku z beriozy, berezy zostawia synowi. Sama zajmuje się robieniem kwasu z soku z beriozy, berezy – dodawaniem suszonych jabłek i nastawianiem go. Nawet ciocia Lusia – kobieta orkiestra – umiejąca stawiać piece i robiąca to często w domach znajomych, mająca bardzo bogaty zielnik pełen magicznych opowieści o roślinach, chodząca regularnie na ryby, rzadko zbiera sok z brzozy. Co ciekawe, podkradanie soku jest uważane za coś w pełni dopuszczalnego, rodzaj gry, w którą grają wszyscy zbieracze, choć przede wszystkim dzieci. W zielnikach moich rozmówczyń są też – nieobecne w męskich zielnikach, w każdym razie wystarczająco wyraźnie, by mężczyźni mi o nich mówili – rośliny odpowiadające na problemy kobiet z mężczyznami. Rozmówcy nigdy również nie mówili mi o roślinach pomagających im przy jakichś problemach z kobietami. To, że będąc mężatką, mieszkałam na Podolu tylko z synem, a mąż przyjeżdżał od czasu do czasu, skłaniało rozmówczynie do dzielenia się informacją, że powinnam go poić herbatą zawierającą cykorij, petrovi batohi, sobachy batogi (cykorię podróżnik, Cichorium intybus L .). Miało to spowodować, że nie będzie gulial (zdradzał mnie). Jednak to nie wokół zdrad małżeńskich koncentruje się część zielników przynależna wyłącznie kobietom. To domowe sposoby radzenia sobie z alkoholizmem są tu osią. Stosowanie tych metod wymaga wiedzy i ostrożności, bo rośliny w tym celu używane mogą być, według wiedzy rozmówczyń, śmiertelnie trujące i dlatego, jak mi mówiły: trzeba znać dozu. Prym wśród stosowanych w ten sposób roślin wiedzie, łatwy do znalezienia w stroyinieckich lasach – kopytniak (kopytnik pospolity, Asarum europaeum L .). Kopytniak, wiesz co to? On zniechęca do wódki. Powoduje wymioty, trzeba znać dawkę, bo wymiotuje się od niego, trujący jest nawet. [K. 62 Hania notatka 19.06.2012] Jednak często się słyszy, że mężowi nic nie pomaga, nawet kopytniak (kopytnik pospolity, Asarum europaeum L .). Iwa Kołodziejska 127 �Do podobnych metod uciekały się czytelniczki gazet i czasopism dla farmerów, popularnych na początku XX w. wśród ukraińskich migrantów do Kanady. Na ich łamach, zwykle pod pseudonimem, na ich łamach dzieliły się problemami i rozwiązaniami. Problem alkoholowy partnerów bywał przedmiotem ich porad, stosowanie różnego rodzaju środków trujących w odpowiedniej dawce było powszechne (Lewis 1990). Często formą, w której podaje się lek roślinny, jest nalewka na spirytusie lub wódce. Dlatego niektóre rozmówczynie podkreślają, które preparaty można przygotować tak, by nadawały się dla tych, co nie mogą pić alkoholu – zwykle chodzi o mężczyzn alkoholików. To jest polyn [bylica piołun, Artemisia absynthium L.]. Jeśli chorują ludzie, którzy nie mogą alkoholu przyjmować, to go się zaparza tak jak herbatę. Bardzo dobrze leczy żołądek. [K ok 55 Natasza DW_A0118] Wśród moich rozmówczyń powszechne jest postrzeganie mężczyzn jako słabych i nieprzydatnych. Mimo wszystko chcą ich utrzymać, ponieważ we dwoje łatwiej jest „ciągnąć gospodarstwo”. W tym modelu kobiecości ważne jest dbanie o innych, a trudne – przyznanie się do dbania o siebie. Od wielu rozmówczyń (mężczyźni leczący i zbierający rośliny nie wygłaszali takich opinii) słyszałam: zbieram, zbieram, nasuszę i mam, czasem nawet nie używam, nie mam czasu, ale mieć je muszę [K. 55 Tonia DW_A0167, DW_A0168], czy: żeby tak wszystkiego tego używać, trzeba by bardzo siebie lubić [myśleć o sobie], zdrowa bym była, gdybym używała, ale nie nazbierać nie mogę [notatka K. 62 Hania 17.06.2012]. Zabezpieczenie się na wypadek nagłej potrzeby wysuszonymi roślinami jest ważne, bo w wypadku bardzo wielu przypadłości po rośliny sięga się w pierwszym momencie. Przeziębienia, bóle stawów, problemy żołądkowe, źle gojące się rany to podstawowe problemy zdrowotne, które leczy się roślinami w warunkach domowych. Jeżeli zabraknie potrzebnych ziół w domowej apteczce, prosi się o nie sąsiadów, znajomych, rodzinę – osoby z sieci znajomości. Bazylevych pisze o tym, że ze względu na sposób funkcjonowania służby zdrowia w Ukrainie odpowiedzialność za zdrowie pacjentów, nawet w najbardziej podstawowym zakresie, spada na nich samych (Bazylevych 2009). Kobiety mówią, że nie dbają o zdrowie, zajmują się nim dopiero, kiedy jest już bardzo źle, że nie Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 128 �są na tyle na sobie skupione (nie lubią siebie na tyle), żeby się profilaktyką zajmować. W takich wypowiedziach pobrzmiewa nutka ironii – „miastowe, które mają dużo czasu, mogą sobie na coś takiego pozwolić, a nie my, ludzie dużo i ciężko pracujący”. W pewnym sensie nie honor o siebie dbać, tak samo jak nie wypada za bardzo się oszczędzać fizycznie, czy nie ryzykować choćby w niewielkim stopniu zdrowiem. To ostatnie dotyczy szczególnie mężczyzn i w ich kontekście pojawia się wątek „kozactwa”. Wpisuje się to, w pewnym stopniu, w radziecki dyskurs dotyczący heroizmu (Lindbladh 2012). Dbanie o kogoś innego to zupełnie inna sprawa. Kobiece dbanie o innych rozciąga się szeroko – dotyczy nie tylko rodziny, lecz także sąsiadów, znajomych czy nawet przygodnie spotkanych osób, jak badaczka. W zielnikach znanych mi mężczyzn, nawet tych o bardzo bogatych zielnikach, właściwie nie ma nici związanych z rozdawaniem roślin, dbaniem przy ich pomocy o społeczność; jeśli ktoś, poza samymi nosicielami zielników, jest tu uwzględniany, to są to osoby najbliższe. Wpisuje się to w dyskurs, w którym właśnie kobiety są sprawcze i silne – berehynie (żeńskie boginie, strażniczki ogniska domowego), na nich wszystko się opiera (por. Murney 2007). Znamienne może się wydawać w tym kontekście, że w kobiecych zielnikach duże znaczenie mają rośliny o działaniu uspokajającym i obniżającym ciśnienie krwi. Właściwie każda z moich rozmówczyń podkreślała, że rośliny „na uspokojenie” trzeba mieć w podręcznym zapasie. Wszystko jedno czy będą to, jak u Anatolevnej, hvoia (sosna zwyczajna, Pinus sylvestris L .) na uspokajające kąpiele, czy dużo powszechnej stosowane napary, ważne, żeby pomogło. Halina: To chebrec [macierzanka, Thymus serpyllum L . i Thymus pulegioides L ., być może też inne taksony z rodzaju Thymus] jest, materinka [lebiodka pospolita, Origanum vulgare L .], jeszcze piję miatę [mięta, różne gatunki, Mentha spp.]. To ja to wrzątkiem zaleję, kiedy nie mogę spać, po to, żeby się uspokoić. Po całym dniu przychodzisz do domu. Mężczyźni po to, żeby się rozluźnić, wypijają kieliszek. I potem uspokajają się. A ja lubię czekoladę, a do tego kubek herbaty. Potem przychodzi spokój. [K. ok. 60 Anatolevna DW_A0156] Iwa Kołodziejska 129 �Natasza jako zaspokoitelnyj zasib (środek uspokajający) bardzo ceni sobachu kropyvu, pustyrnik (serdecznik zwyczajny, Leonurus cardiaca L .): Natasza: A już teraz to tę sobachu kropyvu [serdecznik zwyczajny, Leonurus cardiaca L .], ja cały czas zbieram, to jest pustyrnik. [K. ok. 55 Natasza DW_A0118] Natasza: pustyrnik [serdecznik zwyczajny, Leonurus cardiaca L .], po narodnomu sobacha kropyva, on jest silnie uspokajający i od ciśnienia. [K. ok. 55, DW_B0116] W kobiecych zielnikach dość istotne miejsce zajmują rośliny stosowane do leczenia tzw. chorób kobiecych. Typową metodą podania leku są szpryncowania (irygacje) pochwy, czasem też napary do picia. Najpowszechniej jest w tym celu stosowana akacia (robinia akacjowa, grochodrzew biały, Robinia pseudoacacia L .). Natasza: To akacia [robinia akacjowa, grochodrzew biały, Robinia pseudoacacia L .]. To jest dobrze pić herbatę, ona, jak ma się zapalenie jajników. Bardzo pomaga. [Natasza K. ok. 55, DW_B0116]. Mniej popularna, ale dla wielu kobiet bardzo ważna jest bilia lilia [liliia biała, Lilium candidum L .]: Natasza: O, tu liliia bila. Na żeńskie. Głównie od jajników kobiety piją. O, to jest ona [pokazuje rosnącą w swoim ogródku]. IK: I kwiaty czy... Natasza: Dokładnie kwiaty, właśnie kwiaty. [Natasza K. ok. 55, DW_ B0116] Inną, dość powszechnie stosowaną przy takich przypadłościach rośliną z kobiecych zielników jest chervonyi klever, koniushyna rozova (gatunki koniczyn o różowych kwiatach, Trifolium spp. o różowych kwiatach ). Tonia: A jeszcze dobry nawet sam klever. Znasz taką roślinę? IK: A który, biały? Tonia: Nie, nie, konkretnie czerwony. Biały, nie wiem na co jest. Nie zbieram. A ten, tak, dobry, kiedy na kobiece chorują. Szpryncuwatsia Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 130 �[robić irygacje] można albo po prostu się podmywać. Można też pić. [Tonia M. k. 55 DW_A0131] III. 4.4 .Mieć rośliny, mieć wiedzę – budować prestiż? W pokoju cioci Nataszy jest szafa z fototapetą przedstawiającą wiosenny las i wodospad, za jej przesuwanymi drzwiami, wśród zwisających z wieszaka spódnic kryją się słoje i słoiki, a w nich różne nastoiki (nalewki), owoce zasypane cukrem. Natasza suszone rośliny przechowuje na strychu, wchodzi się na niego po metalowych, porośniętych winoroślą schodach na szczytowej ścianie domu. Zwykle, kiedy ciocia Natasza wiedziała, że mam do niej przyjść, znosiła woreczki i zrobione ze starych gazet zawiniątka z roślinami, czasem bywałyśmy też w znajdującej się naprzeciw domu piwnicy, której półki uginały się pod różnokolorowymi słojami z przetworami. Jeśli spotykałyśmy się gdzieś przypadkiem, też opowiadała o roślinach, które akurat zebrała ostatnio, przede wszystkim takich, o których wcześniej zapomniała mi powiedzieć. Bukiety, materiałowe woreczki, gazety czy słoiki z suszonymi roślinami są właściwie w każdym gospodarstwie. W Stroyinciach nie poznałam nikogo, kto nie przechowywałby przynajmniej kilku najczęściej używanych taksonów roślin. Bardzo wiele osób przygotowuje różnego rodzaju nalewki. Niektórzy robią maści czy zasypują kwiaty i owoce roślin leczniczych cukrem. Niemniej najbardziej powszechne jest wykorzystanie naparów. W tym przechowywaniu i zbieraniu roślin bardzo ważne jest to, żeby je mieć: Natasza: Tu mam boiaryshnik [hlid, boiaryshnik, hlod (głóg, Crataegus sp.)]. IK: O, boiaryshnik! Natasza: Miałam jego trzylitrowy słoik i oddałam siostrze, bo ona ma ciśnienie. Dużo mi jeszcze zostało, to potrzeba tylko 1/3. A ja to wzięłam, zrobiłam, myślę, nie daj Boże, kiedyś będzie potrzebny, to wtedy będzie można rozcieńczyć. [K. ok. 55 DW_B0133] Posiadanie dzikich roślin jest źródłem poczucia bezpieczeństwa i potencjalnej sprawczości. Zebrane rośliny zawsze można komuś dać w prezencie, podarować, gdy jest się o to proszonym, ale też wcisnąć, gdy chce się pozbyć nadmiaru. Szczególnie wiosna jest momentem, Iwa Kołodziejska 131 �gdy nadmiary zaczynają krążyć po sieciach relacji. Choćby zeszłoroczne zasuszone rośliny, nikt nie chce ich wyrzucić, bo szkoda, mają jeszcze moc i wartość, ale jeśli nazbierało się już nowe, to można te stare spróbować oddać w dobre ręce. Podobnie jest z sadzonkami roślin, bywa, że moi rozmówcy cierpią z powodu klęski urodzaju – nie ma już wolnego miejsca w ogródku, a tu ktoś przyniósł jeszcze kilka nowych sadzonek pomidorów. Podobnie jest z przetworami – o czym pisałam w pierwszym rozdziale. Rozmówcy o szczególnie bogatych zielnikach dużo czasu poświęcają przygotowywaniu wieloskładnikowych herbat – czy to leczniczych, czy też pitych dla przyjemności. Jest to różne np. od tego. jak przygotowuje się herbaty do picia i leczenia na rumuńskiej Bukowinie – tam tylko zwierzęta leczy się herbatami wieloskładnikowymi, jest to argumentowane tym, że trudno jest postawić bardzo precyzyjną diagnozę. Zoriana Boltarovych (ukraińska etnografka) tłumaczy to tym, że w lecznictwie ludowym Ukrainy stosowano mieszanki wielu ziół, gdyż istniało przekonanie, że przy licznych dolegliwościach konieczne jest holistyczne podejście do leczenia, powinno się leczyć cały organizm, a nie tylko chory organ (2014). Wieloskładnikowe herbaty w większości znanych mi zielników mentalnych mają trzy, pięć lub siedem składników. III. 4.5. Ekonomiczne przyczyny zbierania roślin Niektórzy z rozmówców deklarowali, że nigdy nie pijają czarnej czy zielonej herbaty z liści Camellia sinensis (L .) Kuntze i jej odmian. Niemniej zdarzało mi się dość często być częstowaną taką herbatą. Dobrej jakości herbata pełni czasem funkcję podarunku, nie spotkałam się jednak z tym, by była to herbata pakowana w torebki. Baba Masza, sąsiadka baby Adeli, często wpadała do nas do domu posiedzieć chwilę w ogródku i porozmawiać. Tłumaczyła mi podczas wywiadu, dlaczego nie kupuje czarnej herbaty: To nie to, że to oszczędność. Nie ma tu czego oszczędzać. Tak, wszystko mamy. Zdarza się że ot, kupię czasem paczuszkę herbaty, popiłam, wrzuciłam te o [susz herbaciany], przyjrzałam się – nie, brzydzę się i tyle. Nie mogę, nawet ta herbata sypana. Ot wrzuciłam, ona naciąga, no ja sobie tak po troszku, mnie lepiej, ale w większości to u mnie zioła (travy). [K. ok. 83 Masza, DW_A0169] Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 132 �Jeżeli zbieranie ziół na herbaty pite na co dzień dla przyjemności jest warunkowane przyczynami ekonomicznymi, to tylko w niewielkim stopniu i nie jest to dla mieszkańców Podola argument, który sami by podnosili. Wręcz odwrotnie, mówią, że stać ich na sklepową herbatę, ale nie chcą jej pić. Oczywiście jest to też kwestia szerszych powiązań gospodarczych i tego, jakiej jakości herbaty są dostępne w miejscach, gdzie mieszkają. Dlatego nie wykluczałabym całkowicie przyczyn ekonomicznych, mimo że są z porządku etik. Trochę inaczej ma się sprawa z leczeniem domowym naparami ziołowymi. Pomimo że nikt nigdy mi nie powiedział, że leczy się w ten sposób, bo nie stać go na inne metody terapii, to rozmowy o cenach leków, a przede wszystkim porad lekarskich i leczenia szpitalnego powracały bardzo często podczas moich badań. Mniej lub bardziej dramatyczne opowieści o kontaktach z przedstawicielami oficjalnej medycyny dobrze ilustruje winnickie graffiti (por. Kołodziejska-Degórska 2016). Fot. 5. Graffiti przedstawiające lekarza – skarbonkę z winnickiej ul. Sobornej. Iwa Kołodziejska 133 �Zbieranie roślin, czy to na napary lecznicze, czy na smakowe herbatki, nie było źródłem regularnego dochodu dla żadnego z moich rozmówców (por. Rakowski 2009, Skupiński 2018). Nie poznałam w Stroyinciach ani okolicznych wsiach nikogo, kto regularnie zbierałby i sprzedawał rośliny. Czasem ktoś wspomniał o tym, że sprzedawał w Kijowie na rynku (co ciekawe, nigdy w tym kontekście nie pojawiała się Winnica) podsnezhniki, pidsnizhniki, kozodriz (przebiśniegi, Galanthus nivalis L .) czy cheremshę, medvedi chesnok, zeleny chesnok, zelenyj chesnok, chosnechok (czosnek niedźwiedzi, Allium ursinum L .), ewentualnie tatarskie zilja, air (tatarak zwyczajny, Acorus calamus ) w okolicy Zielonych Świątek (mieszkańcy Stroyinciów muszą udawać się poza wieś po tatarskie zilja, bo w pobliżu nie ma jego siedlisk). Zwykle mówiono o tym w kontekście kar, które mogą zostać nałożone na sprzedających te zamieszczone w Czerwonej Księdze Roślin Ukrainy rośliny (Chervona kniga Allium 2009; Chervona kniga Galanthus 2009). Ludzie o ochronie prawnej tych gatunków dowiadywali się, gdy nałożono lub próbowano nałożyć na nich kary. Często też podważali sens ochrony, gdyż w ich okolicy oba gatunki rosną łanami. M: Bóg dał tyle cheremshy, a za nią gonią [za jej sprzedaż]. T: No tak, gonią. Kijowie dają mandaty za podsniezhniki też, a przecież nie sprzedaje ich się z cebulkami, jak je trochę przerywać, to cebulki lepiej rosną. K: Co za przepis, ale milicja zawsze znajdzie coś, do czego może się przyczepić [notatka, 4.06.2012] (patrz też podrozdział II.4 Lasy, łąki, krajobraz wsi). Tak o karach za zrywanie podsnezhników (przebiśniegów, Galanthus nivalis L .) mówią podczas zbierania materiału do filmu Nastia i Masza, wówczas uczennice piątej klasy miejscowej szkoły: Nastia: Podsniezhniki są w Czerwonej Księdze Roślin Ukrainy. Rafał: I oni sprawdzają, czy nikt ich nie zrywa? Nastia: Tak. Masza: Dają ogromny mandat. Nastia: Mogą dać taki mandat, że nie starczy wam pieniędzy nawet jak sprzedacie swój dom. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 134 �Masza: Tylko dzieciom nie dają. [Film Ludzie i rośliny, maj 2013] To, że dziewczynki wiedzą, że podsniezhniki są w Czerwonej Księdze Roślin Ukrainy, jest wynikiem pracy nauczyciela biologii, który o tym opowiada i chodzi z dziećmi do lasu liczyć zagęszczenie populacji podsniezhników. Od niego też wie o tym np. Witia – miejscowy nauczyciel plastyki, osoba o bardzo bogatym zielniku mentalnym. Pytany o nowe tablice wywieszone przez leśnictwo, głoszące, że zabrania się zbierania roślin w lesie, mówi: A co to leśnictwo może zabronić, no może, gdyby jakiś pan się pojawił i las wykupił, to mógłby zabronić, a leśnictwo, co im szkodzi, że ludzie chodzą do lasu i coś tam sobie zbiorą. Później przeszliśmy do tematu Czerwonej Księgi, czy zna jakieś rośliny w niej umieszczone: Witia: A wiesz, na pewno te podsniezhniki, je nawet zabraniają sprzedawać, dają mandaty. Je wożą na sprzedaż, to mandat dają. A więcej nie wiem, co tam jeszcze może być (w Księdze). [M ok. 50, DW_D0224] Wśród moich rozmówców był tylko jeden mający w rodzinie osobę regularnie zbierającą zioła na sprzedaż. Była to ciocia Andrija, w 2013 roku ucznia siódmej klasy w stroyinieckiej szkole. Andrij miał bardzo bogaty zielnik mentalny. Źródłem wiedzy o roślinach leczniczych była dla niego ciotka, która dorabiała, sprzedając na targu repiashok (rzepik pospolity, Agrimonia eupatoria L.). Nikt z moich rozmówców nie zbierał roślin przede wszystkim po to, by zarobić, zbierano dla siebie, dla swojej rodziny, przyjaciół, po to, by korzystać z nich doraźnie lub by zabezpieczyć się na wypadek, gdy jakaś roślina lecznicza może być potrzebna. III. 4.6. Jak zbierać? Dyskurs dotyczący pór zbierania jest tym, czym wielu rozmówców chce się podzielić z badaczką – kimś z zewnątrz, jednak dla większości osób (jeżeli nie wszystkich, z którymi rozmawiałam) nie wypływa ze starej tradycji, dawnej wiedzy, ale jest konstruowany z cytatów ze wstępów do książek, jest czymś, co nie jest praktykowane, ale deklarowane. Nie spotkałam nikogo, kto przestrzegałby np. zbierania roślin leczniczych przed południem, jednak prawie każdy powiedział mi, że tak właśnie należy robić. W szczególnych okolicznościach zdarza się, że nawet Iwa Kołodziejska 135 �najdobitniej wypowiadana zasada o niezbieraniu roślin leczniczych przy drodze bywa łamana. Nikt z moich rozmówców nie chciałby kupić roślin zerwanych w takim miejscu, ale jeśli ich potrzebują i sami je wybierają, to zdarza się, że spojrzą i na tę zasadę przez palce. Tak rozmawiają na ten temat Tonia z Wanią – małżeństwo o bogatych zielnikach: Wania: I co charakterystyczne, ja zwróciłem uwagę, że burkun [nostrzyk, Melilotus albus Medik. i Melilotus officinalis (L .) Pall. ], o tam, gdzie ja teraz jeżdżę [jest kierowcą kamaza], żeby tak na polu, to nie. Koło drogi, koło samej drogi, koło asfaltu. I tak oto, ja ten burkun rwałem koło asfaltu. Tonia: To niedobrze koło asfaltu, one przecież. On staje się szkodliwy, bo wypija ta roślina spaliny samochodowe. Wania: No tam w jednym miejscu rosną z prawej i z lewej. Metrów może tak 15 wzdłuż z jednej i z drugiej strony i wszystko. Dalej nie ma nigdzie. I w jednym miejscu tam, ja wczoraj jadę i myślę, zerwę, dlatego, że po prostu, jeśli będę następnym razem jechać, to przekwitnie i tyle. [K. 46 Tonia, M. ok. 45 Wania DW_A0168_1] Czy przestrzeganie tego zakazu jest związane z myśleniem o indywidualnym zdrowiu (zdrowiu jednostki), czy chodzi tu bardziej o ciało społeczne, tożsamość, relacje z produktem i ludźmi go tworzącymi? Wydaje mi się, że to drugie. Moi rozmówcy, a szczególnie rozmówczynie, dużo częściej definiują zdrowie w kategoriach społecznych niż indywidualnych. Roślina zbierana przez znajomą osobę przy oswojonej drodze może być „zdrowa”, ponieważ jest uwikłana w ważne dla danej osoby relacje, one uprawomocniają jej jakość. Rzadko się chodzi specjalnie po rośliny, dużo częściej są zbierane przy okazji, widać to i w powyższym cytacie. Sprzyja temu bardzo położenie wsi – na porośniętych łąkami pagórkach, w bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie lasu. Idąc z jednej części wsi do drugiej, w wielu miejscach mija się łąki, nieużytki czy fragmenty lasu, miejsca, gdzie łatwo znaleźć różne potrzebne rośliny. Ponadto wiele zbieranych przez rozmówców roślin rośnie spontanicznie u nich w ogródkach. Specjalnie najczęściej wybiera się po rośliny potrzebne konkretnego dnia – np. katolicy tak zbierają materinkę, chebrec, chabrec Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 136 �(macierzankę, Thymus serpyllum L ., Thymus pulegioides L ., być może też inne taksony z rodzaju Thymus) na wianki święcone w oktawę Bożego Ciała – czy po rośliny krótko kwitnące i rosnące nie po drodze dla danego zbieracza, takie jakimi są dla Witii np. hlid, boiaryshnik, hlod (głóg, Crataegus sp.) [Notatki/19.06.2012 i Notatki/12.05.2012]. W licznych znanych mi zielnikach pojawiają się rośliny służące do okadzania obolałych zębów, wielu rozmówców ma duże problemy z zębami, w zielniku Nataszy powiązania z takimi roślinami są silne. Ważny jest dla niej rosnący na stroyinieckich łąkach mikołajek płaskolistny (Eryngium planum L .), bardzo charakterystyczny, bo właściwie o niebieskich liściach. Mimo że jest dla wielu osób istotny, nie ma nazwy (piszę o tym zagadnieniu w kolejnym rozdziale), dawniej Natasza używała go często, teraz się waha, bo barwi on zęby na czarno. Drugą rośliną używaną w tym celu jest durman (lulek czarny, Hyoscyamus niger L .). Jego użytkowanie do leczenia zębów jest szeroko udokumentowane w literaturze, szczególnie w dawnych tekstach. Jak pisze Zoriana Boltarovych, w wyniku okadzania durmanem (blekotą) z zębów wypadają robaki, które je rozkładają – jest to powszechne wierzenie słowiańskie. Jego ślady można znaleźć w niciach zielników moich rozmówców, choć oczywiście splatają się z nićmi oficjalnej wiedzy stomatologicznej, a robaki ustąpiły miejsca bakteriom (Boltarovych 2014: 29:41-30:14 min ). III. 5. Wyjątkowa roślina – wyjątkowe relacje Nawet te same lokalne taksony mogą być wplątane w zupełnie inne sieci relacji w różnych zielnikach, może się z tym wiązać to, że są wykorzystywane w całkiem odmienny sposób przez różne osoby. Nie mówiąc o tym, że różni ludzie mogą mieć do nich niejednakowy stosunek. Rośliną, która jest niezwykle istotna dla Nataszy, a niemal nieobecna w innych zielnikach lub znajdująca się w nich wyłącznie jako okazała roślina, która pojawia się nie wiadomo skąd – jest korin (szkarłatka 78 amerykańska, Phytolacca americana L .) . Natasza poznała go dzięki sąsiadowi – kostoprawowi (nastawiaczowi kości) Lonii. 78. Piszę o niej też w podrozdziale II. 4. Iwa Kołodziejska 137 �Natasza: No u mnie tam w końcu ogrodu jest korin. Jak on się nazywa – nie wiem. Ale taki jest, że jak przez trzy lata rośnie, to taki gruby jest [pokazuje grubość większą od dużego buraka cukrowego], kiedy go czyścisz, to on jest w takie paski jak burak czerwony. Czerwony pasek i biały pasek. Trę go na tarce i wkładam do trzylitrowych słojów, zalewam wódką. Nie można jego przyjmować wewnętrznie, ale stosowany zewnętrznie bardzo dobrze tamuje krwotoki i leczy procesy zapalne. Moje siostry, moja siostra miała wypadek samochodowy, już od dwudziestu pięciu lat ma poważne problemy z nogą. Czego ja jej nie robiłam i zhyvokist [żywokost lekarski, Symphytum officinale L .] – cały słoik zrobiłam. Ona piła i nacierała. Potem dałam jej jeszcze tego. No kończył jej się już zhyvokist, bolało ją bardzo i przypomniała sobie o tym. Ona do mnie dzwoni i mówi: skąd tyś te czary wzięła?! Ty wiesz, mówi, ja tyle lat się męczę, jak tylko natarłam tym korzeniem, to jakbym się na nowo narodziła! Stałam się jak młodzieniaszek. I teraz ona do mnie przyjechała, to ja jej tego korina narwałam, a ona mówi: ty wiesz? Ktoś mi ten korin ukradł. Mój sąsiad jest dobrym nastawiaczem kości, on też zajmuje się ziołolecznictwem. To on znał ten korin, to on go tu rozsadził u wszystkich sąsiadów. IK: Aha. A wie pani, skąd on go przywiózł? Natasza: Ja nie wiem. Skąd wziął nie wiem, ale mi dał. O tam, pod jabłonią posadziłam. A jeśli ktoś coś daje, ja chętnie biorę. Posadziłam. Mówię do Miszy [syn], co to rośnie tam? Ono ma takie duże, ładne liście. Potem zakwitło, biała strzałka taka, kolba taka! [DW_B0117] Natasza opowiada o koriniu z ogromnymi emocjami. Właściwie za każdym razem, kiedy się spotykałyśmy, wspominała o nim. Korin jest nazwą wymyśloną przez nią, od tej części rośliny, która ma znaczenie lecznicze. III. 6. Indywidualny język zielników Język, którym się posługują konkretne osoby, mówiąc o domowym leczeniu, a także z jakich przepisów i sposobów leczenia korzystają, zależy od sieci znajomości, indywidualnych zainteresowań i potrzeb (przypadłości pojawiających się w ich najbliższym otoczeniu). Można to nazwać pewnego rodzaju skłonnością, powinowactwem Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 138 �(zapożyczając termin z nauk chemicznych) do pewnych rozwiązań. Sieci, w których ludzie funkcjonują, są elastyczne, łatwe do przemieszczania się między nimi. Dobrze widać to na przykładzie jednej z rozmówczyń – cioci Wery, która, gdy była nastolatką (obecnie jest kobietą ponad pięćdziesięcioletnią), chciała zostać farmaceutką. Musiała z planu zrezygnować, ale nadal czyta książki i czasopisma o leczeniu. Często używa takich słów jak: bolieutoljajuszczyj – przeciwbólowy, protywospalitelnyj – przeciwzapalny. W niewielu innych rozmowach takie słowa się pojawiały, o działaniu rośliny mówiono raczej bardziej opisowo. III. 7. Dziecięce zielniki Na koniec w zbiorczy sposób przedstawię dziecięce zielniki, zamieszczę też dwie tabele pokazujące istotnych roślinnych aktorów dziecię79 cych zielników . Nie odda to charakteru poszczególnych zielników, ale choć trochę przybliży ich obraz. Decyduję się na przedstawienie ich w ten sposób, ponieważ poznawałam dziecięce relacje w roślinami w sposób bardziej przypominający badanie fokusowe niż wgłębianie się w poszczególne zielniki. Materiał badawczy pochodzi z warsztatów przeprowadzonych w szkole podstawowej w Stroyincach (chodzą do niej dzieci z tej wsi i okolicznych chutorów) i z prac nad filmem, który tworzyliśmy wraz z dziećmi. Przebywaliśmy z dziećmi w klasie, na łąkach i w lesie. Z trzema dziewczynkami i jednym chłopcem odbyliśmy dłuższe spacery po wsi, łąkach i lesie, podczas których pokazywali ważne dla siebie miejsca i rośliny. W warsztatach i robieniu filmu brały udział dzieci z trzech klas: • klasa siódma (ok. 13 lat) – 12 uczniów (8 dziewczynek i 4 chłopców), • klasa piąta (ok. 11 lat) – 15 uczniów (8 dziewczynek i 7 chłopców), • klasa trzecia (ok. 9 lat) – 12 uczniów (6 dziewczynek i 6 chłopców). Dane z zielników mentalnych dorosłych pochodzą z głównej części badań. Prowadząc wywiady, pytałam o opowieści z dzieciństwa 79. Dane te zostały zaprezentowane podczas 14. Kongresu International Society of Ethno­ biology w postaci posteru. Iwa Kołodziejska 139 �z roślinami w tle, o to jakim roślinami się bawili, jakich dzikich roślin próbowali itp. Uzupełnieniem są obserwacje, które prowadziłam przez cały czas pobytu w terenie, zawsze zwracając baczną uwagę na to, czym bawią się dzieci. Troje z poznanych przeze mnie dzieci (dwie dziewczynki – 9 i 11 lat – i jeden chłopiec – 13 lat) miało szczególnie rozbudowane zielniki. Dzieci te dużo czasu spędzały w lesie i na łąkach, szczególnie dwoje starszych często bywało tam samotnie. Wszyscy troje mieli dużo wiedzy pochodzącej od dorosłych o bogatych zielnikach mentalnych i dużo własnej praktyki z roślinami, każde z nich miało swoją roślinną mentorkę – babcię, ciocię, mamę. Co ciekawe, dla dzieci, z którymi rozmawialiśmy, pracując nad filmem, mieć wiedzę o roślinach oznaczało – mieć wiedzę o roślinach leczniczych, inne umiejętności i wiedza nie wydawały im się ważne i warte pokazania badaczom z Polski. Dość podobnie myślą o tym dorośli, o czym wspominałam w pierwszym rozdziale. Dzieci nie korzystają z pisanych źródeł lokalnej wiedzy o środowisku (LEK). Natomiast te, które pochodzą z rodzin, w których zbieranie roślin jest ważne, są angażowane w zbiór, obserwują lub pomagają w przygotowywaniu leków i potraw z dzikich taksonów roślin. Niemniej jedynymi roślinami leczniczymi, które same stosują, są taksony przyspieszające gojenie ran, np. podorozhnik (babka zwyczajna, Plantago major L .), krovavnyk, derevij, tysiachylistnik (krwawnik pospolity, Achillea millefolium L .) i uprawiany w doniczkach aloe, rannik (aloes drzewiasty, Aloe arborescens Mill.). Porównałam sposoby bawienia się roślinami, o których mówiły lub które pokazywały mi dzieci współcześnie, z zabawami ze wspomnień ich rodziców i dziadków. Są to właściwie te same zabawy, tylko stały się mniej powszechne (ciekawe, jak na to wpłynie gwałtowne zwiększenie dostępu do internetu i smartfonów po 2015 roku). Wyjątkiem jest tu plecenie wianków: głównie dziewczynki posiadają umiejętność ich plecenia i są w tym bardzo sprawne, jednak młodsi chłopcy też chętnie plotą wianki, a w starszym wieku porzucają to zajęcie. Niemniej wszystkie dzieci i dorośli, z którymi o tym rozmawiałam, uważali plecenie wianków za bardzo ważną czynność i podkreślali, że jest ona istotnym elementem „ukraińskości”. Dzieci tworzą swoje zielniki mentalne, głównie pomagając starszym członkom rodziny (umiejętności związane z roślinami jadalnymi Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 140 �i leczniczymi), obserwując w domu (rośliny jadalne i lecznicze), bawiąc się samodzielnie i z rówieśnikami (ciekawe rośliny, w tym rośliny lecznicze, głównie wspomagające gojenie się ran, rzadko rośliny jadalne, z wyjątkiem tych o jadalnych owocach). Edukacja szkolna (zbieranie roślin leczniczych i robienie naparów podczas obowiązkowego szkolnego obozu letniego) wydaje się nie wpływać bardzo znacząco na wiedzę i umiejętności, zdecydowanie bardziej wpływa ona na postrzeganie wartości wiedzy o roślinach leczniczych oraz na znajomość prawa ochrony roślin (por. Baines, Zarger 2012). Samodzielne uczenie się o roślinach leczniczych bywa powodowane chęcią zajmowania się nimi w przyszłości (Andrij, 13 lat, i Nastia, 11 lat, bardzo wyraźny był wpływ ważnych dla nich bliskich osób). Tab. 1. �Zabawy roślinami wśród dzieci współcześnie i we wspomnieniach z dzieciństwa moich dorosłych rozmówców (najbardziej popularne sposoby zabawy roślinami – wyniki swobodnego wymieniania – deklaracja wiedzy, nie oznacza praktykowania): Roślina i zabawa Kukuruza (kukurydza, Zea mays L.), robienie lalek kulbaba, kulbababa, kulbabka (mniszek pospolity, Taraxacum officinale agg.), robienie lalek kulbaba, kulbababa, kulbabka (mniszek pospolity, Taraxacum officinale agg.), robienie bransoletek Plecenie wianków (wiele gatunków roślin łąkowych – szczególnie ważne kulbaba (mniszek pospolity, Taraxacum officinale agg.), romashka (jastrun właściwy, Leucanthemum vulgare (Vaill.) Lam.). Strzelanie z liścia między pięścią a otwartą dłonią– najlepsze są duże liście, szczególnie chętnie używane – klen, klion (klon pospolity, Acer platanoides L.), lypa (głównie Tilia platyphyllos Scop. ze względu na duże liście). Powszechne we Powszechne w opowspomnieniach dorowieściach dzieci słych Kobieta Mężczyzna Dziewczyn- Chłoka piec ++++ ++ +++ + ++++ ++ +++ ++ +++ ++ +++ ++ ++++ +++ ++++ +++ + +++ ++ ++++ Iwa Kołodziejska 141 �Gwizdanie na częściach roślin (głównie na liściach traw), przede wszystkim perii, periika (perz właściwy, Elymus repens (L.) Gould). Wiązanie torebek i sukienek dla lalek z liści Lopuh, lepuh, repiah, repiei (łopianów, głównie Arctium tomentosum Mill., A. lappa L.). Zabawy patykami (łuki, miecze, inne) – wszystkie gatunki drzew występujące w okolicy, różne zastosowania. Robienie bukietów podsnezhniki, pidsnizhniki (śnieżyczka przebiśnieg, Galanthus nivalis L.) i rast (kokorycze pusta i pełna Corydalis cava (L.) Schweigg. & Körte, C. solida (L.) Clairv.) Nacieranie twarzy liśćmi bez nazwy (dereń biały Cornus alba L.) lub bez nazwy wiąz szypułkowy (Ulmus laevis Pall.) w czasie przekomarzania się. Jedzenie części roślin (pączki, liście, kwiaty, zastygły sok), np. siren, buzok (bez lilak, Syringa vulgaris L.), lypa, lipa (różne lipy, w tym mieszańce, głównie Tilia platyphyllos Scop. i T. cordata Mill.), chereshnia (czereśnia ptasia i odmiany uprawne, Prunus avium (L.) L.). Jedzenie sunica; sunicy; zemlanika (poziomka twardawa, Fragaria viridis Weston). Podkradanie soku z brzozy berezovyj sik (z brzozy brodawkowatej, Betula pendula Roth i brzozy omszonej, B. pubescens Ehrh.). ++ +++ + ++ +++ + + 0 ++ +++ ++ +++ ++++ +++ ++++ +++ + + +++ +++ +++ +++ + + ++++ ++++ +++ +++ ++++ ++++ ++++ ++++ ++++ – wymieniane przez 90-100% rozmówców, +++ – wymieniane przez 60-89%, ++ – wymieniane przez 30-59%, + – wymieniane przez < 30%, 0 – niewymieniane. Wymienienie jakiejś zabawy nie jest równoznaczne z praktykowaniem jej i posiadaniem niezbędnych umiejętności. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 142 �Tab. 2. Rośliny, w relacje z którymi było aktywnie zaangażowanych więcej niż 70% dzieci: Nazwa lokalna berioza, bereza buzyna, buzok chornobrivcy kalyna kropywa krovavnyk, derevij, tysiachylistnik kulbaba, kulbababa, kulbabka lypa, lipa melisa miatka, miata pidsnizhniki, podsnezhniki, podorozhnik, babka rast romashka bez nazwy sunica, sunicy, zemlanika Nawa polska i łacińska brzoza brodawkowata, Betula pendula Roth i brzoza omszona, B. pubescens Ehrh. dziki bez czarny, Sambucus nigra L. Rodzaj relacji podkradanie soku picie herbaty, pomoc w zbieraniu; wplatanie w wianki; pomoc w robieniu dżemów aksamitka rozpierzchła, roślina ważna tożsamościowoTagetes patula L. twórczo kalina koralowa, Viburnum roślina ważna tożsamościoopulus L. wotwórczo; pomoc w robieniu przetworów pokrzywa zwyczajna, Urtica smaganie się (bitwy); unikanie dioica L. podczas chodzenia po ogrodzie; zbieranie na zupę; zbieranie na herbaty i do mycia włosów krwawnik pospolity, Achillea nakładanie na rany; karmienie millefolium L. drobiu mniszek pospolity, Taraxarobienie laleczek i wianków; cum officinale agg. karmienie królików; pomoc w robieniu syropu z kwiatów; zostawia plamy na ubraniach; więc trzeba uważać podczas zabawy różne lipy w tym mieszańce, zabawy liśćmi (głównie strzelanie głównie Tilia platyphyllos z nich); zabawy patykami; picie Scop. I T. cordata Mill. herbaty; pomoc w zbieraniu melisa lekarska, Melissa najsmaczniejsza herbata; pomoc officinalis L. w zbieraniu różne gatunki mięty, Mentha najsmaczniejsza herbata; pomoc spp. w zbieraniu śnieżyczka przebiśnieg, Garobienie bukietów; docenianie lanthus nivalis L. piękna babka zwyczajna, Plantago przykładanie na rany major L. kokorycze pusta i pełna, Co- robienie bukietów; docenianie rydalis cava (L.) Schweigg. & piękna Körte, C. solida (L.) Clairv. jastrun właściwy, Leucanthe- plecenie wianków mum vulgare (Vaill.) Lam. nacieranie komuś twarzy, tak dereń biały Cornus alba L. i wiąz szypułkowy Ulmus by zaczęła piec skóra laevis Pall. poziomka twardawa, Fraga- smaczna przekąska ria viridis Weston Iwa Kołodziejska 143 �III.7.1. Główne przyczyny różnorodności dziecięcych zielników mentalnych Wiele z tych przyczyn jest takich samych jak w wypadku zielników dorosłych, ale są też pewne charakterystyczne dla wieku rozmówców różnice. Duże znaczenie ma płeć kulturowa, bo wiąże się ze sposobami, jak dzieci się bawią, i tym samym wpływa na umiejętności będące ważną częścią ich zielników, jednak w dużo mniejszym stopniu inspiruje ona narracje o roślinach niż praktyki z nimi związane. Na przykład właściwie tylko chłopcy mają umiejętność strzelania z liści – lypa (Tilia, różne gatunki i odmiany, głównie lipa szerokolistna, T. platyphyllos Scop.), klen (klon zwyczajny, Acer platanoides L .). Jedną dłoń zwija się w pięść, ale zostawia się prześwit tak, by powietrze mogło przechodzić, ustawia się ją pionowo i kładzie na niej duży liść, który pełni funkcję membrany, następnie szybko uderza się otwartą dłonią w ułożony na pięści liść. Jeśli zrobić to dobrze, to liść pęka z głośnym hukiem. Wszystko to służy straszeniu dziewczynek. Należy zaczaić się w odpowiednim miejscu i głośno strzelić, oczywiście można też strzelać z liści po prostu z kolegami, ale chłopcy mówili, że robi się to zwykle, by nastraszyć koleżanki. Nie poznałam żadnej dziewczynki, która bawiłaby się w ten sposób. Z kolei dziewczęcą zabawą było robienie lalek z kukuruzy, kukurudzy (kukurydzy, Zea mays L .) i kulbaby, kulbababy, kulbabki (mniszka lekarskiego, Taraxacum officinale agg. sensu lato). Rozdmuchuje się nasiona kulbaby, nadrywa kilka pionowych pasków z łodyżki i czeka się, aż się zawiną, tworząc falbaniastą spódniczkę. Głowa laleczki jest łysa. Lalki z kolb kukurydzy mają bujną czuprynę ze znamion (górna część słupka, w wiatropylnych kwiatach kukurydzy bardzo długa, tzw. wąsy kukurydzy). Niektórzy chłopcy znali tę zabawę, widywali bawiące się tak dziewczynki, pewnie niektórzy czasem bawili się tak z siostrami, ale raczej o tym nie wspominali ani nie uważali tych roślin za ważne dla siebie. To w zielnikach dziewczynek było więcej roślin leczniczych, bo to córki i wnuczki częściej pomagają w kuchni i przy zbieraniu roślin. Tak jak na każdy zielnik mentalny, na zielniki dzieci też mają wpływ ich indywidualne sieci relacji. Wszystkie dzieci z bardziej rozbudowanymi zielnikami miały też bliskich krewnych o bardzo bogatych zielnikach. Ważną cechą dziecięcych zielników, w których pojawia się dużo roślin, jest silne emocjonalne przywiązanie do środowiska. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 144 �Są w nich na przykład historie o całujących drzewach, którym można powierzać sekrety, jest dużo radości podczas zbierania roślin i plecenia wianków, opowieści o pięknie różnych miejsc i roślin, intensywne emocje związane z przyjemnymi i nieprzyjemnymi smakami roślin itp. Na relacje z konkretnymi taksonami wpływają też różnego rodzaju doświadczenia. Na przykład dzieci, które często jeździły na rowerach, kojarzyły akacię (robinia akacjowa, Robinia pseudoacacia L .) z wielkimi cierniami, które przebijają dętki. Z kolei starsze osoby wspominały, że w dzieciństwie bardzo uważały, by nie nadepnąć na cierń akaci, bo chodziły boso i było to bardzo bolesne. To, że wspomnienia o dziecięcych zabawach nie są dużo bogatsze od współczesnych zabaw, może wynikać z funkcjonowania ludzkiej pamięci. Ważna jest ta zmienność zielników i to, że różne nici relacji są istotne w różnych momentach życia – dynamiczne zyskiwanie i utrata znaczenia. Dorośli często wspominali jedzenie w dzieciństwie różnych roślinnych przekąsek, dziś dzieci robią to dużo rzadziej (wyjątkiem jest podkradanie z rozstawianych przez dorosłych butelek soku z brzozy i jedzenie owoców – szczególnie sunica, sunicy, zemlanika [poziomka twardawa, Fragaria viridis Weston]), prawdopodobnie wynika to z dostępności różnych innych przekąsek, np. słodyczy, jak też lepszego odżywienia dzieci również w okresach, które na wsi były trudne, zwłaszcza na przednówku. To, że nagrywaliśmy z dziećmi film, wpłynęło na ich uświadomienie sobie swojej wiedzy i jej wagi (dla kogoś z zewnątrz była ciekawa), niektórzy stali się z niej dumni. Proces przygotowania filmu zachęcił dzieci do dzielenia się między sobą wiedzą, stworzył nowe nici relacji. W związku z tym, że dzieci o bogatszych zielnikach mentalnych pochodziły z uboższych rodzin, udział w projekcie dał im przez chwilę możliwość zabłyśnięcia wśród rówieśników. Interesujące jest, że wysiłki, które wkłada szkoła, głównie w osobie nauczyciela biologii, by promować rośliny lecznicze, nie wpływają na umiejętności i praktykę dzieci. Iwa Kołodziejska 145 ��IV. Wypowiedziane, dotknięte, spisane W tym rozdziale zajmę się zagadnieniami związanymi z tworzeniem lokalnej wiedzy o roślinach – tworzenie wiedzy rozumiem za Marchandem (2010). W wielowątkowym i złożonym procesie tworzenia wiedzy bardzo duże znaczenie ma jej przekazywanie. Przyjrzę się jemu, analizując stosowane powszechnie w etnobiologii koncepcje dotyczące przekazu wiedzy. Konstruowanie wiedzy odbywa się zarówno na bardziej indywidualnym poziomie, jak i na poziomie społecznym (to na tym poziomie odbywa się przekaz wiedzy). Oczywiście tych dwóch poziomów nie da się od siebie jednoznacznie oddzielić, są ze sobą splątane. To, co społeczne, wpływa na to, co indywidualne i odwrotnie. Z tego, jakie źródła wiedzy są dostępne danej społeczności, na jakie sposoby jednostki doświadczają środowiska (ze względu na indywidualne predyspozycje i społecznie przyjęte zachowania, możliwości wynikające ze środowiska, w którym są zanurzeni i które współtworzą), wynika indywidualne jej konstruowanie, a także tworzenie ścieżek przekazu funkcjonujących w danej społeczności IV. 1. Tworzenie lokalnej wiedzy o roślinach – jak o tym piszą inni Przyglądając się procesowi konstruowania wiedzy i analizując go, staram się traktować na równi wszystkie źródła wiedzy i doświadczenia, Iwa Kołodziejska 147 �które na niego wpływają. Na wiele składowych tego procesu zwracali mi uwagę sami rozmówcy, inne analizuję na podstawie obserwacji prowadzonych w sytuacjach, w których ludzie zdobywają wiedzę. By zrozumieć ten proces, zdecydowanie nie wystarczą wywiady i deklaracje rozmówców – dotyczące ich źródeł wiedzy i tego, jak się uczą. Nawet pytanie: skąd coś się wie?, jest tylko z pozoru proste. Jeżeli zdobycie jakiejś informacji było szczególnie trudne albo wiązało się z wyjątkowymi okolicznościami, to rozmówcy pamiętali wiele elementów inkorporowania jej do zielnika mentalnego. Jednak najczęściej źródło wiedzy nie zapadało im szczególnie mocno w pamięć. Zdobywanie umiejętności jest jeszcze bardziej skomplikowanym procesem, niż pozyskiwanie informacji, i siłą rzeczy jest on dużo trudniejszy do zapamiętania, a także wyrażenia słowami (w znacznej mierze należy do niedyskursywnej sfery działalności ludzkiej, jest mētis – wiedzą, którą trudno nabyć inaczej niż przez uczestnictwo [Klekot 2018: 81 i 85, por. Downey 2010]). Stosowanie metody retrospektywnej (pytanie o to, skąd rozmówcy dowiedzieli się o czymś) w celu określenia kierunków przekazu kulturowego ma liczne ograniczenia wynikające z tego, jak działa ludzka pamięć, a także z norm kulturowych (Henrich, Broesch 2011; Salali i in. 2016). Zdaję sobie sprawę, że ze względu na przyjęte przeze mnie metody badawcze nie uwzględniam bardzo wielu składowych procesu uczenia się, między innymi dlatego, że nie stosowałam żadnych eksperymentów etnograficznych, które ułatwiłyby jakościowe i umożliwiły ilościowe zbadanie ścieżek wymiany wiedzy (por. np. Henrich, Broesch 2011). Nie znam się też na psychologii rozwojowej ani nie brałam pod uwagę np. zmiennych związanych ze sposob-ami postrzegania czy działaniem ludzkiego mózgu podczas uczenia się. Mogłoby być to zasadne i znacznie poszerzające rozumienie tego, jak tworzona jest lokalna wiedza o roślinach, wymagałoby to jednak pracy w interdyscyplinarnym zespole, co nie było możliwe podczas tych badań. Niemniej uważam, że długość pobytu w terenie oraz intensywność interakcji z ludźmi, przekładająca się na różnorodne sposoby spędzania czasu z rozmówcami, dały mi możliwość dobrej obserwacji tego, jak 80 się uczą i wymieniają wiedzą o roślinach . Zarówno rozmowy, jak i obserwacje dały dość szerokie rozumienie tego, jak jest tworzona wiedza 80. Uczenie się jest, z mojego punktu widzenia, nieco węższym terminem niż tworzenie wiedzy, na które poza samym procesem uczenia się składają się również: wymiana wiedzy, Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 148 �o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim. Zgadzam się z Rebeccą Zarger, że zrozumienie sposobów uczenia się wymaga poznania i przeanalizowania szerokiego kontekstu, w którym ono się odbywa, gęstego opisu praktyk kulturowych (2010: 349) – i starałam się to robić. Wśród etnobiologów o samym procesie uczenia się pisali trochę badacze związani z kognitywizmem, np. Scott Atran i Douglas Medin (np. 1998, 2008), a także badacze zajmujący się powstawaniem dziecięcej wiedzy o środowisku, np. Rebecca Zarger (np. 2011, 2010) lub Adam Boyette (2013). Jednak w większości badań i tekstów etnobiologicznych dotyczących wiedzy badacze kładą główny nacisk na jej przekaz – kto, komu, w jakich okolicznościach ją przekazuje. Przykładami mogą być tu: klasyczne prace – Ruddle i Chesterfield 1977, Hewlett i Cavali-Sforza 1986, Ohmagari i Berkes 1997; nowsze – podkreślające wagę przekazu pionowego od rodziców do dzieci, przykładowo: Lozada, Ladio, Weigandt 2006; Mathez-Stiefel, Vandebroek 2012; czy prace opierające się na badaniu sieci relacji i wymiany wiedzy w społeczności Haselmair, Pirker, Kuhn, Vogl 2014, Platten 2013, Gallois, Lubbers, Hewlett, Reyes- García 2018, Salpeteur 2017 – artykuł przeglądowy dotyczący wykorzystania SNA (Social Network Analysis) w etnobiologii. Powstają też badania dotyczące przekazu wiedzy o środowisku w kontekście interakcji z oficjalnymi instytucjami edukacyjnymi (Anderson 2012, Baines, Zarger 2012) czy związane z ochroną przyrody (Zamudio, Bello-Baltazar, Estrada-Lugo 2013, Zanotti 2012). Powstawanie wiedzy o roślinach z punktu widzenia semiotyki Charlesa Sandersa Peirce’a analizowała w swoim doktoracie Renata Sõukand (2010). W zdecydowanej większości prac analizujących wiedzę ekologiczną/środowiskową różnych społeczności wyraźnie pozytywnie waloryzuje się przekaz międzypokoleniowy i podkreśla jego oralno-doświadczeniowy charakter (Haselmair i in. 2014), tym bardziej, że uznaje się, że sprzyja on zachowaniu tradycyjnej wiedzy ekologicznej/o środowi81 sku (TEK, traditional ecological/environmental knowledge) . W związku dyskursy i społeczne działania wokół wiedzy, jak i, do pewnego stopnia, to co dzieje się z wiedzą i umiejętnościami w zielnikach mentalnych podczas „przechowywania”. 81. Za literą „e” w tym skrócie mogą się kryć dwa różne słowa o dość podobnym znaczeniu: ekologiczna lub środowiskowa. Można argumentować, że „ekologiczna” jest o tyle lepsza, że implikuje obecność i ważność relacji oraz nie daje intelektualnej możliwości Iwa Kołodziejska 149 �z tym, że większość etnobiologicznych tekstów o wiedzy odnosi się do takich terminów jak: tradycyjna wiedza o środowisku (TEK), lokalna wiedza o środowisku (LEK), czy też ILK (tubylcza i lokalna wiedza ekologiczna), a wszystkie one tworzą i wpływają na nici relacji, w których funkcjonują badaczki, czuję się w obowiązku je choć w pewnym stopniu przybliżyć. TEK – jest chyba najbardziej ugruntowanym terminem, choć zapewne jego prymat wkrótce się skończy. Jak często dzieje się w wypadku terminów o dłuższej historii i wywołujących naukowe dyskusje, nie ma jednego całkowicie spójnego sposobu definiowania, czym jest TEK. Ze względu na człon „tradycyjna” termin bywa rozumiany w sposób bardzo silnie wikłający go w dyskursy o dziedzictwie i autentyczności, a jego definiowanie wymaga określenia, jak rozumie się tradycję. Dzieje się tak tym bardziej, że jego definicja zawierana jest w międzynarodowych aktach prawnych dotyczących ochrony przyrody i dziedzictwa – takich, jak CBD (Konwencja o Zachowaniu Różnorodności Biologicznej), czy GSPC (Globalna Strategia Ochrony Roślin). Światowa Organizacja Własności Intelektualnej (The World Intellectual Property Organisation – WIPO) uznaje, że wiedza tradycyjna (TK) to: „wiedza, wiedza-jak (know-how), umiejętności i praktyki rozwijane, utrzymywane i przekazywane z pokolenia na pokolenie w obrębie wspólnoty, często tworzące część jej kulturowego lub duchowego dziedzictwa” (WIPO 2015). Z kolei w Konwencji o Zachowaniu Różnorodności Biologicznej (CBD) wiedza tradycyjna jest definiowana następująco: „przekazywana w formie u s t n e j z pokolenia na pokolenie. Jest zwykle własnością i dobrem wspólnym, przybiera postać: opowieści, pieśni, folkloru, powiedzeń, wartości kulturowych, wierzeń, rytuałów, społecznych praw, języków lokalnych i praktyk rolniczych z włączeniem tworzenia nowych odmian roślin i ras zwierząt” (za Shannon i in. 2017). Mimo iż podejście do tradycji jako czegoś związanego wyłącznie z przeszłością właściwie nie jest już praktykowane, to nadal ciąży nad tym określeniem. Niektórzy badacze bardzo mocno podkreślają, że jest ona czymś innym niż wiedza lokalna. Np. Graham Dutfield ograniczenia się do jakiejś grupy aktorów tworzących to środowisko. Z drugiej strony: w polskim kontekście rzeczownik „ekologia” i pochodzące od niego przymiotniki rzadko bywają traktowane jak neutralne nazwy dziedziny biologii. Tak czy inaczej, będę je tu stosowała wymiennie, jako równoważne. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 150 �twierdzi, że znaczenie społeczne i charakter prawny wiedzy tradycyjnej (TK) jest całkowicie inny niż wiedzy dokumentowanej w społecznościach lokalnych, np. wśród migrantów i w społeczeństwach uprzemysłowionych (2001); inni nie rozróżniają ich tak wyraźnie. Niemniej ze względu na uwikłanie terminu „wiedza tradycyjna” i wiązanie go z tradycją rozumianą w sposób statyczny, esencjalizujący, tworzy się też inne terminy, które mają lepiej oddawać jej procesualność, powiązanie z miejscem, a niekoniecznie osadzenie w jakimś czasie. Takim terminem jest np. lokalna wiedza o środowisku (LEK) – oparta na definicjach wiedzy lokalnej i lokalności. W niektórych kontekstach pojawia się termin ILE/ILK (Indigenous and Local Environmental Knowledge, tubylcza i lokalna wiedza o środowisku) promowany w ostatnim czasie np. przez zespół badaczy z Barcelony związanych z Victorią ReyesGarcía i węgierskich badaczy związanych z Zsoltem Molnárem (ReyesGarcía i in. 2019). Termin ten został wprowadzony do dokumentów UNESCO (Roué i Molnár 2017). Ze względów politycznych, a czasem wręcz koniunkturalnych (np. mechanizmy związane z finansowaniem badań) dla niektórych środowisk ważne jest wprowadzenie tubylczości (indigeneity) do definicji wiedzy ekologicznej. Szczególnie często dzieje się tak w kontekście południowoamerykańskim, gdzie społecznościom indiańskim udało się najskuteczniej walczyć o uwzględnienie ich praw do własności intelektualnej, a antropolodzy oraz inni badacze są szczególnie uwrażliwieni na ich głos. Z kolei badacze pracujący w europejskim kontekście, szczególnie ci z tzw. Europy ŚrodkowoWschodniej naciskają na uznanie lokalnej wiedzy o środowisku z tego regionu za równoważną z wiedzą tubylczą (indigenous), ponieważ jej nosicielami są osoby z populacji tubylczych. Szczególnie zaangażowanym orędownikiem takiej interpretacji jest węgierski etnobotanik – Zsolt Molnár. Jego działania znalazły wyraz w publikacji pt. Knowing our Lands and Resources Indigenous and Local Knowledge of Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services in Europe and Central Asia (Roué, Molnár 2017) – wydanej niedawno przy wsparciu Międzyrządowej Platformy do spraw Różnorodności Biologicznej i Usług Ekosystemowych (IPBES) i Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych do spraw Oświaty, Nauki i Kultury (UNESCO). Inną próbą wybrnięcia z łączenia TEK ze statycznością czy wyłącznie ustnym przekazem jest tworzenie takich terminów jak dziedzictwo biologiczno-kulturowe (biocultural heritage); Iwa Kołodziejska 151 �termin ten, ukuty na gruncie amerykańskim, był inspirowany holistyczną wizją świata Indian Quechua z Potato Park (południowowschodnie Andy) i koncepcją Traditional Resource Rights Darrela Possey’a. Został sformułowany podczas warsztatów organizowanych przez ANDES (The Association for Nature and Sustainable Development – organizację pozarządową założoną przez Indian broniącą ich praw do zasobów genetycznych, tradycyjnej wiedzy i krajobrazu) i IIED (International Institute for Environment and Development) w Cuzco (Peru) w 2005 roku. Potrzeba stworzenia nowego terminu wiązała się z prawnymi aspektami problemu. Prawo do własności intelektualnej i zasobów genetycznych były traktowane niezależnie, przy czym te drugie są dużo rzadziej respektowane (Świderska 2013). Najczęściej posługuję się terminem LEK (lokalna wiedza ekologiczna) opartym na definicjach wiedzy lokalnej i lokalności, ważne jest dla mnie, że „wiedza” jest w tej definicji (obecnie) uznawana za wielowątkowy proces i że pod jej pojęciem zwykle rozumie się również praktyki, sama wiedza jest też traktowana jako praktyka społeczna (por. Vermeylen, Martin, Clift 2008). Niemniej niektórzy badacze decydują się na jeszcze mocniejsze podkreślenie roli praktyk i procesualności w stosowanych przez siebie definicjach przedmiotu badań etnobiologicznych i ukuli termin „lokalne ekologiczne praktyki” (Local Ecological Practice – LEP). Andrea Pieroni i Renata Sõukand w 2018 roku zaproponowali jego „wskrzeszenie” (ukuł go Ravi Rajan w latach 90. XX w.) ze względu na to, że ich zdaniem LEK ma wydźwięk pasywny, samo słowo wiedza, w ich opinii, kojarzy się z pasywnością, a nie dynamicznością. LEP ma określać codzienne praktyki zbioru i stosowania roślin z włączeniem dzikich roślin jadalnych, jest kształtowany przez przyrodę (dostępne zasoby) i kulturę (lokalne postrzeganie i wiedza o ich użyteczności). Autorzy definicji włączają tu całą gamę kształtujących LEP czynników, a wśród nich język oraz kulturową i geograficzną izolację, które są uznawane za kluczowe dla różnorodności biologiczno-kulturowej (Pieroni, Sõukand 2018). Jak już wspomniałam, wszystkie te definicje są uwikłane w dyskursy polityczne i aktualne trendy intelektualne i akademickie. Siłą rzeczy podobnie jest z moim sposobem definiowania przedmiotu badań – można powiedzieć, iż podążam zgodnie ze współczesnymi trendami – widzę sens mówienia o praktykowaniu wiedzy o roślinach i jej procesualności, od dawna interesują Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 152 �mnie sposoby jej tworzenia, za istotne uważam uwzględnianie globalnych powiązań i nieignorowanie wszelkich – ważnych dla rozmówców – źródeł wiedzy. Koncentrując się na sposobach tworzenia tej wiedzy, widzę ich uwikłanie w relacje, z którego wynika, że nie sposób zamknąć ich w ścisłych ramach: odtąd – dotąd. Większość etnobiologów próbuje poza ramy badania wyrzucać LEK powstającą na podstawie źródeł pisanych (por. Vermeylen i in. 2008). Marco Leonti w jednym z niewielu tekstów etnobiologicznych dotyczących wykorzystania książek, czasopism i innych mediów w tworzeniu wiedzy (w jego badaniach akurat etnofarmaceutycznej i etnomedycznej), konkluduje, że tradycyjne cele badań etnobotanicznych – „wnoszenie wkładu w opracowywanie nowych leków” i „ochrona dziedzictwa kulturowego” – nie idą w parze z procesem włączania wiedzy z książek do LEK. Uważa, że w wynikach etnobotanicznych badań terenowych, które mają dokładać się do badań nad produktami naturalnymi, ochrony dziedzictwa kulturowego, oceny i u w i e r z y t e l n i a n i a lokalnych farmakopei, powinno się rozróżniać lokalne zastosowania roślin, szeroko spotykane zastosowania i „wiedzę współczesną” (modern knowledge), obecną w popularnych książkach o ziołolecznictwie i literaturze naukowej (2011). Inaczej rozumiem cel moich badań; na pewno nie jest nim ocena i uwierzytelnianie, ponadto uważam, że rozumienie tego, jak informacje z mediów są inkorporowane w praktyki związane z roślinami, pozwala zobaczyć, czym są dla ludzi, np. jak stają się źródłem poczucia sprawczości, gdy żyje się w peryferyjnym (w sensie derluguianowskim patrz przypis 24) państwie (Kołodziejska-Degórska 2016), bo przecież LEK to coś więcej niż tylko lista przydatnych gatunków. Niemniej chęć wydzielania wiedzy pochodzącej z mediów z LEK nie jest rzadka. W październiku 2011 roku na spotkaniu grupy Padise (2nd ISE Regional Eastern-European Workshop) w Királyrét na Węgrzech większość badaczek i badaczy, podczas dyskusji o wpływie książek o ziołolecznictwie autorstwa Marii Treben na LEK mieszkańców różnych regionów Europy, podkreślała, że dobrze byłoby być w stanie oddzielić wiadomości pozyskane z tego źródła od „prawdziwej” LEK. Takie tendencje można obserwować też, kiedy jest mowa o dziedzictwie kulturowo-przyrodnicznym, np. Babai i Molnar (2016: 151). Nieliczni badacze wyłamują się z tego trendu, na przykład Amélia Frazão-Moreira Iwa Kołodziejska 153 �i Ana Maria Carvalho oraz Maria Elisabeth Martins opisujące różnorodność wiedzy etnobotanicznej i nazewnictwa roślin w dwóch wiejskich rejonach Portugalii (2009, 2014), a także Ruth Haselmair i inne przedstawicielki grupy badawczej Christiana Vogla w badaniach uwzględniających wpływ różnych mediów na wiedzę o przygotowaniu jedzenia i roślinach leczniczych migrantów z Tyrolu do Australii, Brazylii i Peru (2014). Również Łukasz Łuczaj i współautorzy wspominają o wpływie różnych mediów na wiedzę o dzikich roślinach jadalnych (2012). To, co wyjątkowe w moich badaniach, to próba przyjrzenia się procesowi włączania wiedzy z takich źródeł do zielników mentalnych. Zgadzam się z Monicą Hernández-Morcillo i jej kolegami przyglądającymi się sytuacji TEK w Europie, że dopóki istnieją mechanizmy tworzenia i zdobywania TEK/LEK/ILK/LEP (na jakikolwiek trzyliterowy skrót się zdecydujemy), możemy mówić o tym, że taka wiedza istnieje w stanie dynamicznej równowagi, a o jej zanikaniu czy deterioracji można mówić dopiero wówczas, gdy przestają istnieć mechanizmy jej tworzenia i potrzeba jej posiadania (2014). Myślę, że przedstawiona niechęć do uwzględnienia tekstów pisanych w badaniach wynika z opisanej przez Michela de Certeau tendencji elit (również tych naukowych) do zakładania, że ludzie, „asymilując” tekst, „stają się jemu podobni”. Większość etnobiologów nie zwraca uwagi na to, że – jak pisze de Certeau – dużo częściej ludzie „upodabniają” tekst do siebie, czynią go swoim, zawłaszczają, kłusując po tekście, niż sami się do niego upodabniają (2008: 165). Stanowisko Monici Hernández-Morcillo i współautorów odpowiada temu, jak proces czytania jest widziany przez de Certeau. Uważam, że próba oceny wartości lokalnej wiedzy o roślinach przez badaczy jest pokłosiem niesymetrycznego traktowania osób uczestniczących w badaniach, odbierania im sprawczości w relacjach z roślinami (tylko niektóre formy zdobywania wiedzy o roślinach mogą być uprawomocnione), a także romantyzowania tradycji. Podobne procesy zachodziły i nadal zachodzą w stosunku do twórców sztuki nazywanej przez inteligencję ludową (Klekot 2021). Uważam też, że od wieków w Europie (i zapewne nie tylko w Europie, bo dotyczy to również dużych obszarów Azji) trudno mówić o braku wpływu materiałów pisanych na wiedzę o roślinach, szczególnie o roślinach leczniczych. Ważną rolę odgrywały dawne herbarze, prace mnichów czy działalność apteczek dworskich (piszę o tym również Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 154 �w dalszej części tekstu). Pewnie trochę inaczej miała się sprawa z dzikimi roślinami jadalnymi. One rzadziej pojawiały się w tekstach kultury ze względu na to, że są bardziej związane z praktykami warstwy chłopskiej. Opisywano je po to, by wspierać ludzi w czasie wojennego głodu, np. w ZSRR po wybuchu wojny z Niemcami (22.06.1941). Wydano wówczas kilka książek opisujących zastosowania najpospolitszych dziko rosnących roślin pokarmowych: Gllerbach MM, Korjakina VF 1942. Glavniejshie dikorastushchie pishchevyje rastienja Leningracskoj oblasti. Leningrad; Keller BA 1941. Dikie sedobnyje rastienija. Akademia Nauk SSSR, Moskovskij Botanicheskij Sad, Moskva; Tarchevskij VV 1942. Dikorastushchie sedobnyje rastienija Vologotskiej oblasti. Vologidskij Gasudarstviennyj pedagogicheskij istitut, Vologda (za: Pirożnikow 2014). Podobny cel miały działania bośniackiego botanika Sulejmana Redžića, który opisywał rośliny wykorzystywane przez ludzi podczas oblężenia Sarajewa, a także prowadził programy w mediach, które miały zachęcić do korzystania z nich dla zwiększenia bezpieczeństwa żywnościowego w tym czasie (Łuczaj i in. 2012). Dla podkreślenia beznadziejności i niemożności realizacji przedsięwzięcia, którym miałoby być rozdzielenie tego, co w wiedzy i praktykach lokalnych „czyste”, pochodzące z przekazu ustnego i własnego eksperymentowania, od tego, co „skażone” słowem pisanym, przytoczę przykłady z badań z przełomu XIX i XX wieku. Oto fragment pracy Juliana Talko-Hryncewicza (polskiego lekarza, etnografa, archeologa-amatora i badacza Syberii, profesora Uniwersytetów Wileńskiego i Jagiellońskiego) Zarysy lecznictwa ludowego na Rusi południowej, w którym, pisząc o różnych źródłach ludowych praktyk leczniczych na Rusi, wymienia wśród nich wpływ książek (w nich praktyk jeszcze starożytnych, wymienianych np. przez Dioskurydesa) i Kościołów, a także urzędników: „Wskutek takiej mieszaniny pojęć i wierzeń w lecznictwie ludowym trudno w niem odgraniczyć pojęcia czysto ludowe od innych, które poniekąd stały się ludowemi. jako wśród ludu będące. Dlatego w zbiorach naszych uważaliśmy za ludowe nie tylko te wierzenia, które są ściśle ludowemi, lecz i takie, które krążą na Rusi w innych warstwach, mniej więcej z ludem się stykających, jak pośród szlachty i Żydów” (Talko-Hryncewicz 1893: 21). Z kolei analiza kalendarzy i poradników XIX/XX-wiecznych potwierdza, że recepty w nich zalecane zbliżone były do tych stosowanych od dawna w medycynie Iwa Kołodziejska 155 �ludowej (Szot-Radziszewska 2005: 64-80). „ Autorzy drukowanych porad, najczęściej lekarze, często wskazują na ich proweniencję ludową, jako że medycyna uniwersytecka niejednokrotnie czerpała z doświadczenia i wiedzy wiejskich znachorów i (za Szot-Radziszewska 2007: 71). Innym przykładem jest historia opisana przez Zorianę Boltarovych z XIX-wiecznej pracy Markovicha pt. Obserwacje typu znachora w centralnych województwach (obłaściach) Ukrainy. Podaje on przykład znachora łączącego medycynę akademicką z ludową, stosującego medyczne terminy, czasem również apteczne leki, które niekiedy mają przekręcone nazwy. Z kolei na kijowskich bazarach spotykał znachorki leczące tatar (katar) żołudka – przekręcony termin medyczny (Boltarovych 2014, audiobook, 1h 56 min 45s). Uważam, że w moim terenie (zapewne nie tylko tam) książki i czasopisma (wkrótce z pewnością również źródła internetowe) są ważnymi elementami kontekstu, istotnymi nićmi relacji tworzącymi zielniki mentalne rozmówców i w związku z tym są jak najbardziej godne uwagi badaczki, a sposoby korzystania z nich – warte zrozumienia. Zgadzam się z Sandrine Gallois i zespołem badawczym, w którym pracowała, że „zdobywanie wiedzy lokalnej zachodzi w wyniku złożonych interakcji między osobą a kontekstem, w którym funkcjonuje. Codzienne doświadczenia życiowe determinują w zasadniczy sposób nie tylko to, jaka wiedza jest zdobywana, ale i w jakim momencie życia oraz jaką drogą” (Gallois, Duda, Hewlett, Reyes- García 2015: 2). Dlatego, skoro książki i czasopisma są elementami krajobrazu rozumianego zarówno w sensie fizycznym, jak i społecznym, należy je uwzględnić, badając LEK. IV. 2. Teksty pisane i ich rola w tworzeniu wiedzy o roślinach To, jak funkcjonują teksty pisane w badanych przeze mnie społecznościach, jest kształtowane przez wiele czynników. Do istotnych, moim zdaniem, należą (wiele z nich już opisywałam w poprzednich rozdziałach i o nich wspomnę tylko pobieżnie): dostępność różnego rodzaju czasopism, w których pojawiają się informacje o roślinach – przede wszystkim leczniczych; promowanie czytelnictwa i prenumerat czasopism w ZSRR, które miało całkiem znaczny oddźwięk na wsiach; intensywna praca w miejscowych sowchozach powodująca, że wiele Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 156 �matek kobiet trzydziesto- czterdziestoletnich (w czasie moich badań) i starszych nie miało czasu na zbieranie dzikich roślin, niektóre z nich nie przekazały tej wiedzy córkom. Tak mówi o tym Larisa, której mama miała 75 lat w 2012 r. (dużo częściej wspominały o tym kobiety starsze, około osiemdziesięcioletnie, dodatkowo podkreślając to, jak mało czasu w dzieciństwie spędzały z matkami, bo były one zmuszone do korzystania z państwowych instytucji wychowawczych i często nie widziały dzieci nawet kilka dni): Larisa: Ja już nie spotkałam babci ani dziadka. O. A mama mnie nie [uczyła o roślinach]... Z powodu kłopotów, zajęć, miała czworo dzieci, pracowała na fermie, to ona tym się nie zajmowała [zbieraniem roślin]. To już ja więcej, chętniejsza do kuchni i do tego... Jej było ciężko, przyszła z pracy, po nocy bieli sufity i ściany, bo Wielkanoc przyszła, czy pierze... A to państwowa praca, trzeba było każdego dnia być... A jeszcze jakieś zwierzęta, jeszcze uprać, jeszcze jedzenie przygotować... czworo dzieci! To i jak? (…) Jak już wydoroślałam, liczmy, jak już miałam syna. To o tych travach po troszku, po troszku, z latami od ludzi, od znajomych, przyjaciół, tu usłyszysz, tam... [Larisa K. 34, DW_A0139] Pewne znaczenie miała też instytucjonalna lub ekonomiczna stymulacja do poznawania nowych zastosowań i taksonów, związana również z rozdawaniem książek o roślinach leczniczych: Wania: To był taki bodziec, czy jak to się nazywa. O, za tę książkę trzeba oddać konkretną ilość ziół. IK: Obojętne jakich? Tonia: Tak, dowolną leczniczą roślinę. Wania: Lecznicze zioło, kwiat. Tonia: Dużo zbierali buzyny [dziki bez czarny, Sambucus nigra L .], oddawali. Później zrywali riabinu, krasnu (czerwoną) [jarząb pospolity (Sorbus aucuparia L .), podkreśla, że nie chodzi ochornu riabinu, czyli Aronia melanocarpa (Michx.) Elliott]. Wania: Kwiat lipy [lipa, różne gatunki i mieszańce, Tilia spp.]. Tonia: Kwiat lipy, romashku [rumianek pospolity, Matricaria chamomilla L .], wszystko workami. To bardzo dużo. Iwa Kołodziejska 157 �IK: To w latach dziewięćdziesiątych czy wcześniej? Tonia: W dziewięćdziesiątych. Wania: To w osiemdziesiątych, koniec osiemdziesiątych. Tonia: Nie, Wania, to były dwa etapy, nasi, tam, gdzie mieszkaliśmy, też skupowali, pamiętasz? Wania: Osiemdziesiąte, dziewięćdziesiąte. Tonia: Książki były deficytowe, i książki, i ubrania [Tonia i Wania, K. 46 i M. ok. 45 DW_A0168]. Bardzo rzadko mówiono mi o zdawaniu ziół jako o czymś istotnym w procesie poznawania roślin leczniczych, nikt nie powiedział mi, żeby dzięki temu poznał jakąś nową roślinę. Zdecydowanie więcej osób pamięta, że przyjeżdżali ludzie z miasta i rozdawali książki w zamian za rośliny lecznicze. Ludziom zależało na posiadaniu tych książek, trochę dlatego, że liczyli, że się czegoś dowiedzą, trochę dlatego, że były towarem deficytowym, więc warto je było posiadać, niektórzy dla samej przyjemności posiadania książek. Podobnie próbuje współcześnie stymulować dzieci do poznawania roślin leczniczych stroyiniecki nauczyciel biologii. Zachęca do zbierania, organizuje w ostatnim tygodniu roku szkolnego zajęcia koło szkoły, podczas których przygotowuje się herbaty ziołowe. Ma nadzieję, że takie doświadczenia będą ważne dla jego uczniów [film „Rośliny 82 i ludzie”, wywiad: nauczyciel biologii] . Innymi bardzo ważnymi elementami kontekstu były też kryzys ekonomiczny lat 80. i 90. XX w. oraz boom tożsamościowo-leczniczy po roku 1990. Kluczowa (o czym już pisałam w I rozdziale) jest bliskość fizyczna lasu i łąk, stymulująca do poznawania roślin (ciekawe badania porównawcze dotyczące wpływu bliskości lasu na LEP prowadzili Pieroni i Sõukand w poleskich wsiach [2018]). Jak już wspominałam, rozmówcy mieszkający na wsiach Podola Wschodniego czytują książki, czasopisma i broszury dotyczące roślin. Gros z nich stanowią publikacje o roślinach leczniczych (np. „Babushka”, „ZOZh”, „Narodna Medycyna”), ważne są również katalogi prezentujące różne odmiany roślin uprawnych (część z nich 82. Z moich obserwacji i rozmów wynika jednak, że dla dzieci kluczowe znaczenie mają własne zainteresowania i doświadczenia stymulowane tymi zainteresowaniami, a także wzór przyjaciół i osób bliskich, o czym pisałam w rozdziale III.7. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 158 �stanowią katalogi firm wysyłkowych) i czasopisma dla rolników i mieszkańców wsi, np. „Silskii Visnik”. W gazetach o innym profilu też często pojawiają się wzmianki z poradami zdrowotnymi, np. w „Maiaku” – lokalnej gazecie z rejonu tywrowskiego. Są kupowane na poczcie lub prenumerowane przez moich rozmówców, a czasem przywożone ze stoisk z gazetami z okolicznych miast. Ciekawe przepisy bywają z nich wycinane i zachowywane, zdarza się, że ktoś przechowuje cały 83 numer czasopisma . Dla wielu osób czytanie czasopism było czynnością społeczną – dzielili się ciekawymi, nowo wyczytanymi informacjami. Na przykład Wera, przyjaciółka cioci Hali, często wpadała do jej letniej kuchni, wracając z pracy, i przynosiła „Babushkę”, by ta sobie poczytała, a przy okazji opowiadała o tym, co ją zainteresowało. Trochę inaczej funkcjonują książki. Większość z rozmówców posiadających książki ma pozycje wydane w późnych latach 60., 70., 80. i 90. XX w., widziałam tylko jedną, zdecydowanie nową – z 2011 r. Wszystkie zostały wydane na terenie byłego ZSRR. Znam osoby, które posiadają po kilka tytułów. Książki bardzo rzadko się pożycza, co zrozumiałe, bo są czymś dużo cenniejszym niż czasopisma. Zarówno w książkach, jak i w czasopismach, widywałam często zaznaczenia i dopiski na marginesach. Fot. 6. �Wycinki należące do Poli oraz dopiski Marii w spisie treści comiesięcznego wydania „Babushki”. 83. Więcej osób ma zeszyty z przepisami kulinarnymi niż leczniczymi. Iwa Kołodziejska 159 �IV. 2.1. Standaryzacja i różnorodność Wydaje się wielce prawdopodobne czy wręcz oczywiste, że obecność spisanych źródeł wiedzy będzie wpływała na kształt LEK rozmówców. Pozostaje pytanie: w jaki sposób? Gustavo Soldati wraz ze współpracownikami, stosując metody oparte częściowo na założeniach biologii ewolucyjnej i genetyki populacji, badał przekaz wiedzy w trzech społecznościach wiejskich w stanie Minas Gerais w Brazylii i doszedł do wniosku, że źródła zewnętrzne, takie jak radio, książki, telewizja mogą wpływać na różnorodność współczesnej wiedzy o roślinach badanych przez niego grup. Innymi czynnikami zwiększającymi różnorodność wiedzy wewnątrz społeczności i między społecznościami, jego zdaniem, mogą być np. nieprecyzyjny przekaz wiedzy, powodujący, że wiedza osoby uczonej bardzo odbiega od wiedzy uczącej (Soldati i inni porównują to do mutacji biologicznej), lub też napływ egzotycznych (termin oryginalny) informacji pod wpływem nieda84 lekiej migracji (w obrębie regionu) (Soldati i in. 2015: 11) . Mówiąc o bogactwie zielników, nie zamierzam oceniać jego źródeł. Wiele z roślin, o których usłyszałam tylko raz – przy poznawaniu jednego zielnika, znalazła się w nim dzięki niciom relacji wiążących nosiciela zielnika z mediami. Niektóre z nich nie zostały w ogóle przez rozmówców wypróbowane, np. tak mówi Maria o badaku (Bergenia 85 sp.) : Maria: A to badak. IK: A badak też jest leczniczy? Maria: Tak, ale jeszcze do niego nie doszłam. [DW_A0142 + notatka 05.2012] 84. Powiedziałabym, że pewien poziom różnorodności jest immanentny dla różnorodności międzyosobniczej. Zasoby wiedzy dwóch osób na jakiś temat oczywiście nigdy nie będą swoimi idealnymi kopiami, bo są to różne osoby, o różnych sieciach relacji. 85. Badak wydaje się być pochodną słowa badan – oznaczającego zarówno po rosyjsku, jak i ukraińsku gatunki z rodzaju Bergenia. Kobiv w swoim obszernym słowniku lokalnych ukraińskich nazw roślin nie rejestruje słowa badak (2004). Maria pokazała badak w swoim ogródku, była to Bregenia sp. Ta zmiana brzmienia nazwy może być o tyle ciekawa, że Maria poznała ją z tekstu pisanego, o którym raczej myślałoby się, że eliminuje tego rodzaju oboczności. Tu jednak standaryzująca rola zapisu nie zadziałała (por. Olson 2010: 152-153). Maria rozprzestrzenia wiedzę o tym taksonie pod nazwą badak. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 160 �Maria jeszcze do niego nie doszła, bo tylko dowiedziała się, że jest to roślina lecznicza, zamówiła w katalogu ogrodniczym i ma teraz w ogrodzie, będzie jeszcze sprawdzała, na co on jest, i może kiedyś używała. Podobnie bywa z pojedynczymi sposobami wykorzystania powszechnie znanej rośliny, rozmówca skądś się o nich dowiedział, ale nigdy nie wypróbował. Warto podkreślić, że specyfika gazet i książek, z których korzystają moi rozmówcy, polega na tym, że opisują rośliny występujące i dostępne (włączając rośliny jadalne dostępne w handlu, np. imbir [imbir, Zingiber officinale Roscoe i jego odmiany] używany przez mamę Larisy) na obszarze byłego Związku Radzieckiego. Oczywiście oznacza to dostęp do różnych tradycji wykorzystania roślin (np. różnych ludów Syberii i Azji Centralnej czy wpływu medycyny chińskiej i tybetańskiej, które oddziaływały intensywnie na medycynę oficjalną i medycyny lokalne w byłym ZSRR [por. Saxer 2004]), a także ogromne różnice we florze; już na samym obszarze Ukrainy są one dość znaczące. Oznacza to jednak, że globalizujący wpływ materiałów pisanych ogranicza się do obszaru byłego ZSRR (por. Soldati i in. 2015). Przykładem tego rodzaju wpływu może być wspomniany badak (bergenia, Bergenia sp.) z zielnika Marii. Bergenia jest bardzo ważną rośliną przeciwbiegunkową w medycynach syberyjskich, korzeń Bergenia crassifolia (L .) Fritsch jest również częścią oficjalnej rosyjskiej farmakopei (Gosudarstvennaja Farmakopeja Rossijskoj Federacii t. IV 2018). Kilkoro z rozmówców o bogatych zielnikach mentalnych z licznymi połączeniami z mediami, katalogami roślin ogrodowych i znajomościami w innych rejonach Ukrainy sprowadzało lub próbowało sprowadzać rośliny lecznicze do swoich ogrodów. W rozdziale pierwszym opisywałam historię, w której brali udział konufer (złocień balsamiczny, Tanacetum balsamita L .) i Sława, z kolei Witia sprowadzał z okolic Odessy soforę iaponską (perełkowiec japoński, Styphnolobium japonicum (L .) Schott), którą poznał dzięki swojej partnerce, a kostopraw Lonia sprowadził korin (szkarłatkę amerykańską, Phytolacca americana L .). Owocuje to również poszukiwaniem roślin dość powszechnie spotykanych w innych regionach byłego ZSRR i Ukrainy, a nie występujących na Podolu, np. cherniki (borówki czarnej jagody, Vaccinium myrtillus L .). Oksana (k. ok. 45 lat) kilka lat temu pracowała w Sarnach w oblasti rivnienskiej (Równe) i dużo korzystała Iwa Kołodziejska 161 �z cherniki, teraz, jak tylko ma okazję, sprowadza jej owoce na Podole. W wielu zielnikach chernika pojawia się jako roślina wspomagająca przy kłopotach ze wzrokiem, takie jej zastosowanie pojawia się też niejednokrotnie w materiałach pisanych i z tego względu moi rozmówcy chcieliby mieć do niej dostęp. Zdarza się, że zastępują ją inną borówką – borówką amerykańską (Vaccinium corymbosum L . i odmiany), która od niedawna zaczęła być uprawiana w gospodarstwach posowchozowych. Jest droga, trudno ją też legalnie dostać z miejsca pracy. Jest obiektem pożądania i to wcale nie ze względu na właściwości smakowe, lecz to, że jest cherniką i może być stosowana jak chernika (borówka czarna jagoda, Vaccinium myrtillus L .). Niektórzy rozmówcy mają w zielnikach informację, że jest to inna chernika, ale uważają, że może z powodzeniem zastąpić tę niedostępną. Te osoby często zaznaczają to w zielnikach nazwą chernika z sovhoza, a kilka osób używało jej rosyjskiej nazwy botanicznej – golubika, nazwa rodzajowa ogólnoukraińska brzmi: chornicia lub vaccinium. W nazwie chernika z sovhoza odbijają się lokalny krajobraz i tamtejsze wydarzenia (decyzja o sadzeniu V. corymbosum). Tego rodzaju poszukiwania roślin też wpływają na swego rodzaju różnorodność zielników mentalnych, ponieważ bywa, że rośliny znajdowane na podstawie informacji z tekstów są – z punktu widzenia biologa – różnymi taksonami; dalej podaję kilka przykładów takiego procesu (IV. 3.2 Wiedza w ciele – jak rozpoznać roślinę?). Uważam, że ważny wpływ na różnorodność wiedzy mają wszelkie sieci powiązań (nie tylko te z mediami) i zaufanie do źródeł wiedzy (więcej o tym w podrozdziale IV.4.5 Autorytet). Należy pamiętać, że nawet w małych społecznościach wiedza często nie jest dystrybuowana równomiernie. Mam tu cały czas na myśli różnorodność wewnątrz społeczności. Wielu badaczy twierdzi, że teksty pisane przyczyniają się do zanikania lokalnej różnorodności pomiędzy społecznościami i prowadzą do standaryzacji wiedzy na obszarze, na który docierają dane źródła pisane. Materiał z moich badań zdaje się tylko do pewnego stopnia potwierdzać tę tezę. Wydaje się, że standaryzacja przebiega głównie na poziomie języka i dyskursu, a dużo mniej na poziomie praktyk. Pisałam już trochę o tym, pokazując zielnik mentalny Haliny (III. 3.2 Narracje o zdrowym jedzeniu i ukraińskości) i przedstawiając historię lubystku (lubczyku ogrodowego, Levisticum Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 162 �officinale W.D.J.Koch). Teraz rozwinę tę myśl na innych przykładach. Trzeba też pamiętać, że w pewnym sensie każda wymiana wiedzy prowadzi do jej standaryzacji w obrębie konkretnej populacji ludzkiej oraz że potencjał standaryzacyjny zależy od tego, jaki dane źródło ma autorytet, a z dostępnych zasobów informacji wybierane jest to, co jest z różnorodnych względów przydatne w danych warunkach. W wypadku roślin leczniczych jest to wynik tego, jakie sieci relacji ma dana osoba rozpięte w otaczającym ją krajobrazie medycznym (por. Kołodziejska-Degórska 2016). Z tego wynikają konkretne zachowania i decyzje, w to uwikłane są kształt i struktura zielników mentalnych. Jednym z ważnych działań ujednolicających wiedzę botaniczną jest tworzenie i stosowanie zestandaryzowanych nazw (por. rozdział III.1.1 Czym dla botaników jest gatunek i jak go nazwać?) oraz nazewnictwa ogólnoukraińskiego i ogólnorosyjskiego (zależnie od tego, w jakim języku są pisane źródła, z których korzystają rozmówcy lub ich znajomi), które trafiają do zielników rozmówców. Czasem objawia się to przyjęciem nazwy gatunkowej z tekstów pisanych. Np. kashtan (kasztanowiec zwyczajny, Aesculus hippocastanum L .), niekiedy bywa nazywany kinskii kashtan, jednak nie jest to pełna ukraińska nazwa botaniczna, zwykle stosuje się jeszcze przydomek zvychainyi (kinskii kashtan zvychainyi). Przydomek ten jest jednak właściwie nieobecny w ukraińskojęzycznych tekstach czytywanych w moim terenie badań. W książkach tam dostępnych i pisanych po rosyjsku używana jest nazwa konskij kashtan, również bez epitetu obyknovennyj. Nie używa się również, bardziej powszechnej wśród ukraińskich biologów, nazwy ukraińskiej: hirkokashtan zvychainyi. O podorozhniku, babce (babce zwyczajnej, Plantago major L .) niektórzy mówią podorozhnik velikii, ewentualnie podorozhnik sherokolistyi. Również romashka (rumianek pospolity, Matricaria chamomilla L .) bywa nazywana razem z epitetem gatunkowym – romashka likarska. Takie epitety gatunkowe muszą pochodzić z tekstów pisanych, choć niekoniecznie osoba ich używająca przeczytała je sama – mogła się z nimi zapoznać w przekazie ustnym od kogoś, kto poznał je z mediów. Inaczej może być z epitetami odnoszącymi się do koloru; np. mimo że nazwa akacia bila (grochodrzew biały, robinia akacjowa, Robinia pseudoacacia L .) jest powszechnie używana w tekstach pisanych Iwa Kołodziejska 163 �(chociaż nie jest nazwą uznaną przez botaników ukraińskich czy rosyjskich, w obu językach obowiązują inne nazwy), to użycie przymiotnika bila przez mieszkańców Podola nie musi wynikać z lektury, może być po prostu efektem obserwacji i próby odróżnienia tej akacii od drugiego gatunku – akacii cei rozovej (robinii szczeciniastej, Robinia hispida L .). Szczególnie stroyinczanie, opowiadając o akacii, podkreślają, że chodzi o tę bilą, a nie rozovą, ponieważ zakrzewienia Robinia hispida L . rosną przy głównej drodze, w miejscu, gdzie się często bywa. Niemniej nie mówią akacia cia bila, tylko akacia bila, druga z nich jest nazywana „tą różową”, czyli cia rozova, co może mimo wszystko wskazywać na źródło w mediach. Wyjątkowym przykładem poszukiwania nazwy standardowej jest przeprowadzana przeze mnie wielokrotnie w różnych wydaniach i z różnymi osobami rozmowa o nazwie zatknydupka, zapridupka, zapnidupka (pięciornik srebrzysty, Potentilla argentea L . agg.). Ilekroć ktoś chciał mi opowiedzieć o tej ważnej roślinie zapobiegającej rozwolnieniu, to słyszałam ściszony głos bądź widziałam uśmieszek zawstydzenia: „ech... to taka nazwa narodna, muszę się dowiedzieć, jak ona się nazywa po naucznomu”. Kilka osób poświęciło celowo czas, by nie używać nazwy, która wywołuje u nich uśmiech zakłopotania i, gdy rozmawiają z kimś obcym, mogą podać znalezioną w książkach nazwę ro86 syjską: lapchatka prjamostupenchataja . Zatknydupka, zapridupka, zapnidupka musi być bardzo lokalną nazwą, ponieważ w słowniku Kobiva (2004), mimo ogromnego bogactwa nazw pięciorników, nie ma żadnej z tych stosowanych w Stroyinciach i okolicach. Może mają rację ci, którzy uważają tę nazwę za typowo stroyiniecką. Nie ma ich również w znanych mi tekstach Inny Gorofianiuk, pracującej z środkowopodolskim materiałem leksykalnym (sine anno, 2009). W nazwie zakodowane są właściwości rośliny: ma bardzo silne działanie ściągające i ze względu na nie znajduje się w niemal wszystkich ziel87 nikach mentalnych moich rozmówców . Można porównać te wyniki 86. Jest to lekko zmieniona nazwa innego pięciornika, bardzo podobnego do Potentilla argentea L . agg. pięciornika prostego P. erecta (L .) Räuschel (rus. lapchatka prjamostojachaja), jednak w Stroyinciach zbiera się raczej pięciornik srebrny Potentilla argentea L . agg. 87. Podobną genezę mogą mieć ogólnoukraińska nazwa rośliny – perstacz (перста́ч) – i niektóre powszechnie spotykane w innych rejonach kraju lokalne, np. zawjaznyk Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 164 �z opisanymi przez Amélię Frazão-Moreira i Anę Marię Carvalho oraz Marię Elisabeth Martins, których rozmówcy używali różnych nazw tych samych taksonów roślin w zależności od kontekstu. Dotyczyło to szczególnie osób między 55. a 65. rokiem życia, uznanych w badanej społeczności za ekspertów i doświadczonych użytkowników roślin – w niektórych sytuacjach używali nazw lokalnych, a w innych nazw oficjalnych lub wręcz naukowych, poznanych z książek i mediów (Frazão-Moreira Carvalho, Martins 2009; Frazão-Moreira, Carvalho 2014). Codzienne praktyki zdecydowanie trudniej ulegają homogenizacji niż budowane na podstawie informacji z mediów opowieści o wartościach zdrowotnych roślin lub same nazwy – wiedza deklaratywna, niekoniecznie przekładająca się na praktykę. Na praktykę dużo silniej oddziałują osobiste preferencje, np. smakowe, sieci relacji, w tym te z własnymi genami i mikroorganizmami chorobotwórczymi, z osobami, które się spotka (patrz rozdział III). Marco Leonti zwraca uwagę na to, że wpływ tekstów pisanych może powodować mniejszą zmienność LEK . Porównując współczesną farmakopeę mieszkańców włoskiej Campanii z renesansową, opisaną w zielniku Matthioli, Leonti wykazał, że osiemdziesiąt procent listy użytkowanych tam ziół nie zmieniło się od XVI wieku. Twierdzi, że język pisany może niezwykle silnie utrwalać LEK (2011). Ja nie widzę ograniczenia chęci moich rozmówców do eksperymentowania z roślinami. Podobnie jak rozmówcy Pieroniego i Sõukand na Polesiu (2018), spotkani przeze mnie ludzie cały czas „mają ruch” w zielnikach. Jedne taksony i ich sposoby wykorzystania odchodzą na dalszy plan, inne są inkorporowane do zielników. Pieroni i Sõukand wykazali pozytywny wpływ bliskości lasu na LEP; moi rozmówcy niewątpliwie mają stały dostęp do dzikich roślin na łąkach i w lasach. Ważniejszymi, z ich punktu widzenia, siedliskami, jeśli chodzi o różnorodność wykorzystywanych przez nich roślin, są łąki. Obserwowałam też trwałość elementów LEK opisanych w dawnych tekstach, np. wystawianie pokrojonej cebuli, by zapobiec rozprzestrzenianiu się choroby, obecne w zapisach z XIX w. (Lewis 1990: 72), obserwowałam w 2009 roku podczas świńskiej grypy na Podolu. (зав’язни́к). Iwa Kołodziejska 165 �Nie sądzę jednak, by ta niezmienność była motywowana lekturą tekstów. Mój materiał badawczy potwierdza zarówno tezy tych, którzy uważają, że dostęp do mediów wpływa na zwiększenie różnorodności wiedzy, jak i tych, którzy twierdzą wprost przeciwnie, że powoduje jej standaryzację. Zależy to od skali, którą przyjmiemy. Jeżeli przyglądamy się zróżnicowaniu wiedzy w obrębie społeczności, to teksty pisane są źródłem nowych informacji (częściej nowych dyskursów niż nowych, innych praktyk), a gdy spojrzymy w większej skali, to da się zauważyć wpływ standaryzujący, bo wiedza charakterystyczna dla innych obszarów byłego ZSRR rozprzestrzenia się w miejscach, gdzie wcześniej była nieobecna. Widać tu wyraźnie akumulacyjny potencjał druku. Akumulacja wiedzy o roślinach, szczególnie leczniczych, zaczęła się na dużą skalę już w XVI w. (Olson 2010: 331). Niewątpliwie w ogóle wymiana wiedzy i jej rozprzestrzenianie powoduje pewną unifikację, niezależnie, czy dzieje się to w wyniku lektur, czy rozmowy lub obserwacji. W moim kontekście badawczym przekaz od konkretnych osób częściej wpływa na zmianę praktyk niż przeczytanie informacji w mediach papierowych (będę tę myśl jeszcze rozwijać dalej). Jest też jedną z przyczyn różnic między tym, jak na LEK na Podolu Wschodnim oddziałują książki, a jak czasopisma. Żeby to lepiej wyjaśnić, przedstawię specyfikę książek i czasopism czytywanych przez rozmówców. IV. 2.2. Książki moich rozmówców Posiadane przez mieszkańców Podola książki oglądałam w Stroyinciach i okolicznych wsiach. Wszystkie dorosłe osoby, których zielniki poznawałam, miały kontakt z jakiegoś rodzaju materiałami pisanymi o roślinach leczniczych. Trochę ponad pięćdziesiąt procent rozmówców posiadało książki, ale w miarę regularnie korzystało z nich i znało ich treść trochę poniżej dwudziestu pięciu procent dorosłych rozmówców, czyli mniej niż co drugi właściciel książek. Były takie pozycje, które miała tylko jedna osoba, ale były i szczególnie rozpowszechnione. Do tych ostatnich należą przede wszystkim wydawnictwa z lat 60. i 70. XX w., obecne na rynku w końcu lat 80. i latach 90. – w czasie kryzysu, gdy moi rozmówcy imali się różnych zajęć, by przetrwać trudności. Zdecydowanie rzadsze były Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 166 �pozycje z późnych lat 90. i pierwszej dekady XXI w. (w posiadaniu rozmówców widziałam tylko 3 egzemplarze wydane w tych latach, w tym jedną z 2011 r.). Po okresie kryzysu nowe książki kupowały wyłącznie osoby szczególnie zainteresowane roślinami – jak Witia, albo takie, których bliskich dotknęła poważna choroba i książka miała być źródłem potencjalnego ratunku. Gdy mąż Luby zachorował na raka, kupili: Shliah do dovgolittia. Hvoroby vid a do Ia. Zdorovyi sposib zhittia (red. Alekseev I. S., TOV „Gloria treid”: Donieck, 2011). Do najczęściej spotykanych tytułów, które były otrzymywane, kupowane, „pozyskiwane” – drogą oficjalną lub nie – z bibliotek (głównie w latach 80. i 90.) należą: W języku ukraińskim: Nikolai Semionovich Kharchenko, Vasilii Ivanovich Sila, Lev Iosifovich Volodarckii, Likars’ki Roslyny i iih zastosuvannia v narodnii medycyni („Zdorov’ia”: Kijów 1971 i inne wydania); Svietlana Nikolaevna Prihodko, Likarnia na pidvikonni (Naukova dumka: Kijów, spotykałam dwa wydania – z 1966 i 1971 roku). Po rosyjsku: Aleksei Petrovich Popov, Lekarstvennye rastenija v narodnoj medicine („Zdorovja”: Kijów, 1969 i wydania późniejsze); Adel Fedorovna Gammerman i Ivan Ivanovich Grom, Dikorastushchie lekarstvennye rasteniia SSSR (Izdatelstvo „Medicina”: Moskwa, 1976); Adel Fedorovna Gammerman, G.N. Kadaev, A . A . JacenkoHmelevskij, Lekarstvennye rastenija (Rastenja celiteli) (Vysshaja shkola: Moskva, różne lata wydania, m.in. 1975 i 1990). Jest to podręcznik ziołolecznictwa dla studentów szkół leśnych i rolniczych, niejednokrotnie trafiał na półki domów w Stroyinciach i okolicznych wsiach dzięki sowchozowym agronomom. Nie aspiruję do przedstawienia pełnej analizy treści i dyskursów prezentowanych w książkach oraz czasopismach posiadanych i czytanych przez rozmówców. Analiza, którą prezentuję, ma na celu ułatwienie czytelnikowi wyobrażenia sobie kontekstu, w którym odbywa się tworzenie wiedzy o roślinach w moim terenie badań. IV. 2.3. Struktura tekstu i jej wpływ na przekaz wiedzy Podobnie jak osią wielu prac etnobotanicznych jest lista gatunków, tak informacje zawarte w książkach najczęściej posiadanych przez rozmówców są właśnie – jak powiedziałby Ingold: antropocentrycznie Iwa Kołodziejska 167 �88 – podzielone według nazw gatunków (2013) . Wszystkie powyższe 89 publikacje są właśnie tak skonstruowane . W niektórych rośliny są ułożone według kolejności alfabetycznej nazw ukraińskich lub rosyjskich, zależnie od pozycji, ale np. Adel Gammerman i Ivan Grom uporządkowali opisywane taksony roślin według obowiązującego w latach 70. XX w. podziału systematycznego z wyróżnieniem typów, klas, rodzin i wreszcie, dużo bardziej intuicyjnie zrozumiałych dla czytelnika bez przyrodniczego wykształcenia, rodzajów. Wszystkie powyższe publikacje mają indeksy nazw łacińskich i botanicznych rosyjskich lub ukraińskich. W indeksach nazw w językach narodowych zwykle brak wymienianych w tekście mniej powszechnych nazw lokalnych, podobnie jest w bardzo popularnej pozycji Lekarstvennye rastenija v narodnoj medicine Alekseja Popova, gdzie wprawdzie zamieszczono też indeks lokalnych czy ludowych (narodnych) nazw roślin, ale nie zawiera on wszystkich nazw pojawiających się w tekście. Niemniej żaden z moich rozmówców nie sygnalizował, by indeks był dla niego czy dla niej ważny, to mnie indeksy ułatwiały korzystanie z ich książek. 88. Szczególnie takie prace etnobotaniczne, które koncentrują się na ocenie stanu wiedzy, bazują na koncepcie gatunków. Będą w nich długie listy gatunków/taksonów stosowanych w tym czy innym celu. Mogą być też zestawiane z innymi listami, np. z innych regionów albo z wcześniejszych okresów, te ostatnie służą diachronicznemu porównaniu. Dla przykładu kilka artykułów z „Journal of Ethnobotany and Ethnomedicine”: Łuczaj, Jug-Dujaković, Dolina, Jeričević, Vitasović-Kosić 2019; Banchiamlak, YoungDong 2019; Wurchaih, Huar, Menggenqiqig, Khasbagan 2019. Nie twierdzę bynajmniej, że artykuły dokumentujące różnorodność stosowanych przez ludzi roślin są mało wartościowe. Pokazuję tylko jedno z etnobotanicznych podejść do badań. Oczywiście wielu badaczy pokazuje trudności z precyzyjnym oznaczeniem gatunków, np. u Scotta Atrana i Douglasa Medina w The Native Mind and the Cultural Construcion of Nature (tabela 7.7, s. 203), gdzie otwarcie jest podana w tabeli informacja: „nieoznaczone pnącze”. 89. W innych, mniej popularnych książkach, np. Kak izlechit 200 samyh rasprostranennyh bolezniej Danila Stojanovskiego (2002), mamy do czynienia z podziałem ze względu na choroby. Można to uznać za otwarcie antropocentryczny charakter układu, bowiem celem jest leczenie człowieka, a nie rozważania nad relacjami z roślinami. Oczywiście – zgodnie z duchem czasów, w których opisywane książki powstawały – żaden z autorów nie stawiał sobie za cel opisu niezgodnego z antropocentryczną hierarchią, a w każdym razie nie ma w ich publikacjach zauważalnego dla mnie śladu takiej refleksji. Swoją drogą, przygotowanie takiej publikacji mogłoby być nie lada trudnym zadaniem, a i korzystanie z takiej książki pewnie byłoby dla ludzi niełatwe. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 168 �We wszystkich wymienionych publikacjach taksony roślin mają podaną nazwę łacińską, oczywiście jest ona zapisana alfabetem łacińskim, a nie cyrylicą (większość moich rozmówców nazywa go alfabetem angielskim i prawie żaden nie posługuje się nim swobodnie), dlatego tym bardziej wydają się obce i nieprzydatne. Autorzy książek raczej nie pozwalają sobie na pokazanie tego, że oznaczenia gatunków mogą być niepewne, i bardziej lub mniej świadomie dążą do pewnej standaryzacji sposobów zastosowania leczniczego przypisywanych z pozoru precyzyjnie określonym gatunkom, najczęściej również uwspólniają wiedzę pochodzącą z różnych rejonów ZSRR. Wyraźnie widać tę tendencję u Alekseja Popova, Svetlany Prihodko oraz Nikolaja Kharchenki i współautorów. Często, wręcz na siłę, starają się precyzyjnie nazwać gatunek, redukując i nie zaznaczając różnorodności kryjącej się pod nazwą. Zdecydowanie można tu mówić o przewadze scalania (lumping) nad rozdrabnianiem (splitting). Właściwie żaden z autorów nie wnika w to, że np. pod nazwą Rosa canina zapewne kryją się różne odrębne gatunki i mie90 szańce . Towarzyszy temu pewien automatyzm w przypisywaniu tego, co jest zbierane w danym regionie, do gatunków „flagowych” – najczęściej spotykanych w danym regionie lub uwzględnionych w oficjalnej farmakopei. Niewątpliwie jest tak z mniszkiem lekarskim (Taraxacum officinale). Nawet dużo precyzyjniejsza w botanicznym oznaczaniu gatunków Gammerman nie uwzględnia problemów jego taksonomii. Oczywiście częściowo wynika to z czasu, w którym dana publikacja powstała. Przypisywanie do „flagowych” taksonów jest szczególnie częste w wypadku książek powstałych na podstawie innych źródeł pisanych, a nie własnych badań autora; dotyczy to wszystkich nowszych pozycji posiadanych przez moich rozmówców (por. Łuczaj 2010). Można powiedzieć, że w ich wypadku nikt dokładnie nie oznacza gatunków, o które mu chodzi – ani autor książki, ani później jej czytelnicy. Pozostaje pytanie: dla kogo to jest problem, może tylko dla biologów i farmaceutów na to patrzących, czy może być to też ze szkodą dla zdrowia osób stosujących terapie ziołowe? Nie będę tego roztrząsać. Bardziej skupię się na samych sposobach korzystania z tych książek, bo to im się przyglądałam podczas badań. 90. U Prihodko w książce Likarnia na pidvikonni nie ma akurat tego taksonu, traktuję go jako przykład. Iwa Kołodziejska 169 �Wypada jeszcze zaznaczyć, że w publikacjach Gammerman, np. w Dikorastushchie lekarstvennye rasteniia SSSR z Ivanem Gromem, wiele taksonów roślin leczniczych podali pod nazwą rodzajową i wymienili różne gatunki zbierane i stosowane w tożsamy sposób. Np. podali nazwę rodzajową lipa (Tilia) i napisali, że we Florze ZSRR można doliczyć się 11 dziko występujących gatunków z tego rodzaju, a ponadto jest jeszcze wiele innych – uprawnych. Opisują dokładniej T. cordata Mill i T. platyphyllos Scop. (zaznaczając zmianę nazwy tej ostatniej), poza tym wymieniają kilka innych gatunków i zaznaczają, że są rzadziej zbierane. Podobnie postępują np. w wypadku poziomki Fragaria vesca L ., jednak piszą, że nie warto zbierać w celach leczniczych innych gatunków z rodzaju poziomka (Fragaria) – ta informacja raczej nie pozwala na ich odróżnienie bez sięgania do innych źródeł, ponieważ autorzy podają wyłącznie nazwy gatunkowe – rosyjskie i łacińskie. W moim terenie zbierana jest właśnie jedna z nich: sunica, sunicy, zemlanika (F. viridis Weston i najprawdopodobniej jej mieszańce z F. moschata (Duchesne) Duchesne). Nikt z posiadających tę książkę nie wspominał mi o tej różnicy. Oczywiście, w związku z tym, że wiedza taksonomiczna (jak każda) jest zmienna, niektóre nazwy podane we wspomnianych książkach dziś odpowiadają innym gatunkom lub w ogóle są nieaktualne. Na przykład opisana m.in. u Gammerman i Groma (1976) Rosa cinnamomea L . to współcześnie najpewniej odpowiadająca jej z opisu cech dystynktywnych Rosa majalis Herrm. (to też jeden z gatunków, który może kryć się pod tą nieaktualną już nazwą [The Plant List]), ale nawet w nowszych książkach nazwa ta jest kopiowana, np. w Shliah do dovgolittia. Hvoroby vid a do ia. Zdorovyi sposib zhittia. Luba zaznaczyła sobie jej właściwości w książce. Korzysta z rosnącej koło domu róży i botanicznie nie jest to R. majalis, tylko r. canina sensu lato. Zdjęcie z książki Luby też niekoniecznie przedstawia różę, którą botanicy uznaliby za R. majalis, nie widać na nim jej najbardziej charakterystycznych cech. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 170 �Fot. 7. �Podkreślenia Luby w opisie shypshyna korichneva (Rosa cinnamomea L.) oraz zdjęcie owoców tej róży z tej samej książki pt. Shliah do dovgolittia. Hvoroby vid a do Ia. Zdorovyi sposib zhittia. Zdjęcie najprawdopodobniej nie przedstawia Rosa majalis Herrm, która pewnie jest opisana na stronie 657. Można się zastanawiać, czym jest taka próba narzucenia botanicznych klasyfikacji obecnym w zielnikach mentalnych roślinom (pisałam o tym już trochę w podrozdziale III. 1.1). Niewątpliwie jest czym innym niż problemy narzucania botanicznych klasyfikacji roślinom używanym przez lekarzy medycyny tybetańskiej (van der Valk 2017), ponieważ działa w odwrotnym kierunku: nazwy i stojące za nimi klasyfikacje bywają reprodukowane przez moich rozmówców i autorów książek o ziołolecznictwie (trochę tak, jak reprodukowana była starożytna wie91 dza w dawnych herbarzach) . Może zdarzać się tak, że książki kompilujące wiedzę z różnych źródeł i stosujące gatunki „flagowe” są bliższe lokalnym klasyfikacjom, bo np. nie rozróżniają między r. canina i jej mieszańcami a R. majalis. Podobieństwo między analizowanym przez van der Valka problemem a sytuacją obserwowaną przeze mnie polega 91. Co ciekawe, Adel Gammerman opublikowała słownik tybetańsko-łacińsko-rosyjski nazw surowców leczniczych pochodzenia roślinnego stosowanych w medycynie tybetańskiej. Gammerman A .F. i Semichov B.V., Slovar’ tibetsko-latino-russkih nazvanij lekarstvennogo rastitel’nogo syr’ja, primenjaemogo v tibetskoj medicine, Ułan-Ude 1963. Iwa Kołodziejska 171 �na tym, że różne botanicznie taksony mogą wchodzić w skład leków czy terapii pod jedną nazwą. Niektóre spośród posiadanych przez mieszkańców wsi Podola Wschodniego książek zawierają dokładne przepisy lecznicze. Rzadko są wykorzystywane przez rozmówców, w pewnym stopniu dlatego, że mają nieprzystępną postać, są pisane „językiem technicznym” (Boas 1962). Język potoczny przepisów z czasopism jest dużo bardziej przystępny i to one są wykorzystywane. Dla przykładu podaję sformułowany zgodnie z zasadami przyjętymi w farmacji, przy użyciu zrozumiałej dla farmaceutów łaciny, przepis z obecnej w wielu odwiedzanych przeze mnie domach książki Kharchenki i współautorów. Fot. 8. �Przepisy na wykorzystanie kwiatów dziewanny (Verbascum sp. L.) przy chorobach płuc wg państwowej farmakopei ZSRR z książki Kharchenko N.S., Sila V.I., Volodarckii L.I. pt. Likars’ki Roslyny i iih zastosuvannia v narodnii medycyni, „Zdorov’ia”: Kijów 1971. Marie Boas pisze o „języku technicznym” jako zrozumiałym dla wszystkich (1962). Tymczasem powiedziałabym, że tak naprawdę dla wybranych – specjalistów. Takim językiem jest łacińska nomenklatura botaniczna, która ma u samych podstaw potrzebę uogólnienia i standaryzacji. Jako standardowe i powszechnie zrozumiałe traktują nazwy również moi rozmówcy. Jest tak, mimo że, jak pokażę dalej, zdają sobie Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 172 �sprawę z potencjalnej różnorodności nazw, choćby przez to, że równolegle używają nazw rosyjskich i ukraińskich. Niemniej nazwa jest wykorzystywana przez moich rozmówców, i nie tylko przez nich (por. artykuł Łukasza Łuczaja o błędach oznaczenia w etnograficznych tekstach o wykorzystywaniu roślin, 2010), jako główny wyznacznik tego, o jakiej roślinie mowa. Z kolei do publikacji Alekseja Popova dołączono spis różnych zastosowań, wyrażony przy użyciu medycznego słownictwa, wraz z listą odpowiadających im roślin. Są tam takie słowa jak: dezynfekujący, przemiana materii, wykrztuśny itp. Tego rodzaju sformułowania wchodzą do zielników mentalnych rozmówców. Analizowane książki, nawet jeśli nie są stricte naukowe, tylko popularnonaukowe, to poprzez słownictwo, sposób organizacji treści czy przytaczanie wyników badań, odwołują się do autorytetu nauki. Na przykład Alekseei Popov we wstępie do książki pisze o tym, jakie wysiłki czynią naukowcy Związku Radzieckiego, w tym Ukraińskiej SRR, by rośliny używane w narodnej medycynie różnych części ZSRR przebadać pod względem przydatności w oficjalnej medycynie. Zachęca czytelników do tego by – jeśli odkryją leczniczą roślinę lub nowe zastosowanie już znanej – zgłaszali to do instytutów badawczych, by rośliny mogły być sprawdzone, a ich skuteczność potwierdzona. Spośród najbardziej popularnych książek tylko Likarnia na pidvikonni Svetlany Prihodko ma mniej medyczno-farmaceutyczny charakter. Poza informacjami o właściwościach leczniczych są w niej zawarte opisy pochodzenia roślin, legendy i mity z nimi związane, a także to, jak ich obecność wpływa na nastrój i zdolności do pracy. Co istotne, większość opisanych tam roślin to gatunki obce florze Ukrainy, pochodzące z krajów o cieplejszych klimatach, uprawiane w doniczkach na parapetach domów. W publikacji są zawarte porady dotyczące sposobów dbania o nie i ich rozmnażania. Mimo że książka jest w posiadaniu wielu znanych mi osób, wykorzystywane są z niej głównie dwa taksony: rannik, aloe (aloes drzewiasty, Aloe arborescens Mill.) i zolotoj vus (Callisia fragrans (Lindl.) Woodson). Oczywiście to, że ktoś używa tych roślin, nie znaczy, że poznał je z lektury Likarnii na pidvikonni. Zapewne wkrótce zacznie się zmieniać zestaw czytanych przez mieszkańców Podola książek, ponieważ te najnowsze, które na razie Iwa Kołodziejska 173 �nie są popularne (widziałam jeden egzemplarz w posiadaniu rozmów92 ców), ale powszechnie obecne w księgarniach, mają inną formułę . W wielu aspektach są bliższe czasopismom, różnią się od nich między innymi obecnością nazw łacińskich i ilustracji przedstawiających większość prezentowanych taksonów roślin. Nie są jednak poddawane w takim stopniu rygorowi publikacji naukowych z dziedziny nauk przyrodniczych i medycznych. Dlatego mogą pojawić się w nich obecne w narodnej medycynie i bliskie moim rozmówcom takie „choroby ludowe” jak perelak – przestrach – leczony ziołami o działaniu uspokajającym (Shliah do dovgolittia. Hvoroby vid a do Ia. Zdorovyi sposib zhittia, red. Alekseev I.S, 2011). Ich autorzy zwykle nie są farmakognostami, farmaceutami czy biologami, jak piszący starsze, powszechnie obecne na półkach moich rozmówców pozycje, a raczej kompilują dostępną literaturę ziołoleczniczą i dotyczącą narodnej medycyny. Takie publikacje jak Shliah do dovgolittia Ivana Alekseeva zacierają dawniej ostrzejszą granicę między tekstem książkowym i gazetowym, wiążącą się z podejściem do prezentowanych informacji i stosowaniem bardziej technicznego lub bardziej potocznego języka. Te granice nie są też ostre dla rozmówców. Niejednokrotnie w ich relacjach wszelkie wiadomości zdobyte ze źródeł pisanych były nazywane wiadomościami książkowymi, z literatury: Natasza: Zvirobii [dziurawiec zwyczajny, Hypericum perforatum L .] on jest na żołądek, a tak po książkowemu (literaturnomu) to on jest od 99 chorób. [Natasza ok. 55, DW_B0116] Większość opowieści o lokalnie występujących roślinach i stwierdzeń dotyczących ich wyjątkowej mocy (jak to powyższe) pochodzi z czasopism lub wydawnictw książkowych publikowanych przez wydawcę „Babushki” albo pojedynczych książek kładących większy nacisk na wiedzę zakorzenioną w przekazie ludowym. Natasza z przekazu ustnego zna praktyczne zastosowanie zvirobiiu, a informację o wyjątkowości rośliny, typową dla przekazu ludowego, zaczerpnęła z książki. Teksty pisane bywają źródłem opowieści, które wcześniej nie były znane lokalnie. Podobnego rodzaju informację uzyskała o deviasile 92. A może zostaną zastąpione przez informacje z internetu, to jednak raczej może dotyczyć wyłącznie młodszego pokolenia. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 174 �(omanie, Inula sp.), wie o nim z gazety. Zbierała go przez jakiś czas w miejscu, które bardzo precyzyjnie opisała w rozmowie, ale nigdy nie zaczęła pić przygotowanego preparatu, więc przestała zbierać. Miała zamiar sprawdzić, czy skoro pomaga na „wszystkie choroby” (również w jego nazwie deviasil jest ślad szczególnej mocy), ulżyłby jej w dokuczliwych bólach biodra [Natasza ok. 55, DW_B0133]. Wania, mąż Toni, też zna deviasil z książki, nigdy z niego nie korzystał, ale ma inną informację: Wania tłumaczy żonie: dieviasil [oman, Inula sp.] to coś innego, koroviak [dziewanna drobnokwiatowa, Verbascum thapsus L .] to nie deviasil. IK: Deviasil też jest żółty, ale ma tylko jeden kwiat? [botanicznie jest to kwiatostan typu koszyczek, ale wygląda jak pojedynczy kwiat, np. tak jak kwiatostan stokrotki] Wania: Jeden kwiat. IK: On też jest leczniczy? Tonia: Tak, chociaż my nigdy z niego nie korzystaliśmy. Wania: On jest na wrzody żołądka. To z książki, korzeń deviasila. IK: Korzeń? Wania: Tak, sam korzeń. No, ale on tak jakby, dlaczego on nazywa się po-narodnomu deviasil. Tonia: A dlaczego właśnie? Wania: A od dziewięciu chorób. Tonia: Dziewięć mocy. [Tonia i Wania, K. 46 i M. ok. 45 DW_A0168] Z deviasilu korzysta też Witia: kopie w tym samym miejscu, w którym zbierała go Natasza, ale używa go do leczenia kaszlu [M. ok. 55 DW_ A0122]. Wszyscy oni czerpali informacje o deviasile (omanie, Inula sp.) z książek, ale każdy z innej, ich wiedza nie jest homogeniczna. Dla Wani i Toni pozostaje czysto teoretyczną wiadomością z książki; Natasza i Witia zbierali tę roślinę, funkcjonuje w ich zielnikach praktyka z nią związana, ale Natasza nigdy nie wypróbowała jej działania na sobie. Witia wie, że jemu pomaga na kaszel. Wania i Natasza zwracają uwagę na opowieści o szczególnej mocy tej rośliny, których ślad nosi nazwa – deviasil. Z kolei Pola (K. ok. 55) nigdy nie mówiła mi o tej roślinie, ale w jednej z jej książek był wycinek z gazety „Vinnicka Pravda” Iwa Kołodziejska 175 �z wiadomościami o deviasile. Autor opisu rośliny i jej zastosowań wspiera się autorytetem zawodowym, jest profesjonalistą – starszym towaroznawcą roślin lekarskich. Jest to takie źródło autorytetu, z jakim mamy do czynienia w wypadku książek – inne niż w czasopismach „Babushka” lub „ZOZh v Ukrainie”. Fot. 9. Wycinek z gazety „Vinnicka Pravda” z artykułem o deviasile (tu: divosil) (omanie, Inula sp.). Czy można, z powodu obecności w pokazanych mi materiałach o roślinach leczniczych, wycinka z gazety – celowo wybranego, wyciętego i starannie przechowywanego – powiedzieć, że deviasil jest obecny w zielniku mentalnym Poli? W jakimś stopniu tak, ale w chwili prowadzenia badań był jego wyciszonym elementem, nici relacji z nim łączące były słabe. Niemniej Pola może w każdej chwili do niego wrócić i zacieśnić więzy, wydobyć go z ukrycia. Tak o problemach z szukaniem wiedzy w mediach i o tym, jak zawarta w nich informacja ma się do praktyki w zielniku mentalnym, mówi ciocia Lusia (osoba o bardzo bogatym zielniku, w ogromnej części stworzonym dzięki przekazowi ustnemu i własnym eksperymentom). Ciekawe, że przedkłada radiową audycję nad książki, tłumaczy to tym, że w książce nie widać, o jaką roślinę chodzi. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 176 �IK: A pani często korzysta z książek, zdarza się? Lusia: Nie, nie-nie. Czasem u nas jest taka audycja, leci w radiu – Zelena apteka [Zielona apteka]. Tam opowiada się, a to tak w większości... (…) No mam książkę, ale co w książce? w książce nie jest tak zrozumiałe. Ot, najczęściej tam jest fotografia czarno-biała taka i nie można znaleźć takiej, co pasuje do naturalnej rośliny. No nie można i nie wiesz, co to za kwiatek i nazwa taka jakby narodna (ludowa), jakby ludowe pisali czy co. Ja mam taką, atlas taki, tam i mapa jest, gdzie one rosną, i roślina jest, i co ja? Prawie nic z tego nie rozpoznaję. IK: A skąd ma Pani ten atlas? Lusia: Kupiłam, mąż mi kupił w Rosji, tam był i przywiózł taki ogromny atlas, i mam też książeczkę Likarski roslyny [Popov 1969]. Ale co, ja bardziej korzystam z tego co sama, czego potrzebuję. A tam wszystkiego pełno, i takiego co mi niepotrzebne. Jak mi coś dokucza, to to leczę. [Lusia, K. ok. 60, DW_A0166] Zdaniem cioci Lusi w książkach jest wiele treści, z których i tak nie może skorzystać. Rośliny w książkach są tak przedstawione, że nie da się ich rozpoznać, Lusia nie umie przełożyć tego, co widzi w książce na codzienną praktykę, nie tworzy dzięki książkom sieci relacji z nowymi, nieznanymi sobie wcześniej taksonami (choć, jak pokażę dalej, ma pewne ważne dla siebie nici relacji z tekstami o roślinach leczniczych). Książki mimo wszystko posiada, bo je dostała i może kiedyś zrobi z nich użytek. Interesujące, że mówi, że lepsza jest audycja Zelena 93 apteka – ciocia Lusia to jedyna osoba, która mi o niej powiedziała . 93. Stryamets ze współpracownikami w swoim artykule podkreślają duże zainteresowanie dzikimi roślinami leczniczymi w Ukrainie i piszą o „zielonych aptekach” (so-called ‘green pharmacies’), jako miejscu, gdzie można pozyskać darmowe porady dotyczące wykorzystania roślin (2015). Nie zaznaczają, że nie są to zwykłe apteki ziołowe, sprzedające produkty różnych firm, a bardzo konkretna firma o swojej specyfice i politycznie zaangażowanej właścicielce. Myślę, że autorki mogły nie zdawać sobie sprawy z tego, czym są „tak zwane »zielone apteki«”. W czasie badań odwiedziłam apteki tej sieci (w ściśle pojętym terenie moich badań była tylko jedna – w Winnicy, ale byłam też w takich we Lwowie i innych miastach zachodniej Ukrainy). Porady, które można w nich uzyskać, zawsze dotyczą preparatów produkowanych i sprzedawanych przez tę firmę. Podejrzewam, że ten passus artykułu Stryamets i innych wynika z jakiegoś nieporozumienia lub błędu. Ukraińcy wykorzystują apteki jako źródło wiedzy o roślinach, ale nie można ich sprowadzić tylko do „tak zwanych »zielonych aptek«”. Iwa Kołodziejska 177 �Ciocia Lusia dużo słucha radia. Gdy wchodzi do swojej letniej kuchni, w której spędza dużo czasu, bo jest mistrzynią gotowania – to ona przygotowuje korowaje (ciasto obrzędowe) na wesela rodziny i znajomych (podczas gdy większość osób kupuje gotowe), a także na różne lokalne uroczystości, np. dni rejonu w Tywrowie, na których prezentuje się miejscowości z rejonu – od razu włącza odbiornik. Trudno powiedzieć, żeby w audycji mogło być wyraźniej „pokazane”, jak wygląda roślina, niż nawet na kiepskiej jakości czarno-białej ilustracji; w audycji padają nazwy i ciocia Lusia musi sobie wyobrazić, o jaką roślinę chodzi. Podejrzewam, że przekonanie o większej przydatności audycji niż książki bierze się stąd, że ciocię Lusię drażni niezrozumiały przekaz. Audycja, siłą rzeczy, ma postać oralną, jest podobna do rozmowy o roślinach z innymi interesującymi się nimi osobami – co Lusia zna i lubi. Na to, jak tworzymy wiedzę, wpływają nasze predyspozycje poznawcze. Prawdopodobnie Lusia należy do osób, którym łatwiej jest przyjmować informacje w postaci słów niż obrazów. Niestety, nie pociągnęłam z nią tego wątku, nie wypytałam dokładnej o to, co ją w książkach drażni i skąd bierze się wyższość audycji. Ciocia Lusia jest jedyną osobą, od której słyszałam o radiowej audycji Zelena apteka Natalii Zubyckiej vel Zemnej. Kilka osób wiedziało o tym, że ma ona program w telewizji (ze względu na bardzo ograniczony w czasie badań dostęp do internetu nikt nie znał jej kanału w serwisie YouTube), dwie osoby znały gazetową wersję „Zelenei planety”. Straciły zaufanie do publikowanych tam treści, gdy Zemna zaczęła robić karierę polityczną i rozwinęła duży biznes [notatki Tonia K. 55, 15.07.2012]. Książki funkcjonują w sposób stosunkowo statyczny, w wypadku większości osób wydają się mieć mniejszy wpływ na zielniki niż prasa, m.in. dlatego, że pojawianie się nowych numerów czasopism sprzyja bardziej intensywnej wymianie między ludźmi. Książki zwykle po prostu się ma w domu i wchodzi w interakcję z nimi indywidualnie. Dalej przekazuje się pozyskane informacje, a nie całe książki. IV. 2.4. Czasopisma – struktura tekstu i jej wpływ na przekaz wiedzy Spośród dostępnych na rynku ukraińskim czasopism o roślinach leczniczych w Stroyinciach i okolicach najbardziej powszechnie czytana jest „Babushka”, kupowana i prenumerowana w postaci pojedynczych Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 178 �numerów drukowanych na gazetowym papierze, a także wielostronicowych, tematycznych wydań specjalnych – zbiorów przepisów wydawanych np. jako miesięcznik „Enciklopedia narodnovo lecheniia” czy „Lechimsia vmiestie” albo przepisy z gazet z poprzednich 94 lat ułożone w formie kalendarza na cały rok i na każdy dzień . Trzy ostatnie są przez rozmówców często nazywane książkami. Wydawane są w Ukrainie, ale do roku 2015 pisane były w większości w języku rosyjskim. Zgodnie z zapewnieniem redakcji publikowane są wszystkie listy od czytelników zawierające informację o tym, co piszącym pomogło lub zaszkodziło, czy to z narodnej (ludowej), czy z oficjalnej medycyny (sformułowanie oryginalne) („Enciklopedia Narodnovo Lecheniia”, nr 7 z 2011 r.). W powyższych stwierdzeniach bardzo wyraźnie widać heterodoksję tego, co taka gazeta zawiera. Ma formę przypominającą codzienne rozmowy o pomysłach na radzenie sobie z różnymi przypadłościami. W „Babushce” czy „Zdrovym Obrazie Zhyzni v Ukrainie” (dalej „ZOZh”, czasopismo wydawane w Rosji i sprzedawane w wielu krajach byłego ZSRR, Ukraina ma własne wydanie) dużo miejsca poświęcono sposobom leczenia chorób chronicznych i bardzo popularnych, takich jak np. przeziębienie. W pozostałych gazetach, o których wspominałam na początku rozdziału, są tylko pojedyncze rubryki albo przypadkowe artykuły poświęcone roślinom leczniczym. Więcej miejsca w tych czasopismach, szczególnie w „Silskim visniku” czy katalogach roślin uprawnych, oddaje się roślinom o innych zastosowaniach ważnych dla człowieka. Nie są to jednak dzikie rośliny ani ich zastosowania nie są odmienne od głównego przeznaczenia, dla jakiego roślina jest uprawiana, więc zgodnie z przyjętą metodologią nie poświęcam im tu uwagi. Teksty w czasopismach cechuje pewna heterodoksja związana z wielością autorów, choć niewątpliwie widać, że redakcje dążą do różnego rodzaju ujednolicania publikowanych tekstów. Oksana: Tak, mama też prenumerowała wtedy różne gazety i takie miała, i lecznicze takie też, no z narodnych to tam z „Poradnici” porady 94. Gazeta ma też wydanie internetowe, ale moi rozmówcy z niego nie korzystają (ba- bushka.ua). W 2019 roku internetowe wydanie nie różniło się graficznie od papierowego, w 2022 jego estetyka jest już zupełnie inna: zdjęcia zamiast rysunków, boczny pasek z fotografiami fragmentów roślin zielnych. Iwa Kołodziejska 179 �95 takie, historie radzących, kto czym się leczył . Z takiej narodnej medycyny były tam przepisy, potem „Babushkiny sovety”, te gazety ona zawsze prenumerowała, to przepisy z przyrody, też wszystkie różne – kto czym się leczył, jakie kto miał problemy i czym się leczył, takie przepisy były, to ona z różnych, różnych gazet i magazynów brała. IK: A w jakich latach to było? Oksana: To były siedemdziesiąte, osiemdziesiąte, no ona, od kiedy ja wiem, ona wszystko ot tak, po prostu u nas tak, babka znała wszystkie zioła (travy), ja już jej się przyglądałam, bo mama to mniej się rozumiała na ziołach. [Oksana K. ok. 45, DW_B0182] Oksana podkreśla, że w obu prenumerowanych przez jej mamę gazetach były historie i sposoby leczenia się konkretnych osób, porady od kogoś, kto wypróbował metodę na sobie. Obecność gazet o podobnym formacie w życiu osadników z Ukrainy w zachodniej Kanadzie w XIX i na początku XX w. opisują Lewis (1990) i Mucz (2012: 230). Oboje autorzy podkreślają, że umożliwiała ona dzielenie się wiedzą między oddalonymi osadami. Teksty w czasopismach charakteryzują się raczej potocznym językiem, niejednokrotnie przesyconym poetyckością, która może sprawiać wrażenie narracji typowej dla literatury dziecięcej z obszaru byłego ZSRR. Wierszyki pojawiają się na okładkach wydawnictw „Babushki”, a także wewnątrz czasopisma, zazwyczaj listy czytelników są opatrzone rymowanymi lub po prostu poetyckimi tytułami od redakcji. Na przykład tak wygląda okładka czwartego numeru „Babushki” (wydawnictwo „Enciklopedia narodnogo lecheniia, Babushka ozdrovitelnyie sovety”) z kwietnia 2012 roku. 95. Nie widziałam u nikogo żadnego numeru „Poradnicy”. Współcześnie ma również wersję elektroniczną, opisuje wiele zagadnień, w tym porady zdrowotne i dotyczące trybu życia (poradnica.com.ua). Obecnie (2019–2022) nie ma formy porad od czytelników. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 180 �Fot. 10. �Okładka 4. numeru „Babushki. Enciklopedia narodnogo lecheniia, Babushka ozdrovitelnyie sovety” z kwietnia 2012 r. Wierszyk o oduvanchikah (mniszkach lekarskich, Taraxacum officinale agg.) – w prawym dolnym rogu – brzmi mniej więcej tak: oduvanchikov nazrywamy, leczniczy sok wyciskamy, po troszeczku wypijamy i anemię przeganiamy (w oryginale są rymy gramatyczne aa bb – słowa w pierwszej osobie liczby mnogiej). Na pierwszych stronach cotygodniowych wydań na papierze gazetowym też zawsze jest wiersz, czasem taki jak ten o oduvanchikah (autorstwa redakcji), innym razem mniej lub bardziej znanych poetów ukraińskich lub rosyjskich (np. w pierwszym numerze z 6 stycznia 2015 r. opublikowano wiersz Apollona Korynfskiego, rosyjskiego poety i dziennikarza z przełomu XIX i XX w.), czy autorstwa czytelniczek i czytelników „Babushki” (np. w drugim numerze z 12 stycznia 2016 r. i trzydziestym ósmym numerze z 22 września 2015 r.) (patrz fot. 11). Iwa Kołodziejska 181 �W czasopismach można też często spotkać opowieści o charakterze ludowym, jak na przykład ta przedstawiona mi przez Marię: Veronika [przetacznik ożankowy, Veronica chamaedrys L .] – to jest taka przypowieść, ona kwitnie niebieściutko, kwiatek, ona teraz właś96 nie kwitła. Nie wiem, dziś pochmurno, czy kwiaty są otwarte . Znaczenie jej, no przypowieść o niej, że kiedy na wojnie żołnierza ciężko ranili, a bardzo kochała go dziewczyna, tak bardzo kochała, że powiedziała: ja dla ciebie stanę się leczniczym ziołem, tylko żebyś ty wyzdrowiał. I ona stała się jakby tą rośliną – veroniką i uleczyła tego swojego ukochanego. [Maria K. 55 DW_A0142] W „Babushce”, podobnie jak w mniej popularnym „ZOZhu”, pojawiają się liczne sformułowania tworzące wrażenie bliskości, familiarności, wspólnoty czytelników, nad którymi opiekę roztaczają „Babushka” lub „ZOZh”. Większość listów zaczyna się od pozdrowienia „Babushki”, zwykle ma to formę wykrzyknienia: Zdravstvuj, „Babushka”! W związku ze zmianą języka, w którym wychodzi czasopismo, redakcja zadbała o to, by w 2016 roku wszyscy czytelnicy „pisali”: Zdrastui, „Babushka”!, czyli, by użyli odpowiedniego ukraińskiego pozdrowienia zamiast rosyjskiego. Zarówno w „ZOZhu”, jak i „Babushce” często pojawiają się też bezpośrednie podziękowania: spasibo tebe „Babushka” czy spasibo tebe „ZOZh”. Takie sformułowania powodują wrażenie interakcji, kontaktu, bezpośredniej rozmowy – niemal jak z sąsiadką. W większości numerów na ostatniej stronie znajduje się rubryka Isceli menia „Babushka” (wylecz mnie, „Babushko”) lub „Pomogi mne, 97 „Babushka” (pomóż mi, „Babushko”) . Pojawiają się w niej listy od ludzi proszących o poradę czy pomoc. Na przykład w numerze 45 (600) z 10 listopada 2013 r. opublikowano 9 listów, w których ludzie podają 96. Ten botaniczny gatunek pokazała mi Maria. Nie jest on powszechnie uważany za leczniczy, Maria sama nigdy nie stosowała tej rośliny, nawet jej nie zbierała, ale uważała ją za piękną i lubiła tę poznaną z gazety opowieść o veronice. Można przypuszczać, że miała ona dotyczyć innego gatunku z rodzaju Veronica – Veronica officinalis, uznawanej powszechnie za roślinę leczniczą, V. chamaedrys nie występuje w ukraińskiej farmakopei. 97. Od 2016 roku Dopomozhy meni, „Babushka”! – język ukraiński. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 182 �swoje adresy (niektórzy tylko do wiadomości redakcji), ale w każdym zamieszczono informację o tym, z jakiego są miasta – 1 list z Rosji, pozostałe adresy ukraińskie (redakcja mieści się w Kirowogradzie [Ukraina, od 14. lipca 2016 r. miasto nazywa się Kropyvnicky ]). W „Babushce” używa się terminów „oficjalna” i „narodna medycyna”, bliskich moim rozmówcom; np. w tekście prośby od redakcji, by czytelnicy przysyłali pytania związane z leczeniem i opisywali przebieg kuracji czy to środkami oficjalnej, czy narodnej medycyny oraz informowali o tym, co im pomogło, a co im zaszkodziło. Redakcja udziela odpowiedzi wyłącznie na łamach swoich wydawnictw (np. „Babushka” z 6 czerwca 2013 r.). Czytelnicy dzielą się przepisami, które uważają za skuteczne (por. Lewis 1990), często opisują przebieg choroby i nieskuteczne próby radzenia sobie z nią oraz tę ostatnią próbę, najważniejszą, która pomogła. Nierzadko, jak piszą w listach czytelnicy, autorami skutecznych porad, przekazywanych przez nich na łamach „Babushki”, są lekarze oficjalnej medycyny proponujący terapie ziołowe. Fot. 11. �Winiety tygodnika „Babushka” z 17 kwietnia 2012 r. (nr 16), 22 września 2015 r. (nr 38), 6 stycznia 2015 r. (nr 1), 12 stycznia 2016 r. (nr 2). Wiersze na okładce autorstwa czytelniczek i czytelników: 22 września 2015 r. (nr 38), 12 stycznia 2016 r. (nr 2). Iwa Kołodziejska 183 �IV. 2.5. Sposoby porządkowania treści w czasopismach Zdjęcie powyżej (fot. 11.) przedstawia cztery numery gazetowego wydania „Babushki” z różnych lat. Warto zwrócić uwagę na zmianę języka z rosyjskiego na ukraiński między rokiem 2015 a 2016. „Babushka”, inaczej niż w „ZOZh”, zawiera spisy treści ułożone zgodnie z dolegliwościami, na które działają konkretne przepisy (patrz fotografia powyżej). Co ważne, redaktorzy wyjaśniają wiele terminów z technicznego języka medycznego, np. Girsutizm (volosistost) – hirsutyzm (nadmierne owłosienie), belokrovie (lejkoz, lejkemija) – białaczka (leukemia) (nr 38 z 22 września 2015 r.), stenokardija (grudna żaba) – stenokardia (żaba w piersi, dusznica) (nr 2 z 12 stycznia 2016 r.). Redakcje czasopism nadają też tytuły poszczególnym listom, tak by było wygodniej znaleźć interesujące treści. W „Babushce” mają formę rymowaną np.: Hvoiu pila skleroz pobedila (Sosnę piłam, miażdżycę tętnic zwalczyłam) („Babushka” nr 6 z 2013 r.), Analogov sanberri ne skazat’: o slonechnoj jagode speshu rasskazat’ (Zastępników sanberri nie wymienisz: spieszę donieść o słonecznej jagodzie) („Babushka” nr 38 z 22 wrześ98 nia 2015 r.) . Shche bogatioh ci metody vriatuiut, oduzhannia iim podaruiut (Jeszcze wielu te metody uratują, powrót do zdrowia im podarują) („Babushka” nr 2 z 12 stycznia 2016 r.). Autorzy listów posługują się zwykle wyłącznie znaną sobie nazwą lokalną albo ogólnorosyjską czy ukraińską, która wcale nie koniecznie musi być w ten sam sposób rozumiana przez czytelników. Czasopisma, o czym wspominałam już w III rozdziale, mają liczne odniesienia religijne, głównie do prawosławia. Kolejne numery odnoszą się do kalendarza świąt prawosławnych, uwzględniają Boże Narodzenie, Wielkanoc, Zielone Świątki itp. Pojawiają się czasem modlitwy sugerowane przez czytelników, na winiecie znajduje się cerkiew (w krajobrazie wiejskim zmieniającym się zależnie od pory roku). W 2019 roku na stronie internetowej „Babushki” była specjalna zakładka „słowo leczy” (babushka.ua/slovo-lechit); składają się 98. Najprawdopodobniej Solanum retroflexum Dunal, wskazują na to nazwa i opis zrobiony przez czytelniczkę z miejscowości Velikie Krynki z połtawskiego. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 184 �99 na nią podstrony: s veroi v gospoda (z wiarą w boga), molitvy i vsemogushchee slovo (modlitwy i wszechmocne słowo) – kryły się tam różne treści, w pewnej mierze takie, które można by uznać za New Age’owe. Nie trafiłam w czasopismach na wzmianki o mocy święconych w Cerkwi prawosławnej czy też Kościele katolickim roślin (ostatni dostęp do strony: 30 lipca 2019 r.). Nie widziałam okładek czasopisma nawiązujących do święta św. Jana czy Zaśnięcia Najświętszej Marii Panny. Moje rozmówczynie święcą rośliny przy różnych okazjach i wykorzystują je zarówno do okadzania bydła przy problemach z dawaniem mleka, jak i przy bólu zęba u ludzi. Niektóre dorzucają święcone rośliny do herbat leczniczych. Znacznie częściej słyszałam o wykorzystywaniu i przekuwaniu na praktykę wiedzy pozyskanej z czasopism niż z książek (chociaż nie zawsze było łatwo ze stuprocentową pewnością stwierdzić, jaki rodzaj źródła pisanego rozmówcy mają na myśli), niemniej to o nich po wielokroć słyszałam jako o wartościowych i ciekawych, obserwowałam ich wymianę i wspólne czytanie świeżo zdobytych numerów. Język czasopism, choć jest pisany, ma wiele cech przekazu oralnego, jest też łatwiejszy i bardziej zrozumiały. Myślę, że mogę pokusić się o stwierdzenie, że moi rozmówcy mocno stąpają po ziemi, czują wartość praktycznej wiedzy, ale przede wszystkim wiedzy zawartej w ich własnych zielnikach – to co zagmatwane, z tytułu samego swojego zagmatwania, nie staje się mądre, nie zaczyna cieszyć się autorytetem ani nie osnuwa go aura wyjątkowości i wartościowości. Moi rozmówcy chcą, żeby to, co czytają, było zrozumiałe. Tekst pełen niezrozumiałych słów, np. takich, które specjaliście mają ułatwić oznaczenie rośliny, raczej zniechęca i jest odkładany, a czasem nawet pali się nim w piecu, jak robiła to baba Adela, gdy weszła w posiadanie dużej liczby niezrozumiałych dla siebie książek, w tym o roślinach. Jednak nikt z rozmówców nie robił tego z poczuciem, że to nie dla niego albo że jemu lub jej nie starcza kompetencji. Raczej towarzyszyło temu oburzenie na autora, który nie umiał istotnych spraw wyjaśnić w zrozumiały sposób – trochę podobne do złości Witii, kiedy odkrył, że w tłumaczeniu Seneki prosta myśl jest wyrażona niezrozumiałym dla niego 99. Transliteracja oryginalnego zapisu [ostatni dostęp do strony: 30 lipca 2019 r.]. W 2022 r., po przebudowie strony, nie ma już na niej takiego działu. Wszystkie działy mają nazwy wywodzące się z biomedycyny i są to jej działy lub nazwy grup chorób. Iwa Kołodziejska 185 �słowem (patrz: podrozdział II. 3.2 Język). Jak podkreśla Olson: słowami nie da się wyczerpująco i precyzyjnie opisać obserwowanych różnic (on mówi wyłącznie o wizualnych, a przecież dochodzą i inne – smak, zapach, faktura skórki w dotyku itp.) wyglądu setek gatunków roślin i zwierząt. Renesansowi uczeni, podobnie jak moi rozmówcy, byli zaniepokojeni, że mają trudność z identyfikacją taksonu na podstawie opisów zostawionych przez starożytnych. Również obrazy, do których mieli dostęp, trudno uznać za szczegółowe. Wielokrotnie je powielano, co sprzyjało coraz większym uproszczeniom, szczególnie że kopiujący zwykle nie znali zobrazowanej rośliny. Tak było np. z ilustracjami słynnej De Materia Medica Dioskurydesa; w kolejnych kopiach coraz trudniej dopatrzeć się cech pierwowzoru, do tego stopnia, że starsze od niego o szesnaście wieków angielskie tłumaczenie (z 1655 r.) zawiera notę od wydawcy: „Wielu z tych obrazów nie sposób zinterpretować. Jednakże wydrukowaliśmy je w nadziei, że pracujący w terenie botanicy […] będą mogli rozpoznać przynajmniej kilka roślin, które na skutek zniekształcenia ich cech były nie do zidentyfikowania w zielniku z zasuszonymi roślinami” (The Greek Herbal of Dioscorides, red. J. Gunther, Oxford 1934, za Olson 2010: 329). Do problemu ilustracji obecnych w książkach i czasopismach przejdę w dalszej części rozdziału IV. Moi rozmówcy, a szczególnie rozmówczynie, zdają się mieć zaufanie do doświadczenia innych osób; tego, że ktoś wypróbował dany przepis na sobie. Ważna jest dla nich obecność człowieka w tym przekazie. Naukowy, uogólniony język nie ma aż takiego autorytetu. Spotkałam wiele czytelniczek „Babushki” i innych czasopism, ale nie spotkałam żadnej osoby, która by kiedykolwiek napisała list do cza100 sopisma . IV. 2.6. Zapamiętane i zapisane Wielu rozmówców, pokazując mi swoje książki, wertuje je szybko, zatrzymując się tylko na taksonach roślin, które są im znane. Wyznacznikiem miejsca zatrzymania jest zwykle znajoma nazwa. Umożliwia ona pozyskanie nowych wiadomości o danej roślinie. Tak 100. Zdaję sobie sprawę, że istnieje praktyka tworzenia listów przez redakcje czasopism, jednak na podstawie moich badań nie mogę określić autorstwa listów w „Babushce”. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 186 �na przykład Nina, gdy cierpiała na „nerwowe wyczerpanie organizmu”, dowiedziała się, że może jej pomóc podorozhnik velikii (babka zwyczajna, Plantago major L .), roślina, którą doskonale znała jeszcze z dzieciństwa. Kiedy dowiedziała się, że może być lekarstwem na jej przypadłość, zbierała świeże liście rośliny, cięła nożyczkami, zalewała wrzątkiem i piła cztery razy dziennie. I tak w niedługim czasie zaczęła odzyskiwać siły, nawet nie zauważyła, kiedy przestała potrzebować pić podorozhnik velikii i go odstawiła [Nina K. ok. 40, DW_A0150]. Nazwa, co mało zaskakujące, umożliwiła powiązanie przeczytanej informacji ze znaną rośliną i inkorporowanie nowej wiedzy do zielnika. Zbliżoną funkcję pełnią nazwy w przekazie ustnym, kiedy osoba opowiadająca nie pokazuje rośliny. Podobnie korzystali z czasopism ukraińscy osadnicy w Kanadzie, Michael Mucz przytacza historię uratowania dziecka z wysoką gorączką, któremu lekarz nie dawał dużych szans na przeżycie, a matka posłużyła się informacją z czasopisma i wykorzystała okłady z ciepłej cebuli do zbicia gorączki (2012: 75). Roślina była znana, jej znalezienie nie stanowiło problemu, tylko jej sposób zastosowania był nowy. Dla osadników korzystanie z wiedzy o roślinach z czasopism mogło być o tyle trudniejsze, że wydawano je w języku angielskim, co umożliwiało korzystanie z wiedzy różnych grup osadników, ale rośliny niejednokrotnie bardzo długo zachowują nazwy ze starego kraju (por. Pieroni, Vandebroek 2009). Dlatego oraz ze względu na specyfikę tych wydawnictw (czasopisma były powiązane z dostawcami różnych produktów) w przepisach częściej niż lokalne rośliny lecznicze pojawiały się takie specyfiki, jak różne octy, oleje, soda, terpentyna; egzotyczne przyprawy, np. imbir czy gałka muszkatołowa; rośliny uprawiane w ogrodzie i na polach – ziemniaki, cebula, chmiel (który mógł też być zbierany z dzikich stanowisk); zaledwie kilka lokalnych gatunków pojawia się w analizowanych przez Lewis listach (1990). W procesie tworzenia wiedzy o roślinach moi rozmówcy uciekają się do robienia notatek i zaznaczania interesujących ustępów w książkach i czasopismach. Wycinają fragmenty z dokładnymi (napisanymi przystępnym językiem) przepisami dozowania roślin, które w zbyt dużej dawce mogą poważnie zaszkodzić je przyjmującemu. Opowiadając o tych roślinach, często podkreślają, że trzeba „znać dozu” (patrz rozdział III.4.2 Płeć roślin, płeć zielników). Od niektórych rozmówczyń Iwa Kołodziejska 187 �słyszałam jednak recytowane z pamięci dokładne przepisy, np. przepis na kurację wrzodów żołądka i raka dwunastnicy ze świeżego soku z chystotelu, chistotelu (glistnika jaskółczego ziela, Chelidonium majus L .) [materiały do filmu „Ludzie i rośliny”, ciocia Pasza i babcia Stasia]. Takie dokładne przepisy zwykle mają źródło w tekstach pisanych, ale później są rozprzestrzeniane drogą ustną – obie rozmówczynie tak go poznały. Potwierdza to tezę Nosala, że obecność przepisów związanych z leczeniem nowotworów w ukraińskiej narodnej medycynie ma źródło w literaturze (Nosal za Boltarovych 2014, audiobook, min. 5:18:17 – 5:18:40). Natomiast Christoph Schunko i inni, badając dlaczego obecnie mieszkańcy austriackiego Tyrolu zbierają dzikie rośliny, zwracają uwagę na to, że ludzie wypróbowują przepisy, a potem coś, co było pierwotnie informacją z książki, może trafić dalej jako przekaz ustny do kolejnej osoby (2015). W domu Luby (K. ok. 50) publikacja Shliah do dovgolitia... pojawiła się w związku z chorobą męża i widać to we fragmentach zaznaczonych w książce przez rozmówczynię. Podkreślenie przerywaną linią przepisu (fot. 12) na leczenie kamieni w pęcherzu przy pomocy korzenia rośliny – khrin zvychainyi (chrzan pospolity, Armoracia rusticana P.Gaertn., B.Mey. & Scherb.) – wynika z problemów zmarłego męża z układem moczowym. Żadna z roślin, które zaznaczyła Luba w książce, nie była jej wcześniej obca, nie znała tylko opisanego w niej dawkowania lub użycia. Zastosowanie takie nie było też wymieniane przez innych rozmówców. Mimo że część moich rozmówców eksperymentuje z szukaniem nieznanych wcześniej taksonów, to większość używa tekstów pisanych wyłącznie do rozszerzania już posiadanej wiedzy. Inna rozmówczyni zaznaczyła w spisie treści w „Babushce” (wydanie „Encyklopedia narodnogo lechenia” – miesięcznik, nr 7 z lipca 2011 r.) interesujące ją artykuły, np. ból zęba – dopisek kora duba (kora dębu, Quercus spp.), szum w głowie – omela (jemioła pospolita, Viscum alba L ., i podgatunki) – widać na fot. 12); na fotografii widoczny jest też dopisek margancovka (nadmanganian potasu). W tekstach artykułów popodkreślała dawkowanie. Rozwinęła również spis treści o brakujące i ważne dla niej tematy. Jest to dość częsty sposób interakcji z tekstem, istotna ścieżka w tworzeniu wiedzy. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 188 �   Fot. 12. �Zdjęcia ilustrują jeden ze sposobów interakcji z tekstem. Luba w książce Shliah do dovgolitia... (2011) zaznaczyła khrin zvychainyi (Armoracia rusticana) – znajomą roślinę i nowy sposób wykorzystania, Maria, robiąc dopiski w spisie treści miesięcznika „Babushka”, zaznaczyła m.in. przepis na leczenie szumu w głowie, dopisała nazwę rośliny – omela (jemioła, Viscum spp.), a na stronie 91, w przepisie nazwanym Podwójnej nalewki się napijemy, szumu w głowie się pozbędziemy, zaznaczyła szczegóły przepisu. Iwa Kołodziejska 189 �Dla kilku rozmówczyń ogromnie ważna jest znajomość przepisów na pamięć. Wspominałam już w rozdziale III o wartości pamięci dla Nataszy (ok. 55), która mówi: „wszystkie przepisy znam na pamięć”. Podobnie mówiła babka Hania (ok. 70), że w związku z tym, iż przez lata była główną kucharką na weselach, pracowała też jako kucharka w kołchozowej stołówce i gotowała np. robotnikom, którzy budowali nowy budynek kościoła, to łatwo zapamiętuje przepisy. Opowiadała o tym, z jakich roślin korzysta, podając szczegółowe przepisy [K. ok. 70, DW_A0130]. Z kolei Hala i Wiera (obie pod sześćdziesiątkę) żałują, że przepisy mają w „Babushce”, a nie w głowach [Notatki/kwiecień 2012]. Posiadanie i znajomość przepisów nie muszą oznaczać rezygnacji z intuicyjnego korzystania z zapamiętanych lub zapisanych instrukcji, wprowadzania własnych zmian i innowacji w zależności od kontekstu stosowania danych taksonów. Niech przykładem tu będzie historia sosny (sosna zwyczajna, Pinus sylvestris L .) z zielnika cioci Lusi: Lusia: Sosna bardzo zdrowa. Bardzo dobrze robi sosna. Ona czyści cały wasz krwioobieg. IK: Tak? Lusia: Bardzo dobrze. Ot, wszyscy mówią, nawet w audycjach, że na nowy rok „ty zjedz tę choinkę, będziesz cały rok zdrowy”. Ale ty przecież nie zjesz, no ale sosna jest bardzo dobra. Bardzo dobra na oskrzela, bardzo dobre wykrztuśne. Ja od dawna wiem, że to jest bardzo dobre. Kto miał zawał, udar, na serce bardzo dobrze, czyści krew. Wtedy od razu bierzcie się za robienie inhalacji z tego. Żeby ją pić, to trzeba bardzo dokładnie zgodnie z przepisem. IK: Aha. Lusia: Tam pięć łyżeczek, pięć stołowych łyżek sosny [sosna zwyczajna, Pinus sylvestris L .], trzy łyżki shypovnika [dzikie gatunki róż, Rosa spp., najczęściej r. canina L .] i dwie łyżki łuski z cebuli [cebula (czosnek cebula), Allium cepa L .], jeżeli jeszcze jest kłopot z nerkami. Ale można nie pić i nie trzeba tej cebuli. To bardzo dobrze działa. Wody 750 gramów, i tak to gotować, aż zawrze i trzymać 10 minut na maleńkim ogniu, niech się przegotuje. Ugotował się, ja to ugotowałam, noc postoi, naciągnie, i w przeciągu całego dnia trzeba to wypić – ten napój. Tam półlitrowy słoiczek tej wody, herbatki tej. Pić tak: dziesięć dni Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 190 �pijesz, jeśli jesteś po zawale, albo innych problemach z sercem, dziesięć dni pijesz, dziesięć odpoczywasz. Tak można dwa, trzy razy zrobić. To bardzo dobre, bardzo dobre. Jeżeli ktoś ma problemy z oskrzelami, to wyrzuci, wyciągnie wszystko całkowicie. Ot, koło mnie mieszka ta babcia Hania, ona miała astmę i jak ona tego popije, to z niej leci, Boże, koszmar co! Tak, to ja ją tego nauczyłam. I ona, jak tylko jej źle, to ona popije, popije i mówi: „tak mi lekko oddychać, czyści oskrzela”. IK: A skąd się pani o tym dowiedziała? Lusia: Ja kiedyś byłam w Leningradzie i kupiłam byłam gazetę. I tam, po mojemu, profesor Tyshchenko. Tyshchenko, on to napisał. On tak dużo pisał i pisali ludzie, jak się wyleczyli. Każdy swój przepis pisał. I ta gazeta jest u mnie do tej pory, mam ją na pewno ze dwadzieścia lat. I ją trzymam. Z gazety przeczytałam i cały czas na nią patrzę [do niej zaglądam]. Też jak zimą dzieci zachorują, to my małemu [wnukowi] inhalacje robiliśmy. Ot, po prostu dużo sosny w wielki garnek, żeby dużo wody się zmieściło. I ta Alionka [synowa] przykrywała się prześcieradłem razem z nim, bo on był jeszcze maleńki, pięć miesięcy miał. I to mu wszystko zaczęło odchodzić, wychodzić, zaczął normalnie oddychać i tak my wyleczyliśmy dziecko. I godzinkę, robiliśmy po troszku, bo on maleńki, baliśmy się. Jak inhalacje, to nie trzeba tak dokładnie, a jak pić, to trzeba srogo, dokładnie zgodnie z przepisem. Ja to mówię wszystkim. [Lusia, K. ok. 60, DW_A0166] Ciocia Lusia posługuje się przepisem, który zna już na pamięć, gdy jest potrzebne precyzyjne dawkowanie – odwar z sosny ma być podawany doustnie. Robi też własne wariacje na jego temat: nie przepada za łuską cebuli, więc czasem z niej rezygnuje. Ponadto opracowała inhalacje, które nie wymagają już takiej precyzji dawkowania składników, każdy może je przygotować. Wszystkie rośliny z gazetowego przepisu były jej wcześniej znane, ale nowy sposób zastosowania wyczytała w prasie. Stopniowo ulega on modyfikacji dzięki intuicji oraz innym doświadczeniom z roślinami leczniczymi i leczeniem. W zielnikach zapamiętane lub zapisane muszą być nie tylko przepisy dawkowania, lecz także wielość nazw, związana z tym, w jak wielu językach komunikują się rozmówcy. O języku pisałam już nieraz, a różnorodność stosowanych przez rozmówców nazw odzwierciedla przyjęty przeze mnie sposób notacji określeń poszczególnych taksonów, Iwa Kołodziejska 191 �dlatego tu podam tylko kilka ciekawych przykładów. Spośród 158 taksonów lokalnych dla 60 zanotowałam wyłącznie jedną nazwę, z czego 20 zostało wymienionych tylko przez jedną osobę (był też takson wymieniany przez jedną osobę pod dwiema nazwami wypowiedzianymi od razu na jednym wdechu). Pozostałe taksony lokalne – 98 – pokazywano mi pod co najmniej dwiema nazwami, część z nich to oboczności związane z kontinuum między językami ukraińskim a rosyjskim, charakterystyczne dla surżyku. Czasem z tej niełatwej do okiełznania językowej różnorodności wynikają kłopoty w komunikacji. Spotkana na stroyinieckim przystanku autobusowym koło Czajni młoda kobieta – Natasza – opowiadała mi o roślinach, których używa. Nie mogła sobie przypomnieć nazwy jednej z nich: „taka fioletowa rośnie na garbach, kwitnie, kiedy się chodzi paść krowy... rośnie takimi kępami (krzakami – kushchami), dużo gałązek i tak się ciągną”. Powiedziałam: „może to chebrec albo materinka”. Kobieta szybko potwierdziła: „tak, tak chebrec”. Po chwili powiedziała: „a materinka to może jakaś inna roślina? Tak też nazywają to ludzie?”. [Notatki/20.06.2012] Mówiąc chebrec albo materinka, miałam na myśli ten sam takson lokalny – występujące lokalnie macierzanki, rośliny z rodzaju Thymus. Jak się okazało, rozmówczyni myślała o tej samej roślinie, ale nie znała drugiej, zaproponowanej przeze mnie nazwy. Użyłam jej, ponieważ wiele starszych kobiet, a przede wszystkim moja gospodyni – baba Adela – używało jej do określenia macierzanki (Thymus spp.), np. kiedy wysyłała mnie, bym poszła jej nazbierać na wianek na oktawę Bożego Ciała, który sama planowała upleść; powiedziała: „idź na ten garb naprzeciwko, na wołkotruby i nazbieraj materinku. Prawidłowo to dushyca, czy jak?”. [Notatki/09.06.2012] Nazwy: materinka (materynka), chebrec i dushyca sprawiają wiele kłopotów komunikacyjnych, bo różne osoby używają ich wymiennie do określenia dwóch taksonów – Origanum vulgare i Thymus spp. Botanicy ukraińscy nazwą materynka zvychaina określają lebiodkę pospolitą Origanum vulgare L ., która z kolei przez botaników rosyjskich jest nazywana dushica obyknovennaja. Już samo to mogłoby spowodować zamieszanie ze względu na obecność źródeł odwołujących się do nazw botanicznych w obu językach. Dodatkowo komplikują sprawę ukraińskie określenia ludowe, zgodnie z którymi i Thymus spp., i Origanum vulgare bywają nazywane materynka (podobnie jest Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 192 �z rosyjskimi nazwami ludowymi tych taksonów). W słowniku Kobiva wymieniono 15 taksonów, które lokalnie, w różnych miejscach Ukrainy (współcześnie i w przeszłości), mogły być określane słowem materynka. Są wśród nich Origanum vulgare i różne gatunki z rodzaju Thymus, a także taksony, których moi rozmówcy nigdy nie określali tym słowem, np. krwawnik pospolity (Achillea millefolium) czy poziomka pospolita (Fragaria vesca). Natomiast słowem chebrec zarówno botanicy ukraińscy, jak i mieszkańcy różnych regionów kraju nazywają występujące tam gatunki z rodzaju Thymus, jak też kilka innych roślin z innych rodzajów, ale z takim nazewnictwem nie spotkałam się w swoim terenie badań (Kobiv 2004). Przeprowadziłam i usłyszałam wiele podobnych rozmów, np. o tym czy klever i koniushyna to ten sam takson czy nie [K. 38, Notatki/20.06.2012 – dalszy ciąg rozmowy z Nataszą już w marszrutce, 101 włączyły się do rozmowy inne osoby] , o tym, jaka nazwa (derevij, kyrvavnyk czy tysiachylistnik?) na krwawnik pospolity (Achillea millefolium L .) jest właściwa. Did Tola miał w tej sprawie bardzo stanowczą opinię (dochodzi tu kwestia korekcji językowej, por. Bilaniuk 2005) i mówił o tym, że ludzie czasem mogą się nie rozumieć, bo nie znają prawidłowej nazwy [M. 77, Notatki/17.06.2012]. Uniwersum językowe, w którym są zanurzeni moi rozmówcy, istotnie wpływa na procesy tworzenia wiedzy o roślinach. To, co przeczytane i zapamiętane, niekoniecznie odbija się w codziennej praktyce. Często moi rozmówcy czytają dla samej wiedzy, która może się kiedyś przydać i jest potencjalnym źródłem poczucia sprawczości, podobnie jak posiadanie zasuszonych i na inne sposoby zakonserwowanych roślin. Na polach, na wzgórzach wszędzie wokół pełno tej materynki. No ot, ona [pokazuje macierzankę piaskową, Thymus serpyllum L .]. Czytałam, na co jest, ale ja z niej tylko herbatę parzę [herbatę pitą dla przyjemności zamiast Camellia sinensis]. [ciocia Stasia ok. 60 DW_ A0132] 101. Brak w tej kwestii jednoznaczności, ponieważ niektórzy używają ich zamiennie na wszystkie gatunki koniczyn (Trifolium). Inni o uprawnych koniczynach mówią klever (ogólnorosyjska nazwa rodzaju Trifolium), a na dziko rosnące – koniushyna (ogólnoukraińska nazwa rodzaju Trifolium). Iwa Kołodziejska 193 �W innym miejscu wywiadu ciocia Stasia opowiada, że robi z niej wianki na oktawę Bożego Ciała (jest katoliczką) i okadza nią przy bólu zęba, kiedy zwierzęta są chore albo gdy człowiek długo nie może dojść do zdrowia. IV. 3. Doświadczenie i praktyka Świat na papierze, czyli nie świat po prostu, a zobrazowany (Olson 2010: 294), przez wielu badaczy nie włączany do TEK czy LEK, wygląda inaczej; może być trudno przełożyć go na praktykę, a jednak bywa przekładany. Proces tego przekładu będzie istotnym zagadnieniem tego i następnego podrozdziału. Wiedza moich rozmówców, podobnie jak wiedza serowarów opisywanych przez Harry’ego Westa, „przebywa” zarówno w ich ciałach, jak i zapisanych na papierze przepisach (ich własnych i tych z książek oraz czasopism), a również jest zawarta w środowisku przyrodniczym, w którym żyją i odbija się na nim (West 2013). Z perspektywy ingoldowskiego sposobu myślenia można powiedzieć, że moi rozmówcy starają się wiedzę z książek – prowadzącą od punktu do punktu – przebudować w wiedzę kluczącą, buszującą, zdobywaną po drodze. Wiedza klucząca (wayfaring) to taka, która sama jest ścieżką i ruchem (path of movement) przez świat, włóczykij/wędrowiec (wayfarer) dowiaduje się, idąc. Dla wiedzy „od punktu do punktu” fundamentalna jest różnica między mechaniką ruchu a tworzeniem wiedzy, między poruszaniem się a poznaniem. Poznanie ma miejsce wyłącznie w punktach docelowych, do których doprowadza ruch (Ingold 2006: 50, 2002: 229-230). Rozwinę te myśli dalej na przykładzie historii poszukiwania przez Witię (jednego z moich ważniejszych rozmówców, którego zielnik miałam okazję obserwować i badać podczas licznych spotkań) rośliny poznanej z książki. *** Witia jest mężczyzną koło pięćdziesiątki, malarzem i nauczycielem plastyki w stroyinieckiej szkole. Po tym, jak rozpadł się jego ostatni związek, mieszka z mamą – drobną, żwawą kobietą o rzadkim w okolicy imieniu – Ludwinka. Do domu Witii i cioci Ludwinki dochodzi się wąską, krętą, bitą drogą. Biały dom z zielono-żółtymi, roślinnymi Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 194 �motywami kryje się za wysokim klonowym żywopłotem. Witia podpatrzył u sąsiada, jak robić taki płot. Tak nacina młode gałęzie klonu, by zrosły się ze sobą i stworzyły romboidalne oczka – przypominające te w metalowej siatce. Przycinane klony wypuszczają młode delikatne pędy i liście, które bardzo smakują kozom mamy Witii. Przyszłyśmy z Ewą Wołkanowską-Kołodziej do Witii, chciałyśmy zrobić mu zdjęcie z jego ulubioną rośliną i spytać, czy udało mu się znaleźć zioło, którego lokalizację wskazałam mu kilka dni wcześniej. Pytał mnie o nie już dawno, bo szukał go na wiele różnych sposobów. Witia ma bardzo bliską relację z roślinami, zwraca na nie niezwykle baczną uwagę. Widzi w nich piękno, niejednokrotnie odbiera przyrodę w kategoriach estetycznych, kiedy spojrzawszy za okno kuchni wzdycha: „spójrz, jakie piękno, jakie cudowne są te zwieszające się nad stawem wierzby, jaki niezwykły kolor chmur!” Czuje ich energię, gdy spędza wiele godzin, malując w lesie. Mówi o tym tak: „kiedyś malowałem dub [dąb, Quercus spp.], tak długo byłem z nim w kontakcie, że potem nie mogłem spać całą noc. Wziąłem od niego, on coś z pewnością daje – siłę – dub, a verba [wierzba, Salix spp.] na odwrót, zabiera złe emocje. Jeśli jest u ciebie coś takiego złego, to ona to wyciągnie, a dub daje”. Rośliny przewijają się w jego życiu właściwie bezustannie, kiedy woli poświęcić wiele godzin pracy na tłoczenie własnego oleju z orzechów włoskich, niż kupić na targu gotowy, kiedy sprowadza z Odessy nasiona sofory iaponskiej [perełkowca japońskiego, Styphnolobium japonicum (L .) Schott], by mieć ją w swoim ogrodzie, kiedy robi sałatki z różnych roślin, których poza nim nikt w Stroyinciach nie jada, i wreszcie kiedy myśli o swojej mamie i próbuje znaleźć rośliny lecznicze, które ułatwią i przedłużą jej życie. Jedną z roślin, której od bardzo dawna szukał dla mamy, była ochanka (świetlik, Euphrasia sp.). Witia przeczytał w książce, którą ma w domu i często wertuje, że ochanka (świetlik, Euphrasia sp.) jest doskonałym lekarstwem na zaćmę, a oczy mamy pokrywają się coraz grubszą błonką, jej wzrok systematycznie się pogarsza, dlatego Witia zaczął szukać rośliny, która mogłaby pomóc. Przyjrzał się dokładnie ilustracji w książce (w moim odczuciu dość prostej i nie najlepszej rycinie) i szukał w okolicy czegoś, co by temu rysunkowi odpowiadało. Gdy odwiedziłam go po raz pierwszy wiosną 2012 roku, pokazał mi książkę, miał w niej, na stronie z opisem świetlika, zasuszony okaz jasnoty Iwa Kołodziejska 195 �purpurowej (Lamium purpureum). Spytał mnie, czy znam roślinę z opi102 su i ryciny. Powiedziałam zgodnie z prawdą, że tak . Witia już wcześniej zauważył, że możemy dość swobodnie rozmawiać o roślinach, a bardzo chciał zdobyć jak najwięcej informacji, często pytał mnie, czy dowiedziałam się od innych mieszkańców wsi czegoś, czego on nie wie o danej roślinie. Wyciągnął zasuszony okaz i spytał, czy to jest ochanka. Powiedziałam wtedy, że to nie ona, że roślina, którą mi pokazuje, jest sporo większa od ochanki. Zmartwił się. Stwierdził, że znalazł wcześniej jeszcze większą, ale uznał, że to nie może być ona, bo kwiaty były trochę inne. W moim odczuciu kwiaty ochanki na rycinie były dużo bardziej różowe niż to się spotyka u żywych roślin. Było to również duże powiększenie, sugerujące, że roślina może być dużo większa, a w książce nie było żadnej skali [notatki/05.06.2012]. Obiecałam wtedy Witii, że jeśli znajdę kiedyś w Stroyinciach ochankę, to mu ją pokażę. Kilka dni przed tym, kiedy przyszłyśmy do Witii i Ludwinki z Ewą, pasąc krowy na wzgórzach za wsią, natknęłam się na świetlik (ochankę). Minął już wtedy ponad rok od czasu, kiedy Witia pierwszy raz opowiadał mi o swoich poszukiwaniach, ale wiedziałam, że nadal jej nie znalazł, bo często o tym wspominał, gdy się spotykaliśmy. Wpadłam więc wtedy do Witii, by powiedzieć mu, gdzie ona rośnie, i obiecałam przyjść znów za kilka dni, by sprawdzić, czy mu się udało znaleźć to miejsce. Gdy przeszłyśmy przez furtkę, przywitała nas wychodząca z letniej kuchni ciocia Ludwinka. Natychmiast zawołała Witię, przywitałyśmy się, informując o celu dzisiejszej wizyty. Kiedy tylko Witia mnie zobaczył, od razu powiedział, że chyba nie znalazł miejsca, o którym mu mówiłam, bo nie rosło tam nic podobnego do rysunku z książki poza sobachą kropivą (serdecznikiem pospolitym, Leonurus cardiaca L .) – rośliną, którą znał i wiedział, że nie może być ona poszukiwaną ochanką. Bardzo chciał, byśmy od razu poszli szukać. Tak też zrobiliśmy. Witia, zobaczywszy wreszcie roślinę, której tak długo poszukiwał, nie mógł przestać się dziwić, że tak bardzo różni się od tego, co sobie wyobraził, przyglądając się rycinie: 102. W podrozdziale II. 6.1 piszę o wątpliwościach dotyczących prezentowania mojej wiedzy botanicznej rozmówcom. Opisana tu sytuacja należy do tych, w których zostałam bezpośrednio o nią zapytana. W innych okolicznościach nie opowiadałam rozmówcom niczego o roślinach, czego nie dowiedziałabym się wcześniej w Stroyinciach, a i tego raczej unikałam. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 196 �W tej książce ona jest taka duża, duża jest tam i ma duży kwiat. Ot komedia, znalazłem w książce – liście ogromne, a tu, widzisz, jakie malutkie. Zupełnie co innego niż na rysunku. O i takiej gdzieś wysokości, a ona taka [pokazuje, jak jest niska]. Nie znalazłbym jej. Tak trudno przyjrzeć się i porównać. Pokażesz, to tak lepiej. Widzisz, jak trudno jest tak znaleźć. Jeśli ktoś nie pokaże, to trudno tak po prostu znaleźć. Lepiej raz zobaczyć, niż sto razy usłyszeć. (…) Wierz książce! [z ironią] Witia przykucał przy roślinach, przyglądając się im, zwracał uwagę na wielkość liści, kwiatów i całej rośliny. Przypomniał sobie, że jego znajomy mówił mu, że liście ochanki są słonawe w smaku. Oboje urwaliśmy po liściu, by spróbować, jak smakuje. Jemu nie wydała się w pierwszej chwili słonawa, z lekkim rozczarowaniem powiedział: „eee, wcale nie”. Dla mnie smak był wyraźnie słonawy, co powiedziałam, Witia pożuł trochę dłużej i też to poczuł. Wyraźnie go to uspokoiło i nabrał pewności, że znaleźliśmy właściwą roślinę. Szybkim ruchem zrywał zioła i wrzucał do czarnej, plastikowej torby. Ewa zbierała nieopodal, w miejscu bardziej zacienionym. Podeszła do nas z bukietem ziół. Witia od razu zwrócił uwagę na to, że są ciemniejsze i mają trochę większe liście od tych, które zbieraliśmy, i skomentował: „no trzeba je umieć rozpoznawać, to to samo, ale jak rośnie w cieniu, to ma większe liście, a w słońcu rosną malutkie”. Kiedy wróciliśmy do domu, Witia od razu powiedział mamie, że już wie, jak wygląda ochanka, że może uda mu się ją znaleźć gdzieś bliżej domu, ale że na razie mają zapas i będzie można robić okłady. Później zajrzeliśmy do książki, by porównać rysunki z żywymi roślinami. Witia jeszcze raz stwierdził to, co wcześniej, że z rysunku nie dało się jej rozpoznać, bo wydawała się na nim dużo większa. Cała ta historia zmniejszyła jego wiarę w możliwość znalezienia rośliny na podstawie rysunku w książce. Gdy już odłożyliśmy atlas Witii, usiedliśmy do herbaty z kalenduli (nagietka lekarskiego, Calendula officinalis L .) i zveraboiu (dziurawca zwyczajnego, Hypericum perforatum L .) oraz pysznych bułeczek (pirożok) z jabłkami upieczonych przez ciocię Ludwinkę, rozmawialiśmy o tym, które rośliny wybiorą do fotografii. Ciocia Ludwinka chciała mieć zdjęcie z bukietem święconym na Matki Boskiej Zielnej, Witia zdecydował się pozować z bukietem zveraboiu. [Cytaty z: „Ludzie i rośliny”, notatki/05.06.2012, notatki/sierpień 2013] Iwa Kołodziejska 197 �Fot. 13. �Po lewej rycina przedstawiająca ochankę (świetlik łąkowy, Euphrasia officinalis – problem łacińskiego współczesnego nazewnictwa wg The Plant List jest nierozwiązany), po prawej rycina przedstawiająca jasnotę purpurową (Lamium purpureum L.) [autor: Otto Wilhelm Thomé, Flora von Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz, 1885, Gera, Germany (domena publiczna)]. Czytelnik może poczuć się równie zawiedziony tymi ilustracjami, jak mój rozmówca, ale zamieszczam te ryciny, by osoby, którym nic nie mówią te nazwy, mogły sobie łatwiej wyobrazić całą sytuację. *** Niektórzy rozmówcy, podobnie jak Witia, mieli chęć eksperymentowania z wiedzą z książek, co Pieroni i Sõukand przypisują bliskości lasu (2018). Niewątpliwie chęć poszukiwania i wypróbowywania nowych roślin poznanych z różnych źródeł wynika z wagi roślin i kontaktu z naturą dla danej grupy. Zgadzam się, że jednym z czynników na to wpływających może być bliskość osad do bardziej lub mniej „dzikich” terenów, co powoduje łatwy, przypadkowy kontakt z naturą. Podkreślałam wielokrotnie, że łąki i las „wchodzą” do wsi, w których prowadziłam badania. W Stroyinciach i okolicznych miejscowościach jest las (wokół Stroyinciów największy), jednak wydaje mi się, że dla Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 198 �moich rozmówców ważniejsze są wzgórza i łąki, to głównie tam szukają roślin, są im za nie wdzięczni. Las za to postrzegany jest bardziej jako źródło piękna – jest to cecha sezonowa, specyficzna dla wiosny. Więcej o postrzeganiu przez stroyinczan piękna piszę w podrozdziale II. 4 Lasy, łąki, krajobraz wsi. IV. 3.1. Ilustracje w tekstach pisanych Z mojego punktu widzenia rysunek w książce Witii nie był najlepszy. Jednak większość kłopotu mojego znajomego wynikała z tego, że roślina była przedstawiona w powiększeniu. Znając roślinę z natury i mając doświadczenie w korzystaniu z rycin botanicznych, wiedziałam, że to ona. Jednak przy braku znajomości rośliny przełożenie rysunku na jej rzeczywisty wygląd okazało się bardzo trudne. Witia rzadko szuka nieznanych sobie roślin na podstawie książki. Zwykle wykorzystuje ją do zdobywania dodatkowych informacji o roślinach, które już zna. Nową wiedzę woli zdobywać w sposób bardziej praktyczny – od osób, które mogą mu daną roślinę pokazać. Odczytywanie treści z rycin botanicznych na pewno wymaga pewnego opatrzenia się z ich stylem. Ilustracja botaniczna zaczęła się intensywnie rozwijać w renesansie, by osiągnąć pełnię skomplikowania w XVII wieku. Starożytni zadowalali się zwykle samym opisem, rysunki miały charakter bardziej artystyczny, niż aspirowały do odwzorowania cech rośliny. Zdaniem Marie Boas wynikało to również ze sposobu myślenia starożytnych o nauce; miała się znajdować w umyśle myśliciela i być trudna do przełożenia na rysunek czy zapis (1962). Natomiast nauka nowożytna była zapisana w tekście, mającym być idealnym odwzorowaniem rzeczywistości; tym miała być też nowożytna ilustracja. Ciekawe, że mimo dość rozwiniętej warstwy wizualnej periodyków dostępnych na Podolu Wschodnim, właściwie nie ma w nich ilustracji roślin, a na pewno nie takich, które miałyby służyć późniejszemu rozpoznaniu rośliny w środowisku. Na przykład w miesięczniku „Babushka ozdrovitelnyje recepty”, w numerze szóstym z czerwca 2013 roku, na 23 ilustracje tylko jedna przedstawia wyłącznie roślinę. Tylko ta jedna rycina może mieć na celu pomoc w rozpoznaniu rośliny, choć i tak jest bardzo mało wyraźna... Pozostałe obrazki przedstawiają sielskie sceny, o czym pisałam więcej w podrozdziale III. 3.2 Narracje o zdrowym jedzeniu i ukraińskości. Iwa Kołodziejska 199 �Fot. 14. �Na pierwszej fotografii zdjęcie w prawym dolnym rogu przedstawia rodiola (Rhodiola rosea, obecnie Sedum roseum [L.] Scop.), w tytule jest informacja o tym, że kwitnie na żółto („Babushka. Ozdorovitelnye sovety”, nr 6 z 2013 r.). Na drugiej fotografii ilustracja przedstawiająca air (tatarak zwyczajny, Acorus calamus L.) z książki Kharchenko N.S., Sila V.I., Volodarckii L.I. pt. Likars’ki Roslyny i iih zastosuvannia v narodnii medycyni, „Zdorov’ia”: Kijów 1971, należącej do Nataszy. Fot. 15. Oglądanie z Nataszą jednej z jej książek (fot. I. Kaliszewska). Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 200 �Ciekawe, czy można się pokusić o tezę o innym rozumieniu wiedzy i nauki przez redakcję i czytelników „Babushki”? Nie ma w niej też technicznego opisu cech taksonów, który, zdaniem historyczki nauki Marie Boas, mógł zastąpić ilustrację botaniczną w XVIII wieku (1962: 54). Taki specyficzny, techniczny język jest używany w kluczach do oznaczania roślin, jest go też trochę w posiadanych przez rozmówców książkach (np. klasyfikacja botaniczna, opisy roślin z technicznymi słowami, o liściu pisze się np. czy jest: grubo piłkowany, podwójnie piłkowany albo ząbkowany, siedzący itp.); choć i ten język, wbrew pozorom, wcale nie jest w pełni precyzyjny – szczególnie, gdy odwołuje się do takich wtórnych cech diagnostycznych jak zapach. Teksty w „Babushce” pisane są tak, jakby nazwa miała być uniwersalna (jednak tak nie jest i już pokazywałam, jakich trudności może nastręczać wielość nazw stosowanych w obrębie kilku miejscowości, a co dopiero całego kraju o dużej różnorodności językowej), wyjaśniać wszystko i umożliwiać odnalezienie właściwej rośliny leczniczej. A przecież umożliwienie czytelnikom skorzystania z publikowanych przepisów jest celem autorów listów i pewnie również redakcji. Z powyższych względów informację o nowych roślinach znalezioną w czasopiśmie może być jeszcze trudniej przełożyć na praktykę niż tę z książek. Zastanawiające, że tylko od mężczyzn (którzy stanowili zdecydowaną mniejszość moich rozmówców), poszukujących nowych roślin poznanych z książek i rysunków, dokładnie usłyszałam historie tych poszukiwań lub byłam w nie sama zaangażowana. O kobiecych poszukiwaniach konkretnych roślin przy użyciu tekstu i ich odnalezieniu w środowisku nie słyszałam. Nie wiem, czy to zbieg okoliczności, czy jakaś prawidłowość lub cecha męskich zielników mentalnych. Wiele kobiet mówiło mi o tym, co przeczytały, co wiedzą z tekstów, o wiedzy inkorporowanej z tekstu i praktykowanej, ale dotyczyło to znanych im wcześniej roślin. IV. 3.2. Wiedza w ciele – jak rozpoznać roślinę? Witia korzystał z obrazu, a nie z opisu, ponieważ deskrypcja pisana językiem zrozumiałym dla botanika jest często niejasna dla osoby nieszkolonej w tym kierunku i moi rozmówcy ją pomijają jako „bełkot”. Korzystanie z opisu botanicznego czy klucza do oznaczania roślin wymaga poznania technicznego języka, nauczenia się go. Klucze charakteryzuje binarny podział cech; osoba oznaczająca roślinę decyduje czy Iwa Kołodziejska 201 �to, co widzi, ma cechę odpowiadającą opisowi a lub b. Każda z odpowiedzi prowadzi do kolejnych dwóch pytań o cechy i tak aż do ostatecznego określenia, o jaki takson chodzi. Jest to bardzo liniowy proces, któremu może towarzyszyć satysfakcja z dojścia do ostatecznego rozwiązania. Rozpoznawanie roślin w terenie zwykle nie przebiega w ten sposób, pewnie nawet niewielu profesjonalnych botaników liniowo rozpoznaje rośliny w terenie; nieznane czy trudne do precyzyjnego oznaczenia – owszem, ale to często już po powrocie z terenu. Proces nieliniowego rozpoznawania rośliny wymyka się opisowi. Ogromnie trudno ubrać go w słowa, na103 leży do wiedzy ucieleśnionej czy wręcz mētis . Pytałam rozmówców o to, jak rozpoznają rośliny, i sama niejednokrotnie byłam pytana przez znajomych, jak to robię, skąd wiem, że „to bezlistne drzewo to lipa, a tamto klon”. Wszelkie próby opisu zawsze są niedoskonałe, można podać klika cech – pędy ułożone niemal pod kątem prostym, jakby formujące krzyże itp., ale to zwykle nie wszystko. Jest jeszcze pamięć wielu podobnych drzew widzianych wcześniej, drobne niewypowiedziane szczegóły, to się po prostu wie. Wynika to z doświadczenia. Pewien zniecierpliwiony rozmówca Anny Tsing, pytany o to, jak rozpoznać ziemię, w której chętnie rosną gąski sosnowe (Tricholoma matsutake), powiedział: „właściwą glebę poznaje się po tym, że gąski sosnowe w niej rosną” (2015: 242). Pewnie da się to jakoś dyskursywnie ująć, ale na razie nie potrafię. Renata Sõukand uważa, że pomaga w wyrażeniu i opisaniu tego procesu podejście semiotyczne (2010). Stosuje, jak mówi, dość swobodną interpretację semiotyki Charlesa Peirce’a. Postaram się ją tutaj nieco przybliżyć. U Peirce’a mamy do czynienia z triadą: znaczone (obiekt), znak i mające miejsce w rozumie poznanie. Proces poznania Peirce rozumie następująco: „znak tworzy w głowie osoby odpowiadający mu znak (może nawet 103. Mētis to więcej niż tylko awerbalna wiedza ucieleśniona. Ponadto nie każdą wiedzę ucieleśnioną nazwałabym mētis. Z tą ostatnią mamy do czynienia, gdy wymagana jest doza szczególnego sprytu, niezbędne jest pewnego rodzaju kombinowanie, „szeroki wachlarz praktycznych umiejętności i inteligencji niezbędny do odpowiadania na wyzwania ciągle zmiennego środowiska naturalnego i społecznego” (Scott 1998: 313), czy też jak pisze Klekot: „mētis oznacza spryt i przemyślność, zdolność błyskawicznej reakcji na zmieniający się układ sił, a zarazem umiejętność wyczekiwania w ukryciu lub przebraniu na dogodną okazję. Mētis to wiedza pozwalająca wykorzystać skłonność do zmiany” (2018: 84). Moim rozmówcom niejednokrotnie mētis jest niezbędna przy inkorporowaniu wiedzy z książek do zielników mentalnych, kiedy to czytający dostosowuje do siebie tekst (de Certeau 2008). Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 202 �bardziej szczegółowy od pierwszego znaku) – interpretant pierwszego znaku (można go też nazwać znaczeniem dla obserwującego znak). Znak (reprezentamen) oznacza coś – obiekt (znaczone), nie robi tego w całym skomplikowaniu znaczonego, a tylko odnosi się do jakiejś jego idei (fizycznych jakości i cech tego obiektu)” (za Sõukand 2010: część III [brak 104 numeracji stron]) . Znakiem jest np. opis bądź ilustracja rośliny. Czy to pomaga wyjaśnić całe skomplikowanie procesu identyfikowania rośliny? Sõukand zwraca uwagę na to, że jeśli osoba rozpoznająca roślinę korzysta z atlasu, to interpretant może być lingwistyczny (odnoszący się do nazwy rośliny) lub obrazowy. Zastanawiam się, czy mimo wszystko nie może być tak, że dodaje się wrażeń (interpretantów pochodzących z innych zmysłów z dawnego doświadczenia). Witia, poznając znak, jakim była informacja, że liście są słone, stworzył w wyobraźni interpretant słoności. Czy tylko lingwistyczny, werbalny, trudno powiedzieć przy użyciu takich metod badawczych, z jakich korzystałam, ale śmiem wątpić, że był on wyłącznie lingwistyczny. Jeden znaczony obiekt ma bardzo wiele łączących się ze sobą znaków i interpretantów, wydaje mi się też, że proces tworzenia znaczenia jest w ogromnym stopniu nieuświadomiony, co utrudnia określenie, z jakich znaków i interpretantów korzysta w praktyce dana osoba. Dodatkowo zapewne mamy jeszcze do czynienia z różnorodnością postrzegania przez różne osoby (poszczególne osoby mogą zauważać różne reprezentameny, nie mówiąc już o tym, jakie tworzą interpretanty). Jeśli korzysta się z książki, szczególnie z rysunku w książce, to zgodnie z interpretacją Renaty Sõukand bierze się pod uwagę tylko niektóre znaki. Samo zdjęcie jest już znakiem i gdy staje się dla kogoś znaczonym, to jest mniej wielowymiarowym znaczonym niż pierwotne znaczone, którym była roślina, ponieważ jest ona dużo bardziej skomplikowanym (wielowymiarowym) obiektem niż jej fotografia. Sõukand zestawia poszukiwanie rośliny znanej z atlasu z poszukiwaniem „znanej z tradycji”. To, że ludzie, jak mówią: „po prostu wiedzą”, iż to ta roślina, zdaniem Sõukand oznacza, że bierze się pod uwagę bardzo wiele znaków i żaden z nich się nie wyróżnia, nie wystaje z tła. Zgadzam się, i są to na dodatek bardzo różne znaki percypowane różnymi zmysłami, a także dotyczące nie tylko samego obiektu, lecz także jego relacji ze środowiskiem. 104. W filozofii Peirce’a znak i reprezentamen nie zawsze są tym samym (por. Baldy 2007: 121). W tekście Sõukand są stosowane wymiennie (2010), tak i ja je stosuję. Iwa Kołodziejska 203 �Osobiście nie umiałam w praktyce skorzystać z Perice’owskiego modelu znaku jako narzędzia metodologicznego umożliwiającego precyzyjny opis tego, jak empirycznie ludzie rozpoznają rośliny (jak to sugeruje Sõukand), nie potrafię też precyzyjnie stwierdzić, z jakich znaków i interpretantów korzystają moi rozmówcy (2010). Ten obszar pozostaje dla mnie wiedzą pozawerbalną, swego rodzaju „tańcem”, jak określiła to Tsing (2015). Może to nie w pełni profesjonalne, ale gdybym miała przeprowadzić taki eksperyment autoetnograficzny i precyzyjnie odpowiedzieć, z jakich znaków korzystam, gdy rozpoznaję znaną sobie roślinę, to bym nie umiała, wyróżniłabym jakieś, ale nie byłoby to pełne przedstawienie procesu rozpoznawania. Niezależnie od tego, w jaki sposób ludzie stwierdzają, że obiekt, który przed nimi rośnie, to ten takson roślinny, którego szukali, poszukując, uciekają się do porównań. Wszystkie rośliny znajdowane przez Witię podczas poszukiwań ochanki należały do jednej botanicznej rodziny – Lamiaceae. Było więc między nimi podobieństwo wynikające z pokrewieństwa: podobny kształt rurkowatych kwiatów, układ liści na pędzie i ich kształt. O szukaniu podobieństw przy tworzeniu wiedzy etnotaksonomicznej piszą na przykład Fernando Zamudio i Norma Hilert (2012). Starali się wyróżnić te cechy, na które zwracali uwagę mieszkańcy lasu atlantyckiego w prowincji Misiones w Argentynie przy opisywaniu pszczół bezżądłowych (Meliponini). Nie oznacza to oczywiście, że Zamudio i Hilert mieli dostęp do wszystkich reprezentamenów i interpretantów ważnych dla swoich rozmówców, raczej poznawali te cechy, które chcieli podkreślić i pokazać badani. Ich rozmówcy, opisując, ale przede wszystkim klasyfikując pszczoły, zwracali uwagę na cechy morfologiczne i organoleptyczne (postrzegalne innymi zmysłami niż wzrok), użytkowe i kulturowe (np. wartość estetyczna i magiczna). Najważniejszymi kryteriami przy opisie różnych taksonów pszczół okazały się kolor i kształt, są one również powszechnie stosowane w formalnej taksonomii. Witia zwrócił baczną uwagę na odmienności zależne od mikrosiedliska, w którym rosły zbierane przez nas rośliny – różna wielkość liści oraz intensywność ich słonego smaku i koloru. Daly i Shepard uważają, że to niezwykle istotne, by w dyskursie etnografii wielogatunkowych nie pomijać tego, że relacje między ludźmi a roślinami są immanentnie zmysłowe, często związane ze związkami chemicznymi np. nadającymi zapach i smak (2019). Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 204 �Również przy poszukiwaniu przez niektórych moich rozmówców rostoropshy (ostropest plamisty, Silybum marianum (L .) Gaertn.) mamy do czynienia z porównywaniem, szukaniem podobieństw. Cechą, która zwraca uwagę wszystkich poznanych przeze mnie osób szukających rostoropshy, jest kolczastość brzegu blaszki liściowej (to taki reprezentamen, o którym mówią). Tak opisuje ją Oksana: Kłujące, kłujące, kolczaste na brzegach, ono takie jest jakby rozcięte [mówi o kształcie liścia] i na samym brzegu kolce, i tu do samego kwiatu [na łodydze] też malutkie kolce, i takie różowe wypuszcza, taki kwiat, ona przekwita i potem ta góra zostaje, to już sam kwiat przekwitł i w samym tym pniu nasiona takie zostają. [Oksana DW_B0182] Na tę kolczastość zwrócił też uwagę did Mitia. Poznał rostoropshę przez młodego kuzyna, otrzymał ją w postaci zmielonych ziaren sprowadzonych z zagranicy. Bardzo mu pomagała, więc postanowił ją odnaleźć, ale znał wyłącznie nazwę oraz smak i wygląd zmielonych nasion. Wybrał się do apteki, by sprawdzić, czy jest tam dostępna. Did Mitia i baba Hala raczej nie korzystają z aptek. Kiedy odpowiadają bezpośrednio na pytanie, czy kupują rośliny lecznicze w aptekach, zarzekają się, że nie korzystają. Jednak zdarzało im się kupować rośliny niedostępne, np. rostoropshę i roślinę na pęcherz moczowy (w czasie tej rozmowy nie przypomnieli sobie nazwy, a nie dopytałam przy kolejnych 105 spotkaniach) – zanim odkryli, gdzie rosną . IK: A w aptece kupujecie państwo zioła? Hala: Nie, my sami suszymy. Teraz sprzedają w aptekach. Teraz, mówią, że wszelkie zioła (trawy) sprzedają w aptece. Ale my nie kupujemy, nie. Dimitr: My mamy swoje. Hala: My swoje. Mamy własną aptekę. Dimitr: Przyroda dała, trzeba wykorzystywać. 105. W takiej sytuacji nie wliczam rośliny do listy stosowanych taksonów lokalnych, ponieważ brak nazwy nie jest wynikiem nienazywania tej rośliny, tylko zapomnienia, nie miałam również możliwości jej obejrzeć, więc nie mogę mieć pewności, że nie jest to takson stosowany przez wiele innych osób. Gdybym widziała roślinę i by tak było, to uwzględniłabym ją z zaznaczeniem, że rozmówcy nie pamiętali nazwy. Iwa Kołodziejska 205 �Hala: Daje Bóg urodzaj, my sobie zbierzemy, nasuszymy – i własna 106 apteka . Bezpłatna [śmiech]. Bezpłatna apteka! Tak-o, ja przyjdę, stanę, rozejrzę się, popatrzę i... Co ja dziś będę wrzucała? [w herbatę]. A to wrzucę, to. Ja w swojej aptece, narwę i tyle, zaparzę. [baba Hala i did Mitia, K ok. 70, M. 78, DW_A0129] Gdy did Mitia poszedł do apteki i kupił opakowanie rostoropshy (ostropest plamisty, Silybum marianum (L.) Gaertn.), przyjrzał się dokładnie fotografii na opakowaniu, zauważył, że liście mają kolce, a kwiaty są fioletowe, przypomniał sobie, że zna podobną roślinę. Zebrał w tzw. dolinie i wysuszył jedną rostoropshę, którą mi pokazał w „swojej własnej aptece”, botanicznie był to gatunek z rodzaju szczeć (Dipsacus). Did był bardzo dumny, że ją posiada, powiedział, że jeszcze z niej nie korzystał, ale chce mieć, jakby co, bo może i liście będą przydatne... Tę chęć posiadania własnej zasuszonej rostoropshy można tłumaczyć potrzebą poczucia sprawczości, możliwości wykorzystania rośliny w razie potrzeby (jak pokazywałam w rozdziale III), ale warto pamiętać, że jeszcze możemy mieć tu do czynienia z zaspokajaniem potrzeby zwiększenia kolekcji – satysfakcją zbieracza z tego wynikającą. Did Mitia raczej nigdy nie skorzysta z zebranej rośliny. Ma jednak poczucie, że zebrał ją sam, potencjalnie nie musi polegać na aptekach (na których z babą Halą polegać nie lubią), jeżeliby zdecydował, że potrzebuje rostoropshy, wie, jak i gdzie ją znaleźć. Ma też satysfakcję z odnalezienia, zdobycia czegoś, za co w innych okolicznościach musiałby płacić, czystą radość poszukiwacza wynikającą z odnalezienia, radość kolekcjonera ze zwiększenia kolekcji. Podobnie o zbieraniu przez słowackie koronkarki z Banskiej Bystricy dużej liczby wzorów koronek (większej niż w ciągu życia mogłyby wykorzystać) pisze Nicolette Makovicky (2010: 84). Zmiana aranżacji aptek, podyktowana potrzebami kapitalistycznego rynku, na taką, w której apteki zaczynają przypominać supermarkety i wiele leków, a szczególnie badów (suplementów diety) jest dostępnych w części samoobsługowej, może ułatwić takie poszukiwania – można tylko obejrzeć, nie trzeba kupować. Nie tylko dużo aptek w Winnicy wygląda w ten sposób, ale też niektóre w Żmerince. W rejonowym Tywrowie w 2013 roku, gdy prowadziłam część badań dotyczącą aptek, jeszcze 106. Piszę Bóg wielką literą ze względu na szacunek do rozmówców, którzy napisaliby to wymawiane z dużą atencją słowo od wielkiej litery. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 206 �takiej nie było, ale jako że jest to ogólnoeuropejska tendencja stymulowana przez firmy farmaceutyczne, zapewne się to zmieni. W zielniku mentalnym dida Mitii pod nazwą rostoropsha kryją się dwa botaniczne taksony: Silybum marianum (L .) Gaertn. W postaci zmielonego proszku z nasion i Dipsacus sp. wiszący w wiacie wraz z innymi roślinami leczniczymi. Dandar Dashiyev opisuje proces wymiany gatunków w przepisach medycyny tybetańskiej stosowanych w Buriacji, w jego wyniku 80% taksonów obecnych oryginalnie w przepisach zostało wymienionych na lokalne. Zwykle ukryły się pod tybetańskimi nazwami; te wynikające z doświadczenia innowacje i żywy przekaz wiedzy były niezwykle ważne dla buriackiej medycyny tybetańskiej (1999). W wypadku moich rozmówców raczej nie mamy do czynienia ze świadomą wymianą taksonów ze względu na brak tego, który jest potrzebny. Wydaje mi się, że emicznie też nie jest to widziane jako eksperymentowanie i szukanie rośliny, która będzie miała daną funkcję, a raczej jak poszukiwanie czegoś, co dla szukającego jest konkretną, nazwaną przez kogoś rośliną, a znalezienie czegoś innego sam szukający uznałby za błąd. Nie chodzi o znalezienie rośliny (substancji) pełniącej daną funkcję, tylko znalezienie tego konkretnego taksonu rośliny. Z drugiej strony reifikacja – ustanowienie niezmiennym tego, co jest uprawomocnionym lekiem (ziołowym środkiem leczniczym) wynikło ze stworzenia krajowych farmakopei (Griffin 2004). Warto zwrócić uwagę na jeszcze jeden istotny aspekt rozpoznawania rośliny – interakcję z rośliną w procesie jej identyfikacji, swego rodzaju odpowiedź i podpowiedź jej strony. Didove voshi, chereda, didovi voshchi, didive voshi, babini voshchi (uczep trójdzielny, Bidens tripartita L.) wchodzą w kontakt z mijającymi ich dojrzałe owocki – niełupki – zwierzętami (również ludzkimi) po to, by móc się rozprzestrzenić. Ostre, pokryte drobnymi haczykami zadziory mocno wbijają się w ubranie lub sierść (ono kiedy przekwitnie, te żółte kwiatki, to ono jest takie, że bardzo czepia się do wszystkiego [Oksana ok. 45, DW_B0182]). Gdy przechodzący będzie się z nich czyścił, pewnie zgubi choć kilka nasion w dogodnym do wyrośnięcia miejscu, oddalonym od rośliny macierzystej. W okresie, gdy kwitną (choć to wtedy zbiera się je na napary oczyszczające skórę i kąpiele dla małych dzieci), może być trudniej je zauważyć niż wówczas, gdy mimowolnie staniemy się wektorem dla ich nasion. Rozmówczynie opowiadały o przypominaniu sobie, w których miejscach podczas Iwa Kołodziejska 207 �wypasania krów były „oblepiane” owockami didovyh voshi – szły w okresie kwitnienia w te miejsca i odnajdowały poszukiwaną roślinę. Trzecioklasistki, plotąc wianki podczas kręcenia filmu, chciały się upewnić, czy roślina, którą zebrały, to kulbababa, kulbaba, kulbabka, oduvanchik (mniszek lekarski, Taraxacum officinale agg.). W tym celu sprawdzały, czy łodyżka kulbababy przy zrywaniu wyda charakterystyczny odgłos, którego falę dźwiękową bardziej czuje się pod palcami niż uchem. Wiedzą wynikającą z dłuższego doświadczenia, której nie pozyskuje się z tekstów pisanych, a jest ważnym splotem nici z zielników mentalnych moich rozmówców, jest znajomość siedliska, w którym poszukiwana roślina rośnie – to, czy jest na suchej i odsłoniętej części garbu, jak u nasady jej łodygi układają się ziarnka piasku, gleby. Jest to coś więcej niż sama interakcja zbierającego z rośliną, to też obserwowane przez niego wieloma zmysłami wyniki interakcji rośliny z całym ekosystemem, którego była częścią. *** Wiedza ucieleśniona związana z roślinami, tworzona przez moich rozmówców, to nie tylko praktyki związane ze zbiorem, lecz także wiedza o przygotowywaniu roślin do spożycia czy innego sposobu korzystania z ich właściwości. Wiedza o przygotowywaniu jedzenia lub lekarstw jest w ciele przygotowującego, roślinach, z których korzysta, środowisku, w którym dorastał i rosły rośliny, a także w tekstach zapisanych przepisów (por. Westa 2010; Makovicky 2010). Dobrym przykładem jest poniższa historia. Przyszliśmy do domu babki Stasi niewielką grupą: Jana, Kristina, studenci etnologii – Olga i Rafał, Jacek z kamerą i ja. To mama Jany zasugerowała, żebyśmy wybrali się właśnie do babki Stasi, bo ma dużą wiedzę, mnóstwo zasuszonych roślin i ładnie opowiada. Babka Stasia bardzo się ucieszyła i ciepło zaprosiła nas do niewielkiej letniej kuchni. Gdy dowiedziała się, po co przychodzimy, powiedziała: „dobrze, ale najpierw zrobię wam herbaty” i zaczęła opowiadać o swoim słynnym pięciogwiazdkowym czaju (tak napar nazywają jej wnuki). Napar składa się z kilku (nieparzystej liczby) składników roślinnych, a nadana mu przez wnuki nazwa świadczy o jakości i smaku. Wrzucam wszystkie zioła (travy) po trochu: kwiat hlodyny [głóg, różne gatunki, Crataegus spp.], pervocvit [pierwiosnek lekarski, Primula veris L .], medunki [miodunka ćma, Pulmonaria obscura Dumort.] Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 208 �z lasu, zveroboi [dziurawiec zwyczajny, Hypericum perforatum L .], derevii [krwawnik pospolity, Achillea millefolium L .], batizhok [cykoria podróżnik, Cichorium intybus L .], miata [mięta, różne gatunki, Mentha spp.], akacia [robinia akacjowa, Robinia pseudoacacia L .]. Wszystko po troszku. Na taki trzylitrowy słoik to każdego tak jakby po łyżce, zaparzę, odstawię na noc i piję sobie po trochu. A czasem też jak kwitnie smorodina [czarna porzeczka, Ribes nigrum L .] to kwiaty wrzucam, kwiat maliny [malina, różne odmiany, Rubus idaeus L ., różne odmiany], kwiat sunicy [poziomka twardawa, Fragaria viridis Weston, być może też mieszańce z Fragaria moschata Duchesne) Duchesne]. Wszystko zbieram, ale czegoś nazbieram, czegoś nie nazbieram, bo nie zdążę, nie kwitnie. Ja na tę herbatę mówię: herbata z chwastów [śmieje się głośno przy tych słowach], tak mówię swoim: no, dawajcie wypijemy pięciogwiazdkowego! [mówi to głosem jak przy wznoszeniu toastu] Dobór składu „pięciogwiazdkowej herbaty” danego dnia zależy od tego, co babka Stasia ma nasuszone, ale też od nastroju, „smaku na coś” danego dnia, intuicji, co komu może zasmakować, jeśli to nie jest herbata robiona dla siebie. Kiedy babka Stasia przygotowywała dla nas „pięciogwiazdkowy czaj”, nie wzięła łyżki – sypała zioła „na oko”, dobrała je do nas. Zrobiła też dla nas napar z samej akacii (grochodrzewu białego, robinii akacjowej, Robinia pseudoacacia L .), bo tak nam się spodobał wielki, dziesięciolitrowy słój pełen białych kwiatów i zapach, który uniósł się w pomieszczeniu, gdy go otworzyła. Dla babki Stasi przy doborze składu herbaty pitej dla przyjemności ważny jest smak, który osiągnie po zmieszaniu składników. Z kolei dla Toni M. ważne są jeszcze kolor, piękno koloru i przejrzystość. Nie każdą herbatę lubi wypić, dobiera tak susz, by kolor naparu jej się podobał. Tych o „brzydkim” kolorze nie pije. Osiągnięcie pożądanego koloru i smaku wymaga mētis – wiedzy z doświadczenia i intuicji, ugruntowanej w konkrecie (smak i kolor naparu zebranych w danym roku ziół mogą się różnić). Gdy Nadeżda – osoba lecząca z Winnicy – zastanawiała się, czy już jestem gotowa, by mogła mnie uczyć przyrządzania mieszanek roślin leczniczych, a nie tylko naparów jednoskładnikowych, zaczęła opowiadać o tym, co jest potrzebne do przygotowania takiego naparu: „musisz widzieć aurę rośliny, każda ma inną aurę, ale jest ona gładka, równa. Jak zaczynasz robić mieszankę, to ona też musi mieć równą gładką Iwa Kołodziejska 209 �aurę, musisz wiedzieć, że czegoś jest za dużo albo za mało, coś nie pasuje, tak dobrać, by aura była gładka”. Gdy dopytywałam dalej o aurę, powiedziała, że niekoniecznie muszę ją widzieć przed oczami, mogę ją też intuicyjnie czuć. [Cytaty z rozmów: Stasia K. ok. 80, DW_D0203; Tonia M. K. 55, DW_A0131; Nadeżda K. ok. 45, notatki czerwiec 2012-Sabarov]. Zapewne jest to podobne wyczucie, jak przy gotowaniu bez przepisu czy lepieniu z gliny i przygotowywaniu jej wcześniej (por. Klekot 2018). Musi ono wynikać z dużego doświadczenia – wielu przygotowanych wcześniej naparów, skumulowanej w ciele, trudnej do wyrażenia czy wręcz awerbalnej wiedzy. Nadeżda próbuje ją oddać przy użyciu, można powiedzieć, lekko New Age’owego języka, takiego, który jej zdaniem daje pewną szansę na wyrażenie niewyrażalnego. Nie wszyscy w ten sposób tworzą mieszanki herbat czy gotują, są przecież i ci, co ściśle trzymają się przepisu. Jest to tylko jeden ze sposobów wchodzenia w interakcję z rośliną czy składnikiem dania, cecha niektórych osób i ich zielników. Wynika z różnych predyspozycji związanych z uczeniem się i postrzeganiem (mam tu na myśli „przedtekstowe” postrzeganie) świata. Z drugiej strony można uznać takie podejście za trudno-replikowalne, a co za tym idzie, mało przydatne, bo tylko dokładnie odmierzony skład mieszanki da się powtórzyć (tak odmierzają farmaceuci). Jednak kiedy mają do czynienia z żywą, wchodzącą we własne interakcje materią roślinną, jest to tylko przybliżenie z dokładnością do konkretnych cech i składu rośliny, wynikających między innymi z tego, gdzie i kiedy rosła, jakie inne rośliny rosły w jej okolicy, jakie miała interakcje z roślinożercami czy z patogenami. Wydaje się, że dokładne odmierzanie mimo wszystko zmniejsza wariancję, a może jednak wcale nie, może niektórym osobom zetknięcie z konkretnym pędem rośliny i interakcja z nim umożliwiają w sposób niewerbalizowalny stworzenie za każdym razem mieszanki o cechach bardzo zbliżonych? Odpowiedź na to pytanie wymagałaby między innymi laboratoryjnej analizy składu mieszanek. Dlatego pytanie pozostawiam otwarte, mimo że zachodnia nauka ma na nie bardzo jasną odpowiedź. IV. 3.3. Poruszanie się w środowisku Anna Tsing nazywa proces zbierania, szukania grzybów tańcem (2015: 241 i dalej), natomiast Tim Ingold zwraca uwagę na różnicę między tym, Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 210 �jak poruszają się nowoczesny podróżnik (modern traveller) i wędrowiec (wayfarer) (2006). Renata Sõukand widzi różnicę, między tym czy jej estońscy rozmówcy poruszają się jak nowoczesny podróżnik, czy jak wędrowiec, w zależności od tego, skąd mają wiedzę o danej roślinie – z tradycyjnego przekazu ustnego czy z atlasu roślin (2010). A jak poruszają się w środowisku moi rozmówcy i od czego to zależy, jaki jest tego związek z tym, co wypowiedziane, dotknięte i spisane? Pewnego kwietniowego dnia spotkałam w drodze nad staw mamę Ani – pięcioletniej koleżanki mojego syna – szła tam, by pomóc córce złapać krowę, która uciekła. Było to jeszcze zanim rozpoczął się sezon wspólnego wypasu. Gdy tak szłyśmy, spytałam, czy zbiera travy. Powiedziała, że nie jest w to bardzo zaangażowana, zbiera tylko na herbaty na zimę. Gdy tylko poruszyłam temat, zaczęła się rozglądać, a opowiadając o tym, co zbiera, zwracała szczególną uwagę na wygląd i cechy fizyczne roślin, nie przywiązywała wagi do nazwy, wielu nie pamiętała. Mówiła na przykład, że zbiera „takie co na rany stosuje, takie co ma żółty sok”, po chwili przypomniała sobie nazwę chystotiel (glistnik jaskółcze ziele, Chelidonium majus L .). W pewnym momencie mała zakaszlała i rozmówczyni natychmiast zaczęła się rozglądać za podorozhnikiem (babką zwyczajną, Plantago major L .), mówiąc, że nauczycielka z przedszkola mówiła, że to dobre na kaszel. Pokazała mi liść jasnoty białej (Lamium album L .) i powiedziała, że „liście mają taki kształt, ale są dużo większe i jak się je urwie, to się tak ciągną, się takie nitki”. [Notatki/27.04.2012] W jej opowieści o roślinach było niesłychanie dużo ruchu, który można by nazwać tańcem – kręcenia się, rozglądania za rośliną, którą chciała pokazać, albo która okazała się właśnie potrzebna, korzystała ze wszystkich zmysłów – dotykała, wąchała, rozrywała, gięła. Całą sobą wchodziła w interakcję z rośliną. Można by powiedzieć, że zarówno mama Ani, jak i wszyscy inni moi rozmówcy, przynajmniej czasami, jeśli nie zazwyczaj, są ingoldowskimi wędrowcami, których postrzeganie jest nierozerwalnie związane z ruchem, niepowiązanym z miejscem docelowym, jak w wypadku nowoczesnego podróżnika, tylko rozciągniętym na cały proces wędrówki (Ingold 2006). Ciągłe zanurzenie w środowisku, w którym rosną ważne dla ludzi rośliny, powoduje, że rzadko ktokolwiek wybiera się specjalnie po rośliny lecznicze. Nieco częściej wybiera się celowo po niektóre rośliny Iwa Kołodziejska 211 �jadalne, np. do lasu po pshenichkę (ziarnopłon wiosenny, Ficaria verna Huds.), dzieje się tak, ponieważ jest krótko dostępna (to geofit wiosenny, gdy pojawią się liście na drzewach, kończy czas wegetacji nad ziemią, jej liście stają się żółte, usychają) oraz rośnie w miejscach, które 107 nie znajdują się na trasach codziennego krzątania się ludzi . Sezon zbioru przypada na czas, zanim zaczyna się wyprowadzać krowy na zewnątrz, czyli okres, gdy mieszkańcy podolskich wsi pokonują mniejsze dystanse pieszo. Baba Adela w ostatnim okresie swojego życia, czyli kiedy się poznałyśmy, prawie nie wychodziła. Czasem wybierała się pieszo do kościoła, ale często korzystała z tego, że ktoś miał możliwość ją podwieźć, lub wyruszała na długo przed mszą – jeden przystanek marszrutką jadącą w stronę Tywrowa. Wejście na wzgórze, na którym znajduje się kościół, było dla niej zbyt trudne, ponadto od niej z domu do kościoła jest około 2.5 km. Któregoś dnia przyszła bardzo zadowolona z gałązkami lipy, wracała z kościoła piechotą i miała okazję ją zebrać, a od dość dawna robiła herbaty głównie z tych roślin, które mogła znaleźć w okolicy domu – w ogródku, na polu, na przydrożach. Fot. 16. Zbiory baby Adeli tuż po przyniesieniu do domu. 107. Wiele osób, które ją zbierają i wrzucają do wiosennego zielonego barszczu, nie posługuje się żadną nazwą. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 212 �Ze względu na to, że najbardziej typowym sposobem poruszania się w środowisku w celu znalezienia roślin jest taki, który można by nazwać „przy okazji”, nie było łatwo umówić się z rozmówcami na wspólne zbieranie. Nawet ci, którzy zbierają dużo, rzadko planują czas na wyprawę zbieraczą; dzieje się to niejako mimochodem, spontanicznie. Celowe wyprawy zbieracze przedsiębrały rozmówczynie nie tylko po niektóre rośliny jadalne rosnące w lesie, lecz także po rośliny do święcenia, ponieważ są potrzebne świeże na konkretny dzień. Niektóre osoby celowo wybierały się po grzyby i przy okazji zbierały rośliny, w tym lecznicze (np. baba Masza), więc była to celowa wyprawa zbieracza, ale rośliny lecznicze znów były zbierane „przy okazji”. Jedyne celowe wyprawy zbieracze po rośliny lecznicze, w jakich brałam udział, to wspomniane zbieranie dzikich roślin leczniczych do święcenia (wianki na oktawę Bożego Ciała, bukiety na święto Matki Boskiej Zielnej i na Spasa); wyjście z Witią na łąki po ochankę (świetlik, Euphrasia sp.) – jednak, gdy szliśmy, rozglądał się za innymi roślinami i za samą ochanką też, zupełnie nie stał się „współczesnym podróżnikiem”, prowadzonym przeze mnie do konkretnego celu – oraz spacer (również z Witią) po hlid, boiaryshnik (głóg, Crataegus spp.), który opisuję poniżej. Gdy któregoś razu odwiedzałam Witię i jego mamę, wybraliśmy się zbierać kwiaty hlidu, boiaryshnika (głogu, Crataegus spp.) [ten konkretny krzew, z którego zbieraliśmy, to głóg jednoszyjkowy, Crataegus monogyna Jacq., moi rozmówcy nie rozróżniają poszczególnych gatun108 ków głogów], była to wyprawa do określonego punktu . Tym razem szliśmy, nie rozglądając się specjalnie po drodze. Krzew, do którego zmierzaliśmy, rósł stosunkowo niedaleko domu Witii po drugiej stronie stawu, widoczny z obejścia. Był stałym źródłem kwiatów i owoców dla Witii – obniżają ciśnienie i w związku z tym są ważnym składnikiem herbatek dla mamy. Było już trochę po sezonie, część kwiatów przekwitała, ale zbieraliśmy te najświeższe, wrzucając je do foliowych torebek. Pójście po kwiaty boiaryshnika wymagało celowej wyprawy, ponieważ nie rośnie on na trasie codziennego przemieszczania się Witii, więc trudno było go zebrać „przy okazji” [notatki 12.05.2012]. Ponadto przy ciepłej i słonecznej pogodzie jego kwiaty szybko zostają zapylo108. O skomplikowaniu oznaczania głogów i wielości gatunków występujących na Podolu, patrz Sołtys-Lelek i Oliiar (2016). Iwa Kołodziejska 213 �ne, tracą nektar i płatki, a także właściwości lecznicze. Rośliny o dłuższym okresie kwitnienia lub rosnące „po drodze” są zbierane podczas kluczenia po okolicy, zdarza się, że tych krócej kwitnących i rosnących w rzadziej przez daną osobę uczęszczanych miejscach nie zbierze ona w danym sezonie (por. babka Stasia: Wszystko zbieram, ale czegoś nazbieram, czegoś nie nazbieram, bo nie zdążę, nie kwitnie. [K. ok. 80, DW_ D0203]). Można powiedzieć, że mimo iż wiedza Witii o głogu (hlid, boiaryshnik [głóg, Crataegus spp.]) jest wiedzą kluczącą, dobrze wrośniętą w jego zielnik, splecioną licznymi nićmi relacji, to tym razem łączyła się z poruszaniem po środowisku w stylu „nowoczesnego podróżnika” (Ingold 2002). Moim zdaniem w wypadku wyników moich badań źródło wiedzy i jej charakter nie determinują sposobu poruszania się w środowisku. Poszukiwanie wypatrzonej w książce ochanki (świetlik, Euphrasia sp.) nie było, używając terminów matematycznych, dyskretne (nieciągłe od punktu do punktu), było wędrówką, buszowaniem (wayferring). Nawet kiedy Witia szukał ochanki sam, na podstawie rysunku, nigdy nie wybierał się tylko po nią. Kiedy chodził po okolicy (wędrował, buszował) i zauważył roślinę, która mogłaby być ochanką, zastanawiał się, czy to ona, wykluczał znane (sobacha kropyva nie była ochanką), zmieniał swój zielnik. Podobnie did Mitia, myśląc o tym, że chciałby mieć rostoropshę, i przyglądając się rysunkowi, na podstawie swojej wiedzy o środowisku, wynikającej ze stałego z nim kontaktu, przypomniał sobie, że zna ją i po nią poszedł. Odbył rodzaj buszowania po mentalnej części zielnika mentalnego, nie była to też podróż od punktu do punktu. Za to pójście po hlid, boiaryshnik (głóg, Crataegus spp.) było celowe – jak jeden konkretny punkt na mapie (inaczej wyglądają celowe spacery po rośliny do święcenia, bo szukająca kręci się po okolicy, rozgląda, szuka, wybiera konkretne okazy danego taksonu). Ponadto już po pierwszym znalezieniu rośliny szukanej na podstawie książek, źródło wiedzy przestaje mieć znaczenie. Ludzie włączają tę roślinę w swoje codzienne szlaki, w wiedzę o otoczeniu, która jest tworzona podczas poruszania się w nim, w drodze z miejsca do miejsca i wraz ze zmieniającą się w jej czasie perspektywą (Ingold 2002: 227). Nie zgadzam się z Renatą Sõukand, że źródło wiedzy determinuje sposób poruszania się (2010). Ewentualnie wyłącznie metaforyczna część poruszania się związanego z uczeniem się mogłaby być rozumiana jak Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 214 �podróż „nowoczesnego podróżnika”, bo np. Witia oglądając (w szerokim sensie) roślinę, próbował punkt po punkcie sprawdzić konkretne cechy, porównać je z rysunkiem. IV. 4. Przekaz wiedzy – komu, kiedy, jak? Larisa: Przepisy... No jak ci powiedzieć, co... Zakładaj, że od ludzi (naroda). Coś znajomi, przyjaciele przekazujemy jedni drugim. Tak. O tak. Coś usłyszysz, dopytujesz, komuś innemu przekazujesz, tak... O. A dużo jest ludzi też takich, co przeczytają i... Są takie poradniki, czasopisma, czy w gazetach jest coś konkretnie... Ja to nie mam. Tylko przez kontakty, od ludzi, o ja tak. [K. 34, DW_A0139] Tak ścieżki przekazu, którymi do niej dotarła zawarta w jej zielniku mentalnym wiedza o roślinach, widzi Larisa. Używając sformułowania „przekaz wiedzy”, w pełni zdaję sobie sprawę z niedoskonałości tego terminu. Nie należy go traktować, jakby miał oznaczać, że wiedza w całości – jak paczka – jedzie po pasie transmisyjnym od osoby do osoby. Jest to proces skomplikowany, w którym to, co przekazywane, ulega modyfikacjom, czasem drobnym i niewpływającym zasadniczo na treść tego, co przekazywane, a niekiedy znaczącym czy wręcz fundamentalnym. To, co dzieje się z „otrzymywaną” z jakiegoś źródła wiedzą, w pewnym stopniu pokazałam w całym podrozdziale IV.3 Doświadczenie i praktyka. Należy pamiętać, że przekaz wiedzy jest tylko jednym z elementów jej tworzenia. Tu postaram się przedstawić nici relacji z ludzkimi aktorami, po których to niciach w różnych kierunkach wędruje wiedza. Klasyczną pracą dotyczącą przekazu wiedzy (a zarazem tworzącą podwaliny subdyscypliny antropologii, stosującej modele inspirowane koncepcjami genetyki populacji do badania zmiany kulturowej), będącą inspiracją dla wielu etnobiologów, jest książka Luigiego Luci Cavalli-Sforzy i Marcusa Feldmana Cultural Transmission and Evolution z 1981 roku. Tezy w niej zawarte, rozwijane przez autorów również w ich późniejszych tekstach, np. Hewletta i Cavalli-Sforzy o przekazie kulturowym u Aka (1986) oraz Cavalli-Sforzy z Feldmanem i innymi współautorami (Cavalli-Sforza, Feldman, Chen, Dornbusch 1982) są i dziś Iwa Kołodziejska 215 �weryfikowane w badaniach etnobiologicznych. Opisują one model kierunków przekazu wiedzy: pionowy – w liniach rodowych od rodziców i dziadków do dzieci, skośny – od dorosłych, nie będących rodzicami, do młodszych pokoleń, oraz poziomy – wewnątrzpokoleniowy, i wynikające z tych kierunków konsekwencje dla samego przekazu i zachowań społecznych ludzi. Zdaniem wielu badaczy, szczególnie tych inspirowanych podejściem ewolucyjnym, biologią ewolucyjną, ewolucją człowieka, analizą przystosowań człowieka, ważne jest zrozumienie tego, która z dróg przekazu wiedzy dominuje ze względu na to, że może mieć to wpływ na zachowanie (bądź niezachowanie) kulturowych sposobów działania 109 (cultural traits) i tym samym wpływa na zmianę kulturową . Na przykład przekaz pionowy konserwuje ciągłość i redukuje liczbę innowacji (Cavalli-Sforza i in. 1982), podczas gdy przekaz skośny i poziomy mogą się przyczynić do szybkiego rozprzestrzeniania się nowych zachowań kulturowych, szczególnie gdy kontakty ze źródłami są częste (Hewlett, Cavalli-Sforza 1986 i np. Gallois i in. 2018). Wyniki moich badań, podobnie jak np. Sandrine Gallois i współautorów (2017, 2018), zdają się tylko w pewnym stopniu przystawać do tego modelu. Wymaga on uszczegółowienia i rozciągnięcia, by lepiej obrazował to, z czym miałam do czynienia. Liczne obserwacje badaczek i badaczy z grupy Victorii Reyes- García, choć prowadzone w miejscach bardzo odległych kulturowo od środkowej Ukrainy (np. wśród Baka z południowo-wschodniego Kamerunu, czy Tsimane z Amazonii), rzucają ciekawe światło również na kierunki przekazu wiedzy w moim terenie badań. Przy zbieraniu materiałów do mojej 109. Nie chodzi tu o ewolucjonizm rozumiany w sposób XIX-wieczny, a raczej o namysł współczesnych antropologów, biologów ewolucyjnych i przedstawicieli innych dziedzin nauk społecznych i przyrodniczych nad procesami społecznymi i tym, co w życiu społeczeństw może wynikać z biologii człowieka i jego ewolucji. Takie podejście (choć nie odnosiłabym się do niego bezkrytycznie, podobnie jak do żadnego innego) daje możliwość wielowątkowego przyglądania się różnym zjawiskom społecznym. Trudno bowiem uznać, jak próbowali i nadal próbują niektórzy przedstawiciele nauk społecznych, że ewolucja człowieka zaszła kiedyś dawno, jest kwestią zamkniętą i ma znikomy wpływ na współcześnie toczące się procesy społeczne. Wzajemne wpływy kultury i ewolucji są niezwykle ciekawym i dość skomplikowanym zagadnieniem teoretycznym i praktycznym, niemniej ze względów historycznych mówienie o nich może wydawać się wielu antropologom kulturowym nie do przyjęcia (por. np. Richerson, Boyd 2005). Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 216 �analizy na pewno zastosowanie SNA (Social Network Analysis) mogłoby dać ciekawe, poparte wyliczeniami rezultaty. Jednak moi rozmówcy nie bardzo mieli ochotę brać udział w takich badaniach i udzielać szczegółowych informacji (z podaniem imion i nazwisk osób, które były dla nich źródłem wiedzy). Jak już pisałam, metoda retrospektywna nie zawsze sprawdza się w takiej sytuacji (Henrich, Broesch 2011), ponieważ rozmówcy nie zawsze umieją odpowiedzieć na pytanie, skąd się tego dowiedzieli, często (również ze względu na skojarzenia z działalnością szpiegowską) po prostu nie chcą tego robić. Niemniej, kiedy nie są naciskani, sami z siebie, często dzielą się tą informacją, szczególnie dobrze zapamiętaną, gdy sytuacja towarzysząca przekazowi wbiła im się w pamięć albo roślina jest dla nich wyjątkowo ważna. Wtedy opowiadają historie o tym, jak ją poznali. Rośliny, które znają ze źródeł pisanych, szczególnie dopóki są tylko nazwą i opisem zastosowania, zwykle są przez nich wyróżniane, inaczej o nich mówią. Pewnie dobrym rozwiązaniem tego problemu metodologicznego byłoby powiązanie współwystępowania w zielnikach różnych osób taksonów roślin z relacjami między tymi osobami (por. Salali i in. 2016). Prezentując rolę poszczególnych kierunków przekazu wiedzy w tworzeniu zielników mentalnych moich rozmówców, pokażę, jakie widzę niespójności i paralele z modelem Cavalli-Sforzy i innych (1982). Tonia: A jeszcze ten pervocvit [pierwiosnek lekarski, Primula veris L .], wiem, jak on wygląda, żółty taki, ale nie wiem, na co on jest, wiem, że zdrowy, wiem, gdzie one rosną – to trzeba jechać elektriczką [pociągiem podmiejskim] i za lasami zaczynają już kwitnąć [rozmawiamy pod koniec kwietnia], ale nie wiem na co. No, ale co one leczą? Słyszę też w telewizorze: pervocvit, pervocvit. Kiedyś nie wiedziałam, jak one wyglądają, ale już mi pokazali znajomi, jakie one są. Już też wiem, że trzeba iść tam [pokazuje kierunek na Jaroszenkę], jakby na krzyżyk [mówi o krzyżu na granicy wsi] i tę Sadową drogę przejechać i tam one są. Rosną u nas, bardzo dużo, całą wielką „plantację” widziałam. Nawet można by się tam wybrać, parę korzonków wyrwać i posadzić sobie koło domu. I kwiaty będą, i lecznicze. No tylko nie wiem na co. Może są mi potrzebne, a może nie, a dowiedzieć się nigdy nie jest za późno. Wiedza w życiu nikomu nie zaszkodzi. IK: No tak. A zdarza się pani szukać informacji w książkach? Iwa Kołodziejska 217 �Tonia: No rzadko w książkach. Ja głównie od ludzi. Ktoś coś powiedział... A, mówię pani, najwięcej wszystkiego nauczyła mnie babcia. Moja babcia. Dawno już jej nie ma...[Tonia M. DW_A0131] Ten cytat wskazuje na ogromnie ważną, z mojego punktu widzenia, cechę przekazu wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (ale zapewne nie tylko tu): różne rodzaje przekazu są ważne dla ludzi w różnych momentach życia, ponadto różne przekazy, z różnych okresów życia, się kumulują. IV. 4.1. Przekaz poziomy i skośny Jak pokazywałam w całym podrozdziale IV. 2, w tworzeniu wiedzy przez moich rozmówców jest dużo innowacyjności, ich zielniki ciągle się zmieniają, są dostosowywane do aktualnych potrzeb. Tworzenie tej wiedzy jest wędrówką, buszowaniem, w tym buszowaniem w różnorodnych źródłach (Ingold 2011). Wyraźny udział przekazu poziomego jest ważną cechą badanych przeze mnie zielników. Wszystkie osoby, z którymi rozmawiałam, wspominały o istotności uczenia się od koleżanek i kolegów – równolatków. Mówi też o tym w powyższym cytacie Tonia; to z przekazu poziomego i skośnego dowiedziała się o tym, że pervocvit [pierwiosnek lekarski, Primula veris L .] jest zdrowy, nie wiedziała, jak wygląda, ale była ciekawa tej nowej dla siebie rośliny, więc ktoś ze znajomych jej pokazał. Jak wspomniałam, według Hewletta i CavalliSforzy (1986), jak również Victorii Reyes- García i współpracowników (2009), przekaz poziomy i skośny mogą prowadzić do szybkiego rozprzestrzeniania się nowych elementów kultury i sposobów działania. Taki sposób przekazu ma być również faworyzowany w warunkach niestabilności sytuacji środowiskowej. Wiele badań wskazuje, że w takich warunkach jest preferowany właśnie ten rodzaj przekazu, choć nie musi być on dominujący. Liczebnie dominuje zwykle przekaz pionowy (Soldati i in. 2015). Uważam, że w moim terenie duży udział i znaczenie przekazu poziomego wynika przede wszystkim z bliskich kontaktów z równolatkami. Dla moich rozmówców wyjątkowo ważne były osoby z ich własnej kohorty wiekowej, np. z tej samej klasy ze szkoły (zawsze wyraźnie to podkreślano, choć przecież w tak niedużych miejscowościach zna się bardzo wiele dzieci spoza własnej klasy, a klasy są często mało Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 218 �liczne); uważam to za dość charakterystyczne dla obszaru postradzieckiego. Z osobami w podobnym wieku, czy to ze szkolnej klasy, czy nie, rozmawia się o ważnych dla siebie sprawach. W związku z tym, że zdobywanie i tworzenie wiedzy o roślinach trwa tu przez całe życie, a zwykle czas zakładania własnego gospodarstwa domowego i pojawienie się dzieci jest tym momentem, kiedy wiedza o roślinach staje się najbardziej potrzebna i jest na wiele sposobów pozyskiwana, przekaz poziomy jest wśród tych sposobów bardzo ważny. Z kolei dorosłość i zakładanie własnej rodziny wiąże się ze zwiększeniem zapotrzebowania na wiedzę o roślinach leczniczych. Według psycholożki rozwojowej Michelle Ann Kline i jej kolegów te dziedziny wiedzy, których nauka zaczyna się wcześnie, wiążą się z mniejszą ilością przekazu poziomego. Domeny wiedzy, których się uczy w młodszym wieku, są częściej związane z przekazem skośnym, im późnej zdobywana wiedza z jakiejś domeny, tym więcej przekazu poziomego (Kline, Boyd, Henrich 2013). Zgadza się to z obserwowanymi przeze mnie prawidłowościami dotyczącymi wiedzy o roślinach leczniczych. Sandrine Gallois wraz z kolegami prowadziła badania wśród dzieci ze społeczności Baka i doszła do wniosku, że ze względu na to, iż dzieci w różnym wieku spędzają ze sobą czas, zdobywając pożywienie itp. (subsistence activities), dużo uczą się od siebie nawzajem i dominuje wśród nich poziomy przekaz wiedzy (2018). Waga znajomości z osobami z własnej kohorty wiekowej wśród moich rozmówców wpływa zapewne na zwiększenie częstości przekazu poziomego. Wiele przykładów na poziomy przekaz zawarłam w podrozdziałach III. 3 Przykłady z zielników, nici zielnika Haliny i innych z nim powiązanych, III. 3.1 Roślina uważana za najważniejszą. Dlatego nie sądzę, by w wypadku mojego terenu badań duży udział poziomego przekazu wiedzy był związany z reakcją na jakąś szczególną niestabilność sytuacji środowiskowej (por. Soldati i in. 2015). Oczywiście, że na zielniki mentalne rozmówców ma wpływ peryferyjność państwa (Derluguian 2005) i związane z nią problemy ze służbą zdrowia. Jednak to do pewnego stopnia „stabilna niestabilność”, z którą mierzy się kolejne pokolenie mieszkańców Podola, dlatego wydaje mi się niewystarczającą przyczyną faworyzowania przekazu poziomego. Michael Mucz przypisuje poczuciu wspólnoty przetrwanie ukraińskich osadników w Kanadzie: pisze, że dzielili się między sobą Iwa Kołodziejska 219 �nie tylko wiedzą, lecz także domowymi środkami leczniczymi, i łączy to z podtrzymywaniem zwyczajów i wiejskich sposobów życia ze starego kraju (2012: 230). Sytuacja tuż po migracji oczywiście była okresem niestabilności, ale ja, podobnie jak Mucz, przypisuję zachowania związane z poziomym przekazem wiedzy stylowi życia, utartym sposobom zachowania, a nie sytuacji niestabilności. Ponieważ na Podolu, szczególnie dla kobiet, ważnym okresem, w którym zdobywa się wiedzę o roślinach leczniczych, jest czas, gdy wchodzi się w związek małżeński i rodzą się pierwsze dzieci, to jest to też moment, gdy ma znaczenie przekaz skośny od powinowatych. Tym bardziej, że często małżeństwu towarzyszy wspólne patrylinearne mieszkanie. O nowych roślinach od teściowej szczególnie dużo dowiadują się te kobiety, które przenoszą się do innego rodzaju siedliska, np. Oksana, mieszkając u teściowej w Sarnach, poznała wiele taksonów, których nie spotkała na Podolu (patrz IV. 2.1 Standaryzacja i różnorodność). Wiele badaczek wskazuje na to, że do przekazu wiedzy dochodzi bardzo często w grupach osób tej samej płci (np. Isabel Díaz-Reviriego i Álvaro Fernández-Llamazares, prowadząc badania w społecznościach Tsimane w Boliwii, zaobserwowali, że przekaz wiedzy dotyczący łowienia ryb zachodzi głównie w grupach o podobnym wieku i tej samej płci [Díaz-Reviriego, Fernández-Llamazares, Howard, Molina, Reyes- García 2017]). Również w moich badaniach kobiety często mówią o uczeniu się od kobiet z tej samej kohorty wiekowej, to ich najczęściej się radzą, gdy mają jakiś kłopot, chociaż przekaz wiedzy o roślinach absolutnie nie jest ograniczony do grupy koleżanek. Mężczyzn, których zielnik poznałam dokładnie, było zaledwie dwóch, ale jeden z nich bardzo wyraźnie podkreślał istotność dla swojego zielnika mentalnego kontaktów z innym mężczyzną w podobnym wieku. Wymiana roślin i wiedzy z sąsiadami, a także z innymi, spotkanymi w różnych okolicznościach osobami, w tym specjalistami medycyny oficjalnej, była przeze mnie wielokrotnie obserwowana, jak też słyszałam o niej w wywiadach i nieformalnych rozmowach. Tak spontanicznie zaczęła opowiadać mi o dzieleniu się roślinami i wiedzą babka Hala: Hala: Tutaj sąsiad też chorował. Przyszła jego mama: Halia, daj! Większość [osób chce] tego shyrokogo lystia [babki zwyczajnej, Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 220 �Plantago major L.]. To przychodzą: Halia, daj burkunu [nostrzyka białego i nostrzyka żółtego, Melilotus albus Medik., Melilotus officinalis (L.) Pall.]. To przychodzą, tutaj mężczyźnie zrobili operację nogi. On mieszka niedaleko od cerkwi. On ma cukier [podwyższony poziom, cukrzycę] i jemu coś ze dwa, trzy palce od nogi odcięli. Ale przychodzi sąsiadka, taka młodziutka – Mila, a burkunu jeszcze nie było, teraz taka pora, że jeszcze go nie ma: Oj, ciocia Halia! Ja mówię: Co takiego? Oj, burkunu nie macie? Mówię, a po co ci? Andrei prosił, żeby popytać czy ktoś nie ma, może dadzą. Jemu powiedzieli, żeby przemywał w burkunie tę ranę. Zaparzyć i w letnim, nie w gorącym, a w letnim. Dałam całe naręcze. I żółtego, i białego. Miloczka, mówię, nieś, córciu, daj Boże, żeby jemu pomogło. I on zaczął przemywać i zrobiło się lepiej. Poprawiło się. Ale nie w gorącym, taki żeby ciut letni był. I herbata też, córciu. Jak zaparzysz herbatę, zrobisz kaszę, czy coś, w żadnym wypadku niczego gorącego do pyska nie bierz. Takie, żeby można było wytrzymać. IK: Aha. Hala: Bo jak leżałam w szpitalu, to lekarz mówił: jak pije pani herbatę i kaszle, suchy kaszel, w żadnym wypadku nie brać gorącego. Ono się tam wszystko zaparza i nie odchodzi. A weźmiecie takie letnie, co można połknąć i wtedy wszystko do czysta odchodzi i można odkaszlnąć. I ja teraz tak i wnukom mówię i dzieciom mówię, herbatę, tylko taką, żeby można było wziąć do pyska. Nie wrzątek, bo są tacy, co zagrzało się i od razu, a to, to się zaparza. Nie można tak robić. I temperaturę powoduje. Nie wolno takiego pić, a trzeba letnie, takie, żeby dało się w ustach trzymać. My zaczęliśmy od tego czasu, jak did [jej mąż, did Mitia] zachorował, zbierać dużo roślin. [Hala i Dimitr, K ok. 70, M. 78 DW_A0129] Jak potwierdza powyższy cytat, w trakcie badań spotykałam się z ogromną chęcią dzielenia się wiedzą i zasobami roślin (przekaz poziomy i skośny). Dotyczyło to zarówno dzielenia się ze mną jako badaczką, a jednocześnie osobą, która może potrzebować jakiejś rośliny leczniczej lub jadalnej, jak i obserwowanego przeze mnie dzielenia się między rozmówcami. Może być to powodowane faktem, że prowadziłam badania wśród osób zajmujących się domowym leczeniem. Niezależnie od tego, czy ktoś miał zielnik gęsty od nici relacji, bogaty w gatunki czy dużo bardziej pusty, nikt z moich rozmówców nie zarabiał Iwa Kołodziejska 221 �na leczeniu czy sprzedaży roślin leczniczych. Dzielenie się tym, co ma się w zielniku, łączyło się z relacjami rodzinnymi, koleżeńskimi i sąsiedzkimi, ja też zostałam włączona w tę ciągłą i intensywną wymianę wiedzy. Autorzy książek, a przede wszystkim osoby piszące do gazet, też byli jej częścią, chociaż w ich wypadku była to wymiana jednostronna. Ciekawe, jakby to wyglądało, gdybym prowadziła badania wśród specjalistów – osób, które żyją z bogactwa swoich zielników mentalnych? Śmiem przypuszczać, że tylko do pewnego stopnia inaczej, że nie spotkałabym się z silną niechęcią do wymiany wiedzy z innymi specjalistami, z jaką mieli do czynienia np. Dubost i współpracownicy, prowadząc badania w bardzo odległym kulturowo od Ukrainy Laosie (2019). Wyciągam ten wniosek na podstawie być może niewystarczających doświadczeń – tego, że dzieliła się ze mną wiedzą Nadeżda – profesjonalna osoba lecząca z Winnicy – i bardzo jej zależało, by ludzie mogli z takiej wiedzy jak najszerzej korzystać. Równie chętnie dzieliły się ze mną osoby sprzedające zioła na targach w różnych miastach Ukrainy, podobną funkcję spełniają kanały w serwisie YouTube, należące do osób leczących. Na Podolu Wschodnim wiele osób pozyskiwało wiedzę w wieku dorosłym (głównie w wyniku przekazu poziomego i skośnego). Nie zaobserwowałam, by ta wiedza była mniej chętnie przekazywana niż wiedza zdobyta w dzieciństwie (obserwację, że najchętniej przekazywany jest ten drugi rodzaj wiedzy, poczynili Soldati i inni, prowadząc badania w społecznościach wiejskich w południowo-wschodniej Brazylii [2015]). Niektórzy z moich rozmówców więcej wiedzy o roślinach zdobyli w życiu dorosłym niż w dzieciństwie i szczodrze się nią dzielą. IV. 4.2. Przekaz pionowy Zanim przejdę do opisu klasycznego przekazu pionowego – od rodziców do dzieci, czyli tego, który bardzo często odbywa się w dzieciństwie, a w późniejszym wieku (upraszczając lekko sprawę) jest zamieniany przez przekaz skośny i poziomy (Kline i in. 2013), chciałam zwrócić uwagę na istotny w moim terenie badań przekaz pionowy wstępujący – mający odwrotny wektor od dorosłych dzieci do rodziców. Nie spotkałam się w literaturze etnobotanicznej z opisem tego rodzaju przekazu wiedzy o roślinach. Niewątpliwie jest to rodzaj przekazu, który wynika ze zmienności LEK w moim terenie, tego, że niektórzy ludzie z najstarszego pokolenia nie mieli dobrych warunków do rozwinięcia bogatych Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 222 �zielników mentalnych, a teraz im tego brakuje, bądź ich dzieci (w wieku od trzydziestu pięciu do pięćdziesięciu lat) uważają LEK za ważną i szukają wiedzy o roślinach, a potem przekazują ją rodzicom. Nie jest jednak tak, że wstępujący przekaz pionowy dotyczy tylko rodziców o ubogich zielnikach, gdyż ci o bogatych też często pozyskują wiedzę od dzieci. Różnorodność sieci relacji tworzących indywidualne zielniki powoduje, że potencjalnie każdy dla każdego może być źródłem jakichś ciekawych informacji o roślinach. Zapewne taki przekaz jest też odpowiedzią na różnego rodzaju zmiany. Ludwinka, mama Witii, ma bardzo bogaty zielnik, a syn jest dla niej źródłem nowych informacji (choćby przytoczona historia ochanki). Podobnie relacja cioci Lusi z córkami Maią i Tanią jest źródłem nowej wiedzy dla wszystkich; każda z nich ma bardzo rozbudowany zielnik i przekaz wiedzy idzie między nimi we wszystkich kierunkach. Wielokrotnie od różnych osób słyszałam wypowiedzi podobne do tego, co powiedziała mi Alina, nauczycielka z Hrisziwców: Alina: Taak… Mama dużo chorowała, ona ma sporą nadwagę i jej poradziłam, że berezovi [brzoza brodawkowata i brzoza omszona (Betula pendula Roth i Betula pubescens Ehrh.)] listki, a nawet pączki są bardzo dobre. O, można dużo o nich powiedzieć. Na przykład listki to, co moja mama robi, to ja jej poradziłam i ona mówi: „Alinoczka, dużo mniejsza opuchlizna, nie tak bardzo puchną już nogi, nie tak ciężko chodzić cały dzień”. Znaczy tak, berezovi listki, zwyczajnie zrywasz i nawet jak w ciągu dnia, ot gorąco jest, wkładasz skarpetkę, ale najlepiej bawełnianą, z naturalnej tkaniny i tak po prostu wkładasz te listki, wsuwasz stopę, zakładasz. [K. ok. 40 Hrisziwcy DW_D0239] Ciocia Lusia z kolei podkreśla, że jej mama, mimo że zbierała rośliny lekarskie, to nie tak wiele, jak zbiera ona (jej córki również zbierają bardzo dużo roślin), wiedzę zdobywała już w czasie, gdy miała dzieci. Lusia: Moja mama też kiedyś zbierała różne roślinki (riznu travychku). No, ale ona głównie kwiat lypy [lipa, różne gatunki, Tilia spp.], tam ona różne takie herbatki dla siebie, herbaty pili. I takie leczenie. A ja już tak, kiedy dzieci rosły, to ja już się stopniowo nauczyłam. IK: A próbowała pani na sobie, co działa? Lusia: Tak, co mi dobrze robi, to piję. [K. ok. 60, DW_A0166] Iwa Kołodziejska 223 �IV. 4.3. Uczenie się w dzieciństwie i znaczenie przekazu pionowego Dzieciństwo jest powszechnie uważane przez badaczy za kluczowy okres zdobywania wiedzy o roślinach, podkreśla się też wagę przekazu pionowego w tym okresie życia (Zarger, Stepp 2004). W wypadku mojego terenu wydaje się, że dzieciństwo jest ważne w procesie „zaprzyjaźniania się”, oswajania ze środowiskiem, w którym się żyje (może jest to typowe dla wszystkich społeczeństw, w których indywidualny zbiór dzikich roślin nie jest warunkiem przeżycia), ale przekaz wiedzy o wielu roślinach – szczególnie leczniczych – dokonuje się w późniejszych okresach życia. To, że wiedza o roślinach leczniczych bywa zdobywana i udoskonalana później, a o roślinach jadalnych dzieci w wieku 12 lat wiedzą często tyle samo co dorośli, sugerują również Gurven, Kaplan i Gutierrez (2006) oraz Hill i Hurtado (1996), a pokazują Gallois i współpracownicy (2018). Bywa też, że dzieci mają w zielnikach różne rośliny, których jako dorośli później nie używają i zapominają o nich albo o ich zastosowaniach (por. opis dziecięcych zielników w III rozdziale). Piero Bruschi ze współpracowniczkami sugerują nawet, że dzieci mogą znać zastosowania lecznicze roślin nieznane dorosłym, podejrzewam jednak, że ten wynik jest najprawdopodobniej efektem zastosowanej przez badaczy metody, choć oczywiście mogę się mylić (2019). Z moich obserwacji wynika, że kluczowe znaczenie mają własne zainteresowania i doświadczenia stymulowane tymi zainteresowaniami (wzór przyjaciół, np. na pasjonującej się roślinami Nastii wzoruje się jej koleżanka Masza [nagrania do filmu, maj 2013]), istotny jest też w tym okresie życia przekaz pionowy od ważnych osób – babcia Nastii, ciotka Andrija (patrz rozdział III). Z kolei „Demps i współpracownicy (2012), analizując badania dotyczące przekazu wiedzy, zauważyli, że natura wiedzy determinuje schemat uczenia się, nazwany przez tych autorów »ustrukturyzowanym wiekowo«. Ich zdaniem konkretna wiedza, podlegająca werbalizacji, taka jak nazwy roślin leczniczych, jest zwykle przekazywana w dzieciństwie” (za Soldati i in. 2015). Dzieci, zanim osiągną 12 lat, są zwykle już biegłe w tego rodzaju wiedzy i nie zmienia się ona znacznie w późniejszym wieku (Zarger 2002). Nazwy i to co da się zwerbalizować są przekazywane w dzieciństwie, natomiast wiedza cielesna, awerbalna, w późniejszych okresach życia, wtedy gdy ta wiedza zaczyna być praktycznie wykorzystywana. Barry S. Hewlett z kolegami na podstawie Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 224 �badań w środkowym Kongo argumentują, że w dzieciństwie kluczowe jest zdobycie podstawowej wiedzy niezbędnej do przetrwania (2011). Myślę, że to, jaka wiedza przekazywana jest dzieciom, a jaka tworzona przez nie, niezależnie od przekazu od dorosłych, zależy w dużym stopniu od preferowanych w danym społeczeństwie modeli uczenia. Jeżeli dominuje model, w którym kładzie się nacisk na to, by dzieci dostawały werbalne instrukcje (jak jest np. w społeczeństwie USA i większości krajów europejskich) i uważa się nazwy za szczególnie istotne, to jest duże prawdopodobieństwo, że dzieci będą posiadały właśnie tego rodzaju wiedzę (por. Gaskins, Paradise 2010). Tak o roślinach, które są w sieciach jej zielnika od dzieciństwa, mówi Oksana: Oksana: Potem dużo chebrecu [macierzanki, Thymus spp.] [używaliśmy]. Bardzo dobrze na włosy, to mama, mówię, póki mama była, jeszcze kiedy chodziłam do szkoły, my znaliśmy wszystkie te rośliny (travy), zbieraliśmy też i płukaliśmy włosy, gotowaliśmy ten chebrec – bardzo dobry. Herbatę z niego można pić, tam miejscami on zakwitł, takim fioletowym, my wiedzieliśmy ot, tu dużo jego rośnie. (…) Potem pamiętam, jeszcze taka była roślina, ona też dobra jest na żołądek, ona wzmacnia go tak, jeśli ktoś miał rozwolnienie, taka ona jak goździk czerwona i malutka taka, no cztery płateczki, takie malusieńkie. Ale ja nie pamiętam, jak ona się nazywa. My po narodnomu tak na nią mó110 wiliśmy gvozdichka, a jak się nazywa prawidłowo... taaak... Ale ona tu rośnie na wzgórzu, to babka też ją zbierała, ona mówiła, że to dobre na żołądek. Ma wzmacniające właściwości dla żołądka. To ona rośnie tu [na górze wzgórza nad jej domem] i tam pod lasem na wzgórzu rośnie. [K. ok. 45, DW_B0182] Oksana pamięta wiele roślin leczniczych, które zbierała wspólnie z mamą i babcią. Obecnie nie stosuje żadnej z nich zgodnie z przepisem znanym jej z dzieciństwa, ale w zielniku pozostała pamięć miejsc, 110. Żadna z dwóch roślin o różowo-fioletowych kwiatach, rosnących na wymienionym przez Oksanę wzgórzu, nie ma czterech płatków. Są dwa taksony lokalne, oba przez niektórych rozmówców nazywane gvozdika i stosowane przy biegunce; są to: centuria pospolita, Centaurium erythraea Rafn, nazywana przez innych rozmówców: tipa dika gvozdika, stodula, centurija, zirochki, [bez nazwy] oraz smółka pospolita, Silene viscaria (L .) Jess. Inne osoby nazywają ją: gvozdika, dzvenochki, kolokolchyki. Iwa Kołodziejska 225 �w których je zbierała, i zastosowań. Pamięć o tym, że spędzała dużo czasu na okolicznych wzgórzach i wiedziała, gdzie i kiedy kwitną potrzebne w domu rośliny. Mam zupełnie odmienne doświadczenie niż Stryamets i jej współpracownicy prowadzący badania porównawcze na ukraińskim Roztoczu, w republice Komi w Rosji i w Smalandii w Szwecji. Piszą, że we wszystkich tych miejscach głównie osoby starsze i w średnim wieku zbierały rośliny jadalne i lecznicze. Podkreślają, że zarówno w republice Komi, jak i na ukraińskim Roztoczu, mimo że wiedza o roślinach leczniczych jest przekazywana z pokolenia na pokolenie, to najmłodsza generacja zdaje się tracić nią zainteresowanie (Stryamets, Elbakidze, Ceuterick, Angelstam, Axelsson 2015). Nigdy nie prowadziłam badań w tym regionie Ukrainy, ale zarówno z mojego materiału podolskiego (będącego przedmiotem tej analizy), jak i zakarpackiego wynika, że wiedza o roślinach leczniczych jest bardzo żywa i ważna dla osób w różnym wieku, w tym najmłodszych. Być może na wynik ich badań wpływa to, że (jak pokazałam) wiedza o roślinach leczniczych staje się najważniejsza, gdy już ma się własne gospodarstwo i dzieci, albo że pytali osoby starsze, które postrzegają najmłodsze pokolenie jako niezainteresowane. Oczywiście nie mogę też wykluczyć, że sytuacja na Roztoczu jest zupełnie inna niż w regionach, które poznałam. Wszystkie dzieci, spotkane przeze mnie w różnych momentach badań, deklarowały, że wiedza o roślinach jest czymś ważnym, związanym z ich tożsamością. Mówiły też o tym, że uczą się od dorosłych; najczęściej wymieniały mamy i babcie, czasem też ciocie, jako źródło wiedzy o roślinach leczniczych. Nikt nie wymienił mężczyzny, nie padło też nazwisko nauczyciela biologii, który stara się przekazywać wiedzę o roślinach i ich zastosowaniach. Za to dzieci opowiadały o samodzielnym eksperymentowaniu, np. próbowaniu owoców drzew rosnących wokół kantory, jak też o tym, że koleżanka lub kolega pokazali im roślinę przydatną na wianki albo liść, z którego dobrze się strzela. Szczególnie rośliny używane w czasie zabaw i dzikie rośliny jadalne podlegały przekazowi poziomemu między dziećmi. Zapewne dorośli rzadko uważali za istotne przekazanie takiej wiedzy dzieciom (a może sami już jej nie mieli, por. rozdział III.7); dużo istotniejsze może dla nich być pokazanie roślin leczniczych. Dzieje się to w trakcie codziennych interakcji, np. kiedy dziecko wymaga leczenia. Obserwowałam któregoś razu, jak Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 226 �Irina (K. 33) opatrywała skaleczoną piętę swojej siostrzenicy Kristiny (K. 12). Użyła do tego celu rannika (aloesu drzewiastego, Aloe arborescens Mill.). Podczas całej procedury, mimo że Kristina krzyczała wniebogłosy (trochę z bólu, a trochę ze strachu, bo w tym czasie bardzo nie lubiła oglądać krwi), Irina opisywała wszystkie czynności, które wykonuje i dawała instrukcje, jak opatrzyć ranę przy użyciu rannika [notatka filmowa sierpień 2013]. Ogromnie ważne jest, z jakimi specjalistami, i mam tu też na myśli osoby zajmujące się domowym leczeniem, zbiorem roślin jadalnych na potrzeby rodziny czy osoby chętnie opowiadające historie o roślinach, dziecko ma kontakt, kto jest w jego sieci; czy rodzice, dziadkowie mają wiedzę, którą mogliby przekazać; z kim dzieci spędzają czas, jak Baka, które dużo czasu spędzają w grupie rówieśniczej (Gallois i in. 2018). Z wielu moich rozmów czy to z dorosłymi, czy dziećmi wynika, że skośny przekaz ma duże znaczenie. Starsze kobiety często wspominały, że nie uczyły się od matek, bo te nie miały czasu na zbieranie roślin, z kolei znane mi dzieci o szczególnie bogatych zielnikach często wskazują na ciotki i babcie jako źródło wiedzy, a nie na matki. Henrich i Broesch zwracają uwagę na oczywistą, ale istotną statystyczną prawidłowość, że zazwyczaj (i tak jest niewątpliwie w modelu wychowania spotykanym w moim terenie) większość dorosłych spotykanych przez dzieci nie jest ich rodzicami. Dlatego też z punktu widzenia przystosowania do życia opłaca się dzieciom naśladować i słuchać instrukcji różnych dorosłych, nie tylko rodziców (przekaz skośny) (2011). Prowadzi to badaczy do koncepcji dwustopniowego modelu uczenia się. Gdy dzieci są młodsze, uczą się od rodziców i najbliższej rodziny, wraz z wiekiem rozszerzają krąg ważnych dla siebie osób i porównują to, czego nauczyły się w domu, z tym, co robią inni. Jeżeli zachowania innych dorosłych wydają się lepsze, uczący się je przyjmują (Kline i in. 2013). IV. 4.4. Nauka przez obserwację Czy nauka przez obserwację jest wynikiem przekazu poziomego, pionowego lub skośnego – zależnie od tego, kogo się obserwuje, czy raczej jest indywidualnym sposobem tworzenia wiedzy? Granica jest dość rozmyta, jednak dla płynności wywodu zdecydowałam się umieścić rozważania na jej temat w tym miejscu pracy. Informacje o procesie Iwa Kołodziejska 227 �uczenia się przez obserwację bardzo rzadko pojawią się w badaniach prowadzonych metodą retrospektywną. Moi rozmówcy właściwie nie opowiadali o tym, że czegoś się nauczyli, patrząc, jak ktoś inny to robi. Opowiadali o przekazie zwerbalizowanym czy to w postaci słów wypowiedzianych, czy zapisanych, choć na pewno i tym sposobem zdobywali fragmenty zielników mentalnych. Musiało zdarzać się im obserwować zbiór, przygotowywanie czy stosowanie leków roślinnych albo potraw z dzikich roślin jadalnych. Dość wyjątkowe pod tym względem były opowieści niektórych moich rozmówczyń o przyrządzaniu jedzenia przez ich matki podczas głodu 1947 roku (rzadziej 1933 – mniej z nich ten czas pamiętało). Były to obserwacje, które nie owocowały później własnymi próbami odtworzenia niezbędnych czynności, zdobyciem umiejętności. Niemniej, ze względu na okoliczności, w których ta wyłącznie obserwacyjna wiedza powstawała, opowieści o wykonywanych przez matki czynnościach były bardzo sugestywne. Na przykład babka Stasia opowiadała o robieniu placków z kwiatów akacii [robinii akacjowej, Robinia pseudoacacia L .]: Ty wiesz co [z radością w głosie, jakby miała coś bardzo ciekawego do opowiedzenia], po wojnie w 47 roku był głód, ja nie wiem, tu był, gdzieś nie było, gdzieś do zachodniej [Ukrainy] nasi jeździli za chlebem tego roku, to w zachodniej szukali. My narwiemy akaciu, same te kwiatki, tak o z tych rurek [pokazuje zdejmowanie kwiatów z (używając botanicznego języka) osi kwiatostanu], świeżą akację, do wielkiej makutry, tłuczkiem (makohonom) utarłyśmy i piekłyśmy placki i tak jadłyśmy, a jakie dobre to było, jak miałam gdzieś tak lat... No z 1938 roku jestem, to byłam taka, że już pamiętam. Poszłyśmy, narwałyśmy akacii i łuskamy, a mama roztarła, roztarła, no roztarła tak, jak ziemniaki się rozciera, to trzeba rozetrzeć, bo grudka w środku jest [kielich kwiatu], jak wyschnie to nic, ale jak świeże, to trzeba rozcierać, płatki to nic, można by było zgnieść, a to trzeba rozcierać. Kwiat akacii jest leczniczy, no leczniczy, my głód przeżyłyśmy. [K. 75, babka Stasia, nagrania do filmu/babcia Stasia (00.15.12)] Babka Stasia sama nigdy nie ucierała akacii na placki ani ich nie smażyła. Zna ten proces wyłącznie z obserwacji mamy, z czasu, gdy była dziewięcioletnią dziewczynką. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 228 �Soumhya Venkatesan, opisując proces zdobywania umiejętności tkania mat Korai w stanie Tamilnadu w Indiach, podkreśla, że sama obserwacja czy naśladownictwo praktyk (practical mimesis) nie wystarczy, by zdobyć umiejętność (2010). Różnica między „lekką”, sprawną ręką praktyka a „ciężką” adepta (Ingold 2001) polega w dużym stopniu na zdolności improwizacji i rozwiązywania pojawiających się po drodze problemów. Jeśli praktykujemy coś od dawna, wyrabia nam się intuicja, dająca możliwość eksperymentowania w zetknięciu ze spotykaną w otoczeniu różnorodnością. Czy będzie to (jak w wypadku moich badań) różnorodność symptomów choroby i roślin leczniczych (również ta międzyosobnicza wynikająca z czynników genetycznych lub środowiskowych; por. opisana wcześniej wielkość blaszki liściowej i smak ochanki [świetlika, Euphrasia sp.] rosnącej na słońcu i w cieniu), czy (jak w wypadku badań Venkatesan) nierówna grubość włókna lub pozycja węzła. Inaczej mówiąc, sama obserwacja nie oznacza zdobycia mētis. Niektórzy badacze sugerują, że nauka przez obserwację to przede wszystkim dziecięcy sposób uczenia się, który zachodzi najczęściej w gronie bliskich osób, nierzadko nauka jest swego rodzaju „produktem ubocznym” życia społecznego (Gaskins, Paradise 2010: 85). Gaskins i Paradise twierdzą, że w niektórych kulturach są tworzone szczególnie sprzyjające warunki do nauki przez obserwację i jest ona w nich wyjątkowo ważnym sposobem przekazu wiedzy w każdym wieku (2010: 86). Niewątpliwie mieszkańcy Podola Wschodniego też uczą się w ten sposób, ale zwykle o tym nie opowiadają i dorośli rzadko tworzą celo111 wo warunki do takiego sposobu uczenia się . Raczej zachęcają dzieci czy badaczkę do podejmowania prób wykonywania nowych czynności. Zastanawiające, czy nie dzieje się tak dlatego, że dorośli uważają obserwację za nicnierobienie, proces, o którym nie myśli się świadomie jako o nauce. Gaskins i Paradise uważają taką sytuację za dość typową dla społeczeństw, w których przywiązuje się dużą wagę do edukacji 111. Zupełnie inaczej miało się to w badaniach Dubosta i współpracowników: ich rozmówczynie i rozmówcy deklarowali, że wiedzę ziołoleczniczą zdobywali przez obserwację. Może było tak dlatego, że osoby leczące strzegą pilnie swojej wiedzy przed innymi przedstawicielami Hmongów (swojej społeczności) i obserwacja jest często jedynym sposobem pozyskania wiedzy bez ponoszenia wysokich kosztów. Niemniej jednak osoby uczące się tą metodą nie zostawały profesjonalnymi zielarzami (Dubost i in. 2019). Iwa Kołodziejska 229 �szkolnej (2010: 90). Innym i być może ważniejszym czynnikiem może być to, że, jak mówi Rebecca Zarger, wiedza o leczeniu i posługiwaniu się roślinami leczniczymi jest raczej przekazywana przy pomocy instrukcji od osoby dorosłej lub różnego rodzaju wspomagania przez nią zdobywania doświadczeń i wyciągania wniosków niż przez obserwację (2010: 344). IV. 4.5. Autorytet Ciekawe metodologicznie badanie przeprowadzili Henrich i Broesch (2011), sprawdzając, kto jest postrzegany jako osoba o większym autorytecie w zakresie TEK. W jego wyniku doszli do wniosku, że im więcej lat formalnej edukacji ma za sobą osoba, tym jest mniej prawdopodobne, że będzie autorytetem w zakresie wiedzy tradycyjnej (TK). Wyniki moich obserwacji zdają się wskazywać na podobną tendencję: we wsiach będących wąsko pojętym obszarem moich badań mieszkało kilka osób, które były agronomami za czasów sowchozu – miały wykształcenie rolnicze lub przyrodnicze. Mimo że same postrzegały się jako autorytety w dziedzinie wszelkiej wiedzy o roślinach, w tym leczniczych, i posiadały liczne książki o nich, stanowiąc źródło literatury zielarskiej, nigdy nie zauważyłam, by były traktowane jak autorytety w kwestii samoleczenia; by to one były tymi osobami, do których się idzie po radę. Poleca się osoby z dużą praktyką samoleczniczą i bogatymi zielnikami mentalnymi. Dobrym przykładem jest tu historia mojego spotkania z babką Maszą – emerytowaną agronomką. Została mi polecona na samym początku badań przez osobę, która uznała, że szukam ludzi z odpowiednim wykształceniem, a nie z wiedzą praktyczną. Później, w trakcie badań, ani razu nie słyszałam o tym, by ktoś korzystał z jej porady. Babka Masza była zadowolona z mojej wizyty. Uważała się za właściwą osobę do opowiadania mi o roślinach. Od razu wyciągnęła książkę Popova i zaczęła ją ze mną oglądać, strona po stronie pokazując wszystkie znajdujące się tam rośliny. Niechętnie przyznawała się do tego, że którejś nie zna, czy z niej nie korzysta – zupełnie inaczej niż pozostali rozmówcy pokazujący mi swoje książki. Mieli zwykle dość krytyczny stosunek do nich – często mówili, że jest w nich dużo niepotrzebnych czy nierosnących w okolicy roślin. Wykształcenie, choć przez samą babkę Maszę odbierane jako coś, co powinno przekonywać sąsiadów do korzystania z jej wiedzy, dla nich nie było kryterium Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 230 �podczas szukania porady. Podobnie jest w wypadku książek, których język jest, do pewnego stopnia, naukowo-techniczny: uogólnione informacje o danej roślinie budzą nieco mniej zaufania, a przede wszystkim systematycznego zainteresowania niż gazety, w których są opisane konkretne przypadki i porady określonych osób. Uogólnienie, będące jedną z cech naukowości, niekoniecznie jest dla moich rozmówców sposobem na uprawomocnienie informacji zawartej w czytanym tekście. Pozycja w społeczności, a nie tylko wiedza danej osoby, wpływa na to, czy jest ona źródłem wiedzy dla innych (por. Henrich i Broesch 2011). Na przykład Witia – osoba o szczególnie bogatym zielniku mentalnym – nie jest lokalnym rozsadnikiem wiedzy o roślinach; wiąże się to z tym, że jest uważany za osobę specyficzną, trochę dziwną, ze względu na sposób życia i bycia nie cieszy się dużym szacunkiem w społeczności. Na autorytet w dziedzinie wiedzy dotyczącej roślin mogą wpłynąć działania niezwiązane z nią bezpośrednio. Przykładem niech tu będzie historia utraty zaufania przez Tonię i jej koleżanki do Natalii Zemnej – autorki audycji radiowych i telewizyjnych, właścicielki gazety „Zelena planeta” i firmy Zelena apteka (sieci aptek i firmy produkcyjnej), gdy ta rozpoczęła karierę polityczną. Wiąże się to z niskim zaufaniem do polityków i ograniczonym zaufaniem do osób leczących za pieniądze (podających konkretną cenę za usługę). U dzieci większe niż przeciętne zainteresowanie roślinami zwykle wiązało się z obecnością znaczącego dorosłego – wnuczka cioci Mili, Andrij i ciotka zbierająca lecznicze rośliny na sprzedaż, Nastia i babcia z Krasnego – lecząca i zbierająca. Zgadza się to z obserwacjami, że z wiekiem zmniejsza się udział przekazu pionowego (Garfield Z.H., Garfield M.J., Hewlett 2016; Hewlett B.S., Fouts, Boyette, Hewlett B.L . 2011). Podkreślałam już, że rozmówcy nie traktują swoich książek bezkrytycznie. Lewis, opisując czasopisma czytane przez ukraińskie osadniczki w Kanadzie, nawiązuje do tego, że autorytet słowa pisanego bierze się z autorytetu Biblii (1990) – na pewno takie powiązanie istniało, czy ma znaczenie i dziś dla moich rozmówców, trudno mi powiedzieć. Jestem jednak przekonana, że na obniżenie autorytetu wynikającego li tylko z tego, że coś jest napisane i wydrukowane, wpływa doświadczenie Związku Radzieckiego: kontaktu z oficjalnymi Iwa Kołodziejska 231 �instytucjami państwa, a stopniowo też będzie się zaznaczać świadomość tego, że choć to, co dostępne w internecie, jest tekstem pisanym, nie zawsze warto je traktować jako wiarygodne. Ilustracją niech będzie informacja napisana na drzwiach stroyinieckiego ambulatorium, że pacjenci z kaszlem powinni wchodzić do środka w maseczkach (zdjęcie sierpień 2013). Nikt nie traktuje jej poważnie i nie stosuje się do niej. To, po prostu coś, co trzeba napisać i tyle, ale wykonywać, to już zupełnie inna sprawa... Fot. 17. �Ogłoszenia na drzwiach stroyinieckiej przychodni. Na górze informacja o tym, że osoby z kaszlem są przyjmowane wyłącznie w maseczkach. Jest to martwy przepis. Niektórzy autorzy tekstów, szczególnie pojedynczych artykułów i kolumn w gazetach (niepoświęconych wyłącznie narodnej medycynie, jak „Babushka” czy „ZOZh”) uprawomocniają swój autorytet odpowiednim tytułem (wspominałam o tym w podrozdziale IV.1). Na zdjęciu poniżej autorami są kandydat (doktor) nauk biologicznych i kandydat nauk medycznych. Dla Poli – właścicielki tego wycinka – ważna jest Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 232 �historia o kminku, to ona ją zaciekawiła, wykształcenie autorów nie miało takiego znaczenia. Fot. 18. �Artykuł z rubryki „Zelena apteka”, podpis pod tekstem: Grigorij Smyk doktor nauk biologicznych. Wycinek należy do Poli. IV. 5. Wielość wielostopniowych taktyk tworzenia wiedzy i jej przekazu Widać, że rozmówcy stosowali bardzo różnorodne taktyki tworzenia i przekazu wiedzy; jest to wyraźne zarówno wśród dzieci, jak i doro112 słych . Wszyscy korzystają równie chętnie z przekazu pionowego (i to o obu wektorach) oraz – szczególnie ważnego w dorosłym życiu – przekazu skośnego i poziomego. Ich wyjątkowa istotność w dorosłości 112. Używam słowa „taktyki” za Michelem de Certeau, który posługuje się nim, by opisać praktyki kłusowania po tekście i wiedzy. Taktyka (stosując militarystyczne odniesienia) charakteryzuje się tym, że „korzysta ze »sposobności« i od nich zależy, nie posiadając bazy [w przeciwieństwie do strategii, za którymi stoją władza i »własność« – oznaczająca zwycięstwo miejsca nad czasem], w której mogłaby zdobywać przewagę (…) Ogólnie mówiąc, taktyka jest sztuką słabego” (2008: 37). Uważam te działania za taktyki, ponieważ odpowiadają na potrzebę chwili, dostosowują się do zastanych warunków, w przeciwieństwie do strategii nie tworzą dyskursu całościowego. Iwa Kołodziejska 233 �nie wyklucza tego, że i dzieci korzystają z tych taktyk przekazu wiedzy. Victoria Reyes- García, Kathryn Demps, i Sandrine Gallois, opisując koncepcję wielostopniowej strategii przekazu, odwoływały się do ba113 dań dzieci w różnych społecznościach (2016) . Wskazywały na to, że dzieci najpierw uczą się od rodziców w przekazie pionowym, ale szybko zaczynają też korzystać z przekazu skośnego, bo, jak podkreślają Richard McElreath i Pontus Strimling, w populacji jest więcej osób niebędących rodzicami danego dziecka, niż będących, więc ewolucyjnie wygrywającą strategią jest uczenie się również od tych pierwszych społeczności jest duża różnorodność wiedzy posiadanej przez poszczególne osoby (2008). Ponadto w wielu społecznościach ważny, również w dzieciństwie, jest przekaz poziomy w grupie rówieśniczej (Reyes- García i in. 2016). Podobne obserwacje mieli: Kline i inni (2013); Schniter ze współpracownikami (2015); Gallois i koledzy (2018). Michelle Ann Kline podkreśla, że modele ewolucyjne przekazu informacji przewidują, że w społecznościach o małej wewnętrznej różnorodności kulturowej i w dziedzinach wiedzy, w których różne kulturowe warianty zachowań są równie atrakcyjne, będzie dominował przekaz pionowy. Natomiast tam, gdzie ta różnorodność jest większa, będzie dominować dwustopniowa strategia przekazu wiedzy (Kline i in. 2013). W badaniach kładłam większy nacisk na przyglądanie się LEK dorosłych i bardzo wyraźnie widzę, że również w dorosłości mamy do czynienia ze wszystkimi trzema rodzajami przekazu. Są momenty w życiu, kiedy któryś z nich zaczyna dominować, dlatego również można mówić o stopniowalności przekazu, np. okres zakładania rodziny często jest ważnym momentem (stopniem wtajemniczenia) większej intensywności zdobywania LEK. Pojawia się ważna skośna ścieżka przekazu od rodziców współmałżonka. Narodziny dzieci wzmacniają zarówno przekaz pionowy (szczególnie od matek i babek), jak i poziomy od osób będących w podobnej sytuacji życiowej. Nie prowadziłam systematycznych badań porównujących LEK osób w podobnym wieku, mających i nie mających rodziny. 113. Autorki posługują się terminem strategia, jednak nie robią tego w de certeau’wskim sensie, a raczej zgodnie ze sposobem stosowania go w naukach biologicznych, gdy mówi się np. o strategiach ewolucyjnych. Zgodnie z moim rozumieniem: dla Michela de Certeau strategie ewolucyjne byłyby taktykami – wykazują dużo silniejszy związek z czasem niż z miejscem, nie stoi za nimi „władza”, są raczej sztuką słabych. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 234 �Mogłoby to być bardzo ciekawe porównanie, choć nie byłoby to łatwe technicznie ze względu na powszechność wstępowania w związek małżeński w moim terenie. Bardzo wyraźnie rysuje się w moich wynikach wielość taktyk uczenia się. Wiedza o roślinach – szczególnie leczniczych, jest na tyle ważna wśród mieszkańców wsi Podola Wschodniego, że zdobywa się ją wszelkimi możliwymi metodami; tworzy przez całe życie – rozmawiając z ludźmi i zadając im pytania (spokrewnionym, powinowatym, zaprzyjaźnionym czy obcym – pracownikom aptek, lekarkom, sprzedawcom ziół na targu, a także przygodnie spotkanym osobom, np. współpasażerkom w transporcie publicznym czy innym pacjentom w szpitalu); obserwując (szczególnie w dzieciństwie); samodzielnie eksperymentując; czytając książki, czasopisma, słuchając audycji w radiu i czasem oglądając programy w telewizji; a nawet analizując opakowania leków ziołowych w aptece. Tworzenie wiedzy przebiega w wielowątkowym procesie wypróbowywania i inkorporowania informacji, opartym na wielości taktyk pozyskiwania wiadomości. Z nici relacji z różnymi źródłami (w tym z własnym doświadczeniem) tka się całościowy obraz rośliny w zielniku (włączone są weń opowieści i odczucia pochodzące ze wszystkich zmysłów), dlatego trudno jest jednoznacznie określić reprezentameny i interpretanty, umożliwiające rozpoznanie danej rośliny w środowisku lub poza nim (np. na ilustracji). Iwa Kołodziejska 235 ��V. Podsumowanie Praktykowanie lokalnej wiedzy o środowisku (LEK) na Podolu Wschodnim cechuje bardzo silne zainteresowanie wiedzą o roślinach, widoczne również wśród młodszego pokolenia. Przyczynia się ono do tego, że moi rozmówcy stosują różnorodne taktyki uczenia się (etnobiolodzy i psycholodzy ewolucyjni, jako że odwołują się do innego uniwersum pojęciowego, powiedzieliby raczej: strategie [patrz: przypis 113] – multiple learning strategies za Kline i in. [2013]), a z kolei ich obecność odzwierciedla (i w wyniku sprzężenia zwrotnego zwiększa) istotność i żywotność tej wiedzy, a tym samym bogactwo zielników mentalnych ludzi tam mieszkających. Podczas badań zarejestrowałam stosowanie 158 lokalnych taksonów roślin. Właściwie wszyscy starają się zapamiętywać informacje o roślinach, na które natrafią czy to w rozmowie, czy podczas oglądania telewizji, czy w innych okolicznościach. Można to nazwać elementem ich strategii przetrwania, radzenia sobie z przeciwnościami w obliczu funkcjonowania oficjalnej służby zdrowia, świadczy o elastyczności (resilience) w radzeniu sobie z codziennością, a głównie tymi jej elementami, które są związane 114 z poruszaniem się w krajobrazie medycznym . 114. W etnobotanice zwraca się niejednokrotnie uwagę na przystosowawczą elastycz- ność wiedzy i praktyk związanych z roślinami, wskazuje się na to, że TEK (czy LEK, LEP, ILK – w zależności od tego, którego terminu dana osoba używa) w zmiennych warunkach otoczenia społecznego i naturalnego może dawać szansę na poradzenie sobie, Iwa Kołodziejska 237 �Poszczególne osoby mają w zielnikach różne taksony roślin, które są dla nich najważniejsze, niemniej właściwie zawsze są to rośliny lecznicze. Nie spotkałam się z tym, by ktoś dorosły uznał za najważniejszą dla siebie roślinę jadalną. Dzieci jako szczególnie ważne wymieniają często rośliny z potencjałem tożsamościowotwórczym, są one również ważne dla dorosłych, ale nie najważniejsze. Do pewnego stopnia wyjątkowa jest tu kalina, która jest zarówno rośliną leczniczą, ozdobną, zakorzenioną w folklorze, jak i tożsamościowotwórczą. Niektóre kobiety o bogatych zielnikach wybierały ją jako bohaterkę sesji zdjęciowej z najważniejszą rośliną. Oczywiście to, która roślina wysuwa się na pierwsze miejsce w czyimś zielniku mentalnym, jest zmienne w czasie. Zarówno w większej skali – różne okresy w życiu, jak i mniejszej – chwilowe fascynacje. W całej pracy starałam się wskazywać na procesualność i zmienność wiedzy oraz praktyk moich rozmówców. Pokazywałam między innymi innowacje związane z używaniem książek i zmianami w środowisku, np. pojawienie się korinia (szkarłatki amerykańskiej, Phytolacca americana L .). LEK dla moich rozmówców jest niewątpliwie tym, co wspomaga ich radzenie sobie z różnego rodzaju kryzysami, głównie związanymi z funkcjonowaniem państwa; nie odczuwają jeszcze tak silnie zmian klimatycznych, by szukali w LEK odpowiedzi na nie, ale ciągłe tworzenie LEK i otwartość na różne źródła wiedzy może się okazać podłożem do radzenia sobie z nimi, podwaliną ich elastyczności (resilience) (por. Hernández-Morcillo i in. 2014). Ciekawym wynikiem jest wskazanie na przekaz wstępujący pionowy, zapewne obecny i w innych kontekstach badawczych, ale nie analizowany w żadnych znanych mi tekstach etnobotanicznych. Semiotyka Peirce’a nie wydaje mi się w pełni wyjaśniać tego, jak ludzie rozpoznają rośliny, ani nie tłumaczy całościowo procesu inkorporowania wiedzy z tekstów do zielników mentalnych, choć jej zastosowanie rzuca pewne światło na te procesy (por. Sõukand 2010). Niemniej procesy te odbywają się, moim zdaniem, w dużej mierze na poziomie pozawerbalnym i nie odwołującym się również do znaków. Mają liczne znamiona wiedzy ucieleśnionej, a w wielu sytuacjach są wręcz nacechowaną swoistym sprytem mētis. przystosowanie się do nowych okoliczności (np. Berkes, Folke 2002; Ladio, Lozada 2009; Ceuterick, Vanderbroek, Pieroni 2011). Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 238 �Mogę stwierdzić, że to nie źródło wiedzy determinuje sposób poruszania się w środowisku, ważniejsze są raczej cechy taksonu rośliny (np. długość kwitnienia) i cel, w jakim jest zbierana. Praktyki zbieracze są różnorodne – związane ze znajomymi od pokoleń miejscami zbierania („własnymi” garbami – wzgórzami) i znanymi od dzieciństwa taksonami, a także z obserwacją nowych siedlisk, w których osoba przebywa w czasie całego swojego życia. Poszukiwanie nowych taksonów roślin do zielnika i nieznanych wcześniej informacji o bliskich taksonach odbywa się właściwie bezustannie. Dzieje się to zwykle w znajomych siedliskach. Nie jest też typową ingoldowską wędrówką do celu. Posiadanie wiedzy i roślin (bogatego zielnika mentalnego) jest ważne dla bardzo wielu osób w terenie moich badań, zbieranie roślin daje poczucie sprawczości, radość i zaspokaja potrzebę kolekcjonowania. Większość osób w poszukiwaniach roślin leczniczych zaczyna od choroby – problemu, który im doskwiera, więc chcą rozwiązać. Osoby wyjątkowo zainteresowane tematem mogą rozpocząć poszukiwania taksonów do zielnika mentalnego od rośliny, która ich sama w sobie zaciekawiła. Ważne jest również szukanie roślin leczących „nowe choroby”, takie jak np. nadciśnienie i cukrzyca, znajdowanie informacji o tym, jakie znane taksony roślin są pomocne przy takich schorzeniach. Przy poszukiwaniu wiadomości w mediach dla większości osób bardziej dostępna jest wiedza zawarta w czasopismach niż książkach. Jest tak ze względu na ich język – pisany, ale przypominający przekaz oralny, a także na to, że opisywane są tam doświadczenia konkretnych ludzi. Taka indywidualnie sprawdzona wiedza ma dla wielu osób większy autorytet, niż napisana technicznym językiem uogólniona wiedza naukowców. Nasuwa się dość oczywiste stwierdzenie, że zapisane czy zobrazowane informacje, żeby były wykorzystywane, muszą być zrozumiałe dla czytającego czy oglądającego, muszą być ciekawe, potrzebne, a także robić wrażenie wiarygodnych. Wyraźnie widoczne w analizowanym materiale jest to, jak czytelnicy „kłusują” po tekście, raczej nie zmieniając siebie pod jego wpływem, a dostosowując to, co czytane, do siebie (de Certeau 2008). Potrzeby zaspokajane przez zielniki mentalne zmieniają się w czasie, dlatego posiadanie książek i czasopism jest kapitałem czy też zasobem, który warto posiadać, by skorzystać z niego w odpowiednim momencie. Ponadto książki funkcjonują w sposób stosunkowo statyczny, raczej po prostu Iwa Kołodziejska 239 �się je posiada, natomiast zainteresowani, szczególnie rozmówczynie, wymieniają się numerami czasopism, zdarza się, że spotykają się, by o nich rozmawiać. Moim zdaniem standaryzacja wiedzy pod wpływem źródeł pisanych przebiega głównie na poziomie języka i dyskursu, a w dużo mniejszym stopniu na poziomie praktyk. Żeby móc korzystać ze źródeł pisanych, trzeba zapamiętać wiele nazw. Gros taksonów roślin funkcjonuje równolegle pod co najmniej dwiema z nazw: ukraińską, rosyjską lub lokalną. Nazwa bywa tym, co umożliwia komunikację, czyli przekaz wiedzy, dlatego tworzy się zielniki nasycone nazwami. Kiedy zaczynałam prowadzić badania, nie było opartych na podobnej metodologii analiz prowadzonych w Ukrainie. Najbliższe temu, co robiłam, były wówczas prace etnobotaniczek lingwistycznych, np. współpracującej z Valerią Kolosovą Inny Gorofianiuk. W 2015 roku Renata Sõukand i Andrea Pieroni – koledzy z „grupy Padise” (zrzeszającej badaczy zajmujących się etnobotaniką w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej), z którą od początku dyskutowałam mój projekt badawczy, przeprowadzili krótkie badania porównawcze roślin leczniczych (medycznych i weterynaryjnych) oraz dzikich roślin jadalnych używanych przez Hucułów na rumuńskiej i ukraińskiej Bukowinie (Sõukand, Pieroni 2016). Rok później prowadzili badania dotyczące korzystania z dzikich roślin jadalnych na ukraińskim Polesiu (Pieroni i Sõukand 2018). Ponadto Łukasz Łuczaj wraz z Kingą Stawarczyk, Tomaszem Kośkiem, Marcinem Pietrasem i Anną Kujawą prowadzili etnobotaniczne badania powrotowe wśród ukraińskojęzycznych mieszkańców Maramureszu (północna Rumunia) między późną jesienią 2012 a latem 2014 roku (Łuczaj, Stawarczyk, Kosiek, Pietras, Kujawa 2015). To, co ważne w moim sposobie prowadzenia badań, to wiązanie wyników z szerszymi procesami zachodzącymi w Ukrainie i świecie, stosunkowo długi czas spędzony w terenie, powroty w różnych porach roku, co wpłynęło na jakość pozyskiwanych danych, umożliwiło lepsze zrozumienie kontekstu. Za specyficzne i ważne uważam również włączenie w obręb badań wykorzystywania przez rozmówców tekstów pisanych, sposobu włączania do zielników mentalnych pochodzącej z nich wiedzy. Ważnym wnioskiem jest to, że ludzie nie zawsze wykorzystują całe swoje zielniki mentalne, ważnym ich elementem jest samo posiadanie – zakonserwowanych bądź rosnących w ogródku roślin i wiedzy Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 240 �o nich. Możliwość ich wykorzystania w razie potrzeby, a w odniesieniu do wiedzy może być to nawet za wiele lat, w innym momencie życia, jest ważnym źródłem poczucia sprawczości. Do pewnego stopnia jest też zapewne wynikiem pasji kolekcjonerskiej, często spotykanej u zbieraczy chęci posiadania jeszcze tego czy tamtego taksonu. Wyobrażam sobie, że wyniki moich badań można bardzo różnie interpretować i że np. fakt, że rozmówcy zastępują innymi botanicznymi taksonami taksony, których w rzeczywistości poszukiwali – patrz historia rostoropshy (ostropestu plamistego, Silybum marianum (L .) Gaertn.), a później tylko posiadają taką roślinę, lecz z niej nie korzystają, może dla wielu oznaczać ogromne zubożenie LEK moich rozmówców. Ja jestem jak najdalsza od tego rodzaju interpretacji. Uważam, że kluczowa tu jest, motywowana różnymi czynnikami, potrzeba wchodzenia w interakcję z roślinami, tworzenia bogatych, wielowątkowych zielników mentalnych. To ona jest zakorzeniona w sposobach życia danej społeczności, z nich wynika i jednocześnie wpływa na ciągłe wytwarzanie LEK. Przyglądanie się takim procesom w szerokim kontekście daje możliwość zrozumienia relacji ludzi z ich środowiskiem, a w efekcie może mieć praktyczne znaczenie, np. dla mądrze i szeroko rozumianej dbałości o środowisko (celowo unikam słowa ochrona, które w moim odczuciu stawia chroniącego ponad tym, co chroni, czyni go odrębnym) a tym samym o żyjące w nim ludzkie-zwierzęta. Uważam również, że nie można zapominać o tym, jak swoją wiedzę i jej wartość rozumieją sami ją posiadający i czy dla nich np. włączanie źródeł pisanych w proces tworzenia LEK świadczy o jej ubóstwie (por. Makovicky 2010: 77); w wypadku moich rozmówców na pewno tak nie jest. Nadal jest w tym regionie i innych częściach Ukrainy wiele interesujących tematów do zbadania – zarówno dla badaczy lokalnych, jak i obcych. Na pewno warto w przyszłości przeprowadzić badania, które umożliwiłyby odniesienie wyników z regionu, który nazwałam „środkowym na wielu płaszczyznach”, do regionów Ukrainy o innej historii i florze. Ponadto interesujące może być prześledzenie, kto i jak korzysta z coraz większej liczby stron internetowych i kanałów na YouTubie poświęconych narodnej medycynie. Wywołana wojną na wschodzie kraju większa mobilność ludzkich aktorów (zarówno przymusowa, jak i dobrowolna, wewnątrz państwa i poza jego granicami), wpływa zapewne na procesy tworzenia LEK i sposoby codziennego z niej korzystania. Iwa Kołodziejska 241 �Przyjrzenie się tym procesom może mieć zarówno praktyczne znaczenie dla migrujących, jak i wskazać na elementy budowania swojego miejsca w nowym środowisku społecznym i przyrodniczym. Ze względu na silny tożsamościowotwórczy aspekt LEK może ona być odbiciem wywołanych wojną działań związanych z budowaniem ukraińskiej tożsamości. To tylko kilka potencjalnych kierunków badań blisko powiązanych z kwestiami omawianymi w tej pracy. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 242 �VI. Bibliografia Anderson, E.N. (2012). 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Fot. 1. �Oba podorozhniki: po prawej Polygonum aviculare, po lewej Plantago major (autor: Johann Georg Sturm, rysownik: Jacob Sturm [domena publiczna]). . . . . . . . . . . 85 Fot. 2. �Bukiet z rasti (kokorycz pusta o dwóch kolorach kwiatów, Corydalis cava) zrobiony przez Sławę podczas majówki. W tle widać runo usiane kwiatami. . . . . . . . . . . 88 Fot. 3. � Pieczony przez ciocię Lusię korowaj ozdobiony kalyną (kaliną koralową, Viburnum opulus L .) na dniach rejonu w Tywrowie, 23 sierpnia 2013 r. . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Fot. 4. �Okładka i zdjęcie strony 18 z wnętrza numeru pisma „Babushka. Ozdorovitelnye sovety” (nr 6 z 2013 r.). . . . . . 112 Fot. 5. Graffiti przedstawiające lekarza – skarbonkę z winnickiej ul. Sobornej. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 Fot. 6. �Wycinki należące do Poli oraz dopiski Marii w spisie treści comiesięcznego wydania „Babushki”. . . . . . . . . 159 Fot. 7. �Podkreślenia Luby w opisie shypshyna korichneva (Rosa cinnamomea L .) oraz zdjęcie owoców tej róży z tej samej książki pt. Shliah do dovgolittia. Hvoroby vid a do Ia. Zdorovyi sposib zhittia. Zdjęcie najprawdopodobniej nie przedstawia Rosa majalis Herrm, która pewnie jest opisana na stronie 657. . . 171 Iwa Kołodziejska 263 �Fot. 8. �Przepisy na wykorzystanie kwiatów dziewanny (Verbascum sp. L .) przy chorobach płuc wg państwowej farmakopei ZSRR z książki Kharchenko N.S., Sila V.I., Volodarckii L .I. pt. Likars’ki Roslyny i iih zastosuvannia v narodnii medycyni, „Zdorov’ia”: Kijów 1971. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172 Fot. 9. �Wycinek z gazety „Vinnicka Pravda” z artykułem o deviasile (tu: divosil) (omanie, Inula sp.). . . . . . . . . . . . 176 Fot. 10. �Okładka 4. numeru „Babushki. Enciklopedia narodnogo lecheniia, Babushka ozdrovitelnyie sovety” z kwietnia 2012 r. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Fot. 11. �Winiety tygodnika „Babushka” z 17 kwietnia 2012 r. (nr 16), 22 września 2015 r. (nr 38), 6 stycznia 2015 r. (nr 1), 12 stycznia 2016 r. (nr 2). Wiersze na okładce autorstwa czytelniczek i czytelników: 22 września 2015 r. (nr 38), 12 stycznia 2016 r. (nr 2). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Fot. 12. �Zdjęcia ilustrują jeden ze sposobów interakcji z tekstem. Luba w książce Shliah do dovgolitia... (2011) zaznaczyła khrin zvychainyi (Armoracia rusticana) – znajomą roślinę i nowy sposób wykorzystania, Maria, robiąc dopiski w spisie treści miesięcznika „Babushka”, zaznaczyła m.in. przepis na leczenie szumu w głowie, dopisała nazwę rośliny – omela (jemioła, Viscum spp.), a na stronie 91, w przepisie nazwanym Podwójnej nalewki się napijemy, szumu w głowie się pozbędziemy, zaznaczyła szczegóły przepisu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189 Fot. 13. �Po lewej rycina przedstawiająca ochankę (świetlik łąkowy, Euphrasia officinalis – problem łacińskiego współczesnego nazewnictwa wg The Plant List jest nierozwiązany), po prawej rycina przedstawiająca jasnotę purpurową (Lamium purpureum L .) [autor: Otto Wilhelm Thomé, Flora von Deutschland, Österreich und der Schweiz, 1885, Gera, Germany (domena publiczna)]. Czytelnik może poczuć się równie zawiedziony tymi ilustracjami, jak mój rozmówca, ale zamieszczam te ryciny, by osoby, którym nic nie mówią te nazwy, mogły sobie łatwiej wyobrazić całą sytuację. . . 198 Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 264 �Fot. 14. �Na pierwszej fotografii zdjęcie w prawym dolnym rogu przedstawia rodiola (Rhodiola rosea, obecnie Sedum roseum [L .] Scop.), w tytule jest informacja o tym, że kwitnie na żółto („Babushka. Ozdorovitelnye sovety”, nr 6 z 2013 r.). Na drugiej fotografii ilustracja przedstawiająca air (tatarak zwyczajny, Acorus calamus L .) z książki Kharchenko N.S., Sila V.I., Volodarckii L .I. pt. Likars’ki Roslyny i iih zastosuvannia v narodnii medycyni, „Zdorov’ia”: Kijów 1971, należącej do Nataszy. . . . . . . . . . . . . 200 Fot. 15. Oglądanie z Nataszą jednej z jej książek (fot. I. Kaliszewska). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 200 Fot. 16. Zbiory baby Adeli tuż po przyniesieniu do domu. . . . . 212 Fot. 17. � Ogłoszenia na drzwiach stroyinieckiej przychodni. Na górze informacja o tym, że osoby z kaszlem są przyjmowane wyłącznie w maseczkach. Jest to martwy przepis. 232 Fot. 18. �Artykuł z rubryki „Zelena apteka”, podpis pod tekstem: Grigorij Smyk doktor nauk biologicznych. Wycinek należy do Poli. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 233 Iwa Kołodziejska 265 ��Tabela 3. Rozmówczynie i rozmówcy Przeprowadziłam 100 nagrywanych wywiadów, większość z jedną osobą, część z dwiema (mieszkańcy jednego gospodarstwa), w sytuacjach towarzyskich zdarzyło mi się prowadzić nagrywane rozmowy z kilkoma osobami, jeżeli był to jedyny wywiad z daną osobą, jest to zaznaczone w tabeli. Ponadto prowadziłam notatki z każdego dnia badań – są w nich spisane nieformalne rozmowy i obserwacje. Krótkie nagrania audio, robione np. podczas sesji zdjęciowych, traktuję jak nieformalne rozmowy. W tabeli są więcej niż 63 osoby (z tyloma przeprowadziłam częściowo ustrukturyzowane, nagrane wywiady), ponieważ wymieniłam osoby, z którymi nie przeprowadziłam nagranego wywiadu, ale spisane rozmowy z nimi wpłynęły na moje widzenie i rozumienie zielników mentalnych mieszkańców Podola. Ponadto wymieniam też dzieci, biorące udział w nagraniach do filmu, z którymi odbyliśmy indywidualne spacery, i te osoby dorosłe biorące udział w filmie, przy rozmowach z którymi byłam osobiście. Pozostałe dzieci i dorosłych pominęłam w tabeli. Lp. Osoba 1. Adela 2. Adela, Zielnik wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ uwagi notatki ok. K Wywiad: Katoliczka, Zielnik baby Adeli poznawałam w codziennej praktyce 80 DW_A0146; zmarła w 2017 r. wynikającej ze wspólnego Krótkie nagrania: mieszkania. Znam wiele osób z jej rodziny. W zielniku rośliny DW_A0154, DW_A0155, głodowe z 1933 i 1947, święcenie i rola święconych, wiele DW_B0180, leczniczych poznała od córki DW_B0183 Hani, zapomina nazwy, ale Liczne notatki rośliny zna dobrze. Zielnik poznawany podczas ok. K DW_A152, Katoliczka, wielu spotkań, pomagałam 60 DW_A158, wywiad w czasie jej rodzinie w wypasaniu DW_A157 wypasania krów krów, zna bardzo dużo roślin razem z córką z codziennej praktyki, córka Niną. czyta gazety i książki, niektóre zastosowania zna od niej. Iwa Kołodziejska 267 �Lp. Osoba Zielnik 3. Adela 4. Alina 5. Andrij (chłopiec z VII klasy) 6. Babka Lera 7. babka Jany Wiadomości o zielniku z jednego wywiadu. Byłam u niej z Kristiną (12 lat). Zielnik poznawany na podstawie jednego długiego wywiadu prowadzonego w ogrodzie. Zielnik poznawałam podczas nagrywania filmu, był ważną, aktywnie udzielającą się osobą podczas nagrań. Z siostrą chodzą daleko do domu – Iskrivka. Mają bliski kontakt z lasem (chodzą przez las do domu). Zbierająca ciotka jest dla niego ważną osobą. Zielnik poznawany na podstawie jednego wywiadu, na co dzień mieszka w Winnicy (przeniosła się do miasta, do dzieci), przyjeżdża na wieś na całe lato. Fragmenty zielnika poznawane z jednego wywiadu. 8. Bronia wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ uwagi notatki ok. K DW_B0185 Prawosławna. 80 ok. 40 K DW_D0239 13 M Nagrania do filmu, maj 2013 ok. 70 K DW_D0210 Prawosławna. 70 K DW_D0202 Bogaty zielnik poznawany z jednej rozmowy przy której były sąsiadki – ciocia Stasia i Fedorivna. Główną rozmówczynią była babka Bronia. Sąsiadki głównie jej słuchały. 10. córka Fragmenty zielnika poznawaDimitra ne przy okazji rozmowy z jej ojcem. Nie mieszka na stałe we wsi, przyjeżdża na wakacje. 11. Did Zielnik poznawany podczas Mitia wielokrotnych spotkań, bywałam też często u jego syna i synowej, dobrze poznałam zielnik synowej (Tania). ok. 80 K DW_B0177 Wywiad wspólny z córką, katoliczka. Katoliczka. ok. 50 K DW_B0188 78 M 12. Farmaceutka apteki ok. 40 K Farma- apteki ceutka z apteki nr 1 ok. 50 K 13. Prawosławna, nauczycielka w Hrisziwcach. Z Moskwy, dopowiada do wypowiedzi ojca. DW_A0129 Prawosławny, (wspólny wy- do lutego 2022 r. wiad z żoną), służył w cerkwi. notatki z nienagranych spotkań, nagrania z sesji zdjęciowej DW_D0217 Żmerinka, apteka mała koło rynku. DW_D0213 Żmerinka, apteka nr 1. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 268 �Lp. Osoba Zielnik 14. Farma- apteki ceutka z apteki w Tywrowie 15. Farma- apteki ceutka z apteki w Żmerince 16. FedoNauczycielka, poznawałam rivna fragmenty zielnika podczas rozmowy z babką Bronią. 17. Frania Zielnik poznawany podczas jednego długiego spotkania. 18. Grisha Zielnik poznawany podczas kilku spotkań, jedna rozmowa nagrana. 19. Hala Zielnik poznawany podczas jednego spotkania i w czasie sesji zdjęciowej. Pochodzi z Murafy, w Stroyinciach wyszła za mąż. 20. Hala Zielnik poznawany podczas nienagranego spotkania 21. Hala Zielnik poznawany podczas wielu spotkań. Prowadzi bardzo dokładne kalendarium wydarzeń we wsi, zna bardzo dużo piosenek. 22. Hala Dzielą się zielnikami z mężem, głównie on zbiera. Jej zielnik poznawałam podczas jednego spotkania 23. Hala Zielnik poznawany podczas babka wielu spotkań. Lubi zbierać rośliny, ale już teraz trudno jej chodzić, więc zbiera właściwie wyłącznie u siebie w sadzie i ogrodzie. Suszy swoje śliwki i gruszki w suszni, robi dużo przetworów. Wymienia się wiedzą z mężem, ale ich zielniki zdecydowanie się różnią. wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ uwagi notatki ok. K DW_D0245 Apteka odwie40 dzana przez rozmówców z Hrisziwców, Kobeleckiego i Stroyinców. ok. K DW_D0215 Apteka zaaran30 żowana jak supermarket. ok. 60 K DW_B0177 Dopowiada w wywiadzie z babką Bronią. Kobeleckie. Katoliczka. Mieszkał samotnie, zmarł w 2013 r. Katoliczka. ok. 80 ok. 60 K DW_D0235 M DW_D0211 notatki ok. 80 K DW_A0147 ok. 60 ok. 70 K K Notatki z wywiadu DW_D0240 DW_D0244 notatki Kobeleckie. Prawosławna. Prawosławna. Zmarła w 2022 r. ok. 70 K DW_B0188 ok. 70 K DW_A0129 notatki Prawosławna, dopowiada podczas wywiadu z mężem. Prawosławna. Sporo chorowała. Zmarła wiosną 2018 r. Większość nagrań wspólnie z mężem. Iwa Kołodziejska 269 �wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ uwagi notatki ok. K Notatki Katoliczka, 55 często bywa w kościele, ma też rodzinę prawosławną, co podkreśla. ok. K Notatki Była agronomką w sowchozie, 70 prawosławna. Lp. Osoba Zielnik 24. Hala Zielnik, w którym dużą rolę odgrywają rośliny uprawne i święcone w kościele i cerkwi. Poznawany podczas kilku spotkań. Brak nagranego wywiadu. 25. Hala Mihailovna Zielnik poznawany podczas kilku spotkań, duże znaczenie roślin ogrodowych. W rozmowie ze mną starała się podkreślać znajomość tekstów pisanych dotyczących roślin. W jej zielniku jest dużo roślin 55 uprawnych, kolekcjonuje ciekawe odmiany. Szczególnie ważną rolę pełnią dzikie jadalne. Poznawany podczas codziennych spotkań, gdy u niej mieszkałam. Zielnik z rozbudowaną warok. stwą dyskursywną, poznawany 60 podczas licznych spotkań oraz codziennej praktyki w czasie mieszkania u niej w domu. 26. Hala 27. Halina Anatolevna Notatki K DW_D0223, film 00148, DW_A0156, DW_C0195, DW_C0194, notatki DW_A0153, notatki Moja pierwsza gospodyni, prawosławna, przyjechała półwyspu Jamalskiego na emeryturę. Katoliczka, dyrektorka przedszkola, od 2015 r. związana z STOVem Podillia. Prawosławna, dyrektor domu kultury, przed emeryturą nauczycielka. ok. 60 K 62 K DW_A0145, notatki Katoliczka, córka baby Adeli, mieszka w Winnicy. ok. 70 K Katoliczka. 78 Hania Zielnik poznawany podczas Chuma- jednego spotkania, bardzo chyha chciała dzielić się opowieściami o swojej praktyce zamawiaczki, mniej interesowała ją rozmowa o roślinach, niemniej zielnik bogaty, ale nie miałam do niego dobrego dostępu podczas tego spotkania. Dużo chorowała, zmarła w 2013 r. K DW_B0187 rozmowa w obecności córki DW_D0227 przez część rozmowy, obecna sąsiadka, która mnie do niej zaprowadziła 28. Halina Dimitrievna Dla kształtu tego zielnika ważne są źródła pisane. Poznawany podczas licznych spotkań, codziennej praktyki, gdy mieszkałam u niej po zakończeniu głównej części badań. 29. Hania Zielnik poznawany podczas jej odwiedzin u matki – baby Adeli, prac w ogrodzie i zbierania grzybów. Ważną rolę w jej zielniku pełnią źródła pisane. 30. Hania Zielnik poznawany podczas Balabela jednego długiego spotkania u niej w ogrodzie. 31. K Prawosławna, mama Natashy. Nazywana worożką. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 270 �Lp. Osoba 32. Hania Zielnik wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ notatki 78 K DW_A0130 Zielnik poznawany podczas długiego spotkania w przykośnagrania cielnej kuchni, spotkań u cioci podczas sesji Lusi i krótkich wizyt. zdjęciowej, notatki 33 33. Ira Zielnik poznawany podczas Jurivna wspólnej pracy w ogrodzie, licznych spotkań, sytuacji związanych z troską o dzieci, nigdy nie nagrywałyśmy wywiadu. Bogaty zielnik, mimo że mało 25 34. Ira Mahdij wychodzi z domu ze względu na chorobę. Poznawałam go przy okazji wywiadu z jej mamą. W czasie dużej części rozmowy leżała w drugim pokoju i dopowiadała, albo przypominała mamie – „mam skazhy she pro...” Znam bardzo fragmentarycznie. 9 35. Ira Dość bogaty zielnik dzieciętrzecio- cy, ma swój ogródek, dużo klasistka pomaga w gospodarstwie, lubi herbatę z płatków róży. 36. Jura 37. Karola 38. Katia farmaceutka Nie znam dobrze jego zielnika, wywiad głównie o soku z brzozy (podczas przygotowywania artykułu) i krótkie wymiany zdań, gdy pomagał w gospodarstwie mojej gospodyni. Zielnik poznawany podczas jednej rozmowy. Apteki uwagi K notatki Kucharka w kościele, katoliczka, sąsiadka cioci Lusi, należąca do kręgu 5 często odwiedzających się sąsiadek (najstarsza z nich). Zmarła w 2015 r. Prawosławna. K DW_A0131 Katoliczka. K Nagrania do filmu: zaprosiła nas do swojego domu i ogrodu; z koleżankami na łące robienie wianków notatki zatrudniany do różnych drobnych prac np. budowy ogrodzeń ok. 60 M ok. 80 ok. 30 K DW_B0176 K DW_D0214 Katoliczka, zmarła w 2013 r. Apteka w Zhmerince odwiedzana przez moich rozmówców z Hrisziwców, Kobeleckiego i Stroyinców Iwa Kołodziejska 271 �wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ uwagi notatki Notatki 39. Klientka Rozmawiałam z Leną w Chajni ok. K w Chajni kilka dni po pierwszym przy- 70 jeździe (3.04.2012) i przyszła kobieta, która weszła w rozmowę o roślinach. Krótka, jedna rozmowa. 34 K DW_A0139 Prawosławna, 41. Larisa Zielnik poznawany podczas licznych rozmów w sklepie, DW_A0140 sprzedawczyni w którym pracowała, i nagrynotatki w Czajni. wanych wywiadów. DW_B0173 Katoliczka, 42. Larisa Zielnik poznawałam podczas ok. K jej wizyt u baby Adeli, nie wi- 50 przychodziła działam jej kolekcji roślin. pomagać babie Adeli, nim z nią zamieszkałam, odwiedzała nas czasem i później. 37 K DW_B0114 Prawosławna, 43. Lena Zielnik poznawany podczas DW_B0115 jeździła do Pollicznych krótkich spotkań w sklepie i jednego nagrywaski na sezonowe nego wywiadu. zarobitki. Zielnik, na którego kształt bar- ok. K DW_B0184, Prawosławna, 44. Luba dzo wpłynęła choroba męża, 50 nagrania budowała ważne są w nim lektury. Poznapodczas sesji z mężem kowany podczas kilku spotkań zdjęciowej, minki, zarabiali u niej w domu i ogrodzie. notatki tak w różnych miejscach w Europie. DW_A0148 Prawosławna 45. Luda Poznałam jej zielnik podczas ok. K 30 spaceru po łące, bardzo cielesny z niewielką liczbą nazw roślin. ok. K DW_D0224, Katoliczka, 46. Ludwin- Jej zielnik poznawałam poddopowiada matka Witii. ka czas licznych spotkań, zwykle 70 w obecności jej syna. Ma zado wywiadbany ogródek, w którym dów z Witią, zdarzyło mi się z nią pracować, nagranie posiada bardzo dużą kolekcję w czasie sesji suszonych roślin zbieranych zdjęciowej, wspólnie z synem. notatki ok. K DW_A0166 Matka Tani 47. Lusia Zielnik poznawany podczas 60 DW_B0186 i Mai, prawolicznych spotkań, wspólnej liczne krótkie sławna. pracy w kuchni i spacerów. nagrania podczas prac, nagrania do filmu Lp. Osoba Zielnik Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 272 �Lp. Osoba wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ notatki ok. K DW_D0212, 48. Lusia Zielnik poznawany podczas DW_B0187 Balabela dwóch nagrywanych rozmów 50 i jednego nienagranego spot(w obecności mamy) kania. 49. Maia Zielnik, poznawany podczas ok. K DW_D0221, kilku spotkań, nie widziałam 40 nagrania jej kolekcji roślin. podczas sesji zdjęciowej Zielnik, w którym ważna jest 55 K DW_D0142, 51. Maria krótkie nagrabuchal- warstwa dyskursywna pochodząca z lektur. Dużo gazet prenia i notatki ter numeruje, ma wiele informacji z chodzenia z książek. W czasie rozmów po jej ogroczęsto mówiła, że trzeba dzie i spotkań by to sprawdzić. Ma duży w domu ogród, do którego sprowadza różne rośliny ozdobne i lecznicze. Sadzi wiele roślin leczniczych, np. konufer. Zielnik poznawałam podczas kilku spotkań u niej w domu i ogrodzie, w sielradzie. ok. K DW_A169, 52. Masza Dość cielesny zielnik, baba 83 DW_A170, Masza lubiła spędzać czas notatki w lesie. Zielnik poznawałam podczas wywiadu i licznych spotkań, gdy wpadała do baby Adeli lub ja przychodziłam do jej domu, 53. Masza Zielnik poznawany podczas ok. K. DW_A0123 agrojednego spotkania, dużo czasu 70 nomka spędziłyśmy na wspólnym czytaniu książki Popova. 54. Mężczyzna rodzina cioci Lusi Zielnik 45 Krótkie, dość przygodne poznawanie jego zielnika – spotkanie w zielone świątki prawosławne. Uczył się na agronoma, chętnie dzieli się fragmentami swojego zielnika, bardzo zaciekawił go projekt. Ma kilka ulubionych, często stosowanych roślin. M Notatki/03.06.2012 uwagi Katoliczka. Córka cioci Lusi, fryzjerka, prawosławna. Pracuje w Sielradzie. Ona prawosławna, mąż katolik. Katoliczka, sąsiadka i przyjaciółka baby Adeli, zmarła w 2015 r. Prawosławna pracowała jako agronomka w miejscowym sowchozie. Prawosławny. Iwa Kołodziejska 273 �Lp. Osoba 55. Mila 56. Mitia Derkach 57. Nastia 58. Natasha 59. Natasha córka Hani 60. Natasha Fedorivna Zielnik wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ notatki W jej zielniku bardzo ważne ok. K DW_A0124, są rośliny święcone w kościele, 65 nagrania szczególnie wianki święcone do filmu w Boże Ciało lub jego oktawę (wiszą przybite przed drzwiami obory). Zielnik poznawałam podczas kilku spotkań oraz za pośrednictwem dziewczynek biorących udział w filmie. Zielnik poznawany na podsta- ok. M DW_B0188 wie jednego długiego wywia- 70 du, w czasie którego co jakiś czas dochodziła jego córka i coś dopowiadała, dochodziło do wymiany wiedzy między nimi. W czasie badań na stałe mieszkała w Moskwie. Polecany przez sąsiadów z Sadowej dużo zbiera i suszy, dzieli się. Ma bogaty zielnik, dużo czasu 11 K Nagrania spędza w lesie i na łąkach. do filmu Babcia o rozbudowanym zielniku jest dla niej ważną osobą. Uczennica V klasy w 2013 r. Zielnik poznawany podczas kilku długich spacerów i kilku nagrań do filmu. Spotkałam ją na przystan38 K Notatki ku autobusowym, jadąc 20 VI 2012 do Winnicy. To ona pierwsza mnie zagadała, że nie jestem tutejsza i zaczęłyśmy rozmawiać. Całą drogę przypominała sobie różne rośliny, które zna i których używa. Jest stroinecka, ale przez 7 lat mieszkała z mężem w Jaroszence. Bardzo lubi czaj z 5 komponentów. ok. K Notatki Elementy jej zielnika poznawałam podczas wizyt u baby 40 Adeli i zbierania grzybów. ok. K DW_B0133, Zielnik poznawany prze55 DW_A0118, ze mnie podczas licznych DW_B0116, spotkań, nie raz inicjowanych przez nią samą. Zna i zbiera Nagrania bardzo dużo roślin, ma bardo filmu, dzo dużą kolekcję suszonych notatki i przetworzonych na inne sposoby. uwagi Katoliczka Babcia dziewczynki z VII klasy, biorącej udział w filmie. Dzieci wybrały się do niej po informacje, które chciały zawrzeć w filmie. Prawosławny. Wnuczka baby Adeli. Córka worożki (babki), prawosławna. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 274 �Lp. Osoba 61. Nadieżda 62. Nina 63. Oksana 64. Pani z Czerwonoarmijskiej 65. Pasha 66. Pawło felczer 67. Pola 68. Sława wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ uwagi notatki Notatki Osoba lecząca Specjalistka, poznawałam jej ok. z Winnicy. zielnik podczas wielu spotkań, 40 chodziłyśmy zbierać rośliny, udzielała mi gościny u siebie w domu. Zielnik, wyraźnie naznaczony ok. K DW_A0150, Katoliczka, pratym, że Nina uważa, że często 40 cowała na kolei. DW_A0161, w życiu jej źle idzie, że ktoś notatki rzucił na nią złe oko. Poznawałam jej zielnik w czasie wielu spotkań i wspólnego wypasania krów. ok. K DW_ Prawosławna, Zielnik, poznawany w czasie B0182,notatki pracowała wielu spotkań u niej w domu 45 i w lesie, które często sama w Sarnach. inicjowała, podczas kolejnych spotkań przypominała sobie nowe rośliny. Poznawałam jej zielnik podok. K notatki Prawosławna. czas kilku krótkich spotkań, 70 ale nigdy ostatecznie nie doszło do wywiadu. ok. K Nagrania Prawosławna. Poznawałam jej zielnik podczas długich rozmów i nagrań 60 do filmu do filmu, ma kilka roślin, które są dla niej szczególnie ważne. ok. M DW_A0119, Prawosławny. Był przez lata felczerem w Stroyincach, zielnik po60 DW_A0120 znawany podczas jednego (w obecności wywiadu u niego w ogrodzie żony) i domu. ok. K DW_A0139, Prawosławna, Zielnik poznawany podczas wielu wizyt i rozmów, ma dużą 55 DW_A0140, przyjechała kolekcję suszonych roślin po latach z poDW_A0149 i wycinków z gazet. Byłyśmy notatki, wrotem do matsąsiadkami i często się widynagrania ki do Stroyinwałyśmy. podczas sesji ciów, mieszkała zdjęciowej na wschodzie, pracowała w fabryce szkła. ok. M Notatki PrawosławFragmenty zielnika pozna60 ny, mieszkał wałam przy okazji spotkań towarzyskich i pikniku w lesie, w Najabrsku przyjaźni się z Halą, moją przez większość gospodynią. życia. Przyjechał na emeryturę do Stroyinciów z żoną. Zielnik Iwa Kołodziejska 275 �Lp. Osoba Zielnik 69. sprze- Apteki dawczyni z Amrity 70. sprze- Apteki dawczyni Zelena apteka Winnica 71. Stasia Zielnik poznawałam przy babka okazji długich wizyt podczas nagrań do filmu. Ważną rolę w kształtowaniu jej zielnika odegrał głód 1947 r. Jej zielnik jest znany wśród rodziny i sąsiadów. 72. Stasia Poznałam fragmenty zielnika, gdy dopowiadała podczas wywiadu z jej matką – babką Bronią. 73. Stasia Zielnik poznawany podczas jednego spotkania, bardzo się zmienił, gdy zrobili jej operację oczu (od dzieciństwa miała problemy z oczami, nie zbierała wtedy roślin, bo nie widziała, miała -15 dioptrii, zaczęła zbierać np. poziomki [jeszcze w szpitalu]). Święci wianki dla prawosławnych sąsiadek. Nie poznałam jej kolekcji suszonych roślin. 74. Tamara Zielnik poznawany podczas jednej rozmowy, w której uczestniczyło jeszcze 3 sąsiadów. Nie poznałam kolekcji roślin. 75. Tania Zielnik poznawany podczas Holowielokrotnych krótszych i dłuższych spotkań, pracy diuk w ogrodzie, świąt. wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ uwagi notatki ok. K DW_D0216 Apteka Amrity 50 w Zhmerince, leki i kosmetyki sprzedawane na zasadzie piramidy, polecały mi odwiedzenie jej mieszkanki Stroyinców. ok. K DW_D0246 50 ok. 80 K DW_ Katoliczka. D0203Nagrania do filmu ok. 50 K ok. 60 K DW_B0187 Katoliczka. (razem z matką, tylko dopowiada) DW_A0132 Katoliczka, pracowała 15 lat w przedszkolu, 10 – w szkole. ok. 45 K DW_D0234 Kobeleckie, jedna wspólna rozmowa z 3 osobami. ok. 40 K DW_A0125 notatki Prawosławna, córka cioci Lusi, żona Wasyla Holodiuka, głowy sielrady. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 276 �Lp. Osoba Zielnik 76. Tania Zielnik poznawany podczas kilku spotkań i dwudniowego pobytu u niej w domu. 77. Zielnik poznawany podczas jednego wywiadu i krótkich spotkań. Różni się od zielnika męża, uzupełniają swoją wiedzę. Zielnik poznawany podczas wielu spotkań, między innymi pomagałam jej porządkować zapasy suszonych roślin. Dużo wymienia się wiedzą z Marią. Tonia 78. Tonia 79. Tonia Mahdij 80. Wadim Holodiuk 81. Wanja 82. Wiera 83. Wiera 84. Wiera mama Jany wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ uwagi notatki ok. K DW_D0236, Katoliczka, 45 notatki często gotuje na weselach, kobeleckie. 46 K DW_A0168_1 Pracuje w sklewspólna pie na Sowrozmowa chozie, mąż z mężem, jest kierowcą notatki ciężarówki. 55 K DW_A0167 Katoliczka, DW_A0168 należy do grupy 5 sąsiadek spotykających się u cioci Lusi, pracowała w sielradzie. 55 K DW_A0131 Katoliczka. córka dopowiada w czasie wywiadu Zielnik, poznawany podczas jednego wywiadu. Zbiera dużo roślin, sporo rozmawiają o nich z córką (Irą). Mieszkają razem w części wsi, w której miałam mało kontaktów. 19 Zielnik poznawany podczas licznych wizyt u niego w domu, widać duży wpływ matki (Tania) i babki (Lusia). M Na kształt jego zielnika wpływa ok. to, że Wanja ma astmę i szu45 kali z żoną różnych sposobów leczenia, również ziołowych. Zielnik poznawany podczas jednego wywiadu. 55 Zielnik poznawany podczas kilku spotkań i jej wizyt u Hali – mojej gospodyni. Była polecana mi jako rozmówczyni przez kilka osób. M Fragmenty zielnika poznawane ok. podczas wywiadu z jej mężem 60 – Pawło. Fragmenty zielnika poznawa- 35 ne podczas kilku wspólnych spacerów i rozmów przeprowadzanych przy nagrywaniu filmu. K K K Notatki Prawosławny, syn Tani i Wasila, uczył się na uniwersytecie rolniczym w Winnicy. DW_A0168_1 Katolik, mąż wspólna roz- Toni, kierowca mowa z żoną ciężarówki, pochodzi z rejonu Szargorodzkiego. DW_B0178, Prawosławna, DW_A0127 chciała w dzie– krótka roz- ciństwie być mowa z Halą, farmaceutką. nagrania podczas sesji zdjęciowej DW_A0120 Prawosławna. (w obecności męża) Notatki, Katoliczka. nagrania do filmu, Jana – jej córka była jedną z reporterek Iwa Kołodziejska 277 �Lp. Osoba Zielnik 85. Witia Zielnik poznawany podczas licznych spotkań i wspólnego zbierania roślin. Ogromnie ceni czas spędzany w lesie, ma bogatą kolekcję roślin w ogrodzie i na strychu. 86. Wladis- Zielnik poznawany podczas jednej rozmowy, w której law uczestniczyło jeszcze 2 sąsiadów. Nie poznałam kolekcji roślin. 87. Zina Zielnik poznawany podczas jednej rozmowy, w której uczestniczyło jeszcze 2 sąsiadów. Nie poznałam kolekcji roślin. wiek płeć Nr wywiadu/ notatki ok. M DW_A0121, 50 DW_A0122 (w lesie), DW_A0128 DW_A0141 (krótkie nagranie), DW_D0224 (z matką), nagrania do filmu i podczas sesji zdjęciowej ok. M DW_D0234 50 jedna rozmowa z 3 osobami uwagi ok. 60 Kobeleckie. K DW_D0234 jedna rozmowa z 3 osobami Malarz, syn Ludwinki. Kobeleckie. Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 278 �Tabela 4. �Taksony spotkane w zielnikach mentalnych moich rozmówców Układ tabeli jest alfabetyczny, zgodny z nazewnictwem łacińskim, ze względu na to, że są to jedyne nazwy posiadające standard, a cała tabela zapewne najbardziej zainteresuje biologów i etnobotaników oswojonych z nazewnictwem łacińskim. Nr 1. 2. 3. Lokalne nazwy taksonu/ lokalny takson Nazwa/nazwy łacińskie Nazwa polska (? oznacza niepewne oznaczenie) Powszechność w zielnikach: 1 – jedna osoba wymienia, 2 – dwie osoby wymieniają, itd., brak informacji oznacza ponad 3 osoby Abies alba Mill. Acer platanoides L. Achillea millefolium L. jodła pospolita klon pospolity krwawnik pospolity Aconitum napellus L. Acorus calamus L. tojad mocny 2 tatarak zwyczajny Adonis vernalis L. Aesculus hippocastanum L. Agrimonia eupatoria L. agg. Allium cepa L. miłek wiosenny kasztanowiec zwyczajny rzepik pospolity 9. jolka klen, klion tysachilistnik, kyrvavnyk, krovavnik, derevii, korovnyk, tysiachylitnik akonitum, akunit air, air bolotnyi, tatarskie zilia goricvet kashtan, kinskii kashtan repishok, repeshok, parilo cibulia 10. chasnyk, chesnok Allium sativum L. 11. cheremsha, medvedi chesnok, zeleny chesnok, zelenyi chesnok, chosnechok Allium ursinum L. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 1 cebula (czosnek cebula) czosnek zwyczajny czosnek niedźwiedzi Iwa Kołodziejska 279 �Nr 12. 13. Lokalne nazwy taksonu/ lokalny takson aloe, rannik ukrop, krip 13. 14. lopuh, repiah khrin 15. chiorna rabina 16. polyn 17. 18. chornobyl ? [bez nazwy] 19. kopytniak 20. 21. badan, badak cukrovyi buriak 22. berioza, bereza 23. berioza, bereza 24. chereda, didovi voshchi, didive voshi, babini voshchi kapusta Brassica oleracea L., różne odmiany nogotki, nohotki, Calendula officinalis kalendula L. zolotoi vus Callisia fragrans (Lindl.) Woodson khrycyki, pastusha Capsella bursasumka pastoris (L.) Medik. grab Carpinus betulus L. pokalta (jedna osoba Catalpa bignonioides tak nazywa), ? [bez Walter nazwy] ? [bez nazwy] tipa Centaurium erythraea Rafn dika gvozdika, stodula, centuriia, zirochki chereshni, chireshni Prunus avium (L.) L. i odmiany 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. Nazwa/nazwy łacińskie Nazwa polska Aloe arborescens Mill. Anethum graveolens L. Arctium spp. Armoracia rusticana P.Gaertn., B.Mey. & Scherb. Aronia melanocarpa (Michx.) Elliott Artemisia absynthium L. Artemisia vulgaris L. Arum orientale M.Bieb. Asarum europaeum L. aloes drzewiasty koper ogrodowy Bergenia sp. Beta vulgaris var. vulgaris Betula pendula Roth Betula pubescens Ehrh. Bidens tripartita L. Powszechność w zielnikach: łopian chrzan pospolity aronia czarna bylica piołun bylica pospolita obrazki wschodnie kopytnik pospolity bergenia burak cukrowy 2 1 brzoza brodawkowata brzoza omszona uczep trójdzielny kapusta warzywna nagietek lekarski potocznie: złoty wąs tasznik pospolity grab pospolity surmia bignoniowa centuria pospolita czereśnia zwyczajna, odmiany Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 280 �Nr 33. Lokalne nazwy taksonu/ lokalny takson vishnia 34. chystotel, chistotel 35. 36. 37. lebeda, loboda cykorii, petrovi batohi, sobachy batogi, batizhok arbuz, kavun 38. landysh 39. polutica, verbochka 40. 41. kyzyl rast 42. belaia rast 43. 45. 46. rast [pod tą samą nazwą, ale różnica zauważana] boiarysznik, hlid, hlod, lodiachok, hlodyna son-trava ogurcy, ohirki 47. harbuz, arbuz 48. 49. voloshki oblepikha 49. perii, periika 50. ivan-chaj 51. hvoshch, polovyj hvoshch, sosonka ? [bez nazwy] 44. 52. Nazwa/nazwy łacińskie Nazwa polska Prunus cerasus L. i odmiany oraz mieszańce Chelidonium majus L. wiśnia pospolita, odmiany oraz mieszańce glistnik jaskółcze ziele komosa cykoria podróżnik Chenopodium sp. Cichorium intybus L. Citrullus lanatus (Thunb.) Matsum. & Nakai, odmiany Convallaria majalis L. Convolvulus arvensis L. Cornus mas L. Corydalis cava (L.) Schweigg. & Körte Corydalis cava (L.) Schweigg. & Körte, egzemplarze o białych kwiatach Corydalis solida (L.) Clairv. Crataegus spp. 1 Crocus sp. ? Cucumis sativus L., odmiany Cucurbita pepo L., odmiany Cyanus segetum Hill Eleagnus rhamnoides (L.) A.Nelson Elymus repens (L.) Gould Epilobium angustifolium L. Equisetum arvense L. Eryngium planum L. Powszechność w zielnikach: arbuz zwyczajny, odmiany konwalia majowa powój polny 1 dereń jadalny kokorycz pusta kokorycz pusta o białych kwiatach kokorycz pełna głóg, różne gatunki i mieszańce krokus? ogórek siewny, odmiany dynia zwyczajna, odmiany chaber bławatek rokitnik zwyczajny perz właściwy 1 wierzbówka kiprzyca skrzyp polny mikołajek płaskolistny Iwa Kołodziejska 281 �Nr Nazwa/nazwy łacińskie Nazwa polska Powszechność w zielnikach: 53. Lokalne nazwy taksonu/ lokalny takson ochanka Euphrasia sp. świetlik 2 (w jednym gospodarstwie) 54. grechiha gryka zwyczajna 55. pshenichka, (? bez nazwy) sunica; sunicy; zemlanika Fagopyrum esculentum Moench Ficaria verna Huds. 56. 57. 58. 65. jasen podsnezhniki, pidsnizhniki, kozodriz soniashnik, podslonuh, podsoniashnik kartopla sho roste 2 vysoko, katalumbur durman zeroboi, zveraboi, zvirobii deviatysyl, deviasil khorich, grecheskii khorih mozhevilnik 66. kalanhoe 67. laminaria (glon, nie roślina naczyniowa) 68. lavanda 69. 70. pustyrnik, sobacha kropyva romashka 71. lubystok 72. bila lilia 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. Fragaria viridis Weston, być może też mieszańce z Fragaria moschata (Duchesne) Duchesne Fraxinus excelsiorL. Galanthus nivalis L. ziarnopłon wiosenny poziomka twardawa, być może też mieszańce z poziomką wysoką jesion wyniosły śnieżyczka przebiśnieg Helianthus annuus L., słonecznik odmiany zwyczajny, odmiany Helianthus tuberosus słonecznik L. bulwiasty Hyoscyamus niger L. lulek czarny Hypericum dziurawiec perforatum L. zwyczajny Inula sp. oman Juglans regia L., orzech włoski, odmiany odmiany Juniperus communis jałowiec L. pospolity żyworódka Kalanchoe Daigremonta daigremontiana i być może Raym.-Hamet & H. Perrier i być może odmiany odmiany Laminaria sp. listownica (glon, a nie roślina naczyniowa) Lavandula lawenda angustifolia Mill. wąskolistna Leonurus cardiaca L. serdecznik pospolity Leucanthemum jastrun właściwy vulgare (Vaill.) Lam. Levisticum officinale lubczyk W.D.J.Koch ogrodowy Lilium candidum L. lilia biała 1 1 Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 282 �Nr 73. Lokalne nazwy taksonu/ lokalny takson carskaia karona 74. lion 75. jablunia papiruvka 76. jablunia 77. romashka, rumianok, dika romashka, romashka likarska, romashka taka polova, rumianec 78. romashka 79. 80. liucerka burkun (bilyi, muzhskoi) burkun 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. burkun (zholtyi, zhinochyi) melisa miatka, miata Nazwa/nazwy łacińskie Nazwa polska Lilium lancifolium Thunb. Linum usitatissimum L. Malus domestica „Papierówka” Malus domestica Borkh., różne odmiany Matricaria chamomilla L. lilia tygrysia Matricaria chamomilla L. i Leucanthemum vulgare (Vaill.) Lam. Medicago sativa L. Melilotus albus Medik. Melilotus albus Medik.; Melilotus officinalis (L.) Pall. Melilotus officinalis (L.) Pall. Melissa officinalis L. Mentha spp. rumianek pospolity i jastrun właściwy Powszechność w zielnikach: len siewny jabłoń domowa „papierówka” jabłoń domowa, różne odmiany rumianek pospolity lucerna siewna nostrzyk biały nostrzyk nostrzyk żółty melisa lekarska mięta różne gatunki morva, shylkovica Morus nigra L. morwa czarna chernushka, chornyi Nigella sativa L. czarnuszka tmin siewna bazilik, vasilki Ocimum basilicum L. bazylia pospolita materinka, dushyca Origanum vulgare L. lebiodka pospolita peonia, peony, Paeonia spp. piwonia pivonia, roza (jedna różne gatunki i odmiany osoba tak nazwała) pasternak Pastinaca sativa L. pasternak zwyczajny fasolia, kvasola Phaseolus vulgaris L. fasola zwyczajna odmiany odmiany korin Phytolacca americana szkarłatka L. amerykańska 1 3 Iwa Kołodziejska 283 �Nr 93. 94. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. Lokalne nazwy taksonu/ lokalny takson sosna, hvoina, hvoia podorozhnik, babka, podorozhnik velikii, podorozhnik sherokolistyi, shyrokii lyst liubka, fialka nochnaia sporysh, podorozhnik osikora Nazwa/nazwy łacińskie Nazwa polska Pinus sylvestris L. Plantago major L. sosna zwyczajna babka zwyczajna Platanthera bifolia L. Rich. (wg nazwy), Orchis sp. (to zwykle salep) Podkolan biały 1 (wg nazwy) lub gatunek z rodzaju stroczyk, najprawdopodobniej storczyk męski (O. mascula) rdest ptasi Polygonum aviculare L. sensu lato Populus nigra L. Powszechność w zielnikach: topola (sekcja topole czarne) osika Populus tremula L. topola osika kalhan, kozackii Potentilla argentea L.? pięciornik 1 zhen-shen srebrny pięciornik zatknydupka, zaPotentilla argentea pridupka, zapnidup- L. agg. i P. erecta (L.) srebrny Raeusch. agg i pięciornik kurze ka, lapchatka priaziele mostupenchataia piervocviet, Primula veris L. pierwiosnek medunka lekarski abrikozy Prunus armeniaca L. morela pospolita odmiany slivka Prunus domestica L. śliwa domowa odmiany odmiany medunka Pulmonaria obscura miodunka ćma Dumort. hrusha, dichka, Pyrus communis L. grusza zwyczajna hrusha dichka agg. mieszańce i odmiany dub Quercus robur L. dąb szypułkowy smorodina Ribes nigrum L., czarna porzeczka odmiany kryzhovnik Ribes uva-crispa L., porzeczka agrest odmiany odmiany durman Ricinus communis L. rącznik pospolity 1 akacia cia rozova Robinia hispida L. robinia szczeciniasta akacia Robinia pseudoacacia grochodrzew L. biały, robinia akacjowa Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 284 �Nr 112. Lokalne nazwy taksonu/ lokalny takson shypownik, shypshyna 113. 114. ozhinka malina, malyna 115. 116. 117. 118. kvasok, shchav shchavil verby verba (sho roste na stavku) 119. 120. shalfiei, shavlia buzyna tarvianista, bazyk buzyna, buzok limonnik kitaiski 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. proliski, właściwie bez nazwy lub te niebieskie podsniezhniki ochitok 126. dzvenochki, kolokolchyki, gvozdika rostoropsha 127. paslion 128. kartopla, kartoshka, barabola 129. molochai 130. 131. 132. 133. Nazwa/nazwy łacińskie Nazwa polska Rosa spp., najczęściej r. canina L. 3 Rubus spp. Rubus idaeus L., różne odmiany Rumex acetosa L. Rumex spp. Salix spp. Salix xsepulcralis Simonk. ‚Chrysocoma’ Salvia officinalis L. Sambucus ebulus L. dzikie gatunki róż, najczęściej dzika róża psia jeżyna malina właściwa, odmiany szczaw zwyczajny szczaw wierzby wierzba płacząca Sambucus nigra L. Schisandra chinensis (Turcz.) Baill. Scilla bifolia L. dziki bez czarny cytryniec chiński Sedum (pewnie S. spectabile Boreau) /Hylotelephium spectabile (Boreau) H. Ohba Silene viscaria (L.) Jess. rozchodnik okazały Silybum marianum (L.) Gaertn. Solanum americanum Mill. Solanum tuberosum L. odmiany ostropest plamisty psianka czarna 1 psianka ziemniak, odmiany mlecz zwyczajny 1 Sonchus oleraceus (L.) L. riabina, rabina Sorbus aucuparia L. mokrec Stellaria media (L.) Vill. sofora iaponska, Styphnolobium iaponska safora japonicum (L.) Schott zhyvokist, zhyvokost Symphytum officinale L. Powszechność w zielnikach: szałwia lekarska bez hebd 2 cebulica dwulistna smółka pospolita jarząb pospolity gwiazdnica pospolita perełkowiec 1 japoński żywokost lekarski Iwa Kołodziejska 285 �Nr 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. 141. 142. 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154. 155. Lokalne nazwy taksonu/ lokalny takson siren, buzok chornobrivcy Nazwa/nazwy łacińskie Nazwa polska Powszechność w zielnikach: Syringa vulgaris L. Tagetes patula L. bez lilak aksamitka rozpierzchła kanufer, konufer, Tanacetum balsamita złocień 3 konuper L. balsamiczny pizhma Tanacetum vulgare L. wrotycz pospolity kulbaba, kulbababa, Taraxacum officinale mniszek lekarski agg. kulbabka, oduvanchik chebrec, chabrec, Thymus serpyllum L. macierzanka i Thymus pulegioides piaskowa materinka (przede i macierzanka wszystkim Origanum L. zwyczajna vulgare – dushyca) lipa, lypa Tilia spp. lipa, różne gatunki i mieszańce bilyi klever, Trifolium repens L. koniczyna biała koniushyna koniczyna chervonyj klever, Trifolium spp. o różowych kwiatach o różowych koniushyna rozova kwiatach nasturcia Tropaeolum majus L. nasturcja większa mat i macheha Tussilago farfara L. podbiał pospolity kropyva, kropyva Urtica dioica L. pokrzywa dvudomna zwyczajna kropyva zhalka, Urtica urens L. pokrzywa gyzha, (sobacha żegawka kropiva – 1 osoba tak nazwała) Vaccinium borówka chernika, chernika z sovhoza, golubika corymbosum L. amerykańska i odmiany chernika Vaccinium myrtillus borówka czarna 3 L. jagoda valeriana, valerianka Valeriana officinalis kozłek lekarski L. chemericia Veratrum album L. ciemiężyca biała 1 koroviak, skipternik Verbascum thapsus L. dziewanna drobnokwiatowa veronika Veronica chamaedrys przetacznik L. ożankowy kalyna Viburnum opulus L. kalina koralowa barvinok Vinca minor L. barwinek pospolity jemioła pospolita omela Viscum album L. i podgatunki Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) 286 �Nr Lokalne nazwy taksonu/ lokalny takson vinohrad Nazwa/nazwy łacińskie Nazwa polska Vitis vinifera L., odmiany 157. kukuruza, kukurudza Zea mays L., odmiany 158. galuboi (raczej określenie użyte przy opisywaniu rośliny niż nazwa, może chodzić o cykorię podróżnik (Cichorium intybus L.) polynec ? winorośl właściwa, odmiany kukurydza zwyczajna, odmiany ? 1 ? ? 1 156. 159. Powszechność w zielnikach: Iwa Kołodziejska 287 ��Jeden ze Stroyinieckich lasów wiosną: podsnezhniki, pidsnizhniki, kozodriz (śnieżyczka przebiśnieg, Galanthus nivalis L.); rast (kokorycz pełna, Corydalis solida (L.) Clairv.); nie nazywana i nie zauważana przez moich rozmówców złoć żółta (Gagea lutea (L.) Ker Gawl.), graby (grab pospolity, Carpinus betulus L.) (Fot. IK). Poczęstunek – herbata z mieszanka ziół, widoczne pływające płatki to nogotki, nohotki, kalendula (nagietek lekarski, Calendula officinalis L.), bułki z jabłkami, miód (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska-Kołodziej). �Mieszkanka Stroyinciów i mikołajek płaskolistny (Eryngium planum L.) używany do leczenia bólu zębów (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska­‑Kołodziej). Mieszkanka Stroyinciów i lopuh, repiah (łopian, Arctium spp). W czasie robienia zdjęcia trwa opowieść o przeciwbólowym działaniu jego liści (fot. Ewa Wołkanowska­‑Kołodziej). Mieszkanka Stroyinciów dumna z rosnącego w jej ogrodzie szarłatu (Amarathus caudatus L. w odmianie o kulistych kwiatostanach) (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska­‑Kołodziej). �Mieszkaniec Stroyinciów i dwie najważniejsze dla niego rośliny: podorozhnik, babka, podorozhnik velikii, podorozhnik sherokolistyi, shyrokii lyst (babka zwyczajna, Plantago major L.) oraz zeroboi, zveraboi, zvirobii (dziurawiec zwyczajny, Hypericum perforatum L.) (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska-Kołodziej). Mieszkanka Stroyinciów ze świeżo upieczonym korowajem (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska-Kołodziej). Mieszkanka Stroyinciów i tysachilistnik, kyrvavnyk, krovavnik, derevii, korovnyk, tysiachylitnik (krwawnik pospolity, Achillea millefolium L.) oraz nienazwane i zerwane do ozdoby tysachilistnika przymiotno białe (Erigeron annuus (L.) Pers) (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska-Kołodziej). �Mieszkanka Stroyinciów pokazuje ważny dla siebie repishok, repeshok, parilo (rzepik pospolity, Agrimonia eupatoria L. Agg.) oraz zeroboi, zveraboi, zvirobii (dziurawiec zwyczajny, Hypericum perforatum L.) (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska-Kołodziej). Mieszkaniec Stroyinciów podczas pasienia krów (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska­‑Kołodziej). Przetwory z owoców z przydomowego ogrodu i sadu (Fot. IK). �Mieszkanka Stroyinciów i rosnąca w jej obejściu kalyna (kalina koralowa, Viburnum opulus L.) (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska­‑Kołodziej) Stroyincy wiosną, widok z okolic Czajni na Sowchoz. Mieszkanka Stroyinciów i rosnąca w jej obejściu kalyna (kalina koralowa, Viburnum opulus L.) (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska­‑Kołodziej). �Mieszkańcy Stroyinciów zbierają maliny, malyny (malina właściwa odmiany, Rubus idaeus L. różne odmiany) w swoim ogrodzie (Fot. IK). Mieszkanka Stroyinciów z bukietem święconym w kościele na Matki Boskiej Zielnej (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska-Kołodziej). Mieszkanka Stroyinciów plecie wianek na oktawę Bożego Ciała dla siebie i dla prawosławnej sąsiadki (Fot. IK). �Mieszkanka Stroyinciów z bukietem święconym w cerkwi na tzw. Makowieja czyli święto siedmiu męczenników Machabeuszy (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska­‑Kołodziej). Rozmowa o ochance – mieszkaniec Stroyinciów trzyma w dłoni ochankę (świetlik, Euphrasia sp.) i znamiona kukuruzy, kukurudzy (kukrydza zwyczajna odmiany, Zea mays L. odmiany) (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska-Kołodziej). Mieszkaniec Stroyinciów i zeroboi, zveraboi, zvirobii (dziurawiec zwyczajny, Hypericum perforatum L.) (Fot. Ewa Wołkanowska-Kołodziej). �Wianki do święcenia w oktawę Bożego Ciała ułożone w Boże Ciało na kościelnym parapecie (Fot. IK). Święcenie w cerkwi bukietów i miodu na tzw. pierwszego, miodowego Spasa lub Makowieja czyli święto siedmiu męczenników Machabeuszy (Wniesienia Drzew Życiodajnego Krzyża Pańskiego) (Fot. IK). � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Podolskie zielniki. Praktykowanie wiedzy o roślinach na Podolu Wschodnim (Ukraina) Subject The topic of the resource Etnobotanika ; Podole ; Ukraina Description An account of the resource 298 stron; ilustracje kolorowe Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Iwa Kołodziejska Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived seria: Prace Etnologiczne, tom27 Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource licencja PTL Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Language A language of the resource pol. Type The nature or genre of the resource książka etnobotanika Podole Ukraina zielniki https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/bf6e3f11b382be677e701dadfaaaadb9.pdf c9d626899156af713c414c059117c91f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5021 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource internet - aspekt etnograficzny Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4657 Title A name given to the resource Etnograf w cybermedynie / Homo interneticus: etnograficzne wędrówki w głąb sieci Description An account of the resource Etnograficzne wędrówki w głąb sieci Homo interneticus; ; pod red.Ewy Jagiełło i Pawła Schmidta s.35-47 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jagiełło, Ewa Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydawnictwo Portalu Wiedza i Edukacja Type The nature or genre of the resource e-book Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości ' Ewa A. Jagiełło UNIWERSYTET ŁÓDZKI Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości W śród badaczy społecznych dwudziestego wieku, będących świadkami ko­ lejnych, nieraz rewolucyjnych innowacji, raz po raz odżywał nurt tech¬ nologicznego determinizmu. Technologia przedstawiana bywała jako de¬ terminanta kulturowa, albo też - w ujęciach mniej radykalnych - jako istotny ele­ ment ludzkiego świata, który współdziała na zasadzie sprzężeń zwrotnych z syste­ mem kulturowym. Jak wskazuje Postman, każda innowacja technologiczna, ale zwłasz­ cza taka, która przyczynia się do zmiany sposobu komunikacji, wnosi ferment do kultury, języka, relacji społecznych: Telegraf i tania prasa zmieniły nasze rozumienie „informacji". Telewizja zmienia to, co niegdyś oznaczały terminy takie jak „debata polityczna", „wiadomości" i „opinia pub­ liczna". Komputer znów zmienia „informację". Pismo zmieniło to, co kiedyś rozumie­ liśmy przez „prawdę" i „prawo"; potem kolejnej zmiany dokonał druk, teraz telewizja, a w końcu komputer (...) Stare słowa ciągle wyglądają tak samo, używa się ich w tego samego rodzaju zdaniach. Ale znaczą coś innego (...) technika despotycznie włada naszą podstawową terminologią. Zmienia definicje „wolności", „prawdy", „inteligencji", „faktu", „mądrości", „pamięci", „historii". (Postman 1995: 17) Internet z całą pewnością wpisuje się w tę koncepcję rozwoju technologicznego, dzięki szerokiemu zasięgowi, gwarancji względnej anonimowości czy szczególnemu charakterowi interakcji w sieci, tworzy bowiem środowisko, w którym wykształcają się nowe wzory kulturowe, językowe i społeczne. Nie sposób zaprzeczyć, że Internet przez dwie dekady intensywnego rozwoju zdążył wrosnąć w krajobraz współczesności. Niezależnie, czy potraktuje się go jako nowy nośnik informacji, którego poprzednikami był druk, telefon, radio lub telewiz¬ ja, czy też jako nową przestrzeń społecznych interakcji, które podejmowane są na nie¬ znaną wcześniej skalę, zauważyć należy, że wnosi nowe jakości do kultury, życia spo¬ łecznego i osobistych doświadczeń użytkowników. Jednocześnie jako część współczes¬ nej kultury technologicznej, sam ewoluuje w szybkim tempie w określonym kierunku: �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości 36 obejmuje coraz liczniejszą sieć użytkowników, mnoży zasoby, oferuje coraz więcej narzędzi o interaktywnym charakterze. Jak zauważa Robert Kozinets, w ciągu ostat­ niej dekady liczba użytkowników Internetu zwiększyła się na całym świecie - z czter­ dziestu pięciu milionów w 1996 roku do półtora miliarda w roku 2009. Ponadto zmie­ nia się sposób korzystania z Internetu - od biernego przeglądania zawartości we wczes¬ nych latach dziewięćdziesiątych, do aktywnej komunikacji i możliwości wpływania na zawartość sieci w pierwszej dekadzie obecnego stulecia. Wedle minimalnych ra¬ chub przynajmniej sto milionów ludzi na świecie nawiązuje w Internecie relacje z in¬ nymi, rozrastające się szybko portale społecznościowe w rodzaju Twittera, Facebooka czy rodzimej Naszej klasy są przestrzenią licznych interakcji, które stanową ważną część społecznych doświadczeń użytkowników. Ludzie w Internecie szukają nie tylko informacji, ale realizują istotne potrzeby społeczne - łączą się w grupy podzie­ lające zainteresowania, przekonania lub wartości, popierają i rozpowszechniają idee, w które wierzą lub zwalczają takie, które uznają za szkodliwe, kreują własny wize¬ runek, oceniają innych i sami poddają się ocenie, publikują teksty, obrazy i filmy, dys­ kutują, uprawiają różne formy społecznej wymiany, romansują i podejmują cały sze­ reg innych aktywności, których nie sposób tu wymienić (por. Kozinets 2010: 2-15). Wo­ bec zasięgu cyberświata oraz rozległości ludzkich cyberdziałań, część badaczy nie po¬ zostaje obojętna, poddając te złożone zjawiska i procesy refleksji antropologicznej. Tworzenie subdyscypliny naukowej, czy po prostu nowej specjalizacji w ramach szerszego kierunku, obarczone jest ryzykiem niepowodzeń i błędów. Te ostatnie jed¬ nak z perspektywy czasu często okazują się trampoliną, od której odbijają się kolejni badacze, by dokonywać nowych odkryć i bardziej udanych analiz. Internet jest ob¬ szarem trudnym, przede wszystkim z uwagi na ów nieustannie i szybko zmieniający się charakter. Zanim dokonana zostanie naukowa eksploracja jakiegoś jego aspektu, pojawiają się zupełnie nowe sposoby obecności ludzi i kultury w cyberświecie, co po¬ ciąga za sobą konieczność dostosowywania narzędzi i strategii badawczych. Dobrym przykładem jest relacja tekstów, obrazów i dźwięków. O ile jeszcze dekadę wstecz mo­ żliwości związane z audiowizualnością były stosunkowo ograniczone, obecne narzę¬ dzia internetowe pozwalają na swobodną manipulację dźwiękiem i obrazem. Dzięki udoskonalonej technice użytkownicy są nie tylko odbiorcami, ale również nadzwy¬ czaj płodnymi twórcami treści audiowizualnych w sieci, i ten rodzaj komunikacji mię¬ dzyludzkiej w widoczny sposób przybiera w Internecie na sile. Niezaprzeczalnie Internet stwarza dla etnografa niezwykłe możliwości - pozwala na stałe prowadzenie obserwacji zdarzeń, interakcji i znaczeń generowanych w od¬ ległych i zróżnicowanych kulturowo przestrzeniach, które skumulowane pojawiają się w sieci. Zastanowić się jednak wypada nad ograniczeniami wynikającymi cho¬ ciażby z charakteru relacji pomiędzy badaczem i „terenem". Z pewnością istotnym dla rozpoczęcia etnograficznych badań w Internecie jest zdefiniowanie związku pomię¬ dzy rzeczywistością off-tine i on-tine, bowiem - w zależności od przyjętej koncepcji - przesuwać się może „środek ciężkości" projektu badawczego. A zatem, uwzględ¬ niając wzajemne powiązania pomiędzy tym co dzieje się w Internecie i poza nim, podjąć można badania nad relacją między nową technologią a kulturą współczesną oraz jej przemianami. Można również patrzeć na skondensowane w sieci treści (ale też działania, interakcje i inne), jako na manifestacje i reprezentacje owej kultury. Wresz¬ cie badania w sieci mogą stanowić część szerzej zakrojonego projektu - w tym wy¬ padku obserwacja tego, co dzieje się on-line stanowi uzupełnienie działań podejmo¬ wanych przez etnografa w tradycyjnie pojmowanym terenie. Możliwe jest jednakże �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości potraktowanie cyberprzestrzeni jako sfery autonomicznej. Wówczas z powodzeniem poszukiwać można zjawisk występujących wyłącznie w sieci lub przybierających w Internecie szczególny, odrębny od rzeczywistości off-line wyraz. Obecność etnografa w Internecie może mieć bierny lub aktywny charakter. W pierw­ szym przypadku badacz poprzestaje na obserwacji, nie wchodząc w interakcje z oso¬ bami obecnymi w sieci, zaś zgromadzone dane poddaje jednemu z wariantów etno¬ graficznej analizy zawartości. W tym wypadku ograniczone są możliwości pozyskiwa¬ nia informacji, z drugiej jednak strony badacz nie wpływa na badaną rzeczywistość, a zatem - po części przynajmniej - zniwelowany zostaje problem wymuszenia da­ nych. Druga postawa polega na aktywnym uczestniczeniu w życiu społeczności wir¬ tualnych, zabieraniu głosu na forach oraz nawiązywaniu bliższych kontaktów z inter¬ nautami w celu uzyskania dodatkowych wiadomości. Strategii takiej mogą towarzy­ szyć wywiady i ankiety przez Internet. Niezależnie od wyboru podejścia, postuluje się pełnąjawność - etnograf powinien sygnalizować swoją obecność, przedstawiać w mia¬ rę możliwości cele badania oraz sposoby wykorzystania pozyskanych w Internecie danych. Jeżeli niemożliwym staje się dotarcie do wszystkich uczestników, których skład jest przecież zmienny, należy informować o planach i intencjach badawczych ad¬ ministratorów stron (por. Cavanagh 1999, Kozinets 2009). W badaniach on-line pojawia się również problem ze sprecyzowaniem podmiotu badania. Charakter medium skazuje na brak pewności, na ile badania hipertekstu są równocześnie badaniami ludzi. Z tym z kolei ściśle związana jest kwestia tożsamo­ ści osób w badaniu uczestniczących - brak kontaktów twarzą w twarz z „rozmówcą" zmusza do zastanowienia nad koniecznością (lub jej brakiem) identyfikacji bada¬ nych czy stosowania charakterystyk społecznych. Badania etnograficzne w sieci - jak każda subdyscyplina - niosą nowe perspektywy, ale również mają swoje ogranicze¬ nia. Stąd konieczność obrania odpowiedniego przedmiotu zainteresowań i rozważny dobór narzędzi badawczych. W niniejszym artykule pragnę podzielić się refleksjami towarzyszącymi etnogra¬ ficznym badaniom nad cyberspołecznościami muzułmańskimi, a zwłaszcza zatrzymać się przy dwóch wzmiankowanych wyżej zagadnieniach - Internetem jako terenem ba¬ dań oraz kwestią tożsamości ludzi, którzy uczestniczą w tego rodzaju projekcie. Tradycyjne etnograficzne badania terenowe nad światem islamskim, siłą rzeczy, prowadzone są w społecznościach zlokalizowanych. Bada się fragmenty islamskie¬ go świata, przypisane do miejsca części składowe muzułmańskiej ummy, w ich na¬ turalnym środowisku. Internet stwarza odmienne możliwości, pozwala bowiem na ignorowanie przestrzeni fizycznej i istniejących w tej przestrzeni granic, dzięki cze¬ mu społeczności muzułmańskie w Internecie ukształtowane są w odmienny sposób. W sieci możemy obserwować nietypowe dla prawdziwego świata spotkania pro¬ wadzące do zderzania różnych wizji szeroko pojętego islamu. Jeżeli przyjąć, że Internet jest terenem, to ma on odmienną naturę. Uderza nagro¬ madzenie zdarzeń, ich intensywność oraz fakt, że każdy cyfrowy epizod podlega re¬ jestracji. Obserwacje w prawdziwym terenie są uwarunkowane sposobem naszego postrzegania, ten zaś skazuje badacza na częściową przynajmniej porażkę. Każdy, kto prowadził badania terenowe, najprawdopodobniej doświadczył frustracji płynącej z ulotności rzeczywistych zdarzeń i niemożności ich zarejestrowania w całej złożo¬ ności i rozległości (również tej przestrzennej). Ten problem po części zostaje rozwią¬ zany w cyberbadaniach. Dzięki symultanicznemu charakterowi interakcji z jednej stro¬ ny oraz zasadzie stałej rejestracji zasobów z drugiej, Internet stanowi płaszczyznę �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości 38 pośrednią pomiędzy tym, co dzieje się tu i teraz, a tym co zdarzyło się w przeszłości i dociera do badacza w formie źródeł zastanych. W porywie cyberentuzjazmu można by przyjąć, że w tej sytuacji etnografjest wreszcie w stanie objąć całe czasoprzestrzenne bogactwo terenu. Ajednak nasuwa się ważne zastrzeżenie - fragmentaryczność i ogra¬ niczenia w badaniach internetowych pojawiają się w nieco innej formie. Zaostrzeniu podlega prawidłowość, z którą po części w tradycyjnym terenie również można się spotkać: widzimy przede wszystkim to, co nam pokazano - możliwości eksplorowa¬ nia „terenu" zamykają się w ramach świata przedstawionego, zaś weryfikacja praw¬ dziwości owego świata jest w Internecie znacznie trudniejsza niż w trakcie tradycyj¬ nych badań. Nawet nawiązanie relacji z forumowiczami - a więc łączenie analizy za¬ wartości z aktywną obecnością etnografa w sieci - nie daje gwarancji przełamania tego ograniczenia. Inną kwestią odnoszącą się bezpośrednio do badań nad islamem w sieci jest zasięg Internetu, który określany bywa jako medium globalne. Tymcza¬ sem badacze wskazują na nierównomierny dostęp ludzkości do sieci (por. m.in. Baym 1998, Castells 2008, Kozinets 2009), stawiając pod znakiem zapytania ową globalność. Różnice przebiegają wzdłuż granic społecznych, państwowych i geograficz¬ nych. Nancy Baym pisze o klasie średniej, która kształtuje trzon kultury Internetu. Dane publikowane na w serwisie Internetworldstats (www.internetworldstats.com) wskazują jednoznacznie na nierównomierny dostęp do Internetu populacji zamiesz¬ kujących różne kontynenty - od przodującej w tej dziedzinie Ameryki Północnej (76.2% populacji), poprzez Australię/Oceanię (60, 8%) i Europę (53%), po Amerykę Południową (36, 5%), Azję (20, 1%) czy Afrykę (8,7%). Kwestia nierównomierności dostępu do Internetu jawi się z jeszcze większą ostrością, jeśli zważyć na liczbę lud¬ ności zamieszkującej poszczególne kontynenty. Z tych bardzo ogólnych danych można wyciągnąć łatwe do przewidzenia wnioski: liczba użytkowników Internetu jest wyższa na obszarach ekonomicznie i technologicznie lepiej rozwiniętych, a ponadto w tej dziedzinie dominują regiony anglojęzyczne. Wypada zatem stwierdzić, że In¬ ternet zawiera jedynie potencję globalności, ale wciąż medium globalnym nie jest. Jednocześnie jednak godzien podkreślenia jest kierunek zmian - w latach 2000-2009 dostęp do Internetu wzrósł na poszczególnych kontynentach od 129, 6% w Ameryce Północnej do 1.176,8% na Bliskim Wschodzie. Każdy rok przynosi innowacje, wzrasta również popyt na usługi telefonii mobilnej w zakresie dostępu do sieci. W wie¬ lu miejscach świata Internet zespolony jest wyraźniej z systemem edukacji, więc liczba użytkowników będzie się stopniowo powiększać - na niektórych przynajmniej ob¬ szarach - wraz ze zmianą pokoleniową. Przypuszczać zatem należy, że cybertechno¬ logie są na tyle rozległym i opłacalnym biznesem, a zarazem wielofunkcyjnym me¬ dium, że rozpowszechniać się one będą na świecie w stosunkowo szybkim tempie. Nadal pozostaje problemem bariera względnej zamożności i wykształcenia, z tym, że jest to bariera stara jak świat. Wydaje się również, że demokratyzacja dostępu do sfery publicznej poprzez Internet jest zauważalna. Internet staje się medium poprzez które swoje poglądy komunikują grupy marginalne czy kontestujące społeczno-polityczną rzeczywistość - a więc takie, które poza siecią mają ograniczone możliwości wyra¬ żania wyznawanych poglądów. Do głosu na przykład dochodzą blogerzy, którzy oprotestowują lokalny, często bardzo restryktywny obyczajowo lub politycznie świat - przyk¬ ładu dostarcza słynny blog Egipcjanina - Waela Abbasa, który walczy z łamaniem praw człowieka w jego kraju. W kontekście powyższych rozważań warto spojrzeć na problem użytkowania Internetu przez społeczności muzułmańskie. Oczywiście i tu ważny jest kontekst „państwowo-geograficzny" - z dużym prawdopodobieńst¬ wem wystąpią różnice pomiędzy poszczególnymi krajami zamieszkiwanymi przez �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości 39 muzułmanów. Badacze zjawiska wskazują jednak na fakt, że w większości krajów arabskojęzycznych istnieje jakaś forma kontroli państwowej lub cenzury. Jak przyta­ cza Abdalla Uba-Adamu (2002): Rządy posługują się różnymi środkami, aby ograniczyć przepływ informacji on-line. Arabia Saudyjska, Jemen i Zjednoczone Emiraty Arabskie cenzurują treści poprzez ser­ wery Proxy (...), aby filtrować i blokować określoną zawartość. W wielu państwach, włączając Jordanię, opodatkowanie i polityka w zakresie telekomunikacji utrzymują ceny usług internetowych na wysokim poziomie, co sprawia, że pozostają one poza finan­ sowym zasięgiem wielu osób (...). Tunezja stworzyła najbardziej szczegółowy w regio­ nie system legislacyjny dotyczący Internetu, który po części został zaprojektowany po to, by poddać kontroli wszystkie krytyczne wobec rządu treści. W większości państw, gdzie nie zostało stworzone prawo internetowe, prawne lub po prostu istniejące ograniczenia wolności słowa i prasy mają wpływ na to, co pojawia się on-line, szczególnie na pub¬ licznych forach i czatroomach. Duża uwaga w państwach islamskich przykładana jest do portali społecznościowych, gdzie pojawia się wiele treści antyislamskich lub po prostu kontrowersyj¬ nych dla pobożnych muzułmanów. Za szczególnie niebezpieczne uznawane bywa Youtube, gdzie obraz uwiarygodnia zamierzony przekaz. Ten portal blokowany był już między innymi przez Indonezję, Turcję, Iran i Pakistan. Ostatnie dni przyniosły nowe informacje dotyczące Pakistanu, gdzie odbyła się manifestacja fundamentalistycznie zorientowanych studentów przeciwko Internetowi jako źródłu obraźliwych treści dotyczących islamu. Równolegle rząd Pakistański odciął dostęp do portali Facebook i Youtube (www.wyborcza.pl). Ajednak muzułmańskie portale rozrastają się w Internecie i większość z nich ofe­ ruje wersję arabską przekazywanych treści. Uznać zatem można, że choć w wielu is¬ lamskich krajach dostęp do Internetu może być ograniczony, zaś zawartość podlega cenzurze, jest to uczęszczane miejsce spotkań i wymiany idei muzułmanów z różną historią, poglądami czy przynależnością społeczną i państwową. Obserwacje czynione w muzułmańskim portalu społecznościowym Islamicity.com są częścią zaplanowanych, szerszych badań porównawczych nad internetowym dys¬ kursem o islamie w językowym środowisku anglo- i frankofońskim. Poczynając od lat dziewięćdziesiątych ubiegłego stulecia, na mocy tendencji powstałej w Stanach Zjed¬ noczonych, muzułmanie coraz wyraźniej zaznaczali w Internecie swoją obecność. Zjawisku temu przydano ogólną etykietę „cyberislamu". Tymczasem treści, które za tą etykietą stoją, są bardzo złożone i zróżnicowane - mają wydźwięk religijny, spo­ łeczny, psychologiczny i polityczny. Istotnym kontekstem cyberislamu - zwłaszcza jeśli chodzi o społeczności posługujące się językami europejskimi - jest Zachód i jego agresywnie promowane w świecie idee. Muzułmanie na różne sposoby uwikłani są w konflikt wartości i często dokonywać muszą trudnych wyborów - pomiędzy trady¬ cyjną, zdeterminowaną przez religię obyczajowością i moralnością, a zlaicyzowaną, zachodnią rzeczywistością, w której albo żyją, albo stykają się z nią bardziej pośred¬ nio dzięki procesom globalizacji, rozwojowi turystyki, ekspansji ideologicznej i działa¬ niom wojennym. Stosunek do Zachodu, jego zdobyczy i wartości legł u podstaw wyk¬ ształcenia się dwóch przeciwstawnych kierunków w myśli muzułmańskiej (i ich po¬ chodnych) - modernizmu oraz fundamentalizmu. Internet odzwierciedla ten problem, 1 1 Bezpośrednią przyczyną tej decyzji podjętej w maju 2010 roku był ogłoszony na Facebooku konkurs na najbardziej udaną karykaturę Mohammada. Konkurs z kolei był zainspirowany pogróżkami kierowanymi w stronę twórców South Park, którzy przedstawili, nie pierwszy raz zresztą zadzierając z fundamentalistycznie nastawionymi muzułmanami, Proroka przebranego za pluszowego niedźwiadka. �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości 40 ale zauważmy, że również może kształtować, pobudzać lub tonować określone postawy. W wirtualnej przestrzeni upowszechnia się wiadomości o islamie, prowadzi działal¬ ność misyjną, można tu dokonać konwersji i zdać z niej relację, zaaranżować małżeń¬ stwo, uczyć się języka arabskiego albo znaleźć pomoc w pamięciowym przyswojeniu wersetów Koranu. Każdy z trzech głównych nurtów islamu - sunnici, szyici i sufici - wyraźnie zaznacza własną obecność w sieci. Swoje przekonania promują w Interne¬ cie fundamentaliści, moderniści, polityczni dysydenci, zaś doświadczeniami religij¬ nymi i życiowymi dzielą się neofici, apostaci, tradycjonalistki, integryści i feministki, muzułmańscy poeci i wielu innych, posługując się nie tylko tekstem, ale coraz powszech­ niej również przekazem filmowym . Tu - podobnie jak w meczecie - można „uczest­ niczyć" w piątkowym nabożeństwie czy wysłuchać kazania. Jak wspomniałam, trady¬ cyjne społeczności lokalne skupiają się wokół meczetu, w którym działa konkretny imam. Choć jego autorytet związany jest z pełnioną funkcją, to jednocześnie daje on świadectwo własną osobą i życiem. Tymczasem w Internecie pojawiają się wirtualne postaci cyberimamów, działających w oderwaniu od tradycyjnego środowiska społecz¬ nego. Dzięki nim w sieci ścierają się rozmaite poglądy i interpretacje, które przez po¬ jedynczych imamów przedstawiane być mogą jako obowiązujące w islamie. Działal¬ ność takich osób stanowić może konkurencję dla lokalnych kaznodziejów pozbawio¬ nych równie dużej charyzmy czy umiejętności retorycznych. To z kolei może prowa¬ dzić do rozluźnienia ścisłej zależności pomiędzy jednostką a lokalną społecznością i jej orientacją religijną. Z drugiej strony cyberkaznodzieje nie podlegają tak ścisłej społecz¬ nej kontroli, co z pewnością niekorzystnie odbija się nieraz na ich rzetelności i wiary¬ godności. Rosnąca popularność aktywności religijnej on-line, zwłaszcza wśród młodzie­ ży wzbudza wśród niektórych entuzjazm, wśród innych niepokój i sprzeciw, który wią¬ że się z obawą, że ta pośrednia forma uczestnictwa rozpowszechni się zanadto i za¬ cznie wypierać tradycyjne zgromadzenie religijne (por. El-Tahawy 2008). Przestrzeń wirtualna ma eksterytorialny i międzykulturowy charakter, staje się miejscem, gdzie przecinają się różne ścieżki ideologiczne, a przedstawiciele rozleg¬ łego świata islamu wchodzą ze sobą w interakcje. Społeczności muzułmańskie w sie¬ ci czy cyberislam nie są bytami autonomicznymi, w sposób oczywisty odwołują się do zewnętrznej rzeczywistości, równocześnie jednak w cyfrowej przestrzeni z racji jej charakteru pojawiają się tendencje i zjawiska nietypowe dla świata muzułmańskiego. Rozważmy dwa istotne aspekty tego zagadnienia. Po pierwsze, kluczem do konstru¬ owania omawianych cyberspołeczności muzułmańskich nie jest lokalność, a wspólny, zachodni język (nawet jeśli to język drugi) oraz identyfikacja z konkretnym odłamem islamu, co w wyraźny sposób odróżnia je od społeczności muzułmańskich. Jest to znacząca różnica, która rzutuje na sposób postrzegania w tym konkretnym przypadku relacji on-line/off-line. W świecie islamu funkcjonuje ogromne ideowe rozczłonko¬ wanie i znaczny, etnoregionalnie uwarunkowany synkretyzm kulturowy. Niejedno¬ rodna muzułmańska społeczność rozsiana po całym świecie dodatkowo dzieli się na autochtonów żyjących w poszczególnych regionach świata muzułmańskiego oraz na imigrantów mieszkających w Europie czy Stanach Zjednoczonych. Na przykład wed¬ ług badań przeprowadzonych przez Centrum porozumienia chrześcijańsko-muzułmańskiego działającego przy Uniwersytecie w Georgetown amerykańscy muzułma¬ nie pochodzą z osiemdziesięciu różnych krajów, co wiąże się z rozbiciem kulturo¬ wym i ideologicznym tej zbiorowości. Wedle Marty Widy (2005), która prowadziła 2 2 Rzecz jasna, wystąpienia poszczególnych kaznodziejów utrzymane są w różnej formie - od zapal¬ czywych, bardzo poważnych kazań niektórych imamów po pełne absurdalnego nieraz humoru prezenta¬ cje w stylu Baba Alego popularnego na Youtube (por. www.ummafilms.com). �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości 41 badania wśród francuskich muzułmanów, pochodzący z różnych części świata mu¬ zułmanie koncentrują się wokół własnych meczetów, co również wiąże się z prze¬ strzeganiem odmiennych, bo związanych z różnymi tradycjami prawnymi, obrządków religijnych. Społeczność muzułmańską we Francji dzieli również światopogląd - od radykalizmu, poprzez mistycyzm do ludowego islamu. Druga płaszczyzna porównania to restryktywność muzułmańskiego świata prze¬ ciwstawiona anonimowości Internetu. Dzięki możliwości ukrycia się za nickiem i awatarem, Internet pozwala na pełniejszy udział różnych grup w życiu religijnym i reli¬ gijnych dysputach oraz poszerza repertuar tematów, które podejmowane są z większą swobodą. Prawidłowość ta w szczególny sposób dotyczy ludzi młodych i kobiet, któ¬ re mogą bardziej otwarcie niż w lokalnych środowiskach wygłaszać własne opinie, zasięgać rady, prosić o wsparcie czy kontaktować się z obcymi mężczyznami. W piś¬ miennictwie amerykańskim zjawisko aktywizacji kobiet muzułmańskich w Interne¬ cie zyskało nazwę syndromu „cyberfatimy". W sieci ujawniają się również grupy, które przez konserwatywne społeczności muzułmańskie są odrzucane, marginalizo¬ wane lub ciążą na nich sankcje. Należą do nich między innymi homoseksualiści mu¬ zułmańscy czy apostaci, którzy tworzą odrębne strony i portale, gdzie dzielą się życio¬ wymi doświadczeniami czy spostrzeżeniami na temat islamu oraz tworzą wirtualne grupy wsparcia. Demokratyczność, eksterytorialność i multikulturowość cyberislamu, podyktowana charakterem medium - stanowi również o jego sile ideologicznej, która może przekładać się na rzeczywistość off-line. Jak wspominałam wcześniej, w tym artykule pragnę przedstawić próbę etnogra¬ ficznej eksploracji jednego z licznych portali muzułmańskich, zwanych czasami cybermedynami. Posłużyłam się jedną z wielu wersji „etnograficznej analizy zawartości" (ethnographic content analisys - ECA), zaproponowaną przez Davida L. Altheide. Oto najważniejsze postulaty oddające ramy tego modelu, którego autor inspiracji po¬ szukuje m.in. w teorii ugruntowanej: Etnograficzna analiza zawartości opiera się na założeniu, że możliwe jest takie prowadzenie badań różnego rodzaju źródeł zastanych, aby odzwierciedlały one za¬ sady etnograficznej pracy terenowej. Celem takiej analizy może być zatem: pogłębiony opis pewnej społeczno-kulturowej rzeczywistości, odnalezienie związków pomiędzy jej elementami, a przede wszystkim odkrycie powtarzalnych wzorów działań lub znaczeń. Efekty społecz¬ nych interakcji czy też znaczenie ludzkich działań - obszary zainteresowań etno¬ grafii „terenowej" - mogą stać się przestrzenią badawczą w proponowanej tu perspektywie, przy czym każda cecha powinna być oglądana w kontekście innych, zaś analiza winna być dokonywana na drodze komparatywnej. Metoda ta również umożliwia zbieranie danych z różnych środowisk i łączną ich analizę - można zatem w duchu etnografii multisemiotycznej poddawać oglądowi teksty, obrazy, przekazy filmowe i dźwiękowe. Etnograficzna analiza zawartości ciąży wyraźnie ku podejściu indukcjonistycznemu. Dopuszcza się tu na wstępnych etapach pracy zbieranie możliwie szeroko roz¬ stawionych danych bez precyzyjnie ustalonego celu i zakresu, aby uwrażliwić się na teren. Badacz powinien być nastawiony przede wszystkim na odkrywanie, (w dalszej zaś kolejności pojawia się dopiero weryfikacja). Zbieranie danych, analiza i interpre¬ tacja nie są poukładanymi chronologicznie - w ścisłym i dyscyplinującym porządku - etapami pracy badawczej. Jej przebieg powinien mieć charakter kołowy i zwrotny, co zapobiega wymuszaniu danych, a jednocześnie sprzyjać rozszerzeniu kontekstu, �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości 42 ściślejszemu wiązaniu spostrzeżeń z terenem i uzyskiwaniu coraz większej gęstości. Zbieranie danych powinno przeplatać się z konceptualizacją i rekonceptualizacją pro¬ blemu badawczego i analizą materiałów. Teren ma pozostawać otwarty, badacz zaś po¬ winien wykazywać dużą elastyczność i unikać sztywnych procedur. Uzbrojona w te założenia, które legitymizowały przyszłe działania, zabrałam się do kulturowego entre. Zgodnie z przekonaniem, że metody etnograficzne są przekładalne na badania w Internecie, zdecydowałam się na długotrwały kontakt z terenem. Dyskusyjna jest w wypadku badań w sieci „głębia zanurzenia", żyje się bowiem w dwóch światach jednocześnie, przy czym ten realny - jak przynajmniej wynika z moich doświadczeń - niejednokrotnie dominuje nad terenem. Badacz jest jedno¬ cześnie na stanowisku i poza nim. Nie ma tu mowy o karnawalizacji terenowego doś¬ wiadczenia, szoku kulturowym czy - przynajmniej na początkowym etapie pracy - o obustronnej przyjaźni z tubylcami. W badaniach wirtualnej przestrzeni znajduje jednak zastosowanie stawiany już przez klasyków badań terenowych postulat ma¬ ksymalnej uważności, drobiazgowego zbierania danych, szacunku dla szczegółu, który może tłumaczyć sens szerszej całości. Interesuje mnie zatem wszystko, co pojawia się w moim mieście: czytam i gromadzę informacje, świadectwa konwertytów, ko¬ mentarze, pytania i odpowiedzi, zbieram obrazy i materiały filmowe, przeglądam „sto¬ iska na bazarze", wreszcie jestem forumowym lurkerem, robię notatki terenowe. A oto jak wygląda badana cybermedyna. Na podstawie treści zamieszczanych w informacyjnej części portalu, jego struktury i zawartości poszczególnych działów, można wnioskować, że promuje on pokojową koegzystencję w pluralistycznym ideologicznie społeczeństwie zachodnim i skupia muzułmanów odłamu sunnickiego o liberalnym nastawieniu. Jednocześnie jednym z jasno eksplikowanych celów jest pomoc w byciu muzułmaninem hołdującym islamskim wartościom, poprzez sze¬ roko rozumianą edukację, porady duchownych i autorytetów, a także wielowątkowe dyskusje między użytkownikami. Portal otwarty jest również na dialog z niewier¬ nymi - zarówno wyznawcami innych religii, jak i ateistami - co pełni podwójną funkcję: pozwala kreować pozytywny wizerunek muzułmanina i stanowi część pro¬ gramu misyjnego. Jednym z nieobowiązkowych kryteriów rejestracji na forum jest wyznanie - wśród członków islamicity dominują oczywiście muzułmanie, zaś w dru¬ giej kolejności chrześcijanie, ale pojawiają się również buddyści, żydzi, humaniści, agnostycy oraz ateiści. Źródłem informacji cennych dla etnografa jest dział pytania i odpowiedzi (Q&A). Wpisy odzwierciedlają problemy czy konflikty, do których w tradycyjnie rozumia¬ nym terenie być może nie mielibyśmy wglądu. Teren może uzupełniać, reformować, a nawet momentami wywracać do góry nogami wcześniej przyswojoną przez bada¬ cza wiedzę - do tradycji etnograficznego piśmiennictwa należy tryumfalna konstata¬ cja: twierdzi się, że jest tak, ale teren pokazuje, że jest zupełnie inaczej. W Internecie - dzięki natężeniu informacji, ich dostępności, a często naiwnej wręcz bezpośrednio¬ ści wypowiedzi, teren „uderza" w szczególny sposób. Każdy podręcznik o islamie za¬ wiera informacje o tym, że muzułmanie modlą się pięć razy dziennie, przed modlitwą osiągają stan haram poprzez ablucję, mają zakaz picia alkoholu etc. Zasady te w opi¬ sach etnograficznych, w oparciu o terenowe obserwacje, ujawniają się przefiltrowane przez partykularny, kulturowy filtr. W obserwowanej przeze mnie wirtualnej społecz¬ ności najsilniej (prawdopodobnie z powodów, o których wspominałam wcześniej) uderzają problemy wynikające z zetknięcia islamu ze światem Zachodnim wyrażane między innymi poprzez pytania do imama: na przykład czy muzułmanin może używać �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości 43 perfum na bazie alkoholu? Czy przy rytualnych ablucjach można mieć pomalowane paznokcie? Czy chory na serce muzułmanin może przyjąć przeszczep od niewierne¬ go? To z kolei pokazuje, że Internet może być traktowany, z pewnymi ograniczenia¬ mi, jako istotne źródło wiedzy etnograficznej. W Internecie trudna do zrekonstruowania jest zwłaszcza charakterystyka społeczna naszych „informatorów", twórców tekstów, które badamy (a takiej rekonstrukcji do¬ magają się niektórzy autorzy). Kto stawia wcześniej przytoczone pytania: konwertyci, a może drugie pokolenie imigrantów? Takie trudności powinny być uwzględniane już na etapie formułowania celu badań, niektóre bowiem cele są znacznie trudniejsze (jeśli w ogóle możliwe) do osiągnięcia niż inne. Ajednak czegoś możemy dowiedzieć się o informatorach. Islamicity.com został stworzony w Ameryce i jej mieszkańców głównie obsługuje. Jednocześnie jednak ma działy regionalne, które odnoszą się do problemów i opinii ludzi żyjących na innych kontynentach, którzy sprawnie posługują się językiem an¬ gielskim. Na forum obecność swoją zaznaczają osoby mieszkające w Indonezji, Tur¬ cji, Maroku, Francji, RPA, Arabii Saudyjskiej, Sudanie czy Indiach. Dobra znajomość angielskiego sugeruje, że przedstawiciele innych krajów (również frankofońskich) mają staranne wykształcenie. Wielu zresztą pisze o tym wprost, przedstawiają się ja¬ ko absolwenci uniwersytetów, wielbiciele literatury angielskiej, prawnicy, lekarze czy nauczyciele. Drobiazgowy przegląd postów i profili użytkowników pozwala stwier¬ dzić, że w islamicity spotykają się muzułmanie o różnym pochodzeniu, doświad¬ czeniach życiowych i religijnych - konwertyci i urodzeni muzułmanie, mieszkańcy kilku kontynentów i wielu regionów, imigranci brytyjscy i amerykańscy, mieszkańcy krajów zislamizowanych, których dzielą dodatkowo tradycje pochodzące z sunnickich szkół prawnych. Pełna weryfikacja tożsamości każdej z osób na forum nie jest możliwa, choć oszus¬ ta w islamicity wykryć jest dość prosto. Język tego forum jest specyficzny, lazy En¬ glish przeplata się tu z transkrypcjami arabskich słów i wyrażeń. Równie charakte¬ rystyczny jest sposób argumentowania poprzez odwołanie do autorytetu hadisów, czasami z wykazaniem łańcucha ich autorów. Stosunkowo łatwa do zweryfikowania jest również „lokalizacja" - ludzie lubią pisać o realiach życia w miejscu zamiesz¬ kania. Zresztą, jeśli zaistniałaby taka konieczność, można przeprowadzić mozolny test spójności autobiograficznych relacji. Każde miejsce w przestrzeni Internetu jest two­ rzone przez konkretnych ludzi, którzy często przez kilka lat z rzędu zamieszczają tam swoje opinie, wyznania, opisy życiowych doświadczeń, zdjęcia, filmy, komentarze zewnętrznej i wirtualnej rzeczywistości, wchodzą w powtarzalne interakcje z innymi użytkownikami, wreszcie „okazują" emocje i uczucia. Zaciekawiona faktem, że jeden z seniorów na forum i „lokalnych" autorytetów, zastosował taki skrót imienia swej interlokutorki, który po angielsku oznaczał „oszus¬ ta" (co zresztą wzbudziło jej gwałtowny sprzeciw), zgromadziłam i ułożyłam datami wszystkie posty tej użytkowniczki z różnych działów forum z ostatnich dwóch lat. Nie udało mi się wprawdzie wykryć oszustwa, ale za to ułożyły się w całość i potwier¬ dziły wzajemnie duże fragmenty jej biografii. Nigdy nie możemy być jednak pewni, kto - parafrazując profesora Kurczewskiego (2006: 11-13) - kryje się za postacią pers¬ kiej księżniczki. Istnieje jednak możliwość patrzenia na tego rodzaju teksty w duchu Goffmana, jako na kulturowo zdeterminowane role i społeczne przedstawienia, nie¬ koniecznie zaś jako na atrybuty realnych ludzi. Przyglądając się dyskursowi poświęconemu islamowi zauważyć można symboliczne �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości punkty węzłowe, wokół których ogniskuje się konflikt wartości. Jedną z takich klu­ czowych kwestii jest zasłona. W zależności od regionu przybiera ona różny charak­ ter i rozmiar - od hidżabu, czyli chusty czarnej lub wzorzystej na różne sposoby wią­ zanej na głowie, która może być uzupełniona przez zasłonę na twarz (nikab) po szczel­ nie otulające całą sylwetkę czarne czadory lub błękitne burki. Niezależnie od formy, na Zachodzie zasłona jest jednym z kluczowych wątków dysputy o świecie islamu. Zważywszy na poziom emocji, jaki towarzyszy dyskusjom o chuście, musimy uz¬ nać, że nie chodzi o kawałek kolorowego materiału, ale o jeden z istotnych symboli w walce o wartości pomiędzy oboma obszarami cywilizacyjnymi. Zasłona jest ar¬ gumentem w dyskursie feministycznym, bywa przedmiotem satyrycznych rysun­ ków, ustosunkowują się do niej głowy państw, staje się tym samym istotną częścią debat politycznych nad kwestią integracji muzułmanów. Przykładów jest co naj¬ mniej kilka. W niektórych państwach zasłanianie twarzy w miejscach publicznych jest prawnie zakazane (Belgia, Francja), w innych trwają polityczne dysputy dotyczą­ ce tej praktyki (na przykład Hiszpania, Niemcy). Często pada argument, że zasłona wyraża idee, które nie tylko stoją w opozycji, ale na swój sposób zagrażają wartoś¬ ciom składającym się na tożsamość narodową w konkretnym państwie. W tym dys¬ kursie biorą udział najbardziej znani europejscy politycy - jak chociażby Nicolas Sarkozy prezentujący dość twardą linię polityczną wobec burki na terytorium Fran­ cji. Oto fragment słynnego, oklaskiwanego przez polityków francuskich i krytyko¬ wanego przez muzułmanów z całego świata przemówienia, które prezydent Francji wygłosił w Congrès de Versailles dwudziestego drugiego czerwca 2009 roku. Problem burki nie jest problemem religijnym, raczej kwestią wolności i godności kobiety. To nie jest to symbol religijny, ale znak uległości i poniżenia. (...) Burka nie jest mile widziana we Francji. (...) W naszym kraju nie możemy zaakceptować wię­ źniarek za parawanem, odseparowanych od życia społecznego, pozbawionych tożsa¬ mości. To nie jest nasz pomysł na wolność. (www.lepost.fr) Zasłona bywa wreszcie przedmiotem artystycznych parafraz i fantazji o erotycz¬ nym podtekście, streszczając tym samym obraz kobiety Wschodu tkwiący korzenia­ mi w dyskursie orientalistycznym. W Internecie krążą i są komentowane również przez muzułmanów zdjęcia roznegliżowanych kobiet w zasłonach na tle orientalnych deko¬ racji albo zachodnich modelek stylizowanych na odaliski w reklamowych fotografiach. Postanowiłam zatem, przy użyciu etnograficznej analizy zawartości, podjąć próbę zrekonstruowania znaczeń, jakie przypisywane były przez użytkowników islamcity zasłonie. Na etapie pracy, który tu omawiam, nie zważałam na pozytywny czy nega¬ tywny charakter stwierdzeń. Koncentrowałam się wyłącznie na treściach wypowie­ dzi uczestników różnych działów forum islamicity.com, nie brałam zaś pod uwagę obrazów, które pojawiały się na portalu. Interesowały mnie ramy znaczeniowe, sym¬ boliczny kontekst, w którym zasłona była umieszczana. W rezultacie analizy dwu¬ stu postów, w których treści pojawiło się hasło hidżab, powstała wstępna pajęczyna kategorii, które do owych ram znaczeniowych się odnoszą. Ta pajęczyna w przy¬ szłości będzie rozbudowywana i weryfikowana w innych środowiskach danych, aż do chwili nasycenia. Wśród postów dominowały wypowiedzi odnoszące się do osobistych doświad¬ czeń z hidżabem. Zdarzały się komentarze do wydarzeń zewnętrznych, które w ja¬ kiś sposób dotyczyły zasłony, jak również opinie formułowane przez mężczyzn lub �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości 45 nie-muzułmanów. Noszenie zasłony było rozważane na czterech poziomach. Po pierwsze zasłona traktowana była jako istotna część składowa doświadczenia reli­ gijnego. W najbardziej osobistym sensie mogła być przedstawiana jako droga wybie­ rana przez kobietę w dążeniu do samodoskonalenia w islamie, czyli do pełnego pod­ porządkowania się woli i prawom Allaha. W tym kontekście założenie zasłony stawa¬ ło się ważnym krokiem w osobistym dżihadzie, walce z pokusami zewnętrznego świa¬ ta, własną próżnością i innymi wadami, których pokonanie prowadziło do bycia lep­ szą muzułmanką. Bardziej kategoryczne w swej wymowie były wypowiedzi, w któ­ rych noszenie hidżabu przedstawiane było jako fard - jeden z ustanowionych przez Boga i przekazanych przez Posłańca obowiązków muzułmanki. Tu najczęściej po¬ woływano się w argumentacji na autorytety i hadisy, które potwierdzały taki sposób patrzenia na zasłonę. Ale noszenie hidżabu to również działanie cementujące muzuł¬ mańską wspólnotę lub - odwrotnie - zasłona jako temat wzbudzający kontrowersje, prowadzić miał do fitny, czyli do dezintegracji muzułmańskiej społeczności, we¬ wnętrznych waśni i rozłamów. Na innym poziomie decyzja dotycząca hidżabu wiązana była z biograficzną zmianą (przy czym rzecz mogła dotyczyć biografii własnej lub życia kobiet muzułmańskich w ogóle). Założenie hidżabu stawało się zatem kamieniem milowym w doświadcze¬ niu konwertytek lub było naturalną konsekwencją procesu dojrzewania, w wyniku którego pojawiała się potrzeba albo gotowość do przyjęcia zasłony. Najwięcej jednak wypowiedzi odnosiło się do dwóch pozostałych kategorii, które umownie mogą być nazwane stylem życia i ekspresją „ja". Warto zauważyć, że te ka­ tegorii są sobie bliskie, lecz niezupełnie ze sobą powiązane. Podstawowa różnica tkwi w sposobie ujmowania problemu. W kategorii „styl życia" mieszczą się wypowiedzi oceniające z punktu widzenia estetyki czy mody hidżab, jego rozmaite warianty i spo¬ soby wiązania. Tu również dyskutowano kwestie piękna (lub jego braku) i skrom¬ nego uroku kobiet skrywających się za zasłoną, jak również oceniano zdjęcia modelek prezentujących muzułmańską modę. W przypadku „autoekspresji" w wypowiedziach bardziej lub mniej explicite pojawiała się kwestia tożsamości - kulturowej, płciowej czy religijnej. Hidżab był zatem częścią szerszej dyskusji nad tożsamością, której is¬ totnym kontekstem społecznym stawał się Zachód wraz z jego odmiennymi wartoś¬ ciami, które mogły być dwojako interpretowane. Z jednej strony jako niedające się po­ godzić z islamem i stojące w opozycji względem wartości muzułmańskich - wówczas akcentowano nieprzychylny stosunek do muzułmanów, a zwłaszcza obsesyjną krytykę kobiet decydujących się nosić hidżab. Z drugiej jednak strony świat Zachodu przed¬ stawiany bywał jako miejsce życia, do którego norm muzułmanie obu płci - nie za¬ rzucając fundamentalnych zasad religii - powinni starać się dostosować. Drugą płaszczyzną odniesienia stawała się umma sprawująca kontrolę nad swoimi członkami i wypracowująca wzory zachowania. Była ona zatem widziana z dwoja¬ kiej perspektywy - jako środowisko, do którego przynależą autorzy wypowiedzi, a więc najbliższe otoczenie społeczne, które w bezpośredni sposób wpływa na zacho¬ wania swoich członków, ocenia je i komentuje oraz jako szerszy i bardziej odległy kon¬ tekst społeczny. W tym drugim wypadku umma jawiła się jako środowisko wypra¬ cowujące normy i lokalne lub ogólno muzułmańskie wzorce. Hidżab bywał rozumiany również jako wyznacznik tożsamości kulturowej i reli¬ gijnej. I znów mogło chodzić o makro- albo mikroskalę. Prawo do zasłony - jeśli rozpatrywane w odniesieniu do norm zachodniej kultury - było opisywane jako jeden z esencjonalnych aspektów bycia muzułmanką, zaś niechęć członków społeczeństw �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości 46 zachodnich względem hidżabu interpretowana była jako wyraz fundamentalnego nie­ zrozumienia kultury muzułmańskiej, a nawet objaw ksenofobicznego lęku przed isla­ mem. Innym wymiarem było lokowanie hidżabu (i innych form zasłony) w kontek­ ście konkretnych, regionalno-kulturowych obyczajów, które niekoniecznie obo­ wiązywać muszą w całym świecie islamu. Inną formą związku zasłony z autoekspresją była kwestia dwupłciowości. Hidżab bywał zatem rozpatrywany jako znak i atrybut kobiecości, który streszcza podstawo¬ we cechy i skłonności, jakimi powinna charakteryzować się kobieta, takimi jak skrom¬ ność, przywiązanie do tradycji, poświęcenie dla rodziny, wierność względem męża, etc. Te cechy były przeciwstawiane męskim skłonnościom, które przez Boga zos­ tały zaprojektowane jako zupełnie różne. I tu do głosu dochodził Zachód widziany przede wszystkim jako miejsce, w którym mieszają się porządki, a konwencja spo¬ łeczna zakłóca naturalny, ontologicznie uzasadniony stan rzeczy. W takim ujęciu no¬ szenie zasłony bywało rozumiane jako wyraz siostrzanej solidarności muzułmanek, które decydują się trwać przy tradycyjnych wartościach wbrew przesyconemu re¬ latywizmowi zachodniemu otoczeniu. Przedstawione powyżej znaczenia przypisywane zasłonie zostały zaledwie na¬ szkicowane. Z uwagi na ograniczony zakres badań nie można również uznać uzys¬ kanych wyników za reprezentatywne dla muzułmanów jako całości. Przeprowadzone badania wskazują jednak - przynajmniej w odniesieniu do konkretnego wirtualnego terenu - na przydatność etnograficznej analizy zawartości jako narzędzia pozyski¬ wania danych w Internecie. Warto podkreślić, że zastosowana strategia jest szcze¬ gólnie użyteczna na początkowych etapach badań, kiedy zmierza się do rozpoznania terenu i możliwie najszerszego udokumentowania problemu badawczego, który na¬ stępnie może być zgłębiany przy użyciu innych narzędzi. Doświadczenia nabyte podczas pracy w islamicity pozwalają potwierdzić przyjęte założenia dotyczące muzułmanów w sieci. Hidżab jest rozumiany przez muzułma¬ nów jako istotny symbol, za którym kryje się złożony system znaczeń. Zachodnie in¬ terpretacje zasłony, czy szerzej - pozycji kobiety w islamskich środowiskach - wydają się katalizować postawy samych muzułmanów, którzy w sposób bardziej świadomy i silnie zideologizowany patrzą na kwestię tradycyjnego ubioru kobiety. Zróżnicowanie prezentowanych postaw i lokalnych tradycji, jakie za takimi po¬ stawami często stoją, pozwala z kolei potwierdzić, że sieć nie jest bezpośrednim od¬ wzorowaniem rzeczywistości. Dzięki eksterytorialnemu charakterowi pozwala na komunikowanie się osób pochodzących z różnych środowisk społecznych i etnicz¬ nych, stając się współczesną agorą o niespotykanych wcześniej rozmiarach i możli¬ wościach, nowym wydaniem „melting pot" i przestrzenią otwartą dla społecznych negocjacji znaczenia. *fan» żyda Z akt Rn umodoifcoiu talie pleć kontekst środowiskowy Zachód �Ewa A. Jagiełło - Etnograf w cybermedynie. Próba zastosowania etnograficznej analizy zawartości 47 Literatura: Adamu U . A., Islam and the Internet, www.kanoonline.com/publications/islam_ and_the_internet.htm, 2002, (27.10.2010). Altheide D. L., Reflections: Ethnographic Content Analisys, Qualitative Sociology, 10 (1), 1987, s. 65-77. Androutsopoulos J., Potentials and limitations of discourse-centered online ethnography, Language@Internet, 5 (8), http://www.languageatinternet.de/articles/2008, 2008, (27.10.2010). Baym N., The Emergence of Online Community, [w:] Cybersociety 2.0: Revisiting Computer Medited Communication and Community, red. Jones S. G., Sage, Thousand Oaks, London, New Dehli 1998, s. 35-68. Castells M . , Galaktyka Internetu. Refleksje nad Internetem, biznesem i społeczeńswem, Dom Wydawniczy Rebis, Poznań 2003. Castells M., Społeczeństwo sieci, PWN, Warszawa 2008. Cavanagh A., Behaviour in Public? Ethics in Online Ethnography, http://www.cybersociology.com/files/6_2_ethicsinonlineethnog.html, 1999, (27.10.2010). Communities in Cyberspace, red. Kollok P., Smith M . , Routledge, New York 2005. El-Tahawy A., The Internet is the New Mosque. Fatwa at the Click of a Mouse, www.arabinsight.org/aiarticle, 2008, (27.10.2010). Kozintes R. V., Netnography. Doing Ethnographic Research Online, Sage, Los An¬ geles, London, New Dehli, Singapore, Washington 2010. Kurczewski J., Wstęp: Lem, Baudrillard i Wielka Sieć, [w:] Wielka sieć. E-seje z so­ cjologii Internetu, red. Kurczewski J., Wydawnictwo Trio, Warszawa 2006, s. 9-21 Postman N., Technopol. Triumf techniki nad kulturą, Państwowy Instytut Wydaw¬ niczy, Warszawa 1995. Rheingold H., The Virtual Community. Homesteading on the Electronic Frontier, www.rheingold.com/vc/book, 2000, (27.10.2010). Widy M., Życie codzienne w muzułmańskim Paryżu, Wydawnictwo Akademickie Dialog, Warszawa 2005. Źródła internetowe: http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats.htm (07.08. 2010). http://islamicity.com (07.08. 2010). http://www.lepost.fr/article/2009/06/22/1588158_le-congres-de-versailles-en-unclin-d-oeil.html (07.08. 2010). http://wyborcza.pl/1,75477,7909234,Dzis_Miedzynarodowy_Dzien_Rysowania_Mahometa__Pakistan.html (07.08.2010). � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/fa40dd73ac3344a3bac82bc5d1e145a5.pdf 68a96907f9efbad1bd75d3b177d550dc Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:4997 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource Zadrożyńska, Anna nowoczesność Beduini Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4634 Title A name given to the resource The Invasion of "Jinn" Spirits/ Antropolog wobec współczesności Modernity and the Bedouin Description An account of the resource Antropolog wobec współczesności pod red. Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.121-125 tom w darze Profesor Annie Zadrożyńskiej Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource jakubowska, Longina Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Longina Jakubowska University College Utrecht The Invasion of Jinn Spirits: Modernity and the Bedouin It was clear to her brothers that Mariam was possessed by a jinni (sing. jinni, pl. jinn). H e r behavior was erratic; one day she was listlessly sitting cross-legged w i t h o u t u t tering a word, and the next getting into agressive fits throwing harangues at anyone w h o passed by in language that was either unintelligible or abusive. She fought w i t h her husband, refused to have sex w i t h him, and was nasty toward her co-wife. Even worse, she was suspected to have spread malignant gossip about her cousin that led to the annulment of a marriage proposal. Fortunately this happened during the summer school vacation - Mariam worked as a special education teacher in town and her odd state was noticed only by her immediate family and neighbors w h o kept it as much a secret as one can in a community where most people k n o w one another. The story of Mariam's misfortune was t o l d to me one warm spring day in hushed voices laced w i t h dread. As the night fell, other stories followed, stories of magic, bewitchment, mystery and fear. Hers was a jinnii of a non-descript nature. The jinn w h o claimed the body of her neighbor d o w n the street had a name, a gender, and a place of origin; the beautiful European jinniya w h o fell in love w i t h h i m was called Janet. Spirit possession was an unexpected turn in my anthropological inquiry A t no previous point in time during the twenty five years of my involvement w i t h a Bedouin community in the Negev desert in Israel had I noted a significant presence of jinn in people's lives. For the next three weeks I was busily collecting stories of their interference. The local M u s l i m cleric and a jinn expert instructed me about their nature, their properties, and the remedies against them and allowed me to witness the means and ways of their exorcism. I remained skeptical throughout my inquiries because the victims were usually educated professionals in the nascent middle class w i t h the ambition to develop a modern and progressive community. The rich anthropological literature interprets the belief in jinn variously as an ar¬ rangement of cultural memory political strategy mental illness, 'folk' logic, or i n d i vidual subjectivity (see Boddy 1989; Bowen 1993; Crapanzano 1980; Siegel 2003; 121 �Longina Jakubowska Gregg 2005; Khan 2006). In this article, I explore the recent encounters of a bedouin community w i t h jinn to show how the stories about their sudden appearance are laced w i t h fear of the perceived disorder in communal and individual relationships. As jinn are believed to thrive on conflict, chaos and uncontrolled emotions, their emergence might be taken is an indicator of the state of the community at the m o ment. Modernization of the bedouin society brought a shift in norms and ambiguity about rules and as such the town became a ripe environment for the jinn to prey on. I suggest that the sudden invasion of the jinn can be attributed to the partial absorp¬ tion of the various discourses of modernity by the community at large as well as by individuals w i t h i n it. M o d e r n i t y came in uneven bundles of components and al¬ though the bedouin culture uses many of these components creatively, some are still misaligned w i t h the social structure to which they are applied. Furthermore, as argued by Appadurai (1996), the repertoire of ideas, images, concepts, and narra¬ tives that move across groups and cultures in the global terrain do so in an unpre¬ dictable fashion. They are mediated by indigenous concepts and practices - in this case the local concepts of health and well being - in the process of which the lines between the rational and the imaginary are blurred. The Bedouin of the Negev, a desert region in the northern Sinai, a pastoral nomadic society dependent on herding sheep, goats, camels and organized along the principles of a segmentary lineage system, became transformed into wage earn¬ ing urban dwellers in the course of the last half a century. The process of their sedentarization was gradual and had already started in the times of the O t t o m a n Empire but it dramatically accelerated in the period following the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948. A t first, tent encampments gave way to corrugated iron and wooden plank shantytowns and later to urban conglomerations of ugly cement buildings. A l t h o u g h currently the majority of bedouin live in towns, shantytowns d i d not completely disappear from the desert landscape. Conscious of the benefits urban centers provide (electricity, schools and health clinics), many others settled in vicinity encircling towns w i t h a ring of slums. The towns are located in desolate corners of the desert far from Israeli population hubs to which they are connected only by a single road. To those w h o do not expect them, they appear rather suddenly like a mirage amidst plastic bags - the scourge of the M i d d l e East - blown hither and thither by the w i n d . As they are built in approximately the same period of time 1 1 I n t h e 1940s, some 75,000 Bedouin inhabited the N e g e v ( M a r x 1967). F o l l o w i n g the establish- ment of Israel, most of t h e m became refugees i n t h e n e i g h b o r i n g Arab countries. T h e Israeli army m o v e d most of the remaining 11,000 b e d o u i n t o a reservation the size of a f r a c t i o n of t h e i r former ter¬ ritory. T h e reservation was r u l e d b y a m i l i t a r y a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , w h i c h s t r i c t l y c o n t r o l l e d the move¬ ments of b e d o u i n b y a system of permits. E x p r o p r i a t i o n of land b y t h e State, t e r r i t o r i a l displacement, and r e s t r i c t i o n on m o v e m e n t eradicated the nomadic and semi-nomadic economy as a result of w h i c h most m e n u n d e r t o o k wage labor i n the e x p a n d i n g Israeli economy: 122 �The Invasion of Jinn Spirits: Modernity and the Bedouin (in the 1980s and 90s), there is little that distinguishes one from another. Houses tend to be large enough to accommodate an extended family but their size is de¬ ceptive and does not necessarily indicate prosperity The size of families also tends to be large so it is not uncommon to have a couple of dozen people living under the same roof. W i t h the population of approximately 50,000 - about one-third of the entire bedouin population in the Negev - Rahat is the largest of all the settlements. It is a social mosaic of people of different origins and k i n groups, and predictably a fertile site for communal unrest and conflict. A l o n g a practically complete eradi¬ cation of pastoral nomadism, the settled bedouin experienced a degree of social disruption; urbanity and concomitant new economic configuration had repercus¬ sions for social structure. First, the emergent economic differentiation altered the traditional system of stratification based upon kinship. Some fared better than others and while a few descent groups, individual families, even individuals became pros¬ perous and rose in social status, most became trapped in the cycle of poverty, lack of education and structural underemployment. A m o n g other factors, this new eco¬ nomic differentiation and stratification is responsible for the emergence of new poli¬ tical ideologies. The urban Bedouin, particularly those w h o made it into the middle classes, are in search of a new definition of their identity. This search took them from initial malaise, to a brief experimentation w i t h Palestinian nationalism and most recently to Islamic fundamentalism. Where social change undermined local customs, the resulting vacuum opened the way for a more fundamentalist approach as a counterforce to modernization, westernization, emergent liberalism, but also cultural disintegration. N o t only is the Bedouin absorption of modernity fragmentary but so too is the assimilation of Islamic ideology N o r is it a simple issue. The Bedouin do not have an elaborate spiritual tradition. For a long time they were known among their sedentary agricultural neighbors for their rather rudimental knowledge of Islam and teased for lack of piety Being a M u s l i m increasingly implies a battlefield for contesting and opposing discourses on authenticity tradition, and modernity In the process of contestation surrounding 'authenticity' and 'tradition', certain Isla¬ mic symbols are actively chosen (or imposed) as crucial markers of cultural similar¬ ity w i t h the Islamic world and cultural difference w i t h others. Debates that emerged around the issue of modernization and the meaning of modernity occur in a highly charged political context of conflicting Palestinian and Israeli nationalisms. Many reject westernization and the homogenizing processes inherent in globalization yet they are not positioned outside the structures they so vehemently criticize: they hold government jobs, study at universities, or benefit from state assistance. M o d e r n ity is thought possible on the one hand through skills and scientific knowledge, and devout religious practice on the other, b o t h of which imply a break w i t h past tradi¬ tions. Islam also represents a way of overcoming what the Bedouin label as backward 2 2 In 2009 Rahat became t h e second largest A r a b t o w n i n Israel. 123 �Longina Jakubowska and traditional features of their society while the Islamization of daily life entails the de-beduinization of culture. Bedouin practices, which do not fall squarely in the generic Islamic tradition or contradict it, are discouraged, and the local cultural tradition has gradually been brought into accord w i t h scriptural teaching and Islamisized. This process is visible in the performance of ritual, daily dress (the substitution of the colorfully embroidered thob dress for a plain jilbab), disapproval of the vener-ation of holy men and pilgrimages to the shrines of saints, the denunciation of the use of talismans, etc. N o t only Bedouin material culture but also previous efforts to imitate Israeli architecture have been obscured by a more 'Arabic' style borrowed from the Gulf countries - ornamental Quranic inscriptions, pictures of Hassan al-Banna , decorative sculptures of coffee jugs placed over entrances, and spiraling towerlets. These new artifacts are evident manifestations of the influence of the media broadcasted from the Arab states, pilgrimages to Mecca, and visits to Gaza, the West Bank or Jordan. The new middle class is educated, bilingual, technologically sophisticated and integrated into the Israeli labor market. A l t h o u g h education is not its only formative factor, it has guaranteed a leap in economic and social advancement. This is w h y the retreat into what is called a "traditional" belief system as an explan¬ ation for social ailments is puzzling. 3 In what follows, I provide a short account of jinn from the perspective of Islamic tradition and its local Bedouin interpretation. The jinn have a rank and status in the Islamic universe. The most important textual verification of jinn is found in the Quran in Sura 72, titled Al-Jinn, as well as in prophetic tradition (hadith). The jinn are believed to be creatures made by G o d out of smokeless fire at the beginning of time much in the same way humans were made of clay and angels of light. Like humans, they form communities in the confines of which they conduct their lives: they eat, sleep, marry produce children w h o then go to schools, follow careers, and die. In contrast to humans, jinn are capable of form changing, fast movement, great acts of strength, and long lives. Some are said to be as old as 1000 years. They k n o w no limitations to time or space and can easily move between historical epochs and places. Like humans, they possess free will and are capable of making moral choices; they are drawn to b o t h good and evil and are endowed w i t h emotions and rational faculties. As w i t h the human world, the w o r d of Islam was sent to jinn through the Prophet Muhammad; in other words, jinn preexist Islam. Logically then, they follow different religions; some accepted Islam while others remained faithful to Buddhism, Hinduism, Judaism, Christianity or any other of the multitude of religious be4 ' Hassan al-Banna (1906-1949) was an E g y p t i a n social and p o l i t i c a l reformer and t h e founder of M u s l i m B r o t h e r h o o d , one of t h e largest and most influential 2 0 t h c e n t u r y M u s l i m revivalist organizations. 4 T h e jinn d o n o t exhaust the w o r l d of spirits in Islamic belief. There are also 'afrit, maridin, and the most f r i g h t e n i n g of all, the ghul. 124 �The Invasion of Jinn Spirits: Modernity and the Bedouin liefs. They also have names, gender and distinct personalities. Muslims believe that the jinn and humans share the earthly world but lead largely separate lives. W h i l e the jinn are invisible to the human eye (their name derives from the w o r d ijtinan, which means "to be concealed from sight"), they can observe the existence of humans. O n occasion, however, the t w o cross paths whereby the jinn enter the spaces inhabited by humans and often assume surreal forms, commonly appearing as a black dog in the least frightening version and as a two-legged donkey w i t h horns in its extreme version. One should never throw a stone at a black dog lest it might be a jinni in disguise w h o would inevitably seek revenge. In other local traditions, the jinn inhabit dark and deserted places, caves, and graveyards (Padwick 1924; Gregg 2005; Boddy 1989). The Bedouin believe that the creatures have a liking for all things d i r t y and smelly but water in particular; stale stinky water serves as a conduit between the world of humans and that of the jinn. They cherish darkness, which makes dusk and night dangerous times for humans. One has to be mindful about pouring out a bucket of water, or for that matter sweeping the yard at night, lest by mistake it splashes at a jinn lurking in the vicinity. The greatest danger from such disturbance of the jinn is that they may in revenge possess the disturber. To avoid misfortune, one is advised to utter the phrase 'bismillah ' ( i n the name of G o d ) while engaging in any activity that involves d i r t y water, particularly when in contact w i t h a human body, such as taking a bath (hamam), entering a latrine or a toilet. In Bedouin oral trad¬ ition, jinn are never benevolent, always devious and humans are in perpetual danger as jinn can take possession of their body at a w h i m . Jinn do not inspire but seduce to destruction; they 'possess' to destroy and not to make things possible. 5 6 7 Jinn possession can cause a person to have seizures and to speak in incom¬ prehensible tongues. The possessed are unable to think or speak of their own will. Numbness of limbs, a rash on the arms and legs, pulsating veins, stomach or back pain, persistent headache, and nausea can all be signs of possession but so can nightmares, lethargy, or aggressiveness. Jinn are also blamed for women's infertility or reproductive difficulties. N o t all types of disease and illness are attributed to jinn possession. In fact, the Bedouin are not necessarily given to magical thinking and prefer scientific explanations w i t h regard to any abnormal condition. Generally they seek modern treatment by consulting a medical doctor and follow the course of treatment prescribed by h i m . However, if the symptoms do not ease as expected 5 T h e most infamous is a jinniya (female jinn), k n o w n i n N o r t h A f r i c a as Aisha Qandisha w h o t y p - ically appears t o men as an irresistible and ravishing w o m a n . Failing t o notice her camel's (or goat's) feet, t h e y fall under her charm and soon discover themselves t o be i m p o t e n t w i t h any o t h e r w o m a n , i n c l u d i n g t h e i r wife, w i t h o u t Aysha's consent (Crapanzano 1980). 6 N o t unlike i n C h r i s t i a n t r a d i t i o n (see C h r i s t i a n 1996), children i n particular are e n d o w e d w i t h a g i f t of being able t o see the jinn; if one turns around and sees an unusual f o r m and t h e n one turns around again seeing it gone, it probably was a jinn. 7 Precautions are w o v e n i n t o d a i l y customs and etiquettes. 125 �Longina Jakubowska but recur or magnify and an abnormal state of body and mind continues, there is then reason to suspect interference of the spirits. Importantly, although the jinn seem to act in a whimsical and arbitrary fashion, not all people are equally susceptible to possession. The human body serves only as a receptacle for the spirits and indi¬ viduals have a degree of control/agency over the access they grant. True, a person might be at the wrong place at the wrong time and unwillingly provides an opport¬ unity for the jinni to enter his body; nonetheless it is his inner state that makes him a potential v i c t i m . Bodies are vulnerable when they are in a state of discord and disharmony. Thus, in a fashion, an unbalanced person facilitates the descent of the spirits and consequently makes h i m - through actions or emotions - an agent of his own possession. So what was it that caused Mariam's possession? T h e case of Mariam, the merry working woman According to community standards, Mariam married rather late. A t the age of 26, she willingly became the second wife of her maternal cousin A h m a d . Like a number of educated girls - she is a graduate of a Teachers College - she married a man whose education came to an end after only four years at school. She married happily and at the ceremony I attended radiated satisfaction and delight. The couple set¬ tled in a downstairs apartment of Ahmad's house while his first wife occupied the upper floor w i t h the children she had borne h i m . Ahmad's wives kept separate households but cooperated when necessary and in the eyes of the community formed a peaceful union. A t the end of her first year of marriage, Mariam gave b i r t h to Mahmud about the same time that Muhammad was b o r n to the first wife. The passing years cast some doubt at this apparent marital bliss as the first wife became thinner and left the house less often. Three births later Mariam was still cheerful and happily kept me informed about the ins and outs of life in a polygamous family. If someone was to be possessed by a jinni I would have expected it to be the first wife since they are often known to suffer upon their husband's second marriage and therefore I was surprised to hear of Mariam's malady. 8 The jinni might have gone undetected had she not gone on the pilgrimage to Mecca. Indeed, she had delayed the hajj for a long time - allegedly under the influ¬ ence of the jinni - giving such excuses as having to take care of her small children, lack of money or some other problem. Unfortunately the pilgrimage only worsened her state. The jinni is said to have left her at the entrance to Kaaba, the most holy site in Islam, as he had to since jinn cannot bear sacred spaces. Inevitably, he caught up w i t h her later but the experience of the pilgrimage left him unsettled, confused, and aggravated. Consequently, Mariam's behavior deteriorated. She began using 'ugly' words that sow unrest - words that were accusatory of others conducting unseemly deeds, repeatedly expressed desire to die, was often listless as if w i t h o u t 8 For the rising rates of polygamous marriages, see Jakubowska (2005). 126 �The Invasion of Jinn Spirits: Modernity and the Bedouin a will of her own and when she came to herself, behaved w i t h o u t the composure required of women, and finally, spoke in a bizarre tongue that could not be under¬ stood. As her fitful state continued and w o r d of Mariam's o d d behavior began to spread, her husband sought family counsel. The family advised h i m to call upon the help of sheikh Aodeh, the exorcist. Mariam, as I knew her, was always a person w h o explored the furthermost limits of social behavior. She had a lively but loud personality and was often outspoken about people and relations in the community. She also had a wide network of female relatives as well as friends w h o m she had met at school and at the college. H e r job made her commute to the other end of town and Mariam usually took her time coming home by making visiting rounds and drinking endless cups of tea on the way She d i d not need to hurry back home as her children were cared for by her cowife and her husband, who was employed in construction, returned home late. Mariam did not keep an ideal house. People thought that her children were not properly looked after and many wondered on what she was spending the money she earned. Her wide social circle provided information on the latest social events in the com¬ munity. She always knew about the most recent developments in marriage proposals, amounts of bride-price paid in marriage, the latest fashion, deaths and illnesses. This information is indeed valuable but needs to be cherished, treated w i t h discret¬ ion, and used wisely. Mariam had difficulties w i t h this; she was a gossip. She talked too much in a society where reputation is sometimes the only possession and breach of trust can have dire consequences. The experience of jinn possession made Mariam a changed person. It also changed the relations in her polygamous family She became mindful of her children, started to spend more time at home and developed a better working relationship w i t h her co-wife w h o cheered up considerably But she remained fearful. Even after the treatment was successfully completed she was afraid of being alone at home and took to reading the Quran frequently W i t h her newly found conscientiousness she instant¬ ly recognized the symptoms of possession in her sister-in-law. T h e case of Sabiha and her mood swings Perhaps for Muhammad, Mariam's brother, the jinn are more real than for others be¬ cause they have brought misery into his house and his family, the family he had de¬ sired more than anything else and had fought long and hard for. It was not easy to marry Sabiha, the girl of his dreams. They were b o r n to related lineages and grew up in houses w i t h i n sight of one another. Usually such a close relationship is an asset when considerating marriage because kinship and physical proximity are believed to promote solidarity, but not in this case. His brothers advised against the mar¬ riage. They had n o t h i n g against the girl but were generally not fond of women in that family One must take a look at the behavior of the mother to k n o w how the daughter will turn out, they said. H e fought w i t h his brothers about marrying 127 �Longina Jakubowska Sabiha and fended off doubts on the part of her family that was equally skeptical about the wisdom of his marriage proposal. Muhammad was at that time a meager construction worker and they had hoped for a better marriage prospect for their daughter w h o was a university student. Sabiha was flattered b y the dedication w i t h which Muhammad pursued her but rather non-committal as is proper for a well-rais¬ ed girl. Finally, he won and married the girl he loved but this was not t o be a match made in heaven. Soon afterwards he became alarmed b y the noticeable difference in her behavior; from a nice girl w h o gladly helped out in the parental household she was changed into an unpleasant woman w h o neglected her duties. She was rigid in bed if she shared it w i t h h i m at all, and was suspected of mistreating their young daughter. There was also the puzzling difference between the way she spoke w i t h him on the phone w i t h sweetness and concern and the way she acted while at home where n o t h i n g pleased her. W h e n at home she looked for an excuse t o fight and was inconsistent w i t h her demands, for example, she insisted on them taking a vacation together, but once they had done so, she refused t o leave the hotel even for a meal. Sabiha cannot explain her own behavior either but something makes her act this way the minute she gets close t o home. For a while i t was thought that her mood swings resulted from the pressure of combining her studies at the university w i t h domestic life but the summer vacation brought no relief. Even then she used any ex¬ cuse to be away from home, leaving the child under the care of her mother-in-law. W h e n she d i d stay at home she wore a rather sour face. Muhammad was desperate. H e considered himself to be a caring husband and a devoted father. There was little he could d o but divorce Sabiha or beat her as her brothers advised him t o do. H e could also send her back t o her father, which he would rather have avoided since he deeply respected his father-in-law but he would have t o unless the sheikh could chase the jinni away. This would not be the first case of jinn possession in his wife's family T h e b o d y of Sabiha's sister was also invaded by a jinni whose presence manifested itself by a persistent rash on her hands that would not go away after medical treatment. Muhammad recalls how her body instantly reacted t o the very presence of the sheikh. First she began t o shake and then went rigid but his intervention helped. Encouraged by this experience, Muhammad fetched the sheikh. Sabiha was asleep at the time and d i d not wake up throughout his administrations, wondering later where the bruises on her body had come from. Her state of mind improved and she felt happier after the treatment; unfortunately for her and Muhammad the effects only lasted about a week-and-a-half, after which she lapsed into her former state. Is this simply a case of unrequited love? The case of a smart girl w i t h ambitions who married a good hearted but not well educated man w i t h w h o m she could not find fulfillment? T h e discourse of love as the driving force behind marriage came t o the Bedouin society as part and parcel of modernization. Marriage used to be regulated b y family politics. A successful match determined access t o pastures, formed 128 �The Invasion of Jinn Spirits: Modernity and the Bedouin political alliances, and extended or cemented relations w i t h i n lineage and outside of it. Romantic love, although celebrated in poetry and songs, had little to do w i t h it. As the society individualized and greater pressure was put on fission than on fusion, the notion of romantic love as a prerequisite for marriage gained strength along w i t h the notion of marital compatibility. To the distress of b o t h Muhammad and Sabiha, b o t h discourses are only partially and unequally absorbed. The cases of Mariam and Sabiha should not make the impression that only women, or in particular obstinate young women w h o attempt to shed social conventions, are in danger of jinn possession. Women indeed constitute the majority of victims for a good reason; they occupy a vulnerable position in a patrilineal society and in turn make men vulnerable. T h r o u g h marriage, they provide links between k i n groups that are essential to the formation of networks of mutual assistance. This is the source of their personal empowerment, but also structural weakness. Patriarchal ideology demands from a woman unequivocal dedication to the family of her hus¬ band while emotive attachments oftentimes pull her towards her family of origin. The social bonds they forge are fragile and broken women are caught in the web of conflicting interests and divided loyalties while their intermediary position makes them distrusted by either side. Women's structural liminality is exacerbated among the middle class w i t h its newly acquired model of the individuated nuclear family and the desire for privacy. Unfortunately, this model is awkwardly positioned in a system that makes women ultimately dependent on their male relatives, foremost their fathers and brothers, in the case of divorce, abandonment, or widowhood. Fur¬ thermore, as noted in anthropological literature ( L e w a n d o - H u n d t 1984), Bedouin women are prone to express distress and unhappiness through illness, as illness is a socially legitimate reason to seek and receive attention from others, most notably male family members. It is also clear that the development of women's education and employment is shifting expectations w i t h regard to gender roles and the propriety of women's behavior. In her study of magic practices in Morocco, Kapchan (1996 : 236) states that: i n d i s c u s s i n g magical practices, w o m e n are e x p l o r i n g t h e f u r t h e r m o s t l i m i t s of social behavior, v i c a r i o u s l y e n t e r i n g i n t o p o s s i b i l i t i e s o f f e r e d b y acts of transgression. T a l k of m a g i c stretches t h e l i m i t s of m o r a l license b y e x e r c i s i n g m a x i m a l l i b e r t y i n v e r b a l performance. I suggest that spirit possession among the urban Bedouin performs the same function. It allows women to act according to a different code while dispensing responsibility for d o i n g so. This is, however, not to say that women are the only vic¬ tims as the family saga of spirit possession continues. 129 �Longina Jakubowska T h e case of Najwa's misbehaving husband Najwa married well, a handsome lawyer from a prestigious but traditional Bedouin family. They led a somewhat itinerant life. Yusef worked in a law firm in the city of Beer Sheva and Najwa taught elementary school in Rahat. Life in the city d i d not suit either of them and she felt uncomfortable staying w i t h her in-laws, a polyga¬ mous " o l d fashioned" family so eventually they compromised by renting a house in Najwa's old neighborhood. It took a while before Najwa became pregnant w i t h their first child and then a difficult pregnancy was followed by the premature b i r t h of a baby girl w h o spent the first months of her life in an incubator. A l t h o u g h Najwa's next pregnancy was welcomed, it was followed by a sudden change of be¬ havior in her husband. Yusef avoided her presence, hardly ever spoke to her, refused to share a bed w i t h her, and worst of all began drinking alcohol. Najwa was very concerned. She knew from similar cases that her domestic situation was likely to deteriorate and might end in divorce and that the life of a divorced woman was grim. She approached her brothers w h o appealed to Yusef's conscience, sense of responsibility and Islamic morality Yusef stubbornly refused to listen to anyone and made no attempt at changing his behavior. A t her wits end, Najwa sought the counsel of sheikh Aodeh. As expected, the sheikh detected the presence of a jinni, or rather a female jinniya w h o had fallen in love w i t h Yusef and had possessed his body It was not easy to expel her for she liked Yusef and refused to leave h i m . The sheikh argued that Yusef was a married man and that his wife was concerned. "She should not be", answered the jinniya, there is enough r o o m for four women in Yusef, allud¬ ing to the Bedouin practice of polygamy It was only when the jinniya started using vulgar and sexually suggestive words, some of them in English, 'fuck you' for instan¬ ce, that sheikh Aodeh lost his patience. First, he clutched Yusef's throat and made the jinniya speak in Arabic. She stopped resisting and left Yusef's body peacefully after which Yusef returned to his former good-natured self. Anxiety about impending fatherhood, especially after the distressing experience of the b i r t h of the previous child is interwoven here w i t h sexual temptations and Islamic justifications for male promiscuity. The reference to foreign women is not arbitrary because the town has a growing number of legally sanctioned marriages and even a greater number of clandestine relations w i t h non-Arab women. The rapid influx of Russian Jews in the wave of immigration to Israel that took place in the 1990s found its way also into Rahat. Some Russian women - one can speculate that those w h o found themselves on the margins of the Israeli society - entered into polygynous marriages but by no means are they the only foreigners w h o marry Bedouin. O t h e r European women, including N G O employees and volunteers for example, as well as wives brought from the countries where young men had studied or worked have become part of the community. These women are assigned a greater sexual drive and freedom which are believed to threaten the established sexual mores in the community. Their presence also introduces an element of potential 130 �The Invasion of Jinn Spirits: Modernity and the Bedouin competition w i t h indigenous women, to which the jinniya inhabiting Yusef's body alluded. Exorcising jinn Sheikh Aodeh is not afraid of jinn. His power comes from personal charisma and the knowledge of the Quran, which he knows by heart and of which jinn are aware. H e is interested in whether the jinn are killed as the result of his administrations. H e fol¬ lowed special training in exorcism and has recently opened a practice in a nearby mosque, a practice that is solely dedicated to exorcism. His is not the only practice in the area but it is a very successful one. Sheikh A o d e h receives as many patients as he can accommodate in his schedule - 4 or 5 a day Those he cannot treat immedi¬ ately are either put on a waiting list or referred to other sheikhs. Sheikhs vary in their reputation and specialization and command different degrees of authority over the spirits. M i n o r cases of affliction can be treated by sheikhs w i t h less expe¬ rience while more serious ones demand the attention of a powerful healer. Sheikh Aodeh enjoys great respect among humans and jinn alike and some patients choose to wait their turn. In fact, the practice is run like a modern psychotherapy clinic. Appointments are made ahead of time, patients arrive in a small waiting hall to be admitted to the treatment room at the scheduled time, and after completing the therapy exit through a different door, all of which assures confidentiality and privacy The sheikh is proud of the modern way in which he manages the clinic. His clientele consists of members of the emergent middle class and his patients are teachers, ac¬ countants, and businessmen. H e understands their concern for discretion as jinn possession is an indication of mental dysfunction and thus should be hidden from the public eye. If disclosed, it might affect their personal reputation and honor. Once the domain of kin groups, honor in the middle class has been transformed into a personal rather then collective property. The privatization of reputation, along that of material possessions and space, compels to secrecy and withdrawal behind high fences and closed gates. O n the occasion of exorcising Mariam's jinni, Sheikh A o d e h started the exami¬ nation by placing his right hand on the patient's head and reciting the Quran. This procedure can assert the jinni's kind, strength and resolve. As mentioned before, jinn are endowed w i t h different personalities and are differently embedded in a patient's body Each requires different treatment. The sheikh usually puts headphones on the victim's ears and plays Quranic recitations for anywhere between 15 to 60 minutes after which the afflictions usually go away If this fails, he increases the volume and the duration of treatment (up to 3 hours at full volume). This weakens the jinni w h o starts to shake, opens and closes his eyes, and eventually begins to talk for jinn are compelled to speak as the result of having listened to the Quran. The sheikh asks him w h o he is, what his name is, and who sent him. However, it is thought useless to engage in a long conversation w i t h the jinni and the sheikh makes haste. It helps 131 �Longina Jakubowska to convert the jinni to Islam because it is then easier to expel him/her from the victim's body If the jinni still refuses to leave, a more drastic approach is necessary The sheikh strikesthe legs, arms and hands of the v i c t i m w i t h his own hand, a plastic tube, a sandal - the latter hurts the dignity of the jinni and he usually gets resentful of such treatment. In the most difficult cases he might apply electric shocks. Sheikh Aodeh emphasized that the v i c t i m is not conscious of what is happening and does not experience pain. The jinn are known to be physically strong and sometimes it takes a couple of people to pin the victim's body to the ground. In Mariam's case the sheikh d i d not go beyond Quranic recitations. Sensing the strength of the jinni that possessed her, he referred her to a more powerful healer in the West Bank. The jinni caught w i n d of it and - since jinn k n o w the skills of their adversaries well - became afraid. H e started speaking as soon as the four of us (Mariam, her husband Ahmad, her brother Muhammad and me) started driving her to the appointment. Mariam's body went limp and while words came out of her mouth she was not conscious of what she said. The jinni moaned in an o d d voice that was thickened w i t h fear, dreading the encounter w i t h an exorcist and his own inevitable disappearance in t w o hours, which is the time it took to get from Rahat to our desti¬ nation. H e knew every person in the car, private details of interpersonal relations (such as the nickname Muhammad uses to address his sister), and the road we took. Questioned about his identity, he admitted to be a 200 year-old Jew by the name of Tzvi. As jinn are known to lie, Muhammad asked questions. W h o owned the land we were passing through at the moment? A f t e r a minute of concentration, during which Tzvi tried to remember, he answered that it belonged to A b u Zbal (a ficti¬ tious name, such as Jones). Muhammad retorted, ' i t belongs to the Jewish state now'. 'The state is (here a disparaging adjective)', he answered, which brought doubts about his identity, as no Jew would say such a t h i n g about Israel. As Tzvi, if that was really his name, was getting increasingly worried about his imminent de¬ mise he became more aggravated but nonetheless stayed sharp in the ability to ob¬ serve his surroundings. H e detected Muhammad's efforts to record the conversation on a mobile phone, a phone that was hidden from his sight, which made h i m curse and threaten to suffocate Mariam. The atmosphere in the car was tense and we all yearned for the journey to end. Indeed, not all practices are like that of Sheikh Aodeh. U p o n arrival in front of a rather ordinary house in a crowded Palestinian village we were immediately led to the sheikh. We not only had an appointment but we also came from far away and because of it were given special consideration. The yard was teeming w i t h people patients and their relatives and guardians - who, chatting and commiserating, sat in groups prepared for a long wait. Tzvi went quiet and we almost carried Mariam into the house. Ushered into a plain room, we placed her on the only chair that stood in the middle. Just like Aodeh, the sheikh began the session by engaging in a conver¬ sation w i t h the jinni, the details of which I no longer recall being confused by what 132 �The Invasion of Jinn Spirits: Modernity and the Bedouin followed. H e r body began shaking, fell of the chair in convulsions, and the men had to pin it to the floor. Once she was immobilized, the sheikh pressed two sticks on Mariam's throat - one in front and one in the back, long enough for the jinni to aban¬ don her body but short of strangling her. A f t e r the pressure on her throat was re¬ leased she v o m i t e d profusely and was t o l d to rest, forget about her experience if she could, remain silent about it if she couldn't and read the Quran as often as possible. W h e n the session ended Mariam looked tired but in control of her b o d y and mind. We discretely left a monetary donation and received further instructions. If the treatment d i d not accomplish the desired effect, the v i c t i m must read the Quran for 40 days and apply olive o i l to the ailing parts of the body, all of which should make the jinni shrink. Alternatively, the v i c t i m must wash her hands, sometimes even her entire body in water mixed w i t h olive oil over which Quranic phrases had been read, or drink the miraculous water from the well of Zamzam. If the jinni still refuses to leave, the treatment must be repeated from the beginning. 9 I am not sure whether the jinni that possessed Mariam is gone forever or whether she can be harmed again. She believes that he might be around, invisible but present. The sheikh who diagnosed the spirit's presence in her body was able to determine that he came from beneath the floor of her bathroom and advised her to destroy it completely and throw the rubbish away. This she d i d . If there is a debate among Islamic clerics regarding the humanitarianism of the methods of treatment applied, it is not noticed in the town. Both victims of posses¬ sion and the witnesses to it insist that the treatment is painless. Methods recom¬ mended by Islamic scholars (Aziz 2001) to exorcise spirits are more gentle: recalling G o d and the frequent recitation of the Quran (dhikr), blowing into the victim's mouth, cursing the jinn and commanding h i m to leave. T h e trouble with jinn W h y all the trouble w i t h jinn? The actions of jinn spirits are invoked to explain a va¬ riety of unusual feelings and behaviors, unexplained ailments, emotional conflicts or disturbed interpersonal relationships. A n y discourse of disharmony is accompanied by the appearance of stories of jinn possession. W i t h a great deal of sociological insight, the Bedouin ascribe the rise of jinn to the problematic relations developing in their community. Perhaps this is the consequence of thoughtless mimicry of the West, unselective modernity, and disjunctures between the environment, economy, culture, and politics in the context of Arab-Jewish relationships. There are anecdotal cases of what I term political jinni, or jinnjehudi, the Jewish jinn who are known for their viciousness and unrelenting hostility towards host bodies. Jinnjehudi are also difficult to exorcise since they refuse to convert to Islam, some say because they find 9 T h e w e l l of Z a m z a m is located i n t h e al-Haram mosque in M e c c a . A c c o r d i n g t o Islamic belief, it contains a miraculously generated and miracle-making water. 133 �Longina Jakubowska it a too difficult and cumbersome religion to practice. The character ascribed to them reflects the perception held by the Bedouin about the larger framework in which they exist, the framework that disembedded them, to use Giddens' term (1990), from an autonomous political self-regulatory system, economic resources, and cultural selfhood. Yet they are not passive recipients of i m p o r t e d ideas and discourses. Like other local communities (Tsing 2000), the Bedouin also draw from the plurality of cultural centers. Interacting w i t h various metropolis (Arab, Israeli, Euro¬ pean), they adopt certain forms and cultural perspectives into personal repertoires internalizing the values allegedly contained in them and indigenizing them one way or another. 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Pakszys, Poznan Kapchan D 1996 Gender on the Market: Moroccan Women and the Revoicing of Tradition, Pennsylvania 134 �The Invasion of Jinn Spirits: Modernity and the Bedouin Khan N . 2006 Of Children and Jinn: An Inquiry into an Unexpected Friendship during Uncertain Times, "Cultural Anthropology", vol. 21(2) L e w a n d o - H u n d t G. 1984 The Exercise of Power by Bedouin Women, i n : The Changing Bedouin, eds. E. Marx, A. Shmuelli, N e w Brunswick, pp. 83- 124 Marx E. 1967 Bedouin of the Negev, N e w York Padwick C. 1924 Notes on the Jinn and the Ghoul in the Peasant Mind of Lower Egypt, "Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies", vol. 3(3) Siegel J. 2003 The Rope of God, Michigan Tsing A . 2000 The Global Situation, "Cultural Anthropology", vol. 15 (3) 135 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/0096cf62dbc722cf227970f09a1fb1c9.pdf a7f40f3145ba5d2e63b279a48edfbdf1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. 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Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:4991 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource antropologia kulturowa - historia historia etnologii Zadrożyńska, Anna Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4628 Title A name given to the resource Początki etnologii/antropologii kulturowej w Polsce/ Antropolog wobec współczesności Description An account of the resource tom w darze Profesor Annie Zadrożyńskiej Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jasiewicz, Zbigniew Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Zbigniew Jasiewicz Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UAM Początki etnologii/antropologii kulturowej w Polsce. Poszukiwanie nazw dla zainteresowań badawczych i rodzącej się dyscypliny Istotne i interesujące w ramach nauki jest nadawanie nazw kierunkom zainteresowań badawczych i dyscyplinom naukowym. Służy ono nie tylko wyznaczaniu pola ba­ dawczego i wskazywaniu miejsca w klasyfikacji nauk, ale również gromadzeniu się i organizowaniu badaczy i kształtowaniu ich tożsamości oraz komunikowaniu się ze społeczeństwem i instytucjami państwowymi. Zaproponowana indywidualnie lub przez zespół nazwa, jeśli zostaje przyjęta, jest wyrazem konsensusu środowiska na­ ukowego lub, jeśli nazw tych jest wiele, również jego zróżnicowania w poglądach na przedmiot, metody, powiązania interdyscyplinarne i cele dyscypliny. Zdarza się, że nazwy kierunków zainteresowań badawczych i dyscyplin wyrażają wartości i emocje. Podlegają porządkującej i normatywnej działalności krajowych i międzynarodo­ wych gremiów naukowców oraz są formalizowane w postaci list dziedzin i dyscyplin naukowych, zatwierdzanych przez administrację państwową. Niekiedy z powodów ideologicznych, stają się przedmiotem bezpośredniej ingerencji państwa totalitar¬ nego. Działania mające na celu wynalezienie, ujednolicenie i upowszechnienie nazw dyscyplin, ważne w czasie powstawania tych dyscyplin, nie tracą na znaczeniu w trak­ cie ich dalszych przekształceń. N a z w y dyscyplin i zmiany tych nazw, także zmiany ich znaczenia, towarzyszące rozwojowi poszczególnych dziedzin wiedzy, są t y m sa¬ mym świadectwem historii nauki. Dobrego przykładu złożoności procesu kształtowania dyscypliny i perypetii z jej nazwaniem dostarczają dzieje etnologii i antropologii kulturowej na świecie, w Euro­ pie, także w Polsce. To właśnie początki etnologii i antropologii w naszym kraju, o d końca X V I I I w. d o połowy X I X w., i podejmowane wówczas próby nazwania prac badawczych będą przedmiotem tego opracowania. Działania mające na celu wypraco¬ wanie i ujednolicenie stosowanej terminologii, ważne także w obrębie studiów euro¬ pejskich, podejmowano również później (por. Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 212; Et­ nografia... 1081; Kaniowska 1996, s. 103 i in.). Wybór, akceptacja i upowszechnienie 36 �Początki etnologii/antropologii kulturowej w Polsce przyjętej przez środowisko etnologów polskich nazwy dla uprawianej dyscypliny są przedmiotem naszych rozważań i starań d o dzisiaj (por. Jasiewicz 2006, s. 29). Historią etnologii zajmuję się jako etnolog przekonany o kontynuacji, choć nie zawsze ciągłej, jaka jest udziałem przeszłości i teraźniejszości dyscypliny i znacze­ niu pytań, które dzięki współczesnej wiedzy możemy i chcemy sformułować wobec przeszłości. Przyjmuję zatem, podobnie jak wielu innych etnologów/antropologów kulturowych, podejmujących studia nad historią własnej dyscypliny, stanowisko prezentystyczne, polegające na, zgodnie z określeniem George'a W. Stockinga, zajmowa­ niu się przeszłością dla teraźniejszości (Stocking 1968, s. 3), choć staram się unikać skrajności tego ujęcia. To przecież charakter dzisiejszej etnologii i antropologii k u l ­ turowej wskazuje kierunek poszukiwań w przeszłości idei i działań, które mogą zo¬ stać uznane, z obecnej perspektywy, za ważne dla narodzin i późniejszych przekształ¬ ceń dyscypliny Tę perspektywę tworzy dzisiaj nie tylko zadziwienie kulturą obcych - ludów odległych krain, i „swoich obcych" - ludzi żyjących tuż obok, lecz w wyróż¬ niających się subkulturach, do niedawna w kulturze ludowej, ale także refleksja nad kulturą uznawaną za własną, choćby w ramach antropologii codzienności. Zakres p o ­ szukiwań będzie zatem szerszy od tego, który był przyjmowany jeszcze kilkanaście lat temu w studiach nad historią polskiej etnologii/antropologii kulturowej. Prace świadczące o intensyfikacji działań, zapowiadających pojawienie się no¬ wej dyscypliny odnajdujemy w piśmiennictwie polskim, od końca X V I I I w., w pię­ ciu sferach zainteresowań. Były to: rozważania nad pochodzeniem i rozwojem k u l ­ tury ludzkości, przedstawienia kultury ludowej, próby rejestrowania sposobu życia przedstawicieli innych niż chłopska warstw narodu, opisy kultury ludów pozaeuro¬ pejskich, zainteresowanie grupami etnicznymi. Pochodzenie i rozwój ludzkości inte¬ resowały uczonych tak wybitnych jak Stanisław Staszic i H u g o Kołłątaj. Opisami kul¬ tury ludowej obejmowano głównie, choć nie wyłącznie, ludność w granicach Rzeczypospolitej, zróżnicowaną etnicznie i wyznaniowo, wyróżniano przy t y m mieszkańców kresów wschodnich. Dokumentowano także życie codzienne - „życie domowe" szlachty i mieszczan. L u d y pozaeuropejskie poznawano z tłumaczonych prac obcych oraz opisów polskich podróżników i zesłańców; publikacje relacji ze­ słańców polskich były jednak do połowy X I X w. jeszcze nieliczne. D o w o d y zainte¬ resowania sprawami etnicznymi, także ich związkiem z kwestią narodową, odnajdu¬ jemy w różnych rodzajach piśmiennictwa, m.in. w: publicystyce, rozprawach nauko¬ wych, relacjach podróżniczych, pamiętnikach i listach. Zadziwienie innością, traktowane często jako inspiracja dla naszej dyscypliny, w początkach jej kształtowania w Polsce dotyczyło głównie odległych ludów. Świad­ czy o t y m choćby tytuł dzieła Benedykta Chmielowskiego, poprzedzającego zresztą badany okres: Nowe Ateny albo Akademia wszelkiej sciencyi pełna [ . . . ] alias o [ . . . ] narodów manierze, co kray który ma w sobie dziwnych ciekawości... (1745-1746). Ważniejsze było poszukiwanie wartości, które można by zużytkować jako wzory przydatne w tam¬ tym czasie, odnajdywanych nie tylko w odległej przeszłości, ale również współ37 �Zbigniew Jasiewicz cześnie, w t y m także w kulturze ludowej. Silna była ponadto świadomość przemijalności codzienności, którą należało zarejestrować. Jędrzej K i t o w i c z w Opisie oby­ czajów za panowania Augusta JJJ, napisanym pod koniec lat 80. X V I I I w., a wydanym dopiero w latach 1840-1841, stwierdza: C i , c o p r z e d n a m i żyli s t e m lat p r ę d z e j [ . . . ] w cale b y l i o d m i e n n y c h o d n a s z y c h o b y ­ c z a j ó w [ . . . ] . C i , c o p o nas nastąpią za lat s t o Polacy p e w n i e się o d nas dzisiaj ż y ­ j ą c y c h t a k b ę d ą różnili, j a k się m y r ó ż n i m y o d d a w n i e j s z y c h ( K i t o w i c z 1985, s. 2 3 ) . H u g o Kołłątaj, nawołując w swoim znanym liście przesłanym Janowi Majowi, d o poznania „obyczajów pospólstwa", uzasadnia swój apel m.in. potrzebą „zostawienia potomności rzetelnego świadectwa, w jakim stanie były obyczaje naszego ludu przy ostatecznej rzeczy naszych zmianie" (Kołłątaj 1810, s. 34). Dodajmy że określenie „pospólstwo" doczekało się definicji w pracy Sebastiana Sierakowskiego z 1811 r. Stwierdza on: „Powszechnie mamy za pospólstwo lud wiejski, lud po miasteczkach i lud uboższy w miastach większych". K r y t e r i u m przynależności d o pospólstwa czyni on jednak nie tylko stan społeczny i p o z i o m materialny, ale również wartość człowieka. Pozwala mu t o na przekroczenie barier stanowych i dostrzeżenie, zapew¬ ne dla celów wychowawczych, że „pod tymi znakami we wszystkich ludzi klasach znajduje się pospólstwo" (Sierakowski 1811, s. 3, 4). Cele poznawcze, dla jakich po¬ dejmowano działalność wyprzedzającą powstanie etnologii, w t y m działalność do¬ kumentacyjną, przeplatały się z celami ideologicznymi i związanymi z nimi praktycz¬ nymi, wynikającymi z przeświadczenia o potrzebie reform i przekształcenia społe¬ czeństwa, właściwymi okresowi oświecenia, a w Polsce uzasadnionymi i wzmocnio¬ nymi utratą państwowości. Przed pojawieniem się opartych na grece lub łacinie terminów, określających no¬ we, powstające głównie w X V I I I w. dyscypliny naukowe, próby poznawcze zapo¬ wiadające te dyscypliny nazywano w językach narodowych przez wymienienie ich przedmiotu. Etnologia/antropologia kulturowa uznaje obecnie za swój przedmiot kulturę rozumianą najczęściej jako sposób życia ludzi w różnych ich kontekstach społecznych i sytuacjach egzystencjalnych: ludzkości, czyli - w języku Stanisława Staszica - „rodu ludzkiego", grup etnicznych, narodów, społeczeństw i inaczej ukształtowanych grup oraz sfer ich życia, korzystających ze stworzonych przez nich lub dla nich i właściwych im idei, zachowań i wytworów. W piśmiennictwie polskim interesującego nas okresu termin „kultura" dopiero się pojawił i często był stosowa¬ ny wymiennie z nieco wcześniejszym u nas terminem „cywilizacja", który przewa¬ żał w pracach naukowych (Serejski 1965, s. 241 i in.), m.in. w pismach Hugona Koł¬ łątaja. Po raz pierwszy (zapewne po raz pierwszy, mogą przecież zostać ujawnione nowe źródła) termin „kultura" użyty został w liście Adama Kazimierza Czartoryskie­ go d o Józefa Zawadzkiego z 1809 r.: „Raguzę [Dubrownik - Z.J.] sławną z kultury języka i wszelkich nauk" (Michalski 1958, s. 205). W k r ó t c e znalazł się w tytule pra­ cy Ignacego Lubicz-Czerwińskiego Rys dziejów kultury i oświecenia narodu polskiego 38 �Początki etnologii/antropologii kulturowej w Polsce z 1816 r. Tam też został zdefiniowany jako stan i wartość w procesie rozwoju ludzkości, a więc w znaczeniu „cultura animi" Cycerona, utożsamiany z oświece¬ niem: I s t o t n i e o ś w i e c e n i e i k u l t u r a t o jest: z b l i ż e n i e się c z ł o w i e k a a l b o n a r o d u d o stanu doskonalszego w s p o ł e c z n o ś c i l u d z k i e j [ . . . ] . Przed o w y m stanem b y w a ó w c z ł o w i e k g r u b y m t y l k o r o z s ą d k i e m [ . . . ] o d n a t u r y o b d a r z o n y [ . . . ] ani s m a k u s p o ł e c z n e g o życia, ani c n ó t ludzkości, a z a t e m d z i k i jest ( L u b i c z - C z e r w i ń s k i 1816, t. I , s. 1 - 2 ) . Nieobce jednakże było Ignacemu Czerwińskiemu rozumienie kultury jako właści¬ wości warstw i stanów społecznych. Pisze bowiem o „kulturze szlacheckiej" i „kul¬ turze duchowieństwa" i wiąże je z obyczajami, ocenianymi poprzez „wzrost kultury" i „utratę kultury" (Lubicz-Czerwiński 1816, t. I I , s. 24, 37). Termin „kultura", nadal w znaczeniu głównie selektywnym i wartościującym, zastosowany został dwa lata później w artykule Franciszka A . Grzymały Rys historyczno-statystyczny Cesarstwa Ja­ pońskiego (1818, s. 39-40, 45). „Kulturę", w rozumieniu bliskim przyjętemu później w an¬ tropologii, wprowadził w latach 20. X I X w. Joachim Lelewel. Pisał on o „działaniu ludzkim w całej rozmaitości swojej, czyli kulturze ludzkiej", na którą składają się: „uobyczajnienie człowieka, jego religijne i moralne ukształcenie, jego społeczne urządzenie się, jego charakter, działalność i zdolności, estetycznie w sztukach oży¬ wione, a filozofią wspierane, jego przemysł, jego rozumowe, naukowe i piśmienne płody" (Lelewel 1826, s. 85, 49-50, za: Serejski 1965, s. 241-242; por. również: Kłoskowska 1991, s. 8; Bednarek 1995, s. 24). Podobnie Joachim Lelewel definiuje kulturę w Wykładach dziejów powszechnych, przygotowanych do druku w 1849 r., na podstawie skryptów opracowanych w czasie profesury wileńskiej w latach 1822-1824, zwracając uwagę na jej wymiar zarówno materialny, jak i mentalny: H i s t o r i a k u l t u r y wykłada p o s t ę p i o d m i a n y r o d u l u d z k i e g o w j e g o r e l i g i j n y m , m o r a l ¬ n y m i o b y c z a j o w y m u k s z t a ł c e n i u , w jego s p o ł e c z n y m u r z ą d z e n i u się, w jego działal¬ ności i z d o l n o ś c i a c h , jakie się objawiają w jego p r a c y r ę c z n e j i umysłowej, e s t e t y c z n i e w s z t u k a c h o ż y w i o n y c h , a filozofią ( r ó d l u d z k i ) w s p a r t y zostaje w s w y c h r o z u m o ¬ w y c h , n a u k o w y c h i p i ś m i e n n y c h p ł o d a c h ( L e l e w e l 1959, s. 110). D o czasu upowszechnienia się terminu „kultura" stosowano zwykle określenie „obyczaje" (por. Damrosz 1988, s. 44), etymologicznie wyprowadzone od czasowni­ ka „obyknąć", „przywyknąć", „mieć zwyczaj" (Bańkowski 2000), rozumiane jako po¬ wtarzalny i zestandaryzowany t y p zachowań i towarzyszących im wytworów. Ter¬ min ten występuje np. jako nazwa zbiorcza, obejmująca wiele dziedzin, w znanym liście Hugona Kołłątaja do Jana Maja, wysłanym z Ołomuńca 15 lipca 1802 r., o p u b ­ likowanym po raz pierwszy w 1810 r. w „Pamiętniku Warszawskim" i powtórzonym, w interesującym nas fragmencie, w przypisie do artykułu Obrzędy weselne ludu wiejskiego..., zamieszczonego w „Tygodniku Wileńskim" w 1819 r. Po stwierdzeniu, że potrzebne jest „doskonałe dzieło o obyczajach, zwyczajach, obrządkach narodu p o l 39 �Zbigniew Jasiewicz skiego", H u g o Kołłątaj do „obyczajów pospólstwa" zalicza: „ich mowę", „różnice w ubiorze", „obrządek przy godach weselnych, przy urodzinach, przy pogrzebach", „zabawy", „muzykę", „instrumenty muzyczne", „gody roczne", „pieśni", „bajki i his¬ torie", „gusła i zabobony", „postacie i fizjonomie", „gatunek pożywności", „mieszkania", „pasterstwo i rolnictwo", „rękodzieła", „nałogi i wady", „choroby" i „sposoby ratowa­ nia chorych" (Kołłątaj 1810, s. 33 i n.; Obrzędy... 1819, cz. 2, s. 85 i n.). O p i s o w o - w y liczający sposób zakreślania pola badań, z wykorzystaniem podobnego jak u H u g o ­ na Kołłątaja zestawu dziedzin zainteresowań, odnajdujemy u wielu innych badaczy Tak postępował, w okresie późniejszym, m.in. Oskar Kolberg, nadając wydanym w latach 1857-1890, za swego życia, 23 t o m o m Ludu podtytuł Jego zwyczaje, sposób życia, mowa, podania, przysłowia, obrzędy, gusła, zabawy, pieśni, muzyka i tańce. Rozpatry­ wano także relacje między częściami składowymi „obyczajów". Kilkadziesiąt lat przed pojawieniem się listu Hugona Kołłątaja Jędrzej Kitowicz, w znakomitym dokumen­ cie sposobu życia Opisie obyczajów za panowania Augusta JJJ, stwierdza: „przedsięwziąwszy pisanie o obyczajach polskich, najpierw udałem się do opisania religii, która gruntem obyczajności będąc, pierwszeństwo między obyczajami trzymać powinna" (Kitowicz 1985, s. 53). Bliski związek określenia „obyczaje" z terminem „kultura" dostrzegł Jan Rutko¬ wski w artykule napisanym zaraz po I I wojnie światowej. Zauważył on, że Włady¬ sław Łoziński i Jan Stanisław Bystroń w swoich pracach łączą „obyczaje", trak­ towane jako codzienność, przeciętność dnia, z „życiem" i nie widzą różnicy między nimi a kulturą (Rutkowski 1959, s. 8). Określenie „życie", powiązane z obyczajami czy zwyczajami, występowało nader często w piśmiennictwie polskim końca X V I I I i początków X I X w. Było zwykle uzupełnione odniesieniami do grupy lub sfery dzia¬ łalności człowieka: „życie narodowe", „życie różnych narodów", „życie ludu", „życie rodzinne" lub „życie domowe". Innym określeniem, spotykanym w literaturze p o ­ czątków X I X w., stosowanym dla scharakteryzowania sposobu życia, był „gust" - upo­ dobanie, zamiłowanie, wzór, styl życia. Odnajdujemy je m.in. w pracy Józefa W ł a ­ dysława Bychowca Rzut oka na Rossyą (1817). Spośród wymienionych kierunków zainteresowań szczególną popularność i zna¬ czenie społeczne zyskały w Polsce prace dotyczące kultury ludowej. To one miały określony przedmiot, metodę gromadzenia materiałów i cele. Miały także wsparcie nauki i piśmiennictwa z zagranicy m.in. Pieśni Osjana Jamesa Macphersona i dzieł Johanna G. Herdera. Ich rozwojowi sprzyjała ponadto wyrazistość dystansu kultur¬ owego chłopa i jego pozycji społecznej, dystansu głębiej odczuwanego na skutek przemian oświeceniowych (Woźniak 1995, s. 26 i in.), powiązanie sprawy ludu ze sprawą narodową oraz rozwojem społeczno-gospodarczym, wreszcie możliwość uzasadnienia zainteresowania kulturą ludową i jej interpretacji z pozycji zarówno postępowych, jak i konserwatywnych. „Folklor stał się pierwszym etapem kształto¬ wania się niezależnego pola badawczego przyszłej etnologii", napisał Aleksander Posern-Zieliński (1973, s. 45). Rozwiniętym zainteresowaniom literaturą ludową 40 �Początki etnologii/antropologii kulturowej w Polsce i wierzeniami towarzyszyło jednak, w okresie romantyzmu, traktowanego przez Jó¬ zefa Bursztę jako system myślenia „antyetnograficzny", zarzucenie szerszego pro¬ gramu badań kultury zaproponowanego wcześniej przez Hugona Kołłątaja (Burszta 1973, s. 30 i i n . ) . Podejmowanie problematyki kultury ludowej i intensyfikacja badań nad nią na¬ potykały jednak opory. „Obyczajów pospólstwa" często nie uznawano za przed¬ miot godny zainteresowania. Informował o t y m m.in. zasłużony dla popularyzacji poszukiwań ludoznawczych „Tygodnik Wileński". We wstępie do pierwszej części artykułu Obrzędy. stwierdzono jedynie, że „podobnego rodzaju opisania, oprócz zaspokojenia ciekawości, ważne są jeszcze pod względem naukowym" (Obrzędy. 1819, cz. 1, s. 1). Za to w przypisie d o drugiej części artykułu redakcja ujawnia, że „znaleźli się tacy którym podobne wiadomości do smaku wcale nie przypadły", i pod¬ piera się stanowiskiem Kołłątaja, cytując fragmenty jego znanego listu. „Cenzorom [ . ] nielubiącym wiadomości o chłopskich obyczajach" z kolei przypomina, że pub¬ likując tego rodzaju materiały, „Tygodnik" dostosował się do „życzeń Ministerstwa narodowego oświecenia w Monarchii Rosyjskiej" (Obrzędy... 1819, cz. 2, s. 82 i n.). M i m o tych przeszkód to właśnie badania kultury ludowej pierwsze spośród przed¬ stawionych powyżej zainteresowań poznawczych zyskały szanse przekształcenia się w oddzielną dyscyplinę naukową. Zapowiedziami powstania dyscypliny naukowej były pojawiające się coraz licz¬ niej artykuły przynoszące materiały dotyczące głównie literatury ludowej, apele o gromadzenie informacji terenowych, uwagi metodyczne dotyczące badań i uza¬ sadnienia ich celu oraz próby nadania im nazwy zgodnej z konwencjami przyjętymi w ówczesnej nauce, a więc z wykorzystaniem greki. Pierwszy w piśmiennictwie p o l ­ skim pojawił się termin „etnografia", najwcześniej zapewne w Instrukcjach do układa­ nia po gimnazjach i szkołach powiatowych zapisów w przedmiotach różnych nauk, opubliko­ wanych w „Dzienniku Wileńskim" w 1816 i 1817 r. Było to tłumaczenie z języka rosyj­ skiego, z podaniem roku druku oryginału - 1812, lecz bez zapisu w języku rosyjskim tytułu źródła. Poszukiwania, które przeprowadziłem w Rosyjskiej Bibliotece N a r o ­ dowej w Petersburgu, pozwoliły ustalić, że tłumaczenia dokonano z Nastawlienij dlja sostawlienija w gimnazjach i ujezdnych ucziliszczach zapisok po raznym naukam izdanych ot Gławnogo Prawlienija Ucziliszcz, z Zaleceniami ministra oświaty cesarstwa hr. Aleksieja Razumowskiego, opublikowanych w Sankt Petersburgu. Również w literaturze rosyj¬ skiej było to prawdopodobnie pierwsze zastosowanie terminu „etnografia", dotąd nieodnotowane; Siergiej A. Tokariew wskazywał dopiero na 1824 r (1966, s. 185). Za nim lata 20. jako datę pojawienia się w Rosji terminu „etnografia" powtórzono w pra­ cach polskich (np. Burszta 1974, s. 189). Wcześniej, bo w 1807 r., został wprowadzony do piśmiennictwa szwedzkiego (Bringeus 1966, s. 326, za: Kopczyński 2008, s. 18). Termin ten, przyjmowany w innych znaczeniach, znany był jednak od dawna, już w X V I I w., wówczas to znalazł się w tytule dzieła Jana Olovinusa Ethnographia Mundi, wydanego w Magdeburgu w 1608 r. (Wróblewski 1969, s. 12). W nauce rosyjskiej 41 �Zbigniew Jasiewicz został przyjęty pod wpływem uczonych niemieckich, pracujących w Rosji w X V I I I w., a przede wszystkim pod wpływem historyka i językoznawcy Augusta Ludwiga Schlözera. To ten uczony pracujący w Göttingen i Sankt Petersburgu, gdzie był asystentem Gerharda Friedricha Mullera, jednego z czołowych inicjatorów badań historycznych i etnograficznych na Syberii, autor Allgemeine Nordische Geschichte, opublikowanej w Halle w 1771 r., w dziele t y m pierwszy zastosował termin „etno­ grafia", traktowany jako synonim „Völkerkunde" (Vermeulen 1995, s. 39, 42; 1996, s. 99; Gingrich 2007, s. 85). Potwierdzeniem jest to, że w Instrukcjach... zalecono wzorowanie się na pracach „Szlecera (Schloetzera)" (Instrukcje... 1816, s. 133). D o Instrukcji... dotarł zasłużony w gromadzeniu materiałów do historii polskiej etno­ logii Wiesław Bieńkowski, nie dostrzegł jednak wymienienia w nich etnografii i m y l ­ nie wskazał 1817 r. jako datę ich wydania (Bieńkowski 1956, s. 41, 59). W a r t o o d n o ­ tować znaczenie publikowanych ankiet („instrukcji", „apeli", „wskazówek") w roz¬ woju poszczególnych dyscyplin naukowych. Pierwszą z nich, mającą znaczenie dla poszukiwań w sferze kultury ludowej, były Punkta do zebrania postrzeżeń i wiadomości w przedmiotach fizycznych... (1805), obejmujące m.in. czary medycynę i podania (Kamocki 1953, s. 7; Bieńkowski 1956, s. 41), sformułowane jednak przez przyrodników z Uniwersytetu Wileńskiego i mające i m służyć. A n k i e t y takie stały się ważnym narzędziem służącym nie tylko gromadzeniu materiałów, ale również poszerzaniu kręgu osób zainteresowanych problematyką ludoznawczą: przyciąganiu czytelni­ ków, kreowaniu autorów, jednym słowem, kształtowaniu środowiska ludzi zainte¬ resowanych poszukiwaniami ludoznawczymi, tak ważnego w czasie, kiedy brako¬ wało instytucji i profesjonalistów w tej dziedzinie. W Instrukcjach... etnografia znalazła się w ramach Instrukcji do układania zapisów w przedmiocie historii wśród metod i „nauk pomocnych" historii, takich jak krytyka i hermeneutyka, dyplomatyka, lingwistyka, chronologia, geografia, genealogia, heral¬ dyka, numizmatyka, statystyka, literatura oraz historyka albo metodologia historii. Etnografia dostarcza historii, stwierdzono, „licznych i po części obszernych opisań narodów zamieszkałych w Rosji [ . . . ] , potrzeba wyrazić nie tylko rzeki, ale i stru¬ mienie, nad którymi żyją błąkające się ludy: potrzeba oznaczyć, które pokolenia rozmaitymi mówią dialektami" (Instrukcje... 1816, s. 136, 138). Z analizy zadań stawia¬ nych etnografii wynika, że miała się ona zajmować raczej narodami i ludami odle¬ głymi, pozaeuropejskimi. Dla Rosji, ekspandującej na teren Azji, z jej zróżnicowaną strukturą etniczną, tak rozumiana etnografia stała się ważną nauką o znaczeniu pra¬ ktycznym. Dla Polaków, zamieszkałych na ziemiach włączonych do imperium rosyj¬ skiego, wiedza o ludach spoza kręgu kultury europejskiej, żyjących w państwie ro¬ syjskim, była częścią wiedzy o t y m państwie. Pochodziła z doświadczeń zesłańczych, ale także z podróży naukowych i doświadczeń z miejsca podjęcia pracy. D o zdobywania wiedzy o Rosji zachęcał „Dziennik Wileński" w nocie redakcyjnej po¬ przedzającej artykuł sygnowany literami J.K. Stan polityczno-jeograficznyRossyi (1806, s. 1). Zwłaszcza na początku X I X w., kiedy Rosja była jeszcze państwem stanowym 42 �Początki etnologii/antropologii kulturowej w Polsce i dynastycznym, a nie narodowym, część Polaków współpracowała z zaborcą: „jedni dla kariery inni z lojalności, a jeszcze inni z wyłącznie względów naukowych" - jak pisał Jerzy Róziewicz (1984, s. 90). Pojawiły się ważne opisy ludów A z j i Środkowej i Kaukazu z podróży Jana Potockiego w latach 1797-1798 (1959) oraz wiele relacji przekazywanych z miejsc pracy m.in. Wiadomości z Syberii. Wyjątki z listów Pana Tade­ usza Hreczyny... (1817), lekarza, który pozostawił interesujące informacje dotyczą¬ ce nie tylko Rosjan żyjących na Syberii, ale również Jakutów i Tunguzów (Ewen¬ ków) oraz innych tubylczych ludów Syberii i Dalekiego Wschodu. Zainteresowanie własnym narodem i ludem i innymi narodami, głównie chyba jed¬ nak europejskimi, znalazło swój wyraz w Instrukcji do układania zapisów w przedmiocie sta¬ tystyki i topografii, także przetłumaczonej z wymienionych już Nastawlienij., a opublikowanej w „Dzienniku Wileńskim" z 1817 r. Znalazł się w niej dział Obyczaje i zwyczaje, poświadczający związki XIX-wiecznej statystyki z ludoznawstwem. Wska­ zano w nim na zróżnicowanie społeczne - „każdy stan w społeczności ma obyczaje i zwyczaje sobie właściwe", i wyróżniono „szlachtę", „stan średni" oraz „wieśniaków i pospólstwo w miastach". Zwrócono uwagę na obszary wielonarodowościowe: „Je­ żeli zaś gubernia zamieszkana jest od różnych narodów, należy każdy z nich opisać osobno". Polecono zainteresować się ubiorami, a nawet odmianami mody, „życiem wewnętrznym czyli d o m o w y m " , edukacją kobiet, wychowaniem dzieci, miłością do ojczyzny a również charakterem narodowym (Instrukcja... 1817, s. 100, 101). O d ¬ różniono zatem etnografię jako naukę o odległych ludach od zainteresowań oby¬ czajami głównie własnego narodu i innych narodów europejskich. Dla tej dziedziny zainteresowań nie było stosownej nazwy Nader interesującą próbę wprowadzenia takiej nazwy podjęto w wielokroć t u przytaczanym „Dzienniku Wileńskim", będącym organem Uniwersytetu Wileńskiego. W dwóch kolejnych tomach V I I i V I I I z 1819 r. stworzono dział Etologia, umieszczony na czele innych działów, takich jak Estetyka, Fizjognomika, Powieści i romanse czy Poezja. Z zawartości tego działu wynika, że miał prezentować materiały i omówienia dotyczące obyczajów i literatury ludowej. Zamieszczono w nim przecież wymieniony już artykuł Obrzędy weselne ludu wiejskiego., z dołączonym w przypisie listem Hugona Kołłątaja do Jana Maja, tłu¬ maczenie Piosenki pospólstwa litewskiego i Śpiewów ludu litewskiego oraz dwuodcinkowe studium Józefa Sękowskiego O zabawach i śpiewach nowożytnych Greków. Można przy¬ puszczać, że była to próba odróżnienia etnografii, zajmującej się odległymi ludami, identyfikowanej wówczas z Völkerkunde, od zainteresowań własnym ludem i inny¬ mi narodami europejskimi. Termin „etologia" nie był zatem błędnym zapisem „et¬ nologii", jak sądzono (Bieńkowski 1956, s. 43; Posern-Zieliński 1973, s. 65), lecz zo¬ stał celowo wprowadzony dla określenia poszukiwań i opracowań ludoznawczych. N i e wiemy, k t o nazwę tę w Wilnie zaproponował i jak interpretował oraz czym zo¬ stał zainspirowany. Termin „etologia", przyjęty przez Johna Stuarta Milla do ozna¬ czenia nauki o kształtowaniu charakteru narodowego i indywidualnego oraz przez Wilhelma Wundta do oznaczenia badań nad obyczajami i zwyczajami ludów, prze43 �Zbigniew Jasiewicz trwał długo, m.in. w encyklopediach polskich z końca X I X w., takich jak encyklope­ dia Orgelbranda, Wielka encyklopedia powszechna i Wielka encyklopedia powszechna ilus­ trowana. Stosowany był jednak głównie w psychologii i filozofii i nie utrwalił się w etnologii i antropologii kulturowej. Termin „antropologia" znany był od początku X V I w. Zapowiedź nauki o czło­ wieku, ujmowanym we wszystkich jego aspektach, a więc nauki o zakresie szerszym niż dotychczasowa „etnografia" lub nauka o obyczajach, nauki inkluzywnej, bo obej­ mującej dyscypliny o węższym zakresie, ujawniła się w piśmiennictwie polskim pierwszej połowy X I X w. w pracach przyrodników. Szerokie rozumienie nauki 0 człowieku, bez stosowania nazwy „antropologia", przyjął Jędrzej Śniadecki. W dzie­ le Teoria jestestw organicznych, wydanym po raz pierwszy w latach 1804-1811 i powtórzo­ nym, bez zmiany treści, w 1838 r., stwierdził: N a u k a zaś p o ś w i ę c a j ą c a się jego [człowieka - Z.J.] u w a d z e p o w i n n a o b e j m o w a ć wszystkie p o d o b n e względy; p o w i n n a zająć wszystko, co tylko wiedzieć można o je­ g o składzie i w y k s z t a ł c e n i u ; o siłach w n i m , na n i e g o i p r z e z n i e g o działających; o jego stosunkach do reszty otaczającego go przyrodzenia; o początku, wzroście, postępku i schyłku jego życia; o c z y n n o ś c i a c h i m o c y t a k c a ł e j jego m a c h i n y jako i p o j e d y n ­ c z y c h narzędzi; na k o n i e c o s t o s u n k a c h jego t o w a r z y s k i c h , c z y l i d o j e s t e s t w j e m u p o ­ d o b n y c h ( Ś n i a d e c k i 1838, I I , s. 3 ) . D o tego „wykształcenia" i stosunków społecznych przywiązuje autor dużą wagę 1 poświęca i m ostatnie rozdziały tomu trzeciego: Różnica ludzi zależąca od klimatu, Różnice pierwiastkowego ukształcenia czyli rodzaje ludzi i Różnice ludzi wynikające ze związ­ ków towarzyskich. Podobnie naukę o człowieku, nazwaną już antropologią, określił, lecz już bez szerokich horyzontów właściwych Jędrzejowi Śniadeckiemu, Józef Ja¬ siński, autor pracy uznawanej za pierwszy polski podręcznik antropologii Antro­ pologia o własnościach człowieka fizycznych i moralnych (1818). Napisał on: „Jeśli potrzeby życia wiążą człowieka ze światem fizycznym, nie mniej też wiążą go ze światem mo¬ ralnym, to jest ze społecznością ludzi w towarzystwie żyjących" (Jasiński 1818, X V I ) . Inne rozumienie antropologii zawierał intrygujący znany mi tylko z tytułu, Prospekt do dzieła pod napisem: Nauka o człowieku uważanym co do sprawności jego w życiu ze społecz­ nymi ludźmi, czyli antropologia pod względem pragmatycznym Józefa Władysława Bychowca (1819), o którym to prospekcie Karol Estreicher w Bibliografii polskiej XIX stulecia napisał: „Skończyło się na prospekcie" (Estreicher 1961, s. 641). Prospektu tego nie odnalazłem jednak mimo poszukiwań w bibliotekach w Polsce, Petersburgu, Wilnie i Mińsku. Prospekt dzieła Józefa W Bychowca, ucznia Immanuela Kanta w Królewcu i tłumacza jego i Johanna Gottfrieda Herdera prac na język polski (Wepsięć 1937, s. 159), miał zapewne sygnalizować studium o charakterze normatywnym, wskazu¬ jącym na cele człowieka, a więc należące do antropologii filozoficznej, a nie opartej na empirii antropologii stosowanej społeczno-kulturowej. Rozważania nad zróżni¬ cowaniem rasowym i etnicznym, traktowanymi jako zjawiska dynamiczne, podjął, 44 �Początki etnologii/antropologii kulturowej w Polsce opierając się na znajomości literatury europejskiej, Stanisław Rzewuski. Pierwszy przedstawił próbę scharakteryzowania struktury „plemiennej [etnicznej - Z.J.] na¬ rodu polskiego", przedstawianego jako ogół mieszkańców ziem polskich, a więc nie naród etniczny, ale połączony zamieszkaniem w dawnym państwie naród, w obec¬ nej terminologii, polityczny. Stanisława Rzewuskiego interesują również migracje i tworzenie się narodów. Stwierdza, że dla tego rodzaju poszukiwań nie wystarcza „fizjologia", rozumiana t u jako badanie cech fizycznych ludzi, lecz ona „koniecznie z badaniami historycznymi, etnograficznymi i filologicznymi powinna być połą¬ czona" (Rzewuski 1830, s. 338 i in.). W piśmiennictwie polskim pierwszej połowy X I X w. nie stwierdzano, z wyjątkiem artykułu Stanisława Rzewuskiego i zaintereso¬ wań „fizjonomiką", właściwych już Hugonowi Kołłątajowi, związków między bada¬ niami antropologicznymi a etnograficznymi. Przekonanie o przynależności etno¬ grafii, a przede wszystkim etnologii, do nauk antropologicznych pojawi się w nauce polskiej dopiero w drugiej połowie tegoż stulecia. D o literatury polskiej termin „etnologia" wchodzi dopiero w połowie X I X w., choć w nauce europejskiej jest używany od lat 80. X V I I I w. Został d o niej wprowa­ dzony przez Adama Frantiska Kollara w Wiedniu i Alexandra Cezara Chavannes w Lozannie, a w latach 30. i 40. X I X w. znalazł się w nazwach stowarzyszeń nauko¬ wych w Paryżu i Londynie, zainteresowanych zresztą głównie kwestiami rasowymi (Vermeulen 1995, s. 40, 4 1 ; 1996, s. 99, 100). W piśmiennictwie polskim zastosował ten termin, chyba jako pierwszy, Jan Rymarkiewicz w artykule Nauka o narodowości, czyli ethnologia, opublikowanym w Poznaniu w 1849 r. Artykuł ten znany był już Fran¬ ciszkowi Gawełkowi i umieszczony został w jego Bibliografii ludoznawstwa polskiego (1914, s. 222), lecz nie był uwzględniany dotychczas w studiach nad historią pol¬ skiej etnologii. Jan Rymarkiewicz, wzorem nauki niemieckiej i p o d wpływem Wios¬ ny Ludów oraz polskiej „filozofii narodowej", widzi etnologię jako niezwykle ważną samodzielną dyscyplinę naukową, zajmującą miejsce między etnografią a filozofią. Charakteryzuje ją następująco: Jest ona s z c z y t e m e t n o g r a f i i i p o d s t a w ą h i s t o r i o z o f i i i ma t o powołanie, ż e b y z n a t u r a l i s t y c z n y c h i e m p i r y c z n y c h m a t e r i a ł ó w e t n o g r a f i i , na d r o d z e systematycznego badania i k o n i e c z n e g o r o z u m o w a n i a o d s ł o n i ć normalną, o r g a n i c z n ą narodowości p r z y r o d ę ; żeby w z n i e ś ć się na s t a n o w i s k o h i s t o r i o z o f i c z n e i o k a z a ć w e w s z y s t k i c h n a r o d o w o ś c i a c h zastosowaną tę samą n i e z m i e n n ą n a r o d o w o ś c i b u d o w ę , t e n sam orga­ n i c z n y p r o c e s jej życia i cel o s t a t e c z n y ( R y m a r k i e w i c z 1849, s. 135). Dzieli etnologię na „ogólną, czyli teoretyczną" i „zastosowaną, czyli praktyczną". Wskazuje na jej części składowe, z których pierwsza zajmuje się początkami naro¬ dowości, druga duchem narodowym, a trzecia budowaniem ojczyzny w trzech wy¬ miarach: ziemskim, duchowym i osobistym. Ubolewa, że nie powołano jeszcze katedr uniwersyteckich dla niej przeznaczonych (Rymarkiewicz 1849, s. 137 i n.). W rok po ukazaniu się pracy Jana Rymarkiewicza anonimowy autor, t y m razem we L w o 45 �Zbigniew Jasiewicz wie, publikuje artykuł Kilka słów o etnologii. Poucza w nim, że „etnologia nie ogranicza się, jak to mylnie mniemają niektórzy, rozgatunkowaniem plemion ludzkich, względnie tylko na dostrzeżone różnice fizyczne" - nawiązując w ten sposób do utożsamiania etnologii z nauką o rasach, właściwemu stowarzyszeniom etnologicznym z pierwszej połowy X I X w. we Francji i Anglii. „Chodzi t u jeszcze - kontynu­ uje - o anatomię porównawczą pod względem moralnym. Jakie, któremu z plemion, właściwe są p r z y m i o t y albo wady" (Kilka... 1850, s. 676). Ryszard Berwiński, jak się sądzi, wprowadził termin „ludoznawstwo" (por. Wróblewski 1967, s. 15; Damrosz 1988, s. 73); nie potrafiłem jednak go odnaleźć w pracach autora Studiów o literaturze ludowej. Pojawienie się „ludoznawstwa" było poprzedzone próbą wprowadzenia ter¬ minu „narodopis", przejętego z literatury czeskiej. Dokonał tego Piotr Dahlmann, tłumacz dzieła Pawła Józefa Szafarzyka Słowiański narodopis, wydanego we Wrocławiu w 1843 r. „Narodopis" jednakże, jak o t y m napisał Jan Karłowicz w haśle Etnografia i etnologia, umieszczonym w t. X I X Wielkiej encyklopedii powszechnej ilustrowanej z 1897 r., „jakoś się nie utarł on w mowie naszej" (za: Gajkowa 1959, s. 40). Charakterystyczne, że terminem „ludoznawstwo", powszechnie niegdyś stosowanym, głównie na prze¬ łomie X I X i X X w., m.in. w pracach Jana Karłowicza, a będącym już dzisiaj tylko ter­ minem o znaczeniu historycznym, zachowanym z tego powodu w nazwie Polskiego Towarzystwa Ludoznawczego, nigdy nie określano na ziemiach polskich instytucji akademickich. Połowa X I X w. to zwiększenie zainteresowania człowiekiem, ludem - warstwą społeczną, i ludem (narodem) jako grupą etniczną i jego kulturą, rozwijanie metod i precyzowanie celów oraz zaczątki instytucjonalizacji i profesjonalizacji tych ba¬ dań. Były wówczas znane wszystkie najważniejsze terminy stosowane później jako nazwy ukształtowanej już dyscypliny: antropologia, etnografia, etnologia. Akcent przesunął się z zainteresowań literaturą i wierzeniami ludowymi, traktowanymi dotąd głównie jako źródło historyczne (Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa 1977, s. 20), na szerzej ujmowaną kulturę ludu i ludów, których badanie zwano teraz najczęściej etnogra¬ fią. Upowszechnieniu tej nazwy sprzyjało pojawienie się jej, za sprawą Wincentego Pola, w roku akademickim 1850/1851 i 1851/1852, wśród tytułów wykładów na U n i ­ wersytecie Jagiellońskim (m.in. Zawistowicz-Adamska 1966, s. 29, 30), opublikowanie pierwszego podręcznika z tego zakresu O plemionach rodzaju ludzkiego czyli krótkiego rysu etnografii, którego autorem był Jean Julien d'Omalius d'Halloy (1852), a tłuma­ czem i autorem wstępu W P - najprawdopodobniej nie W i n c e n t y Pol, jak początko¬ wo sądziłem, ale Wacław Przybylski, oraz wielokrotne przywoływanie tego terminu i wskazywanie na znaczenie etnografii przez Antoniego Nowosielskiego (Marcin¬ kowskiego) w jego nierównej, lecz cennej z wielu przyczyn monografii Lud ukraiński (1857). Znamienne było w połowie X I X w. zróżnicowanie nie tylko nazw, ale rów¬ nież problematyki zainteresowań i związków z innymi dyscyplinami naukowymi. W i n c e n t y Pol, posługujący się nazwą „etnografia", umieścił ją w ramach geografii i w ten sposób zbliżył do nauk przyrodniczych. Ryszard Berwiński, w Studiach o lite46 �Początki etnologii/antropologii kulturowej w Polsce raturze ludowej ze stanowiska historycznej i naukowej krytyki (1854), przeciwstawił się dotychczasowym poglądom na twórczość ludową, przygotowując, z pozycji histo¬ ryka literatury i kultury, warunki dla rozwoju późniejszej etnologii i folklorystyki. Książka Ryszarda Berwińskiego, napisał Adam Fischer, tworzy w historii polskiej etnologii „słup graniczny między dawnymi a nowymi laty". Niezrozumiana i odrzu­ cana przez współczesnych, doczekała się uznania dopiero w latach 80. X I X w., kiedy to Jan Karłowicz i redagowana przez niego „Wisła" budowali podstawy nowoczesnej etnologii (Fischer 1946, s. 154, 155). Jan Rymarkiewicz przedłożył program etno¬ logii jako nauki o „narodowościach" (narodach, grupach etnicznych) i wskazał na jej bliskość z historią i geografią, lecz związał ją przede wszystkim z filozofią. Przed¬ stawione zróżnicowanie trwale wpłynęło na rozwój etnologii/antropologii kulturo¬ wej i przesądziło o zakresie podejmowanych przez nią problemów i różnorodności przyjmowanych rozwiązań. Bibliografia Bańkowski A. 2000 Etymologiczny słownik języka polskiego, Warszawa Bednarek S. 1995 Pojmowanie kultury i jej historii we współczesnych syntezach dziejów kultury polskiej, Wrocław Berwiński R. 1854 Studia o literaturze ludowej ze stanowiska historycznej i naukowej krytyki, t. I i I I , Poznań Bieńkowski W. 1956 PoprzednicyOskara Kolberga na polu badań ludoznawczych w Polsce. Podłoże społeczne początków etnografii polskiej, Wrocław Bringeus N . A . 1966 Qunnar Olof Hylten-Cavallius: En studie kring Warend och Widarne, L u n d Burszta J. 1973 Oświecenie i romantyzm a słowiańska etnografia i folklorystyka, „Lud", t. 57 1974 Kultura ludowa - kultura narodowa. Szkice i rozprawy, Warszawa Bychowiec J.W 1817 Rzut oka na Rossyą pod względami historycznym, statystycznym, politycznym, moralnym, naukowym i gustu, Warszawa 1819 Prospekt do dzieła pod napisem: Nauka o człowieku co do sprawności jego w życiu ze społecznymi ludźmi, czyli antropologia pod względem pragmatycznym, G r o d n o 47 �Zbigniew Jasiewicz Chmielowski B. 1745-1746 Nowe Ateny albo Akademia wszelkiej sciencyi pełna, na różne tytuły, jak na classes podzielona, mądrym dla memoryału, idiotom dla nauki, politykom dla praktyki, melancholikom dla rozrywki erygowana, Lwów Damrosz J. 1988 Rozwój pojęć podstawowych w polskiej nauce o kulturze ludowej do 1939 roku, Wrocław-Warszawa Estreicher K. 1961 Bibliografia polska XIX stulecia, t. 2, Kraków Etnografia... 1981 Etnografia - etnologia - antropologia kultury - ludoznawstwo. Czym są? Dokąd zmierzają? (Odpowiedzi na ankietę), „Polska Sztuka Ludowa", t. 35, nr 2 Fischer A . 1946 Ryszard Wincenty Berwiński (1819—1870), „Lud", t. 37 Gajkowa O. 1959 Jan Karłowicz i Ludwik Krzywicki skiej, Wrocław jako reprezentanci dwu nurtów w etnologii pol¬ Gawełek F. 1914 Bibliografia ludoznawstwa polskiego, Kraków Gingrich A. 2007 Rozłamy, szkoły i nie-tradycje: nowe spojrzenie na historię antropologii społeczno-kulturowej w Niemczech, w : Antropologia. Jedna dyscyplina, cztery tradycje: brytyjska, niemiecka, francuska i amerykańska, Kraków Grzymała F.E. 1818 Rys historyczno-statystyczny nr 1 Cesarstwa Japońskiego, „Dziennik Wileński", t. 1, Hreczyna T. 1817 Wiadomości z Syberii. Wyjątki z listów Pana Tadeusza Hreczyny, doktora medycyny, pisanych zHiżygi..., „Dziennik Wileński", t. 6, nr 32-36 Instrukcja... 1817 Instrukcja do układania zapisów w przedmiocie statystyki i topografii, „Dziennik Wileński", t. 5, nr 25 Instrukcje... 1816 Instrukcje do układania po gimnazjach i szkołach powiatowych zapisów w przedmio­ tach różnych nauk, wydana od Rządu Głównego Szkół i ogłoszona drukiem r. 1812, „Dziennik Wileński", t. 4, nr 20 48 �Początki etnologii/antropologii kulturowej w Polsce Jasiewicz Z . 2006 Etnolodzy i etnologia polska przełomu XX i XXI wieku. W poszukiwaniu tożsamości zbiorowej, w : Kultura profesjonalna etnologów w Polsce, red. M . Brocki, K. Górny i W. Kuligowski, Wrocław Jasiński J. 1818 Antropologia o własnościach człowieka, W i l n o J. K. 1806 Stan polityczno-jeograficzny Rossyi, „Dziennik Wileński", R. 2, kwiecień Kamocki J. 1953 Przegląd kwestionariuszy wydanych w języku polskim, Poznań Kaniowska K. 1996 Kilka. 1850 Definicje etnologii w polskiej literaturze przedmiotu, „Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Ethnologica", t. 9 Kilka słów o etnologii, „Pamiętnik Literacki", nr 29 K i t o w i c z J. 1985 Opis obyczajów za panowania Augusta JJJ, Warszawa Kłoskowska A. 1991 Kultura, w: Encyklopedia kultury polskiej XX wieku. Pojęcia i problemy wiedzy o kul¬ turze, red. A . Kłoskowska, Wrocław Kołłątaj H . 1810 List... do T. M. z Ołomuńca dnia 15 lipca 1802 roku pisany..., „Pamiętnik War¬ szawski", r. 7, t. 2 Kopczyński W. 2008 Kształtowanie się i rozwój etnograficznego muzealnictwa w Szwecji na przełomie XJX i XX wieku. Wiedza o szwedzkich dokonaniach muzealnych i ich recepcja w Polsce, maszynopis pracy doktorskiej, archiwum I E i A K U A M Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa A. 1977 Kultura ludowa i jej badacze. Mit i rzeczywistość, Warszawa Lelewel J. 1826 1959 O historii, jej rozgałęzieniu i naukach związek z nią mających, „Dziennik Warszawski" Wykłady dziejów powszechnych, w: Wykłady dziejów powszechnych. Dzieła, red. M . H . Serejski, t. 3, Warszawa Lubicz-Czerwiński I . 1816 Rys dziejów kultury i oświecenia narodu polskiego od wieku X do końca w dwóch częściach, Przemyśl 49 XVJJ �Zbigniew Jasiewicz Michalski J. 1958 „Słownik języka polskiego" Samuela Bogumiła Lindego w opinii współczesnych, „Studia i Materiały d o Dziejów N a u k i Polskiej. H i s t o r i a N a u k Społecznych", z. 2 Nastawlienija... 1812 Nastawlienija dlja sostawlienija w gimnazjach i ujezdnych ucziliszczach zapisok po raznym naukam i danych ot (jławnogo Prawlienija Ucziliszcz, Sankt Petersburg Nowosielski A. 1857 Lud ukraiński, t. I i II, W i l n o Obrzędy. 1819 Obrzędy weselne ludu wiejskiego w guberni mińskiej, w powiecie borysowskim, w parafii hajeńskiej, obserwowane w latach 1800, 1801, 1802, „Tygodnik Wileński", cz. 1 i 2, nr 130 i 132 d'Omalius d'Halloy J.J. 1852 O plemionach rodzaju ludzkiego, czyli krótki rys etnografii, W i l n o Posern-Zieliński A. 1973 Kształtowanie się etnografii polskiej jako samodzielnej dyscypliny naukowej (do 1939 roku), w: Historia etnografii polskiej, red. M . Terlecka, Wrocław Potocki J. 1959 Podróże, Warszawa Punkta. 1805 Punkta do zebrania spostrzeżeń i wiadomości w przedmiotach fizycznych., Pamiętnik Warszawski", r. 5, t. 18 „Nowy Róziewicz J. 1984 Polsko-rosyjskie powiązania naukowe (1725-1918), Wrocław Rutkowski J. 1959 Historia kultury i próba systematyzacji jej zagadnień, „Kwartalnik H i s t o r i i Kultury Materialnej", nr 1 Rymarkiewicz J. 1849 Nauka o narodowości, czyli etnologia, „Szkoła Polska", t. I Rzewuski S. 1830 Zastosowanie fizjologii do historii, „Pamiętnik Fizycznych, Matematycznych i Statystycznych Umiejętności", R. 1 Serejski M . H . 1965 Początki i dzieje słów „kultura" i „cywilizacja" w Polsce, w : Przeszłość i teraźniej¬ szość. Szkice historiozoficzne, Warszawa 50 �Początki etnologii/antropologii kulturowej w Polsce Sierakowski S. 1811 O pospólstwie krajowym, Kraków Stocking G.W. 1968 On the limits of„presentism" and „historicism" in the historiography of the behavioral sci­ ences, w: Race, Culture and Evolution. Essays in the History of Anthropology, N e w York Śniadecki J. 1838 Teoria jestestw organicznych, t. I - I I I , W i l n o Tokariew S.A. 1966 Istorija russkoj etnografii. Dooktjabrskij pieriod, Moskva Vermeulen H . F 1995 Origins and institutionalization of ethnography and ethnology in Europe and USA, 1771-1845, w : Fieldwork and Footnotes. Studies in the History of European Anthropology, red. H . F Vermeulen, A . A . Roldan, London, N e w York 1996 Stowarzyszenia antropologiczne, etnologiczne i etnograficzne. Spojrzenie porównawcze, „Lud", t. 80 Wepsięć J. 1937 Bychowiec Józef Władysław, w: Polski słownik bibliograficzny, t. I I I , Kraków Woźniak A. 1995 Oświeceniowy przełom w kulturze a początki ludoznawstwa polskiego, „Lud", t. 78 Wróblewski T 1967 Z dziejów pojęcia etnografii, „Łódzkie Studia Etnograficzne", t. IX 1969 Wstęp do etnografii. Etnografia, lud, kultura, cz. 1, Poznań Zadrożyńska-Barącz A. 1970 Nowa dziedzina deficytowa - etnografia Europy, „Etnografia Polska", t. 14, z. 2 Zawistowicz-Adamska K. 1966 Wincenty Pol - badacz kultury ludowej, Warszawa 51 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/db57c867ecc495409dce9b08b35d44cd.pdf e4ff23daec7b0c4b08b9a4387d9f7291 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5020 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource antropologia wizualna plotka - aspekt antropologiczny internet - aspekt etnograficzny celebryci portale plotkarskie Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4656 Title A name given to the resource Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich / Homo interneticus: etnograficzne wędrówki w głąb sieci Description An account of the resource Homo interneticus; ; pod red.Ewy Jagiełło i Pawła Schmidta s.21-34 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Jeran, Agnieszka Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydawnictwo Portalu Wiedza i Edukacja Type The nature or genre of the resource e-book Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich A Agnieszka Jeran WYŻSZA SZKOŁA GOSPODARKI W BYDGOSZCZY Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich C elebryci, ich wizerunki i plotki na ich temat pozostają żywą i istotną częścią co­ dziennego życia. Plotki w każdej społeczności stanowią ważny obszar spajania jej struktury i kultury, stając się źródłem wzorów zachowań, przyczynkiem do dyskusji o normach i wartościach, rozrywką czy wreszcie tematem codziennej komu¬ nikacji. Osoby znane, dawniej bohaterowie, a współcześnie celebryci pozostają najis­ totniejszym obiektem plotek, a rozwój kultury wizualnej sprawia, że szczególnej wagi nabierają fotografie, które stają się przesłanką plotkowania. Specyficzny status foto­ grafów - papparazzich, tabloidów, a wraz z rozwojem Internetu portali WWW po¬ święconych wyłącznie plotkowaniu, nadaje obrazom celebrytów szczególnej wagi. Dla objęcia naukowym namysłem fotografii celebrytów i ich znaczenia dla spo¬ łeczności internautów, szczególne znaczenie ma interpretacja dyskursywna fotografii zamieszczonych w Internecie, przy czym niezwykle istotna okazuje się szansa na śle¬ dzenie owego dyskursu w sposób całkowicie niezakłócający jego dynamiki. Internet umożliwia prowadzenie najczystszej obserwacji ukrytej, ponieważ badacz uzyskuje dostęp do zarchiwizowanego, publicznego z zasady dyskursu. Dzięki zestawieniu in¬ terpretacji autorskiej i komentarzy możliwe jest prześledzenie sposobów odzwiercie¬ dlania się w wypowiedziach subiektywności odbioru. W odróżnieniu od fotografii re¬ klamowej, fotografie celebrytów nie trafiają do wybranej, zdefiniowanej jako doce¬ lowa, kategorii odbiorców. Odbiorcy bywają, co jest charakterystyczne dla Internetu, bardzo różni, ponadto pozostając anonimowymi wyrażają swoje opinie bez obaw o spo¬ łeczną ocenę czy stygmatyzację, są więc - co pokazują badania zachowań internau¬ tów - bardziej otwarci i spontaniczni. Same fotografie celebrytów, mniej lub bardziej sensacyjne plotki na ich temat czy wreszcie budowany wokół nich dyskurs, nie są no­ wym zjawiskiem, jednak internetowe serwisy plotkarskie dają unikalną możliwość śle­ dzenia dyskusji na żywo, zachęcają do wypowiedzi i jednocześnie archiwizująje. In¬ terpretacja dyskursywna fotografii celebrytów pozwala na prześledzenie dyskursu oraz określenie kierunków interpretacji i określenie stopnia, w jakim redakcyjny opis obrazu pełni funkcję zakotwiczenia. �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 22 Dyskurs i interpretacja dyskursywna Samo pojęcie dyskursu okazuje się funkcjonować coraz częściej jako słowo-wytrych. Jak zauważa Grzymała-Kazłowska, można mówić o zwrocie ku dyskursowi, a związany jest on z „głębokimi przemianami społecznymi i wizją współczesnego spo­ łeczeństwa jako społeczeństwa zdominowanego przez praktyki komunikacyjne oraz z przekonaniem, że rzeczywistość jest konstruowana w procesach komunikacji" (Grzy­ mała-Kazłowska 2004: 13). Z jednej strony jest to wynik nasycenia życia społecz­ nego komunikacją masową, z drugiej zaś - przyjętej perspektywy ontologicznej, wedle której wszystko co czynią ludzie jest komunikacją - od procesów autorefleksyjnych przez zachowania w otoczeniu innych ludzi po procesy tworzenia norm i struktury spo¬ łecznej. W tym przesyceniu komunikacją dyskurs jest zarazem niejasny (jako pojęcie ogólne i nadużywane w potocznych wykorzystaniach) i jednocześnie precyzowany w ujęciach naukowych. W socjologii często ujmuje się dyskurs jako nie tylko wymia¬ nę komunikatów, ale i wzajemne oddziaływanie i negocjowanie tak znaczeń w bieżą¬ cym procesie komunikacyjnym, jak i całej społecznej rzeczywistości. Wynika to z fak¬ tu nieustannego uzasadniania i przetwarzania przekonań czy inaczej wiedzy potocz¬ nej, a w ujęciu Trutkowskiego „społecznych reprezentacji", które włączone są tak głęboko w proces społecznej komunikacji, że z jednej strony określają zakres dostępnych nam wzorów interpretacyjnych, a z drugiej strony - kon­ stytuują rzeczywistość, w której żyjemy. Odbieramy świat przez pryzmat uzgodnio­ nych definicji zjawisk, a zjawiska nowe i nieznane staramy się włączyć w istniejący, przyswojony i bezpieczny system podzielanych kategorii. (Trutkowski 2004: 43) Procesy prowadzące do owych uzgodnień (i ewentualnych zmian) określić można najogólniej mianem dyskursu. Byłby zatem dyskurs czymś szerszym niż dialogiem z niezbędnymi dla przeprowadzenia analizy sekwencjami wypowiedzi - jak chce go ujmować ściśle rozumiana analiza dyskursu. Dyskurs jest zatem działaniem społecznym lub procesem komunikacyjnym two¬ rzenia i stabilizowania podzielanej wiedzy, owych społecznych reprezentacji, ważna jest więc bardziej jego funkcja, niż dialogowy charakter. Jednak istotny pozostaje waż¬ ny postulat metodologiczny analizy dyskursu - procesy uzgadniania znacznie efek¬ tywniej jest obserwować „w toku", miarę jak się dokonują i to najlepiej w warunkach naturalnych, niż odtwarzać w wywiadzie ich przebieg odwołując się do pamięci res¬ pondentów (por. Grzymała-Kazłowska 2004). Można oczywiście proces ten wywołać, można też śledzić sam jego efekt - treść uzgodnionych interpretacji, kształt wiedzy po¬ tocznej, niemniej kluczowy pozostaje naturalny przebieg procesu. Naturalność sytuacji ma znaczenie przede wszystkim dlatego, że ,,konstrukcja dys¬ kursu w równym stopniu uzależniona jest od treści i znaczenia komunikatów wypo¬ wiadanych przez tworzących go aktorów, jak i od pozostałych cech kontekstu sytua¬ cyjnego" (Trutkowski 2004: 45), a więc istotne dla dyskursu okazuje się wszystko, co definiuje jego kontekst. Sytuacja badania otwiera zaś inny kontekst, niż różne natu¬ ralne okoliczności procesów komunikacyjnych. Kontekst ten jednak należy każdo¬ razowo uściślić i jasno zdefiniować, dookreślić, ponieważ trudno przecenić jego zna¬ czenie dla przebiegu procesu. Jednym z istotniejszych szerokich kontekstów i jednocześnie ważnym obszarem uzgadniania elementów wiedzy potocznej, może ważniejszym obecnie niż uzgadnianie znaczeń słów, jest współczesne nasycenie obrazami. Tym trudniejszy to proces, że ob- �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 23 razy są w większości polisemiczne, często bardziej niż słowa. Jak zauważa Schnettler: Chociaż jest kwestą sporną, jak dawno temu miała miejsce „rewolucja wizualna" to można zauważyć, że wizualizacje zdobywają w naszej współczesnej kulturze coraz więk­ sze znaczenie. Uwidacznia się to nie tylko w mediach rozrywkowych, jak film, telewizja, książki obrazkowe czy czasopisma ilustrowane; przede wszystkim nowe, wspomagane komputerowo formy komunikacyjne wywołały prawdziwą powódź wizualizacyjną. (Schnettler 2008: 117) Wszechobecność obrazów nie służy zatem tylko rozrywce. Wydaje się, że doko­ nuje się pewien powrót do ikoniczności. Od wynalezienia druku i powszechnej alfabetyzacji, zmysłem wzroku człowieka zawładnęło pismo - ze swoją linearnością nieruchomością i tylko częściową otwartością na interpretację (por. Vandendorpe 2008). Jednak obrazy odzyskują swój udział w organizowaniu i przekazywaniu wie¬ dzy o świecie. Coraz częściej poszczególne subdyscypliny nauk społecznych okreś¬ lają siebie i swój przedmiot badań poprzez wizualność - czy będzie to socjologia wizualna, antropologia obrazu czy visual culture studies. Jednak same obrazy bez ich odczytań to za mało. Jak zauważają Frąckowiak i Rogowski bez badania tego, co odbiorcy robią z obrazami, nie może ona [socjologia wizualna - AJ] odpowiedzieć na wiele ważnych dla niej pytań. Nie bardzo możemy pytać na przyk­ ład o strategie komunikacyjne, w które wplecione są obrazy, ani o ich „kariery" (określe­ nie Grady'ego), które pozwoliłyby określić ich społeczne (kulturowe) znaczenie. (Frąckowiak, Rogowski 2009: 133) Badanie tych procesów bywa określane mianem socjologii wiedzy wizualnej, która zajmuje się pytaniami, jak doświadczenia, wiedza, umiejętności i zdolności są wy¬ tarzane i dystrybuowane nie tylko za pośrednictwem języka i słów, ale także przez wi¬ zualne formy wyrazu i przedstawiania. Przy tym w centrum uwagi znajdują się tu formy wizualne, pojmowane nie jako statycznie nieruchome struktury lub stałe znaki, ale raczej jako per formatywne, wzajemnie powiązane ze sobą, skontekstualizowane [i do pewnego stopnia efemeryczne] zjawiska społecznych interakcji, przy pomocy których wytwarzana, przetwarzana i asymilowana jest wiedza. (Schnettler 2008: 116) Dlatego też należy i w stosunku do obrazów, a więc obszaru wizualnego rzeczywis¬ tości, zastosować kategorię dyskursu. Sztompka chociażby analizując sposoby inter¬ pretowania fotografii obok interpretacji hermeneutycznej, semiologicznej i strukturalistycznej wymienia także interpretację dyskursywną. W jego ujęciu dyskurs wizu¬ alny to „złożony proces negocjacyjny, w którym artykułują się znaczenia obrazów" (Sztompka 2005: 92). Interpretacja dyskursywna sięga poza sam obraz i wymaga uwz¬ ględnienia z jednej strony charakterystyki odbiorców obrazu, z drugiej zaś kontek¬ stu, w jakim obraz się pojawia i w związku z tym jest interpretowany. Inaczej mó¬ wiąc - można w interpretacji dyskursywnej ograniczyć się do tych dwóch obszarów czyli określenia potencjalnych, zdefiniowanych przez nadawcę odbiorców (i ewen¬ tualnie odbiorców faktycznych) oraz do określenia kontekstu w jakim obraz wystę¬ puje - ram albo reżimu odbioru, czyli instytucji, w ramach których obraz jest wytwa¬ rzany, przekazywany i pokazywany (inną ramę określa muzeum, inną gazeta, jesz¬ cze inną - telewizja i poszczególne gatunki programów). Jednak można spróbować pójść o krok dalej i prześledzić rzeczywisty przebieg in¬ terpretacji obrazu, a więc dyskursu wokół niego. Możliwe i osiągalne są dwie ścieżki �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 24 - jedna prowadzi poprzez metody wywiadu i może być pogłębionym wywiadem z wykorzystaniem obrazu (indywidualnym lub grupowym) (por. Konecki 2005), druga - poprzez obserwację. Ogromnym minusem pierwszej jest fakt wywoływania przez badacza procesów interpretacji. W większości przypadków to badacz decyduje 0 zestawie obrazów do interpretacji, choć czasem to badany może „przynieść" obrazy własne, samemu je wybrać. Jakkolwiek by nie było - wywiad wykorzystujący obrazy 1 w zamierzeniu odkrywający ich znaczenie dla odbiorcy, a więc interpretację, jest sy¬ tuacją sztuczną, wywołaną przez badacza. W przeciwieństwie do tego obserwacja może być uwolniona od takiego charakteru - możliwe jest bowiem prześledzenie spon¬ tanicznych procesów interpretacyjnych toczących się w wymianie komunikatów, a więc w dyskursie pomiędzy interpretującymi, pomiędzy odbiorcami, z których każ¬ dy ma prawo do własnego odczytania obrazu, ale z których każdym kieruje jedno¬ cześnie dążenie do uprawomocnienia swojego odczytania poprzez jego uzgodnienie z innymi i uzyskanie w ten sposób społecznej aprobaty dla dokonanego odczytania. Zgodnie z postulatem naturalności to właśnie taki naturalny, niepodlegający wpły¬ wowi badacza proces uzgadniania znaczenia obrazów miałby najwięcej wspólnego z założeniami metodologicznymi analizy dyskursu. Patrząc na to ze strony odbiorcy komunikatu wizualnego lub tekstowo-wizualnego, można uznać, że jak to zauważył Eco „temu, kto odbiera obraz pozostała resztka wol­ ności: wolności odczytania go w inny sposób" (Eco 1998: 160), ale ta wolność ogra¬ niczona jest procesami społecznej akceptacji. Skrajne interpretacje nie znajdują apro¬ baty, nie są wspierane i włączane w społecznie dostępny zasób wiedzy potocznej. Na tym polega w ujęciu interakcjonistycznym każde uzgadnianie znaczeń, a za jego narzę¬ dzie uznać można właśnie dyskurs. Śledzenie go w naturalnym, nie modyfikowanym przez badacza środowisku możliwe jest właściwie wyłącznie dzięki obserwacji. W odniesieniu do metody proponowana i wykorzystana zostanie zatem obser¬ wacja. Jednak jej przeprowadzenie wymaga ustalenia ram dla samego przebiegu dyskursu. Są one niezbędne dla każdej analizy komunikacji, ponieważ nieodmien¬ nie istotne pozostaje określenie jaka forma procesów komunikacyjnych podlega ba¬ daniu, kim są uczestnicy komunikacji, jakie istnieją narzucone instytucjonalne ramy czy też reżim dyskursu. Zgodnie z takim schematem przeprowadzono także pre¬ zentowane badanie - przedstawienie jego wyników wymaga wskazania pewnych ogólniejszych ustaleń, a więc: - cech audytorium - odbiorców obrazów, - kontekstów instytucjonalnych, - poziomów dyskursu - grup rozmówców zaangażowanych w dyskurs. Zaproponowane i przeprowadzone badanie wymaga jasnego zdefiniowania po¬ szczególnych elementów kontekstu. Ponieważ, jak wskazywano, najbardziej uzasad¬ nioną metodą będzie obserwacja, zdecydowano się wykorzystać unikalną właściwość Internetu jako obszaru badań - można w nim śledzić niewywołane, a więc naturalne, spontaniczne zachowania ludzi nie będąc przy tym widzialnym. Badacz ma zatem możliwość zrealizowania prawdziwej obserwacji niejawnej, a jeśli chce całkowicie wyeliminować potencjalny własny wpływ na sytuację - może posłużyć się jako za¬ pisem obserwacji zarchiwizowanym zapisem historycznego (tj. już zakończonego) procesu komunikacyjnego. W odniesieniu do naturalnych procesów komunikacyj¬ nych w „realnym" (niecyfrowym) świecie bardzo rzadko badacz uzyskuje taką szansę - właściwie wyłącznie w odniesieniu do debaty emitowanej poprzez media masowe i do korespondencji. Obszarem obserwacji w przeprowadzonym badaniu będzie więc �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 25 w najszerszym ujęciu Internet, jako obserwowana rzeczywistość. Dalsze uszcze¬ gółowienia sformułować można następująco: - w odniesieniu do cech odbiorców i jednocześnie nadawców komunikatów - ba¬ danymi są Internauci, a więc użytkownicy Internetu - w ujęciu szczegółowym - po¬ dejmujący aktywność komunikacyjną w wybranym portalu plotkarskim poprzez system komentarzy; - konteksty instytucjonalne współtworzą: plotkowanie, celebryci, wizualność i sys­ temy komentarzy (jako badana forma prowadzenia dyskursu); - poziomy dyskursu sprowadzić można do dwóch: pomiędzy autorami plotkarskiej wiadomości i czytelnikami (aktywnymi na tyle, by wiadomość skomentować) oraz po¬ między samymi forumowiczami - inne poziomy np. dyskusje przeniesione poza sys¬ tem komentarzy, „dialog wewnętrzny" czytelnika, debata redakcyjna nad fotografią i tekstem itp. pozostają poza obszarem badania jako zasadniczo nieuchwytne. Rozpoznanie, zdefiniowanie i uwzględnienie poszczególnych elementów pozwoli na egzemplifikację procesu uzgadniania znaczenia fotografii, a wiec na pokazanie prze¬ biegu interpretacji dyskursywnej obrazów w nieco szerszym niż pierwotne ujęcie Sztompki. Dla Sztompki istotne było dotarcie do tego, co obraz znaczy dla odbiorców, w przeprowadzonym badaniu ważniejszy od konkluzji „co znaczy" jest obszar procesualny, przebiegu owych uzgodnień. Będzie to przy tym badanie o charakterze wy¬ rywkowym, istotniejsze w jego wypadku będą procedury badawcze niż sam efekt - koń¬ cowe konkluzje, nieosiągalne w tak pilotażowym badaniu. Audytorium - polscy internauci Zgodnie z wynikami Diagnozy Społecznej 2009 (Batorski 2009) polskiego in¬ ternautę można scharakteryzować przede wszystkim jako osobę młodą, dobrze wy¬ kształconą i pracującą. Rozpatrzenie charakterystyk użytkowników Internetu w Pol¬ sce pozwala bowiem stwierdzić, że 56 % internautów to osoby do 34. roku życia, „po¬ nad połowa internautów to osoby uczące się lub posiadające już wyższe wykształ¬ cenie" (Batorski 2009: 290) i w 57% - osoby pracujące - albo pracownicy albo przed­ siębiorcy. Wielkość zamieszkiwanej miejscowości czy płeć ma znacznie mniejsze zna¬ czenie. Jeśli zatem tak można opisać statystycznego internautę, to można sądzić, że Internet jest medium ludzi młodych, wykształconych i aktywnych zawodowo - co nie znaczy, że zupełnie nie korzystają z niego inne kategorie społeczne (przykładowo - osoby w wieku powyżej 60 lat stanowią 4% użytkowników). Jednak ten statystycz¬ ny, wynikający z badań portret internauty ma znaczenie nie tylko jako pewien osa¬ dzający rozważania, dotyczące jednej z aktywności internautów, element ramy roz¬ ważań. Ważne jest również to, że jeśli nie Internet jako taki (pozbawiony przecież pod¬ miotowości), to twórcy i sponsorzy poszczególnych portali opierając się na ogól¬ nych statystykach i szczegółowych danych o własnych użytkownikach, dostosowują do nich swój przekaz - zarówno pod względem formy, jak i treści. Skoro zatem inter¬ nauta postrzegany jest jako osoba młoda, to odpowiednim językiem, w dostosowa¬ nej formie i na dobrane do jego zainteresowań tematy przygotowuje się zawartość por¬ talu. W ten sposób statystyki w rodzaju przytoczonych współtworzą ramę interpre¬ tacji, są więc istotne dla analiz dyskursu wokół interpretacji. Drugi składnik charakteryzujący audytorium to cele korzystania z Internetu. Wśród celów ogólnych jednym z istotniejszych okazuje się rozrywka - jako pierwszy �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 26 i najważniejszy cel wskazuje j ą prawie 30% internautów, dla kolejnych 24% jest celem znajdującym się na drugim miejscu (spośród pięciu możliwych) (Batorski 2009: 305). Bardziej szczegółowe zestawienie sposobów korzystania z Internetu wykorzystywane w Diagnozie Społecznej nie pozwala jednoznacznie określić zasięgu czytania i komen¬ towania zawartości portali plotkarskich, a więc również scharakteryzować pod wzglę¬ dem społeczno-demograficznym ich użytkowników. Jednak w ramach celów korzys­ tania z Internetu wyszczególnionych przez badaczy w ramach Diagnozy Internetu od­ naleźć można aktywność określonąjako „informacja o innych osobach" - z pewnoś¬ cią plotkowanie nie stanowi jedynego przejawu tej aktywności, jednak w jej zakres wchodzi. Przytoczone badanie realizowane było poprzez Internet, metodą samodoboru i w efekcie wyniki nie są reprezentatywne ani dla ogółu Polaków, ani dla polskich internautów. Jak piszą sami autorzy „proces rekrutacji do badania został tak skon¬ struowany, aby jak najskuteczniej wychwycić osoby, które z Internetu korzystają bar­ dzo intensywnie, po kilka godzin dziennie" (Krejtz, Nowak 2009: 15). Jednak wyniki dla tej szczególnej, zbadanej i bardzo różnorodnej grupy można do pewnego stopnia traktować ilustracyjnie. Owo szukanie informacji o innych osobach zajmuje w rankin¬ gu zestawiającym poszczególne aktywności okolice 10. miejsca (w zależności od gru­ py wiekowej - od 9. do 11.), wśród liczącego trzydzieści elementów zestawienia. Samo „komentowanie na blogach i forach", które nie do końca odpowiada komentowaniu wiadomości w serwisach plotkarskich zajmuje miejsce 7. wśród wskazań bardzo mło¬ dych użytkowników (w wieku do 19 lat), zaś okolice miejsca 20. dla starszych, jest to więc mniej popularna aktywności, choć również istotna (Krejtz 2009: 61). Potwier¬ dzałoby to wskazaną wcześniej charakterystykę internautów i dostosowanie wielu ser¬ wisów do takiego właśnie bardzo młodego audytorium. Ramy instytucjonalne - plotkowanie o celebrytach Pojęcie plotki jest niezwykle pojemne. Na poziomie potocznym - dosyć dobrze rozpoznawane, choć już znacznie rzadziej definiowane, na poziomie naukowym - nieco zapoznane, choć co jakiś czas powracające, szczególnie w ujęciach psychologicznych. Rozpatrując plotki warto zwrócić uwagę na ich społeczne funkcje oraz na rodzaje (por. Thiele-Dohrmann 1980). Przede wszystkim, w odniesieniu do celebrytów największe znaczenie okazuje się mieć plotka instrumentalna (Matusewicz 1998: 406). Plotka taka jest świadomie sto­ sowanym narzędziem - czasem dyskredytacji, coraz częściej promocji. W ramach dzia­ łań marketingowych wyróżnia się nawet marketing szeptany, posługujący się jako głów¬ nym kanałem promowania produktu lub marki drogą osobistego informowania. W od¬ niesieniu do celebrytów plotka ma taką właśnie promującą funkcję - ma utrzymywać zainteresowanie postacią - albo dzięki jej „barwności", nonkonformizmowi w pub¬ licznych obszarach życia (np. na występach, premierach, inauguracjach), albo dzięki wkraczaniu mediów w sferę prywatną, poza publiczną fasadę, a najczęściej - dzięki łączeniu obu tych obszarów. Plotki mogą zatem dotyczyć tego, co gwiazda porabia w domu, kiedy publiczność jej nie widzi (choć właśnie widzi), jak wystąpiła na pokazie nowego filmu, kto jej towarzyszył i jak jedno ma się do drugiego. Tematem plotki mo¬ że być niemal wszystko, zaś jej celem jest przede wszystkim utrzymanie zaintereso¬ wania postacią - która jako rasowy celebryta nie jest znana (głównie, a już na pewno nie wyłącznie) dlatego, że jest wyjątkowa pod jakimkolwiek względem (talentu, sta¬ tusu itp.), ale dlatego, że jest znana - zgodnie z definicją rozpropagowaną przez Godzica, że celebryci są „znani z tego, że są znani" (Godzic 2007). �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 27 Natomiast rozpatrując liczne społeczne funkcje plotki, w odniesieniu do plotek o celebrytach wskazać można między innymi jej więziotwórczy i poznawczy oraz ludyczny charakter (por. Jeran 2008: 272). Plotka to bowiem akt komunikacji - prze­ kazywanie plotek pozwala na stwierdzenie istnienia łączności komunikacyjnej w gru­ pie, pozwala poszczególne łącza potwierdzić, odświeżyć, utrzymać. Między innymi dzięki plotkowaniu istnieje sieć niezobowiązującej, niezadaniowej komunikacji w ob¬ rębie grupy czy szerzej - wspólnoty. Ale plotkowanie tworzy także wspólnotę poz¬ nawczą. Samo w sobie stanowi przykład dyskursu uzgadniania znaczeń. Plotkowa¬ nie sprawia, że pewne elementy wiedzy potocznej są podzielane i potwierdzane, po¬ dobnie jak aprobata dla obowiązujących norm (najczęściej wyrażana poprzez wspól¬ ną dezaprobatę dla złamania normy). Jednak wydaje się, że w odniesieniu do plotek o celebrytach należy wskazać jeszcze jedną funkcję - ludyczną. Opowiadanie plotek sprawia przyjemność, pozwala na uświadomienie sobie cudzej infantylności, braku ogłady czy po prostu pecha. Taką samą przyjemność sprawia czytanie plotek, a to ono okazuje się szczególnie ważne w sytuacji, w której plotki są przekazem wykorzys¬ tującym kanały komunikacji masowej. Nie można wówczas rozpoznać tworzącej się wspólnoty - plotka od centralnie zlokalizowanego nadawcy trafia do wielu odbior¬ ców (zgodnie z modelem komunikacji masowej), czasem po drodze przechodzi przez pośredni poziom liderów opinii. Jednak jeśli można wówczas mówić o podzielaniu czegokolwiek, to raczej właśnie wiedzy na określone tematy i sposobów definiowa¬ nia oraz oceniania rzeczywistości (czy te buty rzeczywiście nie pasują do tej su¬ kienki? Ile taka sukienka kosztuje? A przede wszystkim - kto ma obowiązek za¬ kładając sukienkę spodziewać się jej wnikliwej oceny). Spośród różnych kanałów upowszechniania plotek, dla plotek o celebrytach naj¬ istotniejszym okazują się media masowe, tym bardziej, że w ich obrębie istnieją ty¬ tuły z definicji poświęcone plotkowaniu - są to czasopisma (i tabloidy i luksusowe magazyny), programy telewizyjne (typu kto, co i gdzie - zrobił) i wreszcie - portale internetowe. Te ostatnie zasługują na uwagę jako z jednej strony najmłodsze (jak i sam Internet jest najmłodszym z mediów integrującym media wcześniejsze), z drugiej - najbardziej zróżnicowane. W samym polskojęzycznym obszarze Internetu wska¬ zać można kilkadziesiąt plotkarskich serwisów - mogą mieć wąski zakres tema¬ tyczny (np. tylko sportowy), mogą być znacznie szersze tematycznie, mogą mieć formę przekazu odgórnego (redakcja zamieszcza plotkę, dodaje zdjęcia itp. - całość funkcjonuje jak elektroniczna wersja plotkarskiej gazety), mogą opierać się na prze¬ kazie oddolnym, tj. na zgłaszanych przez czytelników wiadomościach - wyszuka¬ nych w innych miejscach lub samodzielnie wygenerowanych (kogo sławnego wi¬ działem dziś na zakupach). Istnieje także schemat czasowy - tutaj główna strona i naj¬ ważniejsza plotka zmieniają się w określonym rytmie (np. co 3 godziny) (szerzej: Jeran 2009: 334-335). Istotną różnicę pomiędzy plotkarskami programami telewi¬ zyjnym czy prasą stanowi sprzężenie zwrotne. Technologia związana ze stronami WWW sprawia, że czytelnicy stają się podmiotami aktywnymi, sami mogą włączyć się w proces komunikowania, który przestaje mieć tak klasycznie masowy charak¬ ter. Włączenie to może być bardzo różne - od przekazania linku innym po własną wypowiedź w postaci komentarza do plotki lub do wcześniejszych wypowiedzi in¬ nych czytelników. Dodatkowo hiperszybkość dostępu, nie tylko pierwotnej publi¬ kacji plotki, ale jej powielania i „przekazywania dalej" oraz multimedialność, której tylko częściowo dorównuje telewizja (a prasa wcale) sprawiają, że Internet jak żadne inne medium dostosowany jest do plotkowania. �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 28 Jednak kluczowa dla obserwacji uzgadniania znaczeń - interpretacji dyskursywnej obrazów (fotografii) - pozostaje wspomniana możliwość i rzeczywiste funkcjo¬ nowanie sprzężenia zwrotnego. To ono umożliwi zaproponowaną obserwację. Nim jednak wszystkie wątki współtworzące ramę kontekstu analizowanego dyskursu zo¬ staną złożone w jedno, należy scharakteryzować sam system komentarzy. Fora a komentarze - systemy prowadzenia dyskusji w Internecie Formy dwustronnej komunikacji zapośredniczonej przez komputer i realizowa¬ nej przede wszystkim poprzez Internet jako sieć sieci, są bardzo różne. Jedno z kryte¬ riów odnosi się do wykorzystywanego sposobu komunikowania i pozwala odróżnić komunikację pisemną od innych form (np. videomail, telefonia internetowa), inne wskazuje na zbieżność w czasie komunikatów z obu stron procesu - można wów¬ czas mówić o komunikacji synchronicznej i asynchronicznej. Zawsze będzie to oczy¬ wiście komunikacja pośrednia, w której nie ma wymogu dzielenia tego samego fi¬ zycznego miejsca przez rozmówców - choć może to być to samo miejsce wirtualne. Synchroniczna komunikacja wymaga względnie niezakłóconej i bieżącej wymiany komunikatów - jest to zatem komunikacja, dla której bazowym schematem jest roz¬ mowa. W przeciwieństwie do niej komunikacja asynchroniczna nie wymaga wspól¬ nego czasu, realizuje się z (możliwym) opóźnieniem reakcji zwrotnej - jest to zatem schemat raczej korespondencji listowej. Przykładem pierwszej są wszelkiego ro¬ dzaju czaty i komunikatory internetowe, przykładem drugiej - fora i poczta elek¬ troniczna. Przy obu rodzajach przytoczone przykłady pozwalają na wskazanie jeszcze jednej kategorii różnicującej - komunikator i poczta to sposoby komuniko¬ wania się z wybraną, ograniczona i zdefiniowaną grupą odbiorców. Trzeba znać czyjś nick, numer lub adres, by się z nim skontaktować - czy to w czasie rzeczywistym, czy też asynchronicznie. Jednak czat czy forum nie stawiają takiego wymogu - trze¬ ba (i to wystarczy) znajdować się w tym samym wirtualnym miejscu - określonym jako pokój w przypadku czatu albo zdefiniowanym przez wątek forum - aby podjąć komunikację. Jest to zatem komunikacja o charakterze raczej publicznym czy quasipublicznym niż prywatnym. Systemy komentarzy, umożliwiające czytelnikom dopisanie dowolnych uwag do przeczytanego tekstu lub obejrzanego zdjęcia, tylko częściowo wpisują się w po¬ wyższe podziały. Z pewnością są komunikacją asynchroniczną i quasipubliczną, jed¬ nak brakuje w nich charakterystycznych dla forum cech dialogiczności i wątkowości. Na forum bowiem każdy zamieszczony wpis to wypowiedź „w której autor ustosun¬ kowuje się do danego wątku tematycznego. To wymusza pewną formę następujących po sobie postów (wypowiedzi) - dyskusję na zadany w tytule temat."(Stawiska 2006: 243) W efekcie struktura aktywnego forum ma postać „drzewa" z kolejnym zagłębie¬ niami i podpoziomami - gałęzie odpowiadają podtematom i zogniskowanym wokół nich rozmowom podgrupy uczestników forum. Systemy komentarzy nie do końca realizują ten schemat. Wprawdzie komentowa¬ ną wiadomość można uznać za temat przewodni dyskusji, jednak struktura komen¬ tarzy nie dopuszcza tworzenia poddyskusji - komentarze pojawiają się w kolejności zgłaszania, uporządkowane zwykle jeden pod drugim, elementy dyskusji występują tylko w sytuacji, w której w danym komentarzu autor wprost (najczęściej przez cy¬ towanie) przywołuje wypowiedź, do której się odnosi. Zdarza się, że takie cytowa¬ nie osiąga kilka poziomów, ale jest to dosyć specyficzna forma dialogu. Inną zaobser¬ wowaną formą dialogiczności jest odwoływanie się do osoby autora wypowiedzi, �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 29 do której ktoś się odnosi („X napisał, a ja na to...") jednak ze względu na fakt, że ogromna część komentatorów pisze swoje komentarze jako po prostu „gość" - jest to forma utrudniona. W obserwowanych systemach komentarzy na portalach plot­ karskich obu form możliwej dialogiczności jest jednak niewiele, w efekcie „ko­ mentarze niezwykle rzadko stanowią typowy dialog pomiędzy internautami" (Bąk 2009: 345). Także pilnowanie zachowania zgodności z tematem, a więc wątkowość i podział na podtematy w systemach komentarzy praktycznie nie istnieją. Jedynym wątkiem - tematem jest komentowany tekst/fotografia. Od strony technicznej sys¬ tem nie dopuszcza generowania podwątków. Od strony zaś praktyki - ponieważ sys¬ temy komentarzy, w przeciwieństwie do większości forów, nie są moderowane, nie ma także osoby, która czuwałaby nad utrzymaniem się wypowiedzi w ramach wątku - dygresje czy argumentacja ad personam i komentowanie cudzej, wcześniejszej wy¬ powiedzi, a nie wiadomości, są więc nieuniknione. Sprzyja temu zresztą anonimo¬ wość autorów komentarzy, ponieważ w większości przypadków nie jest zachowana nawet wirtualna tożsamość związana z wykorzystywaniem tego samego nicku, zaś poczucie bezpieczeństwa związane z anonimowością sprzyja ekstremizmowi w wy¬ powiedziach (por. zjawisko trollingu na forach - Kamińska 2008). Inną różnicą pomiędzy systemem komentarzy a forum jest długość życia - poszcze¬ gólne wątki na forach mogą trwać miesiącami lub nawet latami, w miarę jak zmie¬ niają się forumowicze, dochodzą kolejne osoby i zachodzą nowe, związane z ana¬ lizowanym problemem, wydarzenia. Komentarze dopisywane są znacznie krócej - w większości przypadków dany zestaw komentarzy nie znika, jednak jest „żywy" tj. dopisywane są do niego kolejne tylko tak długo, jak długo wiadomość jest faktycz¬ nym „newsem". W przypadku serwisów o schemacie czasowym - z definicji tyle, ile wynosi odstęp pomiędzy kolejnymi wiadomościami, w serwisach o innym ryt¬ mie - z pewnością nieco dłużej. Wizualność a komentarz - narzucanie interpretacji Wiadomość w serwisie plotkarskim (co wynika z multimedialności) jest zwykle połączeniem obrazu - fotografii i tekstu. Pierwszym tekstem, zanim pojawią się ko¬ mentarze, jest redakcyjne odczytanie, opis który w różnym stopniu odnosi się do przed¬ stawionej na fotografii osoby, jej wyglądu czy sytuacji, w której zrobiono zdjęcie. W odniesieniu do fotografii prasowej Garncarek analizowała znaczenie podpisów pod nimi, niezależnie od tekstu artykułu i zauważyła, że podpis umieszczony przy zdję¬ ciu często jest tym, co warunkuje czy wręcz narzuca interpretację (Garncarek 2004: 70). Można mówić o funkcji związania, zakotwiczenia, jaka pełni podpis wobec ob¬ razu - to Barthesowskie pojęcie oznacza wskazanie przez podpis jednego z możli¬ wych odczytań obrazu - „mając do dyspozycji wiele znaczeń i interpretacji, odbior¬ ca najczęściej wybiera jedne z nich, a pozostałe lekceważy" (Garncarek 2004: 70). To właśnie jeden z kluczy do uchwycenia procesów interpretacji dyskursywnej. Re¬ dakcja definiuje punkt wyjścia swoim odczytaniem, zakorzenionym w kontekście plotkowania o celebrytach, a więc starającym się realizować demaskatorską i ludyczną funkcję plotkowania. Krytykuje lub chwali uchwycony moment życia pub¬ licznego lub prywatnego celebryty - wygląd, zachowanie, towarzystwo. To wyz¬ nacza pierwsze odczytanie. Śledzenie procesów interpretacyjnych może więc od¬ nosić się do relacji pomiędzy owym narzucanym z pozycji władzy (redakcji) od¬ czytaniem a zgodą lub niezgodą na nie ze strony autorów komentarzy - tych spośród odbiorców, którzy zdecydowali się zabrać głos. Podpis pod zdjęciem prasowym �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 30 często narzuca jedną, gotową i roszczącą sobie prawo do bycia jedyną prawdziwą, interpretację. Redakcyjne odczytanie fotografii stanowiącej pretekst lub sedno plotki czasem jest równie bezwzględne, choć często łagodzone w postaci redakcyjnego pytania typu „jak to oceniacie?", „plus czy minus?", co ma prowokować do komen­ towania. Bez względu na formę, jakieś odczytanie zostaje zdefiniowane przez re­ dakcję - wyraża się w wyborze zdjęcia i sposobie skierowania na nie uwagi. Trzeba przy tym pamiętać, że często to właśnie ukierunkowanie jest kluczowe - tę samą fo­ tografię celebryty uczestniczącego w jakimś wydarzeniu (typu otwarcie galerii albo premiera filmowa) można wykorzystać jako pretekst o wywołania tematu owego wydarzenia (Jakie było? Znaczące? Udane?), obecności danej osoby na tym wyda­ rzeniu (Czy jej wypadało tam być? Czy do niej pasuje owo uczestnictwo?), jej to­ warzystwa w danym momencie (Czy to partner? Ktoś nowy? Albo - dlaczego jest sam/sama?) i wyglądu (Czy ta sukienka dobrze leży? Czy właściwie dobrane dodatki - do siebie nawzajem i do okazji?) i z wielu innych. Z opisami na serwisach plot¬ karskich nie jest zatem wprawdzie aż tak, że zamykają dyskusję (jak podpisy pod fotografiami prasowymi), ale z pewnością nadają jej kierunek. Jeśli zatem, jak zauważyła Bąk „Komentarze zamieszczane przez forumowiczów w Internecie stanowią niewywołany materiał badawczy, powstający naturalnie bez udziału badacza" (Bąk 2009: 345) co pozwala traktować je jako materiał dla obser­ wacji, to wskazać można dwa obszary możliwego do śledzenia dyskursu. Pierwszy dotyczy relacji pomiędzy odczytaniami forumowiczów a odczytaniem redakcji w oso¬ bie autora wiadomości funkcjonującej jako podpis fotografii. Można zaobserwować albo przyjmowanie interpretacji redakcyjnej albo jej odrzucanie, czasem ignorowa¬ nie. Drugi obszar to sfera dyskusji pomiędzy samymi autorami komentarzy. Ich uwa­ gi, czasem splecione w rozmowę, pozwalają uchwycić procesy negocjowania znaczeń pomiędzy dysponującymi taką samą władzą komentatorami. Jest to wprawdzie w więk¬ szym stopniu system publicznie dostępnych, „zawieszonych" ogłoszeń o odczyta¬ niach niż dialog, jednak sięgnięcie po szerszy niż ściśle sekwencyjny i dialogowy sposób rozumienia dyskursu, dopuszcza i taką formą. W tych dwóch „negocjacjach znaczeń" - jednej z równością, drugiej z nierównością władzy, dokonuje się inter¬ pretacja. Do ostatecznych wniosków, konkluzji, nigdy oczywiście nie dochodzi, dys¬ kurs nie zostaje zakończony, raczej urywa się, gdy gaśnie zainteresowanie, ale jako proces istnieje. Jest przy tym procesem naturalnym, określonym w ramach obej¬ mujących rzeczywistość Internetu, plotkowanie i systemy komentarzy na portalach plotkarskich oraz nie podlegającym wpływowi badacza, który sięga po niego jako po zapis obserwacji procesów komunikacyjnych i w ten sposób uzyskuje możliwość prześledzenia procesów interpretacji dyskursywnej fotografii celebrytów. Inne sys¬ temy komentarzy nadają się do takiej analizy równie dobrze, choć należy uwzględ¬ nić odmienny kontekst samego procesu. W celu egzemplifikacji możliwych ustaleń przedstawić warto kilka tropów analizy - nie jest ich celem wskazanie konkluzji, a raczej otwarcie ścieżki i uświadomienie możliwości. Jakościowy charakter badania nie pozwala zresztą na szersze, bardziej za¬ awansowane i poprawne metodologicznie uogólnienia. Przykładowe analizy Analizie poddano trzy odmienne przekazy, dobierając je dla celów ilustracyjnych, nie zaś wedle zasad doboru losowego. Wszystkie dotyczą udziału celebrytek w wyda¬ rzeniach istotnych dla branży, w ramach której funkcjonują lub próbują funkcjonować. �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 31 Kwestie praw autorskich do zdjęć i opisów nie pozwalają na ich zacytowanie, dlatego poszczególne postaci i sytuacje oznaczono kodami. Sytuacja A to udział piosenkarki A w branżowej imprezie związanej z przyznawaniem nagród za twórczość. Sytuacja B to pokaz odzieży zaprojektowanej przez aktorkę B i jej występ jako projektantki w tradycyjnym wyjściu na zakończenie. Sytuacja C jest zbliżona do A, ponownie jest to piosenkarka i jej udział w imprezie czasopisma muzycznego przyznającego nagrody. Na tych przykładach wskazane zostaną rozpoznawalne schematy procesu uzgadniania znaczeń. Materiał pochodzi z jednego ze starszych polskich portali plotkarskich - z Pu¬ delka, zebrany został w październiku 2009. Każdej wiadomości towarzyszą zdjęcia - czasem są to różne ujęcia tej samej postaci, czasem - powiększenia jednego z ujęć, zastosowane dla podkreślenia którejś z ocen zawartych w wiadomości. Sytuacja A: stylizacja piosenkarki A zostaje skomentowana jako przyciągająca uwagę, ale nie zachwycająca autora wiadomości (członka redakcji), ponadto wska¬ zuje on podobieństwo zastosowanych elementów (sukienki, tatuażu, fryzury) do stylu innej, bardziej znanej piosenkarki. Zaproponowana przez autora wiadomości interpretacja umożliwia więc wyrażenie własnej opinii czytelników w przynajmniej dwóch kierunkach: ogólnej oceny wyglądu oraz owego podobieństwa. Autorzy ko¬ mentarzy wykorzystują oba - oceniają, w większości wyrażając pochwałę dla krea¬ cji oraz odnoszą się do podobieństwa, widząc w nim przejaw typowego zachowania celebrytów, w którym nie ma niczego nagannego. Dominuje zatem wśród komen¬ tarzy interpretacja częściowo opozycyjna wobec redakcyjnej, jednak zasadnicze wąt¬ ki z narzucanej z pozycji władzy interpretacji zostają podtrzymane. Co istotne, dia¬ log toczy się właściwie wyłącznie pomiędzy komentatorami a redakcją, brak dialogu w obrębie komentarzy. Sytuacja B: pokaz odzieży zaprojektowanej przez aktorkę B zostaje zakwalifi¬ kowany przez redakcję do kategorii usilnej autopromocji. Ten wątek nie jest jednak rozbudowany, bardziej autorów zajmuje wygląd B na pokazie - zostaje on zinter¬ pretowany jako fatalny, wręcz nieprzystający do jej młodego wieku. W ten sposób re¬ dakcja wskazuje pole interpretacji - tym razem już nie ubiór celebrytki B, nie sam udział w wydarzeniu, nawet nie to, czy odzież w której projektowaniu brała udział jest interesująca. Obszar dla interpretacji to jej wygląd (zdrowy czy nie, czy wyglą­ da na zmęczoną życiem?), zaś narzucona przez redakcję ocena ma negatywny wy¬ dźwięk. Reakcje komentatorów na wiadomość są zróżnicowane. Wyróżnić można interpretację zgodną, opozycyjną i poboczną. W ramach interpretacji zgodniej za¬ obserwować można wypowiedzi potwierdzające ocenę redakcji - że B wygląda na osobę o 20 lat starszą, że jej wygląd przyrównać można do postaci zdegenerowanej trybem życia (ściślej - piciem). W ramach interpretacji opozycyjnej wyróżnić można wypowiedzi z dwóch zakresów. Pierwsze wyrażają opozycyjną ocenę (czyli - jeśli śliczna, przedtem miała inny kolor na włosach i dlatego wyglądała inaczej), drugie - odwołują się do szerszego kontekstu i usprawiedliwiają (wygląda źle, bo każdy tak wygląda bez makijażu; ma prawo wyglądać jak chce). Jeden i drugi typ interpreta¬ cji opozycyjnej odnosi się do narzuconej interpretacji redakcji - dyskutuje ż nią i ją odrzuca, tworzy więc inną interpretację przedstawionego obrazu. Zdaniem autorów komentarzy opozycyjnych zaprezentowany na obrazach wygląd B nie jest niczym złym i nie wynika z jej złego stanu, jak chce to widzieć redakcja. W tym dyskursie pojawia się także interpretacja poboczna - jednego z komentatorów zainspirował jeden z obraz, na którym B ujęta jest w szerszym planie, wraz z towarzyszącą jej osobą, z otoczenia na fotografii i informacji w wiadomości można sądzić, że jest to jedna z prezentujących odzież modelek. Wspomniany komentarz nie dotyczy postaci �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 32 B, ale ocenia ową towarzyszącą osobę, jest to więc interpretacja pozostająca całko­ wicie poza ramami zasugerowanymi przez wiadomość redakcyjną. Sytuacja C: piosenkarka pozująca do zdjęcia przed imprezą zorganizowaną przez magazyn muzyczny. Zdaniem autora wiadomości wygląd C określić można jako wpadkę - nie pasuje on do dotychczasowego wizerunku, poza tym oceniony jest jako nietrafiony i nieestetyczny. Autor wyszczególnia elementy stroju, które jego zdaniem dyskwalifikują ten konkretny zestaw. W tym przypadku wśród komentarzy można rozpoznać nie tylko dialog z autorami wiadomości, ale i z wcześniejszymi komenta¬ torami, realizowany poprzez wspomniane cytowanie wcześniejszej wypowiedzi i od¬ niesienie do niej. Obecne są wskazane trzy tropy interpretacyjne: poparcie dla inter­ pretacji redakcyjnej (oceny zgodne, a więc - faktycznie wygląda okropnie, śmiesz­ nie, padła ofiarą zapatrzenia w modę), opozycyjne (wygląda nieźle, to jest najmod­ niejsza sukienka) i wreszcie poboczne (wyrażające generalną niechęć do C, nieza­ leżnie od wyglądu w danej chwili). Część komentarzy odnosi się do siebie nawzajem - pojawiają się dyskusje o tym, co powinna C poprawić w swojej kreacji, o pocho¬ dzeniu sukienki (kto i dla jakiej firmy j ą zaprojektował) i wreszcie reakcje na wy¬ rażoną przez jednego z komentatorów jednoznaczną erotyczną propozycję wobec C. W sytuacji C w ramach systemu komentarzy rozpoznać można elementy rzeczy¬ wistego dialogu, nie tylko dyskurs interpretacyjny. Podsumowanie Zaprezentowana krótka analiza wybranych dyskursów wokół plotek o celebrytach (w tym przypadku ze skupieniem się na wyglądzie, choć w każdej z tych wia¬ domości zawarte są bardziej ogólne sugestie - np. czy ktoś kto tak wygląda nie prowadzi może niezdrowego, niebezpiecznego życia?) pozwala na wskazanie, zilu­ strowanie i potwierdzenie pewnych wyróżnionych tropów. Przede wszystkim uś¬ wiadamia, że proces negocjowania interpretacji, a więc interpretacja dyskursywna, toczą się nieustannie - co znaczy dany obraz dla odbiorcy, jak się to znaczenie sta¬ bilizuje, w jaki sposób zabiegi nadawcy przyczyniają się do zakotwiczenia interpre¬ tacji i czy są skuteczne? To tylko przykładowe kwestie. Wiadomości zamieszczane wokół obrazów celebrytów na portalach plotkarskich jednoznacznie pełną funkcję podpisów pod zdjęciami. Są bardziej rozbudowane niż te obecne w prasie, jednak ich funkcja pozostaje taka sama. Każde z wykorzystanych ilustracyjnie zdjęć można na wiele sposobów odczytywać, każde z nich jest bowiem polisemiczne. Autor wiado¬ mości, występujący z pozycji władzy (jako członek redakcji serwisu) narzuca, jeśli nie jedną interpretację, to przynajmniej jej kierunek. Autorzy komentarzy wchodzą z nim w dyskurs - swoimi wypowiedziami mogą najpierw potwierdzić kierunek in¬ terpretacji i jej treść potwierdzić lub odrzucić (zatem ocenę redakcji poprzeć lub za¬ negować), ale mogą też sam kierunek zanegować, wykorzystać w pełni ostatnie pole swojej wolności i zobaczyć w obrazie coś zupełnie innego, niż chciał zasugerować autor wiadomości. Te trzy obszary splatają się w konkretnych zestawach komenta¬ rzy i pozwalają na rozpoznanie, opis i interpretację rzeczywistych, naturalnych pro¬ cesów uzgadniania znaczeń. Poszczególne komentarze uzyskują bowiem w procesie komentowania wsparcie lub nie, a więc aprobatę dla interpretacji lub jej brak. Obok funkcji ludycznej, możliwości zabawienia się cudzym (celebryty) kosztem i uzyska¬ nia wsparcia dla tej rozrywki dzięki obecności innych zaangażowanych, plotkowa¬ nie i przede wszystkim komentowanie plotek, okazuje się być jednym z elementów procesu negocjowania znaczeń obrazów. Jego obserwacja pozwala na uchwycenie �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 33 tego procesu „na żywo", choć sama metodologia i jej obszar obarczone są obciążeniem związanym z anonimowością komentatorów (nie można prześledzić wypowiedzi jed­ nej osoby), niedostępnością całego dyskursu poza zapisem komentarzy (tego, że ktoś poza zapisanymi komentarzami dyskutuje o danej wiadomości i obrazie) i wreszcie wycinkowością całej internetowej rzeczywistości, nie będącej prostym odwzorowa¬ niem świata realnego. Zachodzące procesy są z pewnością ekwiwalentne, jednak za­ angażowane postaci już nie - co wynika z faktu, że nie wszyscy Polacy są inter­ nautami, a w szczególności - nie wszyscy internauci czytają i komentują wiadomości z serwisów plotkarskich. Z tego też względu zaprezentowany materiał i jego analiza miały przede wszystkim wskazać metodę i zilustrować możliwe wyniki, nie zaś po¬ zwolić na rozstrzygające konkluzje. Literatura: Batorski D., Korzystanie z technologii informacyjno-komunikacyjnych, [w:] Diag­ noza społeczna 2009. Warunki i jakość życia Polaków. Raport, red. J. Czapiński, T. Panek, Rada Monitoringu Społecznego, Warszawa 2009, s. 281-309. Bąk P., Związki celebrytów w zwierciadle komentarzy for(um)owiczów - przypa¬ dek Dody i Majdana, [w:] (Roz)czarowanie? Miłość i związki uczuciowe we współczesnym społeczeństwie, red. W. Muszyński,Wydawnictwo Adam Mar­ szałek, Toruń 2009, s. 344-352. Eco U., Semiologia życia codziennego, PIW, Warszawa 1998. Frąckowiak M., Rogowski Ł., W poszukiwaniu polskiej socjologii wizualnej, Kul­ tura i Społeczeństwo, R. L I I I , nr 1, 2009, s. 123-151. Garncarek M.,Werbalne versus wizualne: od współwystępowania do hybrydyzacji, Kultura i Społeczeństwo, R. XLVIII, nr 4, 2004, s.65-84. Godzic W., Znani z tego, że są znani. Celebryci w kulturze tabloidów, Wydawnictwa Akademickie i Profesjonalne, Warszawa 2007. Grzymała-Kazłowska A., Socjologicznie zorientowana analiza dyskursu na tle współczes­ nych badań nad dyskursem, Kultura i Społeczeństwo, R. XLVIII, nr 1, 2004, s. 13-34. Jeran A., Plotka zawsze realna (i zawsze wirtualna) - o różnicach i podobieństwach w plotkowaniu w świecie realnym i wirtualnym, [w:] Komunikacja społeczna w świecie wirtualnym, red. M . Wawrzak-Chodaczek, Wydawnictwo Adam Mar¬ szałek, Toruń 2008, s. 267-279. Związki celebrytów w zwierciadle plotek - Doda i Majdan w polskich serwisach plotkarskich, [w:] (Roz)czarowanie? Miłość i związki uczuciowe we współczes¬ nym społeczeństwie, red. W. Muszyński, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2009, s. 329-343. Kamińska M . , Flaming i trolling - kulturotwórcza rola konfliktu we wspólnocie wirtualnej, [w:] Komunikacja społeczna w świecie wirtualnym, red. M . Wawrzak-Chodaczek, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2008, s. 280-296. Konecki K.T. Wizualne wyobrażenia. Główne strategie badawcze w socjologii wi­ zualnej a metodologia teorii ugruntowanej, Przegląd Socjologii Jakościowej, t. I , z. 1, 2005, s. 42-63. Krejtz K., Cypriańska M . , Dlaczego korzystamy z Internetu? Determinanty psy- �Agnieszka Jeran - Interpretacja dyskursywna obrazów celebrytów na polskich portalach plotkarskich 34 chologiczne i społeczne, [w:] Diagnoza Internetu 2009, red. K. Krejtz, Wydaw­ nictwa Naukowe i Profesjonalne, Warszawa 2009, s. 58-86. Krejtz K., Nowak A., Znaczenie Internetu dla funkcjonowania jednostki w społe­ czeństwie informacyjnym, [w:] Diagnoza Internetu 2009, red. K. Krejtz, Wydaw­ nictwa Naukowe i Profesjonalne, Warszawa 2009, s. 7-16. Matusewicz Cz., Plotka, [w:] Encyklopedia psychologii, red. W. Szewczyk, Wy­ dawnictwo Fundacji Innowacja, Warszawa 1998, s.400-410. Olechnicki K., Antropologia obrazu. Fotografia jako metoda, przedmiot i medium nauk społecznych, Oficyna Naukowa, Warszawa 2003. Schnettler B., W stronę socjologii wiedzy wizualnej, Przegląd Socjologii Jakościowej, t. IV, z. 3, 2008, s. 116-132. Stawiska N., Rzeczywista nierzeczywistość. Czaty, blogi, fora internetowe - nowa przestrzeń komunikacji społecznej, [w:] e-kultura, e-nauka, e-społeczeństwo, Oficyna Wydawnicza Arboretum, red. B. Płonka-Syroka, M . Staszczak, Wrocław 2008, s. 239-250. Sztompka P., Socjologia wizualna. Fotografia jako metoda badawcza, Wydawnic¬ two Naukowe PWN, Warszawa 2005. Thiele-Dohrmann K., Psychologia plotki, PIW, Warszawa 1980. Trutkowski C., Wybór czy konieczność - o potrzebie wykorzystania analizy dyskursu w socjologii, Kultura i Społeczeństwo, R. XLVIII, nr 1, 2004, s. 35-50. Vandendorpe Ch., Od papirusu do hipertekstu. Esej o przemianach tekstu i lektury, Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa 2008. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/704b26eaa2314c8951278710565cd7cc.pdf 42060a6d8e35633b45a7a72d6f2b15b5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:4993 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource Zadrożyńska, Anna etnologia Europy Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4630 Title A name given to the resource Czy etnologia Europy jest w Polsce "dziedziną deficytową"?/ Antropolog wobec współczesności Description An account of the resource Antropolog wobec współczesności pod red. Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.63-76 tom w darze Profesor Annie Zadrożyńskiej Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kabzińska, Iwona Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Iwona Kabzińska Instytut Archeologii i Etnologii PAN Czy etnologia Europy wciąż jest w Polsce „dziedziną deficytową"? Określenie etnografii/etnologii Europy mianem „dziedziny deficytowej" kilkakrotnie, w różnych okresach, pojawiało się w rodzimych publikacjach. W taki sposób na p o ­ czątku lat 60. X X w. nazwał ją W i t o l d Dynowski, posłużywszy się językiem ekonomii, który definiuje „dziedziny deficytowe" jako „niewykazujące właściwej prężności roz­ wojowej" (Dynowski 1963, s. 15). Oprócz „studiów nad kulturami ludowymi Europy" do kategorii tej zostały zaliczone badania kultur tzw. ludów pierwotnych (Dynowski 1963, s. 17-18). Tak określono m.in. społeczności, czy - jak byśmy dziś powiedzieli - grupy etniczne (w szerokim rozumieniu tego terminu), zamieszkujące państwa w y ­ zwalające się z kolonializmu lub kraje postkolonialne. Znamienne, a zarazem zgodne z ówczesnym duchem czasu jest to, że rozważaniom nad badaniami ludów pierwot¬ nych poświęcono w artykule znacznie więcej miejsca niż studiom europejskim. Dynowski wskazał na niedostatek prac teoretycznych w polskiej etnografii, a tak­ że na dysproporcje między zakresem studiów nad rodzimą kulturą ludową i jej zmia­ nami a badaniami pozapolskimi oraz między „studiami nad kulturami ludowymi Euro­ py a t y m i , które są prowadzone w innych krajach europejskich" (Dynowski 1963, s. 16-17, 26). Przypomniał ponadto o konieczności łączenia badań etnograficznych z praktyką , uwzględniania „długotrwałych procesów historycznych" w studiach nad współczesnością, ustosunkowania się d o dorobku poprzedników, systematycznego pogłębiania wiedzy, śledzenia na bieżąco osiągnięć różnych szkół, nurtów i kierunków badawczych etnografii, utrzymywania jak najściślejszych związków rodzimej nauki z nauką światową, tworzenia warunków dla rozwoju nauk humanistycznych (w t y m także etnografii) oraz prowadzenia etnograficznych badań terenowych w jak najszer­ szym zakresie i gromadzenia materiałów źródłowych (Dynowski 1963, s. 20-27). 1 Uwagi te pozostają aktualne. Czy i w jakim stopniu zmieniła się natomiast sytua­ cja etnografii/etnologii Europy w Polsce? Czy pozostała ona „dziedziną deficytową"? 1 W p r z e c i w n y m p r z y p a d k u - jak twierdził c y t o w a n y przez D y n o w s k i e g o Bronisław M a l i n o w s k i - stają się one „»bezcelową rozrywką umysłową«" ( D y n o w s k i 1963, s. 21). 63 �Iwona Kabzińska Na początku lat 70. X X w. Anna Zadrożyńska, nawiązując d o tekstu Witolda Dynowskiego, opublikowała artykuł zatytułowany Nowa dziedzina deficytowa - etno­ grafia Europy (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970). Zwróciła w nim uwagę na zbyt wąskie spojrzenie badaczy (nie tylko polskich) na kultury ludowe poszczególnych krajów europejskich, brak odniesień do szerszego kontekstu. „Nigdy prawie - podkreśliła - nie prowadzi się rozważań nadających problematyce szczegółowej charakteru egzemplifikacji procesów dziejących się na całym terytorium Europy i zrozumia­ łych tylko w ujęciu całościowym, tłumaczących jednocześnie prawidłowości, jak i wyjątkowe wypadki w kulturze Europy" (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 207). Poszukując przyczyn takiej sytuacji, Zadrożyńska wskazała m.in. na uwarunko¬ wania historyczno-polityczne i ekonomiczne, odmienne dla wschodnich i zachod¬ nich obszarów Europy, i podkreśliła, że wpłynęły one na zakres i charakter badań etnograficznych. Przypomniała, że wiele krajów zachodnich prowadziło politykę kolonialną, istniała więc możliwość, a zarazem potrzeba, podjęcia badań nad spo¬ łeczeństwami pierwotnymi oraz sformułowania związanych z nimi koncepcji teore¬ tycznych i metodologicznych. N a marginesie znalazły się za to badania „prawidło¬ wości rozwoju i przemian kultury w społecznościach europejskich". Pozostawiono je geografii i ekonomii (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 208). Można powiedzieć, że przeciwnie niż w Europie Zachodniej, uwaga badaczy związanych z jej częścią środkową i wschodnią skierowana była „do wewnątrz". Inte­ resowała ich przede wszystkim kultura ludowa mieszkańców poszczególnych krajów leżących na tych obszarach kontynentu, zachodzące t u zmiany, relacje między kul¬ turą ludową i kulturą elitarną. Rezultaty badań, podobnie jak na Zachodzie, wyko­ rzystywane były do celów ideologiczno-politycznych (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 209) . Zapewne ze względu na ówczesną cenzurę Zadrożyńska nie wspomniała o ekspansjonistycznej polityce rosyjskiej i wykorzystywaniu do jej celów wyników badań et­ nograficznych prowadzonych na terenach, które znalazły się w granicach imperium. 2 W artykule zostały wymienione wybrane nurty etnografii europejskiej: badania nad kulturą ludową, osadnictwem wiejskim, gospodarką, etnogenezą, dziejami kul¬ tury materialnej, studia z zakresu etnomuzeologii, prace atlasowe, nurt historyczny. Wskazano również na, niezwykle ważne dla rozwoju całościowych badań nad Euro¬ pą, próby wyjścia poza obręb studiów nad rodzimymi kulturami, nawiązania systema¬ tycznej współpracy między poszczególnymi etnografiami narodowymi oraz opra¬ cowania ujęć o charakterze syntetyczno-porównawczym . Tego t y p u ujęcia są naj¬ bardziej cenione przez badaczy zajmujących się etnologią Europy, a ich tworzenie stanowi jeden z celów, do jakich zmierza ta subdyscyplina. Wspomnianymi przez 3 2 W i ę c e j na temat związków badań nad r o d z i m y m i k u l t u r a m i z sytuacją polityczną krajów E u r o p y Środkowej i W s c h o d n i e j zob. np.: B o b r o w n i c k a 1995. 3 O „zalążkach syntetycznej myśli w dociekaniach nad k u l t u r a m i E u r o p y nowożytnej" zob. t e ż : Trojan 1990; 1991; 1994. 64 �Czy etnologia Europy wciąż jest w Polsce „dziedziną deficytową"? Annę Zadrożyńska przykładami takich prac są: Atlas der Völkerkunde Richarda Karutza, wydany w 1925 r., oraz opublikowana rok później książka Illustrierte Völkerkunde, pod redakcją Georga Buschana. Znalazł się w niej m.in. tekst austriackich badaczy Michaela i Arthura Haberlandtów na temat etniki europejskiej oraz artykuł poświę­ cony ludom pochodzenia indoeuropejskiego (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 211) . 4 O konieczności systematycznej współpracy między różnymi ośrodkami w za­ kresie badania kultur europejskich oraz podejmowania ponadnarodowych inicjatyw badawczych dyskutowano m.in. podczas międzynarodowych kongresów etno­ graficznych. Pierwszy z nich (Kongres Sztuk Ludowych) odbył się w Pradze w 1928 r. Jego uczestnicy zastanawiali się również nad możliwościami ujednolicenia stano­ wisk teoretycznych oraz opracowania wspólnej terminologii, która byłaby stosowana w etnograficznych badaniach europejskich. Realizacja tych postulatów w praktyce okazała się bardzo trudna, m.in. ze względu na znaczne różnice między poszcze­ gólnymi etnografiami narodowymi. Odczuwalny był ponadto „brak chociażby jednej zwartej koncepcji dotyczącej kultury Europy". Z tych powodów etnografia tej części świata znalazła się na bocznym torze „w stosunku do badań i teorii wypracowanych w odniesieniu do społeczeństw plemiennych" (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 212). Niezwykle ważnym działaniem, służącym współpracy międzynarodowej, było (i jest) publikowanie specjalistycznych wydawnictw o dużym zasięgu. Na początku X X w. ukazywała się seria prac pt. „Wörter und Sachen", a w okresie międzywojen­ nym - pismo „Laos" (Trojan 1990, s. 65). W 1937 r. opublikowano pierwszy numer czasopisma „Folk-Liv" (działalność redakcji przerwała wojna). O d 1967 r. nieprzer¬ wanie wychodzi „Ethnologia Europaea". Pismo utrzymuje bardzo wysoki poziom, a autorami zamieszczanych w nim artykułów są znakomici badacze, reprezentujący różne ośrodki naukowe. W okresie, w którym ukazał się artykuł A n n y Zadrożyńskiej, w poszczególnych krajach europejskich dominowały studia monograficzne oraz badania atlasowe. Co¬ raz silniejsza była jednak potrzeba „uzgodnienia stanowisk teoretycznych", wielo¬ aspektowego spojrzenia na kultury Europy oraz opracowania jednolitej terminolo¬ gii, ze względu nie tylko na współpracę międzynarodową, lecz także na zmieniający się zakres dotychczas używanych pojęć. Możliwości prowadzenia systematycznej wymiany doświadczeń i stałej współpracy badawczej między różnymi ośrodkami europejskimi były jednak ograniczone (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 212-213) . Bra5 4 Mieczysław Trojan uważa, że prace te „cechuje elementaryzm, pominięcie uwarunkowań społecz­ nych, ograniczenie się do analizy przeżytkowych f o r m u chłopstwa [ . . . ] . Z czynników h i s t o r y c z n y c h , które zdeterminowały charakter kultur europejskich, wyeksponowano: indoeuropeizację, oddziaływanie cywilizacji klasycznych, chrystianizację. Podkreślono wpływ korzystnego środowiska naturalnego, wymieszania rasowego ludności, położenia geograficznego i znaczenie rolnictwa w życiu gospodar¬ c z y m " (Trojan 1990, s. 75). M i m o pewnych braków książka jest ważnym k r o k i e m w stronę kompleksowe¬ go spojrzenia na Europę, jej historię i kulturę, kształtowanie się mozaiki etnicznej i wiele innych zjawisk. 5 D e c y d u j ą c e były w t y m p r z y p a d k u względy zarówno finansowe, jak i ideologiczne. 65 �Iwona Kabzińska kowało szerszych ujęć, które nie byłyby jedynie syntezą „kultury poszczególnych narodów czy krajów" europejskich, „zbiorem dowolnych monografii czy opisem krajo­ znawczym poszczególnych części Europy" (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 213). Zau­ ważalny był niedostatek opracowań uwzględniających związki między makro- i mikro­ strukturą, ogólniejszy kontekst badanej rzeczywistości (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 212). Tego rodzaju prace zaczęły się pojawiać wraz z rozwojem badań, którym przy¬ świecało hasło: beyond the community. Dostrzeżono konieczność odejścia od ahistorycznego spojrzenia na społeczności lokalne i podjęcia studiów nad funkcjonowa¬ niem różnego rodzaju grup w warunkach rosnącej industrializacji, urbanizacji, coraz większej mobilności mieszkańców kontynentu, centralizacji, biurokratyzacji życia, zmian wartości (więcej zob.: Boissevain 1975, s. 9-17). „Przedmiotem" badań etnolo¬ gii/antropologii kulturowej były już nie tylko społeczeństwa pierwotne, niezachodnie, kultury egzotyczne itp., lecz także coraz częściej kultury z których wywodzili się (i wywodzą) poszczególni badacze, w t y m kultury europejskie (Boissevain 1975, s. 11). Badacze spod znaku beyond the community patrzyli na Europę i tworzące ją państwa jak na połączoną licznymi więzami całość, wskazywali na występujące t u podobień¬ stwa i różnice. Interesowały ich np. relacje między poszczególnymi krajami i na¬ stępstwa tych relacji, stosunki między mniejszościami etnicznymi i narodowymi a rządzącą większością, funkcjonowanie centrów i peryferii, wpływ transformacji politycznej i ekonomicznej na losy poszczególnych społeczności, ich kulturę, życie codzienne (Beyond the Community.. .1975). Takie podejście do badań nie jest dziś ni¬ czym niezwykłym. W latach 70. X X w. oznaczało jednak zdecydowaną zmianę spo¬ sobu widzenia Europy i jej mieszkańców przez etnologów/antropologów kultury. 7 Europa znalazła się w centrum zainteresowania etnologów/antropologów kultu¬ ry po I I wojnie światowej. Zadecydowało o t y m wiele czynników, głównie o chara¬ kterze politycznym i ekonomicznym. Niezwykle istotna była utrata kolonii przez kraje zachodnie. Oznaczało to m.in. brak dostępu do terenów, na których wcześ¬ niej można było bez przeszkód prowadzić badania. Bardzo ważna okazała się także kwestia ekonomiczna. Z e zrozumiałych względów znacznie tańsze było prowadze¬ nie badań w najbliższym sąsiedztwie niż organizacja dalekich, egzotycznych wy¬ praw, np. do N o w e j Gwinei , t y m bardziej że wiele państw znajdowało się w t r u d ­ nej sytuacji finansowej. Z tego m.in. powodu ze sponsorowania badań wycofały się liczne osoby prywatne i instytucje (więcej zob.: Boissevain 1975). 8 W Europie toczyła się też dyskusja o konieczności, możliwościach i zakresie jej integracji. Wskazywano jednocześnie na zmianę miejsca Europy i jej kultury w świe- 6 Badania ograniczały się przede w s z y s t k i m d o krajów zaliczanych d o E u r o p y Z a c h o d n i e j . 7 Z w r ó c o n o m . i n . uwagę na relacje między państwami zamożnymi i u b o g i m i leżącymi w zachod­ niej części k o n t y n e n t u europejskiego. 8 Pod t y m względem nic się nie zmieniło i zapewne jeszcze długo nie z m i e n i . 66 6 �Czy etnologia Europy wciąż jest w Polsce „dziedziną deficytową"? cie, w stosunkach z innymi kontynentami, zwłaszcza z Ameryką Północną (więcej zob.: Toynbee 1991). W etnografii polskiej przykładem studiów europejskich są - wspomniane przez Annę Zadrożyńską (1970, s. 213) - rozważania teoretyczne nad problematyką europejską (Witold Dynowski), badania nad pograniczem słowiańsko-germańskim (Tadeusz Wróblewski) oraz nad Polską i Słowiańszczyzną . W y n i k i tych prac, zda¬ niem autorki, mogłyby być z powodzeniem wykorzystane w studiach nad Europą (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 213). Osiągnięcia te jednak, jak się okazało, były zbyt skromne, by można było zrezygnować z określenia etnografii Europy mianem „dzie¬ dziny deficytowej". Co więcej, Zadrożyńska uznała tę subdyscyplinę za „chyba najbardziej deficytową [w] polskiej etnografii" (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 214). Zadecydował o t y m : brak studiów teoretycznych, trudności z prowadzeniem ba¬ dań terenowych poza granicami własnego kraju i gromadzeniem oryginalnych ma¬ teriałów, braki kadrowe oraz problemy z wymianą informacji i wyników badań w skali międzynarodowej (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 214) 9 1a Autorka informuje o, szczególnie znaczącym dla syntezy dotyczącej Europy, programie wykładów z etnografii kontynentu europejskiego przeznaczonym dla studentów trzeciego i czwartego roku etnografii. Został on „opracowany przez warszawski ośrodek uniwersytecki [ . . . ] [był też] konsultowany [ . . . ] ze wszystkimi innymi ośrodkami uniwersyteckimi w Polsce, a ponadto z prof. Tokariewem ze Związku Radzieckiego" (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 213). Program ten zawierał c z ę ś ć d o t y c z ą c ą m o ż l i w o ś c i zastosowania d o t y c h c z a s już i s t n i e j ą c y c h t e o r i i d o r o z ­ ważań i t ł u m a c z e n i a p r o c e s ó w e u r o p e j s k i c h , [ . . . ] c z ę ś ć o m a w i a j ą c ą zasadnicze t y p y m a k r o - i m i k r o s t r u k t u r E u r o p y o r a z p o d s t a w o w e p r o c e s y m a j ą c e w p ł y w na u k s z t a ł ­ t o w a n i e się o b e c n e g o o b r a z u E u r o p y - etnicznego, językowego, k u l t u r o w e g o . O b e j m[ował] w i ę c c a ł o ś ć p r o b l e m a t y k i tak z p u n k t u w i d z e n i a h i s t o r i i , jak i przestrzennego t ł u m a c z e n i a z j a w i s k na t e r y t o r i u m E u r o p y ( Z a d r o ż y ń s k a - B a r ą c z 1970, s. 2 1 3 - 2 1 4 ) . Wspomniany program ukazywał przede wszystkim możliwości prowadzenia sze¬ roko zakrojonych studiów europejskich , o ich realizacji nie mogło być jednak mowy. Brakowało bowiem „specjalisty mogącego pokusić się o ujęcie całości tej problema¬ tyki nawet przy dowolnej egzemplifikacji każdego zagadnienia" (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 214). Sytuacja ta uniemożliwiła również, rzecz jasna, utworzenie zespołów badawczych złożonych z etnografów zajmujących się problematyką europejską. 11 9 10 W p r z y p a d k u t y c h badań nie p o d a n o nazwisk badaczy. Poprawiła się za t o sytuacja badań pozaeuropejskich, przede w s z y s t k i m dzięki podjęciu system¬ a t y c z n y c h prac etnograficznych w M o n g o l i i , k i e r o w a n y c h przez W i t o l d a D y n o w s k i e g o . P r ó b ę pod¬ sumowania osiągnięć ekspedycji mongolskiej podjęłam w j e d n y m z artykułów (Kabzińska 2 0 0 0 ) . 11 Szkoda, że nie został on przedstawiony szczegółowo. Informacje te zainteresowałyby z pewnoś­ cią nie t y l k o osoby które prowadziły badania w latach 70. X X w . , ale też badaczy, których aktywność z a w o d o w a przypadła na okresy późniejsze (również współczesnych). 67 �Iwona Kabzińska Niemal w ćwierć wieku od ukazania się artykułu A n n y Zadrożyńskiej etnogra¬ fia/etnologia Europy ponownie określona została - t y m razem przez Mieczysława Trojana - jako „dziedzina deficytowa" (Trojan 1994, s. 5). Stwierdził on ponadto, że „w naszej dyscyplinie etnografia Europy nie zyskała nigdy należnego [jej] miejsca" (Trojan 1990, s. 65), a „zainteresowanie ludami i kulturami naszego kontynentu nie było w etnografii polskiej wystarczająco eksponowane i programowo propagowane, jak w krajach niemieckojęzycznych" (Trojan 1994, s. 81). Zdecydowanie lepiej, w porównaniu z Polską, badania nad kulturami Europy rozwijały się w Niemczech, Austrii, Szwecji, Szwajcarii, w Wielkiej Brytanii, ZSRR i na Węgrzech (Trojan 1990, s. 65). Problematyka europejska była jednak obecna w rodzimych badaniach. Reprezentowały ją: 1) monografie tematyczne poświęcone obrzędowości, życiu rodzinnemu, wierzeniom; wśród nich były również prace oparte na materiałach porównawczych (Stanisław Ciszewski, H e n r y k Biegeleisen, Adam Fischer, Jan Stanisław Bystroń); 2) badania nad Słowiańszczyzną (Kazimierz Moszyński, Jan Czekanowski, Adam Fischer); 3) studia „dotyczące kompleksów kulturowych, głównie [ . ] nad pasterstwem karpackim (K[azimierz] Dobrowolski, B[ronisława] Kopczyńska-Jaworska). Zajmowano się też strefami kontaktów w środ¬ kowej Europie, a szczególnie pograniczem polsko-niemieckim, sztuką ludową, na¬ rzędziami, w mniejszym stopniu innymi tematami. Istotnych zdobyczy myśli etnologicznej - twierdzi Trojan - należy szukać w d o r o b k u K. Dobrowolskiego (teoria zderzenia kulturowego, model chłopskiej kultury tradycyjnej), K. Moszyńskiego (kierunek ewolucjonizmu krytycznego, określenie metod w etnografii historycznej), a poniekąd również w badaniach atlasowych" (Trojan 1994, s. 81-82). N i e można też pominąć „zainteresowań odległymi rejonami Europy: Półwyspem Iberyjskim (E. Fran¬ kowski), Irlandią (S. Czarnowski), Łotwą (K. Pietkiewicz)" (Trojan 1994, s. 82, przyp. 259). Ponownie można zadać pytanie: czy wobec tych osiągnięć etnologia Europy w Polsce zasłużyła na uznanie jej za „dziedzinę deficytową"? Z informacji podanych przez Trojana wynika, że o takiej ocenie zadecydował m.in. brak „prac o charakte­ rze propedeutycznym, jak np.: historycznego wprowadzenia d o problematyki zróż­ nicowania etnicznego i kulturowego naszego kontynentu czy też publikacji, która za­ wierałaby zwięzłe »portrety etnograficzne« poszczególnych krajów" (Trojan 1994, s. 213). Brakowało ponadto prac zawierających rozważania na tematy terminolo¬ giczne oraz teoretyczno-metodologiczne, ukazujących zarazem „doświadczenia pozapolskich środowisk badawczych" (Trojan 1994, s. 5). Lukę tę w znacznym stopniu wypełniła książka Mieczysława Trojana pt. Wprowa­ dzenie do etnologii Europy. Orientacje, problemy, założenia badawcze (1994) . Można w niej 12 12 W t y t u l e książki jest m o w a o e t n o l o g i i Europy, a nie o etnografii tego obszaru, jak w e wcześniej¬ szych artykułach W i t o l d a D y n o w s k i e g o i A n n y Zadrożyńskiej. Fakt ten jest odzwierciedleniem zmian w podejściu d o badań nad kulturą, znajdujących wyraz m . i n . w nazwie dyscypliny, oraz większego otwarcia polskiej nauki na Z a c h ó d . D z i ś , jeszcze bardziej integrując się z Z a c h o d e m , coraz częściej 68 �Czy etnologia Europy wciąż jest w Polsce „dziedziną deficytową"? znaleźć m.in. podstawowe informacje o historii subdyscypliny informacje na temat zastosowania najważniejszych etnologicznych koncepcji teoretycznych i metodo¬ logicznych w badaniach europejskich, charakterystykę zainteresowań kulturami europejskimi w takich krajach jak Austria, Szwecja, N i e m c y Francja, Szwajcaria, Węg­ ry Jugosławia, Rosja i Związek Radziecki, Polska i „środowisko anglo-amerykańskie" oraz omówienie wybranych prac dotyczących budownictwa, pasterstwa, obrzędo¬ wości dorocznej, życia rodzinnego (Trojan 1994; zob. też: Trojan 1990; 1991; 1998). Trojan wydzielił cztery zasadnicze fazy w rozwoju etnologii Europy: „1. W k o m ¬ ponowanie jej w ramy historycznych badań kultur całego świata, 2. Zajmowanie się zespołami językowymi i monotematycznymi studiami porównawczymi (głównie pierwsza połowa obecnego stulecia, 3. Internacjonalizacji dyscypliny i rozproszenia wysiłków badawczych, 4. Poszukiwania wspólnego języka i prób syntez (ostatnie la¬ ta)" (Trojan 1994, s. 28-29). „Schemat ten - podkreślił autor - ujawnił się [ . . . ] w wie¬ lu wariantach i w odmiennej skali zarówno w poszczególnych krajach, jak i w kon¬ kretnych tematach" (Trojan 1994, s. 29). Wymieniając powody, dla których jeszcze na początku lat 90. X X w. etnologia Europy pozostała „dziedziną deficytową", Trojan wspomniał m.in. o braku publika­ cji materiałów źródłowych ukazujących zróżnicowanie kultur europejskich (Trojan 1994, s. 213). Już w 1995 r. ukazała się praca zatytułowana Ludy i kultury Europy w re¬ lacjach Polaków, pod redakcją Trojana, wypełniająca częściowo i tę lukę. Zamieszczo¬ no tu kilkadziesiąt relacji polskich podróżników, reprezentujących rozmaite środo¬ wiska, którzy podczas swoich wojaży po krajach europejskich obserwowali życie codzienne miejscowej ludności, podstawowe zajęcia, gromadzili informacje o wierzeniach, obrzędach, sztuce, kulinariach i innych dziedzinach kultury dostęp¬ nych ich poznaniu (obserwacja, rozmowy). Relacje zgromadzone w książce ukazują mozaikę etniczno-kulturową Europy X I X w. i początku X X w., pozwalają też czy¬ telnikom na dokonanie porównań prezentowanych kultur (ściślej: ich elementów). Konfrontacja treści relacji zamieszczonych w książce z informacjami zawartymi w in¬ nych źródłach, pochodzących z różnych okresów, umożliwia śledzenie zmian. Pra¬ ca może więc być przydatna we współczesnych studiach etnologicznych. Mieczysław Trojan, podobnie jak uczynił to wcześniej W i t o l d Dynowski, przy­ pomniał o obowiązku ustosunkowania się d o d o r o b k u poprzedników w pracach badawczych (dotyczy to także osób zajmujących się „zgłębianiem problematyki kultur ludowych w wymiarze europejskim"), popularyzacji polskich prac poza gra¬ nicami kraju (publikowania w języku angielskim), udziału polskich naukowców posługujemy się t e r m i n e m „antropologia k u l t u r o w a E u r o p y " lub „antropologia europejska". Z m i a n a ta w i d o c z n a jest w e w s z y s t k i c h krajach, które p r z e d 1989 r. tworzyły t z w . b l o k w s c h o d n i . N o w a nazwa s t o p n i o w o w y p i e r a t e r m i n y używane dotychczas na określenie r o d z i m e j etnografii/etnologii, bez względu na relacje między ich zakresami pojęciowymi. Jednocześnie znakomicie koresponduje z pub¬ likacjami w języku angielskim, w których prezentowane są w y n i k i badań nad kulturami europejskimi (Hann, Sarkany Skalnik 2005, s. 5; zob. StudyingPeoples... 69 2005). �Iwona Kabzińska w międzynarodowych kongresach, regularnej współpracy z europejskimi ośrodkami badawczymi i systematycznej wymiany doświadczeń (Trojan 1994, s. 141, 213). Stwierdził też, podobnie jak Anna Zadrożyńska, że wiele prac polskich badaczy za­ sługuje na wykorzystanie w studiach europejskich i wprowadzenie d o międzynaro¬ dowego obiegu. D o t y c z y to zwłaszcza studiów regionalnych oraz opracowań po¬ święconych kulturze ludowej i jej wybranym dziedzinom (pasterstwo, rolnictwo, folklor) (Trojan 1994, s. 213). Jako przykład pracy mającej „duże znaczenie dla badań ogólnoeuropejskich" Trojan wymienił sześciotomowe Pasterstwo Tatr Polskich i Podhala, wspomniał zarazem ogólnie o „innych opracowaniach dotyczących Kar­ pat" (Trojan 1994, s. 141). Zabrakło natomiast informacji o działalności Międzyna¬ rodowej Komisji do badania Kultur Ludowych Karpat i Bałkanów . Brakuje również wzmianki o udziale polskich badaczy w pracach nad Europejskim Atlasem Etnogra­ ficznym (na ten temat patrz: Bohdanowicz, Sokołówna 1980), a także o współ­ uczestnictwie polskich naukowców (w latach 70. X X w.) w ogólnoeuropejskim pro­ gramie badań nad kulturą rodzin europejskich. Nosił on tytuł Kierunki i tendencje rozwoju kulturowego w nowoczesnym społeczeństwie: Interakcje kultur narodowych i był realizowany pod kierunkiem pracowników związanych z Europejskim Centrum Koordynacji Ba¬ dań i Dokumentacji w zakresie Nauk Społecznych, z siedzibą w Wiedniu (więcej zob.: Bednarski, Jasiewicz 1985). Inicjatywy te zasługują na uwagę, chociaż nie udało się w pełni osiągnąć ich celów. Stanowią jednak przykład prób podjęcia, tak ważnych dla etnologii Europy studiów o charakterze syntetyczno-porównawczym na dużą skalę. 13 W pracy Trojana nie znalazłam informacji o książce Jana Bujaka Zabawki w Euro­ pie. Zarys dziejów - rozwój zainteresowań (Bujak 1988). Jest ona znaczącym krokiem w dziedzinie badań nad europejskimi zabawami i zabawkami, ich historią, zachodzą¬ cymi zmianami, zapożyczeniami kulturowymi, a zarazem próbą syntetyczno-porównawczego ujęcia badanej problematyki. Zainteresowanie polskich etnologów/antropologów kultury badaniem kultur euro­ pejskich wyraźnie wzrosło po 1989 r. Przedmiot p o d nazwą etnografia/etnolo¬ gia/antropologia kulturowa Europy znajduje się w programach wielu uczelni wyż¬ szych. Prowadzone są też (równocześnie lub wyłącznie) zajęcia na temat wybranych obszarów naszego kontynentu, np. Słowiańszczyzny, Bałkanów, lub/i określonych problemów rozpatrywanych w skali europejskiej, takich jak: integracja i dezinte¬ gracja, kwestie etniczne, migracje, badania z zakresu antropologii współczesności, antropologii transformacji, antropologii wizualnej, antropologii śmierci, globaliza¬ cja i wiele innych. W większości ośrodków etnologicznych (nie tylko uniwersyteckich) są realizo­ wane systematyczne badania terenowe obejmujące m.in. wybrane obszary dawnego Związku Radzieckiego, Bałkanów, Europy Środkowej (na temat tych badań zob.: Kab- 13 Materiały ukazujące niektóre efekty prac K o m i s j i można znaleźć w „Etnografii Polskiej" (1961, t. 5; 1962, t. 6; 1981, t. 25, z. 2; 1989, t. 33, z. 1 - 2 ) ; zob. też: G o d y ń - W r z e s i e ń 2005. 70 �Czy etnologia Europy wciąż jest w Polsce „dziedziną deficytową"? zińska 2003; 2004). Niewiele osób prowadzi pogłębione prace badawcze w Euro­ pie Zachodniej . Nadal brakuje projektów prac i publikacji o charakterze syntetyczno-porównawczym. Większość badaczy, ze zrozumiałych powodów, koncentruje się na wybranych obszarach Europy, szukając odpowiedzi na interesujące ich pyta¬ nia. Podobnie wygląda sytuacja w innych krajach europejskich. 14 Takie badania mają jednak duże znaczenie poznawcze. Przynoszą m.in. informa¬ cje dotyczące problematyki etnicznej, tożsamości, obrzędowości rodzinnej i do¬ rocznej, folkloru, wierzeń, zmian w różnych sferach kultury, w t y m - w życiu co¬ dziennym mieszkańców badanych obszarów, ukazują funkcjonowanie różnego ro¬ dzaju pograniczy, relacje między t y m , co „nowe", i t y m , co - być może na zawsze - przemija, społeczno-kulturowe efekty zmian systemowych i zjawiska występują­ ce w świecie rządzonym przez „nową ekonomię". Jest w nich uwzględniana najczęś­ ciej perspektywa historyczna. Badacze przy t y m nie tylko korzystają z dorobku his¬ toryków i źródeł archiwalnych, lecz także prowadzą prace terenowe, na podstawie których można np. mówić o sposobach postrzegania i interpretowania różnych wy¬ darzeń dziejowych przez mieszkańców badanych obszarów, o splataniu się wielkiej i małej historii (lokalnych społeczności, rodzin, jednostek), przeżywaniu dziejów własnej grupy odniesienia (etnicznej, narodowej), pamięci o nich. Badania prowadzone przez polskich etnologów na wybranych obszarach Europy umożliwiają ponadto dokumentację wielu zjawisk i procesów społeczno-kulturo¬ wych, śledzenie zachodzących t u zmian, ukazanie zróżnicowania kontynentu euro¬ pejskiego np. pod względem etnokulturowym, religijnym, społecznym, podjęcie próby zrozumienia innych kultur i charakterystyki relacji między nimi. Można więc śmiało powiedzieć, że osiągają one najważniejsze cele etnologii/antropologii kul¬ turowej Europy (na temat tych celów zob. np.: R o t h 1996, s. 6, 8. 10; Lófgren 2001; Trojan 1991, s. 4 7 - 5 0 ) . Spróbujmy podsumować to, co zostało powiedziane na temat etnografii/etnolo­ gii Europy jako „dziedziny deficytowej", i odpowiedzieć na pytanie postawione w ty¬ tule artykułu. M o i m zdaniem nie można obecnie mówić o etnologii/antropologii kulturowej Europy jako dyscyplinie „niewykazującej właściwej prężności rozwojo¬ wej". Świadczą o t y m przede wszystkim badania podejmowane przez polskich et¬ nologów w różnych krajach europejskich, na różnego typu pograniczach, oraz liczne publikacje ukazujące wyniki prac badawczych. N i e istnieją też obecnie głębokie dysproporcje między badaniami naszego kontynentu i studiami pozaeuropejskimi . 15 W badaniach europejskich, również w tych, które są prowadzone w Polsce, do¬ minują ujęcia typu case studies oraz studia regionalne (uwzględniające najczęściej 14 N a szczególną uwagę zasługują pionierskie badania A g n i e s z k i C h w i e d u k przeprowadzone wśród A l z a t c z y k ó w ( C h w i e d u k 2006). 15 O p r ó c z badań p r o w a d z o n y c h na w y b r a n y c h obszarach E u r o p y realizowane są również badania terenowe w A m e r y c e Południowej, A z j i , A f r y c e , a także - Australii i O c e a n i i . 71 �Iwona Kabzińska szersze tło, procesy zachodzące w wymiarze europejskim i globalnym, perspektywę historyczną). Z b y t małe zainteresowanie rodzimych badaczy wzbudzają jednak kwe¬ stie teoretyczne i metodologiczne. Dzięki Internetowi nie ma dziś problemów z wymianą informacji i prezentowa¬ niem wyników badań poza najbliższym środowiskiem, prowadzeniem naukowych dysput, przekazywaniem i wyszukiwaniem danych bibliograficznych. Barierę w prowadzeniu badań na większą skalę stanowią fundusze . Ograniczają one nie tylko możliwości realizowania prac terenowych, ale też udziału w konferencjach, zakupu literatury, bezpośrednich kontaktów z badaczami reprezentującymi różne ośrodki. Bariera finansowa nie jest jednak nie do pokonania (oczywiście, d o pewnej wysokości). Istnieje wiele możliwości ubiegania się o tzw. granty krajowe i między¬ narodowe, współpracy z partnerami zagranicznymi, wyjazdów stypendialnych. Z tej drogi zapewne będzie korzystało coraz więcej osób, zwłaszcza jeśli wyjdziemy z obecnego kryzysu ekonomicznego, odczuwalnego również w sferze nauki. 16 Anna Zadrożyńska kończy swój artykuł wnioskiem: „Europa - kontynent naj¬ bliższy, pozostaje nadal nieznana. Kontynent nie do zbadania i nie do zrozumienia" (Zadrożyńska-Barącz 1970, s. 214). Dziś można powiedzieć, że Europa została w du¬ żym stopniu poznana. Wciąż też pogłębia się wiedza o niej i poszczególnych kultu¬ rach europejskich, związkach między nimi, zmianach, którym podlegają. Systema¬ tycznie rośnie liczba badań i publikacji poświęconych temu kontynentowi. Europa staje się również bliska, coraz bardziej dostępna dzięki podróżom, mediom, kon¬ taktom osobistym między t y m i , którzy już „tam" byli, i t y m i , który dopiero wybie¬ rają się w poznane przez innych miejsca. N i e jest to już także kontynent „nie do zbadania i zrozumienia". Między innymi dzięki studiom etnologicznym, podej¬ mowanym także przez rodzimych badaczy, dysponujemy ogromnym zasobem in¬ formacji, które pozwalają nam wypowiadać się na temat różnorodnych zjawisk kul¬ turowych występujących w Europie, mechanizmów zachodzących tu zmian, ich na¬ stępstw i t d . Zdajemy sobie przy t y m doskonale sprawę z tego, że nie możemy po¬ znać w pełni ani tego kontynentu, ani żadnej z jego kultur, tak samo jak nie możemy poznać do końca drugiego człowieka, a nawet samego siebie. W trudnej do określenia przyszłości doczekamy się zapewne licznych publikacji 0 charakterze syntetyczno-porównawczym, będących efektem prac prowadzonych w skali europejskiej. Znaczący udział w ich powstaniu mogą mieć polscy etnologo¬ wie, już teraz szczycący się poważnym dorobkiem. N i k t już dziś chyba nie uważa prac syntetycznych za „niezbyt atrakcyjne, uwikłane w rozwiązywanie przestarzałych 1 mało efektywnych problemów (geneza wytworów, etniczny wymiar zróżnicowania kulturowego) i stojące na uboczu inspirujących orientacji teoretycznych" (o takim podejściu d o tego rodzaju badań pisze Trojan 1990, s. 65). Przypuszczam, że ich 16 Zjawisko t o występuje również w krajach zamożnych, c h o ć inna jest jego skala w porównaniu z krajami, które nie mogą być zaliczone do tej grupy. 72 �Czy etnologia Europy wciąż jest w Polsce „dziedziną deficytową"? niedostatek wynika przede wszystkim z przerażającego wielu z nas ogromu pracy, jaką należałoby podjąć, by doprowadzić do powstania takich syntez, uwzględniają¬ cych zasoby źródeł ze wszystkich krajów Europy Brakuje także specjalistów, a być może również czasu. Wszyscy dziś żyjemy pod jego presją, spieszymy się coraz bardziej. O d naukowców wymaga się szybkich, spektakularnych efektów, a nie żmudnej, wieloletniej pracy nad jednym zagadnieniem, wymagającej w dodatku og¬ romnych środków finansowych oraz znakomitej organizacji i koordynacji działań różnych osób i placówek badawczych. Na początku lat 90. X X w. słaby rozwój „syntetycznych rozważań z zakresu etnografii Europy" był, jak zauważył Trojan, m.in. skutkiem niedostatku niezbęd¬ nych informacji, istnienia barier językowych oraz nadmiernego skupienia się na bada¬ niach regionalnych lub „ograniczonych do własnego terytorium narodowego" (Tro¬ jan 1994, s. 66). Niektóre z tych trudności udało się pokonać, choćby za sprawą nowoczesnych możliwości komunikowania się oraz upowszechnienia się języka angielskiego, który stał się lingua franca współczesnej Europy a w jakiejś mierze rów¬ nież świata. Występująca w wielu krajach koncentracja na badaniach regionalnych i prowadzonych na terenie własnego kraju wynika nie tylko z zainteresowań bada¬ czy lecz także ze względów praktycznych (mniejsze koszty w porównaniu z praca­ mi prowadzonymi w odległych krajach). N i e można też skupić się wyłącznie na po¬ znawaniu kultur innych kontynentów. Znajomość kultury własnego kraju (grupy etnicznej, narodu) jest niezbędna, a wyniki dotyczących jej badań mogą być wyko¬ rzystane w studiach o charakterze syntetyczno-porównawczym. 17 Być może kiedyś powstanie słownik etnologii Europy, na którego brak wskazy¬ wał Trojan, zawierający wyjaśnienia najczęściej używanych w tej subdyscyplinie ter¬ minów, informacje o w y b i t n y c h reprezentantach tej gałęzi etnologii, notatki o waż¬ niejszych wydawnictwach ciągłych, monografiach wsi, muzeach, jak również dane na temat poszczególnych regionów (Trojan 1994, s. 213). Zostanie też zapewne opracowana międzynarodowa bibliografia etnologii Europy (Trojan 1994, s. 213) . 18 Obserwacja rozwoju rodzimych badań etnologicznych dotyczących kontynentu europejskiego i stopniowej likwidacji braków dostrzeżonych w minionych latach przez (wspomnianych tu) Witolda Dynowskiego, Annę Zadrożyńską i Mieczysława Trojana prowadzi do wniosku, że udało się pokonać wiele ograniczeń mających wpływ na postrzeganie etnologii Europy jako „dziedziny deficytowej". Jej „prężność 17 Pamiętam z d z i w i e n i e jednego z mongolskich kolegów, k i e d y dowiedział się, że interesują mnie zachowania ludyczne i rola, jaką odgrywają one w k u l t u r z e M o n g o l i i . Próbował dociec, dlaczego nie badam tego t y p u zachowań we własnej kulturze. Przyznam, że t r u d n o m i było podać argumenty, które b y go w pełni przekonały. R o z m o w a ta dała m i jednak powód d o refleksji nad przyczyną w y b o r u określonych t e m a t ó w badawczych i koniecznością dostrzegania nie t y l k o „egzotycznych k u l t u r " , ale również k u l t u r y najbliższej geograficznie. 18 Istnieje również plan opracowania międzynarodowej bibliografii publikacji poświęconych róż¬ n y m k u l t u r o m i obszarom naszego k o n t y n e n t u (na t e n temat zob.: R o t h 1996, s. 10). 73 �Iwona Kabzińska rozwojowa", zaawansowanie i rozwój badań europejskich pozwalają mieć nadzieję, że istniejące jeszcze niedociągnięcia zostaną z czasem usunięte. C h o d z i przede wszystkim o brak studiów o charakterze syntetyczno-porównawczym w skali euro¬ pejskiej oraz o niedostatek rozważań teoretycznych i metodologicznych. Termin „dziedzina deficytowa", stosowany wobec etnologii Europy w Polsce, stopniowo przechodzi do historii dyscypliny może być jednak użyty na określenie innej dziedziny, zdaniem badaczy „niewykazującej właściwej prężności rozwojo¬ wej". Posłużyłam się nim, np. omawiając stan badań etnologicznych nad sportami ludów Azji (Kabzińska 1991). M i m o upływu czasu sytuacja w tej sferze badań nie zmieniła się w sposób widoczny. C z y na miano „deficytowych" zasługują inne subdyscypliny etnologii/antropologii, zarówno w Polsce, jak i poza jej granicami? Jeśli tak, to jakie? Bibliografia Bednarski J., Jasiewicz Z . 1985 Badania nad kulturą rodzin europejskich. Założenia, problematyka, dotychczasowe wy¬ niki, „Etnografia Polska", t. 29, z. 1, s. 4 5 - 5 1 Beyond the Community... 1975 Beyond the Community. Social Process in Europe, red. J. Boissevain, J. Friedl, The Hague Bobrownicka M . 1995 Narkotyk mitu, Kraków Bohdanowicz J., Sokołówna W 1980 Etnograficzne prace atlasowe w Europie, „Etnografia Polska", t. 24, z. 2, s. 139-158 Boissevain J. 1975 Introduction: towards a social anthropology of Europe, w: Beyond the Community..., s. 9-17 Bujak J. 1988 Zabawki w Europie. Zarys dziejów - rozwój zainteresowań, Kraków Chwieduk A . 2006 Alzatczycy. Dylematy tożsamości, Poznań Dynowski W 1963 Z dziedzin deficytowych etnografii polskiej, „Etnografia Polska", t. 7, s. 15-27 Godyń-Wrzesień M . 2005 Zarys historii Międzynarodowej „Lud", t. 89, s. 237-251 Komisji do badania Kultury Ludowej w Karpatach, 74 �Czy etnologia Europy wciąż jest w Polsce „dziedziną deficytową"? Hann C h . 1994 After communism: reflections on East European anthroplogy and the 'transition, „Social Anthropology", v o l . 2, nr 2, s. 229-249 Hann C h . , Sárkány M . , Skalnik P. 2005 Introduction: continuities and contrasts in an essentially contested field, w: Studying Peoples..., s. 1-20 Kabzińska I . 1991 Sport w kulturach ludów Azji - kolejna dziedzina deficytowa etnologii, „Etnografia Polska", t. 35, z. 1, s. 173-191 2000 2003 2004 W kierunku zrozumienia i interpretacji. Polska ekspedycja etnograficzna w Mongolii, w: Polskie opisywanie świata, red. A. Kuczyński, Wrocław, s. 233-249 Mniejszości etniczne i narodowe Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej końca XX i początku XXI wieku - nowy przedmiot zainteresowań humanistyki, „Rocznik Wschodni", nr 9, s. 129-153 Polskie badania etnologiczne przełomu XX i XXI wieku na terenach byłego Związku Radzieckiego i ich znaczenie dla etnologii Europy, w: Wschód w polskich badaniach etnologicznych i antropologicznych. Problematyka - badacze - znaczenie, red. Z . Ja­ siewicz, Prace Komitetu Nauk Etnologicznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk, nr 12, Poznań, s. 31-44 Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa A. 1981 Polskie potrzeby badań porównawczych nad historią kultur ludowych Europy, w: Pol¬ skie badania obcych kultur ludowych, red. E. Pietraszek, Wrocław, s. 4 1 - 4 7 Lófgren O. 2001 European ethnology in the jungles of „the new economy", w: Times, Places, Passages. Ethnological Approaches in the New Millennium, 7th SIEF-Conference, Budapest, April 23-28, 2001, red. R. Kiss, A . Paladi-Kovacs, Budapest, s. 11-23. R o t h K. 1996 European ethnology and intercultural communication, „Ethnologia Europaea", vol. 26, nr 1, s. 3-16 Studying Peoples. 2005 Studying Peoples in the Peoples Democracies. Socialist Era Anthropology in East-Central Europe, red. C. Hann, M . Sárkány, P. Skalnik, „Halle Studies in the Anthro¬ pology of Eurasia", v o l . 8, Münster Tishkov V A . 2001 The Anthropology of Russian Transformations, w: Times, Places, Passages. Ethnologi­ cal Approaches in the new Millennium, 7th SIEF-Conference, Budapest, April 23-28, 2001, red. R. Kiss, A . Paladi-Kovacs, Budapest, s. 55-78 75 �Iwona Kabzińska Toynbee A.J. 1991 Cywilizacja w czasie próby, Warszawa Trojan M . 1990 1991 1994 1995 1998 Zarys rozwoju problematyki badawczej w zakresie etnografii Europy, „Etnografia Polska", t. 34, z. 1-2, s. 6 5 - 8 4 Drogi i bezdroża w etnologii Europy, „Etnografia Polska", t. 35, z. 2, s. 3 5 - 5 9 Wprowadzenie do etnologii Europy. Orientacje, problemy, założenia badawcze, W r o ­ cław Ludy i kultury Europy w relacjach Polaków, Wrocław Between Ethnography of Europe and Anthropology of Europe, w: The Task of Ethno­ logy/Cultural Anthropology in Unifying Europe, red. A. Posern-Zieliński, Po­ znań, s. 4 9 - 5 7 Zadrożyńska-Barącz A. 1970 Nowa dziedzina deficytowa - etnografia Europy, „Etnografia Polska", t. 14, z. 2, s. 207-214 76 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/a266a496e991e1ab22893c0b8d702734.pdf 984bfb2e62d885f24462291268240adf Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5460 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource Śląsk Cieszyński - dziedzictwo kluturowe Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5077 Title A name given to the resource Uwagi o potencjale Śląska Cieszyńskiego / Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego Aspekty socjologiczne i demograficzne Description An account of the resource Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego; pod red. Haliny Rusek,Agnieszki Pieńczak i Jacka Szczyrbowskiego, s.180-187 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kania, Tadeusz Language A language of the resource pol ang. cz. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Cieszynie Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Tadeusz Kania Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach Instytut Nauk o Edukacji Uwagi o potencjale Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Aspekty socjologiczne i demograficzne Dziedzictwo kulturowe dotyczy konkretnego obszaru – w omawianym poniżej tekście Śląska Cieszyńskiego, a szczególnie tzw. Zaolzia – przede wszystkim konkretnych grup ludności, mieszkańców tego terenu, społeczności lokalnych czy ludności całego regionu. Przypomnijmy, że Zaolzie jest najbardziej uprzemysłowioną częścią Śląska Cieszyńskiego, a potencjał ludnościowy, przemysłowy, kulturalny (infrastruktura kulturalno-oświatowa) i inne były tutaj znaczne. Stąd też wiele wskaźników świadczy o wyjątkowości kulturowej tego obszaru. Chociaż Zaolzie miało zaledwie 1272 km kw. powierzchni, to już przed II wojną światową znajdowało się na nim 570 rewirów górniczych. Był to jednak nie tylko region kultury górniczej, ale i góralskiej (ok. Jabłonkowa). W miastach i całym Zagłębiu Ostrawsko-Karwińskim przenikały się kultury narodowe, szczególnie czeska, polska, niemiecka, a do wojen także węgierska, słowacka, żydowska. Wytwory kultury górniczej i jej trwale ślady są prawie w każdym środowisku miejskim. Bardzo zaludniony obszar czeskiej dziś strony Śląska Cieszyńskiego miał już przed wojną zagęszczenie 280 mieszkańców na kilometr, a w rewirach węglowych dochodziło nawet do 500 czy 1000 mieszkańców1. Zauważmy, że w strukturze wyznaniowej jeszcze w okresie przedwojennym dominowali katolicy (200 tys. na 55 tys. ewangelików). Na całym Śląsku Cieszyńskim było też kilka tysięcy Żydów. W kolejnych dziesięcioleciach struktura ludnościowa, struktura wyznaniowa i narodowościowa bardzo się zmieniały, co dokładnie opisują statystyki, dane ze spisów powszechnych, migracji oraz artykuły naukowe. Wystarczy podać, że w latach 30. XX wieku Karwina liczyła 25 tys. mieszkańców, gdy w CSSR dołączyła do pierwszej dziesiątki dużych miast w Czechach i na Morawach; razem z wybudowanym od podstaw Hawierzowem przekroczyła 100 tys. mieszkańców. Urbanizacja Orłowej, Suchej, Czeskiego Cieszyna, Frydku połączone1 T. Kania: Region - Kresy - Pogranicze. Złożoność uwarunkowań i specyfika problemów, W: Z problemów ochrony i konserwacji regionalnego dziedzictwa piśmienniczego. Red. I. Panic. Cieszyn 1994, s. 43. �Tadeusz Kania: Uwagi o potencjale Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Aspekty socjologiczne i demograficzne 181 go z Mistkiem w jeden organizm, Trzyńca, który prześcignął liczbą ludności Czeski Cieszyn – te wszystkie procesy urbanizacji przestrzennej i demograficznej wpływały na zmiany potencjału ludnościowego i strukturę narodowościową. Inna też była tożsamość ludności nowo powstających dzielnic w rozbudowywanych miastach, ludności migrującej z głębi Czech czy Słowacji. Migracje zawsze miały poważny wpływ na rozwój ludnościowy Zaolzia, bo o ile do I wojny światowej połowę ludności napływowej stanowili Polacy (przeważnie analfabeci z Galicji), to po II wojnie światowej przeważali już Czesi i Słowacy; byli także liczni Węgrzy, Niemcy, Grecy (uchodźcy), a nawet Wietnamczycy i Romowie. W okresie powojennym z tego obszaru zniknęła ludność pochodzenia niemieckiego, chociaż różne więzi rodzinne pozostały; całkowicie zanikła mniejszość żydowska, wymordowana przez hitlerowców. Stąd też uległa zmianie świadomość narodowa oraz tożsamość wielu grup mieszkańców. Po czeskiej stronie Śląska Cieszyńskiego czeski regionalizm jest bardzo ubogi, podobnie jak piśmiennictwo o kulturze lokalnej. Na temat sytuacji narodowościowej na Zaolziu ukazuje się wiele publikacji i artykułów naukowych czy publicystycznych, które w prasie pogranicza mają często bardzo krytyczny i polemiczny charakter. Czołowi znawcy sytuacji polskiej ludności na pograniczu Śląska Cieszyńskiego dalej podkreślają, nawet w prasie w Czechach, np. w polskojęzycznych miesięcznikach czy dzienniku, tendencyjność czeskich tez czy całych publikacji. Dotyczy to np. problemów historii, ludowości, języka czy współczesnych incydentów związanych z dwujęzycznością napisów, tj. niszczeniem napisów w języku polskim2. Publikacje o stosunkach wyznaniowych czy etnicznych, o zagadnieniach demograficznych czy o religijności ukazujące się nawet w prasie mniejszości polskiej w Czechach czy w wydawnictwach regionalnych zawierają dość rzetelne zestawienia tabelaryczne i sięgają do spisów czy danych z wszystkich epok, np. z okresu Monarchii Austro-Węgierskiej. Urzędowe spisy świadczą bowiem na korzyść polskiej mniejszości (kiedyś większości na tym terenie) i co za tym idzie świadczą o przyczynach w zmianie potencjału ludnościowego i narodowego Polaków na Zaolziu, w tym o migracjach i procesie czechizacji. Według urzędowych spisów ludności Polacy na Zaolziu stanowili jeszcze do 1910 roku prawie trzy czwarte mieszkańców, np. w powiecie frydecko – misteckim ponad 85% , a powiecie karwińskim 63% – gdy Czesi mniej niż jedną piąta, a resztę Niemcy i inni3. Pisząc o danych demograficznych i głównych tendencjach ludnościowych na pograniczu Śląska Cieszyńskiego należy podkreślić rolę migracji i poważnych ruchów ludności, głównie na skutek wojen, migracji za pracą, wysiedleń i ucieczek. Do czasów współczesnych można doliczyć się aż jedenastu fal migracyjnych na Zaolziu, począwszy od I fali migrantów polskich z Galicji do Zagłębia Ostrawsko - Karwińskiego do ostatniej fali i ruchów ludności po wejściu Czech i Polski do Unii Europejskiej i migracjach zarobkowych poza Zaolzie na Zachód. Fale te liczyły od kilku do kilkunastu tysięcy migrantów, a najliczniejsza (zasiedlanie nowych dzielnic miast 100 tysięcznych - Hawierzowa i Karwiny) nawet ponad 60 tys. Zaburzyły one całkowicie 2 K. Kaszper: Zaczadzony klimat, „Zwrot”, nr 4, Czeski Cieszyn 2009, s. 22-23 oraz por. również S. Zahradnik: Śląsk Cieszyński – „nowe” spojrzenie? „Zwrot”, nr 1, Czeski Cieszyn 2009, s. 41-43. 3 Tamże, s. 42: tabela pt. Urzędowe spisy ludności; por. również praca S. Zahradnika: Struktura narodowościowa Zaolzia. Trzyniec 1991. �182 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví stosunki ludnościowe i zmieniły proporcje narodowości na Zaolziu4. Polacy przestali się liczyć w strukturze demograficzno-etnicznej w wielu miejscowościach, a ich potencjał, zamiast wzrosnąć do 400 tys. mieszkańców (na co wskazywałyby proste wyliczenia i prognozy), zmalał w ciągu niespełna wieku do 40 tys. mieszkańców deklarujących w spisach polskość. W omawianym okresie ludność w Polsce (od końca I wojny światowej do dziś) zwiększyła się – licząc głównie Polaków i odliczając mniejszości, a nawet odliczając straty wojenne – z nieco ponad 20 mln do prawie 40 mln (łącznie z emigracją po II wojnie i wyjazdami do Niemiec), gdy liczba Polaków na Zaolziu zmniejszyła się z prawie 200 tys. do około 40 tysięcy, zamiast wzrosnąć do 400 tys. Na proste pytanie gdzie są ci Polacy? (przyrost naturalny był przeciętny) można odpowiedzieć: katastrofalny ubytek spowodowały głownie fale migracyjne (wysiedlenia, ucieczki, emigracja w różne rejony Czech i Europy, a drugą przyczyną była czechizacja. Napisy na cmentarnych pomnikach i korzenie wielu rdzennych mieszkańców są zaolziańskie lub galicyjskie (np. głównie z dawnej Galicji czy z Małopolski Zachodniej). Czechizację i jej postępy jako przyczynę zmian w strukturze narodowościowej można pokazać na przykładzie drzew genealogicznych rodzin i losów typowej rodziny5. Malejący potencjał demograficzny ludności polskiej na Zaolziu wpływa oczywiście na kapitał społeczny i nie tylko mniejszości polskiej w Czechach i na Morawach. Jeżeli w okresie międzywojennym stosunek ludności polskiej do ludności najmniejszego wtedy obszaru woj. śląskiego (miało w 1922 roku 4235 km kwadratowych czyli niespełna ponad procent obszaru ówczesnej Polski) wynosił jak jeden do dziesięciu, to współcześnie jest to jeden do stu (40 tys. do ponad 4 mln). Przed wojną woj. śląskie miało u zarania swego powstania 1 mln 125 tys. mieszkańców, a nie wszyscy byli Polakami, gdy Polaków na Zaolziu było jeszcze ponad 100 tys.6. Ta swego rodzaju „katastrofa” demograficzna, która nie wynika z niżu demograficznego, a jest raczej katastrofą kulturowo-demograficzną ma jeszcze jeden wymiar statystyczny związany z II wojną światową. Polacy bowiem ponosili główne straty ludnościowe na tym obszarze (obok Żydów, których wymordowano), ale byli nie tylko wysiedlani do tzw. Polenlagrow czy mordowani całymi grupami jak w Żywocicach, z zemsty za działalność partyzantów. Polacy z Zaolzia ponieśli stosunkowo największe straty w zbrodniach na wschodzie, tj. są jakby najliczniejszą grupą w zbrodni katyńskiej. Dziś już wiemy, że jeżeli wśród około 25 tys. Polaków zamordowanych z trzech głównych obozów i wielu więzień zginęło ponad 600 Zaolziaków, to proporcje są drastyczne. Zginął bowiem jeden na tysiąc Polak (w tym Żydzi polscy oraz nieliczni prawosławni czy grekokatolicy, np. duchowni w wojsku), ale zginął jeden na dwustu mieszkaniec Zaolzia, najczęściej 4 T. Kania: Ogólny i subiektywny obraz migracji na nietypowym pograniczu Śląska Cieszyńskiego. W: Integracja w świecie powszechnej migracji. Red. J. Surzykiewicz, M. Kulesza. Warszawa 2008. 5 T. Kania: Rodzina miedzy kulturami. Biograficzne aspekty wielokulturowości (na przykładzie rodziny nadolziańskiej).W: Społeczne uwarunkowania edukacji miedzykulturowej. T. 2: Problemy praktyki oświatowej. Red. T. Lewowicki, A. Szczurek-Boruta, B. Grabowska. Cieszyn – Warszawa – Toruń 2009, s. 261-272. 6 Podręczna mapa województwa śląskiego, opr. Franciszek Popiołek (statystyka woj. według „Rocznika Polskiego” z 1922 roku), Nakładem Spółki „Ostoja” w Cieszynie, w posiadaniu autora, jedna plansza. �Tadeusz Kania: Uwagi o potencjale Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Aspekty socjologiczne i demograficzne 183 wojskowy, policjant, urzędnik czy inny, który ewakuował się we wrześniu na wschód i został uwięziony, a potem zamordowany. Wśród 25700 jeńców i więźniów ze Starobielska, Kozielska, Ostaszkowa i więzień zachodniej Ukrainy czy Białorusi najmłodsi (np. policjant ze Stonawy) mieli po dwadzieścia kilka lat. Ogólna liczba ofiar z Zaolzia wynosi około 6000 za cały okres wojny, w tym 80% Polaków, 2500 Żydów, 1000 Zaolzian poległo wcielonych do Wermachtu, sam Oświęcim pochłonął ponad 450 ofiar. Według dość dokładnych wyliczeń 65% zginęło w obozach koncentracyjnych, w egzekucjach i mordach 8%, w walce na frontach i w działaniach wojennych 15%, podczas nalotów 8%, ale co dwudziesty był zaginiony7. Owe proporcje, w tym straty demograficzne, świadczą o wielkim ubytku ludności polskiej, jej czechizacji i to na terenach dawniej etnicznie polskich, gdzie występowało wiele miast i dzielnic kilkunasto lub kilkudziesięciotysięcznych dawnych miast. Kresy Ostrawskie i dawne rozumienie Kresów południowo-zachodnich zmieniły się, dawne nazwy (np. pojęcie Morawskiej, Śląskiej czy Polskiej Ostrawy i zdanie „Ostrawica nasza granica”) stały się archaiczne i historyczne. Istnieje jeszcze problem kapitału i potencjału kulturalno-oświatowego, które służą rozwojowi społeczności. Baza kulturalna i oświatowa na Śląsku Cieszyńskim od ponad stu lat należy do bardziej rozwiniętej i dobrze służyła także w przeszłości Polakom za Olzą, którzy najczęściej sami ją tworzyli, budowali, organizowali. Dzięki dobremu zaludnieniu obszaru gęsta była sieć szkół i innych placówek, rzadko występujących w głębi Polski czy na tzw. kresach albo na obszarach określanych jako Polska B czy C czyli biedniejsza. Będąc najbardziej rozwiniętą częścią przemysłową Austro-Węgier Śląsk Cieszyński miał na swoim obszarze do I wojny nie tylko takie urządzenia cywilizacyjne jak np. sieć tramwajową (Cieszyn, Bielsko, Ostrawa, Karwina), ale w wielu polskich wsiach funkcjonowały np. domy ludowe, domy robotnicze i domy Macierzy Szkolnej Księstwa Cieszyńskiego pełniące funkcje domów kultury, jak Dom Narodowy w Cieszynie. Gęsta sieć szkół powodowała, że u początków niepodległości Polski i Czechosłowacji poziom analfabetyzmu na tym terenie wynosił zaledwie między 6 a 15%, gdy w Polsce na kresach był w tym czasie 5-6 krotnie wyższy8. U schyłku lat 30. zeszłego stulecia analfabetyzm zmniejszył się nawet do kilku procent, kiedy to w Polsce wynosił dalej ponad 20%, a na kresach wśród mniejszości dochodził do 60%. Potencjał kulturalno-oświatowy i cały kapitał kulturowy mógł się lepiej rozwijać dzięki wysokiemu poziomowi scholaryzacji. Miejscowa ludność od okresu monarchii i jeszcze w okresie międzywojennym budowała społecznie szkoły, powołując szkoły także wyznaniowe czy stowarzyszeniowe (katolickie, ewangelickie, Macierzy Szkolnej Księstwa Cieszyńskiego i inne). Przed II wojną światową na Śląsku Cieszyńskim przeciętnie co dwa lata oddawano do użytku jedną szkołę, a w Cieszynie funkcjonowała nawet pierwsza w woj. śląskim szkoła wyższa (Wyższa Szkoła Gospodarstwa Wiejskiego, przeniesiona w 1949 roku do Olsztyna, która dała początki znanej olsztyńskiej ART, dziś Uniwersytetowi Rolniczemu)9. Potencjał kulturalny po 7 S. Zahradnik: Mordowano najlepszych. „Głos Ludu”, nr 40, 2010, s. 4 (cykl Historia). 8 T. Kania: Rola potencjału gospodarczego i kulturalnego w przedstawianiu i ilustracji pogranicza kulturowego (na przykładzie Śląska Zaolziańskiego z lat dwudziestych i trzydziestych).W: Na Pograniczach. Kultura – Ludzie – Problemy. Materiały z konferencji naukowej. Red. Z. Jasiński. Opole 1991, s. 51. 9 T. Kania: Baza oświatowa i infrastruktura kulturalna Śląska Cieszyńskiego. W: Śląsk �184 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví czeskiej stronie Śląska Cieszyńskiego został od II wojny światowej bardzo ograniczony polskiej ludności, instytucje były podobnie jak obiekty i placówki odbierane, w wielu dziedzinach się zmniejszył. Musiało to mieć wpływ na jej rozwój i kapitał społeczno-kulturowy. Polskie obiekty, w tym liczne szkoły i placówki należące do polskich stowarzyszeń, nawet sklepy, spółdzielnie i placówki związane z Kościołem katolickim, władze CSSR potraktowały jako dobra poniemieckie i zostały one najczęściej upaństwowione. Polacy zostali pozbawieni często dorobku wielu pokoleń swoich przodków, tracąc we wsiach i w miastach dobrze wyposażone placówki. Cała sieć polskich sklepów i spółdzielni została zczechizowana, a los wielu sztandarowych obiektów przypomina sytuację obiektów na wschodzie czy na Ziemiach Zachodnich i Północnych. Tak było z dawną siedzibą najważniejszych organizacji polskich w Czeskim Cieszynie hotelem „Piast”, który przez ostatnie lata kojarzony jest raczej ze stoiskami handlowymi Wietnamczyków i tym, że został bezpowrotnie utracony. Mniejszość polska na Zaolziu nie ma też takiego zaplecza materialnego jak do II wojny światowej, a jej niewątpliwe sukcesy w dziedzinach aktywności społecznej szły jakby na konto organizacji czeskich czy czechosłowackich. Skoro nie mogły istnieć, jak przed wojną, narodowe polskie kluby sportowe to miejscowi sportowcy zdobywali medale jako obywatele CSSR, kojarzeni jako Czesi. Zresztą nawet pierwsza legalnie wybrana Miss Czechosłowacji była Polką z Zaolzia, a w wielu dziedzinach działalności Polacy z czeskiej strony Śląska Cieszyńskiego przodują do dziś. Baza materialna jest jednak istotnym czynnikiem rozwoju lokalnych społeczności i podkreślić trzeba liczną sieć domów Polskiego Związku Kulturalno Oświatowego i klubów, a w ostatnich latach odradzające się placówki przyparafialne, drużyny harcerskie czy inne dawniej zapomniane formy i placówki czy stowarzyszenia. W dziedzinie mediów lokalnych utrwalona jest pozycja prasy polskiej, na czele z dziennikiem „Głos Ludu” i miesięcznikiem „Zwrot” czy specjalistycznymi biuletynami i bardzo wielowątkowym „Kalendarzem Śląskim”. Odnosi się jednak wrażenie (poparte statystykami i świadczące o niekorzystnych proporcjach i tendencjach), że Polacy na Zaolziu mają do wykorzystania przebogate tradycje i wielowiekowe dziedzictwo, ale jest to wszystko coraz bardziej kultywowane w zmniejszającej się liczebnie społeczności. Chociaż kultura Zaolzia jest chyba najlepiej opisaną kulturą regionalną (Śląska Cieszyńskiego) w Polsce, to z całego dziedzictwa korzysta coraz mniej ludzi. Powstały na wzór Uniwersytetu III Wieku w Cieszynie podobny UTW w Czeskim Cieszynie przyjął nawet specyficzną nazwę, która miała jakby łączyć pokolenia. Nazywa się Międzygeneracyjnym Uniwersytetem Regionalnym, ale frekwencja nie zawsze świadczy o międzygeneracyjności i poważniejszym zasięgu placówki. Pisząc o niektórych przejawach życia społecznego i przykładach z życia religijnego wybrałem przykład pielgrzymek i procesji kościelnych. Tendencje w ruchu pielgrzymkowym czy też obraz typowej Drogi Krzyżowej w Wielki Piątek skłaniają do konkretnych refleksji na temat udziału w tych procesjach, proporcji Czechów i Polaków czy ogólnego obrazu, ich przebiegu. W okresie komunizmu pielgrzymowanie, a tym bardziej procesje w centrach miast stawały się niemożliwe i mieszkańcy głębi Czech zostali od tego odzwyczajeni. Dziwiły ich zachowania pielgrzymów w PolCieszyński – Środowisko naturalne. Zarys dziejów. Zarys kultury materialnej i duchowej. Red. W. Sosna. Cieszyn 2001, s. 381-401. �Tadeusz Kania: Uwagi o potencjale Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Aspekty socjologiczne i demograficzne 185 sce, ich podróże przez Czechy do Włoch czy procesje po mieście, które odbywały się w Cieszynie, a które liczni turyści mogli oglądać okazyjnie będąc w Polsce. Bardzo często pozostałością i przykładem pewnej niewiedzy o praktykach religijnych czy nawet o dniach wolnych z okazji świąt narodowych i kościelnych, które są w Polsce i Czechach obchodzone dość uroczyście, jest zjawisko ich nieznajomości i skutki takiej ignorancji. Jeżeli święta z okazji niepodległości czy dzień imienin Cyryla i Metodego przypadają w dni robocze-targowe w Polsce, to obywatele sąsiedniego kraju chcą dokonać zakupów, wyrażając zdziwienie pustym ulicom i pozamykanym sklepom. Podobnie obywatele Czech nie mogą dokonać zakupów w Boże Ciało czy 11 Listopada. Typowym przykładem stosunku do udziału w procesjach są drogi krzyżowe, od lat ekumeniczne, bo trasa biegnie od kościoła w Czeskim Cieszynie do kościoła w Polsce. Ekumeniczna procesja wygląda tak, że tłumy Polaków przekraczają most graniczny pod Wieżą Piastowską (centrum starego Cieszyna), a czescy obywatele większości niepraktykujący czy innowiercy lub ateiści w tych procesjach nie uczestniczą, stanowiąc raczej ciekawskich i bardzo zdziwionych widzów. Przebieg Drogi Krzyżowej wielkopiątkowej w 2010 roku mógł też zdziwić z powodów językowych, ponieważ mimo ekumenizmu i przewagi 80 do 90% Polaków w całej procesji odbywała się po czeskiej stronie w języku czeskim (stacje, modlitwy, pieśni), na moście granicznym w obu językach, a po polskiej stronie tylko po polsku. Wielu Polaków spodziewało się nie tylko języka czeskiego w trakcie modlitw na ulicy Głębokiej czyli w Polsce, ale oczekiwali, że skoro stanowią przytłaczającą większość uczestników to powinno było już być więcej polszczyzny w Czeskim Cieszynie. Po prawie dwudziestu latach od upadku komunizmu i pięciu latach od całkowitego otwarcia granicy polsko-czeskiej można jednak zauważyć większą otwartość na język sąsiada w nazewnictwie handlowo-turystycznym, napisach sklepowych (szyldy, opisy towarów, małe reklamy). Wydaje się, że nawet wietnamscy handlowcy z Czeskiego Cieszyna są bardziej wielojęzyczni i nastawieni na klientów z Polski niż sprzedawcy Czesi, z wyjątkiem może sklepów monopolowych opierających głównie swoje dochody o klientelę z Polski. Pogranicze nadolziańskie jest więc w pierwszym dziesięcioleciu nowego tysiąclecia ciekawym miejscem dla obserwacji socjologicznych, terenem wartym analiz demograficznych czy badań etnologicznych. Powracają tematy sprzed stu lat, np. znowu Polacy szukają zatrudnienia w przemyśle Zagłębia Ostrawsko-Karwińskiego, stanowiąc poważny procentowo w skali zatrudnienia pracowników dołowych udział górników. Górnicy ci dojeżdżają głównie z miejscowości dawnego Rybnickiego Okręgu Węglowego, wielu mieszka w hotelach robotniczych przy czeskich kopalniach w okolicach Karwiny. Z relacji wielu miejscowych Polaków pracujących jako obywatele Czech na tychże kopalniach można zebrać kilka wniosków negatywnych. Po pierwsze robotnicy i górnicy z Polski są bardziej wyzyskiwani, gdyż zarabiają na nich pośrednicy. Po drugie miejscowi Polacy wobec rodaków z Polski ukrywają swoje pochodzenie, żeby nie wchodzić w bliższe kontakty czy znajomości. Po trzecie: znaczna część dojeżdżających górników z Polski to byli doświadczeni pracownicy kopalń, którzy mają już przyznane emerytury i praca w Czechach jest ich drugim źródłem dochodu. Mają w związku z tym aktualnie wyższą stopę życiową i są obiektem zazdrości czeskich czy innych górników. Górników z Polski poznać można po szychcie na parkingach, ponieważ przykopalniane parkingi zapełnione są przeważnie czeskimi „Škodami”, a Polacy parkują samocho- �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 186 dami wyższej klasy, nowszymi i częściej niemieckich marek. Polacy niestety giną w wypadkach kopalnianych częściej, gdyż kierowani są do trudniejszych przodków, rzadziej przy tym chorują lub nie korzystają z chorobowego w Czechach, a wręcz są kierowani jakby na delegacje. Wyzysk jest więc, analogicznie jak w okresie Monarchii C.K., wśród robotników z Galicji większy, ale dziś wyzyskują ich także firmy z Polski, a nie tylko czeski czy niemiecki kapitalista. Piszą o tym coraz częściej lokalne gazety, także górnicze dodatki polskojęzyczne czy wspomniany „Głos Ludu”, nazywając nawet górników z Polski niewolnikami. Liczba zatrudnianych górników dochodziła w końcu 2009 roku do 4 tys. i wiele kopalń wręcz jest uzależnionych od polskiej siły roboczej. Warto dodać, że w wypadkach w latach 2008-2009 zginęło 10 górników, a setki zostały rannych, tak więc praca taniej stosunkowo siły roboczej z Polski będzie już zauważalnym przez historię gospodarczą i ekonomię zjawiskiem10. Takie są demograficzno-socjologiczne refleksje związane ze zmianami w strukturach ludności, malejącym potencjałem kulturalnym, praktykami religijnymi czy sytuacją polskich górników w Czechach. Pogranicze kulturowe Śląska Cieszyńskiego cały czas się zmienia i warto analizować statystyki, media lokalne, obserwować lokalne społeczności i prowadzić historyczne porównania w różnych dziedzinach ważnych dla stosunków społecznych i narodowościowych. Bibliografia: Kania T.: Baza oświatowa i infrastruktura kulturalna Śląska Cieszyńskiego. W: Śląsk Cieszyński - środowisko naturalne, zarys dziejów, zarys kultury materialnej i duchowej. Red. W. Sosna, Cieszyn 2001, s. 381-401 Kania T.: Ogólny i subiektywny obraz migracji na nietypowym pograniczu Śląska Cieszyńskiego. W: Integracja w świecie powszechnej migracji. Red. J. Surzykiewicz, M. Kulesza. Warszawa 2008, s. 208-217 Kania T.: Rodzina miedzy kulturami. Biograficzne aspekty wielokulturowości (na przykładzie rodziny nadolziańskiej). W: Społeczne uwarunkowania edukacji miedzykulturowej. T. 2: Problemy praktyki oświatowej. Red. T. Lewowicki, A. Szczurek-Boruta, B. Grabowska. Cieszyn – Warszawa – Toruń 2009, s. 261-272 Kania T.: Region - Kresy - Pogranicze. Złożoność uwarunkowań i specyfika problemów. W: Z problemów ochrony i konserwacji regionalnego dziedzictwa piśmienniczego. Red. I. Panic. Cieszyn 1994, s. 27-52 Kania T.: Rola potencjału gospodarczego i kulturalnego w przedstawianiu i ilustracji pogranicza kulturowego (na przykładzie Śląska Zaolziańskiego z lat dwudziestych i trzydziestych). W: Na Pograniczach. Kultura – Ludzie – Problemy. Materiały z konferencji naukowej. Red. Z. Jasiński, Opole 1991 Kaszper K.: Zaczadzony klimat, „Zwrot”, nr 4, Czeski Cieszyn 2009, s. 22-23 Kuźnik G., Chlup D.: Niewolnicy na życzenie? „Głos Ludu”, 6.04.2010, nr 40, s. 1 Kuźnik G., Chlup D.: Delegacja na… przodku, „Głos Ludu” 6.04.2010, nr 40, s. 3 10 Kuźnik G., Chlup D.: Niewolnicy na życzenie? „Głos Ludu”, 6.04.2010, nr 40, s. 1 (cykl: Sytuacja polskich górników w Republice Czeskiej); Kuźnik G., Chlup D.: Delegacja na… przodku, „Głos Ludu” 6.04.2010, nr 40, s. 3. �Tadeusz Kania: Uwagi o potencjale Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Aspekty socjologiczne i demograficzne 187 Zahradnik S..: Mordowano najlepszych. „Głos Ludu”, 6.04.2010, 2010, nr 40, s. 4 Zahradnik S.: Śląsk Cieszyński - „nowe” spojrzenie? „Zwrot”, nr 1, Czeski Cieszyn 2009, s. 41-43 Zahradnik S.: Struktura narodowościowa Zaolzia, Trzyniec 1991 Źródła: Mapa województwa śląskiego, opr. Franciszek Popiołek (statystyka woj. według „Rocznika Polskiego” z 1922 roku), Nakładem Spółki „Ostoja” w Cieszynie. Shrnutí Poznámky o potenciálu Těšínského Slezska. Sociologické a demografické aspekty Autor uvádí podrobné statistické údaje o vztazích obyvatelstva, počtu Poláků a jiných obyvatel Zaolzí. Porovnává demografické ztráty a populační růst, včetně ztrát z období války. Zdůrazňuje kulturní potenciál Těšínského Slezska, které již v předválečném období se lišilo od všeobecného průměru. Pozornost je zaměřena na radikálně odlišné formy náboženství, jakož i moderní náboženské praktiky a chování křesťanů na obou stranách hranice. Z nových problémů a neobvyklých jevů byla analyzována specifická situace polských horníků v České republice, jejich nehodovost a vykořisťování. Summary Some remarks on the potentialities of Cieszyn Silesia. The sociological and demographic aspects The author provides exact statistical details concerning population relations and the number of Poles and other inhabitants in Zaolzie. Demographic losses (including war times) and population increase are compared in the study. Due attention is drawn to the cultural richness of Cieszyn Silesia, which was far more than average already in the pre-war times. Extremely diversified religious symptoms were focused on, as well as current religious practice and behaviour patterns of Christians on both sides of the border. As regards new problems and untypical phenomena, the specific situation of Polish miners (accident rate and exploitation) in the Czech Republic was discussed. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/1db57ace79ec27fe3a4601c068c2b10b.pdf 90deb8eb268023cb8da116678d1db79c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:6648 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Subject The topic of the resource Sudan - konflikty etniczne Darfur Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:6216 Title A name given to the resource Sudan - konflikt w Darfurze (2003-2011) Description An account of the resource Sudan t.5; 331 s.il. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Karamalla-Gaiballa, Nagmeldin Language A language of the resource pol. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Type The nature or genre of the resource książka Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Nagmeldin Karamalla-Gaiballa Sudan konflikt w Darfurze (2003–2011) �Sudan Konflikt w Darfurze (2003–2011) �Sudan 1. Sudan – bogactwo kultur i wewnętrzne napięcia, red. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek, Warszawa 2012. 2. Sudan – problemy tożsamościowe z perspektywy badaczy rodzimych, red. M. Ząbek, Warszawa 2014. 3. Sudan – archeologia i historia, red. J. Różański, M. Ząbek, Warszawa 2015. 4. Sudan – wojna, polityka, uchodźcy, red. W. Cisło, J. Różański, M. Ząbek, Pelplin 2016. �Nagmeldin Karamalla-Gaiballa Sudan KONFLIKT W DARFURZE (2003–2011) Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego Warszawa 2017 �© Nagmeldin Karamalla-Gaiballa Recenzenci prof. UW dr hab. Maciej Ząbek prof. dr hab. Jarosław Różański Korekta Joanna Przypolska Zdjęcie na okładce Abdelaziz Karamalla Łamanie Henryk Kopiczyński ISBN 978-83-7401-613-1 Druk i oprawa WDR ul. Modra 23, 87-807 Włocławek tel. 54 235 52 61; 518 014 584; tel./fax 54 235 59 65 www.wydawnictwodr.pl • e-mail: wydawnictwo@wydawnictwodr.pl �Spis treści Wstęp .......................................................................................     9 Rozdział I Uwarunkowania geopolityczne w zachodniosudańskim regionie Darfur 1. Tło geopolityczne wydarzeń w Darfurze ..................................    19 2. Przykłady wpływu zmian klimatycznych na relacje społeczne w Afryce . .................................................................................    24 3. Geograficzna charakterystyka Sudanu .....................................    27 4. Analiza wpływu skutków zmian klimatycznych na konflikt w Darfurze ...............................................................................    31 5. Położenie geograficzne, klimat i degradacja ekologiczna w Darfurze ...............................................................................    36 5.1. Degradacja ekologiczna jako przyczyna konfliktu w Darfurze ........................................................................    38 6. Geograficzna specyfika Darfuru ...............................................    43 7. Znaczenie zasobów wodnych, gleb i gruntów rolnych w regionie Darfuru ...................................................................    46 8. Susza i proces pustynnienia w Darfurze ...................................    60 Rozdział II Etniczne i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze 1. Zróżnicowanie etniczne Darfuru ..............................................    67 2. Arabowie z Darfuru . ................................................................    77 3. Klasyfikacja ludności Darfuru według sposobu zarobkowania i źródeł utrzymania ..................................................................    82 �6 Spis treści Rozdział III Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego oraz analiza motywów działania grup rebelianckich w Darfurze 1. Definicja, typologia i fazy konfliktu . ......................................    91 2. Próba identyfikacji przyczyn konfliktu w regionie Darfur . .....    96 3. Geneza konfliktu zbrojnego pomiędzy grupami etnicznymi w Darfurze ............................................................................. 103 4. Wpływ wielkiej suszy w strefie Sahelu w latach 1984–1985 na sytuację w regionie . .......................................................... 108 5. Zwiększenie liczby ludności i zwierząt a presja na zasoby środowiska ............................................................ 112 6. Wpływ uchodźców z Czadu na konflikt w Sudanie ................ 114 7. Fazy konfliktu i powstanie ugrupowań zbrojnych w Darfurze . . 119 8. Darfurskie ruchy zbrojne, ich ideologia i podziały ................. 128 8.1. Ruch Dawida Bolada ...................................................... 128 8.2. Ruch Wyzwolenia Darfuru . ............................................ 130 8.3. Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości . ................................. 132 8.4. Kim są dżandżawidzi? .................................................... 135 9. Postawy, cele i motywy działania stron konfliktu ................... 139 10. Reżim rządzącej Partii Kongresu Narodowego i utrzymywanie się kryzysu w Darfurze ................................. 142 Rozdział IV Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze 1. Obecność Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych w Darfurze .... 2. Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny i jego oskarżenia wobec prezydenta Sudanu Omara Hasana Al-Baszira ............ 3. Misja ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej w Darfurze ............................. 4. Rola Ligi Państw Arabskich w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu zbrojnego w Darfurze ............................................. 5. Rola Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki .................................... 6. Rola Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej .......................................... 151 166 173 178 184 187 �Spis treści 7. Rola Unii Europejskiej w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu zbrojnego na obszarze Sudanu ................................................................. 8. Inicjatywy pokojowe i próby rozwiązania konfliktu w Darfurze ... 8.1. Umowa pokojowa z Abudży w sprawie Darfuru ............... 8.2. Dokument z Doha na rzecz pokoju w Darfurze ................. 8.3. Porozumienie z Heidelbergu ............................................. 7 191 200 200 206 215 Rozdział V Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych, politycznych, społecznych i etnicznych konfliktu 1. Ekonomiczne znaczenie terenów Darfuru dla gospodarki Republiki Sudanu . ................................................................... 1.1. Marginalizacja gospodarcza i polityczna według „Czarnej Księgi” . ............................................................... 1.2. Koncepcja marginalizacji w Sudanie ................................. 1.3. Nieproporcjonalny podział władzy w Sudanie .................. 2. Koszty ekonomiczne wojny w Darfurze . .................................. 2.1. Wydatki obronne wojny w Darfurze . ................................ 2.2. Utrata kapitału ludzkiego ................................................. 2.3. Uszkodzenia infrastruktury ............................................... 2.4. Pomoc ekonomiczna organizacji zagranicznych dla Darfuru ....................................................................... 3. Synteza wyników badań empirycznych oraz teoretycznego nurtu rozważań . ...................................................................... 4. Tło konfliktu w Darfurze, jego wpływ na gospodarkę i źródła utrzymania według badań własnych ........................... 5. Strategie na rzecz ożywienia gospodarczego i pokoju w Darfurze ............................................................................... 219 221 222 224 230 232 234 236 236 240 250 257 Zakończenie ............................................................................. 263 Bibliografia ................................................................................... 271 Źródła niepublikowane ............................................................ 271 Dokumenty .............................................................................. 272 �8 Spis treści Monografie książkowe ............................................................. Ekspertyzy i raporty ................................................................. Artykuły naukowe i rozdziały w monografiach ........................ Źródła internetowe .................................................................. 273 279 282 284 Wykaz skrótów .............................................................................. 297 Aneksy Leksykon najważniejszych postaci w Sudanie w kontekście konfliktu w Darfurze ............................................................................... 305 Słownik najważniejszych terminów .............................................. 307 Załączniki . .................................................................................... 310 Fotografie ...................................................................................... 324 �WSTĘP Darfur przez lata nie był przedmiotem troski rządu w Chartumie. Mieszkańcy tego regionu Sudanu odczuwali narastające niezadowolenie z powodu rozmaitego rodzaju zaniedbań i ich dotkliwych skutków, szczególnie w zakresie upośledzenia w rozwoju gospodarczym. Ponadto ścisła kontrola, jakiej podlegali i brak samorządności, obok ograniczonych zasobów w postaci zdatnych do uprawy pól i wystarczająco licznych źródeł wody, znacznie utrudniały im życie. W 2003 roku nastąpiła eskalacja wrogich nastrojów, co zaowocowało rozpoczęciem konfliktu zbrojnego, prowadzonego przez miejscowe ugrupowania Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości (Justice and Equality Movement, JEM)1 i Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu (Sudan Liberation Movement, SLM)2. Darfurczycy zażądali przede wszystkim większej autonomii dla swojego regionu, jego upodmiotowienia, czyli innymi słowy „sprawiedliwości i równości”. Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości (Justice and Equality Movement, JEM) grupa partyzancka pod przywództwem Khalil Ibrahima zaangażowana w konflikt w Darfurze. Wraz z pozostałymi grupami rebelianckimi jak Sudan Liberation Movement (Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu) walczy przeciwko wojskom Sudanu reprezentowanym przez Dżandżawidów. Organizacja była członkiem Frontu Wschodniego, koalicji rebeliantów zaangażowanych w konflikt wzdłuż granicy z Erytreą. Za: The History of JEM, 2014, http://jemsudan.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/The-History-of-JEM-Referenced1.pdf, [27.02.2015] 2 Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu (Sudan Liberation Movement, SLM) – grupa partyzancka działająca na terenie Sudanu. Została założona jako Front Wyzwolenia Sudanu przez członków grup etnicznych Fur, Zaghawa i Masalit. Przywódcą ruchu został jego założyciel Abdul Wahid an-Nur. Za: J. F l i n t, A. d e Wa a l, Darfur: A New History of a Long War, London 2008. 1 �Wstęp 10 Rząd w Chartumie z uwagi na niedawno skończoną wojnę domową z Południem, koszty społeczne i materialne, które musiałby ponieść oraz konteksty międzynarodowe (prawa człowieka) nie chciał interweniować bezpośrednio, stąd tylko poparł i dozbroił przeciwko rebeliantom uzbrojone oddziały milicji plemiennych wywodzące się często z pospolitych band grasujących na pograniczu sudańsko-czadyjskim, zwanych potocznie w regionie dżandżawidami. Dało to początek krwawej, bolesnej wojnie domowej, która dotąd nie została jeszcze zakończona i przynosi wiele ofiar i zniszczeń. Szacuje się, że od momentu rozpoczęcia działań zbrojnych ponad 200 tysięcy osób straciło życie, a wiele musiało opuścić swoje domy. Uciekając przed niebezpieczeństwem, nie mając środków do życia, uchodźcy ci szukali schronienia w miastach w Darfurze, w głębi Sudanu lub w sąsiednim Czadzie w obozach dla uchodźców. Do połowy 2005 roku konflikt spowodował przemieszczenie z pierwotnych miejsc zamieszkania około 1,2 miliona mieszkańców Darfuru, (w większości należących do niearabskich grup etnicznych, czyli rdzennie afrykańskich). W 2007 roku liczbę tych osób szacowano już na 2–2,5 miliona. Około 130 tysięcy z nich przekroczyło granicę kraju i osiedliło się w sąsiednim Czadzie3. Wojna w Darfurze, jak większość wojen domowych na świecie, jest wyjątkowo okrutna, gdyż dotyka nie tyle żołnierzy, co przede wszystkim ludność cywilną (kobiety i dzieci), a nawet mieszkańców obozów dla uchodźców, którzy także nie mogą czuć się bezpiecznie i bywają ofiarami napadów i gwałtów ze strony bojówek rządowych lub pospolitych bandytów. Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ od 25 maja 2004 roku wykazuje stałe zainteresowanie konfliktem w Darfurze, wydając w kolejnych latach rezolucje mające na celu ustabilizowanie sytuacji. W wyDepartament Stanu USA, http://www.state.gov/outofdate/bgn/sudan/130966.htm z 25.02.2013, [27.02.2013] 3 �Wstęp 11 danym po raz pierwszy oświadczeniu wyraziła głębokie niezadowolenie i troskę z powodu zasięgu, postępu i skutków tej wojny domowej. Wkrótce po tym uchwalono rezolucję nr 1556, w której postawiono Sudanowi ultimatum, żądając od niego rozbrojenia nielegalnych milicji pod groźbą interwencji zbrojnej. W rezolucji nr 1564 z 18 września 2004 roku Rada Bezpieczeństwa Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych zagroziła nałożeniem sankcji na sudański przemysł naftowy. Podjęto także prace ukierunkowane na określenie zasięgu naruszenia praw człowieka na terenach objętych wojną. Niestety, działania te nie przyniosły spodziewanego efektu, gdyż nałożeniu sankcji sprzeciwiały się Chiny. Niemniej komisja śledcza ONZ udokumentowała liczne zbrodnie i naruszenia praw człowieka dokonane w Darfurze, publikując je w swoim raporcie 1 lutego 2005 roku. Kolejna rezolucja nr 1591 Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ wydana 29 marca 2005 roku nałożyła z kolei embargo zbrojeniowe na wszystkie strony konfliktu w Darfurze. Wcześniejsza rezolucja, z 30 lipca 2004 roku, obejmowała embargiem jedynie pozarządowych uczestników konfliktu4. Tragedia w Darfurze zaczęła być porównywana z wojną w Rwandzie w latach 1993–1994, w trakcie której doszło do masowej rzezi i którą zakwalifikowano do zbrodni ludobójstwa. Podobne stanowisko dotyczące sytuacji w Darfurze przyjął koordynator humanitarny ONZ dla Sudanu Mukesha Kapila, jak również początkowo, w 2004 roku, administracja George’a W. Busha w USA i pozarządowa organizacja zajmująca się ochroną praw człowieka „Human Rights Watch”. Pojawiły się jednak opinie, iż nie jest do końca jasne, jaki tak naprawdę był rozmiar zbrodni, a co więcej, przez którą z walcząDepartament Stanu USA, Raport 2012, http://www.state.gov/outofdate/ bgn/sudan/130966.htm, [25.02.2013]; zob. A. d e Wa a l, Famine that kills, Darfur, Sudan, Oxford, 2005. 4 �12 Wstęp cych stron był w zasadzie dokonany, kto za jakie zbrodnie właściwie odpowiada i czy celem zbrodniarzy (zgodnie z definicją ludobójstwa) było całkowite wymordowanie populacji drugiej strony5. Powyższe wątpliwości nie dotyczyły jednak nigdy powagi sytuacji humanitarnej w Darfurze oraz faktu, że chęć niesienia pomocy przez inne kraje i wszelkie organizacje była i jest blokowana przez rząd w Sudanie. Społeczność międzynarodowa na przestrzeni ostatnich lat stale podejmowała działania zmierzające do położenia kresu krwawemu konfliktowi, jednakże próby osiągnięcia trwałego porozumienia były i są utrudnione z powodu głębokich podziałów panujących wśród stron zaangażowanych w konflikt. Strona rebeliancka nie jest jednolita, lecz mocno rozczłonkowana i obejmuje w tej chwili już blisko 30 różnych ugrupowań. Podziały te i brak chęci do współpracy między stronami oraz połączenia wysiłków na rzecz pokoju są ważnymi przyczynami istniejącej sytuacji. Kiedy 5 maja 2006 roku w Abudży w Nigerii po długich negocjacjach podpisano porozumienie pokojowe, przewidujące rozbrojenie dżandżawidów i wcielenie rebeliantów do armii sudańskiej, część ugrupowań partyzanckich nie przyłączyła się do tego porozumienia. Rozejm zaakceptowała jedynie frakcja Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu pod dowództwem Minni Minnawiego. Do istotnego przełomu doszło w dniu 14 lipca 2008 roku, kiedy to prokurator Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego (International Criminal Court, ICC)6 oskarżył prezydenta Sudanu Omara 5 The Worldwide Human Rights Movement (FIDH), The International Criminal Court and Darfur: Questions and Answers, http://fidh.org/en/africa/sudan/ Sudan-Darfur-ICC/The-International-Criminal-Court,5733, [16.12.2014] 6 ICC: Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny to pierwszy w historii ludzkości stały sąd międzynarodowy powołany do sądzenia pojedynczych osób oskarżonych o popełnienie najcięższych zbrodni, które miały miejsce po 1 lipca 2002 roku. Siedzibą jest Haga. MTK sądzi zbrodnie ludobójstwa, zbrodnie przeciwko ludzkości, �Wstęp 13 Hasana al-Baszira w związku z konfliktem w Darfurze o zbrodnie ludobójstwa, zbrodnie przeciw ludzkości i zbrodnie wojenne, a 4 marca 2009 roku wydał nakaz aresztowania al-Baszira pomimo braku zgodności co do faktu czy doszło do ludobójstwa i czy są wystarczające dowody w tym zakresie (charakterystyczne było, że z uwagi na te wątpliwości używano w międzynarodowych gremiach sformułowań typu „pełzające ludobójstwo” lub „niedokończone ludobójstwo”). Sytuacja uległa znacznemu uspokojeniu, aczkolwiek nie rozwiązaniu. Przedłużający się konflikt w Darfurze nie pozostaje bez wpływu na państwa sąsiednie: Czad i Republikę Środkowoafrykańską, do których uciekli i gdzie osiedlili się w obozach uchodźcy z Sudanu. Konflikt ten, dzięki zainicjowanej w USA na szeroką skalę kampanii medialnej pod hasłem „Ocalmy Darfur”, stał się jednym z bardziej znanych na świecie7. Na obraz tej tragedii składa się lansowanie tezy o ludobójstwie i przypisywanie mu tła rasowego („biali” Arabowie i „czarni” Afrykańczycy) oraz przedstawianie nieskomplikowanego morału opisującego ofiary (tj. „Afrykańczyków”) jako nieskażone moralnie, a prześladowców („Arabów”) zbrodnie wojenne oraz agresję. Trybunał może sądzić wyłącznie osoby fizyczne i tylko za czyny popełnione po wejściu w życie statutu lub po jego przyjęciu przez dane państwo. Część państw nie ratyfikowało Statutu Rzymskiego (USA, Izrael), lub też w ogóle nie podpisało (Chiny, Rosja). Za: Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny, http://www.migalski.eu/w-europarlamencie/moj-dzien-w-europarlamencie/ miedzynarodowy-trybunal-karny/14-06-2010, [2.02.2016] 7 Za inicjatora tej kampanii medialnej znanej pod hasłem „Ocalmy Darfur” uważany jest Nicolas Kristof, amerykański dziennikarz z „New York Times’a”, zwany samotnym krzyżowcem tej sprawy. Prawdopodobnie jako pierwszy zaczął publikować dramatyczne artykuły o ludobójstwie w Darfurze. Potem temat ten przyciągnął uwagę innych zachodnich mediów. Różne pisma, stacje telewizyjne i radiowe, o różnej afiliacji politycznej, zaczęły licytować się przede wszystkim podawaną liczbą zabitych, ale ostatecznie przekazywały w gruncie rzeczy te same treści. �14 Wstęp jako z gruntu złych. W tym kontekście domagano się jeszcze kilka lat temu dalszych sankcji, a najlepiej interwencji zbrojnej w Sudanie, aby nie dopuścić do tego, co stało się w Rwandzie. Medialną zaś kampanię „Ocalmy Darfur” przedstawiano jako apolityczną, jedynie moralną, ograniczoną do chęci ocalania życia i niemającą innych ukrytych celów. Dziennikarski przekaz o Darfurze wpisał się dobrze w pewien amerykański styl szokowania i pokazywania problemów za pomocą jasnych i sprawiających wrażenie obiektywnych komunikatów, zgodnych z wymogami rynku. W tym wypadku jednak poza przyciągnięciem uwagi odbiorców miał on jeszcze mobilizować opinię publiczną w ramach podjętej kampanii na rzecz nie tylko pomocy humanitarnej dla uchodźców, ale wymuszenia na rządzących w USA i ich sojusznikach interwencji humanitarnej. Pojawia się jednak pytanie, na ile obraz, który zachodnie media przekazywały, był naprawdę zgodny z rzeczywistością. Czy faktycznie doszło tam do ludobójstwa, a konflikt miał, czy też ma, charakter rasowy lub choćby etniczny? W niniejszej publikacji nie podejmuje się próby udzielenia odpowiedzi wprost na pytanie, czy w Darfurze doszło do zbrodni genocydu, gdyż nie jest to tylko kwestia analizy popełnionych zbrodni w odniesieniu do samej definicji ludobójstwa, a na dotychczasowych opiniach w tej sprawie w zbyt dużym stopniu wciąż ciążą afiliacje polityczne osób ją badających. Uznając jednak, że wiedza o wojnie domowej w Darfurze i jej przyczynach jest niepełna, że występuje tu wiele uproszczeń i generalizacji w wyjaśnianiu jej istoty, autor skupił się na tłumaczeniu jej genezy i różnorodnych politycznych i gospodarczych uwarunkowań. Innymi słowy mówiąc, celem pracy jest analiza wielowymiarowych uwarunkowań konfliktu zbrojnego w zachodniosudańskiej prowincji Darfur silnie bazujaca na specyfice tego obszaru, następnie rozpoznanie czynników ekonomicznych, politycznych, społecznych i geograficznych, co w dalszej kolejnośći wyjaśnienie i ocena determinant �Wstęp 15 endogenicznych i egzogenicznych wpływających na podejmowane próby zaprowadzenia pokoju albo przy udziale miejscowych stron konfliktu, jak też społeczności międzynarodowej. Temu zasadniczemu pytaniu o przyczyny konfliktu towarzyszy oczywiście szereg pytań szczegółowych związanych z jego historią i uwarunkowaniami geopolitycznymi, jak choćby: Czy w okresie poprzedzającym wybuch konfliktu miały miejsce szczególne wydarzenia lub zmiany w regionie? Czy warunki ekonomiczne miały wpływ na wybuch konfliktu? Jakie było zainteresowanie władz Sudanu sytuacją mieszkającej tam ludności? Jak problemy z dostępnością do zasobów naturalnych przełożyły się na problemy społeczne i polityczne? Jaki wpływ na skuteczne zaprowadzenie pokoju w Darfurze ma poznanie rzeczywistych przyczyn konfliktu i motywacji wszystkich jego stron? Poprzez odpowiedzi na powyższe pytania i analizę uwarunkowań: ekonomicznych, politycznych (wewnętrznych i zewnętrznych), społecznych i etnicznych oraz motywacji uczestniczących w nim stron, które doprowadziły do jego wybuchu lub miały na niego poważny wpływ, podjęto starania ukierunkowane na zidentyfikowanie czynnika kluczowego, który stał się źródłem całego problemu dlatego pomocna okazała się też być metoda czynnikowa, która jest metodą analizy dużej ilości danych. W kontekście znalezienia trwałego rozwiązania pokojowego dla Darfuru, ustalenie czynnika kluczowego uznać należy za niezwykle istotne. Jest tak dlatego, że nawet jeśli we współczesnych opracowaniach dotyczących konfliktów odchodzi się od wyszukiwania ich pojedynczych przyczyn na rzecz bardziej kompleksowych analiz ich genezy na podstawie kumulacji wielu czynników, które mogły się do ich wybuchu przyczynić, to nie podważając racji tej metody, należy zauważyć, że może mieć ona negatywne skutki z punktu widzenia efektywności procesu pokojowego. Dzieje się tak, gdyż w praktyce politycznych negocjacji i tak bardzo często wyróżnia �16 Wstęp się jeden z nich, np. czynnik etniczny, jak w przypadku Darfuru, a jeśli nie jest to prawda, to prowadzi to do złej oceny sytuacji i niemożliwości rozwiązania problemu. Stąd, autor jako Sudańczyk zainteresowany sprawą Darfuru, znający specyfikę i kulturę tego regionu nie tylko z literatury czy przekazu medialnego, w niniejszej rozprawie, na podstawie własnych obserwacji i długoletniego uczestnictwa w dyskursie dotyczącym tego konfliktu oraz badań, które podjął, przyjął generalną hipotezę, że wiodącymi uwarunkowaniami w konflikcie w Darfurze są aspekty ekonomiczne, a dopiero w dalszej kolejności uwarunkowania polityczne, społeczne i etniczne. Obejmują one z jednej strony zubożenie mieszkańców regionu wskutek jego degradacji środowiskowej (ekologicznej) z powodów zarówno naturalnych (suszy w strefie Sahelu i postępującego pustynnienia), jak i czynnika demograficznego (stałego wzrostu liczby ludności) oraz jego skutków w sytuacji braku zmian w technologiach gospodarowania, w postaci przepasienia pastwisk oraz nadmiernych upraw w strefie suchej, niedostosowanej do wzrostu tych aktywności. Natomiast z drugiej strony wiążą się z marginalizacją polityczną, przekładającą się na zacofanie gospodarcze regionu, skutkującą właśnie brakiem zmian technologicznych. Przyczyną tego jest nie tylko geograficzne oddalenie Darfuru od stolicy i centrum kraju, czy też generalny brak środków na jego rozwój z powodu niewystarczającego dochodu narodowego, ale panujący system społeczno-polityczny, preferujący od lat nilocentryczny rozwój Sudanu kosztem jego peryferii. System ten, przyjęty od czasów egipsko-tureckiej kolonizacji, kontynuowany był w okresie brytyjsko-egipskiego kondominium oraz wszystkich rządów w okresie postkolonialnym, aż do dziś, wykluczając faktycznie z udziału w rozwoju gospodarczym zachodnie i południowe prowincje Sudanu. Przejawem tej marginalizacji była zarówno dyskryminująca peryferie dystrybucja środków budżetowych, jak i polityka ka- �Wstęp 17 drowa państwa, preferująca na stanowiska kierownicze w wojsku, administracji i biznesie przedstawicieli wyłącznie rolniczych plemion nadrzecznych (tzn. tych z Doliny Nilu), pochodzenia nubijsko-arabskiego (Dża’alin, Danagla i Szajgija). Tym samym jej rezultatem było upośledzenie nie tylko przedstawicieli rdzennie afrykańskiej ludności rolniczej, jak np. ludu Fur, ale i nawet koczowniczych plemion pasterskich pochodzenia arabskiego. Skutkiem tego było narastające zarówno wśród tych pierwszych, jak i tych drugich poczucie krzywdy, które z czasem obróciło się we wzajemną nienawiść. Należy jednak pokreślić co zostało dowiedzione w niniejszej rozprawie, że wynikły z tego problem etniczny był tylko jednym ze skutków tego konfliktu, którego źródeł należy poszukiwać w degradacji ekologicznej i marginalizacji polityczno-gospodarczej regionu. Niniejsza książka, jak już wspomniano wyżej, ma na celu przedstawienie konfliktu w Darfurze w kontekście niedoboru zasobów naturalnych, takich jak woda i roślinność, a przede wszystkim uwypuklenie głównej jego przyczyny, jaką jest zacofanie ekonomiczne regionu. Wydaje się ponadto, iż drogi do rozwiązania tego konfliktu warto poszukiwać poprzez rozpoznanie jego korzeni, co ułatwi podjęcie aktywności ukierunkowanych na zaprzestanie działań wojennych i osiągnięcie porozumienia pomiędzy stronami konfliktu, a następnie stymulowanie rozwoju ekonomicznego. ��Rozdział I Uwarunkowania geopolityczne w zachodniosudańskim regionie Darfur 1. Tło geopolityczne wydarzeń w Darfurze W ostatnich latach konflikt w Darfurze doświadczył bezprecedensowego globalnego zainteresowania w międzynarodowej opinii publicznej, które jednak koncentrują się na dramatyzacji konfliktu zamiast na poważnej analizie jego przyczyn, którymi są: niedorozwój gospodarczy, nierówny podział bogactwa oraz brak demokracji w polityce. Przypadek konfliktu w Darfurze jest kolejnym dowodem, do czego mogą doprowadzić elity państwowe stosujące ideologie, które nie są oparte na sprawiedliwości w kwestii udziału w życiu politycznym i realizowania równego rozwoju. W szczególności Sudańczycy żyjący na peryferiach mogli być świadkami polityki marginalizacji i wykluczenia w ostatnich latach. Dla większości Sudańczyków działanie państwa jest niekorzystne i doświadczali oni uciążliwości, a nawet cierpień z powodu stosowanej polityki. Można wręcz wyrazić opinię, iż konflikt w Darfurze jest właśnie odzwierciedleniem błędnej polityki i w konsekwencji tragicznych skutków działania elit i zbudowanego przez nie modelu państwa narodowego w Sudanie. Aparat państwowy nie tylko nie hamował podstawowych przyczyn konfliktu, jak marginalizacja społeczno-ekonomiczna, ograniczanie politycznych praw ludności Darfuru oraz wykluczenie �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 20 ich regionu ze sprawiedliwego rozwoju, ale wręcz utrwalał te nieprawidłowości1. Powstawanie państwa w Sudanie zawsze było problematyczną sprawą dla kolonialnych władców i sudańskiej elity. Miały tu miejsce manipulacje z wykorzystaniem różnorodności etnicznej (ze strony kolonizatorów), jak również podważano konieczność stworzenia odpowiednich instytucji (tak działały elity), które odzwierciedlałyby potrzeby społeczne. Próby utworzenia nowoczesnego państwa Sudanu przez mocarstwa kolonialne (turecko-egipskie oraz brytyjskie) zostały uznana za wielkie niepowodzenie ze względu na posługiwanie się ideologią zupełnie nieprzystającą do istniejących realiów Sudanie2. Jak zatem wspomniano kryzys w Darfurze spowodowany został w dużej mierze przez działania elit państwowych, zainteresowanych walką o władzę. Czując się bezkarne nie zawahały się one przed użyciem wszelkich nieetycznych form działania wbec ludności powodując niesprawiedliwe zróżnicowanie gospodarcze, dyskryminując i marginalizując niektóre środowiska, powodując nierówności, co zawsze było przyczyną sporów pomiędzy „elitarną” władzą a tymi grupami, które chcą równość w Sudanie. Eksploatacja regionów peryferyjnych Sudanu spowodowała zubożenie mieszkających tam populacji, podczas gdy bgactwo i władza zstało skumulowane w rękach „wybranych” nielicznych w Chartumie. Reżim religijno-fundamentalistyczny, łączenie władzy państwej i religii wykorzystywane były do dyskryminacja jednych grup i faworyzowania innych, do odseparowania grup afrykańskich od sprawiedliwego pdziału władzy i majątku narodowego. Sposób E. E l s h e i k h, Darfur: The Violence of Geopolitics, Kirwan Institute, The Ohio State University, 2008, http://www.kirwaninstitute.osu.edu/reports/2008/08_2008_Darfur_Geopolitics.pdf, [19.02.2016] 2 Tamże; zob. także: A b d u l - R a h e e m, Ta j u d e e n, Pan Africanism: Politics, Economy and Social Change in the Twenty – first Century, New York 1996. 1 �1. Tło geopolityczne wydarzeń w Darfurze 21 sprawowania władzy oparty na przemocy ekonomicznej, politycznej i spłecznej doprowadził do osiągnięcia punktu krytycznego Decydenci z Chartumu walką o władzę i akceptowaniem braku równowagi we wszelkich obszarach spowodowali zapoczątkowanie krwawego kryzysu3. Analiza i zrozumienie tła, na którym pojawił się kryzys mogłaby ułatwić nakreślenie związku przyczynowo-skutkowego w obrębie konfliktu i ukazać geostrategiczne możliwe podejście w jego rozwiązywaniu. Działania w tym zakresie podejmowane są z uwzględnieniem praktycznych celów geopolitycznych określonych podmiotów. Dlatego istnieje luka pomiędzy tym, jak podmioty międzynarodowe opisują daną sytuację i jak działają. Ze względu na dający się zauważyć brak woli politycznej w rozwiązaniu kryzysu, na którym ciąży podejrzenie ludobójstwa, wiele podmiotów międzynarodowych nie podjęło działań w celu zaradzenia ludzkiemu cierpieniu pomimo tego, iż istnieje szereg międzynarodowych reguł i zasad, z których wynika konieczność podejmowania działań w celu powstrzymania zbrodni przeciwko ludności. Ponieważ skala kryzysu jest bardzo duża, wymagająca moralnego potępienia, to działania podejmowane przez kraje afrykańskie nie są po prostu wystarczające. Geostrategiczne znaczenie w rozwiązaniu tego kryzysu jest ogromne. Ważnym krokiem byłoby duze zaangażowanie społeczności międzynarodowej na rzecz powstrzymania ludobójstwa i wspierania prawa międzynarodowego ukierunkowanego na zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa na świecie. Jednakże, zauważalne są praktyki geopolityczne przejawiające się w manipulowaniu 3 H. H a s s a n, Dimensions of the Darfur crisis and its consequences: An Arab perspective, http://estudies.alarabiya.net/content/dimensions-darfur-crisis-andits-consequences-arab-perspective, [9.02.2016]; por. M. S u l i m a n, Ethnicity from perception to cause of violent conflicts: the case of the Fur and Nuba conflicts in Western Sudan, CONTICI International Workshop, London, Centre for African Studies, 8–11 July 1997. �22 I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... nakreślaniem kontekstu w jakim pojawił się ten kryzys, przez co sytuacja ludzi w Darfurze pozostaje tragiczna4. Istotne są też uwarunkowania regionalne. Ze względu na powiązania sytuacji plemiennej Darfuru i Czadu, konflikt w Czadzie miał również wpływ na stan społeczny w Darfurze. W rzeczywistości, trzej prezydenci Czadu, a ostatnio Idriss Déby, weszli do pałacu N’Djamena przez Darfur. Alsayed Abdullah Abtar, pierwszy dowódca Frontu Wyzwolenia Darfuru, który wywołał bunt w 2003 roku, był jednym z liderów udanego ataku mającego miejsce w Darfurze w 1990 roku, a także doprowadził Idriss Deby do przejęcia władzy w Czadzie. Podobnie, konflikt w Sudanie Południowym, który jest często postrzegany jako walka wyzwoleńcza pod przewodnictwem zmarłego Johna Garanga, wpłynął na mieszkańców Darfuru. SLM wykroczyła do tego regionu z Republiki Środkowoafrykańskiej, aby wywrzeć większy nacisk na rząd w Chartumie. Element regionalny nadał nowego wymiaru konfliktowi w Darfurze, ponieważ m.in. spowodował ułatwienie uzyskania broń i zdobycia wiedzy jak się nią posługiwać oraz możliwość zawodowego przeszkolenia w tym zakresie5. Ze względu na niestabilność polityczną w krajach sąsiadujących z Sudanem, a szczególnie tych przylegających do Darfuru w zachodnim Sudanie obszary te służyły jako baza wojenna zastępcza. Uzbrojone milicje Czadu miały utrzymanie, wsparcie i możliwość rozmieszczenia żołnierzy w Darfurze. Siły rebelianckie Darfuru utrzymywały bliskie stosunki z rządem Czadu, który zapewniał im schronienie i broń. Prezydent Déby, który wywodzi się z plemienia Zaghawa, 4 C. F l i n t, Introduction to Geopolitics, New York 2006, s. 190–191; zob. A. C o b h a m, Causes of confl ict in Sudan: testing the Black Book, „European Journal of Development Research”, 17(2005), nr 3, s. 462–480. 5 M. P l a u t, Who are Sudan’s Darfur rebels?, May 2006; zob. V. Ta n n e r, J. Tu b i a n a, Divided they fall: the fragmentation of Darfur’s rebel groups, Geneva 2007. �1. Tło geopolityczne wydarzeń w Darfurze 23 był w stanie otwartej wojny z reżimem prezydenta Omara al-Baszira w Sudanie. Pod koniec stycznia 2008 roku rządzący reżim w N’Djamena był przedmiotem niszczącego ataku siły rebeliantów Czadu, którzy otoczyli prezydenta Deby w jego pałacu. Chociaż ta operacja wojskowa nie udała się ze względów wojskowych i logistycznych, jak też dlatego, że Francja opowiedziała się po stronie prezydenta Déby, to jednak relacje Czadu z Sudanem zostały skażone. Sudan, przykładowo, oskarżył rząd Czadu jakoby ten stał za nieudaną próbą ataku przeciwko Omdurmanu w maju 2008 roku, który został przeprowadzony przez siły JEM mające na czele Khalila Ibrahima6. Niestabilna sytuacja w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej z kolei przyczyniła się do konfliktu zbrojnego, który rozprzestrzenił się w całym regionie aż do Czadu i Sudanu. Po tym jak Republika Środkowoafrykańska uzyskała niepodległość spod panowania Francji w 1960 roku, kraj ten cierpiał od kolejnych przewrotów zakończonych nadejściem Jean-Bédel Bokassa w 1965 roku. Panował on jako cesarz, dopóki nie został obalony przez wojska francuskie w 1979 roku. Najbardziej oczywiste cechy reżimu Bokassa to przyczynienie się do ułatwienia przemieszczania broni i powstańców poprzez Republikę Środkowoafrykańską do sąsiednich regionów. Warto zauważyć, że Libia odgrywa kluczową rolę w próbach uregulowania konfliktu w Darfurze oraz, że była gospodarzem procesu pokojowego. Libia apelowała także, więcej niż jeden raz, aby nie przekształcić kryzysu w Darfurze do rozmiaru międzynarodowego konfliktu politycznego7. 6 R. M a r c h a l, Chad-Darfur: How two crises merge, „Review of African Political Economy”, 33(2006), nr 109, s. 467–482; zob. M.J. B u r r, R.O. C o l l i n s, The long road to disaster in Darfur, Princeton 2006. 7 A widening war around Sudan, The proliferation of armed groups in the Central African Republic, http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/fileadmin/ docs/issue-briefs/HSBA-IB-05-CAR.pdf, [17.02.2016]; zob. S. H a n s o n, Sudan, Chad, and the Central African Republic, 2007, http://www.cfr.org/sudan/sudan-chad-central-african-republic/p12309, [7.02.2016] �24 I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... Nigeria również podjęła negocjacje pokojowe dla Darfuru, które miały miejsce w 2006 roku w Abudża. Również Erytrea dostarczała wsparcia logistycznego dla podejmowanych prób konsolidacji wszystkich stron. Egipt był również generalnie zainteresowany sprawami sudańskimi, ale jego rola nie wykracza poza wspieranie pozycji Sudanu i oczekiwanie pokojowego rozwiązania kryzysu. Egipska pozycja odzwierciedla oficjalne stanowisko krajów arabskich, które zostało wyrażone przez Ligę Arabską w sposób ogólny. Nie ma wątpliwości, że konflikt w Darfurze zmienił i konfiguracje, i relacje regionalne między sąsiadującymi krajami arabskimi i afrykańskimi. Każda partia regionalna stara się wpływać na wydarzenia tego konfliktu pod kątem własnych interesów8. 2. Przykłady wpływu zmian klimatycznych na relacje społeczne w Afryce Próba identyfikacji i analizy skutków zmian klimatu może dostarczyć bardzo istotnej wiedzy. Wszak zmiany klimatu, mimo ewidentnych dowodów występowania efektu cieplarnianego i wysokiego prawdopodobieństwa jego antropogenicznego charakteru, są ciągle – niezależnie od odczuwalnych symptomów – zjawiskiem perspektywicznym. Odwołując się jednak do stylistyki stosowanej w czwartym raporcie9 Międzyrządowego Zespółu ds. Zmian Klimatu (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, IPCC)10 z 2007 roku można stwierdzić, że jest bardzo prawdopodobne, 8 A. N g w u b e, Nigeria’s Peace Keeping Role in Darfur, http://infinitypress. info/index.php/jsss/article/view/152, [17.02.2016]. 9 IPCC WGI Fourth Assessment Report, 2007, Switzerland, http://web.archive. org/web/20070203164304/http://www.ipcc.ch/SPM2feb07.pdf, [5.02.2016]. 10 Organizacja założona w 1988 przez dwie organizacje Narodów Zjednoczonych – Światową Organizację Meteorologiczną (WMO) oraz Program Środowisko- �2. Przykłady wpływu zmian klimatycznych na relacje... 25 iż zmiana parametrów klimatu, takich jak temperatura, opady, geograficzny zasięg stref klimatycznych, będzie wpływała na warunki funkcjonowania systemów ekologicznych i systemów społecznych, a zarazem zmieniała te oba systemy. Próba identyfikacji zmian tych systemów i warunków ich funkcjonowania służy określeniu skutków zmian klimatu. Jest jednocześnie próbą określenia wrażliwości, podatności i adaptacyjności systemów ekologicznych i społecznych wobec zmian klimatu. Pojęcia wrażliwość i podatność jako terminy stosowane w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych zaproponowali Robert Keohane i Joseph Nye już w końcu lat siedemdziesiątych XX w. w odniesieniu do systemów społecznych. Wyzwanie, jakie niesie ze sobą perspektywa zmian klimatu, sprawiło, że terminy te zaczęto także odnosić do systemów ekologicznych. Potwierdzeniem tych żależności są raporty IPCC oraz literatura dotycząca problematyki zmian klimatu i ich społecznych konsekwencji11. Istnieje zgodna opinia co do tego, że wrażliwość i podatność poszczególnych regionów globu na zmiany klimatu jest zróżnicowana. Oznacza to także zróżnicowane skutki tych zmian. Regionem najbardziej podatnym na skutki zmiany klimatu jest Afryka, przede wszystkim ze względu na ubóstwo, liczne problemy i ograniczoną zdolność adaptacji.Tutaj bezpieczeństwo szczególnie dotkliwie może ucierpieć w wyniku zmian klimatu. Mogą one mieć tu negatywne konsekwencje dla lasów tropikalnych, bioróżnorodności, dostępu do wody, procesów erozji gleb oraz mogą powodować wzrost zachorowań. Szacuje się, że ograniczona zostanie produkcja żywności, a wzrost poziomu mórz stworzy zagrożenie dla wy Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych (UNEP) w celu oceny ryzyka związanego z wpływem człowieka na zmianę klimatu. Siedzibą organizacji jest Genewa. 11 M. P i e t r a ś, Globalny Problem Zmian Klimatu. Analiza Politologiczna, „Teka, Komisji Politologii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych”, 2010, nr 5, s. 28. �26 I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... zaludnionych obszarów przybrzeżnych. Zwiększy się powierzchnia obszarów suchych i półsuchych12. Jednakże sytuacja w zakresie zmian klimatycznych i ich skutków jest na tym kontynencie zróżnicowana. W Afryce Północnej, w warunkach intensyfikacji interakcji pomiędzy suszą, niedoborem wody, wzrostem liczby populacji, spadkiem produkcji żywności oraz ograniczonymi możliwościami politycznego rozwiązywania konfliktów, będzie wzrastała liczba i intensywność konfliktów. Zaś w pasie Sahelu coraz większe susze, niedobór wody i zbyt intensywna uprawa ziemi spowodują degradację gleb i mogą doprowadzić do utraty 75% ziem uprawny nawadnianych opadami. W tej strefie zmiany klimatu mogą dodatkowo obciążyć środowisko, którego charakterystyczną cechą jest funkcjonowanie wielu państw upadających. W konsekwencji możliwe jest pogłębianie się destabilizacji życia społecznego, natężenie procesów migracyjnych i konflików. Delta Nilu może być zagrożona zarówno podnoszeniem się poziomu morza, jak i zasalaniem gleby w obszarach rolniczych; w bieżącym stuleciu podnoszenie się poziomu morza może spowodować utratę 12–15% ziem uprawnych, a do roku 2050 jego skutki mogą dotknąć 5 mln osób. Już dziś zmiany klimatu mają bardzo duży wpływ na konflikt wewnątrz i wokół Darfuru13. W Rogu Afryki mniejsze opady i rosnące temperatury będą miały istotny negatywny wpływ na ten region, który jest wysoce podatny na konflikty. Z kolei w Afryce Południowej zmiany klimatu 12 Tamże; por. J. H o u g h t o n, Global Warming: The Complete Briefing, Cambridge 2009, s. 23. 13 Zmiany Klimatu a Bezpieczeństwo Międzynarodowe, Dokument Wysokiego Przedstawiciela i Komisji Europejskiej skierowany do Rady Europejskie, 14 marca 2008, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/meetdocs/2004_2009/documents/dv/sede310308climatechange_/SEDE310308climatechange_pl.pdf, [6.02.2016]. �3. Geograficzna charakterystyka Sudanu 27 mogą dodatkowo zmniejszyć potencjał gospodarczy państw, które należą do najuboższych na świecie14. 3. Geograficzna charakterystyka Sudanu Sudan do niedawna był największym krajem w Afryce, obejmującym 2,5 miliona km2. Liczba ludności szacowana była na ok. 43 mln. Kraj ten graniczył z Egiptem, Erytreą, Etiopią, Kenią, Ugandą, Demokratyczną Republiką Konga, Republiką Środkowoafrykańską, Czadem i Libią. Głównym miastem była i jest stolica – Chartum, wraz z trzema częściami składowymi – Chartumem, Chartumem Północnym i Omdurmanem15. Najbardziej charakterystyczną cechą geograficzną Sudanu jest Nil – najdłuższa rzeka świata (6671 km, czyli 4145 mil długości). Od Jeziora Wiktorii w Afryce Środkowo-Wschodniej – Górski i Biały Nil płynie na północ przez Ugandę oraz Sudan Południowy i Północny, gdzie spotyka w Chartumie Nil Błękitny wypływający z Jeziora Tana w Etiopii. Od zbiegu Białego i Błękitnego Nilu połączone rzeki nadal płyną na północ do Egiptu i do Morza Śródziemnego. Ilość opadów w Sudanie obniża się od południa aż do północy, w południowej części kraju występuje sawanna parkowa i lesista przechodząca na granicy z Demokratyczną Republiką Konga w lasy tropikalne, a w bagna Sudd w części centralnej Sudanu Południowego. Na północ zaś od nich zielona sawanna parkowa przechodzi w coraz bardziej suchą sawannę krzaczastą i sahelską, półpustynie i pustynie Sahary. Kraj jest w większości równinny, choć urozmaicają go wyżyny i górskie formacje na granicy z Ugandą, M. P i e t r a ś, art. cyt. s. 34, zob. S. M c G i n n e s s, Climate Change and The Kyoto Protocol, London 2001, s. 3. 15 Sudan: Maps, History, Geography, Government, Culture, http://www.infoplease.com/country/sudan.html, [16.02.2015]. 14 �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 28 Etiopią, nad Morzem Czerwonym i w południowym Kordofanie oraz na zachodzie w Farfurze16. Sudan Północny rozciąga się od granicy z Egiptem aż do bagien Suddu, składa się z dwóch odrębnych części: pustyni i doliny Nilu. Na wschód od rzeki leży Pustynia Nubijska, a na zachód Pustynia Libijska. Są one podobne pod względem krajobrazowym – kamienne, z piaszczystymi wydmami. Nie ma tam praktycznie żadnych opadów. Na Pustyni Nubijskiej nie ma też oaz. W zachodniej części występują wodopoje, takie jak Natrun, gdzie poziom wód gruntowych sięga powierzchni. Wodopoje te przybierają postać dołków, które dostarczają wodę na potrzeby Nomadów i patroli administracji. Są to niewystarczające źródła wody – zbyt skąpe, aby mogła osiedlać się tam ludność. Problem deficytu wody jest kluczowym problem w Sudanie. Przez pustynię przebiega Dolina Nilu. Po obu stronach rzeki, mniej więcej na szerokość dwóch kilometrów występują łęgowe pasy ziemi odpowiednie do zamieszkania i uprawy ziemi. Warunki na tym terenie zależą od powodzi występujących w ciągu roku17. Zachodni Sudan jest ogólnym terminem opisującym obszary położone na zachód od Nilu, takie jak prowincja Kordofan i przede wszystkim interesujący nas tu Darfur. Teren ten obejmuje 850 000 km2. Tradycyjnie został on uznany za jeden z wewnętrznych regionów Sudanu. Charakterystyczną cechą całego tego ogromnego obszaru jest brak zbiorników wodnych i strumieni. Ludzie i zwierzęta nie mają zapewnionych stałych źródeł wody. W związku z tym zaludnienie tego obszaru jest słabe i nierównomierne. Darfur Zachodni jest wyżynny i zdominowany przez The Geography of the Middle East, http://teachmiddleeast.lib.uchicago.edu/ foundations/geography/essay/essay-01.html, [25.06.2014]. 17 S. A l - S h a m i, Dirasat fa jughrafiat alssudan almuasalat walttatawwur alaiqtisadaa fa alssudan (Badania geograficzne Sudanu – transport i rozwój gospodarczy w Sudanie), Kair, 1959, s. 2–7. 16 �3. Geograficzna charakterystyka Sudanu 29 wulkaniczny masyw Dżabal Marra (Jabal Marrah) wznoszący się 900 m n.p.m. Jest to główny obszar wodonośny w tej części kraju, skąd pozyskuje się wody z Dżabal Marra i wykorzystuje dla potrzeb ludności. Darfur Zachodni jest przeciwieństwem północnych i wschodnich krańców Darfuru18. Występują tutaj półpustynie z niewielką ilością wody dostarczanej z okresowych rzek i strumieni znanych jako wadis lub khor albo wykopanych studni, które podczas zimowych miesięcy wysychają. W północno-zachodnim Darfurze, na pograniczu z Czadem znajduje się dość niezwykły region zwany Dżizzu (Jizzu), gdzie zimą sporadycznie występują opady z chmur przygnanych wiatrem z krajów basenu Morza Śródziemnego, co zapewnia możliwość wypasu w styczniu lub nawet w lutym. Natomiast w środkowej części Darfuru i Kordofanu, w strefie sawanny sahelskiej występuje strefa wydm utrwalonych (generalnie porośniętych roślinnością), zwana goz, charakteryzująca się w okresie deszczowym kroczącą pokrywą trawy. Można tu też spotkać zbiorniki retencyjne (hafir19), gromadzące w okresie deszczów spływającą z większego obszaru wodę. Rzeźba terenu w zachodnim Sudanie jest unikalna. W południowo-wschodniej części Kordofanu, w centrum kraju umiejscowione są Góry Nubijskie (Dżabal Nuba), wznoszące się stromo i nagle przechodzące w równinę. Wiele wzgórz występuje tu pojedynczo i rozciąga się na powierzchni zaledwie kilku kilometrów kwadratowych. Istnieje też kilka dużych wzgórz i dolin. A. d e Wa a l, Famine that kills: Darfur, Sudan, Oxford 2005, s. 36. Jest to zwykle sztuczny otwarty zbiornik przeznaczony do magazynowania wody deszczowej spływającej z większego obszaru za pośrednictwem systemu kanałów. Hafiry są zwykle budowane tam, gdzie jest z jednej strony wystarczająco dużo opadów, a z drugiej nie ma wody podziemnej. Zbiornik jest zwykle na tyle duży, aby zaspokoić potrzeby mieszkańców wsi i ich żywego inwentarza na cały sezon. Jest otoczony wałami ziemnymi i chroniony przez ogrodzenie z drutu kolczastego. 18 19 �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 30 Kolejnym ważnym regionem Sudanu jest region wydobycia gliny, wykorzystywanej w budownictwie i produkcji ceramiki. Ciągnie się on na wschód od Gór Nubijskich do granicy Etiopii, przerywa go tylko pasmo górskie Ingessana. W centralnej części kraju na równinach między Nilem Błękitnym a Białym leży Al-Dżazira (Jazirah, po arab. wyspa, a także półwysep). Jest to główny obszar uprawy bawełny w Sudanie, z której dochody stanowią ponad połowę zysku z eksportu20. Na wschód od Nilu i na północ od Chartumu, między Nilem Błękitnym a rzeką Atbara, znajduje się półpustynny, równinny obszar zwany al-Butana, dobry do wypasu bydła, owiec i kóz. Na wschód od al-Butana jest obszar geologiczny zwany Qash Delta. Była to pierwotnie depresja, która została następnie wypełniona piaskiem i mułem naniesionymi przez powódź z rzeki Qash. Obszar ten jest porośnięty murawami i korzystny dla upraw z uwagi na zaopatrzenie w wodę. Drzewa i krzewy tworzą tu dobre warunki dla wypasu wielbłądów. Występujące tu urodzajne wilgotne gleby stanowią bogactwo tego obszaru i są bardzo korzystne dla uprawy roślin, w tym także bawełny. Na północy od rzeki Qash znajdują się trudne do zamieszkania tereny. Są to obszary chłodniejsze od otaczających je terenów, różnice te widać zwłaszcza w upalne lato w Sudanie. Jest tu dużo wzgórz. Poniżej nich rozciąga się równina Morza Czerwonego o szerokości od około dwudziestu czterech kilometrów w pobliżu granicy z Egiptem do około pięćdziesięciu sześciu kilometrów na południu w pobliżu Tokar. Równina nadbrzeżna jest sucha i obejmuje nieużytki. Charakterystyczne są tu skały i rafy koralowe. W Sudanie Południowym przepływający tam Nil Biały rozlewa się tworząc największe na świecie obszary bagienne Sudd, stanowiąc A. H a g a r, Albud alsiasi li asraa algabali fi Darfur (Polityczny wymiar konfliktu plemiennego w Darfurze), Chartum 2005, s. 25–27. 20 �4. Analiza wpływu skutków zmian klimatycznych... 31 potężny kraj jezior, lagun i roślin wodnych, których obszar przekracza 30 000 km2. Jest to wielkość porównywalna przykładowo z obszarem Belgii. Wody te również tworzą teren zalewowy znany jako toic. Możliwy jest tu wypas bydła, kiedy woda wraca do stałego poziomu21. Tereny występujące na południe i na zachód od Suddu określane są Żelazną Wyżyną (Dżabal al-Hadid). Nazwa pochodzi od występujących tam gleb laterytowych. Wzdłuż strumieni wodnych rosną lasy galeriowe, które biorą początek z równikowych lasów tropikalnych i rozciągają się w głąb Demokratycznej Republiki Konga. Na wschód od Dżabal al-Hadid i Dżabal al-Bahr wznoszą się góry Imatong, Didinga i Dongoto o wysokościach do ponad 3 tys. metrów. Podnóże pasma górskiego rozciąga się wzdłuż granicy Sudanu z Ugandą. Góry te stanowią przeciwieństwo do wielkich równin na północy Sudanu, które dominują w ukształtowaniu powierzchni tego kraju22. 4. Analiza wpływu skutków zmian klimatycznych na konflikt w Darfurze Istnieje bardzo silny związek pomiędzy degradacją ziemi, pustynnieniem a konfliktem w Darfurze. Gwałtowny wzrost populacji oraz niekorzystne zmiany środowiskowe stworzyły warunki dla rozwoju konfliktu, który dodatkowo był pogłębiany przez walki polityczne, plemienne czy etniczne. Można zaobserwować na tym przykładzie w jaki sposób czynniki ekologiczne mogą powodować tragiczne w skutjach podziały społeczne. Nie ma cienia wątpliwości, że głód w latach1984–85 i związane z nim przemieszczenia Tamże, s. 21; por. S. A l - S h a m i, Alssudan dirasat jughrafia (Sudan badania geograficzne), Alexandria, s. 102. 22 Tamże, s. 21–25; zob. H. A l i, Darfur’s Political Economy: A quest for development, New York 2015. 21 �32 I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... ludności są ważnym wydarzeniem w najnowszej historii Darfuru i są powiązane z późniejszymi wydarzeniami wojennymi w tym regionie. Warto dokonać identyfikacji przyczyn i skutków takiego przebiegu zdarzeń23. Bezpośrednią przyczyną głodu w latach 1984–1985 była wyjątkowo ciężka trwająca od dwóch lat susza. Wartym zastanowienia się jest też, co ową suszę spowodowało, czy była ona skutkiem globalnego ocieplania się. Suszę lat 1983–1985 poprzedziły duże wahania klimatyczne. Miało tu miejsce cykliczne przeplatanie się lach suchych i mokrych a ten okres był trzecim z kolei tak suchym od roku 1900. Zaznaczyć należy, że od początku XX wieku każdy kolejny okres deszczowy było mniej mokry niż poprzedni. Archeologiczne dowody wskazują, że region ten podlega stopniowemu wysychaniu w ciągu wieków. We wcześniejszych okresach obszary te były bardziej dogodne dla człowieka, a obecnie są całkowicie jałowe. Są tu pozostałości starożytnych pałaców, również miały tu miejsce uprawy szeregowe, jednak teraz obszary te są zbyt suche do podtrzymywania życia. Zaghawa mają takie powiedzenie, że „świat umiera od północy”. Powiedzenie do nawiązuje do zjawiska wysuszania się ich terenów i konieczności poszukiwania terenów zielonych, dogodnych na pastwiska, na południu24. Widząc zakres przesuszonych terenów, rozprzestrzeniający się nadal, obserwując wycinanie lasów na opał, można wyciągnąć wniosek, iż również działalność człowieka przyczynia się do degradacji darfurskiego środowiska. Komisja kontynuuje zrobić tak miliony osób wysiedlonych zależeć drewna na opał i mieszkań. Ta 23 A. d e Wa a l, Is Climate Change the Culprit for Darfur?, 2007, http:// africanarguments.org/2007/06/25/is-climate-change-the-culprit-for-darfur/, [28.03.2015]. 24 Tamże; zob. M. N o t a r a s, Does Climate Change Cause Conflict?, United Nations University, 2009, http://ourworld.unu.edu/en/does-climate-change-cause-conflict, [20.03.2016]. �4. Analiza wpływu skutków zmian klimatycznych... 33 destrukcja jest bardziej konsekwencją zwichnięcia i przemieszczenia niż przyczyna tego, że jest to wskaźnik tego, jak obecny kryzys stawia dalsze obciążenie dla środowiska. Rekonstrukcja wsi Darfuru po konflikcie został rozwiązany wprowadzi dalsze ograniczenia na dostawy drewna regionu. Jeden fakt jest niezaprzeczalny – na zmiany klimatyczne i środowiskowe czynnik ludzki ma znacznie większy wpływ niż w przeszłości. Darfur jest obecnie domem dla wielu innych ludzi co nie pozostaje bez wpływu na środowisko. W 1956 roku liczba ludności wynosiła 1,3 miliona. Obecnie jest to ponad 7 mln25. Powstaje pytanie, czy zmiany klimatyczne spowodowały bezpośrednio konflikt w Darfurze? Najsilniejszym argumentem tej hipotezy byłoby to, że grupy dotknięte obniżeniem się poziomu opadów, przemieściły się na inne, bardziej wilgotne obszary regionu, a tym samym doszło do konfliktu. Migracja bywa powodowana strachem przed zubożeniem i głodem, ale nie zawsze jest wynikiem wizji rzeczywistego głodu. Ludność chce przystosować się do zmian klimatycznych, co jest kluczowym czynnikiem migracji. Przykładowo, niektórzy zamożniejsi arabscy koczownicy przemieszczają się dalej na południe nie dlatego jakoby byli zagrożeni, ale dlatego, że powoduje nimi chęć wykorzystania nowych pastwisk na tamtych terenach. Podobnie było w 1970 i 1980 roku, kiedy nastąpiło przesiedlenie na dużą skalę ludności Zaghawa. Migracja ta miała miejsce głównie podczas opadów, kiedy miały miejsce lepsze, korzystniejsze lata, a zmalała w czasie głodu. Migranci były bowiem bardzie przedsiębiorczy i gotowi do podejmowania dzialań kiedy nie byli tak mocno dotknięci biedą niż ludność w poczuciu niebezpieczeństwa, kiedy konieczne Tamże; por. M.B. B u r k e, E. M i g u e l c, S. S a t y a n a t h d, J.A. D y k e m a e, D.B. L o b e l l b, Warming increases the risk of civil war in Africa, „Pnas”, 106(2009), nr 49, http://i.unu.edu/media/ourworld.unu.edu-en/article/1129/ Warming-increases-the-risk-of-civil-war-in-Africa1.pdf, [28.03.2015]. 25 �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 34 było przemieszczanie się na południe jako ucieczka od głodu. Te przemiany w zdobywaniu środków utrzymania i użytkowania gruntów wystąpiły na skalę, która nie miała precedensu w historii Darfuru, tylko dlatego, że populacja jest teraz o wiele większa niż w przeszłości. Wszelkie zmiany tej skali mogą powodować spory i konflikty i są one nieuniknione w każdym dynamicznym społeczeństwie26. Jednak dwa względy przemawiają przeciwko przyjęciu prostej zależności przyczynowo-skutkowej w odniesieniu do gwałtownych konfliktów z ostatnich kilku lat. Jednym z nich jest przesunięcie w czasie: początkowe migracje na południe wystąpiły ponad 30 lat temu, ale problem przemocy na dużą skalę jest znacznie bardziej współczesny. W wyniku migracji etnicznie odrębne populacje znalazły się w bliskim sąsiedztwie, w okolicznościach, które łatwo mogły doprowadzić do konkurencji i roszczeń. Już w 1986 roku zauważono, że kwestia tego, kto jest właścicielem gruntu była bardzo ważna i wokół niej dochodziło do powstania wrogich postaw. Rozstrzygania kwestii własności było równie ważne dla wszystkich stron, też dla Zaghawa we wschodnim i południowym Darfurze. Było wiele punktów zapalnych powodujących nieporozumienia, ale minęło wiele lat zanim konflikt stał się gwałtowny. Ostatecznie można stwierdzić, że czynniki, które doprowadziły do wybuchu przemocy były kombinacją manipulacji politycznej i militaryzacji administracji wiejskiej27. Drugim czynnikiem jest to, że są inne migracje charakteryzujące się przemocą. To była migracja z Czadu do Darfuru, jak i migracje innych Arabów z koczowniczych grup arabskich z dalszego zachoTamże; zob. C. H a v e, Africa and Climate Change, United Nations University, 2008, http://ourworld.unu.edu/en/africa-and-climate-change/, [28.03.2015]. 27 Tamże; zob. C. We b e r s i k, What Will Climate Change Mean for Human Security?, University of Agder, 2010, http://ourworld.unu.edu/en/what-will-climate-change-mean-for-human-security, [8.02.2016]. 26 �4. Analiza wpływu skutków zmian klimatycznych... 35 du. Pierwsze wojny w Darfurze (w latach 1987–1989 i 1994–1998) były bezpośrednio spowodowane przez napływ pasterzy wielbłądów z Czadu. Dobrze uzbrojeni i zazwyczaj nie zważający na darfurskie tradycje byli odpowiedzialni za nadmiar przemocy. Przybyli oni ze względów politycznych, a nie ekologicznych czy klimatycznych. Dziś można usłyszeć, że wielu przesiedleńców liderów społeczności w Darfurze twierdzi, że mogą znaleźć sposobu na zgodne życie razem z historycznymi darfurskimi Arabami, a będzie trudniej to zrobić z nowo przybyłymi28. Powodem, dla którego migracje doprowadziły do przemocy był zły rząd. Kolejne rządy doprowadziły do upadku jedynej formę lokalnego systemu administracyjnego i sądowego, tzw native administracja i nie zastąpiły jej niczym innym. Kryzys udałoby się powstrzymać tworząc bezstronne struktury państwowych, ale nie poprzez wspieranie bojówek i zbrojne kontrolowania Darfuru, bo to jedynie zaostrza problem. Jak wspomniano wczesniej, wielu członków tych milicji nie bylo pochodzenia sudańskiego. To co najbardziej potrzebne Darfurowi od 1970 roku, to taka forma rządów, przy której można by zaradzić problemom wynikającym z konieczności adaptacji Darfuru do ich zmieniającego się środowiska. Potrzebne są instytucje do zapobiegania i rozwiązywania konfliktów, w celu zapewnienia efektywnego gospodarowania zasobami naturalnymi, oraz w celu zapewnienia, że środki na rozwój zostały wykorzystane sprawiedliwie i w sposób zrównoważony. Jednak, to czego Darfur doświadcza to było coś wręcz przeciwnego. Kolejne rządy nie wykazywały żadnego zainteresowania dobrem ludzi i zadbaniem o bezpieczeństwo, a niezadowolenie starały się tłumić poprzez manipulację i represji. J. Tu b i a n a, The Chad-Sudan Proxy War and the ‘Darfurization’ of Chad: Myths and Reality, Small Arms Survey, HSBA Working Paper,Geneva, Switzerland, 2007 r., http://tamlyn-serpa.com/images/Chad_Sudan.pdf, [18.02.2016]. 28 �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 36 5. Położenie geograficzne, klimat i degradacja ekologiczna w Darfurze Region Darfuru leży na dalekim zachodzie Sudanu, rozciąga się od 16 do 10 stopnia szerokości geograficznej północnej i od 22 do 27 stopnia długości geograficznej wschodniej, osiągając łączną powierzchnię 549 000 km2. Jego zachodnia granica stanowi zarazem granicę Sudanu z Czadem i Republiką Środkowoafrykańską. Szacunkowa liczba ludności wynosi ponad 7 mln osób. Warunki klimatyczne i przyrodnicze w Darfurze Północnym są podobne do pasa ekologicznego sawanny suchej będącej częścią strefy Sahelu w Afryce, wyróżniającego się pod względem przyrodniczym i topograficznym. Sahel (w języku arabskim „wybrzeże”) to wąskie pasmo przejściowe między pustynią a sawanną drzewiastą, które rozciąga się na całej szerokości Afryki, od Senegalu na zachodzie do Morza Czerwonego w Sudanie na wschodzie. Sahel posiada klimat półsuchy, gdzie pora sucha trwa osiem do jedenastu miesięcy w roku, a w jego krajobrazie wyróżniają się baobaby, drzewa akacjowe i rzadkie pokrywy traw ukształtowane w okresie ostatniego półwiecza. Teren ten podlega nadmiernej erozji gleby spowodowanej zarówno naturalnymi fluktuacjami klimatycznymi, jak i nadmiernym wypasem i rolnictwem29. Górski obszar wulkaniczny Dżabal Marra, położony w centralnej części regionu z najwyższym szczytem o wysokości 3071 metrów n.p.m., obejmuje powierzchnię tysiąca metrów kwadratowych. Oddziela obszary górskie na zachodzie od nisko położonych obszarów na wschodzie. Podczas gdy zachodnie regiony charakteryzują się podatnością gleb na erozję, wschodnie obszary są pokryte grubą glebą piaszczystych wydm utrwalonych goz. Według badań naukoH. P o r t o, Alathar albiyiyat lilhrub walnnizaeat (Skutki środowiskowe wojen i konfliktów), http://www.afedmag.com/web/ala3dadAlSabiaSections-details. aspx?id=512&issue=&type=2&cat=[19.05.2014]. 29 �5. Położenie geograficzne, klimat i degradacja ekologiczna... 37 wych, gleby z podnóża Dżabal Marra pokryte są grubą warstwą osadowego popiołu wulkanicznego, który jest bardzo dogodny do upraw rolniczych, ale ma jednocześnie duże skłonności do erozji i tworzenia głębokich wąwozów. Ludzie z grupy etnicznej Fur zajmowali się przez całe wieki uprawami tych ziem30. W północnej i południowej części regionu panuje gorący i suchy klimat, a w południowej dodatkowo pustynny. Suche, bardzo ciężkie powietrze uniemożliwia nawet prawidłowy wzrost drzew, a tym samym powoduje poważny niedostatek wody w północnym Darfurze i przyczynia się do narastającego problemu ekologicznego na tym obszarze. Jeżeli przyjrzymy się mapom pokazującym poziom opadów w tym regionie Sudanu, to w obszarze Dżabal Marra (wyspie wody deszczowej) poziom ten wynosi od 600 do 1000 mm rocznie. Jest to poziom wystarczający do uprawy ziemi bez sztucznego nawadniania. Dla porównania, na sąsiednich nizinach średnie opady roczne wynoszą w granicach od 200 do 500 mm. Deszcz w porze deszczowej zaczyna padać w kwietniu, a kończy w październiku. Oba te obszary – wilgotny i suchy – charakteryzują się dużą zmiennością opadów w dwóch wymiarach: przestrzennym i czasowym. W sierpniu spada połowa z rocznych średnich opadów, z czego jedna czwarta opadów rocznych spada zaledwie w ciągu pięciu dni31. Sposoby użytkowania gruntów w przeszłości były dostosowane do tych ogromnych wahań poziomu opadów. Ale duży wzrost liczby ludności, wielkości gospodarstw, wykorzystania zwierząt gospodarskich, rozbudowy mechanizacji rolnictwa w ciągu ostatnich czterech dekad spowodowały, że wszystkie regiony stały się podatne na M. S u l i m a n, Civil war in the Sudan: From ethnic to ecological conflict, „The Ecologist”, 23(1993), nr 3. 31 S. A w o k, E. M o h a m e d, H. Ta h i r, Prospects of Community Forestry in Jebel Marra Area, Greater Darfur State, Sudan, „Journal of Natural Resources and Environmental Studies”, 1–2(2013), s. 19–24. 30 �38 I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... degradację ekosystemów na bardzo szeroką skalę. Środowisko tego regionu jest wyniszczane z wielu powodów: prowadzonych starć zbrojnych, trwających krwawych konfliktów, zachodzących zmian klimatycznych i innych działań niszczących środowisko naturalne32. 1.5. Degradacja ekologiczna jako przyczyna konfliktu w Darfurze Najnowsze badania wskazały, że degradacja ekologiczna może działać jako przyczyna występowania przemocy. Większość badań i doniesień medialnych na temat przyczyn obecnego konfliktu w Darfurze jest zogniskowana na ekologicznej degradacji i etniczności. Wydłużony okres suszy, a tym samym powiększenie się terenów pustynnych, spowodowały przemieszczenie się północnych plemion Darfuru na jego południowe tereny. Te północno-południowe ruchy grup koczowniczych są obwiniane za intensyfikację zubożenia lokalnych zasobów naturalnych, a w konsekwencji konfrontacje rolników miejscowych z rolnikami osiadłymi w wyniku przemieszczenia. Należy zauważyć, że konkurencja pomiędzy tymi dwoma grupami rolników była kluczowym powodem występowania konfliktów na terenie Darfuru w ciągu ostatnich kilku dziesięcioleci. Pierwszy taki konflikt odnotowany został w historii Darfuru w 1932 roku pomiędzy plemionami Kababish a Berti oraz Kawahla a Medoub. W ostatnich trzech dekadach Darfur był miejscem co najmniej 40 podobnych konfliktów33. Chociaż argument o degradacji środowiska jest ważny w przypadku plemiennych konfliktów i sporów, to jednak nie jest wy32 M. A b d u l - J a l i l, The dynamics of customary land tenure and natural resource management in Darfur, „Land Reform”, 2006, nr 2, s. 9–23. 33 E.S.M. A t e e m, The root causes of conflicts in Sudan and the making of the Darfur tragedy, conflict prevention and development co-operation in Africa: a policy workshop, NEPAD & regional integration division United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, s. 12. �5. Położenie geograficzne, klimat i degradacja ekologiczna... 39 starczający, by wyjaśnić powody obecnego konfliktu w tym regionie. Ograniczenia w rozwiązywaniu tego konfliktu, trudności ze znalezieniem odpowiednich mechanizmów do opanowania obecnej sytuacji wskazują na przyczyny bardziej techniczne niż ekonomiczne czy polityczne. W takim przypadku istotne problemy gospodarcze, państwowe i polityczne zostały pominięte. Pozostało jednak ważne pytanie związane z zasobami naturalnymi Darfuru w zakresie ziemi, pastwisk i wody34. Wielu innych badaczy wskazuje, że konflikt ten jest typowym konfliktem etnicznym o podłożu rasowym pomiędzy Afrykanami a Arabami35. Istnieje jednak wiele przesłanek i faktów budzących wątpliwości co do prawdziwości tej tezy. Po pierwsze, historycznie różne grupy etniczne zamieszkujące terytorium Darfuru, mimo posiadanych na swój temat stereotypów i uprzedzeń zazwyczaj żyły w pokoju, a pochodzenie etniczne, czy też rasowe, dopiero od niedawno stało się czynnikiem konfliktów na większą skalę. Przykłady to: konflikt między Ma’alia a Rezeigat w 1968 roku, czy konflikt między Arabami Abbala (np. Rezeigat) północnego Darfuru i Beni Halba z Południowego Darfuru, konflikt między Ta’aisha a Salamat oraz konflikt między Gimir i Fellata. Wszystkie one miały miejsce w 1970 roku. Aby potwierdzić tę tezę, zbadano 40 konfliktów plemiennych i sporów, które zaszły w regionie Darfuru w latach 1970–2000. Wyniki przedstawiono na wykresie 1, które wyraźnie wskazują, że w latach 1970–2000, konflikty i spory między samymi Arabami (tzn. różnymi plemionami arabskimi) były dominujące w regionie Darfur i stanowiły ok. 49% ogólnej liczby wszystkich konfliktów, a konflikty pomiędzy grupami etnicznymi afrykańskiego pochodzenia i plemionami pochodzenia arabskiego M. S u l i m a n, Resource access: a major cause of armed conflict in the Sudan: the case of the Nuba mountains, Washington 1989, s. 10–14. 35 K. F u k u i, J. M a r k a k i s, Ethnicity and conflict in Horn of Africa, London – Athens 1994, s. 40–45. 34 �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 40 stanowiły zaledwie ok. 31% wszystkich konfliktów. Co więcej, konfliktów pomiędzy samymi afrykańskimi plemionami i grupami etnicznymi było około 20% wszystkich konfliktów36. Wykres 1. Natura plemiennych konfliktów i sporów w regionie Darfur w latach 1970–2000 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% AFR/ARA ARA/ARA AFR/AFR Źródło: Eltigani Seisi M. Ateem: Conflict prevention and development co-operation in Africa: a Policy workshop, United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, s. 13. Jak wskazał Victor Tanner37, granice etniczne w Darfurze są płynne i elastyczne z trzech głównych powodów38: Y.S. Ta k a n a, Report on the tribal conflict in Darfur, Khartoum 1997, s. 25–30. 37 Victor Tanner współpracował z populacjami dotkniętymi wojną w Afryce, na Bliskim Wschodzie i na Bałkanach, zarówno jako pracownik pomocy i badacz, od ponad dwudziestu lat. W 1988 roku mieszkał i pracował w Darfurze, a od 2002 roku prowadzi badania terenowe na temat lokalnej dynamiki społecznych i politycznych w konfliktów w Darfurze, odwiedzając wiele części Darfuru i wschodniego Czadu. 38 V. Ta n n e r, Rule of lawlessness: Roots & repercussions of the Darfur crisis, Inter Agency Report, The Sudan Advocacy Coalition, 2005, s. 13. 36 �5. Położenie geograficzne, klimat i degradacja ekologiczna... 41 – Mieszkańcy Darfuru mają silne poczucie tożsamości „bycia Darfurczykami”. – Istnieje długa historia współpracy politycznej, gospodarczej i społecznej ludów Darfuru w przeszłości tworzących własne państwo. – Mniejsze grupy z czasem łączyły się w większe i ten proces asymilacji dominujących grup nadal trwa. Ponadto trwają również starcia między niektórymi plemionami arabskimi w południowym Darfurze, a w największym stopniu pomiędzy Arabami Aballa i plemieniem Tarjam, z których oba były inicjatorami powstania milicji dżandżawidów. Znacząca jest też konfrontacja między Arabami Abbala (hodowcy wielbłądów) a Arabami z grup Baggara (pasterze bydła) w zachodnim Darfurze, co ostatecznie powinno obalić pogląd, że konflikt ma charakter etniczny. Określenie charakteru konfliktu wiąże się też z oceną reakcji i interwencji politycznej w rozwiązanie konfliktu i utrzymanie pokoju. Z uwagi na działania, jakie stosuje ONZ i AU w rozmowach pokojowych, można uznać polityczny charakter tego konfliktu39. Należy wskazać, że natura plemiennych konfliktów w regionie Darfuru przechodzi z poziomu konfliktów o niskiej intensywności do bardziej typowych konfliktów etnicznych o średniej lub wysokiej intensywności. To zjawisko powstawania konfliktów na terenie Darfuru jest nowe. Prawdopodobnie pierwszy konflikt, który został zidentyfikowany jako etniczny, miał miejsce w 1987 roku. Ale nawet wtedy duże plemiona arabskie Południowego Darfuru nie były stroną konfliktu. W tym zakresie Rex Seán O’Fahey40 wskazuje, E.S.M. A t e e m, The root causes of conflicts in Sudan..., dz. cyt., s. 14; zob. S. Wa g n e r, Understanding complexity in Darfur: Implications for U.S. foreign policy, Ohio 2008. 40 R. O ’ Fa h e y, UNICEF, 2003. 39 �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 42 że etnizacja konfliktu postępuje od momentu dojścia do władzy obecnego rządu wywodzącego się z Islamskiego Frontu Narodowego (National Islamic Front, NIF), który jest nie tylko islamski, ale także i arabski, poprzez zamach stanu w 1989 roku. Kolejne etapy konfliktów podzielono na dwa okresy. Okres 1970–1989 to nasilenie konfliktów pomiędzy plemionami arabskimi a plemionami pochodzenia afrykańskiego. Natomiast okres 1990–2000 wskazuje na jeszcze większą intensyfikację, w porównaniu do poprzedniego okresu, powstawania nowych konfliktów między grupami pochodzenia afrykańskiego a plemionami arabskimi. Wskaźnik ten jest większy o 170%41. Jest prawdą, że zachodząca w Darfurze degradacja ekologiczna w wyniku ruchów grup koczowniczych, nadmierny wypas, konkurencja o zasoby naturalnepodsycały przyczyny kolejnych konfliktów i sporów między nomadami a rolnikami, jednak wyobrażenie, że czynniki te były głównymi przyczynami obecnego konfliktu w Darfurze, jest nieprawdziwe. Podobnie jak wyjaśnienie obecnego konfliktu konkurencyjnością zasobów naturalnych i pochodzeniem etnicznym. W ten sposób pomniejsza się znaczenie politycznych i społeczno-gospodarczych problemów kraju i osłabia zdolność do zajęcia się najważniejszymi przyczynami konfliktu. Poza tym przedstawianie konfliktu w ten sposób wobec społeczności międzynarodowej spowodowało spóźnioną reakcję i pomoc humanitarną42. Dlatego za główną przyczynę uznałem w niniejszej pracy marginalizację gospodarczą oraz polityczną regionu, a nie akumulację etnicznych sporów między plemionami arabskimi a tutejszymi ludami pochodzenia rdzennie afrykańskiego o zasoby – głównie ziemię i wodę. 41 42 E.S.M. A t e e m, The root causes of conflicts in Sudan..., dz. cyt., s. 15. Tamże, s. 16. �6. Geograficzna specyfika Darfuru 43 6. Geograficzna specyfika Darfuru Pod względem geograficznym można podzielić Darfur na cztery główne obszary: północny obszar półpustynny, Dolina Ozum, południowe równiny gliniaste i obszar wokół Dżabal Marra. Północny obszar półpustynny Obszar ten składa się ze stoków i gór oraz rozpościerających się dolin, rosną tu drzewa i krzewy, które zapewniają dobre miejsca na pastwiska. Średnia liczba opadów deszczu na tym obszarze jest mniejsza niż 10 mm w roku, co wystarcza do nawadniania pastwisk, ale nie wystarcza do nawadniania upraw. W północno-wschodniej części tego obszaru znajduje się góra Midob, pośród innych wzgórz wulkanicznych, pierwotnie oddzielonych od siebie przez kilka małych dolin. Wysokość góry Midob to około 1829 m. Żyją tam grupy ludów koczowniczych lub półkoczowniczych, ich utrzymanie zależy przede wszystkim od hodowli wielbłądów. Przemieszczają się na południe, aż do wielkich dolin w Darfurze Zachodnim, takich jak Dolina Ozum i Wadi Barry, gdzie woda jest dostępna w porze suchej. Przebywają również na północy, w regionie piaszczystych gleb, gdzie po deszczu w obszarze zwanym Al-Dżadzu pojawia się trawa, która pozostaje zielona aż do grudnia i nadaje się do wypasu wielbłądów bez potrzeby posiadania dodatkowej wody43. Ziemia zamieszkana przez Fur Leży ona między 14,30 a 12 stopniem szerokości geograficznej na północy. Ludność w tym regionie prowadzi stabilne życie oparte na pracy w rolnictwie. Na tych terenach średnia opadów to 12 mm na rok. Podobnie jak i w zachodniej części Dżabal Marra, występuje Tamże; por. O. S u l i m a n, The Darfur Conflict: Geography or Institutions?, Taylor & Francis 2010, s. 120–142. 43 �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 44 tu wiele nawodnionych dolin zapewniających stałe źródła wody. Obszar ten jest jednym z największych terenów zamieszkanych przez plemiona Fur. Ludność ta osiedlona jest w wioskach wzdłuż brzegu doliny, a najważniejsze doliny w obszarach Fur to dolina sezonowej rzeki Ozum, która zasilana jest przez wiele strumieni okresowych niedaleko miasto Zalingei, około 50 km na zachód od Dżabal Marra44. Dolina rozciąga się na około 50 km, następnie spotyka się z doliną rzeki Barry w Mornei, po czym 600 km dalej obie rzeki wpadają razem do jeziora Czad. Dolina Ozum zwykle wypełnia się wodą w porze deszczowej pomiędzy kwietniem a wrześniem. Po ustaniu deszczy, powoli wysycha w styczniu, a woda staje się płytka na głębokość mniejszą niż 0,9 m. Dostępność do wody jest prawdopodobnie jedną z najważniejszych przyczyn obecnego konfliktu w Darfurze pomiędzy półkoczowniczymi grupami półpustyni na północy a osiadłymi plemionami rolniczymi zamieszkującymi żyzne tereny w centralnej części Darfuru45. Południowe gliniaste równiny Rozciągają się one od 12 do 10 stopnia szerokości geograficznej północnej, na południu do granic prowincji Bahr al-Ghazal. Region ten pokryty jest w większości przez gęste krzewy rosnące na gliniastych glebach. Charakteryzuje się dużą ilością opadów do 500 mm rocznie. Żyją tu pasterskie plemiona Baggara, które spędzają zimę na obrzeżu Bahr al-Ghazal, a następnie w porze deszczowej wędrują ze swoim bydłem na północ do ziemi Fur, co jest kolejnym powodem starć między rolnikami oraz plemionami Fur i Baggala46. M. M o h a m m a d e e n, H. A h m e d, Alagaleem aljafaa (Suche regiony), Riyadh 1985, s. 124–130. 45 Tamże. 46 Tamże; zob. także: J. Va i l, Jebel Marra, a dormant volcano in Darfur Province, Western Sudan, „Bulletin Volcanologique”, 36(1972), z. 1, s. 251–265. 44 �6. Geograficzna specyfika Darfuru 45 Część centralna Dżabal Marra Masyw górski Dżabal Marra dzieli region na dwie połowy. Stanowi on granicę między zlewniami Nilu i jeziora Czad. Południowy Darfur leży w strefie objętej wpływem trzech różnych klimatów z temperaturami w okresie od marca do września o średniej pomiędzy 30°C a 40°C, a od października do listopada pomiędzy 16°C a 25°C. Klimaty, pod których wpływem znajduje się omawiany obszar, są to47. Klimat zalewowy Panuje on w strefie Dżabal Marra. Obejmuje obszar północno-zachodni tego regionu, który charakteryzuje się dużą żyznością gleby dzięki mułom spływającym z Dżabal Marra w wyniku powodzi. Klimat ten jest podobny do klimatu śródziemnomorskiego. Klimat ubogich sawann Obejmuje on północno-wschodnią część regionu i północną część od miejscowości Adila i Daein oraz miejscowości Shearia, Ed Alfursan, Rhid Albardi i Nijala. Charakteryzuje się tym, iż poziom opadów sprzyja uprawom zróżnicowanej roślinności, jak również utrzymaniu pastwisk, wykorzystywanych do hodowli zwierząt. Jest tu pozyskiwana także guma arabska. Inna cecha tego regionu to obecność wielu dzikich zwierząt48. Klimat bogatych sawann Obejmuje on południowe części regionu od miejscowości Daein, Ed Alfursan, Rhid Albardi i Nijala oraz Bram. Ta strefa charakteryzuje się tym, że zapewnione są zasoby naturalne do produkcji Tamże; zob. J. B i e l a w s k i, Mały słownik kultury świata arabskiego, Warszawa 1971, s. 464. 48 Tamże; por. M. A l - G a s a s, Altasahur: tadahor al-aradi fi al-manatik al-jafaa (Pustynnienie: degradacja ziemi w suchych regionach), Kuwejt 1999. 47 �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 46 rolnej i hodowli zwierząt gospodarskich. Większość ludności w tej strefie zajmuje się wypasem zwierząt, pomimo obecności gruntów rolnych rozciągających się w Goz Dnico. Region ten znany jest ze stawów i dużej ilości ryb, a także z upraw, w tym ryżu. Jest tu też park Alrdom położony w południowej części. Jest to teren zasobny w rudy miedzi i inne minerały oraz wody podziemne. Pod względem ukształtowania to równiny, doliny i wzgórza, wydmy i góry, w tym także góry Dżabal Marra49. 7. Znaczenie zasobów wodnych, gleb i gruntów rolnych w regionie Darfuru Za wyjątkiem niewielkiego obszaru w północno-wschodnim Sudanie, cały kraj jest zlewiskiem Nilu, najdłuższej rzeki świata i jego dwóch głównych dopływów, Nilu Błękitnego (Al-Bahr al-Azraq) i Nilu Białego (Al-Bahr al-Abyad). Znaczenie Nilu rozciągającego się od Afryki Środkowej do Morza Śródziemnego na długości 6737 km było podkreślane już od czasów biblijnych. W Sudanie od wieków jest rzeką mającą duży wpływ na życie ludzi50. Nil Błękitny płynie z Etiopii przez wyżynę, aby spotkać Nil Biały w Chartumie. Nil Błękitny jest mniejszym z tych dwóch dopływów. Jego przepływy stanowią 1/6 całkowitego przepływu rzeki. W sierpniu jednak deszcze w Etiopii powodują, że wyżyna zaczyna namakać. Zostało skonstruowanych kilka zapór w celu regulowania przepływu rzeki – w Roseires Dam (Ar-Rusayris), około 100 kilometrów od granicy Etiopii, w Meina al-Mak Dam i największa w Sannar Dam, zbudowana w 1925 roku. Nil Błękitny Tamże; zob. M. A l - N a h a a s, Azmat Farfur: Bidaitha wa tatowrha (Kryzys w Darfurze: Początek kryzysu i jego ewolucji), http://meshkat.net/node/14370, [27.02.2013]. 50 Tamże; zob. Scarce water the root cause of Darfur conflict?, http://www. finalcall.com/artman/publish/World_News_3/article_6808.shtml, [16.06.2014]. 49 �7. Znaczenie zasobów wodnych, gleb i gruntów rolnych... 47 ma dwa dopływy – Dindar i Rahad. Najwięcej wody odprowadzają one do Nilu Błękitnego, zwłaszcza w porze deszczowej. Nil Biały płynie na północ ze środkowej Afryki, Jeziora Wiktorii i przez tereny Ugandy. Rzeka nie ma dobrze wykształconego koryta, woda płynie wolno poprzez labirynt małych dopływów i jezior, których brzegi porośnięte są papirusem i trzciną. Dużo wody rzeka traci przez parowanie. Aby zapewnić sprawny transport wodny w tym regionie i odpowiednią prędkość przepływu rzeki, a przy tym zmniejszyć jej parowanie, z francuską pomocą rozpoczęto budowę Kanału Dżunkali (Jonglei vel Junqali Canal) z Bor w górę rzeki do Malakal. Budowa jednak została zawieszona w 1984 roku z powodu wybuchu wojny domowej na południu Sudanu i niemożności zapewnienia tam bezpieczeństwa51. W przypadku Darfuru na jego zasoby wodne składają się zarówno wody powierzchniowe, jak i podziemne. Na stan tych wód wpływa wysokość opadów zawierająca się pomiędzy 200 a 1000 mm rocznie. Ponad 344 mln metrów sześciennych rocznie marnuje się albo jest wykorzystywane w bardzo wąskim zakresie. Najważniejszym źródłem wody podziemnej jest dorzecze Baggara, które znajduje się 80 kilometrów na południe od miasta Nijala i ma szacowaną pojemność magazynową około 1000 miliardów metrów sześciennych52. Oprócz opadów, zasoby wodne w Darfurze obejmują rzeki okresowe wadi i wody podziemne. Istnieją w Darfurze dwa wadi zidentyfikowane w Darfurze Północnym i dziewięć w Darfurze Południowym. Wody z wadi są zbierane przy pomocy zapór i wykorzystywane przez ludzi i zwierzęta gospodarskie, jednak istnieją 51 Tamże; zob. S. M o h a m e d - A l i, S. L u s t e r-Te a s l e y, E. N z e w i, Water Resources in Sudan: Enhancing Rainfall Harvesting Methods for Water Supply, World Environmental and Water Resources Congress 2009, s. 1–11. 52 Tamże. M. E l - B u s h r a, Al-sraa ala almawareed: Abaadhi al almia wa aliglimyia wa almalyia (Konflikt o zasoby: globalne, regionalne i lokalne wymiary), Khartoum 2005, s. 15. �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 48 ograniczenia w możliwościach pozyskiwania tej wody. Jest tu też duży potencjał wód podziemnych, mogących służyć do nawadniania. Problemy z wodą w Darfurze wynikają jednak z niedostatecznej oceny zasobów tej wody, niewystarczającego finansowania tej dziedziny oraz z charakteru piaszczystej gleby sprzyjającej parowaniu, co ogranicza możliwość zbierania wody, poza geomorfologicznymi zmianami spowodowanymi przez cykliczne susze. Pomimo tych ograniczeń, realizacja programu „Woda dla Darfuru 2000–2004” przynosi pozytywne efekty i znaczne postępy53. Tabela 1. Podział Sudanu w oparciu o klimat i rozmieszczenie obszarów geograficznych Region Pustynia Półpustynia Średnie roczne % powierzchni opady w mm Sudanu 0–75 26,9 75–300 18,4 Sawanna piaszczysta o niewielkim deszczu 300–400 9,8 Sawanna błotnista z niewielkim deszczem 400–900 17,4 Sawanna z ulewnym deszczem 800–1300 10,6 Strefa powodziowa 800–1300 11,6 Różne 5,4 Różne obszary górskie Źródło: M. El-Bushra, Al-sraa ala almawareed: Abaadhi al almia wa aliglimyia wa almalyia (Konflikt o zasoby: globalne, regionalne i lokalne wymiary), Khartoum 2005, s. 31. Główną przyczyną niedoboru wody w wielu częściach regionu Darfuru jest spadek poziomu opadów. Zapisy opadów pokazują spadek o 50% od 1917 roku. Mniejszy poziom opadów deszczu spowodował również opad poziomu wód gruntowych z powodu nieregularnego uzupełniania zasobów wodnych. W ciągu 1960 Tamże; por. M. E l - B u s h r a, O. E l - S a y e d, O. Ta h a, A model for the distribution of waters of international rivers among sharing countries, „Sudan Notes & Records”, 2000, nr 4, s. 159–171. 53 �7. Znaczenie zasobów wodnych, gleb i gruntów rolnych... 49 roku wykrywalność wilgoci w glebie jest odnotowana na głębokości dwóch metrów w głąb w porze suchej. Natomiast pod koniec 1980 roku zauważono, że ziemia pozostaje sucha do głębokości pięciu metrów. Nieznane dotąd burze piaskowe stały się powszechne. Sani Karaw płynąca na południowy wschód od El Fshirr była podziemną rzeką, z której można było wiadrem pobierać wodę wypływająca na powierzchnię ziemi poprzez rozpadlinę. Przez wieki Sani była głównym źródłem wody dla miejscowej ludności. Niestety pod koniec 1960 roku podziemna rzeka całkowicie wyschła i pokryta została piaskami, zresztą jak większość naturalnych stawów54. Niedobór wód powierzchniowych i podziemnych, zwłaszcza w północnej części regionu spowodowało znaczne zmniejszenie obszarów łąk, traw i lasów. Mieszkańcy zostali zmuszeni do porzucenia swoich ziem i przeniesienia się do lepiej nawodnionych obszarów na południu. Sytuacja ta spowodowała przemieszczanie się ludności. Dobrze uzbrojeni pół koczownicy pasterscy starając się zapewnić przetrwanie swoim osadom, byli w konflikcie z osiedlonymi rolnikami. Ostatni przesiedleni pasterze zostali wysiedleni na południe w rejony dzielnicy JebelMarra. Wielowiekowa tradycja regulująca trasy pasterzy północ-południe w chwili obecnej została osłabiona lub całkowicie nie jest przestrzegana. Istnieją jednak rozwiązania poroblemu niedoboru wody. Eksperci twierdzą, że woda pochodząca z wysokich obszarów centralnej wyżyny, może zapewnić bezpieczeństwo wodne dla regionu, pod warunkiem iż zarządzanie nią bedzie starannie planowane, a następnie przestrzegane55. Podejmuje się także działania w celu gromadzenia wody, przechwytywanie jej oraz skierowanie jej strumienia do obszarów uprawTamże; zob. B. O s m a n E l a s h a, A. E l S a n j a k, Global Climate Changes: Impacts on Water Resources and Human Security in Africa, Addis Ababa 2006, s. 27–36. 55 M.E. A d a m, Some aspects of the environmental problems in Darfur, Oxford 2015, s. 4. 54 �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 50 nych, lasów i pastwisk. Um Dafoug w południowo-zachodniej części regionu jest jednym z przykładów. Obszar spływu wody jest blokowany poprzez tamy, co powoduje, że w studniach woda jest dostępna przez kilka miesięcy dla większości mieszkańców pól uprawnych. Innym użytecznym źródłem są wody kopalne. Niektórzy autorzy potwierdzili istnienie podziemnego jeziora na północy Darfuru, które obejmuje 20 000 km2. Wcześniejsze próby doprowadzenia wody do kranów z zasobów kopalnianych z głębokości 700 stóp (czyli ok. 213 m) do nawadniania SAQ El Naam systemu rolnego w pobliżu El Fashirr za pomocą pomp benzynowych nie powiodła się z powodu wysokich kosztów paliwa. Ilość wód kopalnianych w SAQ El Naam szacuje się na ponad 10-krotnie większą od pojemności jeziora Nassera-Nubii na granicy Sudanu i Egiptu. W dzisiejszych czasach nie powinno być trudno wykorzystać tak głęboko leżącą wodę za pomocą pomp zasilanych energią słoneczną. Skutecznym sposobem dla zwiększenia opadów, chociaz bardzo dyskusyjnym, jest tworzenie chmur opadowych. Wiele krajów, przykładowo Chiny, stosuje metodę tworzenia chmur i stymulowania opadów do spłukiwania zanieczyszczeń z atmosfery, a nawet do walki z wichurami. Ta metoda zaleca jednak wstępne próby oceny przydatności tej metody do warunków klimatycznych w danym regionie. Jeśli próby odniosą sukces, minie długi czas w łagodzeniu niedoboru wód powierzchniowych, stopniowe przywracanie pokrywy roślinnej oraz uzupełnianie podziemnych zasobów wodnych. Isnieje możliwość, iż konflikty pasterzy zmuszonych do walk o zasoby wodne zostaną znacznie ograniczone56. Gleby Gleby występujące w Sudanie można podzielić na trzy kategorie, uwzględniając położenie geograficzne terenów, na których wystę56 Tamże. �7. Znaczenie zasobów wodnych, gleb i gruntów rolnych... 51 pują. Można zatem wyróżnić: piaszczyste gleby północnej, zachodniej i środkowej części kraju, gleby z zawartością gliny w regionie centralnym i wreszcie gleby laterytowe na południu. Jest jeszcze czwarta grupa, wprawdzie o wiele mniej powszechna, ale o dużym znaczeniu gospodarczym. Są to gleby łęgowe występujące wzdłuż Nilu, w delcie rzeki Qash w Kassala, a także w Baraka Delta w Tokar w pobliżu Morza Czerwonego57. Rolniczo najważniejsze są gleby iłowe w centralnym Sudanie, które rozciągają się od zachodu Kassala przez al-Aswat i południowy Kordofan. Znane są one jako pękające gleby ze względu na ich właściwości, umożliwiające im po suchych miesiącach przywrócenie przepuszczalności. Na wschód od Białego Nilu napotkać można duże obszary, które są wykorzystywane do automatycznego nawadniania upraw. Na zachód od Białego Nilu gleby te są wykorzystywane na tradycyjne uprawy, takie jak: sorgo, sezam, orzeszki ziemne, a także (w okolicy Gór Nubijskich) bawełnę. Teren z glebą zawierającą gliny leży na szerokiej równinie zalewowej w górnym biegu Nilu wraz z dopływami, obejmuje większość Aali, jeden Nil i górną Bahr al-Ghazal. Obszar ten znajduje się w strefie intensywnych opadów podczas pory deszczowej. Równina zalewowa jest przez cztery do sześciu miesięcy dużym obszarem bagiennym. Podobnie jak Sudd, który wraz z przyległymi obszarami jest zalewany przez jeden lub dwa miesiące. Z tego powodu słabo nadaje się do produkcji roślinnej, ale trawy podczas suchych okresów są wykorzystywane do wypasu58. 57 Tamże, s. 22–23; zob. Darfur. Geografia i ludność, oprac. O. Zin El Abidin, www.ashorooq.net/index.php?option=com_content&view=article& id=1958:2009-08-08-15-23-29&catid=41:2008-07-30-07-11-08&Itemid=33, [16.05.2013]. 58 Tamże; por. Central Intelligence Agency, CIA, The World Factbook, Sudan. https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/su.html [14.01.2013]. �52 I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... Na piaszczystych glebach w obszarach półsuchych w północnym Darfurze jest roślinność wykorzystywana do wypasu. Hodowla zwierząt gospodarskich jest tu podstawą działalności mieszkańców, ale występuje też produkcja roślinna, głównie prosa. Uprawia się również orzeszki ziemne i sezam. Piaski goz są głównym obszarem, z którego pochodzi guma arabska uzyskiwana poprzez nacinanie i zbieranie żywicy z drzew akacji senegalskiej (Acacia senegal, znanych lokalnie jako hashab). To drzewo ma dogodne warunki dla wzrostu w tym regionie. W regionie gleb laterytowych występują też rozległe wilgotne lasy. Produkcja roślinna jest tu rozproszona, a gleba, gdzie są uprawy, traci swą płodność stosunkowo szybko, co dzieje się nawet w tych bogatszych glebach. Po wyeksploatowaniu leżą odłogiem czasami przez pięć lat59. Gleby w Darfurze są w 60% piaszczyste (goz), generalnie korzystne dla roślin takich jak: proso (dukhun), orzeszki ziemne, arbuz i sorgo. Są tu też rozproszone gleby zawierające glinę i żwir. Szacuje się, że mniej niż 50% z nich służy uprawom. Piaszczyste gleby odpowiednie dla rolnictwa w Darfurze Północnym dają dochód z obszaru około siedmiu milionów feddanów (jednostka miary pola powierzchni stosowana w Egipcie, Sudanie i Syrii, 1 feddan to odpowiednik 4200 m2), z czego mniej niż połowa przypada na hodowlę. Poważnym ograniczeniem rozwoju rolnictwa w Darfurze jest też system własności ziemi60. Rodzaje gleb w regionie to: skały fundamentowe, skały żelaziste, piaszczyste strefy goz i ziemie wulkaniczne61. 59 Tamże; zob. A. O m a r, K. E d i n a m, Causes and Impacts of Land Degradation and Desertification, Case Study of the Sudan, „International Journal of Agriculture and Forestry”, 3(2013), nr 2, s. 40–51. 60 Tamże; zob. W. C h a r l i e, M. O s m a n, E. A l i, Construction on Expansive Soils in Sudan, New York 1984. 61 Y. S a t t i, Pastoralists, Land Rights and Migration Routes The Case of West Darfur State, Addis Ababa 2006, s. 262–264. �7. Znaczenie zasobów wodnych, gleb i gruntów rolnych... 53 Grunty rolne w regionie Zaletą południowego Darfuru jest występowanie rozległych gruntów rolnych i ich zróżnicowanie. Począwszy od ciężkich gleb gliniastych (krakingu) są też lekkie oraz osady piaszczystych dolin, szacowane na 24 mln akrów, co stanowi 74% ogólnej powierzchni całego regionu. Obecnie powierzchnia wykorzystywanych i nawadnianych gleb nie przekracza 7 mln akrów, co stanowi 30% powierzchni gruntów ornych, które obejmują ciężką glebę gliniastą, piaszczyste osady, żyzne doliny zalewowe i gleby wulkaniczne. Lasy (tereny zadrzewione, sawanna drzewiasto-krzaczasta) pokrywają 5,7 mln ha, co stanowi 48% powierzchni tego obszaru. Lasy odgrywają istotną rolę w gospodarce regionu ze względu na produkcję gumy arabskiej i pozyskiwanie owoców z drzew leśnych. Przyczyniają się one do zwiększenia dochodów gospodarstw wiejskich oraz stanowią naturalne pastwiska dla zwierząt62. Szata roślinna Informacje z 1870 roku wskazują, że większość regionu była zarośnięta lasem akacjowym, palmami Baobab, gatunkami twardego drewna oraz obszarem zielonym. Sto lat później większość lasów ustąpiła miejsca użytkom zielonym bogatym w dzikie życie. Lasy są ważnym elementem oraz zródłem zapewniającym owoce, drewno, materiały do budowy oraz wyrobu mebli, gumy arabskiej, jak również dla zapewnienia żywności i schronienia dla dzikiej zwierzyny. Większość opisanej fauny w tym regionie jest już wymarła. Oczywistym jest, iż intensywna ekspolatacja lasów w połączeniu ze spadkiem opadów doprowadziły bezpośrednio do stopniowego zaniku większości pokrywy roślinnej pod koniec 1960 roku. Najpowaznieszym czynnikiem tego kryzysu jest niewątpliwie Tamże; zob. Alsudan Aljugrafia alsijasia wa alimkaniat al-zrayia (Geografia polityczna Sudanu i potencjał rolny), http://www.nectarforum.com, [20.03.2014]. 62 �54 I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... zmiana klimatu. Niszczenie lasów przybrało na sile tuz na początku obecnego konfliktu. Milicja wraz z pasterzami wycięli dojrzałe drzewa dla zapewnienia wyżywienia dla swoich stad. Armia również przystąpiła do niszczenia. Las dębowy UM Kurdoos na wschodzie Nyala, symbol dumy mieszkańców, został całkowicie wycięty przez żołnierzy, a następnie drewno zostało sprzedane producentom mebli w Chartumie. Wokół obozów wewnętrznych uchodźców, gdzie żyje 3 mln osób, ziemia została całkowicie ogołocona z krzewów, jedynego źródło dostarczającego opału i energii. W prostym szacunku miliony krzewów zostało bezpowrotnie wyciętych63. Przybycie wspólna Hybrydowa Operacja Unii Afrykańskiej i ONZ w Darfurze (United Nations – African Union Mission in Darfur – UNAMID)64 spowodowało wzmożenie prac budowlanych. Cegła stała się towarem najwyższej jakości, jak również drewno jako źródło ognia do pieców. Wszystkie lasy w regione były bezpłatnie dostępne dla kazdego, a wprowadzenie pilarek spowodowało bardziej efektywną wycinkę. Niektórzy rolnicy uznali ścinkę drzewa dla producentów cegły za bardziej lukratywne zajęcię niż uprawa roślin. Powinno się zmodernizować cegielnie, a ich piece powinny być zasilane energią słoneczną. Egipscy delegaci do Darfuru zaproponowali wybudowanie dwóch fabryk cementu do produkcji bloków w zamian za rezygnację z cegieł. Jak najszybciej powinno się uruchomić kampanię sadzenia drzew oraz odbudowy lasów. Władze lokalne muszą zacząć pro63 Tamże; zob. United Nations Environment Programme, Environmental Degradation Triggering Tensions and Conflict in Sudan, [6.02.2015]. 64 Wspólna misja Unii Europejskiej i ONZ dla Darfuru została powołana 31 lipca 2007 poprzez przyjęcie Rezolucji Rady Bezpieczeństwa nr 1769, a jej mandat był kilkukrotnie przedłużany. Głównym zadaniem UNAMID jest ochrona ludności cywilnej, nadzorowanie pomocy humanitarnej, porozumień pokojowych, wspieranie przemian politycznych, promowanie praw człowieka a także śledzenie sytuacji na pograniczu z Czadem i Republiką Środkowoafrykańską. �7. Znaczenie zasobów wodnych, gleb i gruntów rolnych... 55 wadzić kampanię dla zatrzymania destrukcyjnej eksploatacji lasów i pastwisk. Najlepiej nadającym się drewnem do uprawy jest drewno akacjowe, które stosunkowo szybko rośnie a obszary ich wzrostu mogą być łatwo nawadniane poprzez przekierowanie spływu do gospodarstw. Jest to również przydatne, o ile władze lokalne oraz prywatni inwestorzy skoncentrują w gospodarstwach w obszarach wiejskich produkcję drewna opałowego, jako paszy dla zwierząt i źródła gumy arabskiej. Gospodarstwo może stanowić róznież miejsce życia dla dzikich zwierząt. Prywatni inwestorzy mogą być zachęcani poprzez oficjalne dotacje oraz ulgi podatkowe. Najlepszym sposobem do uzyskania koszyści dla ochrony środowiska jest sprzedaż produktów poniżej ceny rynkowej nielegalnie wycinanego drzewa. Istnieje również krajowy kryzys paliwowy w ośrodkach miejskich, gdzie większość ludzi wciąż używa drewna do opału oraz węgla drzewnego. Jednocześnie wzrasta wykorzystanie gazu ziemnego. Władze muszą zwiększyć dostawy gazu po przystępnych cenach. Wykorzystanie energii słonecznej do zasilania domostw to kolejna tania i przydatna opcja65. Zarządzanie ziemią i rolnictwem Rolnictwo to najpowazniejsza działalność w regionie, wykorzystująca do rozwoju głównie deszcz. Woda jest wydobywana ze studni, a nasępnie jest wykorzystywana do nawadniania upraw i potrzeb osad. Dochodowymi uprawami w regionie są: proso, nasiona strączkowe i warzywa. W zalewanej Wadi głównie uprawia się warzywa, tytoń tabaka, melony i owoce sezonowe, a w górskim Jabel Marra – sosny, oliwki, naturalnie rosnące jabłTamże; zob. Sudan Post Conflict Envirnment Assessment, This report by the United Nations Environment Programme was made possible by the generous contributions of the Governments of Sweden and the United Kingdom, Nairobi 2007, s. 22–26. 65 �56 I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... ka, owoce, pszenica, rośliny strączkowe, tytoń papierosowy oraz warzywa. Różnorodność spożywanych roślin jest wyznacznikiem zdrowej diety i w odniesieniu do sąsiadów jest dużo lepsza. Darfur nie miał żadnego związku z powtarzającymi się klęskami głodu sprzed 1960 roku, choć rolnictwo było praktykowane na niewielką skalę. Wystarczalność jedzenia była normą, a import żywności był zupełnie nieznany. Jednak od 1965 roku kilka nieurodzajów wynikających z małej ilości opadów spowodowało głod. Rozległe równiny na północy i wschodzie regionu obsypała gruba warstwa przenoszonego piasku. Upadek produkcji zbóż doprowadził do uzaleznienia się od pomocy żywnościowej. Jak już wspomniano wcześniej, podziemny poziom wód uległ obniżeniu w wyniku spadku opadów. Produkcja owoców w wielu dziedzinach również zmalała. W 1970 roku władze w Nyala zakazały wykorzystywania pomp zasilanych benzynowo do nawadniania sadów, ponieważ poziom wód podziemnych drastycznie się obniżał. Tylko w niektórych obszarach wokół Jabel Marra, np. kebkebeya nawadnianie sadów było możliwe66. Mimo tej katastrofalnej sytuacji nie istniał oficjalny plan dla zabezpieczenia zasobów żywnościowych ani nie dokonywano prób zastosowania wcześniejszych rozwiązań. W regionie o wysokim ryzyku braku bezpieczeństwa żywieniowego słusznym jest angażowanie władz w proces produkcji ziarna, przechowywania i stabilizacji rynku zbóż przez okrągły rok, wykorzystując rosnące w wystarczającej ilości zboża z południowej części regionu, w którym suma opadów jest wyższa. Największą plagą dla rolnictwa 66 M. E l Z a i n, The Origins of Current Conflicts: Rural Water Provision and the Reshaping of Human Settlements and Environmental Resources in Western Sudan, Addis Ababa 2006, s. 123–125; zob. A. O s m a n, H. Yo u n g, R. H o u s e r, J. C o a t e s, Agricultural Change, Land, and Violence in Protracted Political Crisis, Oxfam America Research Backgrounder series,2013, http://www.oxfamamerica. org/static/media/files/Darfur-Land-Research-Oxfam.pdf, [11.01.2016]. �7. Znaczenie zasobów wodnych, gleb i gruntów rolnych... 57 w regionie w chwili obecnej jest zastraszanie rolników na ziemiach przez milicję wspieraną przez rząd w celu niezależnego zasiewu pasz dla własnych wielbłądów i koni. Prezentacja ta sprzyja kontrolowanemu zastosowaniu nawozów i wprowadzeniu upraw modyfikowanych genetycznie w celu zwiększenia wydajności. Nowoczesne metody nawdniania, np. kapanie jest skutecznym rozwiązaniem zwłaszcza dla ograniczonych zasobów wodnych w sadach. Sadzenie zieleni zatrzymującej wodę, posypywanie piaskiem pola, mechanizacja, zwalczanie szkodników zwłaszcza szarańczy są równie istotne w planowaniu skutecznych upraw67. Hodowla zwierząt Hodowla zwierząt jest wielkim biznesem w regionie, natomiast pasterstwo jest reliktem epoki brązu i nie jest efktywną drogą dla wzbogacania się. W tak wrażliwym środowisku jak Darfur utrzymanie dużego stada powyżej nośnosci gruntu jest niemożliwe do utrzymania. Zapotrzebowanie na wodę i tereny pastwiskowe jest duże i trudne do zabezpieczenia, co powoduje zwiększenie ryzyka konfliktów wśród osiadłych rolników i pasterzy. Najlepszym rozwiązaniem dla pasterzy bydła, owiec wielbłądów jest osiadłe rolnictwo pod warunkiem niedrogiego dostępu do wody oraz paszy dla zwierząt. Pierwszym krokiem do utworzenia przemysłu paszowego jest odzysk pozostałości rolnych. Stada mogą być kontrolowane poprzez służby weterynaryjne. W ten sposób konkurencja wśród pasterzy i rolników zostanie zmniejszona, a konflikt zbrojny nie będzie już konieczny. W dłuższej perspektywie zaistnieje potrzeba całkowitego zniesienia pasterstwa. Potencjał produkcji zwierzęcej w regionie jest ogromny. Popyt Tamże; por. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Division of International Protection – UNHCR, country of origin research and information, Darfur 2012, s. 191–195. 67 �58 I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... na produkty pochodzenia zwierzęcego jest wysoki w Sudanie i w krajach sąsiednich, ma wszelkie podstawy by być podstawą wielkiego przemysłu eksportowego68. Gęstość zaludnienia i zmiany demograficzne Według ostatniego spisu ludności Sudanu (2010) Darfur jest zamieszkany przez prawie 9 mln ludzi, czyli sześć razy więcej niż w 1930 roku. Oczywistym jest, ze gwałtowny wzrost ludności oraz malejące podstawowe zasoby zwiększają konkurencję do zdobywania zasobów koniecznych do podtrzymywania życia. Migracja do obszarów o lepszych zasobach spowodowała konflikty. Rząd przy pomocy utworzonych grup milicyjnych podjął starania uzyskania kontroli nad regionem. Miliony ludzi zostało wypędzonych ze swoich gruntów i osadzonych w obozach dla wewnętrznych uchodźców. Ponadto wprowadzono pasterzy z sąsiednich krajów na zajęte już tereny. Sytuacja ta jest wynikiem trudnej polityki rządu dla utrzymania bezpieczeństwa. W miejsce poprzednich mieszkańców wprowadzono nowych dzierżawców i specjalistów. Polityka przymusowej migracji ma na celu przywrócenie zasobów wodnych i pokrywy roślinnej na zachodzie regionu, co moze zostać utrudnione przez woję domową pomiędzy pierwotnymi osadnikami, a okupantami spowodowaną konfliktami wynikacjącymi z przeszłości69. Klimat Sudan ma generalnie klimat gorący, ale zróżnicowany: od wybitnie suchego na północy do umiarkowanie wilgotnego na 68 Tamże, s. 171–178; zob. A. D a w o u d, O. H a m i d, Impact of Darfur Conflict on Livestock Population in West Darfur State, „Asian Journal Agricutural Research”, 6(2012), nr 1, s. 46–51. 69 Darfur: Land, People, and Conflict, http://www.darfurdevelopment.org/ node/2, [16.12.2015]; por. Beyond emergency relief, longer-term trends and priorities for UN agencies in Darfur, Khartoum 2010, s. 14. �7. Znaczenie zasobów wodnych, gleb i gruntów rolnych... 59 południu. Temperatury nie różnią się znacząco w określonym sezonie w zależności od położenia. Najważniejszą cechą klimatyczną, która podlega zmianom, jest ilość opadów deszczu i długość pory suchej. Różnice w długości pory suchej zależą od tego, czy dominują suche wiatry północno-wschodnie napływające z Półwyspu Arabskiego czy wilgotne wiatry południowo-zachodnie wiejące z dorzecza Konga i znad Zatoki Gwinejskiej70. Od stycznia do marca kraj jest pod wpływem suchego wiatru północno-wschodniego. Nie ma praktycznie żadnych opadów, za wyjątkiem niewielkiego obszaru w północno-zachodnim Sudanie, gdzie wiatry przychodzące znad Morza Śródziemnego przynoszą okazjonalnie lekkie opady. Na początku kwietnia, wraz z wilgotnym wiatrem południowo-zachodnim, występują w południowym Sudanie obfite deszcze i burze z piorunami. Przez lipiec wilgotne powietrze dociera do Chartumu, w sierpniu rozszerza swoje obszary do północnych granic koło Abu Hamad, chociaż w niektórych latach wilgotne powietrze może sięgnąć nawet egipskiej granicy. Przepływ staje się słabszy, gdyż powietrze rozprzestrzenia się na północ. We wrześniu suchy wiatr północno-wschodni wzmaga się i do końca grudnia obejmuje cały kraj. Yambio, blisko granicy z Demokratyczną Republiką Konga, ma dziewięć miesięcy pory deszczowej (kwiecień – grudzień) i otrzymuje średnio 1142 mm deszczu każdego roku. W Chartumie trwa trzymiesięczna pora deszczowa (lipiec – wrzesień) z roczną średnią opadów 161 mm. W Atbarah występują deszcze tylko w sierpniu, a średnia roczna opadów wynosi tylko 74 mm71. 70 K.M. B a r b o u r, The Republic of the Sudan: A regional geography, London 1964, s. 200–212. 71 Tamże, s. 220–225; zob. J. S t u r d i v a n t, Is there a connection between Climate Change and Conflict in Darfur?, Institutionen för geovetenskaper Uppsala Universitet 2012, http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:527614/ FULLTEXT01, [22.01.2015]. �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 60 Co kilka lat pojawiają się wiatry południowo-zachodnie, niosące niewiele deszczów. W dodatku do centralnego Sudanu mogą dotrzeć opóźnione lub spaść nie na wszystkich obszarach. Jeśli tak się zdarzy, wówczas następuje czas suszy i głodu. Temperatury są najwyższe na koniec sezonu suchego (w okresie od marca do czerwca), niebo jest zwykle bezchmurne. W Chartumie w najcieplejszych miesiącach, maju i czerwcu, średnia temperatura może osiągnąć poziom od 41°C do 48°C. W północnym Sudanie, z krótką porą deszczową, wysokie temperatury występują w ciągu dnia przez cały rok, z wyjątkiem zimowych miesięcy w części północno-zachodniej, gdzie pojawiają się opady nadciągające od Morza Śródziemnego w styczniu i lutym. Temperatura podczas suchego sezonu w całym środkowym i północnym Sudanie szybko spada po zachodzie słońca. W Chartumie występują w styczniu temperatury średnio 15°C i zdarza się, że spadają do 6°C. W centralnym Sudanie występują gwałtowne burze z pyłem, związane z przepływem wilgotnego powietrza od maja do lipca. Wilgotne, niestabilne powietrze przechodzi w burzę w ciepłe popołudnia. Zdarza się, że zbliżający się sztorm wywołuje ogromny mur żółtego piasku i gliny, które mogą czasowo zmniejszyć widoczność do zera72. 8. Susza i proces pustynnienia w Darfurze Susze i niewystarczające opady są charakterystyczne dla terytoriów w zachodnim Sudanie, przede wszystkim w Darfurze Północnym i Kordofanie. W ciągu ostatnich stu lat w tym regionie miało miejsce pięć okresów przedłużających się posuch. Dwa z nich wydarzyły się w ciągu ostatnich dwudziestu lat. W tych obszarach H. M e t z, Sudan: A Country Study, GPO for the Library of Congress, http:// countrystudies.us/sudan/33.htm, [11.01.2015]. 72 �8. Susza i proces pustynnienia w Darfurze 61 średnia opadów waha się od 100 do 600 mm rocznie, co przy jej dolnej granicy powoduje duże prawdopodobieństwo poważnych negatywnych następstw w gospodarce rolnej i hodowlanej. Poziom opadów w latach 1950–1990 spowodował trzy długie okresy suszy, z których jeden miał miejsce w połowie lat sześćdziesiątych i charakteryzował się stosunkowo lekkim przebiegiem. Drugi z tych okresów, który miał miejsce w latach 1972–1975, był jednak już stosunkowo ciężki, natomiast trzeci w latach 1982–1984 był niemal katastrofą. Tym okresom suszy towarzyszył wybuch starć zbrojnych. Najgorsze, najbardziej dotkliwe z tych starć zdarzyło się w połowie lat osiemdziesiątych i przybrało formę konfliktu zbrojnego o dużym natężeniu. Z czasem potyczki przerodziły się w regularne działania wojenne73. Poniższy wykres pokazuje zależności między opadami a konfliktami wybuchającymi na tym obszarze na przestrzeni 40 lat (1950–1990). Wykres pokazuje dwa trendy – są to tempo wzrostu występowania sytuacji konfliktowych i ich powiązanie z warunkami atmosferycznymi, czyli opadami deszczu. Można zaobserwować, że minimalne opady deszczu zbiegają się z nasilonym występowaniem konfliktów w ciągu roku74. Okres niskich opadów obrazuje wpływ suszy na sytuacje konfliktowe. Wykres pokazuje również różnicę między wpływem suszy na sytuację społeczną w połowie lat siedemdziesiątych i w połowie lat osiemdziesiątych XX wieku. Pierwsza z nich była średnio dotkliwa, natomiast druga trwała długo i nie pozostała bez wpływu na nasilenie niepokojów społecznych i zaostrzenie konfliktów 73 M. S u l i m a n, The War in Darfur: The Resource Dimensiont, „Sudanese Journal for Human Rights’ Culture and Issues of Cultural Diversity”, 2008, nr 8, s. 9–17; zob. t e n ż e, The Sudan: Resources, identity and war, Cambridge 2000. 74 J. R e y n o l d s, D. S t a f f o r d S m i t h, Global Desertification: Do Humans Cause Deserts?, Berlin 2002, s. 211–220. �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 62 Opady deszczu w mm (0 -200 mm) Wykres 2. Korelacja między opadami i konfliktami w Darfurze Północnym (1950–1990) 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 1950r 1955r 1960r 1965r 1970r 1975r 1980r 1985r 1990r Konflikty Opady deszczu Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podst. M. Suliman, Darfur harb al-mawarid wa-al-hawiyah (Darfur, wojna zasobów i tożsamości), Cambridge 2004. zbrojnych. W latach osiemdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku nastał w regionie czas suszy, głodu i konfliktów zbrojnych. Nasiliły się migracje. Susza przyczyniła się do upadku gospodarki wiejskiej. Wiele zwierząt padło. Pasterze często w pośpiechu pozbywali się pozostałych zwierząt za niskie ceny. Życie ludności było trudne. W takim momencie społeczność wiejska podatna jest na dezintegrację, poddawanie się niepokojom i popadanie w konflikty zbrojne, a w końcu wojny. To właśnie miało miejsce w północnym Darfurze w połowie lat osiemdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku75. O. A b d i, E. G l o v e r, O. L u u k k a n e n, Causes and Impacts of Land Degradation and Desertification: Case Study of the Sudan, „International Journal of Agriculture and Forestry”, 3(2013), nr 2, s. 40–51. 75 �8. Susza i proces pustynnienia w Darfurze 63 Wiele lat później w 2007 roku Program Ochrony Środowiska Narodów Zjednoczonych (The United Nations Environment Programme – UNEP) opublikował kompleksową analizę głębokości kryzysu ekologicznego różnych części pasa Sahelu. Okazało się, że w Darfurze w latach 1973–2006 została utracona 1/3 powierzchni zadrzewionych. Na podstawie tych badań można dojść do wniosku, że tego rodzaju skala suszy i okres braku opadów wystarcza, aby środowisko przyrodnicze zmieniło się znacząco, niezależnie od wpływu człowieka. Wynikiem tego było przesunięcie na 40 lat w kierunku południowym klimatu pustynnego o około 100 km. Taka skala historycznych zmian klimatu jest niemal bez precedensu. Zmniejszenie opadów zmieniło miliony hektarów terenów marginalnie półpustynnych w pustynne. Proces ten spowodował zmianę północnej części Sahelu w teren niemal całkowicie pustynny. Spowodowało to także przemieszczenie się społeczności pasterskiej na tereny południowe w celu poszukiwania terenów pod pastwiska76. Darfur został bardzo dobrze zbadany i istnieje kilka znakomitych dostępnych opracowań, które szczegółowo analizują związki pomiędzy źródłami utrzymania, konfliktami i zasobami. Jest wniosek, że wpływ zmian klimatu na konflikty i warunki życia może być zrozumiany tylko wtedy, gdy instytucje i polityka są częścią analiz, która została wczesniej wykonana. Hipoteza, że zmiany klimatyczne są bardzo znaczące jest wystarczająco wiarygodna. Nie ma wątpliwości, że susza jako zjawisko klimatyczne, była głównym powodem klęski głodu w latach osiemdziesiątych, a z kolei głód był istotnym czynnikiem upadku starego porządku w Darfurze. Środowiska sudańskie, w tym naukowcy, od dawna J. M u n d y, Introduction: Securitizing the Sahara, Association of Concerned Africa Scholars Review, 2010 r., http://concernedafricascholars.org/bulletin/ issue85/mundy/, [19.02.2015]. 76 �I. Uwarunkowania geopolityczne... 64 twierdzili, że w Darfurze ma miejsce katastrofa ekologiczna. Ale poza tym, powiązania przyczynowo-skutkowe są skomplikowane77: – Argument że istnieje związek przyczynowy między zmianą klimatu przez człowieka i suszą w latach 1983–1985 jest niesprawdzony. – Susza i degradacja środowiska naturalnego doprowadziły do niedoboru produkcji żywności, w Darfurze nie było rozwoju gospodarczego ani możliwości dla jego mieszkańców, aby bardziej efektywnie wykorzystywać produktywne zasoby regionu. – Kryzys dostępu do żywności doprowadził do klęski głodu z powodu zaniedbania rządu. – Darfur pokazał niezwykłą umiejętność przetrwania i odporność na głód w latach 1984–85, ale było to kosztem jego rezerwy kapitału produkcyjnego i społecznego. – Susza i degradacja środowiska naturalnego spowodowały zmiany migracji i dostępność środków do życia, tworząc faktyczne, otwarte oraz utajone konflikty, które później stały się przyczynkiem do wybuchu konfliktu zbrojnego. – We wszystkich przypadkach, znaczący, gwałtowny konflikt wybuchł z powodu czynników politycznych, zwłaszcza postawy rządu Sudanu, przejawiającej się w reagowaniu na lokalne problemy poprzez wsparcie grup milicji w celu powstrzymywania wszelkich oznak oporu. Susza, głód i niepokoje społeczne ułatwiły rządowi realizację takiej strategii. Na pytanie czy zmiana klimatu jest sprawcą katastrofy w Darfurze odpowiedź nie jest prosta. Wydaje się, że czynniki klimatyczne i środowiskowe zmusiły mieszkańców Darfuru aby w celu uzyskania dogodnych warunków życia migrować w kierunku A. d e Wa a l, Is Climate Change the Culprit for..., dz. cyt.; zob. J. B o r g e r, Darfur conflict heralds era of wars triggered by climate change, UN report warns, Theguardian, Saturday 23 June 2007, http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2007/jun/23/sudan.climatechange, [17.03.2015]. 77 �8. Susza i proces pustynnienia w Darfurze 65 południowym. Zmiany te są już od wieków, ale w ciągu ostatnich trzydziestu lat, miały miejsce w szybszym tempie i na większą skalę. Jednak zubożone zasoby naturalne i zmiany bytowe nie mogłyby jako jedynedoprowadzić do konfliktu, nie mówiąc już o konflikt zbrojnym. Najważniejszą sprawcą przemocy w Darfurze jest rząd, który nie tylko nie wykorzystuje instytucji lokalnych i centralnych w celu rozwiązania problemów środowiskowych w Darfurze, ale w rzeczywistości jeszcze pogorszył jego sytuację przez zmilitaryzowane interwencje i wprowadzenie zarządzania kryzysowego gdy powstały spory polityczne. To co obecnie potrzebne jest w Darfurze, to nowy ład, który brałby pod uwagę wyzwania nadchodzącego stulecia, w tym wpływ przyszłych zmian klimatycznych78. Chociaż na pewno, zmiany klimatyczne wywarły znaczący wpływ na życie w Darfurze, nie wydaje się, że mogą one być jako jedyne odpowiedzialne za wydarzenia, które miały miejsce w Darfurze. Zmiany klimatyczne zapewne doprowadziły do suszy, która spowodowała głód w latach 1984–1985. Z powodu głodu wiele ludzi przeniosło się z północnej części Darfuru do wilgotnej części południowej. Przy tak dużej skali przemieszczeń na nowe obszary, gdzie spotykają się ludzie o różnych przekonaniach i sposobach życia nieuchronnie musi dojąć do napięć między nimi. Zatem nie tylko zmiany klimatyczne, ale interakcje wynikające z bliższych kontaktów osób z różnych grup odegrały tu rolę. Porażką rządu jest fakt, iż nie zadziałał we właściwy sposób. Kryzys w Darfurze zaczął się od działań rządu, który nie traktował wszystkich swoich obywateli jako równoprawnych. Region Darfur potrzebuje pomocy ukierunkowanej na skutki wynikające z sytuacji środowiskowej, natomiast rząd Sudanu jako sposób „rozwiązania” problemu wybrał akcje militarne. H. C r o s h a w, Darfur, Conflict, and Climate Change: Identifying Opportunities for Sustainable Peace, 2008, s. 20–55, http://dukespace.lib.duke.edu/dspace/bitstream/handle/10161/554/MP_hrc4_a_200805.pdf?sequence=3, [18.03.2015]. 78 ��Rozdział II Etniczne i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze 1. Zróżnicowanie etniczne Darfuru Na terenie dzisiejszej prowincji Darfur istniało w okresie od 1650 do 1874 roku silne suwerenne państwo zwane Sułtanatem Darfuru. Było to niezależne królestwo islamskie, rządzone przez sułtanów, mające własną walutę oraz ustrój państwowy zbliżony do federalnego. Sułtanowi podlegali poszczególni przywódcy plemienni, którzy jednak na własnych obszarach rządzili samodzielnie i byli całkowicie niezależni aż do okresu włączenia w obręb Sudanu, prowincji utworzonej przez Egipt w 1821 roku, będącej wraz z nim częścią Imperium Osmańskiego1. Obszar Darfuru przez wiele lat był zaniedbywany, co przyczyniało się do coraz większej izolacji od reszty kraju. Różnice w poziomie rozwoju dotyczyły nie tylko płaszczyzny ekonomicznej, ale także praw politycznych i rozwoju kulturowego. System regionalny, istniejący w Sudanie od roku 1982, doprowadził w praktyce do podtrzymania zacofania gospodarczego Darfuru i zwiększenia jego izolacji politycznej2. F. A l - A r a d i, http://www.alsharq.net.sa/2012/05/20/295543, [24.02.2012]. M. S u l i m a n, Darfur harb al-mawarid wa-al-hawiyah (Darfur, wojna zasobów i tożsamości), Cambridge 2004, s. 356; zob. także: Z. A b d e l m a g s u d, Albea wa Alinsaan (Człowiek i środowisko), Aleksandria 1997. 1 2 �68 II. Etnicznie i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze Z uwagi na różnorodność klimatu i warunków przyrodniczych w Darfurze, poszczególne ludy osiedlały się w różnych częściach tego obszaru. Tak np. plemiona Fur Tora osiedliły się w Dżabal Marra, a Tundżur, Zaghawa i Khazam zadomowiły się w północnym Darfurze. Każdy z przywódców plemiennych rządził niezależne od władzy centralnej. Samodzielnie też regulowali oni stosunki pomiędzy sobą. Brak barier naturalnych sprzyjał tu od wieków sukcesywnym, trwającym przez lata migracjom. Napływ kolejnych ludów pasterskich, zarówno od wschodu, jak i zachodu, poszukujących bezpieczeństwa i nowych terenów z lepszymi zasobami wody i paszy dla chowu zwierząt, sprzyjał rozprzestrzenianiu się znajomości wytopu żelaza i kowalstwa oraz innych rzemiosł i roślin uprawnych. Rozwijał się tu też handel dalekosiężny i kontakty kulturowe między różnymi regionami i grupami etnicznymi, przyczyniając się do powstawania miast i tworzenia państwowości. Intensywne migracje, które charakteryzują region Darfuru w związku ruchem plemion arabskich i afrykańskich, mają wyraźny wpływ na jego historię, zwyczaje i tradycje. Migracje te niosły ze sobą wpływy kulturowe, społeczne, ekonomiczne i religijne oraz powodowały radykalne zmiany. Zdaniem historyków, Darfur był znany w świecie jeszcze przed islamem. Już starożytni Egipcjanie i Rzymianie mieli z tym krajem kontakty. W górach Meidob przebywał ponoć nawet jeden z dowódców faraonów o imieniu Hrkov, a Rzymianie starali się utrzymać stosunki handlowe dzięki znanemu szlakowi transsaharyjskiemu zwanemu „drogą czterdziestu dni” (Darb al-Arba’in), łączącemu miasta Kutum w Darfurze i Asjut w Egipcie. Początki państwowości w Darfurze wiążą się jednak z ludem Dadżo (Dajo), który osiedlił się w południowo-wschodniej części Dżabal Marra. Historia Dadżo nie została jednak zapisana i udokumentowana w sposób uporządkowany i wiarygodny. Istnieje �1. Zróżnicowanie etniczne Darfuru 69 jedynie w zwyczajach ooraz pamięci ludzi, którzy znając wydarzenia historyczne, przekazywali ją w formie opowieści. Według tej ustnej tradycji Dadżo rządzili Darfurem od II do XIII wieku. W państwie tym panowało sześciu władców. Pierwszy z nich to sułtan Abdullah Dag, a ostatni to sułtan Omar Ibn Amen, znany jako „Ksavro”. Niektóre grupy plemienia Dadżo zamieszkiwały także Kordofan (Góry Nubijskie), Darfur i Czad. Członkowie tego plemienia znani byli ze swojej pasji do muzyki i zabawy. Uważa się ich za wynalazców starych sudańskich instrumentów muzycznych. Niektóre z nich są ciągle jeszcze używane w Sudanie, przykładowo TomTom „podudzia” i gwizdek heban3. Ludem, który przejął władzę w regionie Darfuru w końcu XIII wieku, byli Tundżurowie (Tunjur). Panowali oni do pierwszej połowy XV wieku. Niektórzy zaliczają Tundżurów do plemion arabskich z konfederacji Bani Hilal i uważają ich za pierwsze plemię, które wprowadziło język arabski w Darfurze. Istnieje też pogląd, że są częścią plemienia Fur lub należą do zarabizowanych ludów nubijskich z Doliny Nilu, których część wyemigrowała do Darfuru. Trzeba pamiętać, że zasięg geograficzny tych państwowości nie pokrywał się ze sobą. Sułtanat Tundżur znajdował się w Darfurze Północnym, podczas gdy panowanie ludu Dadżo dotyczyło raczej Darfuru Południowego. Po upadku państwa Dadżo, Tundżurowie rozszerzyli swoje wpływy w Darfurze, a ich stolicą stało się miasto Arwa na górze o tej samej nazwie. Tundżurowie znani byli z handlu, a ich stolica była jednym z najbardziej dynamicznie rozwijających się miast w tamtym czasie. Gubernator miasta Arwa zdołał nawiązać stosunki gospodarcze z Turkami osmańskimi panującymi w Egipcie, a kupcy z Kairu dostarczali mu Tamże s. 371; zob. B. H a r o u n, N. A d a m, Ethnic Composition, Economic Pattern, and Armed Conflicts in Dar Fur, „Sudanese Human Rights Quarterly”, 1999, nr 8, s. 9–10. 3 �II. Etnicznie i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze 70 broń w zamian za złoto. Tundżurowie znani byli także ze swojego z jednej strony silnego przywiązania do religii muzułmańskiej, a z drugiej elastyczności w sprawowaniu władzy i nieuciekania się do okrucieństwa w zarządzaniu swoim państwem. W tym ostatnim byli przeciwieństwem tego, co robili Dadżo. Byli znani również za swojej dobrej architektury i budowy dróg. W Arwa nadal istnieją ślady utwardzonej drogi4. Uważa się ich także za twórców państwa Wadaj, istniejącego na zachód od Darfuru i włączonego do francuskiego Czadu5. Lud Fur dawniej nazwano „Altora”, co miało znaczyć „wielcy”, „gigantyczni”. Nazwa wzięła się z tego, że są bardzo wysocy i dobrze zbudowani. Altora budowali okrągłe domy pod nazwą bturnq tonqa, co oznacza „domy gigantów”. Zamieszkiwali w górach Dżabal Marra i nie mieszali się z innymi ludami, przez co, jak twierdzili, zachowali swoją „czystą” krew i charakterystyczne cechy budowy fizycznej. Uważa się, że było to spowodowane faktem zamieszkiwania w górach i pewną izolacją zewnętrzną. Kiedy dotarł do nich islam i zadomowił się na ich obszarze, zaczęli być nazywani Fur. W późniejszym czasie pomiędzy nimi a Tundżurami zostało zawartych wiele małżeństw mieszanych, skąd wzięła się sugestia, że wywodzą się z jednego rodu Altora. Sułtan Suleiman Solondż, zwany również Salomonem Arabii, był pierwszym sułtanem, który ustanowił muzułmański Sułtanat Darfuru w 1445 roku. Udało mu się objąć swoim panowaniem 37 mniejszych królestw. Brał udział w 32 bitwach, a jego królestwo składało się z muzułmanów i pogan. Rozpoczął budowanie silnej władzy w Darfurze, zdjął przywódców na szczeblu lokalnym i powołał nowych liderów ze swoich rodów. W ten sposób rozpoczął Zob. A. A b u Z i a d, Darfur: nahr aldam wa naar algabael (Darfur: rzeka krwi i ognia plemion), Khartoum 2008, s. 39–40. 5 Tamże s. 19–21; zob. R. O l i v e r, A. A t m o r e, Medieval Africa 1250–1800, Cambridge 2001, s. 106. 4 �1. Zróżnicowanie etniczne Darfuru 71 rządy klan Kayra (Kira) w Darfurze. Określenie „Kira” oznacza dobrych wnuków. Przywódcy Tundżurów pozostali niepocieszeni po stracie kontroli nad rządem w Farfurze6. Dzieje Darfuru wypełniają liczne wojny prowadzone z Wadajem na zachodzie i Fundżem na wschodzie. Zwykle kiedy Wadaj zyskiwał przewagę, władcy Darfuru kierowali swą ekspansję na wschód, rywalizując o Kordofan z Fundżem. Stolicę państwa na stałe umieszczono w Al-Fashir. Władcy Darfuru wykorzystywali dla swoich celów z powodzeniem migrację kupców i religijnych szejków z Doliny Nilu. Przedstawiciele ludu Fur sprawowali rządy w Darfurze bez przerwy przez prawie 430 lat, od 1445 do 1875 roku. Państwo nie zostało podbite przez Egipt w trakcie kampanii w 1821 roku i utrzymało swą niezależność do roku 1874, gdy ponowny atak egipski położył kres jego niezależności7. Dekadę później, w 1884 roku, został on włączony do państwa mahdystów, przy którego powstaniu Darfurczycy dość aktywnie uczestniczyli. Nawiasem mówiąc, okres panowania mahdystów to jedyny okres z historii Sudanu, w którym Darfurczycy mieli poczucie równości we wspólnym państwie. Po jego upadku w 1899 roku zostali włączeni do powstałego kondominium brytyjsko-egipskiego. Do tego czasu państwo to dość skutecznie potrafiło zachowywać pewną niezależność. Pamiętać należy, że rządy turecko-egipskie i anglo-egipskie nad Darfurem były rządami pośrednimi, a dynastia Solondżów panowała tam aż do 1917 roku. Ostatni z sułtanów Ali Dinar rządził od 1898 do 1916 roku, po czym Darfur został włączony do anglo-egipskiego Sudanu dopiero z początkiem stycznia 1917 roku. Stało się to po tym, jak Ali Dinar próbował w 1916 roku uniezależnić się Tamże, s. 22. M. Ty m o w s k i, Dar Fur, w: Historia Afryki do początku XIX w., red. M. Tymowski, Wrocław – Warszawa – Kraków 1996, s. 881–883. 6 7 �72 II. Etnicznie i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze od kondominium. Od tego czasu Darfur znalazł się pod obcym panowaniem i znajdował się pod nim aż do roku 1956, czyli uzyskania przez Sudan niepodległości8. Z punktu widzenia jednak wielu Darfurczyków nie było to uzyskanie niepodległości przez Darfur, lecz tylko wcielenie go do obcego im państwa (Republiki Sudanu) na zasadzie piątego regionu. Od tego czasu obserwujemy nieustanne dążenia niepodległościowe ludności Darfuru oraz działania rządu sudańskiego mające na celu uniemożliwienie im zdobycie kiedykolwiek szerszej autonomii9. Państwo w Darfurze, nazywane muzułmańskim Sułtanatem Darfuru, zostało podzielone na cztery prowincje. Rządzone było przez sułtana, wspieranego przez dwunastu ministrów. Do ich obowiązków należały przede wszystkim czynności związane z wyborem nowego sułtana po śmierci poprzednika. Prace te były wykonywane w porozumieniu i przy współpracy z Radą Doradczą „Szura”. Składała się ona z 12 członków, w tym z czterech gubernatorów. Szura posiadała też kompetencje do wspierania sułtana w kierowaniu sprawami kraju oraz prowadzenia przygotowywań do wyboru nowego sułtana10. Tabela 2. Wykaz sułtanów, którzy rządzili Sułtanatem Darfuru w latach 1445–1916 Imię sułtana Okres panowania Sulejman Solonj 1445–1476 Omer 1476–1492 Abdurahman 1492–1511 Mahmoud 1511–1526 8 M. Z ą b e k, Historia Sudanu do 1989 roku, w: Róg Afryki. Historia i współczesność, red. J. Mantel-Niećko, M. Ząbek, Warszawa 1999, s. 110–124. 9 A. S ł o w i k, Konflikt w Darfurze w świetle prawa międzynarodowego, Toruń, 2014, s. 37. 10 S. H a r i r, Racismin islamic disguise? Retreating nationalism and up-surging ethnicity in Darfur Sudan, Bergen 1993. �1. Zróżnicowanie etniczne Darfuru Sosol 1526–1551 Dalil 1551–1569 Sharaf 1569–1584 Ahmed 1584–1593 Idriss 1593–1505 Salih 1505–1627 Mansur 1627–1639 Shosh 1639–1658 Naser 1658–1670 Tom 1670–1683 Kuru 1683–1695 Sulejman II 1695–1715 Musa bin Salman 1715–1726 Ahmed AbubakrMusa 1726–1746 Mohammad Dra bin Ahmed 1746–1757 Omer Lail bin Ahmed 1757–1764 Abu Algassim bin Mohammad 1764–1768 Tirab bin Ahmed 1769–1787 Abderahman Al-Rashid 1787–1802 Mohamad Al-Fadul Abderahman 1802–1839 Hamed Hussien Mohammad Al-Fadul 1839–1874 Ibrahim bin Mohammad Hassan 1874–1875 Ali Dinar bin Zakaria 1898–1916 73 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie: N. Barszam, Al-Janjaweed Rusul Alsher wa Jund alshietan (Posłańcy zła i żołnierze szatana), Kair 2008. Poza wspomnianym wyżej handlem z Egiptem, handel dalekosiężny z Darfuru rozwijano także na kierunku wschód-zachód, na tzw. drodze sudańskiej (‘tariq Sudan) prowadzącej z Sawakinu nad Morzem Czerwonym przez Darfur do kraju Hausa. Handlowano przede wszystkim wydobywaną tu miedzią, dostarczaną do Kano i Bornu w zamian za tkaniny hausańskie i orzechy kola ze strefy �II. Etnicznie i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze 74 leśnej Afryki Zachodniej11. Pobudzały go też migracje poszczególnych plemion i ludów (szczególnie Fulbe-Mbororo, Hausa, ludów Bornu i Uadaju) z zachodu na wschód, czego wyrazem może być znaczna diaspora potomków tych imigrantów, znanych w Sudanie pod ogólną nazwą Fellata, będących w percepcji Arabów sudańskich jednocześnie potomkami dawnych pielgrzymów do Mekki, którzy zdecydowali się nie powracać do swych krajów pochodzenia. Wspomniane pielgrzymki, odbywane pieszo lub karawanami na osłach i wielbłądach, zaczęły się zapewne już w pierwszych wiekach występowania islamu w tym regionie (niestety brak na ten temat źródeł) i trwały nieprzerwanie przynajmniej do lat sześćdziesiątych XX wieku, kiedy to zostały powoli wyparte przez transport lotniczy. Podkreślić trzeba, że do Darfuru przybywali również przedsiębiorcy i badacze z różnych regionów świata. Powstała tam jedna ze stacji misji gospodarczych na kontynencie afrykańskim, w górnym dorzeczu Nilu12. Mieszkańcy regionu są podzieleni na dwa główne zespoły grup etnicznych: pierwsza jest pochodzenia arabskiego (co sugeruje jej imigracyjne pochodzenie), a druga uznana za lokalną, pochodzenia niearabskiego, uważana jest za rdzennie afrykańską. Znaczenie tego podziału uwypukliło się później, kiedy nałożyła się na niego struktura ekonomiczno- zawodowa ludności w tym regionie. Nie bez znaczenia jest tu jeszcze rozmieszczenie geograficzne ludności i jej podziały społeczne i plemienne. Źródła utrzymania się ludności w Darfurze odpowiadają podziałom etnicznym. Grupa pochodzenia arabskiego to nomadzi, zajmujący się chowem bydła i wielbłądów, podczas gdy ludność grup niearabskich, z wyjątkiem ludu Zaghawa, prowadzi tryb życia R. K a r p i ń s k i, Sudan Centralny do końca XVI w., w: Historia Afryki do początku XIX w., dz. cyt., s. 498. 12 Tamże; zob. O. Z e e n a l - A b d e e n, http://www.ashorooq.net/net, [15.03.2012]. 11 �1. Zróżnicowanie etniczne Darfuru 75 oparty w dominującej części na tradycyjnym rolnictwie. Mimo że cały region nosi nazwę Darfur (Dar Fur), czyli dosłownie dom (dar) albo ziemia czy też ojczyzna ludu Fur, to jednak dzieli się on na inne jeszcze podobszary. Zatem każdy dom (dar) stanowi określoną tożsamość społeczną, polityczną i kulturową. Istotne jest tu zbiorowe dziedzictwo kulturowe usytuowane w przestrzeni. Dlatego, mimo formalnego podziału regionu na prowincje, rady i inne jednostki, to jednak tradycyjny podział na „domy” (dary) pozostaje najważniejszym w kontekście grup etnicznych. Prowincja Darfur tradycyjnie dzieli się na trzy główne domy: Dar Zaghawa na zachodzie i północy, Dar Fur w centrum i Dar Rizeigat na południu. Poza nimi są też inne małe „domy” należące do mniejszych plemion13. Dar Zaghawa zamieszkane jest przez pasterzy wielbłądów (Abbala), w Dar Fur żyją społeczności rolnicze (Hakurat14), a w Dar Rizeigat, pasterze bydła (Baggara). Degradacja środowiska miała jednak znaczący wpływ na życie tych grup, z których każda miała na nie swój własny sposób, uwarunkowany ekologicznie, odróżniający się od innych. Z powodu tych różnic w sposobie życia i wykorzystywania zasobów naturalnych, prawdopodobieństwo konfliktów pomiędzy mieszkańcami tych obszarów zawsze było dość duże, a w czasach niedostatku ulegało zwiększeniu15. M. A b u E l b a s h a r, The tribal war in Darfur: A resources fight developed into ethnic and political conflict, London 1993. 14 Metoda podziału gruntów w Sułtanacie Darfuru. System podziału gruntów opierał się na hakurat, dokumencie wydawanym przez sułtana. System ten został wprowadzony w Darfurze w okresie panowania Kuuru, drugiego sułtana z dynastii Keira. Osoba posiadająca hakurat uprawniona była do objęcia określonego obszaru ziemi. Zwykle wiązało się to z nadaniem prawa własności. Czasami jednak było to w formie lenna w zamian za daninę, a czasem jako wynajem. Posiadaczami hakurat byli zazwyczaj zamożni arystokraci, a pracę wykonywali dla nich niewolnicy lub słudzy. Za: J. M o r t o n, Managing Political and Economic Claims to Land in Darfur, 2008, s. 2, http://www.jfmorton.co.uk/pdfs/PolEconDfurLand.pdf, [15.03.2015]. 15 Tamże; M. S u l i m a n, The Sudan: Resources, identity..., dz. cyt., s. 352. 13 �II. Etnicznie i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze 76 Z uwagi na wspomniane podziały etniczne w lutym 1991 roku Darfur został podzielony na Darfur Północny ze stolicą w Al-Fashir, Darfur Południowy ze stolicą w Nijala oraz Zachodni ze stolicą w El Geneina. Struktura administracyjna przejawia się w podziale na stany, każdy ze stanów jest podzielony na kilka prowincji, a dalej każda prowincja na rady miejskie i wiejskie. Mimo tej skomplikowanej i zhierarchizowanej struktury administracyjnej, Darfur nadal pozostaje jedną z najmniej zintegrowanych części Sudanu i jest najtrudniejszy do zarządzania. Spowodowane jest to jego odległością od centrum i słabym połączeniem komunikacyjnym ze stolicą kraju. Wyboiste drogi łączące ten region z innymi częściami kraju i stan linii kolejowych, rozciągających się poprzez Darfur Południowy, podkreślają izolację Darfuru od reszty kraju16. Społeczność i grupy etniczne w jałowym regionie północnym Pierwszy z tych trzech obszarów na północy, będący przedłużeniem Pustyni Libijskiej, zamieszkany jest przez grupy koczowniczych pasterzy wielbłądów (określane mianem Abbala) pochodzenia arabskiego, jak Bideyat, Rizeigat czy Beni Hussein, jak i niearabskich Zaghawa. Jest to obszar najbardziej narażony na klęski żywiołowe i brak stabilności ekologicznej. Fakt ten wyjaśnia, dlaczego tego typu warunki sprzyjają konfliktom17. Społeczność i grupy etniczne w bogatym regionie centralnym Do regionu centralnego należy środkowa część masywu Dżabal Marra. Jest to obszar najbogatszy ze wszystkich w Darfurze pod względem żyzności gleby i dostępności do wody, zarówno jeśli chodzi o opady, jak i zasoby wód podziemnych oraz inne zasoby Tamże, s. 355; zob. M. M u k h t a r, Darfur: Min azmat dawlat iilaa sirae alquaa aleuzmaa (Darfur od kryzysu państwa do walki wielkich mocarstw), Al Jazeera 2009, s.151–162. 17 Tamże; O. Z e e n a l - A b d e e n, http://www.ashorooq.net/net, [15.03.2012]. 16 �2. Arabowie z Darfuru 77 naturalne. Mieszka tu wielu tradycyjnych rolników. Generalnie większość mieszkańców tego regionu stanowi ludność niearabska. Lud Fur to główna grupa etniczna regionu, ale na jego obrzeżach zamieszkują także mniejsze ludy niearabskie, jak: Masalit, Alberti, Albrko, Albrgid, Tama i Tundżur. W przeciwieństwie do arabskich pasterzy, są to społeczności rolnicze, pokojowo koegzystujące ze sobą. Mimo różnic między tymi grupami etnicznymi nie dochodziło do poważnych starć zbrojnych18. Społeczność i grupy etniczne we wschodnim i południowym regionie suchej sawanny Na obszarach południowego Darfuru, które obejmują części przy wschodniej granicy z sąsiednim Kordofanem, zamieszkują głównie hodowcy bydła z koczowniczych plemion arabskich określanych mianem Baggara. Obszary te są mniej stabilne klimatycznie niż region centralny, ale zwykle nie nawiedzają ich tak dotkliwe susze, jak na północy. Jednak w ciągu ostatnich dwudziestu lat wiele wycierpiały z powodu suszy, zwłaszcza w latach 1984–1985, do tego stopnia, że niektóre populacje pasterzy krów, jak Rizeigat, Habbaniya, Beni Halba, Ta’aisha i Misseriya, uważane za najważniejsze plemiona arabskie spośród hodowców bydła (Baggara), zostały zmuszone do migracji do miast lub przemieszczenia się w kierunku nawadnianych centralnych regionów zamieszkanych przez ludność Fur19. 2. Arabowie z Darfuru Aby wyjaśnić, kim są Arabowie z Darfuru i jakie miejsce zajmują na mapie etnicznej i kulturowej Sudanu, należy przedstawić choćby M. S u l i m a n, The Sudan: Resources, identity..., dz. cyt., s. 354–356. Tamże s. 356; zob. M. S u l i m a n, The war in Darfur, Institute For African Alternatives, IFAA, http://new.ifaanet.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/wardar. htm, [19.03.2014]. 18 19 �II. Etnicznie i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze 78 w zarysie procesy etniczne w tym kraju od momentu rozpoczęcia kolonizacji arabskiej. Arabowie po zdobyciu Egiptu w 641 roku i nieudanej próbie podboju Nubii zwrócili się na zachód (w stronę Maghrebu), nie interesując się więcej Sudanem. Graniczące z Egiptem chrześcijańskie królestwo Makuria zmusili tylko do płacenia daniny. Po zajęciu Egiptu dochodziło jednak do stopniowej imigracji pojedynczych grup Arabów na teren dzisiejszego Sudanu. Przybywali oni w sposób niezorganizowany, jako polityczni uchodźcy, kupcy, pasterze i muzułmańscy duchowi, znajdując tam więcej swobód politycznych i lepsze warunki do rozwoju pasterstwa. Imigracja plemion pasterskich nasiliła się zwłaszcza po roku 1272, kiedy to sułtan Egiptu Beibers I za odmowę płacenia daniny zorganizował ekspedycję karną przeciwko królestwu Makuria, niszcząc jej stolicę Dongolę20. Ostateczny upadek chrześcijańskiej Dongoli w XIV wieku otworzył szerzej drzwi do arabskiej penetracji Sudanu. Istniejące jeszcze na południu chrześcijańskie państwo Alwa nie przeciwstawiało się temu. W tym okresie rozpoczął się proces stopniowej arabizacji Sudanu. Plemiona pasterskie zajmowały rzadko zaludnione tereny Butany i Al-Dżaziry albo udawały się wprost do Kordofanu i Darfuru, gdzie środowisko przyrodnicze sprzyjało rozwojowi pasterstwa. Wielu Arabów osiedlało się także na rolniczych obszarach nad Nilem. Nie mając uprzedzeń rasowych, często zawierali oni związki małżeńskie z kobietami pochodzącymi z rodzin miejscowych władców, zdobywając tą metodą prawa do ziemi i kraju. W ten sposób wiele miejscowych plemion przechodziło pod kierownictwo arabskich szejków. Jednocześnie plemiona te nawracały się na islam. Zmieniały też system pokrewieństwa z matrylinearnego na patrylinearny, stopniowo się arabizując. Z drugiej jednak strony, M. Z ą b e k, Arabowie z Dar Hamid. Społeczność w sytuacji zagrożenia ekologicznego, Warszawa 1998, s. 25–27; zob. H.A. M c M i c h a e l, A History of the Arabs in the Sudan and some account of the people who preceded them and of tribes inhabiting Darfur, London 1967. 20 �2. Arabowie z Darfuru 79 Arabowie także przejmowali styl życia i niektóre zwyczaje miejscowej ludności. Proces ten nasilił się po przejęciu islamu przez władców państwa Fundż, które zostało prawdopodobnie utworzone niezależnie od dotychczasowej tradycji meroickiej i chrześcijańskiej przez nigryckie ludy z południa ze stolicą w Sennarze21. Fundż podbił w 1501 roku królestwo Alwa, co było bezpośrednią przyczyną całkowitego upadku chrześcijaństwa w Sudanie, a następnie podporządkował sobie terytoria na północ do Trzeciej Katarakty i Morza Czerwonego, na zachód do Darfuru, a na południe prawdopodobnie do rzeki Bahr al-Ghazal i Sobat. Istnienie tego państwa odegrało ważną rolę w procesie powstawania współczesnej narodowej świadomości Sudańczyków i ich afroarabskiej kultury. Połączyło ono różnorodne tradycje kulturowe mieszkańców Sudanu z północy i południa, z jednej strony poprzez islamizację i arabizację ludności afrykańskiej, a z drugiej strony – poprzez afrykanizację Arabów. Zmiany te zachodziły powoli i nieregularnie, aż do upadku Sennaru w 1821 roku. Jest faktem, że niektóre z plemion uważanych dziś za arabskie, jak np. Bederija, jeszcze na początku XIX wieku nie używały języka arabskiego. Współcześni Arabowie sudańscy pochodzą właśnie w większości z plemion, których udziałem były opisane tu procesy. Mimo to nie stanowią – z punktu widzenia ich genezy – jednorodnego etnosu. Większość arabskich plemion dzieli się na dwie zasadnicze grupy: Dża’alin-Danagla i Dżuhajna-Fezara. W związku z tym, że wśród mieszkańców Darfuru można spotkać przedstawicieli obu tych grup, należy bliżej wyjaśnić ich pochodzenie. Przybycie arabskich plemion pasterskich na teren Darfuru i Kordofanu było z jednej strony uwarunkowane możliwościami Por. M. M a h m o u d, Inside Darfur: Ethnic Genocide by a Governance Crisis, „Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East”, 24(2004), nr 2, s. 3–17. 21 �II. Etnicznie i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze 80 rozwoju chowu zwierząt, z drugiej dawało ważne dla nomadów poczucie niezależności od scentralizowanej władzy państwowej. Środowisko przyrodnicze strefy Sahelu, ze względu na wyższy poziom opadów, dawało na pewno większe możliwości rozwoju pasterstwa aniżeli półpustynne okolice Hidżazu i Egiptu, skąd przybywały wspomniane plemiona. Czynnikiem ograniczającym była niewielka liczba stałych źródeł wody, które z tego względu – w przeciwieństwie do pastwisk – stanowiły własność określonych plemion i były pod kontrolą ich szejków. Szejkowie arabscy, mimo zjednoczenia pod sztandarami Proroka, ciągle nie mieli poczucia wspólnoty narodowej i nie poddawali się władzy państwowej22. Konflikt w Darfurze jest wynikiem złożonego zestawu czynników, w tym konfliktów w celu uzyskania zasobów naturalnych oraz kontroli i nierównej dystrybucji siły gospodarczej i politycznej oraz braku silnej sprawiedliwej gospodarki, militaryzacji i rozprzestrzeniania broni. Konflikt między grupami arabskimi lub tymi, które określa się jako Arabów, nie jest czymś nowym. Plemiona Rizeigat i Maalia walczyły między sobą w południowo-wschodnim Darfurze w latach sześćdziesiątych o prawa administracyjne. Także Rizeigat i Beni Halba walczyły ze sobą zarówno o dostęp do wody, jak i o pastwiska w Darfurze w pasie południowo-zachodnim w latach siedemdziesiątych. W połowie lat osiemdziesiątych problem wszedł w śmiertelną kombinację czynników ekonomicznych między rolnikami, pasterzami, Arabami i nie-Arabami. Dodatkowo oddziaływały czynniki suszy z lat 1984–1985 oraz reperkusje wojny w Czadzie i supremacji „arabizmu” – nowej ideologii politycznej, głoszącej zasadę wyższości „rasy arabskiej”, głoszonej w Libii rządzonej przez Muammara Kaddafiego – i jej wpływu na rząd centralny w Chartumie23. Zob. M. Z a r r o u g, The Kingdom of Alwa, Calgary 1991, s. 24. J. F l i n t, Beyond ‘Janjaweed’: Understanding the militias of Darfur, Geneva 2009, s. 17. 22 23 �2. Arabowie z Darfuru 81 Konflikt w Darfurze jest często przedstawiany w ten sposób niezwykle uproszczony. Z reguły uważa się, że afrykańscy rebelianci chwycili za broń i stanęli w obronie swoich praw przeciwko rządowi w Chartumie. Reakcją rządu było z kolei uzbrojenie arabskiej milicji, która poprowadziła krwawą walkę na miarę ludobójstwa dokonanego na Afrykanach w Darfurze. Nawet jeżeli obraz ten oddaje część prawdy, to jednak wyjaśnienie sytuacji jest o wiele bardziej skomplikowane. Na przykład rozgraniczenie na ludność afrykańską i arabską jest zbyt dużym uproszczeniem, ponieważ po każdej stronie są liczne grupy etniczne. Największą grupą etniczną w Darfurze jest Fur, która to nazwa jest związaną z nazwą regionu Darfur. Fur to plemię afrykańskie, które wraz z dwoma innymi afrykańskimi grupami etnicznymi, Zaghawa i Masalit, stanowią największe grupy uczestniczące w buncie, który pojawił się w roku 2003. Bycie Arabem lub Afrykaninem jest kwestią tożsamości i nie jest czymś jednoznacznym z pochodzeniem etnicznym, a granice między tym, kto jest Afrykaninem, a kto Arabem bywają nieco płynne. Identyfikacja ta może przykładowo zmienić się w przypadku zmiany stylu życia lub poślubienia osoby o określonej przynależności etnicznej. Innym uproszczeniem jest też ogólny pogląd, że Arabowie są nomadami podczas gdy Afrykanie są rolnikami. Jest to prawdziwe w pewnym stopniu, ale istnieją również pewne wyjątki. Na przykład afrykańskie plemnie Zaghawa to ludność głównie koczownicza24. Konflikty między różnymi grupami etnicznymi są częścią historii Darfuru od co najmniej 75 lat. Wynikało to głównie z konfliktów związanych z wypasem zwierząt i dostępem do wody, ale również z polityki lokalnej i granic administracyjnych. Większość z tych konfliktów nie doprowadziła do wystąpienia tych grup przeciwko sobie, J. B r o s c h é, DARFUR: Dimensions and Dilemmas of a Complex Situation, Uppsala 2008, s. 9. 24 �II. Etnicznie i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze 82 ale jest kilka wyjątków od tej generalizacji. Krytycznym czynnikiem powodującym nasilenie tych konfliktów była degradacja środowiskowa, która rozpoczęła się w Darfurze w 1970 roku i stała się już bardzo dotkliwa w 1980 roku. Pomimo poważnych problemów w Darfurze, żadne kroki nie zostały podjęte przez zarządzających dla ochrony funkcjonowania ludności w tym regionie. Jednocześnie napływ ludności z Czadu spowodował wzrost populacji w Darfurze, co pociągnęło za sobą jeszcze większą konkurencję w dostępie do zasobów, które i tak już były niewystarczające. Konflikt o dostęp do zasobów jest postrzegany przez wielu jako podstawowy czynnik powodujący eskalację przemocy w Darfurze25. Rządowe wsparcie dla arabskich grup etnicznych w różnych społecznych konfliktach miało miejsce od końca 1980 roku do 1990, a jednym z najpoważniejszych z tych konfliktów była wojna plemienia Fur z ludnością arabską pod koniec lat osiemdziesiątych. Konflikt Fur z grupami arabskimi został powstrzymany w połowie 1989 roku, gdy Narodowy Front Islamski przejął władzę w Chartumie. Powodem rozwiązania tego konfliktu była praktyka powstrzymania konfliktów plemiennych, w czasie, kiedy zmienia się rząd, tak, aby sprawdzić działanie nowego systemu. Jednak konflikt pomiędzy Fur i Arabami ponownie pojawił się, kiedy nowy rząd zaczynał promować interesy określonych grup etnicznych na szkodę innych, wywołując nowe konflikt społeczne. 3. Klasyfikacja ludności Darfuru według sposobu zarobkowania i źródeł utrzymania Zróżnicowanie etniczne w Darfurze, a także w Sudanie na ogół nie jest jasne i wyraziste. Mieszkańców Darfuru można podzielić – J. F l i n t, Darfur’s armed Movements, w: A. D e Wa a l, War in Darfur and the Search for Peace, Cambridge 2007, s. 142–143. 25 �3. Klasyfikacja ludności Darfuru według sposobu... 83 jak wspomniano wcześniej – na potomków pochodzenia arabskiego oraz na lokalne grupy niearabskie. Mimo że niektórzy członkowie grup arabskich twierdzą, że tylko one są grupami arabskimi „czystymi pod względem rasowym”, to należy jednak zauważyć, że arabskość odnosi się głównie do dziedzictwa kulturowego, a nie „pochodzenia rasowego” czy przynależności etnicznej. Tak więc nazwa „Arab” zazwyczaj oznacza ludność mówiącą po arabsku w wyniku oddziaływania procesów historycznych w różnych grupach lokalnych z pochodzenia niearabskich afrykańskiego Sudanu26. Lud Fur jest największą grupą etniczną pochodzenia afrykańskiego w regionie Darfuru. Składa się z osiadłych rolników zajmujących się rolnictwem z wykorzystaniem metod tradycyjnych (tzn. kopieniactwa). Członkowie tego ludu, jak już wspomniałem wyżej, są założycielami Sułtanatu Fur i historycznymi władcami tego regionu. Inne niearabskie grupy w regionie to: Meidob, Zaghawa, Masalit, Berti, Tama, Alemrarit i Tundżur.Te niearabskie grupy etniczne utworzyły w połowie lat sześćdziesiątych XX wieku Powstańczy Front Darfuru, w obliczu powszechnych praktyk wykluczania rdzennych grup etnicznych wewnątrz Darfuru. Głównym celem Frontu była ochrona interesów rdzennej ludności Darfuru wobec konfliktów i rywalizacji politycznej, do której mieszał się centralny rząd w Chartumie27. Ludy arabskie w Darfurze to głównie plemiona koczownicze: Habbaniya, Beni Hussein, Ziyadiyah, Beni Halba, Dżawama, Rizeigat, Almhiria. Poza nimi są jeszcze arabscy kupcy, mieszkańcy miast, urzędnicy państwowi nazywani często „Synami Dżallaba”, 26 H. Yo u n g, Livelihoods, migration and remittance flows in times of crisis and conflict: case studies for Darfur, Sudan, September 2006, http://www. odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/404.pdf, [19.02.2016]. 27 A. A b d e l K a r i m, Altawzeei alsukani wi Farfur wa alsudan (Rozmieszczenie ludności w Darfurze i w Sudanie) Chartum 2006, s. 166–167. �II. Etnicznie i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze 84 co jest określeniem synów kupców z północy Sudanu28. Wspomniane grupy społeczne utworzyły w połowie lat osiemdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku tzw. „Sojusz Arabski”. Miał on na celu uzyskanie oficjalnego wsparcia i pomocy finansowej od rządu centralnego oraz sudańskich partii politycznych na rzecz Arabów w regionie Darfuru29. Zdaniem badaczy sudańskich Ghaffara Mohammeda Ahmeda i Sheriffa Silka, mieszkańców Darfuru Północnego można podzielić również według innych klasyfikacji. Popularna jest klasyfikacja według tożsamości gospodarczych na cztery grupy: Baggara (arabskich pasterzy hodujących bydło), Abbala (arabskich pasterzy hodujących wielbłądy), Zarga (nazwa lokalna, oznaczająca „czarnych” niearabskich rolników) oraz ludność miast, kupców i rzemieślników. Istnieje także jeszcze inny podział, dokonany w oparciu o wymiar kulturowy, przyjęty przez sudańskiego badacza Fouada Ibrahima. Wyróżnia on grupy na podstawie ich związków z arabskością (czyli według kryterium etnicznego) i relacji do arabskiej kultury i języka. Mówi zatem o: Arabach, mieszanych Arabach, nie-Arabach mówiących po arabsku i nie-Arabach nie mówiących po arabsku. Badacz ten mówiąc „Arabowie”, ma na myśli populacje Arabów mówiące po arabsku jak Rizeigat, Ziyadiyah, Beni Hussein i pasterzy Dżawama, którzy jako potomkowie ze związków mieszanych z ludnością lokalną mają kolor skóry ciemniejszy niż Sudańczycy pochodzenia arabskiego. Natomiast nie-Arabowie mówiący po arabsku to grupy, które zrezygnowały z języka ojczystego i przyjęły język arabski. Do tej kategorii należą: Alberti i Tundżur. Trzecia kategoria to mieszani Arabowie, do których zalicza się tutaj tych, Termin pochodzi od typowego dla nich stroju: dżalabiji, będącej rodzajem długiej białej koszuli. 29 A. A b d e l K a r i m, Altawzeei alsukani wi Farfur wa alsudan, dz. cyt., s. 168; zob. S. S h u a i b, Saraeat alqabayil alearabia fi Darfur (Konflikt plemion arabskich w Darfurze), http://www.sudantribune.net/6284, [29.03.2014]. 28 �3. Klasyfikacja ludności Darfuru według sposobu... 85 którzy używali swoich ojczystych języków, ale dodatkowo jeszcze mówili w dialektach arabskich. Do tej grupy badacz zaliczył plemiona Fur, Zaghawa, Meidob, Albrgid, Mima, Tama i Kenana30. Z kolei inny badacz Rex Sean O’Fahey31 przyjął podział ludności Darfuru oparty na twierdzeniu, że jest to obszar zróżnicowany genealogicznie i etnicznie, a klasyfikacja i podział na Arabów i nie-Arabów dokonuje się w sposób losowy i sprawia, że przyjęte klasyfikacje nie są rozstrzygające. O’Fahey proponuje więc klasyfikację w oparciu o imigrację i czynniki językowe oraz sposoby zarabiania na życie jako podstawowe elementy struktury ludności w Darfurze. Zgodnie z tym hybrydycznym trendem można wyróżnić trzy grupy ludności, uwzględniając ich drzewa genealogiczne, działalność, którą się zajmują, jak również zamieszkiwanie w określonych granicach geograficznych oraz elementy kulturowe. Zgodnie z tak przyjętymi kryteriami, pierwszą grupę można określić jako pasterzy wielbłądów i bydła, którzy uważają się za Arabów. To przekonanie wyraża się w tym, że występują jako Arabowie i posiadają taki status. Mają też poczucie, że są Beduinami (koczownikami), znani są ze swego poczucia wyższości i skłonności do przemocy. Uznają grupy rolników i inne grupy wiejskie za ludność o niższym statusie. W ich rozumieniu są to grupy gorsze i to nie tylko w sensie etnicznym, ale także na poA. A b d e l K a r i m, Altawzeei alsukani wi Farfur wa alsudan, dz. cyt., s. 170–175; zob. M. S u l i m a n, The Sudan: Resources, identity..., dz. cyt., s. 353–354. 31 Profesor Rex Sean O’Fahey, profesor historii na Uniwersytecie w Bergen w Norwegii, specjalizuje się w historii Afryki i Bliskiego Wschodniej, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem intelektualnej i literackiej historii islamu w Afryce, pre-kolonialnych dziejach Sudan, Sufizmu i współczesnych ruchów islamskich w północno-wschodniej Afryce. Profesor O’Fahey Opublikował wiele książek dotyczących tych obszarów, przykładowo Państwo i społeczeństwo w Darfurze, za: M. K i n g, M. O s m a, Environmental Degradation as a Cause of Conflict in Darfur, Khartoum 2004, s. 109. 30 �II. Etnicznie i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze 86 ziomie kultury i sposobu utrzymania się. Określają ich mianem Altkl od słowa „kuchnia” w odniesieniu do ich stabilnego trybu życia. Istotne znaczenie ma dla nich określenie: Dar – dom – jako odzwierciedlenie statusu ich przodków, ich tożsamość odróżniająca ich od innych grup. Aby zabezpieczyć siebie, czyli Dar, przed intruzami, posiadają oddziały, organizacje wojskowe prowadzone przez wojowników-przywódców. Te grupy wojskowo-pasterskie nie wahają się przed dokonywaniem inwazji i ataków na rolników, których mają w pogardzie. Zwłaszcza w czasach niedostatku i ograniczonych zasobów zdarzają się zbrojne najazdy na inne grupy, przede wszystkim na mieszkańców wiejskich obszarów rolniczych. Jest to jeden ze sposobów działań ukierunkowanych na uniknięcie nędzy i ubóstwa w trudnych czasach. Jak podkreśla jednak brytyjski badacz Alexander de Waal, jest faktem, że głód i nędza nie są czynnikami najmocniej oddziałującymi na funkcjonowanie tych grup. Znaczenie mają bowiem też społeczne i psychologiczne konsekwencje oddalenia się od własnego terytorium dar, gdyż jest to istotne dla członków tej grupy. Badania de Waal pokazały, że mieszkańcy wsi w zachodnim Sudanie chociaż są zwykle bardziej zagrożeni głodem, to jednak mniej się go obawiają niż zagrożeń związanych z załamaniem się struktur społecznych „domu”32. Grupa druga składa się z rolników prowadzących uprawy sezonowe i stałe. Są to stali mieszkańcy wsi, potomkowie głównie niearabskiej ludności, zazwyczaj z plemienia Fur. Grupa ta w przeciwieństwie do pasterskich, które przedstawiono wcześniej, nie ma charakteru paramilitarnego. Dla członków tej grupy Darfur jest ich „domem”, podczas gdy wszystkie inne są według nich obce Zob. A. A b d e l a a t i, Darfur: Judhur wamalat alssira almusallah, http:// www.aljazeera.net/home/Getpage/6c87b8ad-70ec-47d5-b7c4-3aa56fb899e2/ 04515945-482b-46b4-96c1-7f384f32bcbb, [22.052014]. 32 �3. Klasyfikacja ludności Darfuru według sposobu... 87 w tym regionie. Rolnicy z Fur generalnie przejawiają skłonność do życia w pokoju, choć zdarza się, że sporadycznie angażują się w starcia z pasterzami bydła i wielbłądów. Robią to w obronie swoich upraw i gospodarstw. W wyniku tych konfliktów pomiędzy tymi dwiema grupami narasta nieufność, a nawet wrogość wobec siebie nawzajem. Trzecia grupa, wyodrębniona na podstawie wspólnych cech regionalnych, kulturowych i zawodowych, składa się z przedsiębiorców, urzędników państwowych i właścicieli gruntów, pracujących mieszkańców miast. W przeciwieństwie do omówionych powyżej grup, posiadających ograniczone znaczenie polityczne, ta trzecia grupa odgrywa ważną rolę w życiu politycznym i gospodarczym regionu. W rozdziale tym podjęto próbę przedstawienia historycznych i środowiskowych czynników, które złożyły się na procesy etniczne (struktura społeczno-etniczna Darfuru) i osadnicze (rozmieszczenie ludności według sposobu zarobkowania i źródeł utrzymania w Darfurze), mające znaczenie dla współczesnego Darfuru. Oba czynniki należy brać stale pod uwagę, gdyż tylko w taki sposób można wyjaśnić wspomniane procesy. Życie w Sudanie, jak i w innych częściach kontynentu afrykańskiego, rozpatruje się w kontekście zachowania równowagi ekologicznej i gospodarczej. W ciągu ostatnich czterech dekad dochodziło do wielokrotnego naruszenia tejże równowagi, zwłaszcza na dużych obszarach suchych i półsuchych w północnej części Sudanu33. Trwająca susza, nieodpowiednie metody wykorzystania gruntów, takie jak wzrost wprowadzania na szeroką skalę metod zmechanizowanego rolnictwa w zakresie nawadniania i intensywny wypas, powodowały zniszczenia ekosystemu – pasa sawanny Sudanu N. B a s h a r i, Epistemological Enlightenment Centre, http://tanweer.sd/ arabic/modules/ smartsection/item.php?itemid=96, [15.03.2013]. 33 �II. Etnicznie i społeczne uwarunkowania konfliktu w Darfurze 88 zamieszkanego przez 70% ludności kraju. Miliony ludzi musiało opuścić swoje domy i zostało wysiedlonych, a ich liczba wzrosła do tego stopnia, że Sudan w rzeczywistości stał się największym krajem wysiedleńców na świecie. Przepływ ludzi i ich zwierząt ze stref zagrożonych w miejsca już zajęte przez inne grupy etniczne to prosty sposób na wywołanie napięcia i wrogości. Ludzie czasami zmuszeni są do wspólnego użytkowania ziemi na określonych warunkach. Dawniej obejmowało to krótsze okresy. Jednak wraz z pogarszaniem się warunków naturalnych sytuacje te trwają przez długie okresy i naciski stają się silniejsze. Trudności te, zwłaszcza we wschodniej części Sudanu i na obszarach dotkniętych suszą w Darfurze i Kordofanie, stają się coraz większe34. Podziały etniczne, religijne i kulturowe mają duże znaczenie dla właściwego zrozumienia motywacji ludzi angażujących się w krwawe konflikty. Przedłużające się konflikty powodują powstawanie coraz większych etnicznych barier i zwiększają prawdopodobieństwo wzrostu znaczenia podziałów etnicznych jako głównej przyczyny konfliktu. Większość konfliktów zbrojnych w Darfurze została zapoczątkowana z powodu ograniczonych zasobów naturalnych, rzeczywistych i wyobrażonych. Z biegiem czasu do różnic przynależności etnicznej, kulturowej i religijnej dołączono argumenty ideologiczne i społeczne. Wszystkie te przyczyny prowadzą do pojawiania się konfliktów politycznych, które z czasem przekształcają się w konflikt zbrojny35. Skutki uboczne, powodowane przez różnice etniczne i poziom rozwoju kulturalnego i duchowego, mogą stać się wraz z rozwojem i pojawieniem się innych punktów zapalnych trudnym do rozwiązania konfliktem. Wojna w Darfurze rozpoczęła się od spoSudan: Post-conflict Environmental Assessment, Natural Disasters and Desertification, United Nations Environment Programme, 2012, s. 58–62. 35 Tamże, s. 63–68; zob. I. A h m e d, Causes of Tribal Conflicts in Dar Fur, „Sudanese Human Rights Quarterly”, 1999, nr 8, s. 24. 34 �3. Klasyfikacja ludności Darfuru według sposobu... 89 ru między rolnikami i pasterzami o zasoby naturalne, pastwiska i źródła wody. Wraz z upływem czasu, zaognianiem się konfliktu, wzrostem poczucia krzywdy z tytułu utraty życia i mienia, wymiar etniczny zarysował się jako drugi najważniejszy punkt zapalny tego konfliktu. Z czasem, w związku z coraz większymi stratami, paniką i wzrostem dramatyzmu działań wojennych, wymiar etniczny wysunął się na czoło jako najważniejszy motyw konfliktu. Tak więc konflikt zasobów przerodził się w konflikt tożsamości. Konieczność dostosowania się do różnorodnych środowisk ekologicznych niesie ze sobą ujawnianie się różnic w kulturze, wytworach materialnych oraz aspektach organizacji społecznej, takich jak język i tradycje społeczne, sposób ubierania się i odżywiania, które są kluczowymi kryteriami pojawiania się dyskryminacji rasowej. Różnice te stają się poważne, gdy zaistnieje spór o zasoby materialne. W rezultacie na granicy terenów o różnych warunkach przyrodniczych pojawiają się punkty zapalne i prowadzą do różnych form konfliktów między sąsiadującymi grupami, a rywale używają własnego pochodzenia etnicznego jako argumentu w tych sporach. ��Rozdział III Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego oraz analiza motywów działania grup rebelianckich w Darfurze 1. Definicja, typologia i fazy konfliktu Konflikt – to proces społeczny zachodzący między jednostkami, grupami, państwami lub organizacjami. Wynika ze sprzeczności interesów, celów, poglądów czy obowiązków, powoduje powstanie wrogości między nimi1. W literaturze opisane są różne podejścia do wyjaśniania podstaw tego zjawiska. Warte podkreślenia wydają się ujęcia wskazujące na nierówność w dostępie do dóbr. Wraz ze wzrostem świadomości niesprawiedliwego podziału, można spodziewać się tego, iż grupy dyskryminowane będą kwestionować istniejący porządek. U podstaw konfliktu może też leżeć nierówny dostęp do władzy. Konflikt przybiera na sile, gdy zbiorowości w niego zaangażowane stają się spójne wewnątrz i solidarne w walce przeciwko stronie reprezentującej odmienne podejście i inne wartości. Tradycyjny pogląd traktuje konflikt jako zjawisko jednoznacznie negatywne, którego źródłem są błędy decydentów, a zatem należy go bezwzględnie unikać, a jeżeli powstanie, to niezwłocznie likwidować. Natomiast współczesne podejście do konfliktu przewiduje, iż może on też przynieść korzyści, o ile we właściwy sposób rozezna się przyczyny, pokieruje nim, 1 J. S t ę p i e ń, Socjologia pracy i zawodu, Poznań 2001. �92 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... a następnie znajdzie dobry sposób rozwiązania. Można w ten sposób doprowadzić do lepszej efektywności podmiotu, którego konflikt dotyczył. Rozważania te w literaturze przedmiotu dotyczą przede wszystkim funkcjonowania organizacji, jednak pewne elementy można zastosować do konfliktów przebiegających na większych obszarach, jak konflikty społeczne, które charakteryzują się zmaganiami między ludźmi, których celem jest nie tylko zdobycie i posiadanie środków produkcji, danej pozycji społecznej, władzy, czyli wartości cieszących się społecznym uznaniem, ale też pozyskanie, a nawet eliminacja rzeczywistego lub domniemanego przeciwnika2. Można dokonać podziału konfliktów przyjmując różne kryteria. W literaturze przedmiotu spotykanych jest wiele różnych typologii. Poniżej dokonano wyodrębnienia najbardziej istotnych kryteriów podziału. Zatem3: 1. z uwagi na podmiot konfliktu możemy mówić o konfliktach pomiędzy jednostkami, grupami, instytucjami w różnych ich konfiguracjach; 2. ze względu na zasięg wyróżnić należy konflikty w skali mikro, makro lub mega; 3. biorąc za kryterium przedmiot są konflikty: ekonomiczne, polityczne, klasowe, ideologiczne, kulturowe, wartości i celów; 4. według kryterium sposobu przejawiania się można mówić o konfliktach: jawnych i ukrytych, kierowanych i spontanicznych, łagodnych i ostrych; 5. konflikty rozróżnić można też ze względu na czas trwania na długotrwałe i krótkotrwałe. 2 Tamże; zob. H. B i a ł y s z e w s k i, Teoretyczne problemy sprzeczności i konfliktów społecznych, Warszawa 1983. 3 P. J e r m a k o w i c z, Konflikt społeczny, zagadnienia teoretyczne, w: Rozwiązywanie sytuacji konfliktowych w wymiarze jednostkowym i społecznym, red. M. Plucińska, Poznań 2014, s. 31–35; zob. M. H o l s t e i n - B e c k, Konflikty, Warszawa 1983. �1. Definicja, typologia i fazy konfliktu 93 Warto, też wskazać, jakie są główne źródła konfliktów. Można się ich doszukiwać w trzech sferach funkcjonowania poszczególnych grup: w komunikacji (wszelkiego rodzaju nieporozumienia) w strukturach organizacyjnych (wyznaczanie ról społecznych, podział i koordynowanie działań) oraz w zachowaniach ludzkich (odmienne normy i wartości). Z tych właśnie wymienionych powyżej sfer wywodzą się źródła konfliktu, które są zazwyczaj związane z koniecznością dzielenia się ograniczonymi zasobami, różnicą celów stawianych sobie przez poszczególne podmioty konfliktu, wzajemną współzależnością grup i jednostek oraz różnicami w wyznawanych wartościach i postrzeganiu pewnych istotnych dla stron spraw4. W przebiegu konfliktu wskazuje się na pewne fazy, które zazwyczaj można wyróżnić w każdym konflikcie5: 1. Faza powstania konfliktu Konflikt rozpoczyna się od odczucia niezadowolenia, poczucia, iż druga strona jest przeszkodą na drodze do realizacji celów oraz jest konkurencją w dostępie do zasobów. 2. Faza wybuchu konfliktu Postępujące niezadowolenie może z kolei rodzić frustrację i doprowadzić do wybuchu otwartego konfliktu, czemu towarzyszy narastająca niechęć do przeciwnej strony, aż do przekonania, iż przeciwnik nie posiada takich samych praw, jest też wielka wola walki podjęta w celu osiągnięcia pozycji wygranego. 3. Faza przebiegu konfliktu Charakterystyczne cechy tego etapu to postępująca zwartość w poszczególnych grupach, wysuwanie na czoło przywódców – osób Zob. R.W. G r i f f i n, Podstawy zarządzania organizacjami, Warszawa 1996. J. K i s i e l n i c k i, Podstawy organizacji i zarządzanie, http://edu.pjwstk.edu.pl/ wyklady/poz/scb/index66.html, [18.02.2016]; zob. F. G l a s l, Conflict Stages and Dynamics, http://www.irenees.net/bdf_fiche-analyse-656_en.html, [18.02.2016]. 4 5 �III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... 94 znaczących, silnych, agresywnych, przekonujących itp., wypaczanie poglądów – ocena własnej grupy zmienia się na korzyść, a postrzeganie przeciwnej – na niekorzyść, pojawianie się negatywnych stereotypów wobec przeciwnika, wybór przedstawicieli do negocjacji oraz zaślepienie- w obawie przed klęską może pojawić się upośledzenie zdolności do prawidłowego, racjonalnego myślenia. 4. Rezultat konfliktu Korzyści, umocnienie pozycji dla wygrywającego, a niezadowolenie po stronie przegranych, gdzie wewnątrz grupy może dojść do wzajemnych oskarżeń. Bywa, że rezultatem konfliktu jest kolejny konflikt. Na przebieg oraz możliwości rozwiązania konfliktu mają wpływ różne okoliczności. Duże znaczenie mają wcześniejsze relacje i wynikający z tego stopień gotowości do podjęcia współpracy. Od tego w dużej mierze zależy możliwość, kierunek i sposób rozwiązania konfliktu. Istotne są też cechy stron zaangażowanych w konflikt: ich poglądy, wartości, ideologia, jak też ich postrzeganie własnych szans na wygraną i ocena jakie jest ryzyko przegranej. Nie sposób też nie wspomnieć o tym, iż często w konflikcie uczestniczy oprócz stron przeciwnych, uwikłanych w konflikt – strona niezaangażowana w konflikt, czyli mediator. Jego możliwości, umiejętności i zaangażowanie w dużym stopniu mogą wpłynąć na przebieg i sposób rozwiązania konfliktu. Oczywiście wiele zależy też od samego charakteru, natury i rodzaju konfliktu. W literaturze przedmiotu wskazuje się na różne podejścia do klasyfikowania i wyróżniania metod rozwiązywania konfliktów. Można zatem mówić o następujących metodach6: 1. Wyłączanie – w zależności od rodzaju konfliktu, sposobem jego rozwiązania może być zerwanie kontaktu (relacji) ze stroną 6 J. K i s i e l n i c k i, Podstawy organizacji i zarządzanie, dz. cyt. �1. Definicja, typologia i fazy konfliktu 95 przeciwną. Jest to w zasadzie ucieczka od znalezienia rozwiązania, a nie rzeczywiste rozwiązanie konfliktu. 2. Poddanie się – strona silniejsza wykorzystuje swoją pozycję i dalej postępuje się zgodnie z jej interesem. Nie jest to skuteczna metoda, gdyż strona przegrana jest nieusatysfakcjonowana i może ponownie rozpocząć konflikt. 3. Zmuszenie do ustąpienia – strona zmuszająca do ustąpienia stosuje wszelkie środki, aby osiągnąć cel, w tym manipulacje, nieakceptowane traktowanie innych osób. 4. Kompromis – częściowo są zaspokojone interesy obu stron, ponieważ każda strona z czegoś rezygnuje na rzecz roszczeń przeciwnika, strony oceniają na ile ważne są własne interesy, a na ile dobre wzajemne relacje i podejmują decyzje, co do możliwości ustępstw. 5. Współpraca – opiera się na znalezieniu rozwiązania, które może być satysfakcjonujące dla obu stron, zaakceptowane zostają cele przeciwnej strony bez konieczności rezygnacji z własnych. Jest to metoda efektywna, gdyż obie strony wkładają wysiłek, aby poprawić komunikację, rozwiązać przyczynę sporu i znaleźć korzystne rozwiązanie konfliktu. Jak wcześniej wspomniano, niegdyś konflikty były postrzegane jako zdecydowanie negatywne zjawisko. Współcześnie jednak dostrzega się pewne jego pozytywne elementy. Co do negatywnych konsekwencji, to konflikty niestety często różnicują, rozbijają grupy, powodują demonstrowanie wrogości, sprawiają przykrość, a często też cierpienie. W sytuacji konfliktowej przeciwnicy w zależności od formy jego przebiegu, tracą siły, energię, czas i inne cenne zasoby, które mogłyby być spożytkowane przykładowo na rozwój, realizację celów itp. Można też jednak dostrzec pewne pozytywne konsekwencje konfliktu. Może być on inspirujący do poszukiwania nowych, korzystnych rozwiązań, lepszych od dotychczasowych, a przez to prowadzić do postępu i rozwoju �III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... 96 gospodarczego, ekonomicznego, politycznego czy społecznego. Proces konfliktowy wymusza też zidentyfikowanie i wyrażenie własnych postaw, poglądów, wartości, sprzyja integrowaniu się z osobami o podobnych postawach, jak też – w zależności od przyjętego rozwiązania konfliktu – może uczyć akceptowania odmiennych postaw7. 2. Próba identyfikacji przyczyn konfliktu w regionie Darfur Region Darfur, który znajduje się na dalekim zachodzie Republiki Sudanu, ma powierzchnię około 549 tysięcy km2 i zamieszkuje go ponad 6 milionów ludzi (w 2004 roku). Długie lata region ten cierpiał z powodu deficytu środków i warunków istotnych dla życia, braku dostatecznej infrastruktury drogowej, środków transportu i komunikacji. W dodatku Darfurczycy mieli poczucie całkowitego lekceważenia ich problemów przez kolejne rządy sudańskie od momentu uzyskania niepodległości państwa w 1956 roku. Do braku stabilności przyczyniało się także dziedzictwo epoki kolonialnej, dostrzegalne nie tylko w Sudanie, ale też w całej Afryce. Implementowane, w ramach procesu przechodzenia do niepodległości na grunt afrykański, zachodnie instytucje polityczne i gospodarcze, mające być podstawą procesów modernizacyjnych, okazywały się bardzo często dysfunkcyjne wobec lokalnych tradycji i potrzeb8. Wśród negatywnych skutków wymienić można m.in.: rozbicie tradycyjnych struktur społecznych i politycznych, zainiTamże; D.C. L e e g e, K.D. Wa l d, B.S. K r u e g e r, P.D. M u e l l e r, The politics of cultural differences, Cultural Theory and Political Conflict: General Components, 2001, ss. 55–62, http://users.clas.ufl.edu/kenwald/pos6292/pcd. pdf, [18.02.2016]. 8 W. L i z a k, Afrykańskie instytucje bezpieczeństwa, Warszawa 2012, s. 452. 7 �2. Próba identyfikacji przyczyn konfliktu w regionie Darfur 97 cjowanie procesu przekształceń w sferze tożsamościowej, rozbudzenie nacjonalizmów, zanegowanie tradycyjnych systemów wartości, przekształcenie systemów gospodarczych oraz wymianę elit politycznych, społecznych i kulturalnych. Wszystko to działo się w sytuacji ciągłego utrzymywania się tradycyjnych struktur społecznych9. W efekcie wkrótce po dekolonizacji rozpoczął się proces ewolucji afrykańskich systemów politycznych w kierunku autorytaryzmu10. Innym problemem były trudności wynikające z warunków geograficznych i cech charakterystycznych tego regionu, jak przykładowo brak opadów. Tereny te były narażone w drugiej połowie ubiegłego stulecia na kolejne fale suszy, które doprowadziły do poważnych trudności z dostępem do źródeł wody dla upraw rolniczych i wypasu. Kryzysy środowiskowe były natomiast czynnikiem sprzyjającym pojawieniu się konfliktów zbrojnych i potyczek pomiędzy różnymi plemionami rywalizującymi o pastwiska i wodę, szczególnie między pasterzami a rolnikami. Spory te w przeszłości były jednak rozstrzygane bez doprowadzania do większych tragedii, jak to zdarza się współcześnie, kiedy między innymi różnice rasowe są pretekstem do długotrwałych kryzysów. Ważnym czynnikiem stabilizującym była wspólna religia muzułmańska i język arabski. Grupy porozumiewające się własnym językiem, posługiwały się bowiem również arabskim jako językiem kontaktowym, co ułatwiało nawiązywanie wzajemnych relacji11. Sporadyczne starcia były skutecznie rozwiązywane zarówno przez władze lokalne w regionie, jak i plemiennych liderów według zwyczajów regulujących tego typu spory zgodnie z odwieczA. S ł o w i k, Konflikt w Darfurze w świetle prawa międzynarodowego, dz. cyt., s. 37. 10 W. L i z a k, Afrykańskie instytucje bezpieczeństwa, dz. cyt., s. 452. 11 S. A l - B a d a w i, Alsiag aljgrafii li Darfur (Darfur, kontekst geograficzny), Kair 2005, s. 3–4. 9 �III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... 98 nymi tradycjami i prawem muzułmańskim kisas i dijja12. Kisas przewidywało co prawda prawo pokrzywdzonego do „sprawiedliwego odwetu”, czyli zemsty zgodnie z zasadą „życie za życie”, prawo do odpłaty, czyli dijja, jednak skutecznie je ograniczało. Zakładało bowiem możliwość przebaczenia poprzez naprawienie szkód i rekompensatę za wyrządzoną krzywdę. W czasach, gdy używano broni tradycyjnej (włóczni, mieczy, starych strzelb typu Remington), zabijanie było ograniczone, a zabójcę można było względnie łatwo zidentyfikować. Tym samym możliwe było naprawienie szkód i przywrócenie pokoju. Prawo do odwetu nie było realizowane zbyt często. Dopiero wówczas, gdy podstawową bronią stały się karabiny AK 47, te zasady zostały zmienione. Zaczęło dochodzić do masakr, których nie można już było załagodzić za pomocą okupu. Nie było też tak prosto dojść, kto kogo zabił. Użycie kałasznikowów, które masowo napływały do Sudanu z Libii i Czadu, powodowało niespodziewane skutki. Jak wspomniałem wcześniej, region był zaniedbany przez brak dostatecznej troski i uwagi ze strony kolejnych rządów, jak też z powodu słabego rozwoju infrastruktury, transportu i dróg. Zwrócił uwagę na ten fakt także polityk uważany na Zachodzie za czołowego islamistę w Sudanie dr Hassan al-Turabi, który zapytany przeze mnie o przyczyny wybuchu konfliktu w Darfurze, odpowiedział: „To, że problem Darfuru przybiera na sile, spowodowane jest tym, że są tu zaangażowane czynniki międzynarodowe, na które oddziałuje wizja „okrutnej wojny”. Podstawa tego problemu jest jednak taka, że Darfurczycy historycznie mieli kiedyś swoje państwo i są z tego dumni oraz nie akceptują obecnej marginalizacji, a także tego, że koczownicy arabscy weszli do Darfuru i zajęli Tamże; J. M u h a m m a d, Scarce water the root cause of Darfur conflict?, 2010, http://www.finalcall.com/artman/publish/World_News_3/article_6808. shtml, [20.02.2016]. 12 �2. Próba identyfikacji przyczyn konfliktu w regionie Darfur 99 najlepsze miejsca pracy i odgrywają czołową rolę w jego systemie gospodarczym. Oprócz tego Darfur został skrzywdzony brakiem edukacji i systemu opieki zdrowotnej. Rozwój tych dziedzin jest słaby, a dotychczasowe rządy nie wprowadziły w Darfurze systemu federalnego, zwłaszcza w okresie rządów wojskowych”13. Czynniki te zaostrzył kryzys środowiskowy, susze i zjawisko pustynnienia, co razem doprowadziło do pojawienia się ruchu oporu, który wezwał do walki z władzami centralnymi. Powstały w Darfurze takie ugrupowania jak Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości czy Armia Wyzwolenia Sudanu, a następnie jeszcze wiele innych. Oba ugrupowania w ramach ruchu oporu dążyły do osiągnięcia sprawiedliwszego podziału środków budżetowych i większego zainteresowania Chartumu Darfurem. Tak zaczęła się walka opozycji darfurskiej z rządem, co doprowadziło do osiągnięcia znaczących sukcesów. Rząd w Chartumie nie był w stanie pokonać walczących. Nie potrafił też zainicjować rozwoju w regionie z powodu braku rzetelnego i jasnego programu rozwojowego. Po tym jak rządowi sudańskiemu nie udało się rozwiązać problemu z ruchem oporu w tym regionie, dążył do wykorzystania konfliktu o zasoby naturalne, aby osiągnąć swoje własne cele polityczne i podporządkować sobie ten region i jego zasoby, a w szczególności przyszłe wydobycie surowców naturalnych, a przy tym osłabić ruch oporu. Aby osiągnąć te cele, rząd w Chartumie powołał milicje dżandżawidów, uzbrojonych band, pierwotnie uchodźców z Czadu, wyspecjalizowanych w rabunku i kradzieży. Powstały one z uzbrojonych grup arabskiego pochodzenia, działających poza prawem. Oddziały te używały broni, której dostarczał im rząd w Chartumie. Dokonywały podpaleń, morderstw i rabunWywiad przeprowadzony przez autora pracy z Hassanem al-Turabim, liderem Partii Kongresu Ludowego, w Chartumie w 2011 r.; zob. A. A n - N a i m, Causes and solutions for Darfur, 2014, http://www.sandiegouniontribune.com/ uniontrib/20040815/news_lz1e15darfur.html, [20.02.2016]. 13 �100 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... ków w wioskach, wśród plemion rolniczych lub zajmujących się rzemiosłem, należących do ruchu oporu, w większości z plemion pochodzenia rdzennie afrykańskiego, takich jak Fur. Te działania doprowadziły do katastrofy humanitarnej w Sudanie bez precedensu we współczesnej historii14. Należy podkreślić, że oddziały dżandżawidów nie stanowią trzonu plemion arabskich w regionie, są one bowiem tylko grupami zajmującymi się rozbojem i wykorzystywanymi przez rząd w Chartumie do zatrzymania ruchu oporu. Po nieudanej próbie siłowego rozbicia ruchu oporu, zaczęły uciekać się do innych form jak masowy terror: gwałty, palenie wiosek, porwania kobiet i dzieci. Rząd w Chartumie dążył przede wszystkim do eliminacji oddziałów ruchu oporu w regionie, takich jak Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości oraz Armia Wyzwolenia Sudanu, które domagają się sprawiedliwości, równości i demokratyzacji we wszystkich regionach Sudanu, a nie tylko w Darfurze. W związku z tym Armia Wyzwolenia Darfuru zmieniła ostatecznie nazwę na Armia Wyzwolenia Sudanu. Z obawy przed oskarżeniem o separatyzm organizacja ta stara się nie wykorzystywać czynników etnicznych jako strategii walki i realizacji celów. Priorytety w ich działalności i negocjacji z rządem, to zaprowadzenie we wszystkich częściach Sudanu demokracji, sprawiedliwości, równości i sprawiedliwego podziału bogactwa i władzy15. Wielu badaczy próbowało ustalić najczęstsze czynniki, które wywołują i zwiększają ryzyko występowania wojen. W tym kontekście analiza przyczyn konfliktów i motywów ekonomicznych przyciąga coraz większą uwagę. Najwybitniejszymi w tym zakreS. A l - B a d a w i, Alsiag aljgrafii li Darfur, dz. cyt., s. 4; zob. A. A b d e l a a t i, http://darfurcurentcrisis.blogspot.com/2005/02/blog-post_18.html [18.02.2012]. 15 Zob. R. C r i l l y, Saving Darfur: Everyone’s Favorite African War, London 2010. 14 �2. Próba identyfikacji przyczyn konfliktu w regionie Darfur 101 sie są uczeni Paul Collier16 i Anke Hoeffler17, którzy przedstawili zależność wojen domowych od struktur i organizacji rebelii. Stwierdzili oni, że podczas buntu mają miejsce grabieże zasobów naturalnych, wymuszenia na miejscowej ludności, przy wsparciu etnicznych przywódców. Na podstawie danych o wojnach w latach 1960–1999 stwierdzili również, że aspekt ekonomiczny wydaje się być wiodącym wyjaśnieniem dla genezy większości wojen domowych, tak jak nierówność polityczna i etniczna. Natomiast różnice religijne są na ogół słabym wyjaśnieniem przyczyn wojen domowych. Ponadto można zauważyć, że im wyższy dochód kraju czy regionu, tym mniejsze jest ryzyko wojny domowej, ze względu na duże koszty związane z konfliktem, a w parze z dużymi zasobami naturalnymi danego regionu idzie większe ryzyko konfliktu18. Podobnie James Fearon i David Laitin na podstawie analizy 127 wojen domowych, przede wszystkim w Afryce Subsaharyjskiej i Azji, stwierdzili, że niezależnie jak etnicznie jest niejednorodny dany kraj, prawdopodobieństwo wojny domowej zmniejsza się wraz ze wzrostem bogactwa danego kraju. W miejscu, gdzie nie 16 Paul Collier jest profesorem ekonomii i dyrektorem Ośrodka Studiów Gospodarek Afrykańskich na Uniwersytecie w Oxfordzie. Był też dyrektorem Badań Rozwoju w Banku Światowym i doradcą rządu brytyjskiego Komisji ds. Afryki. Jest jednym z wiodących światowych ekspertów w dziedzinie gospodarki afrykańskiej i współautorem książki razem z Nicholasem Sambanis: Understanding civil war, Washington 2005, za: Paul Collier’s home page at the Blavatnik School of Government, http://www.bsg.ox.ac.uk/people/paul-collier, [28.03.2015]. 17 Anke Hoeffler jest ekspertem ds. badań w Centrum Badań Gospodarki Afrykańskiej i pracownikiem naukowym Kolegium św. Antoniego, University of Oxford. Jest także pracownikiem naukowym w Międzynarodowym Instytucie Badań nad Pokojem w Oslo. Za: Centre for the Study of African Economies (CSAE), http://www.csae.ox.ac.uk/members/biogs/hoeffler.html, [28.03.2015]. 18 P. C o l l i e r, A. H o e f f l e r, Greed and Grievance in Civil War, Washington 2001. �102 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... jest widoczny wzrost dochodu, według przedstawionej tezy istnieje poważne ryzyko powstania konfliktu19. Tezy i poglądy te nie zostały przyjęte przez wszystkich badaczy. W 2002 roku Ahmed Ali i Ibrahim Elbadawi określili 17 czynników ekonomicznych, politycznych i etniczno-religijno-kulturowych oraz zewnętrznych, wskazując je jako przyczyny powstawania konfliktów. Na podstawie analizy wojen z lat 1960–1999 Elbadawi i Nicholas Sambanis stwierdzili, że powodem konfliktów wojennych w Afryce jest przede wszystkim rozdrobnienie etniczno-językowe oraz wysoki poziom ubóstwa, a nie instytucje polityczne czy ekonomiczne uzależnione od zasobów naturalnych20. W podobny sposób Frances Stewart zauważył, że poziom nierówności jest ważnym elementem dobrego samopoczucia i może mieć szkodliwe konsekwencje dla dalszego rozwoju21. Wiele już napisano na temat konfliktu w Darfurze po wybuchu wojny w 2003 roku, próbując na różne sposoby wyjaśniać przyczyny konfliktu. Większość z tych wyjaśnień mylnie interpretuje dwa rodzaje czynników, a mianowicie pierwotne przyczyny konfliktu oraz obecne przyczyny trwania konfliktu, a także jego dynamikę. Konflikty etniczne czy plemienne opierają się na międzygrupowych konfrontacjach, które od dawna charakteryzowały Darfur i to głównie między osiadłymi rolnikami a pasterzami. Tego rodzaju konflikty były jednak rozwiązywane w drodze mediacji w ramach tradycyjnej lokalnej rady pojednania i rekompensaty wyrządzonych krzywd. 19 D. Fe a r o n, D. L a i t i n, Ethnicity, insurgency and civil war, „American Political Science Review”, 97(2003), s. 75–90. 20 A.G. A l i, I. E l b a d a w i, A. E l - B a t a h a n i, The Sudan’s civil war: Why has it prevailed for so long?, Paper prepared for case study project on civil wars, on the causes, consequences, and resolution of the civil war in Sudan, March 2003. 21 F. S t e w a r t, Horizontal inequalities: A neglected dimension of development, Oxford 2004. �3. Geneza konfliktu zbrojnego pomiędzy grupami... 103 Obecny konflikt był jednak wynikiem relacji pomiędzy rządem centralnym i jego aparatem bezpieczeństwa a grupami rebelianckimi. Często niektóre przyczyny konfliktów plemiennych były przypisywane bieżącej sytuacji politycznej, która ma konsekwencje dla sposobów rozwiązania danego konfliktu. Rozróżnienie to ma istotne znaczenie dla lepszego zrozumienia podstawowych przyczyn konfliktu oraz planowania odpowiednich interwencji. Chociaż przyczyny tych dwóch rodzajów konfliktów mogą się różnić, to nacisk na pracę w celu zrozumienia przyczyny konfliktu politycznego czy plemiennego jest bardzo istotny. 3. Geneza konfliktu zbrojnego pomiędzy grupami etnicznymi w Darfurze W konflikcie zbrojnym w Darfurze między grupami etnicznymi, spostrzeganymi często jako „rasowe”, można dopatrzeć się dwustopniowego przebiegu i wyróżnić dwa główne nurty. Pierwszy to konflikt typowo „plemienny”22, przejawiający się w okazjonalnych starciach, które były charakterystyczne dla lat pięćdziesiątych i dużo wcześniejszych, a które ciągnęły się aż do lat siedemdziesiątych XX wieku. Drugi nurt obejmował spory głębsze, o szerszym zakresie, bardziej nowoczesne. Pojawiły się one od połowy lat osiemdziesiątych. Podczas gdy w przeszłości powstające konflikty łatwo znajdowały satysfakcjonujące rozwiązania, to kolejny rozdział w historii konfliktów okazał się być bardziej złożony, ponieważ pojawiły się trudności w rozwiązywaniu tych konfliktów tradycyjnymi metodami, które w przeszłości sprowadzały się do rekompensat finansowych. Starcia występujące od połowy lat osiemdziesiątych, spowodowane rywalizacją o wodę Słowa „plemię” używam tu w znaczeniu zespołu blisko spokrewnionych rodów, organizacji politycznej, a nie grupy etnicznej. 22 �104 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... i pastwiska, zaczęły rozszerzać się, aż ich charakter nabrał cech wojny na pełną skalę w 2003 roku. Życie straciło wówczas kilkadziesiąt tysięcy ludzi, przestały istnieć całe wsie, wiele zostało spalonych, ludzie potracili swą własność, a ogromna liczba ludności została zmuszona do przesiedlenia23. Kolejne rządy prowadziły cały szereg strategii w celu rozwiązania różnych konfliktów, ale ich wysiłki okazały się nieskuteczne, a w wielu przypadkach powstały nawet oskarżenia o stronniczość władz centralnych i nierówne traktowanie stron konfliktu. Spory występujące przed połową lat osiemdziesiątych cechuje mała ostrość i lokalny charakter. Rzadko były to spory dwóch grup etnicznych. Przykładem takich konfliktów są spory, które miały miejsce pomiędzy Zaghawa i Almhiria w 1968 roku oraz pomiędzy Almaalaa i Rizeigat w tym samym roku, a także pomiędzy Rizeigat i Misseriya od 1972 do 1974 oraz Beni Halba i Almhiria od 1975 do 1977 roku, a między Altaihh i Salamat od 1978 do 1981 roku. Konflikt w Darfurze rozpoczął się w połowie 1980 roku. Znany był jako wojenny zryw plemion arabskich. W 1984 roku, w okresie suszy, wojna ogarnęła cały region. Głównym punktem zapalnym, który doprowadził do wybuchu, był rozpad dotychczasowych więzi gospodarczych między rolnikami Fur a pasterzami z grupy Zaghawa. W przeszłości pozwalano pasterzom wchodzić ze stadami do strefy Dżabal Marra i wypasać zwierzęta na pozostałościach z pól uprawnych w grudniu i styczniu, gdy inne pastwiska były jeszcze mało wydajne. Nomadzi mogli tam pozostawać aż do początku pory deszczowej, która zaczynała się w kwietniu i maju. Rolnicy zezwalali im na to, ponieważ po pierwsze dostawali część A. A l b a t a h a n i, Azmat al. Hukm wi alsudan: Azmat himana am himanat azma? (Kryzys zarządzania w Sudanie: kryzys dominacji czy dominacja kryzysu?), Khartoum 2011, s. 50–64; zob. M.W. D a l y, Darfur’s Sorrow: A History of Destruction and Genocide, New York 2007. 23 �3. Geneza konfliktu zbrojnego pomiędzy grupami... 105 zwierząt od pasterzy, a po drugie pozostałości i odpady zwierzęce wspomagały nawożenie. W latach 1987–1989 doszło do wyciszenia konfliktów, gdy demokratyczny rząd w Chartumie został obalony i islamscy przywódcy wstrzymali walki w Darfurze. Ten prosty fakt powinien przypominać nam, że konflikt w Darfurze rozpoczął się jako wojna domowa, której rząd nie był stroną. Władze stały się stroną konfliktu dopiero po 1989 roku. Natychmiast po przejęciu władzy obiecano wyjście z kryzysu. Faktycznie zarówno przedstawiciele Fur, jak i Arabów szybko doszli do porozumienia. W mniej niż tydzień przeciwnicy podpisali protokół pokojowy i deklarację powrotu do sytuacji sprzed zamachu. Na dłużą metę ich inicjatywa jednak się nie powiodła i wojna wybuchła na jeszcze większą skalę. Gdy rząd stał się stroną konfliktu, stracił swoją pozycję rozjemcy. W rezultacie lokalny konflikt w Darfurze przekształcił się w konflikt regionalny, kiedy zainteresowały się nim państwa sąsiadujące z Sudanem (Czad, Libia, Erytrea), a następnie został umiędzynarodowiony poprzez włączenie się z pomocą finansową, materialną i wojskową państw spoza regionu (Chin, Rosji, USA). Stąd klasyfikuje się go jako umiędzynarodowiony konflikt wewnętrzny24. W latach 2002–2003 ponownie doszło do walk, gdy siły antyrządowe w Darfurze podjęły aktywną współpracę z opozycją w centrum kraju. Od tego czasu konflikt lokalny zaczął się zmieniać w ogólnokrajowy. W roku 2003, w przeciwieństwie do lat 1987–1989, objął cały Sudan i problem nie dotyczył już tylko Darfuru. Z punktu widzenia plemion arabskich problem rozpoczął się w momencie, gdy rolnicy Fur zaczęli głosić swoje prawo do terenów należących do plemion arabskich. Kiedy zaczęli się określać według terminologii kolonialnej (zachodniej), jako A. S ł o w i k, Konflikt w Darfurze w świetle prawa międzynarodowego, dz. cyt., s. 50–51; zob. G. P r u n i e r, Darfur: The Ambiguous Genocide, Ithaca 2005. 24 �106 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... „Afrykańczycy”, którzy są zagrożeni przez „Arabów”, w kraju, gdzie tego typu podziałów nie znano, gdzie odnoszono się do wszystkich grup według ich nazwy etnicznej bądź plemiennej. Fur z kolei uważali się za ofiary politycznej dominacji arabskiej, skutkiem czego był rasizm. Przytoczyli oni treść listu 27 plemion do premiera Sadiqa al-Mahdiego, w którym jego autorzy nazywając się „Arabskim Zrzeszeniem” zwracają się do niego o wsparcie w konflikcie25. Wojna ta poprzez swą brutalność, brak zahamowań i ograniczeń, faktycznie nabrała w końcu cech rasistowskich. Hordy dżandżawidów napadały na wioski Fur, zabijając wszystkich bez wyjątku, przywłaszczając sobie mienie i ziemię rolników. Fur zaczęli również organizować własne milicje, odpowiadając w podobny sposób. Po walkach trwających od 1987 do 1989 roku obie strony spotkały się w końcu w Al-Fashir na zorganizowanej przez regionalne władze konferencji, trwającej od 9 maja do 8 lipca 1989 roku. Ujawniła ona wzajemną wrogość. Arabowie twierdzili, że to Fur rozpoczęli cały konflikt, próbując rozszerzyć tzw. „pas Negrów” (al-hizam Zandżi), zmierzając do wykluczenia Arabów, którzy jako równoprawni obywatele mają prawo do dostępu do zasobów naturalnych, szczególnie w okresie kryzysu. Stanowisko Zrzeszenia Arabskiego wyraził sekretarz ich delegacji, mówiąc: „Nasze plemiona wraz z plemieniem Fur współistniały kiedyś pokojowo. Sytuacja destabilizacji powstała pod koniec lat siedemdziesiątych, kiedy Fur zaczęli głosić hasło, że „Darfur jest tylko dla Fur”. Zbiegło się to z faktem, że pierwszy regionalny rząd Darfuru był prowadzony przez osoby z Fur, które nie zrobiły nic, by zmienić tę sytuację. Arabowie byli przedstawiani jako obcokrajowcy, którzy powinni zostać eksmitowani z Darfuru. Darfur: Too Many People Killed For No Reason, Amnesty International, London 2004. 25 �3. Geneza konfliktu zbrojnego pomiędzy grupami... 107 Stworzona przez Fur milicja została przeszkolona pod nadzorem gubernatora Darfuru. Jest zatem uzasadniona nasza potrzeba samoobrony i będziemy bronić naszego prawa do dostępu do wody i pastwisk. To Fur zaczęli tę wojnę, w dążeniu do rozszerzenia al-hizam Zandżi, chcąc usunąć wszystkich Arabów z tego terenu”. Z kolei przedstawiciele Fur wskazywali, że celem Zrzeszenia Arabskiego jest poszerzenie „pasa arabskiego” (al-hizam al-Arabi) i całkowita zagłada ludności Fur. Sekretarz ich delegacji oświadczył nawet, że jest to: „Brudna wojna, która wyniknęła z wojny ekonomicznej mającej na celu ludobójstwo oraz zabór naszych ziem ojczystych w celu osiągnięcia określonych celów politycznych”26. W sytuacji gdy każda ze stron broniła wyłącznie swoich racji, ich wywody zaczęły nabierać tonu rasistowskiego. Jedni i drudzy widzieli siebie jako ofiary. Po jednej stronie stali pasterze wielbłądów z północnego Darfuru i bezrolni uchodźcy z Czadu zamieszkujący Darfur, którzy widzieli swych protektorów w silnych przywódcach arabskich, jak w pułkowniku Kaddafim i w rządzie islamskim w Chartumie. Z drugiej strony były grupy osiadłych w Darfurze i siły niearabskie w Czadzie pod wodzą Hissena Habre oraz zachodni sojusznicy, tacy jak Francja, Izrael i USA. Polaryzacja przeciwstawnych narracji karmiła rosnące napięcie. W maju 1989 roku konflikt rozprzestrzenił się poza ziemie wokół Dżabal Marra. Po raz pierwszy prawie wszystkie plemiona pasterskie Darfuru, arabskie i niearabskie, zebrały się pod wspólnym sztandarem, mając za sobą libijskie poparcie. Tradycyjny system rozwiązywania konfliktów uległ całkowitemu rozkładowi, gdy obie strony zaczęły otwarcie lekceważyć dawne konwencje. Sprzeczne z praktyką było M. M a m d a n i, Saviors and survivors. Darfur, politics, and the war on terror, Dakar 2010, s. 277; zob. T. D a g n e, Sudan: The Crisis in Darfur and Status of the North-South Peace Agreement, Congressional Research Service, 2011, s. 18, https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RL33574.pdf, [11.02.2016]. 26 �108 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... zwłaszcza zbojkotowanie przez wodzów Baggara konferencji w Al-Fashir. Gubernator Darfuru dr Eltigani Ateem zwrócił uwagę, że masowe zbrodnie popełnione przez obie strony sprawiły, że konflikt ma obecnie zupełnie nowy charakter. Jego zdaniem, został on narzucony Darfurczykom przez siły zewnętrzne. Połączenie suszy, nieudanej próby zreformowania systemu kolonialnego i napływu broni przyniosło szereg wojen, bardziej katastrofalnych niż jakiekolwiek inne konflikty regionalne w historii27. Walki wznowiono w ciągu kilku dni z niezwykłym okrucieństwem. Więcej niż 50 tys. ludzi z ludu Fur szukało schronienia w Nyali. Rząd sudański tylko ubolewał nad powyższą sytuacją w Darfurze i krytykował wpływ obcych sił w tym konflikcie. Zmiana nastąpiła nagle 30 czerwca 1989 roku, gdy dotychczas nieznani oficerowie pod dowództwem generała Hasana Ahmada al-Baszira obalili rząd cywilny premiera Sadiqa al-Mahdiego. Rząd al-Baszira starał się ustabilizować sytuację przez zreformowanie istniejącego sytemu, ale bez kwestionowania jego podstawowych przepisów, co tylko na chwilę przywróciło pokój. 4. Wpływ wielkiej suszy w strefie Sahelu w latach 1984–1985 na sytuację w regionie Konflikt rolników z pasterzami w Darfurze to także konflikt pomiędzy grupami z prawami do ziemi a tymi nie mającymi do niej praw, z podziałem na plemiona osiadłe i koczownicze. W efekcie suszy nastąpiło zjawisko gromadzenia się wszystkich plemion na terenach z dostępem do wody i zwiększenie popyM. M a m d a n i, Saviors and survivors..., dz. cyt., s. 279; zob. J. F l i n t, The Other War: Inter-Arab Conflict in Darfur, http://www.operationspaix.net/ DATA/DOCUMENT/4503~v~The_Other_War__Inter-Arab_Conflict_in_Darfur. pdf, [17.12.2014]. 27 �4. Wpływ wielkiej suszy w strefie Sahelu... 109 tu na ziemię. Wszyscy chcieli mieć do niej prawo. Koczownicy domagali się na równi z właścicielami ziemi prawa dostępu do zasobów naturalnych. W latach wielkiej suszy 1984–1985, gdy zwierzęta zaczęły padać z braku wody, rolnicy z plemienia Fur natychmiast zaczęli je sprzedawać, nawet po niskiej cenie. Gdy zaczął się następny sezon wypasu i jak zwykle w górach pojawili się znowu pasterze z plemienia Zaghawa i Almhiria, rolnicy nie pozwolili im podejść do pól uprawnych. Wobec takiej sytuacji pasterze postanowili wejść przy użyciu siły na tereny, z których dawniej korzystali. W ten sposób rozpoczął się konflikt w północnym Darfurze. Dwie trzecie obszaru Sudanu na północy i w centrum sklasyfikowane są jako regiony suche i półsuche. Poziom opadów deszczu wynosi od zera na obszarach pustynnych do ponad 1500 mm w południowej części kraju. Można dokonać rozróżnienia pomiędzy obszarami sklasyfikowanymi jako gorące pustynie, gdzie opady deszczu są mniejsze niż 250 mm, a sawanną parkową, gdzie opady deszczu są większe niż 800 mm. Region Darfuru Północnego położony jest w suchym i półsuchym pasie znanym jako Sahel (dosłownie: wybrzeże) afrykański, który rozciąga się w poprzek kontynentu ze wschodu od Morza Czerwonego na zachód do Oceanu Atlantyckiego i obejmuje południowy pas Sahary28. W historii Sahelu doszło do wielu tragedii z powodu ubogich opadów. Brak deszczu doprowadził do pojawiających się fal suszy i głodu. Sytuacja ta spowodowała trudne położenie zamieszkującej ludności, jej cierpienie w wyniku niedostatku zasobów ziemi, wody, roślin i braku możliwości rozwoju rolM. S u l i m a n, Alharb fi Darfur: Tathir eunsur almawarid, (Konflikt w Darfurze: wpływ elementu zasobów) http://new.ifaanet.org/wp-content/uploads/2011/12/DarfurpaperinArabic1.htm [10.12.2012]. 28 �110 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... nictwa. Potwierdzenie trudnego położenia ludności przyniosła ostatnia wielka susza w latach osiemdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku (1984–1985), kiedy z głodu zmarła ogromna liczba ludzi oraz zwierząt, a ocalała ludność zmuszona została do ucieczki do innych części Sudanu29. Region Darfuru Północnego charakteryzuje się występowaniem płaskowyżu wyżynnego. Płaskowyż ten dochodzi do wysokości 500–1000 m n.p.m., z wyjątkiem strefy Dżabal Marra, gdzie wysokość wynosi 1000–1500 m n.p.m., a szczyty najwyższych gór dochodzą do 3150 m n.p.m. Średnie opady w roku są tu nie mniejsze niż 500 mm i ilość ta zmniejsza się w kierunku północnym nawet poniżej 250 mm rocznie. Stąd region północny Darfuru można sklasyfikować jako suchy i półsuchy. Natomiast rośliny są tu z gatunku roślin pustynnych i półpustynnych, jak również roślin charakterystycznych dla terytorium sawanny. Występują też krzewy na obszarach z nielicznymi opadami, rosnące w gliniastej lub piaszczystej ziemi. Ponieważ region ten charakteryzuje się niskimi opadami i wahaniami oraz wysokimi temperaturami nie spadającymi poniżej 30°C przez cały rok, rzeczywista ilość deszczu jest jeszcze niższa z powodu parowania – transpiracji30. Deszcz jest głównym źródłem wody w regionie, na nim głównie opiera się życie roślin, ludzi i zwierząt. Budowane są tu przez władze studnie zwykłe i głębinowe oraz powierzchniowe zbiorniki retencyjne. Również mieszkańcy regionu sami dla własnych po29 Tamże; M. E l - B u s h r a, Alsraa ala almawareed: Abaadhi al almia wa aliglimyia wa almalyia (Konflikt o zasoby: globalne, regionalne i lokalne wymiary), Khartoum 2005, s. 15–16. 30 K.M. B a r b o u r, The Republic of the Sudan... dz. cyt., s. 113–129; zob. M.E. A b u s i n, Environmental Causes and Implications of Population Displacement in Sudan, w: War and Drought in Sudan: Essays on Population Displacement, ed. E. Eltigani, Gainesville 1995, s. 11. �4. Wpływ wielkiej suszy w strefie Sahelu... 111 trzeb wykopują płytkie studnie. Niestety te instalacje wodne nie są wystarczające do zaspokojenia potrzeb rosnącej liczby ludzi i zwierząt. Region Darfuru Północnego, jak pozostałe regiony Sudanu, cierpi z powodu braku dokładnych badań hydrologicznych w celu określenia stanu i poziomu wód podziemnych i gruntowych. Badania takie mają podstawowe znaczenie dla realizacji procesów rozwojowych. Mieszkańcy opierają się tylko na tradycyjnych, prymitywnych metodach w poszukiwaniu wody. Brak wystarczającej ilości wody jest tu czynnikiem decydującym i ma znaczny wpływ na ograniczony rozwój gospodarczy, oparty tutaj przede wszystkim na rolnictwie i wypasie31. Niedostatecznie przemyślany rozwój rolnictwa, nadmierny wypas i zużywanie drewna opałowego na szeroką skalę były bezpośrednią przyczyną niszczenia środowiska. Rolnictwo rozszerzyło swój zasięg na tereny, w których ilość opadów deszczu waha się między 250 a 350 mm. Są to obszary, w których uprawa nie jest gwarantowana, a jednocześnie ziemie są przeznaczone na pastwiska. Co do nadmiernego wycinania drzew, niektóre badania sugerują, że każde gospodarstwo domowe w Darfurze Północnym jest w stanie wyciąć 325 drzew i krzewów w roku, nie troszcząc się o ich odnowę. Drewno stanowi w Darfurze podstawowe źródło energii (służy do gotowania i przerobu na węgiel drzewny), jest materiałem do budowy domów i zagród oraz paszą dla zwierząt. Wycinanie drzew w suchym środowisku bez dbałości o zalesianie bez wątpienia prowadzi do katastrofy ekologicznej i szkodzi w końcu samemu rolnictwu i pasterstwu, powodując erozję gleby oraz ogólne pogorszenie się środowiska naturalnego. Wszystko to, oczywiście, A. K o z i S a e e d, Al-rahii almutanagil wa asarhu wi al bia wa almujtamaa wi wilaja shamal Darfur (Ruchomy tryb wypasu i jego wpływ na środowisko i społeczeństwo w Darfurze Północnym), Khartoum 2004, s. 16. 31 �112 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... zwiększa rywalizację między poszczególnymi grupami ludzkimi o zasoby ziemi. Co bardzo istotne, region ten w ostatnich dekadach odnotował wzrost liczby ludzi i zwierząt, co tylko zwiększyło presję na dostępność zasobów, a w konsekwencji prowadzi do konfliktów, walk i wojen między rywalizującymi grupami32. 5. Zwiększenie liczby ludności i zwierząt a presja na zasoby środowiska Dane wskazują, że liczba ludności w regionie Darfuru Północnego wzrosła od 1973 roku z 530 tysięcy do 1,15 mln w 1993 roku. Według ostatniego spisu w 2009 roku, liczba ta wynosiła już około 2,1 mln osób. Oznacza to, że liczba ludności zwiększyła się prawie cztery razy w ciągu ostatnich trzydziestu lat. Przykładowo liczba ludności miejscowości Kabkabiya wzrosła od 89 000 do 270 000 w okresie 1973–2003, a gęstość populacji wzrosła z 8 km2 do 23 km2 w tym samym czasie. Te liczby pokazują, że w tym okresie populacja wzrosła trzykrotnie. Natomiast powierzchnia użytków rolnych w całym Darfurze wynosiła 760 tysięcy hektarów w 1961 roku i wzrosła do 2002 roku tylko w regionie Darfuru Północnego do 2,5 mln hektarów33. Wzrost ten nastąpił wskutek przekształcania gruntów rolnych w pastwiska, zwiększając tym samym tarcia pomiędzy pasterzami i rolnikami. Ponadto uprawa ziemi w suchych regionach, o niedostatecznych opadach, doprowadziła do zjawiska erozji gleb, co zwiększyło proces degradacji środowiska i spowodowało niską wydajność plonów. Spadek produktywności gruntów doprowadził do tego, że rolnicy tym chętniej zaczęli szukać możliwości ekspansji swoich gospodarstw Z. A b d e l m a g s u d, Albea wa Alinsaan (Człowiek i środowisko), Aleksandria 1997, s. 40. 33 A. K o z i S a e e d, Al-rahii almutanagil wa asarhu..., dz. cyt., s. 16. 32 �5. Zwiększenie liczby ludności i zwierząt... 113 w celu uzyskania plonów niezbędnych do wykarmienia większej liczby ludzi. Wzrost populacji i związany z tym wzrost liczby zwierząt wygląda następująco: ilość bydła zwiększyła się z 3,7 mln sztuk w 1976 roku do 13 mln sztuk w 2002 roku. Oznacza to, że liczba zwierząt hodowlanych zwiększyła się więcej niż trzykrotnie w ciągu 26 lat. Z tego można wywnioskować, że jest coraz większa liczba ludzi i zwierząt, a zatem i konkurencja o zasoby rzadko występujące nasila się, a sprzeczne interesy stanowią zarzewie konfliktów i utarczek między pasterzami a rolnikami w tym regionie34. Skutkiem wzrostu populacji i pogłowia zwierząt było z kolei to, że rolnicy zaczęli coraz częściej rozszerzać powierzchnie swoich upraw oraz wykorzystywać także pozostałości z pól i przeznaczać je dla paszę dla swoich zwierząt (których także mieli coraz więcej) lub przeznaczać na sprzedaż. Odbywało się to oczywiście wszystko kosztem pasterzy. Koncentracja zwierząt nomadów w obszarach suchych przyniosła zwiększoną śmiertelność inwentarza z powodu braku dostępu zarówno do paszy, jak i do wody. W dalszej perspektywie dochodziło coraz częściej do wzajemnej grabieży zwierząt i sprzedawania ich na szlakach handlowych, które stawały się także coraz mniej bezpieczne. Konflikty rozpoczynają się zwykle lokalnie, dopiero potem przekształcają się w ogólnoplemienne czy etniczne spory, aby ostatecznie przejść w stadium poważnego konfliktu regionalnego o charakterze politycznym, gdy włączają się do walki grupy zbrojne wspierane przez rząd35. 34 Tamże, s. 16–17; zob. M. E l - B u s h r a, O. E l - S a y e d, O. Ta h a, A Model for the Distribution of Waters of International Rivers Among Sharing Countries, „Sudan Notes & Records”, 4(2000), s. 159–171. 35 Tamże; por. Desertification as a Source of Conflict in Darfu, Worldwatch Institute, Vision for a Sustainable World, http://www.worldwatch.org/node/5173, [19.12.2014]. �III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... 114 6. Wpływ uchodźców z Czadu na konflikt w Sudanie Należy przypomnieć, że zanim doszło do otwartego konfliktu w Darfurze, wcześniej brak bezpieczeństwa i wydarzenia polityczne w krajach sąsiadujących z Sudanem, zwłaszcza z Czadzie i Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej, doprowadziły do przemieszczeń wielu tysięcy mieszkańców tych państw. Większość uchodźców osiedliła się na terytorium Sudanu, w Darfurze. Wpływ na tę decyzję, poza naturalną bliskością geograficzną tego regionu, miały również powiązania rodzinnie i wspólnota językowa między plemionami po obu stronach granicy. Ważnym czynnikiem była też wspólna historia pasa Bilad as-Sudan rozciągającego się od Senegalu i Gambii na zachodzie do Etiopii na wschodzie w poprzek całego kontynentu afrykańskiego. Wydarzenia w sąsiednim Czadzie ukazują nam nakładające się na siebie kryzysy ekologiczne i polityczne. Szacuje się, że od 1973 roku 70% bydła w Czadzie padło lub zostało poddane wcześniejszemu ubojowi. Plemiona Baggara z prowincji Uadaju w Czadzie popadły z tego powodu w straszliwe ubóstwo, co wzmocniło ich poczucie krzywdy i chęć odwetu. Tysiące koczowników Baggara i Tubu pozbawionych żywności uciekło z Czadu do sudańskiego Darfuru i dalej na wschód, w kierunku Nilu, w poszukiwaniu wody, jedzenia i pracy. Natomiast bardziej dumni synowie wojowniczych plemion Gourane, Zaghawa Bedeyat powrócili do swojego zajęcia z trudnych czasów – czyli bandytyzmu. Sprawiło to, że podczas lat suszy w Sahelu niewiele było bezpiecznych terenów na pograniczu Czadu i Sudanu dla kupców i pielgrzymów, a nawet dla żołnierzy36. Grupy zbrojne z Czadu brały udział w najważniejszych wojnach w Darfurze od połowy 1980 roku. Pierwsza wojna między M. E l - k l y a n y, Mushkilat Darfur wa’athariha eali alealaqat alttashadiat alssudania (Problem w Darfurze i jego wpływ na stosunki Sudan z Chadem), http:// www.sudaress.com/sudaneseonline/4433 [19.03.2014]. 36 �6. Wpływ uchodźców z Czadu na konflikt w Sudanie 115 Arabami a Fur (1987–1989) została rozpoczęta przez szejka Ibn Omara i Rada Demokratyczno Rewolucyjna (Conseil Démocratique Révolutionnaire, RDR37). Także w wojnie arabskiej z Massalit uczestniczyła duża liczba Arabów czadyjskich. Rebelianckie działania wojenne, które rozpoczęły się w 2001 roku, również dotyczyły działań grup zbrojnych pochodzenia czadyjskiego. Walki te były napędzane przez napływ nowoczesnej broni do regionu. Aby zrozumieć wpływ Czadu na działania w Darfurze, należy szukać ich przyczyn zarówno w regionie Sahelu, jak i poza nim. W Sahelu okrucieństwo walk wynikało z drastycznej sytuacji, w jakiej znalazły się plemiona pasterskie walczące w okresie suszy o przetrwanie i dostęp do pastwisk i źródeł wody. Ilustracją tej determinacji może być odpowiedź udzielona przez jednego z szejków na zapytanie szefa Komisji ds. Uchodźców z Sudanu, kiedy zamierzają oni powrócić do swych domów: „Gdziekolwiek jest ziemia i deszcz, tam będzie nasz dom, nasza ojczyzna”38. Wspomniany już wyżej w rozprawie dr Hassan al-Turabi tak podkreślał rolę Arabów z Czadu w konflikcie w Darfurze: „Sudan jest teraz krajem otwartym na Afrykę, więc weszło tu ponad milion Arabów z pasa afrykańskiego Sahelu, którzy są wykorzystywani przez rząd, ponieważ władze nie mogą teraz wykorzystywać armii sudańskiej przeciwko mieszkańcom Darfuru. Obecnie liczą [Arabowie z Czadu] około miliona osób, a liczba ich stale rośnie. Oni są zasadniczo Arabami, ale brutalnymi i obojętnymi wobec zabijania dzieci, kobiet i każdego, kto wpadnie w ich ręce. Są oni muzułmanami, ale w rzeczywistości nie mają nic wspólnego z religią, a nawet potrafią zabijać dzieci w szkołach religijnych i dokonywać gwałtów na dziewczynkach. Darfur we współczesnym Sudanie od czasu odConseil Démocratique Révolutionnaire: Rada Demokratyczno-Rewolucyjna, założona w 1984 roku jako skrzydła intelektualnej opozycji w Chadzie, za: Chad: Government and Politics,http://countrystudies.us/chad/46.htm, [28.03.2015]. 38 M. M a m d a n i, Saviors and survivors..., dz. cyt., s. 247. 37 �116 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... zyskania niepodległości Sudanu został skrzywdzony. Wszyscy jego władcy byli spoza Darfuru. Problemem jest to, że wojska rządowe są z Północy [tzn. znad Nilu] Sudanu. Protest ludności Darfuru narodził się z powodu problemu z systemem władzy. Przykładowo, Chalil Ibrahim został zabity przez rząd. Darfur było kiedyś państwem i nie akceptuje ucisku i wojny przeciwko sobie. Taki sposób traktowania Darfuru zraża ludzi, ale rząd nie dba o Darfur”39. Dodatkowo istniał jeszcze międzynarodowy kontekst tych wydarzeń. Zimna wojna, szczególnie w latach siedemdziesiątych, zaostrzała lokalne konflikty w Afryce, wpisując je w szersze tło polityki międzynarodowej, co z kolei przyczyniło się do porzucania dotychczasowych tradycyjnych środków, za pomocą których rozwiązywano w Sahelu konflikty między rolnikami a pasterzami. Istotną rolę w tym regionie odgrywał Muammar Kaddafi, który przyjął koncepcję autorstwa Gamala Abdela Nasera z Egiptu „trzech kręgów geopolitycznych: arabskiego, muzułmańskiego i afrykańskiego, które powinny się zjednoczyć”40. Zaczął wdrażać ten program, pierwszą unię proponując Egiptowi, a następnie Sudanowi i Czadowi. Domagał się też szybkiego wycofania obcych wojsk z regionu. W kilka miesięcy po dojściu do władzy zaczął też wspierać rebeliantów z ludu Tubu w Czadzie. Po objęciu władzy w USA przez Ronalda Reagana w 1981 roku, Czad znalazł się w centralnym punkcie „zimnej wojny”. Amerykanie zerwali z Libią stosunki dyplomatyczne, a CIA nazwała Kaddafiego: „najbardziej widocznym sponsorem i uczestnikiem w międzynarodowym terroryzmie”, a tym samym wrogiem Stanów Zjednoczonych. Reagan otwarcie wspierał wysiłki watażki Hissena Habre (wroga Libii) w dążeniu do przejęcia rządów w Czadzie. Amerykanie rozpoczęli Wywiad przeprowadzony przez autora pracy z Hassanem al-Turabim, liderem Partii Kongresu Ludowego, w Chartumie w 2011 roku. 40 Naser przedstawił je w swojej książce pt. Egypt’s liberation: The philosophy of the revolution. 39 �6. Wpływ uchodźców z Czadu na konflikt w Sudanie 117 tu budowę trójstronnego sojuszu z Egiptem i Sudanem. W sierpniu 1983 roku armia Sudanu dołączyła do ćwiczeń wojskowych „Bright Star”, odbywających się na zachodniej pustyni w Egipcie. Związek Sudanu i USA przekształcił się w tym czasie w bliski sojusz wojskowy i gospodarczy. Rozpoczął się wówczas regularny napływ broni amerykańskiej do Sudanu, w tym granatów M-40 i wyrzutni Stinger ziemia-powietrze. Najbardziej znaczącym wkładem ówczesnego prezydenta Sudanu Numajriego w ten sojusz było zapewnienie dostaw tej broni do Darfuru dla sił Hissena Habre. Dopóki ten watażka wykazywał zdolność do zarządzania Czadem, Stany Zjednoczone udzielały mu wsparcia, dzięki czemu niemal dekadę pozostawał przy władzy41. Obalony został przez dowódcę Zaghawa, Idrissa Deby42 i ostatecznie zbiegł do Senegalu. Dopiero jednak we wrześniu 2005 roku został oskarżony o tortury, zbrodnie przeciwko ludzkości i zbrodnie wojenne popełnione w latach 1982–1990, podczas pełnienia funkcji państwowych43. Tymczasem wojna domowa w Czadzie sprawiła, że trwał napływ Czadyjczyków do Darfuru, uciekinierów zarówno ekonomicznych, jak i politycznych, cywilnych i umundurowanych, osób zagrożonych M. M a m d a n i, Saviors and survivors..., dz. cyt., s. 256. Idriss Deby, podobnie jak Habre doszedł do władzy w Czadzie dzięki interwencjom w Darfurze. Różnica polegała na tym, że Deby doszedł do porozumienia z reżimem w Chartumie, tak aby obie strony nie ingerowały wzajemnie w sprawy wewnętrzne. 43 Ofiary Habre najpierw próbowały szukać sprawiedliwości w sądach Senegalu, ten jednak orzekł, że Habre nie może być sądzony w Senegalu, zwracając się z tą sprawą do Belgii, która w latach 1993–2003 przyjęła uniwersalną jurysdykcję. Po czterech latach dochodzenia sąd belgijski wydał międzynarodowy nakaz aresztowania. Parlament Europejski zażądał od Senegalu, gdzie Habre przebywał na wygnaniu przez siedemnaście lat, o oddanie go pod sąd belgijski, ten jednak odmówił rozstrzygnięcia przedmiotowości wniosku o ekstradycję. Ogłosił, że zwróci się do Unii Afrykańskiej o wskazanie właściwego miejsca celem osądzenia Habre. Ostatecznie 2 lipca 2006 roku Unia Afrykańska wezwała Senegal do ścigania Hissena Haber, za: M. M a m d a n i, Saviors and survivors..., dz. cyt., s. 266. 41 42 �118 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... represjami, jak i ludzi, którym groził głód. Już w 1973 roku, w wyniku wojny domowej w Czadzie i suszy, do Darfuru Zachodniego przybyło ponad 200 tys. tego typu „uchodźców”. Do 2004 roku ludność regionu w wyniku napływu uciekinierów z Czadu wzrosła do około 6,5 mln. Ocenia się, że co najmniej 10% ludności Czadu zamieszkało wówczas w Sudanie. Trudno oszacować prawdziwą liczbę, gdyż „uchodźcy” przybywali tu zarówno indywidualnie, jak i w grupach rodzinno-rodowych. Poszczególne jednostki mające krewnych po drugiej stronie granicy wtapiały się w społeczności darfurskie niezauważalnie. Przy braku silniejszej tożsamości narodowej (w sensie przynależności państwowej), nie było dla nich problemem przeniesienie lojalności z naczelników grup pochodzących z Czadu na liderów pokrewnych im plemion z Sudanu. Umożliwiło to także dołączanie do sił paramilitarnych, takich jak np. popularne Siły Obronne, co z kolei ułatwiło nabywanie obywatelstwa Sudanu. Dawało to możliwość władzom sudańskim szacowania liczby młodzieży przybyłej z Czadu, stanowiącej główne źródło rekrutów dla milicji plemiennych powstających w Farfurze44. Między bandami zbrojnych uchodźców a osiadłymi rolnikami stale dochodziło do konfliktów. Rolnicy Fur praktykując wypalanie pozostałości pól, zmuszali arabskich pasterzy do przenoszenia się na inne tereny, tym samym ograniczając ich dostęp do źródeł wody. Powstała milicja Fur, która nazwała się Federalną Armią Darfuru. W maju 1988 roku liczyła już ok. 6 tys. uzbrojonych milicjantów. Ich ośrodki szkoleniowe umieszczono w południowo-zachodnim Darfurze, najwięcej w zachodniej części Bahr al-Ghazal i na granicy z Republiką Środkowoafrykańską. W obronie przed rolnikami koczownicy utworzyli „Arabskie Zrzeszenie”, które stało się w DarM. I d r i s, Jumhuriat tushad... almadi walhadir walmustaqbal (Republika Czadu... przeszłość, teraźniejszość i przyszłość), http://www.alukah.net/world_muslims/0/63215/, [18.09.2015]. 44 �7. Fazy konfliktu i powstanie ugrupowań zbrojnych... 119 furze bazą dla rozwoju nacjonalizmu arabskiego, nowej ideologii, która artykułowała potrzeby plemion arabskich i nawoływała do jedności w celu obrony wspólnych interesów oraz zastosowania nowych metod obronnych w walce z wrogiem. Ten ruch wśród plemion arabskich, wsparty ideologią, podkreślał migrację arabską w tym regionie i nawoływał do mobilizacji arabskich nomadów do uzyskania niezależności w Czadzie45. Darfur dla Czadu stał się w latach siedemdziesiątych tym, czym Demokratyczna Republika Konga dla Rwandy – miejscem schronienia opozycji, która otrzymywała również wsparcie logistyczne ze strony władz sudańskich. Bez względu na kierunek polityki amerykańskiej wobec Libii i jej polityki co do Czadu i Sudanu, każda ze stron starała się tworzyć zbrojne oddziały. Wewnętrzne konflikty w Czadzie istniejące od początku lat siedemdziesiątych, a także walki, które trwały w Sudanie Południowym przez ostatnie dwie dekady, spowodowały łatwy dostęp do różnego rodzaju broni. Problem z czasem pogłębiał się, kiedy zaczęło się wykorzystanie nowoczesnej broni przez różnego rodzaju bandy. Stało się to ogromnym problemem i wymagało stanowczości ze strony organów państwowych odpowiedzialnych za wyśledzenie sprawców i pociągnięcie ich do odpowiedzialności46. 7. Fazy konfliktu i powstanie ugrupowań zbrojnych w Darfurze Konflikt w Darfurze rozwijał się etapami. Pierwsza jego faza w latach 1983–1987 to przede wszystkim starcia między plemionaM. M a m d a n i, Saviors and survivors..., dz. cyt., s. 260. P. D o o r n b o s, Some aspects of smuggling between Chad and Sudan, Development Studies and Research Centre, Faculty of Economic and Social Studies, Khartoum 1983, s. 19. 45 46 �120 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... mi Zaghawa i Arabami Almhiria, ogólnie rzecz biorąc pasterzami wielbłądów, zamieszkującymi północną część Darfuru, a osiadłymi rolnikami z grupy etnicznej Fur. W tej fazie konflikt był ściśle związany z suszą, która nawiedziła ten region, szczególnie na początku lat osiemdziesiątych XX wieku. W tym okresie wielu koczowniczych pasterzy Zaghawa i Arabów opuściło obszary dotknięte posuchą i pustynnieniem, przybywając na tereny zamieszkane przez lud Fur. Rolnicy mieli jednak uzasadnione obawy, że pasterze zamierzają tym razem pozostać na dłużej, a być może nawet na stałe na ich ziemiach, dlatego postanowili pokazać im, że nie są mile widziani. Z kolei pasterze, obawiając się o byt swój i stad zwierząt będących ich jedynym majątkiem, weszli siłą na teren Dżabal Marra. Zanim doszło do walk, początkowo próbowano rozwiązać problem na drodze prawnej i politycznej. Władza lokalna w Darfurze w osobie gubernatora prowincji opowiedziała się jednak za rolnikami, nakazując natychmiastowe opuszczenie przez pasterzy okupowanych ziem Fur, nie znajdując dla pasterzy żadnej alternatywy. Tymczasem Zaghawa już wcześniej mocno cierpieli ze strony sił rządowych, które oskarżały ich o kradzież zwierząt i bezprawne zajęcie nie swoich terenów. Kilkakrotnie siły rządowe (policja i wojsko) dokonały podpaleń wiosek Zaghawa, mordując przy tym ich liderów plemiennych. Pasterze nie mieli w tej sytuacji wyboru, jak tylko zorganizować własną milicję i uzbroić się, aby móc stawić czoła represjom żołnierzy rządowych47. W następstwie tych wydarzeń sytuacja wymknęła się spod kontroli u wszystkich stron zaangażowanych w konflikt (Almhiria, Zaghawa, Fur oraz armia), w powszechnym użyciu znalazła się nowoczesna broń. Napływ broni do Darfuru spowodował jego całkowitą militaryzację. Kraj został zalany dostawami broni zarówno z Libii, jak i z Ameryki. W 1986 roku karabin szturmowy AK-47 47 M. S u l i m a n, Alharb fi Darfur: Tathir eunsur..., dz. cyt. �7. Fazy konfliktu i powstanie ugrupowań zbrojnych... 121 (kałasznikow) z akcesoriami był sprzedawany za mniej niż 40 USD. Stał się w Darfurze bronią wszechobecną. Mówiono: „Kałasznikow daje pieniądz, bez kałasznikowa jesteś nikim”. Wykorzystywano także karabiny G-3, a także RPG, materiały wybuchowe oraz ciężką artylerię i samoloty bombowe Antonow. Szacowano, że w 1990 roku w Darfurze było dostępne około pięćdziesięciu tysięcy sztuk nowej broni. Każda osoba w wieku powyżej 16 lat była zaopatrzona, co najmniej w pistolet, a nierzadko karabin AK-47. Wszystkie strony tego sporu miały dostęp do nowoczesnej broni, którą zakupywano najczęściej w Libii lub Czadzie. Wykorzystanie nowoczesnej broni powodowało zwiększenie się liczby ofiar i podsycało konflikt, tak że stał się on wyjątkowo dramatyczny. Od momentu zaangażowania się stron zewnętrznych, konflikt zaczął nabierać charakteru etnicznego: afrykańsko-arabskiego. Próby zrozumienia jego przyczyn są co prawda podejmowane, ale nie jest to zadanie łatwe. Konflikt związany z zarządzaniem deficytowymi dobrami przyrodniczo-gospodarczymi przekształcił się bowiem w konflikt typowo polityczny o podłożu etnicznym48. Druga faza konfliktu, obejmująca lata 1987–2003, przejawiała się w szeregu starć pomiędzy niearabskimi rolnikami mieszkającymi na obszarze Dżabal Marra a szeroką koalicją składającą się z niemal wszystkich plemion pasterskich pochodzenia arabskiego. Od tego czasu, pomimo wysiłków stron (władz wojskowych i cywilnych) konflikt ma charakter permanentny, czasowo ulegając tylko przygaszeniu lub ponownemu zaognieniu. Przybrał on formę etnicznej polaryzacji. Okazał się bardziej zjadliwy i brutalny niż w pierwszym etapie. W rezultacie walczące strony oraz niezależni obserwatorzy nie są już w stanie określić, jakie były Tamże, s. 4; zob. HSBA – The Human Security Baseline Assessment for Sudan and South Sudan, Darfur Peace Process & Chronology, Geneva, Switzerland, http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/facts-figures/sudan/darfur/ darfur-peace-process-chronology.html, /, [9.09.2015]. 48 �122 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... rzeczywiste jego przyczyny. Ta faza wojny w Darfurze ma jednak duże znaczenie dla wykrywania ekologicznych korzeni konfliktu. Zgromadzone dowody wskazują bowiem, że celem pasterzy była ziemia rolników i o nią toczył się spór. Jak wskazano w raporcie Organizacji Unii Afrykańskiej (African Union – AU)49 i Human Rights Watch – HRW w 1990 roku arabscy pasterze dawali zwykle jedno- lub dwudniowe terminy mieszkańcom wiosek Fur na natychmiastowe ich opuszczenie, nazywając tak zdobytą ziemię „terenami wyzwolonymi”50. W przeciwieństwie jednak do lokalnych starć w przeszłości z powodu deficytu wody i pastwisk, konflikty, które wybuchły po 1985 roku, wykazywały dążenie pasterzy do zajmowania ziemi w centralnej części Dżabal Marra. Podczas gdy poprzednie konflikty były spontaniczne, w przeciwieństwie do nich nowe charakteryzowały się planowanym z góry, niespotykanym dotąd okrucieństwem i stałością tych praktyk. Napływ pasterzy z biednych i suchych terenów północnych do centralnych rolniczych regionów zasiedlonych przez rolników Fur przyczynił się do zaognienia trwającego konfliktu. Była to rozpaczliwa próba przejęcia urodzajnych terenów przez tych, którzy ponieśli straty związane z posuchą i pustynnieniem. Do konfliktu tego doprowadziła konkurencja o kurczące się zasoby w regionie cierpiącym na Unia Afrykańska (UA) – Organizacja międzynarodowa o charakterze politycznym, wojskowym i gospodarczym, obejmująca swym zasięgiem wszystkie państwa afrykańskie (oprócz Maroka), powołana w miejsce Organizacji Jedności Afrykańskiej 9 lipca 2002 roku na szczycie w Durbanie. Jej siedzibą jest Addis Abeba (Etiopia). Za: J. R o n o w s k i, Komu i czemu służą armie prywatne we współczesnych konfliktach regionalnych?, w: Bezpieczeństwo narodowe i międzynarodowe w regionie Bliskiego Wschodu i Północnej Afryki (MENA) u progu XXI wieku, red. R. Bania, K. Zdulski, Łódź 2012, s. 111. 50 Tamże, s. 4; zob. S. H a r i r, Arab belt versus African belt: Ethnic-political conflict in Darfur and the regional cultural factors, w: Short-cut to decay: The case of the Sudan, eds. S. Harir, T. Tvedt, London 1993. 49 �7. Fazy konfliktu i powstanie ugrupowań zbrojnych... 123 niedostatek terenów nadających się do uprawy i wypasu zwierząt. Konflikt ten może służyć jako wręcz model klasycznego konfliktu ekologicznego51. Należy pamiętać, że druga faza konfliktu, która rozpoczęła się w 1987 roku, z udziałem około 27 plemion arabskich w sojuszu „Arabskie Zrzeszenie” (o którym wspomniałem już wyżej), nie wywołała wojny wyłącznie przeciwko rolnikom z ludu Fur, ale w zasadzie przeciwko wszystkim rdzennym niearabskim grupom w tym regionie (wyjątek stanowili Zaghawa). Uzbrojone bojówki wojowników pasterskich plemion arabskich (dżandżawidów) stały się narzędziem agresji przeciwko rolnikom Fur, a następnie wszystkim innym grupom etnicznym w Darfurze afrykańskiego pochodzenia. W odpowiedzi na to Fur natychmiast organizowali własne jednostki zbrojne na potrzeby obrony, a niektóre z nich starały się stworzyć polityczne i wojskowe więzi z Ruchem i Armią Ludową Wyzwolenia Sudanu (SPLA), działającą w Sudanie Południowym. Nie było to trudne, gdyż SPLA od początku swej działalności próbował znaleźć wsparcie także w innych regionach Sudanu, poprzez rekrutację członków miejscowych plemion i ich uzbrojenie. Ówczesny przywódca tego ruchu John Garang silnie podkreślał ogólnonarodowy charakter organizacji, odcinając się od tendencji separatystycznych. Konflikt spowodował ogromne szkody w zasobach i ludności regionu. Szacuje się, że do czasu zwołania konferencji pokojowej w 1989 roku ponad 5 tysięcy osób z grupy etnicznej Fur i 400 z plemion arabskich zginęło w jej drugiej fazie. Liczba zaś osób, które zostały zmuszone do przesiedlenia się, sięgnęła dziesiątków tysięcy. Doliczono się też czterdziestu tysięcy spalonych domów i ok. 700 schronień wykonanych ze słomy, a setki osób zostało na stałe okaleczonych. Zginęło ponadto Tamże, s. 3; zob. S. H a r i r, Militarization of conflict, displacement and the legitimacy of the state: A case from Darfur Western Sudan, Bergen 1992. 51 �124 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... wiele zwierząt. Ogólnie wyrządzone szkody wyceniano na miliardy funtów sudańskich52. Pomimo jednak wysokiej liczby ofiar śmiertelnych i znacznych strat materialnych, problem wynikający z konfliktu nadal pozostawał poza zainteresowaniem władz i nie był w tym czasie zauważany na poziomie międzynarodowym. Przyczyniły się do tego dwa fakty: po pierwsze, powszechna wiara, że to, co się dzieje, jest nadal mało znaczącym sporem grup plemiennych na dalekich peryferiach. Po drugie, przeświadczenie, że wojna domowa na południu Sudanu, przez jej złożony charakter etniczny i religijny jest dużo bardziej istotna i pozostawia w cieniu inne konflikty w Sudanie, co powodowało bagatelizowanie konfliktu w Farfurze53. Powszechny brak zrozumienia natury konfliktu wraz z brakiem wzięcia pod uwagę wpływu czynników ekologicznych i środowiskowej degradacji w regionie, powodowały, że rząd utrzymywał politykę siły i wysyłał dodatkowe wojska do Darfuru, co miało doprowadzić ostatecznie do zakończenia konfliktu w regionie. W marcu 2002 roku Ludowa Armia Wyzwolenia Sudanu (SPLA) rozpoczęła szkolenie 1500 młodych zwolenników z Darfuru, przygotowując w ten sposób grunt do wywołania rebelii. Istnieją wiarygodne doniesienia potwierdzające, że SPLA zapewniły rebeliantom w Darfurze także wsparcie w uzbrojeniu i logistyce. Przywódcy rebeliantów w Darfurze – którzy spotkali Johna Garanga w Erytrei54 – oświadczyli, że chcą „zmienić reżim w Chartumie”55. Tamże, s. 4; zob. S. H a r i r, Racism in Islamic disguise? Retreating nationalism and up-surging ethnicity in Darfur Sudan, Bergen 1993. 53 Tamże, s. 4; zob. B. H a r f f, Ethnic Conflict in World Politics, Boulder 2000, s. 102–150. 54 Erytrea od chwili uzyskania niepodległości popierała rebeliantów z Południa Sudanu (SPLA) i chętnie udzielała schronienia różnym dysydentom z tego kraju, wydając im paszporty w celu ułatwienia podróżowania. 55 Tamże, s. 76; por. J. P r e n d e r g a s t, C. T h o m a s - J e n s e n, Darfur, Crimes of War Project, http://www.crimesofwar.org/a-z-guide/darfur/, [22.07.2015]. 52 �7. Fazy konfliktu i powstanie ugrupowań zbrojnych... 125 Konflikt jeszcze jednak nie przekształcił się w wojnę na dużą skalę. Dopiero kiedy 19 lipca 2002 roku uzbrojona grupa z ludu Fur, którzy sprzymierzyli się z Zaghawa, zajęła miasto Golo (stolicę prowincji Dżabal Marra w Darfurze Zachodnim), wtedy po raz pierwszy ogłoszono, że powstał darfurski ruch zbrojny. Rozpoczęto też akcję polityczną, między innymi poprzez rozprowadzanie politycznych ulotek w imieniu Armii Wyzwolenia Darfuru. Ustalono, że celem nowego ruchu jest wyzwolenie regionu spod kontroli Chartumu, któremu zarzucono pogorszenie usług na rzecz regionu i jego marginalizację. Podkreślić trzeba, że Darfur doświadczył głębokiego spolaryzowania politycznego w okresie rządów demokratycznych w Sudanie, kiedy to różne partie polityczne, zwłaszcza Umma i Unia Demokratyczna, wykorzystywały go dla swych partyjnych celów. Spolaryzowanie to miało charakter etniczny i polegało na wspieraniu jednej grupy kosztem innej, co zagroziło spójności struktury społecznej w tym regionie, wpłynęło na jej osłabienie i stworzyło klimat nieufności do siebie nawzajem wśród grup etnicznych56. Na początku 2003 roku dobrze przygotowane wojska rebeliantów, Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu z Ruchem Sprawiedliwości i Równości, zaatakowały garnizon wojsk rządowych w Al-Fashir, stolicy Darfuru, rozpoczynając tym samym trzecią, najbardziej krwawą i najbardziej znaną fazę konfliktu, trwającą do podpisania porozumienia pokojowego między rządem w Chartumie a partyzantką z Południa SPLA w Nairobi w styczniu 2005 roku i zawarcia drugiego zawieszenia broni w Abudży (5 maja 2006 roku)57. Atak 56 Tamże, s. 79–88; zob. International Crisis Group, Sudan and South Sudan’s Merging Conflicts, Brussels, Belgium, Africa Report N°223, 2015, http://www. crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/horn-of-africa/south%20sudan/223-sudan-and-south-sudan-s-merging-conflicts.pdf, [29.07.2015]. 57 Załącznik nr 4, Kopie oryginalnych podpisów porozumienia pokojowego w sprawie Darfuru z dnia 5 maja 2006, znanego jako umowa z Abudży – Darfur Peace Agreement Abuja – May 2006. �126 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... ten był niespodziewany dla rządu i przewagę zyskały w nim siły rebelianckie. Do końca 2003 roku siły rebelianckie zdobyły kilka wsi i miasteczek, sięgając swymi wpływami aż do Południowego Kordofanu58. Działanie tych dwóch grup było reakcją na przymusowe przesiedlenia setek tysięcy ludzi pochodzenia afrykańskiego, głównie z pleminia Fur, Zaghawa i Masalit. Rząd zareagował na tę sytuację naciskiem na szkolenia i włączeniem do działania oddziałów dżandżawidów. Wysłał też dużą liczbę dodatkowych żołnierzy i sprzętu wojskowego, co doprowadziło do tego, że strona rządowa zaczęła zyskiwać przewagę59. Schemat działań militarnych był za każdym razem podobny. Najpierw lotnictwo rządowe za pomocą samolotów Antonow bombardowało bez ostrzeżenia strefy gęsto zaludnione, jak np. targi, tereny wokół studni, gęsto zabudowane wsie i miejsca koncentracji osób przesiedlonych, a następnie do akcji wkraczały milicje dżandżawidów lub inne naziemne formacje wojskowe. Ataki te charakteryzowały się ogromnym okrucieństwem nie tylko wobec mężczyzn, ale też kobiet i dzieci. Rozpowszechnione były masowe gwałty, które stały się elementem taktyki sił rządowych zmierzających do upokorzenia osób przesiedlonych i powstrzymania ich przed oddalaniem się od obozów dla uchodźców60. Armia kontynuowała ataki, mimo że 8 kwietnia 2004 roku rząd podpisał w Ndżamenie pierwsze porozumienie z rebeliantami z Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości i z Ruchu Wyzwolenia Sudanu o zawieszeniu broni. W lipcu 2004 roku Unia Afrykańska podjęła 58 A. S ł o w i k, Konflikt w Darfurze w świetle prawa międzynarodowego, dz. cyt., s. 38. 59 M. S u l i m a n, Darfur harb al-mawarid wa-al-hawiyah, dz. cyt., s. 4; zob. A. A l b a t a h a n i, Azmat al..., dz. cyt., s. 3. 60 A. S ł o w i k, Konflikt w Darfurze w świetle prawa międzynarodowego, dz. cyt., s. 39. �7. Fazy konfliktu i powstanie ugrupowań zbrojnych... 127 decyzję o utworzeniu misji obserwacyjnej w Sudanie (Misja Unii Afrykańskiej w Sudanie, African Mission in Sudan, AMIS)61 w celu monitorowania zawartego w Ndżamenie porozumienia. Do Sudanu wysłała jednak tylko kilkuset żołnierzy (z Rwandy i Nigerii). Kontyngent tych sił został później zwiększony do 3300 żołnierzy, ale bez możliwości jakiegokolwiek interweniowania, a zatem ich wpływ na załagodzenie konfliktu, zdaniem różnych obserwatorów, był żaden. Dnia 30 lipca 2004 roku Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ uchwaliła rezolucję (nr 1556)62, grożąc Sudanowi dalszymi sankcjami (dyplomatycznymi i gospodarczymi) w przypadku nierozbrojenia milicji dżandżawidów i zobowiązywała sekretarza generalnego ONZ do zbadania skali naruszeń. Próby wywierania nacisku na Sudan okazywały się jednak nieskuteczne, gdyż przeciwstawiały im się Chiny. Do połowy 2005 roku skutkiem konfliktu było wysiedlenie ponad miliona Darfurczyków, z czego 130 tys. stało się uchodźcami w świetle prawa międzynarodowego, przekraczając granicę z Czadem. Dnia 9 listopada 2004 roku w Abudży podpisano kolejny protokół o zawieszeniu broni, ale niestety już dwa tygodnie później 61 Misja Unii Afrykańskiej w Sudanie (AMIS); misja humanitarno-wojskowa obejmująca obszarem terytorium prowincji Darfur. W latach 2005–2007 wspierana była m.in. przez misję cywilno-wojskową Unii Europejskiej. Mimo zwiększenia liczebności żołnierzy ze 150 do ok. 7 tys., nie była ona w stanie wypełnić swego zadania, którym było monitorowanie podpisanego w kwietniu 2004 r. zawieszenia broni. Zakończona z dniem 31 grudnia 2007, kiedy jej działalność przejęła UNAMID – hybrydowa operacja Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych i Unii Afrykańskiej (UN / African Union Mission in Darfur). Zob. „Wspólne działanie Rady 2005/557/WPZiB z dnia 18 lipca 2005 r. w sprawie cywilno-wojskowego działania Unii Europejskiej wspierającego misję Unii Afrykańskiej w regionie Darfur w Sudanie”, Dz.U. L 188, 20.07.2005.). Więcej: A. E k e n g a r d, The African Union Mission in Sudan-AMIS:Experiences and Lessons Learned, Stockholm 2006, s. 17–20. 62 Załącznik nr 5: Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1556z dnia 30 lipca 2004 r. �128 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... doszło do kolejnej eskalacji konfliktu. Dopiero 5 maja 2006 roku, po długich negocjacjach, nastąpił przełom, jakim było podpisanie porozumienia zakładające rozbrojenie dżandżawidów i wcielenie rebeliantów do armii sudańskiej63. Od tego momentu można mówić o czwartej, mniej nagłośnionej i zasadniczo wewnętrznej fazie konfliktu, trwającej aż do rewolucji w Libii i porozumienia pokojowego w Doha z 14 lipca 2011 roku. 8. Darfurskie ruchy zbrojne, ich ideologia i podziały W obliczu arabskiej siły, która została wsparta przez władze w Chartumie w czasie rządów Sadiqa al-Mahdiego, Fur podjęli próbę ożywienia ruchu „Sony”. Organizacja ta została założona jako tajna w 1965 roku. Skupiała wszystkich intelektualistów darfurskich w Chartumie, jednakże tym razem przedstawiciele Fur nie zdołali wskrzesić organizacji ze względu na brak doświadczenia wojskowego i nacisk ze strony plemion arabskich oraz rządu64. 8.1. Ruch Dawida Bolada Dawid Bolad był jednym z liderów Islamskiego Frontu Narodowego, którego założycielem i przywódcą był szejk Hassan al-Turabi. Przewodniczył również Unii Studentów Uniwersytetu w Chartumie, był pierwszym studentem z zachodniego Sudanu, który przewodniczył tej Unii w jej długiej historii. Warto wskazać, że Unia Studentów Uniwersytetu w Chartumie w tym czasie była nie tylko ciałem związkowym reprezentującym interesy studentów, ale też rozwijała się w kierunku politycznym, A. S ł o w i k, Konflikt w Darfurze w świetle prawa międzynarodowego, dz. cyt., s. 40. 64 N. B a r s z a m, Al-Janjaweed Rusul Alsher wa Jund alshietan (Posłańcy zła i żołnierze szatana), Kair 2008, s. 21. 63 �8. Darfurskie ruchy zbrojne, ich ideologia i podziały 129 biorąc udział we wszystkich konfrontacjach występujących na szczeblu krajowym65. Następnie na początku lat dziewięćdziesiątych Dawid Bolad, z powodu zmiany stanowiska przywódców Islamskiego Frontu Narodowego w plemiennym konflikcie między plemionami Fur i niektórymi grupami arabskimi, wstąpił do Ludowego Ruchu Wyzwolenia Sudanu (SPLA), kierowanego przez Johna Garanga. Poprowadził w listopadzie 1991 roku grupę ochotników walczących o objęcie kontrolą obszaru Dżabal Marra. Rząd użył wówczas milicji w celu stłumienia buntu, w zamian próbując zaspokoić ich oczekiwania poprzez nadanie im ziemi. Dawid Bolad został aresztowany i stracony przez pluton egzekucyjny. Po zabiciu Bolada przedstawiciele Fur rozpoczęli działania ukierunkowane na powołanie własnej organizacji wojskowej. Nawiązano też kontakty z Ludowym Ruchem Wyzwolenia Sudanu pod przewodnictwem Johna Garanga oraz z ich przywódcami politycznymi za granicą. Dla wielu ludzi w Darfurze było oczywiste, że iskrą tego najnowszego sporu, rozpoczętego w 1986 roku, były czynniki polityczne odgrywające ważną rolę w zaognianiu tych konfliktów, które pierwotnie były w zasadzie jedynie walką o pastwiska i wodę. Na przebieg konfliktu ogromny wpływ miał rząd centralny, podejmując decyzję zniszczenia dawnego podziału administracyjnego i wprowadzając w życie nowy układ regionalny oraz powołując nowe władze wywodzące się z plemion pasterskich, w dodatku pochodzących z Czadu, na ziemiach rolników. W wyniku tych decyzji konflikt zbrojny wybuchł między rdzennie afrykańską grupą etniczną Masalit a niektórymi plemionami arabskimi. Na terenie Dar Masalit doszło bowiem również do spalenia i zniszczenia wielu wsi oraz przepędzenia z nich tysięcy mieszkańców66. Tamże, s. 67–68. Tamże, s. 79–88; zob. O. A l t y i b, Aljudhur alttarikhiat limushkilat Darfur (Historyczne korzenie problemu Darfurze), http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/arabic/ middle_east_news/newsid_3601000/3601730.stm, [12.02.2015]. 65 66 �130 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... 8.2. Ruch Wyzwolenia Darfuru Bitwa o miasto Golo, stoczona 7 września 2002 roku, o której wspomniałem wyżej, uważana jest za pierwszy zapłon i prawdziwy początek akcji zbrojnej w Darfurze, który spowodował rozpoczęcie działalności Ruchu Wyzwolenia Darfuru. Jego nazwę zmieniono później na Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu. Wielu ludzi wierzyło, a jest to przekonanie poparte wieloma faktami, iż Ludowa Armia Wyzwolenia Sudanu (Sudan People’s Liberation Army, SPLA)67 kierowana przez Johna Garanga, była prawowitym „ojcem” Ruchu Wyzwolenia Sudanu w Darfurze. Istnieje też przekonanie, że ruch, który rozpoczął Bolad w 1999 roku w Bahr el-Ghazal i wokół Dżabal Marra, był zarządzany i wspierany przez SPLA z Południowego Sudanu, a nawet że tak naprawdę jest to tylko SPLA w Darfurze. Faktem jest, że założyciel SLM Abdel Wahed Mohamed Nur spotkał się w Erytrei z byłym przywódcą Ludowego Ruchu Wyzwolenia Sudanu Johnem Garangiem, po czym towarzyszył mu w Kenii, Ugandzie i w Sudanie Południowym. Natomiast na początku 2003 roku wraz z rozpoczęciem regularnych działań wojennych w Darfurze, SPLA wysłał przodujących dowódców wojskowych do Dżabal Marra w celu przeprowadzenia szkolenia rekrutów do SLM. Wysyłano też jednostki z Darfuru na szkolenia na Południe i dopiero po jego przejściu odsyłano je z powrotem do Dżabal Marra w celu wzmocnienia sił Ruchu Wyzwolenia Sudanu68. Liczba bojowników Ruchu Wyzwolenia Sudanu w okresie jego świetności sięgała ponad pięć tysięcy ludzi rozmieszczonych w ca67 Ludowa Armia Wyzwolenia Sudanu (ang. Sudan People’s Liberation Army, SPLA) – sudański ruch partyzancki działający na południu kraju, posiadający reprezentację polityczną (Ludowy Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu). Za: M a w u t A c h i e c q u e M a c h G u a r a k, Integration and Fragmentation of the Sudan: An African Renaissance, Bloomington 2011, s. 252–253 68 Tamże, s. 23–25; zob. Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM), GlobalSecurity.org, http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/para/darfur.htm, [18.03.2014]. �8. Darfurskie ruchy zbrojne, ich ideologia i podziały 131 łym Darfurze, z wyjątkiem jego głównych miast. W jego składzie znajdowali się członkowie ludów Fur, Masalit, Zaghawa, Alberti, Almidob i niektórych innych plemion arabskich. Mimo zróżnicowania plemiennego i etnicznego, oddziały SLM dowodzone przez Abdela Waheda Mohameda Nura i Mani Arko Minawi, jej sekretarza generalnego, były w stanie utrzymać spójność i jedność przez ponad trzy lata, aż do rozłamu w końcu 2005 roku. Doszło do niego na Konferencji Haskanita, odbywające się w dniach od 28 października do 5 listopada 2005 roku, kiedy to odsunięto dotychczasowego lidera, a jego zastępca Mani Arko Minawi przejął władzę. Abdel Wahed Nur i jego zwolennicy nie uznali jednak ważności Konferencji Haskanita i wynikających z niej ustaleń i decyzji. Uznali ją za nieudaną próbę obejścia prawa i nadal działali jak dotychczas. Konferencja Haskanita, pomimo że została zbojkotowana przez kierownika ruchu Abdela Waheda Nura i jego zwolenników, prowadziła jednak swoje prace pod kontrolą i przy obecności przedstawicieli organizacji międzynarodowych i regionalnych. Było to jednak równoznaczne z rozłamem SLM na dwa skrzydła: pierwsze – prowadzone przez Abdela Waheda Nura, założyciela tej organizacji oraz drugie – kierowane przez Mani Arko Minawi, jej byłego sekretarza generalnego, który 5 maja 2006 roku podpisał odrębną umowę pokojową z rządem Sudanu, zwaną umową z Abudży, dzięki czemu został powołany na stanowisko starszego asystenta sudańskiego prezydenta Omara al-Baszira69. Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu Abdela Waheda Nura i Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości odrzucili umowę z Abudży. Dodać trzeba, że odrzucili ją także uchodźcy i przesiedleńcy z powodu braku odpowiednich zabezpieczeń dla zapewnienia im bezpiecznego powrotu Tamże, s. 25–27; Harakat tahrir alssudan (Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu) http:// www.aljazeera.net/specialfiles/pages/d31b66a5-6408-4e34-b1df-5c61a560251b, [18.03.2014]. 69 �132 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... do ich wiosek pochodzenia, z których zostali przesiedleni przez bojówki dżandżawidów, wspierane przez rząd. Ruch nie zdołał jednak utrzymać już jedności, szybko doszło do kolejnych podziałów w szeregach Ruchu Wyzwolenia Sudanu, a liczba powstałych frakcji po dawnym SLM sięgnęła kilkunastu. Najważniejsze z nich to70: – Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu pod przywództwem Abdela Waheda Mohameda Nura; – Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu pod przywództwem Mani Arko Minawi; – Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu Grupa Wolnej Woli; – Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu przywództwo Unity; – Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu Grupa 19, prowadzona przez Khamisa Abdallaha; – Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu, Field Command; – Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu Grupa Ahmeda Abdul Szafih; – Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu Jednostka Dżuby; – Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu Generalna Linia; – Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu, prowadzony przez Abu al-Qasima Imama; – Ludowy Front Sprawiedliwości i Rozwoju; – Armia Wyzwolenia Sudanu dla demokracji Aliego Karpiengo. 8.3. Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości Pierwsza iskra akcji zbrojnej prowadzonej przez Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości kierowany przez Khalila Ibrahima Mohammeda71, zapaliła się w marcu 2003 roku, czyli po roku od 70 Tamże, s. 26; zob. O. I s m a i l, M. F i c k, Darfur Rebels, Enough Project, Washington, DC, 2009, http://www.enoughproject.org/publications/darfur-rebels-101, [18.02.2016]. 71 Khalil Ibrahim Mohammed; lekarz, polityk sprawujący wcześniej szereg stanowisk w rządach regionalnych (był ministrem spraw społecznych w prowincji Błękitny Nil w 1997 r., potem ministrem zdrowia i edukacji w prowincji Darfur �8. Darfurskie ruchy zbrojne, ich ideologia i podziały 133 rozpoczęcia działalności Ruchu Wyzwolenia Sudanu w terenie. W przeciwieństwie do SLM, Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości zrzeszał również członków z plemion arabskich, w tym z plemienia Mesiriya, co dawało nadzieję na większą spójność ideologiczną tej formacji. Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości był też organizacją bardziej zdyscyplinowaną i lepiej zorganizowaną. Złożyły się na to następujące przyczyny72. 1. Większa jednorodność jego oddziałów pod względem etnicznym, gdyż od początku 2006 roku składał się przede wszystkim z członków plemienia Zaghawa. 2. Ruch posiadał znaczne, choć niejawne źródła wsparcia finansowego. Sytuacja ta różniła go od rewolucyjnego ruchu opozycji regionalnej, zwłaszcza pod względem wydawania dużych kwot pieniędzy na pokazy wierności i konferencje, a także płacenie dużych kwot korespondentom niektórych medialnych stacji arabskich dla promowania haseł Ruchu. Inne ruchy zbrojne w Darfurze nie miały takich możliwości. 3. Polityczne i organizacyjne doświadczenie przywódców Ruchu było znacznie większe. Wielu z nich zdobyło doświadczenie w szkole Islamskiego Frontu Narodowego, kierowanego przez szejka Hassana al-Turabiego. Byli poza tym wspierani przez niejawnych doradców działających nieoficjalnie za kulisami. Powszechnie uważa się jednak, że istnieje związek i powiązanie pomiędzy Ruchem Sprawiedliwości i Równości a rządową Partią Kongresową oraz szejkiem Hassanem al-Turabim. Niektórzy interw połowie lat dziewięćdziesiątych, doradcą gubernatora Południowego Sudanu w Dżubie w 1998 r.). 72 Zob. Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), Human Security Baseline Assessment (HSBA) for Sudan and South Sudan, Small Arms Survey, Geneva, Switzerland, http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/fileadmin/docs/facts-figures/sudan/darfur/armed-groups/opposition/HSBA-Armed-Groups-JEM.pdf, [18.02.2015]. �134 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... pretatorzy polityczni idą tu znacznie dalej z zarzutami, opisując Ruch jako niemal skrzydło wojskowe Kongresu. W każdym razie zarzuty wobec Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości opierają się na wielu faktach, z których najważniejsze to73: 1. Większość przywódców Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości, jeśli nie wszyscy, byli wcześniej prominentnymi członkami Islamskiego Frontu Narodowego, kiedy był jeszcze zjednoczony pod wodzą al-Turabiego, a niektórzy z nich byli nawet przywódcami i założycielami tej organizacji, należąc do najbardziej fanatycznych i radykalnych obrońców Rządu Ocalenia Narodowego i jego przywódców. Dopiero po podziale Islamskiego Frontu Narodowego w 1999 roku część jego przywódców stanęła po stronie Kongresu Ludowego. 2. Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości miał ogromny potencjał finansowy i posiadał bogate źródła finansowania, o których pochodzeniu nikt nie wiedział oprócz garstki przywódców stojących na jego czele. Mimo sprzyjających warunków działania, Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości również doświadczył wewnętrznych podziałów. Najważniejsze skrzydła wywodzące się z niego to74: 1. Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości – Skrzydło Khalila Ibrahima Mohammeda; 2. Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości, wspólne przywództwo; 3. Narodowy Ruch na rzecz Reform i Rozwoju, przywództwo Idrissa Azraga; 4. Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości, przywództwo polowe (Harba); 5. Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości Skrzydło Pokoju (Abu Risha); Tamże, s. 28; zob. Harakat aleadl walmusawa (Harakat Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości) http://goo.gl/Zo1TcS, [18.03.2014]. 74 Tamże, s. 30; zob. The Sudanese press after separation. Contested identities of journalism, Berlin 2012, s. 42–43. 73 �8. Darfurskie ruchy zbrojne, ich ideologia i podziały 135 6. Ruch Rewolucyjnych Sił na rzecz Demokracji i Praw (Hisham Noreen i Khamis Sharon). 8.4. Kim są dżandżawidzi? Milicja dżandżawidów stała się widocznym elementem na społecznej i wojskowej mapie Darfuru. Oskarżana była przez rebeliantów ze zgromadzeń takich jak Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu oraz Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości, że jest wojskowym ramieniem władzy centralnej w Darfurze. Rząd z Chartumu zaprzeczał tym zarzutom i utrzymywał, iż jest to grupa zbrojna działająca niezależnie i nie podlegająca żadnej jednostce państwowej. Po wybuchu konfliktu w Darfurze na wielką skalę, to właśnie o tej organizacji mówiło się najwięcej w mediach zainteresowanych rozwojem sytuacji w Sudanie75. Nie ma zgodności co do wyjaśnienia pochodzenia samego słowa dżandżawid. Najczęściej przyjmuje się, że pochodzi od określenia „demona, czyli dżina na koniu” (koń po arab. dżawad), które w lokalnej wymowie Darfurczyków przybiera formę dżandżawid. Są jednak i tacy, którzy twierdzą, że pochodzi ono od połączenia aż trzech słów, a mianowicie: „dżin”, „koń” i „G3”(znana broń rozpowszechniona w Sudanie). Słowo to wiązane też było z nazwiskiem jednego z arabskich rozbójników z Darfuru – Hamidem Dżandżoat. Kierowana przez niego banda zasłynęła atakami na afrykańskie wioski w latach osiemdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku, siejąc przerażenie i grozę wśród ich mieszkańców. Znaczenie ma jednak nie tyle pochodzenie tego słowa, co faktyczne pochodzenie tych oddziałów i rola, jaką odegrali w Darfurze76. O. Ta y e b, Historyczne korzenie problemu Darfuru, BBC, Bliski Wschód, 2004 r. 76 Zob. A. H a g g a r, The Origins and Organisation of the Janjaweed in Darfur, w: A. d e Wa a l, War in Darfur and the Search for Peace, dz. cyt., s. 113–114. 75 �136 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... Dżandżawidzi wywodzą się z arabskich plemion pasterskich, o których pisałem wyżej, dotkniętych w większym lub mniejszym stopniu przez suszę w Sahelu. Na początku było to tylko pejoratywne określenie odnoszące się do biednych włóczęgów z koczowniczych plemion. Życie koczownicze było trudne, a susze stanowiły dodatkowe utrudnienie, co skłaniało te grupy do popełniania przestępstw. Przyłączały się do nich grupy młodych ludzi pozbawionych własnych pastwisk i stad oraz zwykli bandyci (wielu zwolnionych z więzienia). Nie było w tym czasie doniesień o dżandżawidach uzbrojonych i szkolonych przez rząd. Pochodzili oni zarówno z plemion darfurskich, jak i z Czadu. W czasie wojny domowej przybyli w znacznej liczbie do Sudanu, ale zamiast wegetować w obozach dla uchodźców zajęli się rozbojem. Słowa dżandżawid w tych latach nie wiązano z nikim więcej jak tylko z pospolitymi, choć wyjątkowo niebezpiecznymi przestępcami. Później osiadłe grupy zaczęły używać określenia dżandżawid także w stosunku do koczowniczej milicji, zwanej również „jeźdźcami”, gdyż do poruszania się wykorzystywali konie i wielbłądy. Stali się oni symbolem kryzysu gospodarczego, w tym przede wszystkim koczownictwa na całym terenie Sahelu i podobnie jak nastoletni żołnierze w innych krajach afrykańskich, takich jak Sierra Leone, Liberia, Uganda, czy wschodnia część Demokratycznej Republiki Konga, byli źródłem rekrutów do różnych grup milicyjnych. W 1987 roku dżandżawidzi weszli jednak także do szerokiej koalicji obejmującej wszystkie plemiona pochodzenia arabskiego. Po raz pierwszy zebrały się one pod jednym sztandarem. Powstało wówczas, jak już wspomniałem, „Arabskie Zrzeszenie”, obejmujące łącznie 27 plemion, które miało na celu zmniejszenie wpływów plemion rolniczych pochodzących znad Nilu, uznawanych za Arabów, ale mających tak naprawdę korzenie nubijskie, takie jak Dża’alin, Szajgija czy Danagla, których przedstawiciele od �8. Darfurskie ruchy zbrojne, ich ideologia i podziały 137 początku niepodległości Sudanu mieli największy udział w sprawowaniu władzy w Sudanie. Ten front został poszerzony i objął plemiona pochodzenia arabskiego także w regionie Kordofanu, po czym przyjął nową nazwę al-Kurejsz. Nawiązano w ten sposób do ideologii arabizmu, według której tylko Arabowie z pasterskich plemion hodowców wielbłądów są prawdziwymi Arabami, wywodzącymi się z plemienia al-Kurejsz z Mekki, z którego pochodził sam Prorok. Stąd tylko oni są „prawdziwymi muzułmanami” i to oni są naznaczeni, aby rządzić arabskimi ziemiami od Nilu aż po Jezioro Czad. W latach osiemdziesiątych oskarżono ówczesny rząd Sadiqa al-Mahdiego, tak jak później rząd al-Baszira, o sponsorowanie tej organizacji, podczas gdy oskarżony Ruch na Rzecz Wyzwolenia Sudanu pod wodzą Johna Garanga zamierzał uzbroić plemię Fur w Darfurze, aby mogło stanąć do konfrontacji z rządem w Chartumie. W tym kontekście pojawiają się oskarżenia, że milicje dżandżawidów nie są już tylko bandami kryminalistów bez politycznego znaczenia, ale militarnym ramieniem plemion arabskich w Darfurze frontu al-Kurejsz. Niektórzy obserwatorzy łączą też powstanie dżandżawidów z bojówkami obecnego prezydenta Czadu Idrissa Debby, w milicji dżandżawidów pojawili się bowiem przedstawiciele Zaghawa zamieszkujący wschodni Czad77. Z tego co wiadomo, milicja dżandżawidów jest podzielona na dwie części. Północna część obejmuje Darfur, jest mniejsza liczebnie i składa się z kilku bojówek arabskich plemion. Niektóre źródła wspominają, że dżandżawidzi na północy są odpowiedzialni za zniszczenie miasta Kutum na przełomie lipca i sierpnia 2003 roku. Druga, większa część tych milicji jest na południu, a jej członkami są Tamże, s. 54; Pro. B. K o e r n e r, Who Are the Janjaweed? A guide to the Sudanese militiamen, http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/explainer/2004/07/who_are_the_janjaweed.html, [19.03.2014]. 77 �138 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... przedstawiciele plemion arabskich znanych jako Baggara (hodowcy krów). Milicję tę oskarża się, że uczestniczyła obok armii sudańskiej w kampanii przeciwko Ruchowi Dawida Bolada i doprowadziła do buntu w 1991 roku we współpracy z Johnem Garangiem, liderem SPLA i separatystyczną NIF, kierowaną przez Hassana al-Turabiego. Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ, w rezolucji w sprawie Darfuru z początku sierpnia 2004 roku, zażądała od sudańskiego rządu rozbrojenia milicji dżandżawidów i wytropienia osób zaangażowanych w dokonywanie zabójstw, grabieży i gwałtów. W tym kontekście pojawiło się w mediach nazwisko szejka Musy Hilala z klanu Umm Dżalul z koczowniczego plemienia arabskiego Rizeigat w Darfurze Północnym, jako przywódcy dżandżawidów. Pisano, że Musa Hilal78 we współpracy z rządem w Chartumie dokonał najazdu na Czad, gdzie wcielono do oddziałów dżandżawidów dwadzieścia tysięcy Czadyjczyków, w zamian oferując im inwentarz konny, broń i obietnicę nieograniczonej grabieży. Według relacji rebeliantów, był on wymieniony w wykazie sprawców czystek etnicznych, których sprawcami byli dżandżawidzi. Stany Zjednoczone przyjęły nawet rezolucję oskarżającą szejka Musę Hilala jako jednego z wiodących przywódców dżandżawidów, czemu sam Musa Hilal zawsze zaprzeczał79. Musa Hilal jest głównym liderem i twórcą milicji Dżandzawid. On jest chyba najważniejszą osobą w stworzenia Dżandżawid i jest dumny ze swojej roli „agenta rządowego”. Hilal twierdził że, on tylko walczy z siłami rebeliantów w Darfurze, ale faktycznie został zauważony na wielu nalotów i ataków Janjaweed. Jego idea dżihadu jest ukryta za maską prostego „agenta rządowego”. Jego prawdziwe intencje, jednak zostały już ujawnione w dyrektywie z 2004 roku wysłanej do służb wywiadowczych i bezpieczeństwa wojskowego „Zmiany demograficzne w Darfurze i opróżnianie go z plemion afrykańskich”. Za: J. F l i n t, A. d e Wa a l, Darfur: A Short History of a Long War, London 2005. 79 Tamże, s. 89–90; zob. S. S a l i m, Janjaweed (Dżandżawid), http://www. aljazeera.net/specialfiles/pages/9FD23AF4-0E79-4725-8F7E-851B26EBD2AF, [18.03.2014]. 78 �9. Postawy, cele i motywy działania stron konfliktu 139 9. Postawy, cele i motywy działania stron konfliktu Jednym z głównych politycznych celów rebeliantów w Darfurze było przeciwstawienie się marginalizacji politycznej. Pomimo wysiłków politycznych dokonywanych przez rząd centralny w Chartumie, rzeczywiście przyczyną tej sytuacji, zgodnie ze słowami Khalila Ibrahima80, jest historyczna niesprawiedliwość wobec większości ludności Sudanu. Oskarżenie to jest sprecyzowane bardzo wyraźnie w oświadczeniu wydanym przez darfurskich rebeliantów. Ich sojusz w tej części Sudanu, w tym Ludowego Ruchu Wyzwolenia Sudanu Południowego, został określony mianem: „zmarginalizowani przeciwko władzy centrum”81. Rebelianci w Darfurze skarżyli się zawsze na dyskryminację wobec nich praktykowaną przez rząd z powodów ich rdzennie afrykańskiej kultury i zajęć przez nich wykonywanych. Trzeba podkreślić, że elity polityczne w postkolonialnym Sudanie składają się tylko i wyłącznie z ludzi znad Nilu, wywodzących się z centrum i północy kraju. Natomiast mieszkańcy zachodniego Sudanu, a w szczególności z Darfuru, nie obejmowali władzy w Sudanie od czasów upadku powstania mahdystów, czyli od przeszło stu lat. Mimo powołania urzędników państwowych z Darfuru, którzy objęli wysokie stanowiska, ich działalność ograniczała się do stolicy i opierała się na współpracy z politykami z centrum, a nie dotyczyła kwestii Darfuru. Sytuacja ta wiele wyjaśnia, jeśli chodzi o powody działalności rebelianckiej w Darfurze. Początkowo celem rebeliantów było odparcie ataków, 80 Zamordowany przywódca Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości, przez rok także członek rządzącej Partii Kongresu Narodowego i minister w Rządzie Ocalenia Narodowego. 81 Z. A l b o u h t r i, Musklat Farfur aljuzur altarikhia – al-abaad aligtimayia – al-tatawrat al-siysia (Problem Darfuru, historyczne korzenie, społeczne wymiary rozwoju sytuacji politycznej), Kair 2006, s. 89. �140 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... następnie oczekiwali wydalenia plemion arabskich koczowników z regionu i obarczenia rządu odpowiedzialnością za słaby rozwój tej prowincji, aby wreszcie zażądać niepodległości i powrotu do silnej władzy i przyznania kilku kluczowych ministerstw przedstawicielom tego regionu82. Odmienne wymagania towarzyszą również intelektualnym ruchom politycznym rebeliantów Darfuru. Pojawiały się poprzez sprzeczne oświadczenia zarówno Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości, który dokonał operacji wojskowych przeciwko państwu w Darfurze, jak i Ruchu Wyzwolenia Darfuru, który zmienił nazwę na Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu. Można tu argumentować, że ta rozbieżność potrzeb i oświadczeń wynika z powodu braku programu politycznego, a to oznacza, że problemem jest nie tylko chęć osiągnięcia pewnych wewnętrznych, ale i zewnętrznych celów, związanych z niezależnością i samodzielnością prowincji, podobnie jak w przypadku Sudanu Południowego83. Operacja „długie ramię” W październiku 2007 roku odbyła się konferencja IV Powszechny Zjazd Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości, na którym podjęte ostały istotne decyzje. Tłumy skandowały hasła wzywające do tego, aby siły JEM wyprowadziły wrogów z Chartumu, i spowodowały zaniechanie popełniania zbrodni ludobójstwa i prowadzenia wyniszczających walk. Uczestnicy konferencji zjechali się z teren Sudanu oraz zagranicy, kobiety i mężczyźni. Ze względu na liczne powody i okoliczności decyzja o powołaniu operacji wojskowej została zlecona sudańskiemu ruchowi równości i sprawiedliwości, zwanej operacją długiego ramienia ze względu na zasięg 1200 km. Tamże, s. 89–90. H. A b d u l A z i z, R. M a ’ i n, http://ssnp.net/content/view/574/141/, [9.05.2012]. 82 83 �9. Postawy, cele i motywy działania stron konfliktu 141 Operacja wojskowa rozpoczęła się na terenie Sahary, miejsca pozbawionego drzew i bunkrów84. Głównym celem Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości jest sprostanie aspiracjom ludności zmarginalizowanej z terenu Sudanu w kwestii podziału władzy i dzielenia się bogactwem ziemi Hawakeer. JEM reprezentuje również prawa i interesy ludności przesiedlonej, uchodźców i osób przeniesionych na teren diaspor. Głównym celem jest zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa w regionie, ograniczenie zaistniałego chaosu i zaprzestanie dręczenia narodu ze strony reżimu. Założeniem Ruchu Równości i Sprawiedliwości jest osięgnięcie gwarancji, że w kolejnym innym regionie ludność nie chwyci za broń, by domagać się słusznych sobie praw85. Sudański Ruch Równości i Sprawiedliwości Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości jest krajowym programem myśli politycznej. Uważa, że przyczyną kryzysu w Darfurze jest szerzenie się konfliktu etnicznego, rozprzestrzenianego przez rasistowski reżim rządzący w Chartumie. Nakaz jednolitej kultury, języka, wiary, rozmycie i zatarcie tożsamości kulturowej, monopolizacja władzy, zagarnianie bogactw, hegemonia i dominacja ponad wymiarem sprawiedliwości w służbie cywilnej dla wyższych rangą urzędnikow, wojska i policji są bezwzględnie niemozliwe do akcpetacji. JEM zrzesza w swych szeregach członków różnych częsci Sudanu należących do 67 różnych grup plemiennych z terenów Darfuru, Kordofanu, regionu Centralnego, w tym członków Gór Nuba i Sudanu Południowego. Dlatego obalono medialną propagandę głoszącą, iż JEM jest zmonopolizowny przez członków Zaghwa. Ponadto członkowie ruchu 84 Darfur rebels commemorate 2008 ‘Battle of Omdurman’, https://www. dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/darfur-rebels-commemorate-2008-battle-of-omdurman, [20.05.2015]. 85 M. S u l e i m a n, Seventh Anniversary of the Operation Long Arm by JEM, https://thussudan.wordpress.com/2015/05/10/seventh-anniversary-of-theoperation-long-arm-by-jem/, [20.05.2015]. �142 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... przed zrzeszeniem się reprezentowali różne myśli polityczne od lewej do prawej orientacji. Ruch Równości i Sprawiedliwości jest ruchem nacjonalistycznym, szeroko rozmieszczonym we wszystkich regionach Sudanu i prowadzi skoordynowane zmiany w Sudanie, dalekie od fanatyzmu. Ponadto JEM w odpowiednim momencie przedstawił swoją gotowość do negocjacji i uzgodnień dla pokojowego współistnieni w ramach jednego państwa, w którym wszyscy obywatele mają równe prawa i obowiązki86. Operacja „długie ramię” wskazała w jak dalekim stopniu JEM wniosło swoje zaangażownie dla poszanowania międzynarodowego prawa humanitarnego. Nieagresja wobec obywateli i poszanowanie gruntów było zobowiązaniem cywilnym JEM. Główne cele JEM zawierają zbudowanie państwa demokratycznego, w którym obywatele korzystają z wolności, uczciwej i sprawiedliwej szansy na miejsca pracy bez dyskryminacji, zapewniona jest godna egzystencja dla kazdego, sprawiedliwość niezależnia od koloru skóry, wyznania, płci, wieku, kultury i języka oraz politycznej przynależności danego regionu. 10. Reżim rządzącej Partii Kongresu Narodowego87 i utrzymywanie się kryzysu w Darfurze Przez lata trwała wierność polityczna mieszkańców regionu Darfuru dla państwa Mahdystów (1884–1898) z powodu darfurskiego pochodzenia zastępcy Mahdiego kalifa Abdullaha Altashi 86 Tamże; por. W. A l n n u r, Asrar jadida fi eamaliat aldhdhirae alttawil (Nowe tajemnice operacji „długie ramie”), http://almeghar.com/permalink/25750.html, [20.05.2015]. 87 Partia Kongresu Narodowego (National Congress Party, NCP), oficjalnie rządząca partia w Sudanie, powstała w 1998 r., kierowana przez prezydenta Omara al-Beszira, programowo nawiązująca do Islamskiego Frontu Narodowego (NIF). �10. Reżim rządzącej Partii Kongresu Narodowego... 143 i przynależności większości ludności Darfuru do ugrupowania Al-Ansar, zdominowanego przez rodzinę Mahdiego. Ta lojalność trwała nawet po jego upadku i zmianie na partię polityczną pod nazwą Partia Umma, kierowaną przez Al-Sadiqa al-Mahdiego (wnuka historycznego przywódcy). Od tamtego czasu rząd Sudanu i inne strony na próżno starają się przeniknąć w region Darfuru, który jest okręgiem zamkniętym dla Partii Umma. Sytuacja ta utrzymała się aż do 1986 roku, kiedy to islamski ruch był w stanie w wyborach parlamentarnych skutecznie wprowadzić do sudańskiego parlamentu trzech deputowanych z regionu88. Pomimo sukcesu Islamskiego Frontu Narodowego kierowanego przez Hassana al-Turabiego w postaci wejścia do rządu Numajriego, w Darfurze pojawił się kryzys. Oczekiwano, że prezydent Sudanu Numajri (1969–1985) o wiele więcej środków przeznaczy dla tego regionu. Niestety sytuacja nie uległa większym zmianom, a w partii zaczęły się rozłamy. Stracił on w pierwszym etapie Davida Yahya Bolada, a następnie zrezygnowało dwóch z trzech członków partii w parlamencie i przyłączyło się do rywalizujących stron. Bolad przyłączył się do Ruchu Ludowego na rzecz Wyzwolenia Sudanu, prowadzonego przez Johna Garanga i sam poprowadził pierwszą zbrojną rebelię przeciwko islamskiemu rządowi, co zakończyło się jego egzekucją w 1991 roku89. Po buncie Bolada rząd traktował Darfur jako centrum stałej opozycji wobec rządu. Podstawowym zadaniem rządu było osłabienie sił w tym regionie. Główną przeszkodą była administracja cywilna. Rozpoczęto zatem realizację zaplanowanych celów. Rząd 88 A. H u s s a i n, http://epdmsite.org/modules/publisher/item.php?itemid=90, [14.02.2014]. 89 Tamże; zob. H. M o h a m e d, A. d e Wa a l, Late Jaafar Nimeiri – Reflections on his Life, http://africanarguments.org/2009/05/31/reflections-on-the-life-ofthe-late-jaafar-nimeiri/, [14.02.2015]; zob. Theguardian, Jaafar Nimeiri, http:// www.theguardian.com/world/2009/jun/05/obituary-jaafar-nimeiri, [15.02.2015]. �144 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... podzielił region na większą niż dotychczas liczbę małych jednostek administracyjnych i w 1995 roku wydał decyzję o podzieleniu Dar Masalit w zachodnim regionie na 34 lokalne jednostki administracyjne, a następnie postanowił utworzyć 6 „Amodiat” – grup administracyjnych arabskich plemion. Proces podziału terytorialnego kontynuowano, tak aby z 9 stanów osiągnąć 26, a z 19 prowincji – 121 oraz z 126 administracji lokalnych – 67490. Rząd jednak nie zatrzymał się na tych podziałach. Wymyślano i ustanawiano również nowe tytuły i stanowiska w administracji lokalnej, jak przykładowo tytuł „amira”. Osoba zajmująca to stanowisko miała szerokie uprawnienia, aby przeciwdziałać inicjatywie administracji dyrektorów i lokalnych liderów obywatelskich. Rezultatem takich zmian było ogromne zamieszanie i zakłócenie struktury plemion poprzez wprowadzanie funkcji i tytułów nie mających podstaw w dotychczasowym systemie. Można oczywiście zaakceptować chęć stworzenia nowoczesnego państwa, stopniowo wykraczając w pewnych kwestiach poza granice dotychczasowych obyczajów i ustaleń plemiennych, ale przyjęte tutaj rozwiązania spowodowały tylko dodatkowe konflikty. Po czasach, kiedy rząd zajmował się reorganizacją plemiennej administracji, okazało się, że w plemionach z powodu braku innych sił politycznych to one stały się realną władzą. Doprowadziło to do zupełnego zerwania z tradycjami plemiennymi. W tych okolicznościach problemy Ruchu Islamskiego ciągnęły się dalej. W 1996 roku na konferencji założycielskiej rządzącej Partii Kongresowej starano się zbudować blok na rzecz Darfuru i wystawić własnego kandydata. W przypadku powodzenia takich działań można by to określić bezkrwawym zamachem stanu w rządzie. Pod koniec lat dziewięćdziesiątych wśród islamistów wybuchł konflikt, Tamże; zob. J. T k n h, Darfur: Alttaqsimat al’iidariat walnnizae alqabli (Darfur: podziały administracyjne i konflikty plemienne), Chartum 2014, s. 2–14. 90 �10. Reżim rządzącej Partii Kongresu Narodowego... 145 spowodowany głębokimi różnicami politycznymi. Przez ponad dekadę wydawały się one być uśpione, ale w końcu ujawniły się z całą mocą. Ostatecznie doszło do rozłamu na dwa skrzydła: rządzący Kongres Narodowy oraz Kongres Ludowy kierowany przez al-Turabiego. Po rozpadzie pojawiły się oskarżenia pod adresem ruchu al-Turabiego o wspieranie ruchów rebelianckich w Darfurze. Pomimo wielokrotnych zaprzeczeń, istnieją dowody na związek pomiędzy tym, co dzieje się w Darfurze a działalnością Kongresu Ludowego91. W marcu 2016 roku z wizytą oficjalną był obecny w Warszawie Minister Spraw Zagranicznych Sudanu Ibrahim Ghandour. Jest on jedną z najważniejszych postaci rządzącej Partii Kongresu Narodowego. Minister udzielił autorowi pracy krótkiego wywiadu. Stwierdził, iż jego rząd od początku starał się dążyć do rozwiązania tego konfliktu drogą pokojową natomiast, jego zdaniem, brak było takiej gotowości ze strony rebeliantów. Na potwierdzenie swoich slów stwierdził, że rząd zgodził się na podjęcie rozmów z rebeliantami w Abudży w Nigerii. Rebelianci (Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości) zaatakowali lotnisko w Al-Faszer i zniszczyli znajdujące się tam samoloty. Zaatakowane zostały też posterunki policji należące do rządu. Wydarzenia te skomplikowały sytuację. Rząd wyczuł, iż rebelianci nie są grupami etnicznymi walczącymi o swoje prawa, ale dążą do obalenia rządu. Konieczne było sprowadzenie wojska do zaprowadzenia porządku. Zapanowała destabilizacja stając się zachętą dla innych grup plemiennych do podejmowania walk i „rozliczeń” między sobą. Pomimo tego rząd podtrzymał zgodę na rozmowy pokojowe w Abudży w 2006 roku. Dwa skrzydła SLM – jedno z Minni Minawi i drugie pod przewodnictwem Abdulwahida zobowiązały Tamże; por. J. Tu b i a n a, V. Ta n n e r, M. A b d u l - J a l i l, Traditional authorities peacemaking role in Darfur, Washington 2012, s. 80–85. 91 �146 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... się do podjęcia negocjacji z rządem. Jednak tylko jedna tylko frakcja z Ruchu Wyzwolenia Sudanu, pod przewodnictwem Minawi podpisała porozumienie, natomiast Abdulwahida stojący na czele innej frakcji, odmówił rządając uprzednio w zamian za ugodę 100mln dolarów. Minawi został mianowany doradcą prezydenta Sudanu. W 2010 po wyborach powszechnych prezydenckich i parlamentarnych w Sudanie Minawi odmówił rozwiązania swoich oddziałów wojskowych mimo, iż mógł nadal pełnić funkcję doradcy prezydenta. Wolał on jednak przemieścić się do Południowego Sudanu. Rząd kontynuował rozmowy z partyzantami również z Ruchem Sprawiedliwości i Równości w Doha (2011). Prezydent Sudanu sam osobiście pojechał do Doha, aby podpisać to porozumienie. Jednak przywódca Ruchu Chalil Ibrahim wrócił z Doha nie podpisując porozumienia, chociaż 19 innych frakcji walczących podpisało je. Minister oświadczył, iż obecnie władze dobrnęły do końcówki realizacji porozumień z Doha. Odbędzie się referendum w sprawie ewentualnego połączenia regionów Darfuru lub pozostawienia obecnego ich podziału. Minister stanowczo poświadczył, iż obecnie żaden ruch rebeliancki nie ma bazy na terytorium Darfuru. Przywódca Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości Jibril Ibrahim przebywa obecnie w Południowym Sudanie, Minawi natomiast na południu Libii. Rozmówca autora stwierdził, iż Darfur jest aktualnie w trakcje prawdziwego rozwoju. Powstaje między innymi Bank Darfurski współfinansowany przez Bank Katarski. Rząd Kataru dostarczył ponadto kwotę 80 mln dolarów. Minister potwierdził otwartość rządu i stałą gotowość do rozmów z rebeliantami, ale zastrzegł się, że nie będzie to na ich warunkach lecz na warunkach pokojowych. Rząd przyjął strategię prowadzenia negocjacji (jako jedyny z rządów prowadzi dialog z rebeliantami) gdyż w jego opinii wojna nie niesie z sobą żadnych korzyści. Minister podczas �10. Reżim rządzącej Partii Kongresu Narodowego... 147 rozmowy podkreślił też zainteresowanie rządu polskiego sytuacją w Sudanie, zwłaszcza w regionie Darfuru92. Rządząca Partia Kongresu Narodowego (NCP) w Sudanie przyczyniła się znacznie do zaostrzenia kryzysu w Darfurze. Region Darfuru doświadczył z jej strony najwięcej cierpienia i zniszczeń. Takiej tragedii nie widziano w tym regionie od czasu upadku sułtana Ibrahima Garada, pokonanego przez osmańskiego gubernatora Zubaira Paszę93 w 1874 roku i upadku Sułtanatu oraz zniszczeń w regionie Darfuru w okresie Mahdiji. Islamiści byli bardzo zorganizowani w swoich działaniach, zanim zdobyli władzę w wyniku wojskowego zamachu stanu w 1989 roku. Odgrywali ważną rolę w wydarzeniach w Darfurze po stronie opozycji i rządu. Interweniowali w plemiennych konfliktach, popierając arabskie plemiona i pomagając ich organizacjom, mając na celu zwiększenie swoich wpływów w Darfurze, tworząc tam przy okazji zaplecze polityczne94. Strategia rządowa Partii Kongresu Narodowego w Darfurze cechowała się sprzecznościami i była bardzo szkodliwa dla regionu i jego mieszkańców. Celowo dążono do osłabienia regionu i jego ludności poprzez odcięcie północnej części prowincji i dołączenie jej do terytorium północnego. Ostatecznie Darfur podzielony został na trzy stany (regiony), a wkrótce potem podzielono go jeszcze na kilka prowincji, nie uwzględniając w tychże podziałach dziedzictwa i historii tych ziem95. Wywiad przeprowadzony przez autora z Ministerm Spraw Zagranicznych Sudanu Ibrahimem Ghandourem, 18.03.2016 roku, podczas jego oficjalnej wizyty w Warszawie, w Polsce. 93 Zubair Pasha to były gubernator prowincji Bahr al-Ghazal w Sudanie w 1869 roku. W 1874 roku podbił Darfur dla „Kedywa Egiptu”, gdy jednak udał się do Kairu w 1876 roku w celu uzyskania gubernatorstwa Darfuru, został tam zatrzymany; za: R.O. C o l l i n s, A History of Modern Sudan, Cambridge 2008, s. 18. 94 N. B a s h a r i, Epistemological Enlightenment Centre, http://tanweer.sd/ arabic/modules/ smartsection/item.php?itemid=96, [15.03.2013]. 95 J. F l i n t, Beyond ‘Janjaweed’: Understanding the militias of Darfur, dz. cyt., s. 23. 92 �148 III. Przebieg i przyczyny konfliktu zbrojnego... Przystąpiono również do rozbijania i osłabiania roli tradycyjnych przywódców i administracji cywilnej. Władzę ich natomiast przekazywano własnym ludziom. Uznano, że tradycyjnie przywództwo w regionie należy do Partii Umma, która również posiadała przedtem wielu czołowych przywódców spoza prowincji, słynących z przemocy i arogancji. Tymczasem rozwój Darfuru i sprawy jego obywateli pozostawały w cieniu i nie były przedmiotem zainteresowania nowej władzy. Rząd Kongresu Narodowego dążył również do wykorzystania Darfuru i jego militarnej siły, poprzez zaangażowanie mieszkańców prowincji w wojnę w Sudanie Południowym. Powołano więc siły obrony cywilnej oraz kawaleryjskie oddziały milicji. Czasem udzielano poparcia plemionom w Darfurze Południowym i milicjom pasterzy arabskich, aby skłonić SPLA do walki na rzecz rządu na innych obszarach. Z drugiej strony Rząd Kongresu Narodowego ignorował konflikty plemienne w Darfurze, a czasem stawał po jednej ze stron przeciw innym i przede wszystkim milczał, kiedy trzeba było interweniować w kwestiach dokonywania masowych mordów i wypędzeń. Starano się złamać tradycyjne struktury w Darfurze i osłabić Partię Umma tak, aby ludność nie domagała się swoich słusznych praw w uwzględnianiu regionu w planie rozwoju i zezwolenia na samodzielność w rządzeniu96. Rząd Partii Kongresu Narodowego zajmował zdecydowane stanowisko wobec kwestii rozbojów w regionie i próbował zrzucać odpowiedzialność na określone grupy. Nie przewidywano podjęcia działań ukierunkowanych na przeciwdziałanie tym negatywnym zjawiskom i zachowaniom. Nie posiadano stosownego planu wobec Darfuru, który przewidywałby osiągnięcie bezpieczeństwa w tym regionie97. N. B a s h a r i, Epistemological Enlightenment Centre, http://tanweer.sd/ arabic/modules/ smartsection/item.php?itemid=96, [15.03.2013]. 97 J. F l i n t, Beyond ‘Janjaweed’: Understanding the militias of Darfur, dz. cyt., s. 21–24. 96 �10. Reżim rządzącej Partii Kongresu Narodowego... 149 Podsumowując, można stwierdzić, iż strategia rządzącej Partii Kongresu Narodowego dla ratowania Darfuru polegała na odsuwaniu od siebie odpowiedzialności za odbudowę i rozbudowę infrastruktury, czy rozwiązanie kwestii kryzysu środowiskowego. Szerzono jedynie kulturę wojny i dawano przyzwolenie na stosowanie przemocy, przyczyniając się do powstawania dodatkowych konfliktów pomiędzy ludnością poprzez niesprawiedliwe i nierówne ich traktowanie, a także wykorzystywano miejscową ludność i jej przekonania religijne dla wsparcia celów militarnych i politycznych wobec przeciwników SPLA i innych sił opozycyjnych. Tymczasem Hassan al-Turabi pytany o to, w jaki sposób można by rozwiązać konflikt i przywrócić pokój w Darfurze, na zakończenie rozmowy ze mną powiedział tak: „Konieczna jest decentralizacja i federalne władze w regionie Darfuru [czyli autonomia dla tego regionu]. Straciliśmy Sudan Południowy właśnie z tego powodu. Południe od czasu deklaracji niepodległości żądało autonomii, co zostało mu obiecane, ale ignorowaliśmy to, ponieważ uważaliśmy, że są to ludzie niewykształceni. Przykład Południa miał wpływ na Darfur, bo Południowcy bronią niektórych swoich praw, a Chalil i jego rodzina rządzi Czadem. Rząd wysłał siły wojskowe do Czadu, po czym Chalil został wydalony z tego kraju, więc udał się do Libii, a po upadku reżimu Kaddafiego zabrał swoją broń i powrócił. Rząd używa różnych złych metod w Darfurze, których skutki nie znikną przez wieki”. ��Rozdział IV Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze 1. Obecność Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych w Darfurze Darfur przez lata nie był przedmiotem troski centralnego rządu Sudanu urzędującego w Chartumie. Mieszkańcy tego regionu odczuwali narastające niezadowolenie z powodu zaniedbań i ich dotkliwych skutków w zakresie upośledzenia rozwoju gospodarczego oraz ścisłej kontroli, jakiej podlegali. Czynniki te, obok ograniczonych zasobów z pól uprawnych i źródeł wody, znacznie utrudniały im życie. W 2003 roku nastąpiła eskalacja wrogich nastrojów, co zaowocowało rozpoczęciem konfliktu wojennego, prowadzonego przez ugrupowania zbrojne Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości i Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu. Darfurczycy zażądali między innymi większej autonomii dla swojego regionu. Rząd w Chartumie wystawił przeciwko rebeliantom, jak wspomniałem wcześniej, uzbrojone oddziały milicji plemiennych, tzw. dżandżawidów. Dało to początek krwawej, bolesnej wojnie, która stale przynosi wiele zniszczeń, a przede wszystkim ofiar. Od momentu rozpoczęcia działań wojennych ponad 200 tys. osób straciło życie, a wiele musiało opuścić swoje domy. Uciekając przed niebezpieczeństwem, nie mając środków do życia, schronienie znaleźli w obozach dla uchodźców. Do połowy 2005 roku konflikt spowodował ucieczki i przesiedlenia około 1,2 miliona mieszkańców �152 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze Darfuru – w większości jej rdzennych afrykańskich mieszkańców. W 2007 roku liczbę tych osób szacowano na 2–2,5 miliona. Około 130 tysięcy z nich przekroczyło granicę kraju i osiedliło się w sąsiednim Czadzie Wojna ta jest tak okrutna, że nawet mieszkańcy tychże obozów nie mogą czuć się bezpiecznie – bywają ofiarami napadów i gwałtów dokonywanych przez przedstawicieli strony rządowej1. Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ 25 maja 2004 roku wykazała zainteresowanie konfliktem, wydając w następnych latach kolejne rezolucje mające na celu ustabilizowanie sytuacji w Darfurze. W wydanym wówczas oświadczeniu wyraziła głębokie niezadowolenie i troskę z powodu zasięgu, postępu i skutków konfliktu. Wkrótce po tym uchwalono rezolucję nr 1556, w której postawiono Sudanowi ultimatum rozbrojenia nielegalnych milicji i zagrożono interwencją. W rezolucji nr 15642 z 18 września 2004 roku RB ONZ zagroziła nałożeniem sankcji na sudański przemysł naftowy. Podjęto też prace ukierunkowane na określenie zasięgu naruszenia praw człowieka na terenach objętych wojną. Niestety, działania te nie przyniosły spodziewanego efektu, gdyż nałożeniu sankcji sprzeciwiły się Chiny. 1 lutego 2005 roku komisja śledcza ONZ przedstawiła w swoim raporcie liczne zbrodnie dokonane w Darfurze. Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ 29 marca 2005 roku nałożyła rezolucją nr 1591 embargo zbrojeniowe na tym razem wszystkie strony konfliktu w Darfurze, gdyż ta z 30 lipca 2004 roku obejmowała embargiem jedynie pozarządowych uczestników konfliktu. 1 J. F l i n t, Beyond ‘Janjaweed’: Understanding the militias of Darfur, dz. cyt., s. 22–24; zob. K. W i a t r, Darfur – ginąca prowincja,portal spraw zagranicznych, 06 kwiecień 2008r., http://www.psz.pl/116-bezpieczenstwo/katarzyna-wiatr-darfur-ginaca-prowincja, [18.07.2015]. 2 Załącznik nr 6, Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1564 z dnia 18 września 2004 r. �1. Obecność Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych w Darfurze 153 Społeczność międzynarodowa na przestrzeni lat podejmowała działania zmierzające do położenia kresu krwawej wojnie i zaprowadzenia pokoju w Darfurze, jednakże próby osiągnięcia porozumienia i podpisania rozejmu są utrudnione z uwagi na podziały panujące wśród stron zaangażowanych w konflikt. Strona rebeliancka była rozczłonkowana i obejmowała blisko 30 różnych ugrupowań. Te podziały, brak chęci do współpracy i połączenia wysiłków na rzecz pokoju są znaczącymi przyczynami istniejącej sytuacji. Kiedy 5 maja 2006 roku w Abudży w Nigerii po długich negocjacjach podpisano porozumienie pokojowe przewidujące rozbrojenie dżandżawidów i wcielenie do armii sudańskiej rebeliantów, część ich ugrupowań nie przyłączyła się do tego porozumienia. Rozejm zaakceptowała jedynie frakcja SLM pod dowództwem Minni Minnawiego3. Kolejnym działaniem ukierunkowanym na zaprowadzenie pokoju w Darfurze było powzięcie planu utworzenia sił pokojowych dla tego regionu. Oddziały wojskowe wchodzące w skład tych sił miały liczyć 22 tysiące osób. Dokumentowała to postanowienie rezolucja RB ONZ z 31 sierpnia 2006 roku (RB nr 1706)4. Wojsko to miałoby zastąpić dotychczasowe oddziały Unii Afrykańskiej, której poziom profesjonalności i morale pozostawiały dużo do życzenia. Rząd centralny w Chartumie odrzucił jednak tę propozycję jako mogącą naruszyć suwerenność państwa, chociaż przystał na częściowe techniczne i strategiczne wsparcie wojsk Unii Afrykańskiej przez ONZ. Kolejną ważną datą był 16 kwietnia 2007 roku, kiedy to wspólnym wysiłkiem ONZ, USA, jak również Chin (sojusznika Sudanu) udało się nakłonić rząd w Chartumie do wydania zgody na wprowadzenie do regionu objętego działaniami wojennymi sił pokojowych ONZ, na które składało się 3 tysiące żołnierzy, Tamże; zob. A. S ł o w i k, Konflikt w Darfurze w świetle prawa międzynarodowego, dz. cyt., s. 55–60. 4 Załącznik nr 9, Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1706 z dnia 31 sierpnia 2006 r. 3 �154 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze śmigłowce bojowe oraz środki logistyczne. Dwa miesiące później – 12 czerwca 2007 roku – Sudan wyraził zgodę na wprowadzenie sił pokojowych pod połączonym dowództwem, jak i z udziałem wojsk Narodów Zjednoczonych i sił afrykańskich5. Ostatecznie uchwalono wysłanie do Darfuru zjednoczonych sił pokojowych ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej UNAMID w liczbie 26 tysięcy żołnierzy, które 31 grudnia 2007 roku zajęły miejsce dotychczasowych sił Unii Afrykańskiej (dokonało się to na mocy rezolucji Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1769 z 31 lipca 2007). W zakres działania tych wojsk miała wchodzić obrona pracowników misji humanitarnych i cywilów. Zgodnie z zamierzeniem miała to być największa misja pokojowa na świecie, ale jej realizacja nie była łatwa z uwagi na opór rządu centralnego. W 2008 roku liczebność misji wynosiła dopiero 12,5 tysiąca osób. Niestety, powołane siły pokojowe stawały się celem ataków ze strony niektórych grup rebeliantów. 29 września 2007 roku 12 afrykańskich żołnierzy zginęło w wyniku ataku jednej z takich grup na obóz we wsi Haskanita w Darfurze. W odpowiedzi wojska rządowe podjęły ataki, w wyniku których śmierć poniosła znaczna liczba ludności cywilnej. Kolejne wydarzenie miało miejsce 9 lipca 2008 roku, kiedy to siedmiu żołnierzy sił UNAMID zginęło w ataku na ich patrol w północnym Darfurze. Natomiast w maju 2008 roku rebelianci z Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości podjęli zuchwały atak na Chartum, zakończony śmiercią kilkuset osób6. Przedstawiciele agend ONZ w Sudanie wystosowali wspólne oświadczenie w sprawie Darfuru 17 stycznia 2007 roku: „Na przestrzeni ostatnich dwóch lat działalność organizacji humanitarnych w Darfurze pozwoliła ocalić życie setkom tysięcy The Save Darfur Coalition, The Genocide in Darfur, http://www.italianblogsfordarfur.it/adverts/Darfur_Briefing_Paper.pdf, [25.06.2014]. 6 Tamże, s. 5–6. 5 �1. Obecność Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych w Darfurze 155 cywilów dotkniętych konfliktem w tym regionie. W ciągu tego okresu wskaźniki śmiertelności spadły poniżej poziomu krytycznego, ogólne niedożywienie zmalało o połowę w stosunku do momentu szczytowego kryzysu z połowy 2004 roku, a prawie 3/4 mieszkańców Darfuru uzyskało dostęp do bezpiecznej wody pitnej. W samym 2006 roku dostarczono 400 tysięcy ton żywności. Pomimo nasilającego się braku bezpieczeństwa i wzrastających zagrożeń, na które wystawione są lokalne wspólnoty i pracownicy organizacji pomocowych, Narody Zjednoczone wraz z partnerami humanitarnymi były w stanie prowadzić skuteczną działalność na rzecz przetrwania i ochrony milionów osób”. Pomimo tych zadowalających efektów działalności organizacji humanitarnych niestety nie było możliwe całkowite, długotrwałe uchronienie ludności przed skutkami działań wojennych, o czym mówi dalsza część oświadczenia: „Tej działalności nie da się jednak utrzymać długo. W grudniu 2006 roku dostęp do ludności potrzebującej był najgorszy od kwietnia 2004 roku. Ponawiające się ataki militarne, przesuwające się linie frontu i rozdrobnienie oddziałów zbrojonych powodują ograniczenie bezpiecznego dostępu dla organizacji humanitarnych i prowadzą do dalszego zabijania cywilów, którzy ponoszą najdotkliwsze konsekwencje tego przewlekłego konfliktu. W ciągu zaledwie sześciu ostatnich miesięcy w wyniku walk pojawiło się ponad 250 tysięcy uchodźców, z których wielu zmuszonych było do ucieczki już po raz drugi lub trzeci. Wioski są palone, plądrowane i arbitralnie ostrzeliwane, niszczone są zbiory, zabijane zwierzęta. Wskaźniki przemocy seksualnej wobec kobiet są zatrważające. Sytuacja ta jest niemożliwa do zaakceptowania”. Jednym z dotkliwych skutków działań wojennych jest właśnie przemoc, która dotyka też ludność cywilną. W Darfurze, jak wynika z dalszej części oświadczenia, ofiarami przemocy stali się też działacze organizacji humanitarnych. �156 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze „Nie można także zaakceptować przemocy kierowanej w coraz większym stopniu przeciwko pracownikom humanitarnym. W ciągu ostatnich 6 miesięcy zginęło 12 działaczy – więcej niż w ciągu dwóch poprzednich lat razem wziętych. Ich śmierć miała bezpośredni wpływ na działalność operacji humanitarnych w Darfurze. Zabójstwo trzech rządowych inżynierów wodnych w lipcu 2006 roku w Darfurze Zachodnim spowodowało tymczasowe zawieszenie dostaw wody i pracy urządzeń sanitarnych w obozach dla uchodźców wewnętrznych (Internally Displaced Persons, IDPs)7. Dziewięciu pracowników rządowych z tego samego departamentu zostało uprowadzonych w Darfurze Południowym w listopadzie 2006 roku – pięciu z nich nadal nie odnaleziono. W ciągu ostatnich sześciu miesięcy 30 placówek organizacji pozarządowych i Narodów Zjednoczonych zostało bezpośrednio zaatakowanych przez zbrojne oddziały. Ponad 400 pracowników humanitarnych zmuszonych było 31 razy do opuszczenia swych siedzib na terenie trzech darfurskich stanów, w tym placówek w stolicach Al-Fashir i El Geneina oraz na obszarach kontrolowanych przez rebeliantów. Ich wyposażenie zostało rozkradzione, a załogi zastraszone i nękane fizycznie. W mieście Gereida (Darfur Południowy) celowe ataki na sześć placówek humanitarnych, które miały miejsce 18 grudnia, zmusiły załogi organizacji pozarządowych do ich opuszczenia, co spowodowało poważne ograniczenia w dostarczaniu tak niezbędnych środków pomocy, jak żywność, czysta woda i opieka medyczna dla 130 tysięcy osób w największym skupisku uchodźców w całym Darfurze. Dziesięć dni wcześniej, w mieście 7 IDPs: uznaje się osobę, bądź grupę osób zmuszoną do opuszczenia swoich domów bądź miejsc zamieszkania, zwłaszcza w efekcie konfliktów zbrojnych, przemocy, łamania praw człowieka a także wywołanych przez naturę bądź aktywność człowieka klęsk żywiołowych, nie przekraczających jednak uznanych międzynarodowo granic państwowych. Za: B. Te r m i ń s k i, Przesiedlenia inwestycyjne, Nowa kategoria migracji przymusowych, Warszawa 2012, s. 112. �1. Obecność Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych w Darfurze 157 Kutum (Darfur Północny), załogi czterech organizacji pozarządowych i Światowego Programu Żywnościowego (WFP) zmuszone były wycofać się do Al-Fashir po ataku na wyraźnie oznaczoną placówkę humanitarną. To zaledwie dwa przykłady incydentów, występujących na terenie całego Darfuru. Jeżeli sytuacja ta się nie zmieni, działalność humanitarna i los wspieranej przez nią ludności ulegną nieodwracalnemu pogorszeniu”. Niemożność prowadzenia akcji pomocowych przez organizacje humanitarne może przynieść wiele negatywnych skutków dla ludności. Brak lub ograniczenie pomocy oznacza zagrożenie niedożywieniem, spadek poziomu higieny, większa zachorowalność, zwłaszcza na choroby zakaźne, co w efekcie znacznie utrudni prowadzenie działalności zarobkowej. „Utrzymujący się stan braku bezpieczeństwa wpływa negatywnie na dostępność opieki medycznej dla ludności Darfuru, gdyż wiele organizacji pozarządowych, zapewniających jej podstawową formę, zmuszone jest zawiesić lub zminimalizować swą działalność. Redukcja pomocy powoduje spadek higieny w obozach dla uchodźców, o czym świadczy wybuch epidemii cholery, która w ciągu 2006 roku zaatakowała 2768 osób, zabijając 147. Wskaźniki ogólnego niedożywienia niebezpiecznie zbliżają się do progu krytycznego, a około 60% rodzin, potrzebujących pomocy żywnościowej, wymienia brak bezpieczeństwa jako podstawową barierę dla uprawy ziemi, hodowli zwierząt i angażowania się w innego rodzaju działalność zarobkową. Jeżeli stan zagrożenia będzie się utrzymywać, wspólnota humanitarna nie będzie dalej w stanie zapewnić ludności darfurskiej warunków do przetrwania. Niżej podpisani członkowie Zespołu Krajowego Narodów Zjednoczonych w Sudanie pragną wyrazić swe poparcie dla konkretnych posunięć, podejmowanych zarówno przez sygnatariuszy Porozumienia Pokojowego dla Darfuru – w tym rządu, jak i pozostałych uczestników konfliktu – zmierzających ku pokojowemu rozwiąza- �158 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze niu konfliktu w Darfurze i będących wyrazem poszanowania dla międzynarodowego prawa humanitarnego i zasad humanitarnych. Tego typu pozytywne zmiany należy jednak podtrzymywać. Istnieje pilna potrzeba stworzenia solidnych gwarancji bezpieczeństwa dla ludności cywilnej i pracowników humanitarnych. Jednocześnie wszyscy ci, którzy są odpowiedzialni za ataki, prześladowania, porwania, zastraszenia, grabieże i krzywdy wyrządzane cywilom, w tym uchodźcom wewnętrznym, pracownikom humanitarnym i innym osobom niezaangażowanym w walkę, muszą zostać pociągnięci do odpowiedzialności. Jeżeli tak się nie stanie, agendy humanitarne Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych i organizacje pozarządowe nie będą w stanie prowadzić dalej swej działalności, która dotychczas zapewniała pomoc i pewien stopień ochrony milionom mieszkańców Darfuru, dotkniętych przez ten tragiczny konflikt”8. Do istotnego przełomu doszło 14 lipca 2008 roku, kiedy to prokurator Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego oskarżył prezydenta Sudanu Omara Hasana al-Baszira o ludobójstwo, zbrodnie przeciw ludzkości i zbrodnie wojenne w związku z konfliktem w Darfurze, a 4 marca 2009 roku wydał nakaz aresztowania al-Baszira pomimo braku zgodności co do faktu, czy dowody na ludobójstwo są wystarczające. Sprzeciwiły się jednak temu inne państwa afrykańskie i arabskie, obawiając się załamania sytuacji i negatywnych skutków w tym rejonie. Prezydent w odpowiedzi ogłosił 12 listopada 2008 roku bezwarunkowe zawieszenie broni w Darfurze, przystępując też do rozbrojenia oddziałów policji walczącej po stronie rządu. Przedłużający się konflikt w Darfurze nie pozostał bez wpływu na państwa sąsiednie, Republikę Środkowoafrykańską i Czad, Ośrodek Informacji ONZ w Warszawie, Rola ONZ, wspólne oświadczenie w sprawie Darfuru, http://www.unic.un.org.pl/sudan/index.php?news=2209, [17.06.2014]. 8 �1. Obecność Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych w Darfurze 159 w których osiedlili się uchodźcy z tego terenu. 25 września 2007 Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ rezolucją nr 1778 powołała Misję ONZ w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej i w Czadzie (United Nations Mission in Central African Repulic and Chad, MINURCAT), której zadaniem jest dbałość o stabilizację na terenie objętym wpływami i ewentualnymi skutkami konfliktu w Darfurze9. Zastój zmian pokojowych wprowadzanych przez ONZ w Darfurze został spowodowany przez społeczność międzynarodową. Trzyletni plan dyplomatyczny i sankcje ekonomiczne na rząd Sudanu okazały się zbyt małe i tym samym nieskuteczne. Śmiertelne konsekwencje dla ludności cywilnej, zaostrzenie działań milicji rządowej były wynikiem bezsilności misji pokojowej ONZ w owym czasie10. Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ 170611 przedłuża mandat misji pokojowej ONZ na terenie Darfuru. Teoretycznie odbyło się to również za zgodą reżimu, natomiast reakcja ze strony rządu spowodowała dalszą eskalację i próby przeciwstawienia się wszelkim formom wprowadzenia zmian pokojowych na terenie Sudanu. Urzędnicy odpowiedzialni za wzniecanie konfliktów na terenie Sudanu od 2003 roku wyrażają jedynie obawy przed pociągnięciem ich do odpowiedzialności przed Trybunałem Karnym, co związane jest z przedstawieniem oskarżeń o prowadzenie działań zbrojnych wobec ludności cywilnej, zwłaszcza kobiet i dzieci. Pod naciskiem społeczności międzynarodowej postanowiono zmienić politykę działań pokojowych misji ONZ na terenie Sudanu. Środki, które 9 O. C u n n i n g h a m, Return: Right, need or obligation: Can Chad reasonably facilitate the return of IDPs?, Case-Specific Briefing Paper Humanitarian Aid in Complex Emergencies University of Denver, 2012, s. 1–7. 10 J. We s c h l e r, UN response to the Darfur crisis, The responses from the Arab world, 2010, s. 6–8. 11 Załącznik nr 9, Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1706 z dnia 31 sierpnia 2006 r. �160 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze wskazano, miały jednoznacznie przeciwstawiać się działaniom reżimu i oddziaływać na ich interesy. Głównym celem stały się nowe i bardziej dotkliwe sankcje nakładane na rząd, aby tym samym doprowadzić do kontroli działań zbrojnych wzniecanych pomimo obecności sił pokojowych. Do owych sankcji miały się zaliczać między innymi zakazy lotów nad terenem Darfuru od 2005 roku. Podjęto też starania o natychmiastowe postawienie przed Trybunałem Karnym odpowiedzialnych za wszelkie zbrodnie wojenne lub zbrodnie przeciw ludzkości popełnione podczas działania rządu. W obliczu bezradności działań misji pokojowych ONZ, społeczeństwo międzynarodowe podjęło w większym zakresie działania ukierunkowane na wprowadzenie w życie zasad ogłaszanych w postanowieniach i rezolucjach. Szczególny nacisk kładziono na zmniejszenie nasilenia działań reżimu, który za główny cel obrał kontrolę nad ludnością cywilną i tworzenie oddziałów społecznych, mimo tak licznych sił misji pokojowej ONZ. Warto też wspomnieć o tym, iż skoro działania ONZ na terenie Sudanu w owym czasie nie przyniosły oczekiwanych efektów, to tym samym ONZ stanęło przed zadaniem przywrócenia zaufania i wiarygodności wobec swoich planów, mających na celu osłabienie reżimu. Głównym celem w nowej strategii ONZ było wzmocnienie pozycji i prac opozycji działającej niezależnie od obecnego rządu, poprzez wsparcie niezależnych mediów działających poza kontrolą reżimu. Ujawnianie skali korupcji oraz moralnego upadku, to również nowa metoda osłabiająca działania rządu. Kolejny sposób osłabienia kontroli nad państwem stanowiły nowe sankcje, które bezpośrednio miały zaszkodzić interesom urzędników wszczynających wciąż nowe konflikty. Do ich wprowadzenia i egzekwowania ONZ otrzymało bezpośrednie wsparcie ze strony Unii Europejskiej, jak również Stanów Zjednoczonych. Kontrola ze strony społeczności międzynarodowej stanowiła silne wsparcie umożliwiające wprowadzanie i egzekwowanie kolejnych etapów misji pokojowej. Zastosowano �1. Obecność Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych w Darfurze 161 też sankcje, takie jak zamrażanie aktywów oraz zakaz podróży dla głównych liderów reżimu, którzy według przeprowadzonych śledztw byli odpowiedzialni za zbrodnie w Darfurze. Objęto też badaniem i kontrolą rachunki przedsiębiorstw powiązanych z władzami w Chartumie, tym samym blokowano drogi finansowania sił zbrojnych rządu i milicji. Większa kontrola została też zaprowadzona nad zasobami naftowymi Sudanu, które są wykorzystywane do uzyskiwania zaplecza finansowego i wzmacniania pozycji rządu. Co najważniejsze, egzekwowano zakaz lotów nad Darfurem12. Rezolucja z 6 lutego 2006 roku ujawniła, iż 17 osób działających we współpracy z siłami pokojowymi ONZ owego czasu w rzeczywistości działało na szkodę ONZ, utrudniając proces pokojowy13. Stanowiło to zagrożenie dla stabilności Darfuru. Osoby te dopuściły się naruszeń działań humanitarnych i naruszeń praw człowieka, naruszenia embarga na broń lub innych okrucieństw. Lista osób odpowiedzialnych zawierała nazwiska członków rządu odpowiedzialnych za politykę Darfuru, w tym również ministra spraw wewnętrznych, krajowego szefa wywiadu i bezpieczeństwa oraz ministra obrony. W odpowiedzi minister spraw wewnętrznych w wywiadzie dla mediów wyraził swoje zdziwienie, a następnie sam oskarżył USA i inne siły na Zachodzie o „neokolonializm” ukierunkowany na Sudan celem przejęcia kontroli nad zasobami tego kraju. Urzędnicy Komisji Europejskiej pod przewodnictwem Jose Manuela Barroso wywierają kolejne naciski celem zwiększenia obecności międzynarodowej, zaznaczając przy tym swą obecność według nowych zasad. Kolejne siły ONZ powinny być znacznie lepiej wyposażone, by zapewnić lepszą ochronę ludności cywilnej, co stanowi priorytet działań w tym czasie. Istotne jest PKW Chad, Geneza kryzysu w Darfurze, http://pkwczad.wp.mil.pl/pl/31. html, [17.06.2015]. 13 Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1657, uchwalona 6 lutego 2006 w Nowym Jorku. 12 �162 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze też powstrzymanie działań wzniecających konflikty wewnętrzne i dalszych podziałów społecznych. Pomimo wykrytych w Darfurze nadużyć, społeczność międzynarodowa podtrzymuje swoje decyzje mające na celu działania motywujące do współpracy z ONZ. Podczas spotkania Zgromadzenia Ogólnego ONZ we wrześniu 2006 roku z inicjatywy prezydenta George’a Busha wystosowano zaproszenie dla prezydenta Sudanu, sugerując tym samym zmianę polityki reakcji na działania ONZ na terenie Sudanu w tym czasie. Z deklaracji, jakie wówczas ogłoszono za pośrednictwem sekretarza stanu USA Condoleezzy Rice, wynikała akceptacja działań ONZ na terenie Sudanu jako chroniących rząd przed dalszą negatywną konfrontacją i skutkami z tym związanymi14. Przy braku dalszych postępów działań misji pokojowych szczególną uwagę skupiono na egzekwowaniu kolejnych sankcji, w tym kontroli nad finansami rządu i źródłami ich dochodów. Społeczność międzynarodowa zgodnie z wcześniejszymi deklaracjami postanowiła postępować według kolejnych nowych zasad działań gospodarczych. Ogłoszono listę 17 osób z zakazem podróżowania i nakazem zamrożenia ich aktywów. Dokonano szczegółowych badań rachunków przez firmy autoryzowane przez Radę Bezpieczeństwa. Doprowadzono tym samym do zamrożenia kont i funduszy powiązanych ze strukturami paramilitarnymi. Wzmocniono też sankcje w sektorze naftowym Sudanu, co w dalszym ciągu stanowiło główne źródło dochodów finansowych. Zadecydowano, że podtrzymanie sankcji powinno odbywać się przy współpracy Stanów Zjednoczonych, Unii Europejskiej, ale również przy indywidualnym działaniu innych krajów15. R. C z a r n e c k i – Wiceprzewodniczący Parlamentu Europejskiego, Projekt rezolucji nr 4 W sprawie Darfuru, http://www.ryszardczarnecki.pl/2007/02/52/#,[16.06.2015]. 15 Tamże, s. 5–10; zob. K. A l e x a n d e r, B. R a f t o p o u l o s, Peace in the Balance: The Crisis in the Sudan, Cape Town 2006, s. 151–163. 14 �1. Obecność Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych w Darfurze 163 Podjęto też działania mające na celu blokowanie dostaw ropy naftowej z Sudanu. Sankcje ONZ wobec sektora naftowego mogą mieć ogromny wpływ na kondycję gospodarczą Sudanu. Oczywistym jest, że łatwiej wówczas kontrolować wydatki na zbrojenia armii reżimu, ale z drugiej strony ma to również negatywny wpływ na sytuację ludności cywilnej, która wobec kolejnych trudności i braku wsparcia w efekcie pogrąży się w jeszcze większym chaosie i tym samym doprowadzi to do tworzenia kolejnych podziałów społecznych, a to z kolei zostanie wykorzystane przez reżim rządzący. Zauważono, iż globalny zakaz wywozu ropy z Sudanu miałby jednak mały wpływ na ograniczenie międzynarodowej jej ceny. Konsensus w Radzie Bezpieczeństwa w sprawie takiego zakazu był mało prawdopodobny. Chiny, główny importer ropy naftowej w Sudanie, jest głównym wetującym takie wnioski. Pozostałe dwa główne kraje, takie jak Malezja i Indie, które nie są członkami Rady Bezpieczeństwa, rzadko podejmują próby przeciwstawienia się jakimkolwiek sankcjom naftowym. Bardziej skutecznym sposobem wyłączenia sektora naftowego Sudanu byłaby koalicja państw chętnych do nałożenia blokady morskiej na transport ropy z Sudanu16. Jednak przy braku wsparcia ogółu państw w kwestii blokady morskiej, sytuacja ta mogłaby być postrzegana jako nielegalny akt wojny. Dużo trudniej moralnie uzasadnić taki sposób interwencji wojskowej. Bardzo ważna okazała się też konfrontacja polityczna z Chinami, które w koalicji z innymi importerami ropy z Sudanu mogłyby oczekiwać odszkodowania ekonomicznego przy zastosowaniu takiej blokady. Kolejną kwestią, która stanowi problem przy zastosowaniu tej metody, jest negatywny wpływ na humanitarną Tamże, s. 5–7; zob. L.A. P a t e y, State Rules: Oil companies and armed conflict in Sudan, „Third World Quarterly”, 28(2007), nr 5, http://www.sudantribune. com/spip.php?article22901, [20.06.2015]. 16 �164 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze sytuację Sudanu. Pozostały jednak inne metody, które uniemożliwiają czerpanie zysków z naftowej gałęzi przemysłu Sudanu. Unia Europejska i pozostałe kraje Europy mogą zastosować wewnętrzne przepisy, zakazując firmom współpracy z przemysłem naftowym Sudanu. Przykładem tego jest Szwajcarska firma ABB, która inwestuje w Sudanie w sieć energetyczną oraz niemiecki Siemens, który dostarcza systemy telekomunikacyjne do głównego konsorcjum wydobywczego ropy naftowej w Sudanie17. Wobec zebranych informacji, jak również twardych dowodów Rada Bezpieczeństwa uzyskała możliwość zastosowania kolejnych sposobów wprowadzania nowych sankcji, co w efekcie ułatwia kontrolę nad rządem sudańskim i jego przywódcami. Do wspomnianych już wcześniej sankcji zalicza się zakaz podróży dla głównych członków rządu odpowiedzialnych za zbrodnie w Darfurze. Konieczne jest też egzekwowanie zamrażania aktywów nawet indywidualnych jednostek, nie tylko instytucji i firm. Jednoznaczne ukierunkowanie sankcji ma na celu bezpośrednią kontrolę nad kierunkiem przepływu zasobów ekonomicznych. Głównym inicjatorem tych działań były Stany Zjednoczone, które konsekwentnie wprowadziły zakaz handlu i wymiany towarów z Sudanem, przy jednoczesnym umacnianiu zasobów wsparcia dla misji humanitarnych. Stanowiło to zaplecze dla zapewnienia chociaż częściowej ochrony ludności cywilnej, która wobec wprowadzonych blokad ekonomicznych stała się celem ekonomicznych reperkusji18. Wojskowa alternatywa przywrócenia stabilności na terenie Sudanu stała się również priorytetem w relacjach pomiędzy Radą Bezpieczeństwa ONZ a Unią Europejską, USA i NATO. DotychczaTamże, s. 17–18; zob. H. Ve r h o e v e n, Black Gold for Blue Gold? Sudan’s Oil, Ethiopia’s Water and Regional Integration, Africa Programme, AFP BP 2011/03, https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/files/chathamhouse/19482_0611bp_verhoeven.pdf, [20.06.2015]. 18 Tamże, s. 7. 17 �1. Obecność Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych w Darfurze 165 sowe działania militarne nie były wystarczające, lecz stanowiły jedynie częściową alternatywę dla działań reżimu w Sudanie. Działania wojskowe ONZ powinny być długotrwałe, konsekwentne i przeprowadzane w ścisłej współpracy z NATO. Przy pomocy ONZ i w oparciu o podejmowane środki karne częściowo doprowadzono do poprawienia bezpieczeństwa ludności cywilnej Sudanu. Efekt ten starano się utrzymać w dłuższej perspektywie czasowej. Wprowadzane wcześniej zakazy lotów nad terenem Darfuru dla samolotów rządowych stanowiły poważny problem dla grup rebeliantów, co osłabiło działania reżimu na tym terenie. Nie byłoby to możliwe bez aktywnego wsparcia Sił Pokojowych, które jako jedyne posiadały możliwości egzekwowania tego zakazu. Rebelianci skupili się na działaniach rozpoznawczych drogą lądową, co nie zagrażało bezpośrednio bezpieczeństwu ludności cywilnej19. W czerwcu 2006 roku pod presją międzynarodową podjęto dialog na szczeblu krajowym, którego celem było rozwiązanie wewnętrznego politycznego podziału. Do rozmów nie dopuszczono jednak głównego ugrupowania opozycyjnego. Przy próbie wprowadzenia bardziej radykalnych przepisów regulujących relacje wewnątrzrządowe napotkano stanowczy opór ze strony rządu i przedstawicieli powiązanych z rebeliantami. W tym czasie międzynarodowe wysiłki ukierunkowano głównie na kwestie zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa oraz prowadzenia dialogu politycznego. Konkretnych porozumień nie udało się osiągnąć głównie z powodu wewnętrznych podziałów w grupach rebelianckich, gdyż właśnie one odgrywają istotną rolę w rozmowach, a z powodu oskarżeń o swe działania są wykluczani z rozmów i negocjacji20. Tamże, s. 7–10; zob. D.E. M i x, The European Union: Foreign and Security Policy, Analyst in European Affairs,April 8, 2013,https://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/ row/R41959.pdf, [20.06.2015]. 20 Getting the UN into Darfur, „Crisis Group Africa Briefing”, nr 43, 12.10.2006, s. 16–17. 19 �166 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze Światowi przywódcy na szczycie ONZ w październiku 2005 roku ogłosili podjęcie „Zadania zapewnienia ochrony według rozumienia społeczności międzynarodowej”. Istotą tego zadania jest obrona ludności przed ludobójstwem i działanie przeciwko zbrodniom. Każde suwerenne państwo ma obowiązek chronić swoich obywateli, a kiedy odmawia lub nie może podejmować wskazanych działań, to międzynarodowa wspólnota ma obowiązek przeciwdziałania takim czynom21. W tym czasie sytuacja na terenie Sudanu uległa pogorszeniu, jednak rząd jest skłonny do dalszej współpracy, działając w najlepszym interesie swoich obywateli, by ograniczyć działalność wojsk rebelianckich. Swoje działania, mające na celu zapewnienie bezpieczeństwa, opiera głównie na misji pokojowej ONZ, wdrażając wszystkie wcześniej omawiane środki według zaplanowanych etapów. Większość z nich to działania niemilitarne, a te, które mają taki charakter, są oparte na ścisłej współpracy z rządem Sudanu lub są ograniczone celem uniknięcia naruszenia suwerenności kraju. 2. Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny i jego oskarżenia wobec prezydenta Sudanu Omara Hasana Al-Baszira Prokurator Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego Luis Moreno-Ocampo wszczął śledztwo w sprawie konfliktu w Darfurze po przekazaniu mu tej sprawy przez Radę Bezpieczeństwa ONZ w rezolucji nr 1593, przyjętej 31 marca 2005 roku. Dnia 27 kwietnia 2007 roku ICC wydał nakazy aresztowania Aliego Kushayba, lidera niesławnej milicji dżandżawidów działającej w Darfurze Tamże, s. 17; G. B a r n e s, The International Criminal Court’s Ineffective Enforcement Mechanisms: The Indictment of President Omar Al Bashir, „Fordham International Law Journal”, 34(2011), nr 6, [20.06.2015]. 21 �2. Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny i jego oskarżenia... 167 oraz Ahmada Haruna, ówczesnego ministra spraw wewnętrznych Sudanu. Władze sudańskie odmówiły ich przekazania, a Harun był w tym czasie ministrem resortu ds. humanitarnych22. Prokurator Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego Luis Moreno-Ocampo 14 lipca 2008 roku złożył formalny wniosek o wydanie nakazu aresztowania prezydenta Sudanu Omara Hassana al-Baszira, oskarżając go o trzy przypadki ludobójstwa, pięć przypadków zbrodni przeciw ludzkości i dwa przypadki zbrodni wojennych. Następnie 4 marca 2009 roku Izba Przedprocesowa ICC zatwierdziła wniosek Moreno-Ocampo, ale stosunkiem głosów 2:1 uznała, że nie ma wystarczających dowodów, by oskarżyć al-Baszira o zamiar zniszczenia grup etnicznych Fur, Masalit i Zaghawa, w związku z czym prezydent Sudanu ostatecznie nie jest oskarżony o najpoważniejszy zarzut ludobójstwa, lecz tylko o zbrodnie wojenne (kierowanie atakami przeciw cywilom i grabież) oraz zbrodnie przeciw ludzkości (morderstwa, eksterminacja, przymusowe przesiedlenia ludności, tortury i gwałty)23. Należy zauważyć, że prezydent Al-Baszir jest trzecią urzędującą głową państwa oskarżoną przez Międzynarodowy Trybunał po Charlesie Taylorze z Liberii (Specjalny Trybunał dla Sierra Leone) i Slobodanie Miloseviciu z Jugosławii (Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny dla byłej Jugosławii)24. ICC, Report of the Prosecutor of the ICC, Mr. Luis Moreno-Ocampo to the Security Council Pursuant To UNSCR 1593 (2005); http://www.iccnow. org/?mod=res1593, [10.07.2013]; zob. N. B u r n i a t, B. A p p l e, Genocide in Darfur: Challenges and Opportunities for Action, „The Journal of the Coalition for the International Criminal Court”, nr 37: November 2008 – April 2009; L. M o r e n o - O c a m p o, Prosecutor of the Int’l Criminal Court, Statement to the United Nations Security Council Pursuant to UNSCR 1593 (June 5, 2008). 23 Tamże. 24 L. B u z z a r d, Holding an arsonist’s feet to the fire? – The legality and enforceability of the ICC’s arrest warrant for Sudanese president Omar Al-Bashir, www. auilr.org/pdf/24/24-5-3.pdf, [10.08.2013]. 22 �168 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze Decyzja Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego spotkała się z entuzjastycznym przyjęciem wśród organizacji broniących praw człowieka. Przykładowo, koalicja Justice for Darfur uznała wydanie nakazu aresztowania al-Baszira za „poważny krok w kierunku zwalczania bezkarności towarzyszącej straszliwym zbrodniom w Darfurze”, dodając, że w sytuacji, gdy władze sudańskie uchylają się od wymierzenia sprawiedliwości, Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny „reprezentuje największą nadzieję na sprawiedliwość dla ofiar Darfuru”. Human Rights Watch podkreśliła, że sprawa al-Baszira sygnalizuje, iż „nawet ci na szczycie mogą być pociągnięci do odpowiedzialności za masowe morderstwa, gwałty i tortury”25. Państwa europejskie zdecydowanie poparły decyzję Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego. Czeska prezydencja Unii Europejskiej w oświadczeniu wydanym 4 marca 2009 roku potwierdziła „pełne poparcie i poszanowanie” UE dla Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego i jego „kluczowej roli w promocji sprawiedliwości międzynarodowej”. Minister spraw zagranicznych Niemiec Frank-Walter Steinmeier wezwał Sudan do uznania decyzji Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego i „zareagowania w odpowiedni sposób”. USA są w dość niezręcznej sytuacji, jeśli chodzi o sprawę al-Baszira z powodu swojego stosunku do ICC. Z jednej strony Waszyngton jest jednym z najgłośniejszych na świecie rzeczników działań na rzecz położenia kresu horrorom Darfuru i postawienia przed sądem odpowiedzialnych za tamtejsze zbrodnie. Z drugiej strony poprzednia administracja Busha odrzuciła wyrok Trybunału, uważając go za naruszający amerykańską suwerenność i zawierający w sobie ryzyko wytaczania personelowi amerykańskiemu procesów o charakterze politycznym. Ale podobnie jak administracja Busha, także obecna administracja 25 Tamże. �2. Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny i jego oskarżenia... 169 Baracka Obamy chce współpracować z ICC w wyjaśnianiu i osądzaniu zbrodni w Darfurze. Ambasador USA przy ONZ Susan Rice oświadczyła 4 marca 2009 roku, że USA „popierają działania ICC, by pociągnąć do odpowiedzialności tych, którzy są odpowiedzialni za ohydne zbrodnie w Darfurze”. Sekretarz stanu Hillary Clinton stwierdziła, że jeśli prezydent Al-Baszir jest przekonany o niesłuszności zarzutów, może „mieć swój dzień w sądzie [...] i zakwestionować [oskarżenie]”. 4 marca 2009 roku „The Wall Street Journal” doniósł, że administracja Baracka Obamy przystąpiła do „pilnego przeglądu” polityki wobec Sudanu, w tym rozważając możliwość przystąpienia USA do ICC26. Z kolei wiele innych państw, zwłaszcza w Afryce i w świecie arabskim, od dawna sprzeciwiało się wydaniu nakazu aresztowania al-Baszira, uważając, że może to zniweczyć wysiłki pokojowe, pogorszyć sytuację w Darfurze, a nawet zdestabilizować cały Sudan. Po ogłoszeniu decyzji Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego 4 marca 2009 roku, władze Egiptu natychmiast wezwały Radę Bezpieczeństwa ONZ do wykorzystania swoich uprawnień zawartych w artykule 16 Statutu Rzymskiego ICC i zawieszenia sprawy przeciw al-Baszirowi na dwanaście miesięcy. Swój sprzeciw szybko wyraziły Chiny, utrzymujące bliskie związki gospodarcze z Sudanem – Ministerstwo Spraw Zagranicznych tego kraju 4 marca 2009 roku zaprotestowało przeciwko „wszystkiemu, co mogłoby C. G u l e r, http://www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/Digital-Library/Articles/Detail//?ots591=4888CAA0-B3DB-1461-98B9-E20E7B9C13D4&lng=en&id=95736 [10.08.2013]. Zob. Prokuratura ws. Omar al-Baszir, sprawa nr ICC-02/05-01/09, decyzja o oskarżeniu i o wydanie nakazu aresztowania wobec Omara Hasana Ahmada al-Baszira, s. 209-223, (4 marca 2009); http://www.icccpi.int/iccdocs/doc/ doc639096.pdf [17.07.2013]; zob. Rzymski Statut Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego art. 5, 17 lipca 1998, 2187 U.N.T.S. 90 (przyznawanie jurysdykcji sądu na: „(a) zbrodnie ludobójstwa, (b) zbrodnie przeciwko ludzkości, (c) zbrodnie wojenne i (d) zbrodnie agresji”). 26 �170 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze zakłócić starania o realizację pokoju w Darfurze i w Sudanie” i wezwało ICC do porzucenia sprawy al-Baszira27. Stanowisko państw afrykańskich, arabskich i innych podzielali niektórzy zachodni eksperci osobiście znający sytuację, jak np. Alex de Waal, jeden z najwybitniejszych specjalistów od Sudanu, który skrytykował oskarżenie prezydenta Sudanu przez Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny jako „równoznaczne z żądaniem zmiany reżimu, co stoi w sprzeczności z międzynarodową strategią negocjowania z rządem Sudanu celem osiągnięcia pokoju i demokracji”. Według de Waala podejście ICC to „hazard z niewiadomymi konsekwencjami i bardzo dużym ryzykiem”28. Podkreślić trzeba, że Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny nie dysponuje środkami umożliwiającymi aresztowanie i doprowadzenie przed sąd oskarżonych. Aresztować oskarżonych o zbrodnie wojenne nie mogą też międzynarodowe siły pokojowe UNAMID w Darfurze, toteż pojmanie prezydenta Sudanu zależy całkowicie od współpracy innych państw. Al-Baszir stale sprawia wrażenie pewnego, że w wielu państwach mu to nie grozi – jeszcze 4 marca 2009 roku władze sudańskie zapowiedziały wzięcie przez al-Baszira udziału w szczycie Ligi Arabskiej pod koniec marca, a także w innych zaplanowanych międzynarodowych spotkaniach. Prawdopodobieństwo ustąpienia al-Baszira jest bliskie zeru, wobec czego najlepszym scenariuszem byłoby odsunięcie al-Baszira i przejęcie władzy w Chartumie przez rząd bardziej pragmatyczny i skłonny do współpracy z Zachodem. Teoretyczna możliwość 27 N. B a k r, E. A b d e l - S h a f i, Arab Official Positions Towards President Al bashir’s Indictment, w: Darfur: The Responses From the Arab World, Fride, March 2010, http://fride.org/download/OP_Darfur_President_alBashir2_ENG_mar10. pdf, [10.08.2015]. 28 J. N z e l i b e, The Unintended Effects of Humanitarian Intervention, 2008, http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1167&context=facultyworkingpapers, [10.08.2015]. �2. Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny i jego oskarżenia... 171 wewnętrznego przewrotu wydaje się być jednak realna dopiero w dalszej perspektywie i to w zależności od tego, jak zdecydowana będzie postawa społeczności międzynarodowej oraz jak rozwinie się sytuacja wewnętrzna. Prawdopodobne jest jednak skupienie się twardogłowych polityków sudańskich wokół al-Baszira, tym bardziej, że wielu z nich również ma na sumieniu zbrodnie w Darfurze, co w konsekwencji zaowocuje umocnieniem się prezydenta. Tymczasem Chartum będzie starał się umacniać swoją pozycję międzynarodową, zacieśniając stosunki z najbardziej liczącymi się państwami sceptycznymi wobec ICC, tj. Chinami, Rosją, Egiptem, Turcją czy Iranem29. Wielu obserwatorów obawia się, że nakaz aresztowania przyczyni się do zaostrzenia konfliktu w Darfurze, jako że przyparty do muru prezydent nie będzie już miał żadnego interesu, by słuchać nawoływań Zachodu do rozwiązania konfliktu w drodze negocjacji. Istnieje też ryzyko, że Chartum będzie podburzać sudańskie społeczeństwo do manifestowania sprzeciwu wobec polityki Zachodu. Pierwszą reakcją władz sudańskich na wydanie przez Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny nakazu aresztowania al-Baszira było wycofanie zgody na działalność co najmniej 10 zagranicznych organizacji pozarządowych, w tym tak znanych jak Oxfam i Doktorzy bez Granic, którym Chartum wcześniej już zarzucał kolaborację z ICC. Zagraniczne placówki dyplomatyczne i siły pokojowe UNAMID w Darfurze zostały zawczasu postawione w stan wysokiej gotowości30. Z drugiej strony napiętnowanie al-Baszira przez Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny może ośmielić rebeliantów z Darfuru, zwłaszInternational Criminal Court Investigations Sudan, https://www.globalpolicy. org/international-justice/the-international-criminal-court/icc-investigations/ darfur-sudan.html, [19.10.2015]. 30 H. J e o n g, Conflict Management and Resolution An introduction, London 2010, s. 82–90 29 �172 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze cza najsilniejszy Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości, który w maju 2008 roku przypuścił zuchwały atak na stolicę kraju i zagroził powtórzeniem tej akcji. Atak Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości spowodował natychmiastowe zerwanie przez Sudan stosunków z sąsiadującym Czadem. W tej sytuacji Czad, utrzymujący bliskie związki z Francją, popierającą działalność ICC, może uznać, że opłaci się zwiększyć wsparcie dla rebeliantów z Darfuru. Przebywający w Czadzie lider Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości Khalil Ibrahim powiedział londyńskiemu „The Times” 24 lutego 2009 roku, że nakaz aresztowania będzie dla JEM oznaczał „koniec legitymacji al-Baszira do bycia prezydentem Sudanu”. Wobec takiego nastawienia podpisane 17 lutego 2009 roku w Katarze porozumienie między JEM a rządem sudańskim, przewidujące podjęcie rozmów pokojowych, może bardzo szybko upaść31. Sprawa al-Baszira jest też z pewnością przełomową w krótkiej historii Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego. Odpowiedzialne jak dotychczas postępowanie ICC i nieugiętość w kwestii Sudanu mogą uśmierzyć obawy USA i przekonać supermocarstwo do przyjęcia Statutu Rzymskiego, co znacząco zwiększyłoby prestiż ICC. Ale coraz częściej słychać głosy, że ICC jest tylko instrumentem w rękach Zachodu. Krytycy podkreślają fakt, że ICC jak do tej pory oskarża wyłącznie Afrykańczyków, a nie zajmuje się przypadkami kontrowersyjnego działania państw zachodnich, np. ekscesami amerykańskiej wojny z terroryzmem, choćby takimi jak obóz Guantanamo. Przykładowo prezydent Rwandy (nie będącej członkiem ICC) Paul Kagame w lipcu 2008 roku uznał Trybunał za przejaw „kolonializmu, niewolnictwa i imperializmu”. Istnieje więc możliwość, że niektóre państwa rozwijające się zrewidują dalszą współpracę z ICC. Autorytetowi ICC mogłoby też poważnie N. H a s b a n i, The choices facing Sudan after the arrest warrant for Bashir, Al-Hayat- 05/03/09,[23.10.2015]. 31 �3. Misja ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej w Darfurze 173 zaszkodzić, gdyby Al-Baszir przyjechał do któregoś z państw będących członkiem ICC i zdołał bez przeszkód z niego wyjechać32. 3. Misja ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej w Darfurze W lipcu 2010 roku Rada Bezpieczeństwa ONZ odmówiła dalszego mandatu dla Unii Afrykańskiej i jej działań w ramach operacji pokojowych oraz humanitarnych. Hybrydowa Operacja Unii Afrykańskiej i Narodów Zjednoczonych UNAMID w Darfurze, powołana w dniu 31 lipca 2007 roku, miała na celu ochronę cywilów w Darfurze, wspieranie akcji humanitarnych oraz tworzenie środowiska sprzyjającego regulowaniu i normalizacji życia poszczególnych regionów33. Mimo ogromnego potencjału, jakim dysponował UNAMID, kryzys, jaki objął działania pokojowe i humanitarne na terenie Darfuru, stał się punktem odniesienia do wprowadzenia kolejnych misji pod szczególnym nadzorem34. Starcia pomiędzy rządem Sudanu a ruchami powstańczymi zwiększyły agresję wymierzoną w ludność cywilną. W bezpośrednim starciu w walkach śmierć poniosła w większości niewinna ludność cywilna. Miało to również negatywny wpływ na kondycję egzystencji ludności, z powodu ograniczenia działań humanitarnych. Kraj stanął na skraju załamania. Niepewność, zaostrzenie ataków, porwania, zabijanie pracowników humanitarnych – stały 32 D. D o n o v a n, International Criminal Court: Successes and Failures, http:// www.internationalpolicydigest.org/2012/03/23/international-criminal-courtsuccesses-and-failures-of-the-past-and-goals-for-the-future/, [25.10.2015]. 33 Ośrodek Informacji ONZ w Warszawie, UNAMID, Hybrydowa Operacja Unii Afrykańskiej i Narodów Zjednoczonych w Darfurze, http://www.unic.un.org.pl/ misje_pokojowe/unamid.php [19.10.2012]. 34 J. A b d e l b a g i, Past and Future of UNAMID: Tragic failure or glorious success?, Geneva, July 2010, s. 2. �174 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze się środkiem do przejęcia kontroli na terenie Sudanu. W owym czasie działania ONZ były bardzo ograniczone z powodu toczących się walk wewnętrznych, jak również zagrożeń dla pracowników akcji humanitarnych, co hamowało w znacznym stopniu próby wprowadzania zmian pokojowych na terenie Sudanu, w tym i Darfuru. Wprowadzanie kolejnych blokad w pewnym stopniu miało pozytywny wpływ na akcje humanitarne dla ludności cywilnej, ale w perspektywie czasu były to działania doraźne, niemożliwe do utrzymania bez wsparcia sił wojskowych35. Bezradność UNAMID wiąże się z tym, iż ma do pokonania między innymi taką przeszkodę jak skomplikowane procedury biurokratyczne, nałożone celowo dla akcji humanitarnych przez rząd Sudanu. Wszelkie negocjacje pokojowe, które prowadzono w celu osiągnięcia pewnej normalizacji życia na terenie Sudanu, zakończono w maju 2006 roku podpisanym w Abudży porozumieniem pokojowym. Porozumienie to jest jednak dokumentem istniejącym jedynie na papierze. Najważniejsze ruchy polityczne nie uczestniczyły w negocjacjach pokojowych, tym samym wykluczając się z grona organizacji, które powinny podporządkować się zapisom zawartym w porozumieniu36. Wszelkie wysiłki grup mediacyjnych są bezskuteczne, jak również próby wywarcia jakichkolwiek nacisków na rząd Sudanu celem zmiany dotychczasowych działań przeciwko akcjom humanitarnym dla Sudanu. UNAMID nie miał możliwości wykazania się postępami w dziedzinie niesienia wsparcia dla działań pokojowych ONZ, jak również akcji humanitarnych. Główną przeszkodą jest ciągły opór 35 Tamże, s. 2; zob. They Came Here to Kill Us: Militia Attacks and Ethnic Targeting of Civilians in Eastern Chad, Human Rights Watch, 9 January 2007, http://www.refworld.org/docid/45a4dd8b2.html, [27.10.2015]. 36 Internal Displacement Global Overview of Trends and Developments in 2010, Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre Norwegian Refugee Council, 2011, s. 52–53. �3. Misja ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej w Darfurze 175 rządu Sudanu, który w dalszym ciągu otrzymuje duże wsparcie ze strony afrykańskich krajów muzułmańskich. Działania mające na celu ochronę ludności cywilnej i uchodźców wewnętrznych dotkniętych wojną domową objęły co najmniej 2,9 mln przesiedleńców, którzy pozostają w nędznych obozach na terenie Darfuru lub w sąsiednim Czadzie. Ciągłe zwiększanie liczby aktów przemocy wobec przesiedleńców, wymierzonych głównie w kobiety i młode dziewczyny, ma miejsce w szczególności wokół obozów dla uchodźców37. W okresie od stycznia 2008 do czerwca 2010 roku odnotowano znaczący wzrost przesiedleń wewnętrznych w wyniku nasilenia się walk plemiennych i działań wojennych w szczególności na terenie Darfuru. Ludność, która ośmiela się powrócić na ziemie swojego pochodzenia, niemal siłą zmuszana jest do powrotu do obozów dla uchodźców. Mimo starań zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa ze strony UNAMID, dochodziło do drastycznych starć i ataków na te tereny. W sierpniu 2008 roku rząd Sudanu rozpoczął brutalny atak na wysiedlonych w Kalma, obóz w Nijala w Darfurze Południowym. Około 1000 uzbrojonych żołnierzy zaatakowało obóz i doprowadziło do tragicznych wydarzeń, w wyniku których śmierć poniosło ponad 30 osób, a wiele zostało poważnie rannych38. Mimo tak brutalnego ataku wymierzonego w ludność cywilną nie zdołano jednoznacznie zidentyfikować bezpośrednich sprawców tej zbrodni, czy też określić, kto jest odpowiedzialny za atak z ramienia rządu Sudanu. Niestety, fakty wskazują, iż UNAMID potrzebuje ochrony sam dla siebie, nie mówiąc już o zapewnieniu bezpieczeństwa dla liczącej ponad 4,7 mln społeczności uchodźców wewnętrznych oraz ludności z terenów objętych walkami. Faktem stały się nasilone ataki na siły obronne UNAMID, które zostały powołane Report of the Secretary-General on the deployment of the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur, http://www.un.org/en/ga/search/view_doc. asp?symbol=S/2008/781, [27.10.2015]. 38 The Darfur conflict and civilian protection, Conference Report, 2007, Kair, s. 9. 37 �176 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze dla zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa ludności cywilnej, kobietom, dzieciom z terenów obozów dla uchodźców wewnętrznych w miastach Darfuru. Zadaniem tej organizacji miało być również nadzorowanie bezpieczeństwa nad działaniami misji humanitarnych znajdujących się nie tylko na obszarze Darfuru, ale również rozmieszczonych na terenie całego Sudanu. Niestety, organizacja ta czasem okazuje się bezsilna, jeśli chodzi o podjęcie działań i realizowanie misji określonych w swym statucie. Odpowiedź społeczności międzynarodowej na bezsilność wobec działań sił rządowych Sudanu, bezpośrednio odpowiedzialnych za ataki zbrojne wymierzone w ludność cywilną, to jedynie wzajemne przerzucanie odpowiedzialności. Faktem jest, iż sytuacja jest bardzo trudna i wymaga nie tylko działań wojskowych, ale również zastosowania innych metod wywierania nacisku na rząd Sudanu oraz wojsko odpowiedzialne za ataki na ludność cywilną. Metody dotychczas zastosowane przynoszą krótkotrwały skutek i nie daje to długoterminowej stabilizacji, zapewniającej kontrolę nad poszczególnymi terenami39. Niestety, porozumienie pokojowe poprzez negocjacje jest bardzo trudne do osiągnięcia. Wszelkie próby zawieszenia broni oraz odbudowania zaufania pomiędzy walczącymi frakcjami stanowią jedynie obietnice deklarowane w ramach uzgodnień pomiędzy rządem Sudanu a organizacjami z ramienia ONZ. Zgodnie z wcześniejszymi ustaleniami szczególnej ochronie miała podlegać ludność cywilna, której ochrona jest obowiązkiem Sudanu, w tym również ludność z Darfuru, na terenie którego znajdują się przesiedleńcy. Natomiast właśnie przesiedleńcy są głównymi ofiarami zbrodni wojennych, zbrodni przeciwko ludności i celem okrutnych ataków ze strony armii rebelianckich popieranych przez rząd Sudanu. W obliczu E. Fe r r i s, R. W i n t h r o p, Education and Displacement: Assessing Conditions for Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons affected by Conflict, Background Paper for the Global Monitoring Report, 2010, s. 38. 39 �3. Misja ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej w Darfurze 177 bezsilności UNAMID, postanowiono rozmieścić wojska pokojowe ONZ, które miały wspierać działania pokojowe i humanitarne, obejmujące teren nie tylko Darfuru, ale również innych części Sudanu poza działaniami rządu i wojsk Sudanu, odpowiedzialnych za ataki na ludność cywilną oraz zgromadzoną w obozach. Wprowadzono trzy etapy działań, czego dotychczas nie robiono. Pierwszym z nich było sponsorowanie działań mających na celu współpracę ONZ z UA dla operacji pokojowych. Następnie zwiększono mandat uprawnień dla działań UNAMID, co miało wpływ na przebieg działań pokojowych i zwiększyło jego zdolności w podejmowaniu działań operacyjnych. Mandat ten zwiększył uprawnienia także dla takich działań, jak bezpośrednia ochrona ludności cywilnej oraz sprzeciwianie się przemocy. Zadbano też o zapewnianie bezpośredniej ochrony dla działań humanitarnych, monitorowanie i weryfikację realizacji postanowień rozejmów. Pomoc wprowadzona dla integracji procesów politycznych wpływała też na większe respektowanie praw człowieka. Zwiększając mandat dla działań UNAMID, doprowadzono również do prób monitorowania granic Sudanu z Czadem. UNAMID odpowiedzialne było także za wspieranie działań mediacyjnych mających na celu doprowadzenie do zawieszenia broni na terenie Darfuru40. Pomimo nadania wszelkich wspomnianych mandatów, poszerzenia uprawnień celem zwiększenia zakresu działań UNAMID nie tylko na terenie Darfuru, ale również na terenie całego Sudanu, wsparcie społeczności międzynarodowej nie przynosi wymiernych efektów. Wprowadzone zakazy lotów nad terenem Darfuru w pewnym stopniu ograniczyły działania rządu, natomiast nie stanowiło to szczególnie mocnej zapory. W niektórych przypadkach rząd Darfuri refugees exposed to increased attacks if UN withdraws from Chad, Amnesty International, 2010, http://zs-tuchowicz.home.pl/kreator/page58. php, [28.10.2015]. 40 �IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze 178 Sudanu posunął się do takich działań, jak maskowanie swoich własnych pojazdów w barwy UNAMID, co wprowadzało w błąd prawdziwe siły UNAMID czy też organizacje humanitarne. Kluczowa jest wizja tego, co jest do zrobienia i do naprawienia. Silne, jak i szybkie siły reagowania mogą być potrzebne w wielu miejscach ogarniętych konfliktem, ale również powinny wzbudzać zaufanie i być ukierunkowane na główny cel misji. Skala rozlewu krwi i niepokojów na wiejskich terenach Somalii w 1993 roku nie była mniejsza niż w Darfurze. Tymczasem 30-tysięczna armia marines Stanów Zjednoczonych nie potrafiła odzyskać kontroli na tym terenie. To było najtrudniejsze zadanie i nikt nie chciał się go podjąć, pomimo dysponowania dużymi siłami i wsparciem lotniczym41. Wojska Unii Afrykańskiej w Darfurze określono mianem mission-impossible. Świat oczekiwał, aby zapewniały ochronę, lecz nie posiadały pełnego wsparcia wojskowego, logistycznego lub uprawnień mandatowych, co było niezbędne dla użycia siły. Układ pokojowy został podpisany, ale nie ze wszystkimi frakcjami w Darfurze, co nie dało możliwości jego politycznego wykonania. Tymczasem według ONZ, sytuacja w Sudanie może ulec zmianie dopiero wówczas, gdy będzie solidne wsparcie polityczne dające uprawnienia dla wykonania postanowień zawartych w porozumieniu. 4. Rola Ligi Państw Arabskich w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu zbrojnego w Darfurze Mimo iż bardzo wiele rozmów było zainicjowanych przez Ligi Państw Arabskich (League of Arab States, LAS)42, sama Liga nie stała A. d e Wa a l, Darfur’s fragile peace, http://www.opendemocracy.net/ democracy,africa_democracy/darfur_conflict_3909.jsp, [8.03.2013]. 42 Organizacja międzynarodowa utworzona 22 marca 1945 w Kairze na mocy Paktu ustanawiającego Ligę Państw Arabskich przez państwa powiązane wspólnotą języka, historii, kultury i religii. Powstanie Ligi zostało poprzedzone 41 �4. Rola Ligi Państw Arabskich w rozwiązywaniu... 179 się instytucją stanowiącą odrębną organizację działającą na rzecz rozwiązania konfliktu. Od Ligi Państw Arabskich oczekiwano roli mediatora w trwającym konflikcie oraz wpływu na poprawienie respektowania praw człowieka. Mediacja jednak ograniczyła się do spraw dotyczących konfliktów wewnątrzarabskich. Wskazuje to na fakt, iż Liga Państw Arabskich swój mandat wykorzystuje tylko i wyłącznie w kwestiach arabskich. Głównym działaniem jest ciche wsparcie dla polityki mającej na celu poprawę sytuacji w Darfurze przez Unię Afrykańską, ONZ i Unię Europejską, jednak Liga jawnie wyraża swą niechęć wobec działań Stanów Zjednoczonych43. Liga Państw Arabskich swe działania skupiła również wokół trwającego konfliktu w Chartumie, chcąc doprowadzić do stabilności systemu, zwłaszcza w sytuacji odłączenia się Sudanu Południowego. Liga Państw Arabskich zajęła bardzo ostrożne stanowisko w sprawie masowych ofiar w Darfurze, głównie kierując wobec rządu oświadczenia. W 2003 roku, gdy konflikt w Darfurze się nasilał, doprowadzono do spotkania z głównymi siłami rebelianckimi. Inicjatorem owego spotkania była Liga Państw Arabskich. Bardzo poważnym problemem do rozstrzygnięcia stała się wieloletnia trudna sytuacja w stosunkach pomiędzy rządem Sudanu w Chartumie i Ludową Armią Wyzwolenia Sudanu SPLA. Większość negocjatorów uczestniczących w mediacjach pomiędzy dwoma stronami konfliktu zachowywała daleko idącą ostrożność. Natomiast konflikt w Darfurze nie był wydarzeniem zaskakującym, z tego powodu, że rząd sam wspierał się siłami militarnymi podpisaniem przez 7 krajów założycielskich Protokołu Aleksandryjskiego na konferencji przygotowawczej w Aleksandrii (25 września – 5 października 1944), której przewodniczył premier Egiptu. Obecnie jej członkami są 22 państwa oraz Organizacja Wyzwolenia Palestyny. Siedzibą LPA jest Kair (w latach 1979–1990 był nią Tunis). Za: T. Ł o ś - N o w a k, Organizacje w stosunkach międzynarodowych: istota – mechanizmy działania – zasięg, Wrocław 1999. 43 The Darfur conflict and civilian protection, dz. cyt., s. 9. �180 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze celem uzyskania kontroli od czasu co najmniej epoki kolonialnej. Konflikt pomiędzy północnym a południowym Sudanem przyniósł blisko dwa miliony ofiar, co przykuło uwagę krajów zewnętrznych. Konflikt został mocno nagłośniony przez media, a społeczność międzynarodowa napiętnowała bezczynność organizacji działających na rzecz obrony praw człowieka oraz brak zaangażowania w obronę ludności cywilnej44. W ocenie mediów arabskich reakcja USA na konflikt stanowiła jedynie pozór, a rzeczywistym celem było przejęcie złóż ropy, które znajdowały się na obszarze konfliktu. Skutkiem tego była niechęć Ligi Państw Arabskich okazywana wobec działań USA w sprawie Darfuru. Z globalnego punktu widzenia, kryzys w Darfurze ukazuje rosnący rozdźwięk pomiędzy światem arabskim a Zachodem, ale również pomiędzy światem arabskim a Unią Afrykańską, najbardziej aktywną organizacją zajmującą się owym kryzysem. Na szczycie w Chartumie w 2006 roku sekretarz generalny Amr Moussa wyraził opinię, że Liga Państw Arabskich nadal dominuje z braku jednoznacznej reakcji w kwestii poprawy działań na rzecz ludności cywilnej w trwającym konflikcie. Wzrosła też liczba negatywnych komentarzy pod adresem Ligi Państw Arabskich w kwestii zainteresowania konfliktem w Darfurze45. W reakcji Liga Państw Arabskich wytknęła innym odwrócenie przyczyny i skutku trwającego konfliktu. Według opinii LAS reakcja międzynarodowa skupiła się na krytyce i nadmiernym zainteresowaniu działaniami LAS, zamiast na konflikcie w Darfurze. Wykorzystując poszczególne kontakty polityczne, można było skutecznie włączyć LAS do działań, a nie traktować ją jak Tamże, s. 8; zob. A. We b e r, Bridging the gap between narrative and practices: the role of the Arab league in Darfur, Darfur: The responses from the Arab world, FRIDE, 03.2010, s. 2–20. 45 Tamże, s. 8; zob. International Response – Eyes On Darfur, http://www. eyesondarfur.org/response.html, [18.03.2015]. 44 �4. Rola Ligi Państw Arabskich w rozwiązywaniu... 181 konkurencję we wprowadzaniu zmian na terenie Sudanu. Postrzeganie LAS jako konkurenta, zdaniem jej rzeczników, wprowadza jedynie rozłam w spójność działań pokojowych na terenach objętych działaniami konfliktowymi. LAS powstała z inicjatywy państw takich jak: Irak, Syria, Liban, Arabia Saudyjska oraz Egipt. Jest to organ reprezentujący świat muzułmański, który łączy swe działania głównie w aspekcie ekonomicznym, z uprawnieniami obejmującymi jedynie świat arabski. Liga Państw Arabskich działa tylko i wyłącznie na obszarze i na rzecz państw arabsko-muzułmańskich, ograniczając swe decyzje do łagodzenia oraz naprawiania konfliktów wewnątrz i na zewnątrz krajów arabskich z resztą świata46. We wszystkich działaniach Liga Państw Arabskich miała do czynienia z problemami, które dotyczyły krajów arabskich i działała na rzecz rozwiązywania ich konfliktów. Ideą było stworzenie organizacji wzmacniającej jedność arabską, jak również zapobieganie konfliktom w regionie państw arabskich. W ocenie międzynarodowej rola LAS nie powinna sprowadzać się jedynie do działań wewnątrz krajów arabskich, ale również opierać się na współpracy z organizacjami niezrzeszonymi w strukturach LAS. Biorąc pod uwagę niejednoznaczny charakter państw członkowskich i ich różny charakter ideologiczny, sojusz interesów jest mało prawdopodobny, a LAS nie będzie wdrażała w życie wspólnych decyzji podejmowanych na szczycie. Deklaracje LAS dotyczące Darfuru nie przekładają się na jej działania na tym terenie. Choć LAS przyznała, że bardziej aktywną rolę w Darfurze pełni Unia Afrykańska, to jednak zauważyła, że nie przynosi to większych efektów. Lepsze wyniki, zdaniem jej rzeczników, można by osiągnąć poprzez skoordynowanie działań Unii Afrykańskiej i Ligi Darfur conflict – Thomson Reuters Foundation, http://news.trust.org// spotlight/Darfur-conflict, [18.05.2015]. 46 �182 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze Państw Arabskich. Spójność działań może mieć bardziej trwały efekt i głębsze znaczenie niż działania prowadzone w pojedynkę47. Stosunki Ligi Państw Arabskich z Sudanem mają długą historię, lecz jednocześnie są niestety bardzo płytkie. W ocenie państw ościennych Sudan może być krajem decyzyjnym w kwestii bezpieczeństwa, natomiast w ocenie Ligi Arabskiej Sudan to „prymitywny kuzyn”, którego przynależność do krajów arabskich nie jest traktowana poważnie. Stosunki Sudanu i Egiptu można uznać za szczególnie skomplikowane. Oba kraje nie mają wspólnej taktyki, lecz działają tylko na rzecz swych własnych interesów. Dodatkowo Sudan wielokrotnie oskarżał Egipt o bycie marionetką w rękach Stanów Zjednoczonych i Izraela48. Konflikt w Darfurze nie był postrzegany przez Ligę Państw Arabskich tak, jak konflikt palestyńsko-izraelski. Co najważniejsze nie był nawet postrzegany podobnie do innych wojen domowych w Afryce Subsaharyjskiej, ale bardziej jako lokalna sprawa na peryferiach, która wywołała międzynarodowy chaos. Był to, według jej liderów, raczej konflikt plemienny, powstały z przyczyn zderzenia cywilizacji Zachodu z rządem w Chartumie. Co prawda niektórzy arabscy komentatorzy wzywali rząd w Chartumie do poniesienia odpowiedzialności, komentując krytycznie jego poczynania, ale poglądy te jednak nigdy nie znalazły realnego odzwierciedlenia w oświadczeniach Ligi Arabskiej. Skupiono się bardziej na obarczaniu Zachodu winą za zaistniały konflikt, choć organizacje praw człowieka wzywały rebeliantów do ich przestrzegania zgodnie z Konwencją Genewską. W zachodnich mediach rebelianci byli postrzegani jako „ludzie dobrzy”, natomiast w oczach krajów arabskich ocena była zupełnie odwrotna. Legalny rząd w Chartumie został zaatakowany przez uzbrojonych H. Yo u s s e f, Mediation and Conflict Resolution in the Arab World: The Role of the Arab League, https://ifsh.de/file-CORE/documents/yearbook/english/13/ Youssef-en.pdf, [28.03.2015]. 48 Tamże. 47 �4. Rola Ligi Państw Arabskich w rozwiązywaniu... 183 rebeliantów, chcących przejąć władzę przemocą. Jako główny czynnik powstałego konfliktu wskazano działania zewnętrzne49. W maju 2004 roku Liga Państw Arabskich wysłała misję rozpoznawczą na teren Darfuru, choć jej raportu nigdy nie upubliczniono. Z dokumentów, które w nieoficjalny sposób zostały opublikowane, jednoznacznie wynikało, że w czasie trwania konfliktu były łamane prawa człowieka. W wyniku powstałego raportu Liga Państw Arabskich postanowiła zainicjować mocniejszy nacisk na rząd Sudanu w celu podjęcia działań zmierzających do pacyfikacji rebelii. W porównaniu z innymi organizacjami Liga Państw Arabskich ma problem z decyzjami zbiorowymi, które gwarantowałyby spójność w podejmowaniu działań oraz wspierały budowanie zwartej struktury organizacyjnej. Jej współdziałanie z Unią Europejską, Unią Afrykańską i ONZ stanowiłoby silny front dla poprawy sytuacji w Darfurze. Tymczasem rozdrobnienie działań, brak spójności państw zewnętrznych spowodowały odwrócenie uwagi od przyczyn zaistniałego konfliktu, co doprowadziło do tak daleko idącej eskalacji ataków wymierzonych w ludność cywilną. Rozbieżność ocen sytuacji LAS i innych państw została wykorzystana do zaostrzenia działań rebelianckich. W szczególności widoczny był brak koordynacji w podejmowanych decyzjach, działaniach i brak spójnej polityki wobec naprawienia sytuacji w Sudanie. W ocenie LAS konflikt sam w sobie nie jest konfliktem, którego wydźwięk ma znaczenie międzynarodowe, lecz jest jedynie wewnętrzną sprawą Sudanu. Rozbieżna ocena sytuacji doprowadziła do sprzeczności w działaniach pokojowych i nawet do zaostrzenia konfliktu, który według ceny LAS był sprawą lokalną50. The Crisis in Darfur, http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/ crises/crisis-in-darfur, [18.05.2015]. 50 Empty Promises? Continuing Abuses in Darfur, A Human Rights Watch Briefing Paper August 11, 2004, https://www.hrw.org/legacy/backgrounder/ africa/sudan/2004/sudan0804.pdf, [28.05.2015]. 49 �184 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze Brak przejrzystych funkcjonowania umożliwiającego takim organizacjom jak ONZ działania na rzecz pomocy ludności cywilnej i przywrócenia równowagi w Darfurze, stawia Ligę Państw Arabskich w sytuacji podmiotu stronniczego, a nie obiektywnego działacza na rzecz niesienia wsparcia dla poprawienia sytuacji w objętym konfliktem Sudanie. Ujawniło to również kolejny aspekt istnienia LAS. Konflikt sudański pokazał rozbieżność pomiędzy elitami politycznymi a interesem społecznym, jak to ma właśnie miejsce w Sudanie. Gdyby LAS działała zgodnie z interesem politycznym i społecznym, umocniłaby swą pozycję nie tylko w działaniach wobec krajów arabskich, ale również w ocenie opinii międzynarodowej. 5. Rola Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki Konflikt, który wybuchł w 2003 roku w Darfurze, wywołał poruszenie w polityce międzynarodowej Stanów Zjednoczonych. Należy tu wspomnieć o nawiązaniu ponownej współpracy między rządem w Chartumie a USA po atakach z 11 września 2001 roku. Zaczęto od ścisłej współpracy kontrwywiadu oraz wspólnego stanowiska Sudanu wobec państw, które działały przeciwko Stanom Zjednoczonym. W owym czasie konflikt pomiędzy północnym a południowym Sudanem pogłębiał się bardzo szybko. Wojska rebelianckie przejmowały coraz większe obszary Południa, co spowodowało bardzo szybką reakcję ze strony Stanów Zjednoczonych, które swym stanowiskiem wsparły działania ONZ. Polityczne działania USA skoncentrowały się na niesieniu wsparcia dla południowej części Sudanu, natomiast w 2003 roku eskalacja przemocy nastąpiła głównie na terenie Darfuru. Koncentracja działań wspierających rząd w Chartumie miała na celu głównie pośpieszne wprowadzenie pokoju na terenie całego Sudanu, a tym samym USA chciały zachować dobre stosunki z Sudanem. W wyniku tego USA nie były w stanie dokonać obiektywnej oceny sytuacji zaistniałej w Darfurze. Co gorsza, decyzje �5. Rola Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki 185 te doprowadziły do braku jakichkolwiek działań zapobiegających ludobójstwu w Darfurze oraz dalszym działaniom buntowników. Podczas eskalacji przemocy w Darfurze, Chartum w znaczący sposób utrudniał dostęp do pomocy humanitarnej w tym regionie. Zmiana tej trudnej sytuacji nastąpiła dopiero, gdy zniesiono blokadę na działania humanitarne na tamtym terenie w lutym 2004 roku51. Dopiero w kwietniu 2004 roku, gdy odnotowano spadek przemocy na terenie Darfuru, sytuacja północnego Sudanu zdecydowanie mocniej przykuła uwagę mediów. To media zmusiły Waszyngton do zajęcia stanowiska w trwającym konflikcie. Niemniej jednak, mimo określenia konfliktu mianem ludobójstwa, interwencja USA pomiędzy 2004 a 2008 rokiem nie wyszła poza krąg oświadczeń o konieczności powstrzymaniu terroru i nawoływania do otwarcia się na pomoc humanitarną. Po zamachach z 11 września 2001 roku Chartum zaczął współpracować z USA w sprawach kontrwywiadu, a wyrazem tego był opublikowany oficjalny list rządu Sudanu, iż opowiada się po stronie Stanów Zjednoczonych w działaniach przeciwko państwom, które działały zbrojnie atakując USA. Co więcej, wojna domowa pomiędzy Północą a Południem zdobyła uwagę społeczności międzynarodowej, co doprowadziło do formalnego porozumienia pokojowego, które w radykalny sposób zmniejszyło stosowanie przemocy wobec ludności cywilnej52. W tym czasie konflikt przybrał na sile do tego stopnia, że dokonywane masakry zaczęły przykuwać uwagę mediów. To właśnie wtedy nakłoniono rząd w Waszyngtonie do zajęcia bardziej rady51 A. R o h e, Role, realigning us foreign policy with reality in Darfur: formulating a whole-of-sudan policy, the gap between narratives and practices, Darfur: The responses from the Arab world, 03.2010, s. 8. 52 A. K a v a l e r c h i k, American Response to Darfur, American Response to Darfur, International Justice Project, HARP, 2013r., http://www.internationaljusticeproject.com/american-response-to-darfur/, [28.05.2015]. �186 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze kalnego i jednoznacznego stanowiska w trwającym konflikcie. Sam fakt uznania sytuacji w Darfurze za ludobójstwo nie spowodował bezpośredniego zaangażowania Stanów Zjednoczonych i nie skłonił do podjęcia bardziej intensywnych działań pomocowych czy negocjacyjnych. W owym czasie rząd USA pośrednio wspierał postulat postawienia przed Międzynarodowym Trybunałem Karnnym urzędników sudańskich oraz rząd prezydenta al-Baszira za zbrodnie przeciwko ludzkości. Darfur stał się wspólnym celem dla wielu humanitarnych organizacji pozarządowych, sporej grupy aktywistów oraz politycznej grupy ekspertów. Wszelkie kampanie na terenie Darfuru przyczyniły się również do zmiany w polityce USA. Dużym ułatwieniem dla działań humanitarnych byłaby zwiększona pomoc finansowa dla działań organizacji humanitarnych działających niezależnie od organów państwowych. Z jednej strony mamy działania mobilizacyjne ruchów społecznych, a z drugiej nieskoordynowane działania pomocowe USA. Reakcje polityczne muszą nie tylko stabilizować sytuację bezpieczeństwa, ale i zapobiegać problemom z podejmowaniem działań humanitarnych wśród przesiedleńców z regionów objętych konfliktem zbrojnym. Ponadto większy nacisk powinien być położony na kampanię informacyjną. Takie działania powinny skupiać się na kwestii łagodzenia skutków ludobójstwa, a nie na dążeniu do ustalenia ich przyczyn53. Od 2009 roku stanowisko USA w sprawie Darfuru wobec Sudanu jest bardziej jednoznaczne i konsekwentne. Wszelkie sprawy, jak również doniesienia dotyczące wciąż trwającego konfliktu konsekwentnie traktowane są z należytą uwagą. Polityka USA stała się bardziej radykalna w niesieniu pomocy humanitarnej, jak również w podejmowaniu działań sprzyjających rozmowom i negocjacjom pokojowym. Nowa polityka USA przedstawia trzy główne aspekty i cele w zakresie omawianego tu tematu: 53 Tamże. �6. Rola Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej 187 – doprowadzenie do zakończenia konfliktu; – realizacja ogólnego postanowienia pokojowego; – radykalne egzekwowanie od rządu Sudanu nieudzielania schronienia terrorystom. Kluczem do rozwiązania kryzysu było tu bowiem wdrożenie odpowiedniej strategii54. Dla USA sprawa Darfuru nie jest kwiestią strategiczną z punktu widzienia polityki zagranicznej tego kraju, tym bardzej że państwo to nie ma w tym regionie ani w Sudanie na ogół żadnych intersów ekonomicznych. Po drugie rząd Sudaniu ściśle wysplpracował z rządem USA w kwiestii zwalczania terroryzmu zwłasza po 11 listopada 2001. Po trzecie USA nie są stroną Statutu Rzymskiego ICC, na podstawie którego powołany został ICC, zatem USA nie ma żadnej legitymacji prawnej do podjęcia znaczących działań. 6. Rola Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej Chiny również przejawiały chęć działania w sprawie konfliktu w Sudanie, choć była i jest ona ograniczona w znaczący sposób przez interesy ekonomiczne Pekinu, a mające bezpośredni wpływ na gospodarkę tego kraju. Działania Pekinu są z uwagi na te uwarunkowania bardziej ukierunkowane na stymulowanie prowadzenia rozmów i negocjacji pokojowych niż na bezpośrednie zaangażowanie w działania pomocowe czy zbrojne. Co najważniejsze, odbywa się to na własnych warunkach, tak aby nie stracić możliwości osiągnięcia korzyści dla swoich własnych interesów i celów, co zwróciło uwagę Stanów Zjednoczonych, które oczekiR. M e d o f f, D. C a l l e r, The Obama administration’s troubling Darfur policy, http://dailycaller.com/2012/07/09/the-obama-administrations-troublingdarfur-policy/, [9.07.2013]. 54 �188 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze wały pełniejszego zaangażowania Chin. Pomoc humanitarna ze strony Chin jest ograniczona głównie do pomocy w naturze, bez większego zaangażowania w inne inwestycje55. Pekin dystansuje się od intensywniejszych działań na tym polu ze względu na ich potencjalnie negatywny wpływ na stosunki gospodarcze, w tym eksport ich broni. Ogólnie jednak stosunki Sudanu z Chinami są dużo ważniejsze w regionie niż polityka wobec Stanów Zjednoczonych z racji korzyści ekonomicznych obu krajów. Chiny podjęły dyplomatyczne działania dla rozwiązania konfliktu w Darfurze poprzez zwiększenie nacisków z zewnątrz i wewnątrz Sudanu. W związku z ciągłym zapotrzebowaniem Chin na ropę zaistniała jednak bezpośrednia konieczność głębszego zaangażowania się tego kraju w działania pokojowe. Połączenie chińskiej pomocy humanitarnej z zaangażowaniem się w działania pokojowe stanowiło swoiste zabezpieczenie ich własnych interesów powiązanych ściśle z terenem objętym konfliktem. Działania Chin ukierunkowały się na bezpośrednie poparcie dla działań ONZ oraz UNAMID. Chiny dążyły do zaakceptowania przez rząd Sudanu działań pomocowych UNAMID56. Potencjalny wpływ Chin na podtrzymanie rozmów pokojowych wydaje się być trudnym i długotrwałym procesem. Główny punkt dla dalszych działań w polityce pomocowej opierał się na decyzjach pokojowych zawartych w maju 2006 roku, udzielając tym samym poparcia dla takich organizacji, jak Unia Afrykańska i ONZ. Chociaż Chiny w pewnym stopniu zaangażowały się w negocjacje pokojowe pomiędzy Północą a Południem w Sudanie, to 55 D. L a r g e, Sudan’s foreign relations with Asia, China and the politics of ‘looking east’, 2008, s. 1–3. 56 D. L a r g e, China’s role in the mediation and resolution of conflict in Africa, OSLO forum 2008, The OSLO forum Network of Mediators, https://www. osloforum.org/sites/default/files/Dan%20Large%20China%20in%20Africa%20 WEB.pdf, [9.07.2015]. �6. Rola Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej 189 nie odgrywają w tym procesie znaczącej roli. Ogólnie Pekin nie wykazywał większego zaangażowania we wspieranie inicjatyw pokojowych z wyjątkiem wsparcia ukierunkowanego na Unię Afrykańską. Choć istniały przesłanki do większego zaangażowania się ze strony Pekinu w ramach działań pomocowych czy mediacyjnych, to jego rola polegała głównie na zabezpieczaniu własnych interesów ekonomicznych, w tym na zachowaniu ciągłości dostaw ropy z terenu Sudanu. Wbrew powszechnej opinii stosunki afrykańsko-chińskie są dużo bardziej złożone. Istniejący konflikt może mieć również negatywny wpływ na dalszą kondycję finansową Sudanu. Rząd w Pekinie konsekwentnie nie ingeruje w interesy narodowe Sudanu, lecz broni tylko swych własnych interesów, pilnując zachowania ciągłości dostaw ropy, a tym samym stawiając się jednak w roli potencjalnego negocjatora w rozmowach pokojowych. Otwarta pozostaje więc kwestia bardziej zdecydowanych nacisków w procesach politycznych lub pozostanie w roli nieoficjalnego mediatora, wspierającego działania Unii Afrykańskiej i ONZ57. Sytuacja może jednak zmusić rząd w Pekinie do bardziej zaangażowanych działań. Jednak bardzo trudno stwierdzić, czy taka ewentualność będzie działała na korzyść sprawy w Darfurze, czy też nie. Istnieje bowiem rozbieżność pomiędzy interesem ekonomicznym Chin a zaistniałym konfliktem pomiędzy Północą a Południem w Sudanie. To stawia politykę zagraniczną Chin w konflikcie z własnymi interesami i z innymi państwami, z którymi rząd w Pekinie obecnie współpracuje. Trwający konflikt może jednak doprowadzić do sytuacji, w której Chiny zostaną zmuszone do zajęcia stanowiska w sposób bardziej jednoznaczny. Chiny muszą postawić sobie pytanie, czy opowiedzieć się po stronie obrony G. A h m e d, The Chinese Stance on the Darfur Conflict, South African Institute of International Affairs, China in Africa Project, 2010, s. 4–20. 57 �190 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze tylko własnych interesów, czy jednak, także z uwagi na te interesy, zaangażować się jako rozjemca w trwającym konflikcie58. Chiny poszukują dojścia do zasobów ropy poprzez zbliżenie z Al Bashirem. Przywódca reżimu Al Bashir nadal pozostaje spraawcą odrażających zbrodni popełnionych w zchodnim regionie Sudanu w Darfurze. ICC oskarżył Al Bashira i wydał nakaz aresztowania uznając go jako uciekiniera z Międzynarodowego Trybunału Sprawiedliwości w 2009 roku. Zaproszenie dla przestępcy Al Bashira było wynikiem chciwości gospodarczej. Chiny osiągnęły w ten sposób otwartą drogę do najlepszego rynku zbytu dla swoich produktów o niskich standardach i słabej jakości towarów. Sudańska ludność w Darfurze bez wątpienia pozostaje w solidarności z ludnością chińska, ocalałą z okrutnych tortur i potwornych zbrodni popełnionych przez faszystowskie Cesarstwo Japonii w czasie II wojny Światowej, zakończonej 70 lat temu. Mimo to ludność Sudanu jest oszolomiona stanowiskiem prezydenta Chin, Xi Jinpinga, kóry uścisnął dłoń Al Bashira, zapominając o jego haniebnych czynach, powitał go odrzucając na bok wiedzę o dokonanych zbrodniech Al Bashir w Darfurze. Tak więc Jinping zignorował fakt zasiadania Chin w miejscu stałego członka Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ59. Warto zastanowić się, czy chińskie władze miały pełną wiedzę o stopniu przemocy prowadzonej przez sudańskie siły zbrojne na ludności cywilnej, o naruszeniu wolności dziennikarzy, atakowaniu pokojowych demonstrantów we wszystkich częściach Sudanu. Czy chiński przywódca zwrócił uwagę na kierowany przez reżim Al Bashira system łamania międzynarodowych praw człowieka i czy Xi Jinping miał wiedzę o prowadzonej operacji Narodowej D. L a r g e, China’s role in the mediation and resolution of conflict in Africa, dz. cyt. 59 China’s Position on the issue of Darfur, Sudan, http://www.china-un.org/ eng/xw/t415999.htm, [19.07.2015]. 58 �7. Rola Unii Europejskiej w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu... 191 Integracji Sudanu i służb bezpieczeństwa zatrudnionych do prowadzenia operacji milicji wspierającej siły Janjweed? Być może Xi Jinping jest nieświadomy, niepoinformowany i nie dotarły do niego doniesienia. Xi Jinping musi zastanowić się nad istotą tych faktów i zacząć działać na ich rzecz jako mąż stanu, jako przywódca polityczny reprezentujący populcję chińska. 7. Rola Unii Europejskiej w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu zbrojnego na obszarze Sudanu W ocenie niezależnych komentatorów Unia Europejska, chociaż ma struktury o międzynarodowym zasięgu, wykazywała w ostatnich latach zupełny brak zaangażowania, jeśli chodzi o działania mające na celu zażegnanie konfliktu zbrojnego na terenie Sudanu60. Głównym zarzutem, jaki był stawiany pod adresem UE, jest brak jednolitej polityki zagranicznej ukierunkowanej na łagodzenie trwającego już konfliktu. Zainteresowanie UE skupia się głównie na aspekcie rozwoju zawodowego i środowiskowego. W związku z naciskami na UE dotyczącymi działań w ramach szerszej polityki zagranicznej, zwrócono szczególną uwagę na umocnienie i wsparcie dla Unii Afrykańskiej, tak, by mogła samodzielnie reagować na zjawiska przemocy oraz wsparcie dla rozwoju i pomocy humanitarnej61. Na fakt ten mogło wpłynąć, jak pisze gen. Bogusław Pacek, że „w latach 2009–2011 wspólna polityka bezpieczeństwa i obrony Unii Europejskiej CSDP (Common Security and Defence Policy) znajdowała się w trudnym okresie. Brak było konkretnych wizji dalszego rozwoju CSDP. Na ten impas wpłynął niewątpliwie kryzys strefy budżetowej euro, który spowodował większe zainteresowanie przywódców i polityków państw członkowskich sprawami finansowo-gospodarczymi niż obronnością”; B. P a c e k, Nowe misje Unii Europejskiej, „Zeszyty Naukowe Akademii Obrony Narodowej”, 2012, nr 4(89), s. 20. 61 G. G y a, The EU’s role in the Darfur crisis from 2003 until today, the gap between narratives and practices, Darfur: The responses from the Arab world, FRIDE, 2010, s. 7–8. 60 �192 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze W ocenie specjalnego wysłannika Unii Europejskiej do spraw konfliktu wewnętrznego w Sudanie istnieje możliwość nadzorowania działań pokojowych na tym terenie przy ścisłej współpracy z Ligą Arabską. W 2006 roku Liga Państw Arabskich obiecała 150 mln dolarów wsparcia dla misji pokojowych Unii Afrykańskiej w Sudanie. Jednak obietnice te nie zostały spełnione. UE utrzymuje jednak ścisłe stosunki z wieloma krajami arabskimi poprzez tzw. Proces Barceloński (Euro-Mediterranean partnership, Euromed)62. Mimo że jednym z deklarowanych celów jest tworzenie dialogu politycznego, sprawa konfliktu w Darfurze pozostaje na uboczu działań UE, która główne swe wysiłki i cele działań pokojowych ukierunkowuje na Bliski Wschód63. Pierwszym problemem, jaki zaistniał podczas półrocznej prezydencji Słowenii w Unii Europejskiej w 2008 roku, była sprawa zmniejszenia dotychczasowego finansowego wsparcia. Państwa członkowskie UE rozważały możliwość znalezienia korzystnego rozwiązania dla zmniejszenia luki finansowej powstałej w wyniku podjętej decyzji. Za czasów prezydencji Szwecji sprawę Sudanu potraktowano nieco bardziej priorytetowo. Szwedzki minister spraw zagranicznych Carl Bildt spotkał się w tej sprawie z ministrem spraw zagranicznych Egiptu Ahmedem Abul-Gheit. Jednak jednoznaczne działania mające na celu niesienie wsparcia dla poprawienia sytuacji na terenie Sudanu pozostaPartnerstwo Eurośródziemnomorskie, Proces Barceloński – platforma współpracy państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej oraz 12 państw basenu Morza Śródziemnego (Maroko, Algieria, Tunezja, Egipt, Izrael, Autonomia Palestyńska, Liban, Jordania, Syria, Turcja) zainicjowana w Barcelonie w 1995 roku. Współpraca obejmuje trzy dziedziny: kwestie polityczne i bezpieczeństwo, gospodarkę i finanse, partnerstwo społeczne, kulturalne i humanitarne. Za: J. Z a j ą c, Partnerstwo Eurośródziemnomorskie, Warszawa, 2005. 63 E. Fe r h a t o v i ć, Implementing Peace in Sudan: Lessons for the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy, http://www.atlantic-community.org/app/webroot/ files/articlepdf/Ferhatovic%20Sudan.pdf, [19.07.2015]. 62 �7. Rola Unii Europejskiej w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu... 193 wały na etapie dyskusji. Nie wyznaczono jednoznacznych kierunków działań, jak również prób współpracy zadeklarowanej w formie umów czy rezolucji. Kwestia zmian w Sudanie wciąż pozostaje otwarta. Ze strony Europy na terenie Sudanu działa szereg grup pozarządowych, które jedynie przy wsparciu swych rządów niosą pomoc humanitarną na terenie Darfuru i całego Sudanu. Sam fakt działania tych organizacji nie ma wpływu na poprawienie sytuacji na terenie Sudanu, stanowi jedynie wsparcie dla ludności cywilnej zagrożonej ciągłymi atakami ze strony rządu Sudanu64. Na początku 1990 roku Unia Europejska nie wykazywała znaczącego zaangażowania w działania na terenie Sudanu, co było odpowiedzią na wojskowy zamach przeprowadzony przez Al-Baszira. W efekcie tego finansowanie działań pokojowych w owym czasie ze strony UE zostało znacząco zmniejszone do czasu wybuchu kryzysu w 2003 roku. W wyniku napływających ze świata doniesień UE podjęła działania pomocowe w tym rejonie. Ogromny napływ uchodźców z Czadu spowodował, iż dla przedstawicieli UE stało się oczywiste, że pomoc finansowa jest niezbędna i sytuacja wymaga natychmiastowej reakcji z jej strony. Od marca do kwietnia 2004 roku UE rozpoczęła silną mobilizację polityczną przy użyciu i za pośrednictwem instrumentów dostępnych w gestii działań UE. Reakcja USA na sytuację w Darfurze była wówczas jednoznaczna – jednogłośnie nazwano ją ludobójstwem. Natomiast UE w swych reakcjach nie posuwała się do aż tak jednoznacznych ocen zaistniałego konfliktu. Jeden z wysokich przedstawicieli UE w oświadczeniu stwierdzał nawet wprost, że nie było to ludobójstwo, natomiast istnieją uzasadnione wątpliwości co do gotowości rządu Sudanu, by wywiązywał się w pełni z obowiązku zapewFactsheet, Council of the European Union, July 2006, http://www.consilium. europa.eu/uedocs/cmsUpload/060714-Darfur_Update2.pdf, [16.05.2013]. 64 �194 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze nienia ochrony dla ludności cywilnej i działań zapobiegających dokonywaniu ataków na nią65. Dopiero pod koniec 2004 roku Parlament Europejski stwierdził, iż w wyniku działań rządu sudańskiego na terenie Darfuru doszło do zdarzeń zwanych ludobójstwem. W efekcie czego Unia Europejska zagroziła sankcjami, jeżeli działania ONZ będą ograniczane przez rząd Sudanu. Reakcja ta była znacznie opóźniona ze strony UE, za co została ona skrytykowana. W doniesieniach prasowych z tamtego czasu znajdujemy informacje mówiące nawet o obojętności i braku reakcji UE w obliczu działań zbrojnych na terenie Darfuru. W rozumieniu deklaracji ze strony UE to ONZ jest głównym i podstawowym organem międzynarodowym powołanym do reagowania na takie sytuacje i władnym do podejmowania decyzji mających na celu ewentualne interwencje oraz niesienie pomocy66. Ponadto rząd Sudanu utrudniał działania Unii Europejskiej poprzez ograniczenia administracyjne dla personelu z Europy. Unia Europejska zdecydowanie i jednoznacznie poparła działania ONZ na terenie Darfuru i Sudanu, natomiast sama z różnych przyczyn politycznych wycofała się z podejmowania samodzielnych działań. Unia Europejska postawiła przede wszystkim na długoterminowe działania w zakresie pomocy humanitarnej i rozwojowej, ukierunkowane na stymulowanie rozwoju. Mimo jednoznacznej polityki wobec rządu Sudanu, jak między innymi zastosowanie blokad handlowych i zakazów wymiany towarowej z tym krajem, nie wywoływało to żadnych istotnych reakcji ze strony Unii Europejskiej. W październiku 2009 roku 65 G. O l s e n, Sub-Saharian Africa. A priority region EU conflict management, w: R. W h i t m an, S. Wo l f f, The European Union as a Global Conflict Manager, London 2012, s. 67–69. 66 Rezolucja Parlamentu Europejskiego w sprawie Darfuru, Teksty przyjęte 6 kwietnia 2006 r., Strasburg, http://www.europarl.europa.eu/sides/getDoc. do?pubRef=-, [16.05.2013]. �7. Rola Unii Europejskiej w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu... 195 UE starała się nakłonić rząd Sudanu, by położył kres bezkarności sprawców pogromów w Darfurze i postawił przed sądem osoby za nieodpowiedzialne. Miało to na celu ochronę ludności cywilnej. Siła reakcji UE była również uzależniona od działań nie tylko krótkoterminowych, ale również tych, które były realizowane w dłuższej perspektywie czasu, poprzez użycie instrumentów związanych z reagowaniem na konflikty zbrojne wewnątrz kraju. Za działania krótkoterminowe uważa się działania wojskowe, militarne ukierunkowane na zapewnienie stabilności wewnątrz kraju. Wchodzą one w zakres kompetencji Rady Ogólnej Sekretariatu UE i są wykonywane zgodnie z zaleceniami Komitetu Politycznego i Bezpieczeństwa UE. Parlament Europejski nadzoruje działania związane z jednostką Bezpieczeństwa i Obrony, zwłaszcza w zakresie dysponowania budżetem w działaniach zewnętrznych. Stąd właśnie państwa członkowskie są główną siłą napędową dla działań krótkoterminowych, wojskowych mających na celu obronę jednostek cywilnych narażonych na skutki wojny. Jak już napisano wyżej (s. 95) wsparcie wojskowe udzielone dla misji AMIS II (lipiec 2005–grudzień 2007) przez UE było znacznie mniejsze niż w przypadku udzielenia pomocy chociażby w konflikcie w Libanie. Zostało to określone w komentarzach prasowych jako tendencyjne. Uznano, iż zaangażowanie UE w niesienie pomocy terenom objętym konfliktem jest traktowane priorytetowo, jeżeli konflikt ma bezpośredni wpływ na interesy UE oraz stanowi zagrożenie dla jej terytorium67. W tym czasie wsparcie państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej dla działań UNAMID było bardzo słabe i ograniczone, chociaż presja ze strony opinii publicznej spowodowała zwiększenie zaangażowania UE w działania na terenie Darfuru. Pomimo wsparcia J. Z w a n, Evaluating the EU’s role and challenges in Sudan and South Sudan, Sudan and South Sudan Case Study, Initiative for peacebuilding, 2011, s. 16–26. 67 �196 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze dla działań AMIS oraz bezpośrednich interwencji UE w Darfurze, kierunek działań pomocowych ze strony UE pozostawiał wiele do życzenia, co spowodowało falę rosnącej krytyki ze strony społeczności międzynarodowej. Wiele państw członkowskich nie angażowało się w działania długoterminowe, opierając się jedynie na misjach pomostowych, które w perspektywie przekazywano do dalszego wykonania ONZ. Dopiero w 2007 roku kolejny raz podniesiono kwestie związane z bezpieczeństwem w Darfurze. Poruszono również kwestie związane z niestabilnością przesiedleńców z rejonu Darfuru i Czadu68. Krytyka działań Unii Europejskiej ze strony międzynarodowych komentatorów jest dość jednoznaczna. UE mimo posiadanych mandatów, środków oraz wsparcia militarnego nie wykorzystuje tych instrumentów w sposób wystarczający dla zapewnienia bezpieczeństwa w Czadzie i Darfurze. Nieustanna fala krytyki pod kierunkiem UE jest spowodowana głównie zaniechaniem zwiększania zakresu niesienia pomocy dla uregulowania konfliktu w Darfurze, w tym też zapewnienia i przywrócenia stabilności politycznej na terenie Sudanu. W ocenie dowódcy operacyjnego UE, jedynie tylko w niektórych rejonach udało się zwiększyć bezpieczeństwo. Natomiast utrzymanie stabilizacji długoterminowo jest niemożliwe przy tak ograniczonych zasobach wojskowych ze strony UE. Wspomniane już wcześniej działania Unii Europejskiej są działaniami krótkoterminowymi, natomiast oczekiwano z jej strony planów i działań mających na celu wprowadzanie zmian obejmujących swym efektem dłuższe perspektywy czasu. Za takie działania uważano pomoc przy tworzeniu dokumentów prawnych dających uprawnienia do wprowadzania zmian Sudan and South Sudan – Permanent mission of France to the United Nations in New York, http://www.franceonu.org/Sudan-and-South-Sudan-8713, [29.05.2015]. 68 �7. Rola Unii Europejskiej w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu... 197 związanych nie tylko z zapewnieniem bezpieczeństwa ludności cywilnej, ale również prowadzących do poprawienia relacji z rządem Sudanu. Priorytetem jest realizacja kompleksowego porozumienia pokojowego podpisanego w 2005 roku, które ma stanowić początek w rozwiązywaniu trwającego już 23 lata konfliktu wojennego pomiędzy Północą a Południem w Sudanie. Oprócz działalności komisarza ds. współpracy rozwojowej i pomocy humanitarnej, UE powinna udzielać wsparcia dla Dyrekcji Generalnej ds. Rozwoju (Directorate General for Development, DG DEV), która ma na celu realizowanie i wdrażanie programów takich jak finansowe wsparcie dla zapewnienia stabilności politycznej i gospodarczej oraz nadzorowanie polityki zewnętrznej. Mandat Specjalnego Przedstawiciela UE (European Union Special Representative, EUSR)69 w Sudanie ma charakter dwojaki. Przede wszystkim służy jako podstawowy punkt kontaktu z przedstawicielami Unii Afrykańskiej, ale również stanowi zabezpieczenie dla prowadzenia spraw i rozmów pokojowych celem rozwiązania konfliktu w Darfurze. Jego głównym zadaniem jest tworzenie konstruktywnego dialogu pomiędzy Północą a Południem Sudanu, z należytym uwzględnieniem regionalnych aspektów tego konfliktu70. W ocenie społeczności międzynarodowej Specjalny Przedstawiciel UE mógłby zrobić znacznie więcej w zakresie poszerzenia sposobów udzielenia wsparcia i pomocy dotyczącej zmian na Specjalnimi Przedstawicielami Unii Europejskiej (European Union Special Representative, EUSR) są wysłannicy Unii Europejskiej z konkretnymi zadaniami za granicą. Podczas gdy ambasadorami UE są odpowiedzialni za sprawy jednego kraju, specjalni Przedstawiciele do rozwiązania konkretnych problemów obszarów konfliktowych lub regionów państw. Za: G. G r e v i, The EU Special Representatives, Paris 2007. 70 S. A b d u r r a h i m, Cooperation between the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU) with regard to peacemaking and peacekeeping in Africa, https://ujdigispace.uj.ac.za/handle/10210/2274, [29.05.2015]. 69 �198 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze terenie Darfuru, poprzez wywieranie znaczących nacisków na rząd Sudanu. Działania długo- i krótkoterminowe wymagają sprawnego koordynowania, jak również powinny polegać na działaniach bardziej strategicznych, a nie tylko na teoretycznych planach w późniejszym czasie cedowanych na ONZ. Celem podjęcia politycznego dialogu wymagane jest działanie ze strony państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej, między innymi poprzez podejmowanie inicjatywy w zaangażowanie Chin w poprawę sytuacji w Sudanie. Niestety, zbyt długo ignorowano Chiny jako głównego odbiorcę ropy z Sudanu, a właśnie Chiny mogły mieć ogromny wpływ na wprowadzanie zmian z racji swoich powiązań ekonomicznych z tym rejonem. Z inicjatywy Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego, jak również na wniosek Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ powstał szereg nakazów aresztowania dla urzędników sudańskich. Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny, z racji nadanych uprawnień na mocy art. 13 Statutu Rzymskiego, ma możliwość i odpowiednie narzędzia, aby wnioskować i postawić przed Trybunałem Karnym osoby bezpośrednio odpowiedzialne za działania zbrojne, zbrodnie na ludności czy ludobójstwo71. Współpraca Unii Europejskiej opiera się między innymi na relacjach z Rządem Jedności Narodowej (Government of National Unity, GONU)72 w Chartumie, jak również z Rządem Sudanu PołuG. C u m m i n g, The European Union in Sudan: A Missed Opportunity?, „The Round Table”, 104(2015), nr 2, s. 473–488, http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/ pdf/10.1080/00358533.2015.1063842, [29.05.2015]. 72 Po podpisaniu porozumienia pokojowego w 2005 roku między rządem Omara al-Baszira i Ludową Armią Wyzwolenia Sudanu (SPLA), Rząd Jedności Narodowej został umiejscowiony w Sudanie, zgodnie z Konstytucją Tymczasową przy czym obok wiceprezydenta Sudanu Północnego zostało utworzone stanowisko Viceprezydenta reprezentującego Południe. Pozwoliło to na podział złóż ropy naftowej w równym stopniu, ale nadal zarówno na północy jak i na południe pozosałay armie. Za: M. M u f t i, Some Reflection on Upcoming Division of Sudan, 2011. 71 �7. Rola Unii Europejskiej w rozwiązywaniu konfliktu... 199 dniowego w Dżubie73. W związku z podpisanym porozumieniem pokojowym w 2005 roku Komisja Europejska opublikowała plan znaczącego wsparcia finansowego dla przeprowadzenia reform przy użyciu zróżnicowanych instrumentów. Zadeklarowane nakłady finansowe sięgają kwoty 500 mln euro. Fundusze te ukierunkowano na takie programy jak: bezpieczeństwo, żywność, edukacja, urządzenia wodne, wsparcie dla organizacji pozarządowych. W grudniu 2007 roku Komisja przekazała 3 mln euro do Funduszu Powierniczego ONZ w celu dofinansowania prac Unii Afrykańskiej i ONZ jako wsparcie dla Zespołu Mediacyjnego. Mając na uwadze, iż bardzo trudne jest bezpośrednie finansowanie działań pomocowych na terenie Sudanu, Unia Europejska działa poprzez wsparcie finansowe udzielane organizacjom pozarządowym za pośrednictwem ONZ. Komisja Europejska jednoznacznie deklaruje swoją gotowość pomocową w sprawie wsparcia finansowego dla poprawienia sytuacji w Sudanie, jednak, jak już wspomniano, poprzez działania krótkoterminowe. W ocenie krytyków działania UE powinny również w większym stopniu polegać na zwiększeniu nakładów finansowych dla inicjatyw rozwojowych. Wiele z działań Unii Europejskiej, jakie wdrożono w celu poprawy sytuacji na terenie Sudanu, nie przynosi oczekiwanych efektów. Współpraca UE z USA nie przyniosła ograniczenia dalszych działań zbrojnych na terenie Sudanu. Nie udało się w pełni ograniczyć przenoszenia się walk zbrojnych. Mimo wszelkich ostrzeżeń Przykładem może być misja cywilna EUAVSEC South Sudan. W jej ramach Komisja Europejska finansuje zakup sprzętu i wyposażenia portu lotniczego w Dżubie, a jej współpraca z partnerami w Płd. doprowadziła do wzajemnego uzupełniania się zamierzeń z działaniami Międzynarodowej Organizacji ds. Migracji ONZ IOM (International Organization for Migration), która szkoli personel portu lotniczego z procedur imigracyjnych oraz z działaniami Japońskiej Agencji Współpracy Międzynarodowej JICA (Japanese International Cooperation Agency), która prowadzi szkolenia z procedur celnych; B. P a c e k, Nowe misje Unii Europejskiej, art. cyt., s. 24. 73 �200 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze w kierunku UE, która powinna mieć opracowany i gotowy plan działania w przypadku zaostrzenia się sytuacji konfliktowej na terenie Sudanu, sytuacja nie poprawia się. UE powinna inicjować działania związane z formalnym rozdzieleniem interesów ekonomicznych, sił zbrojnych, handlu ropą oraz wsparcia dla spłaty zadłużenia Północy i Południa Sudanu74. Podsumowując, ogólnie działania pomocowe są bardzo osłabione, chociażby z racji tego, że brakuje ogólnej koordynacji działań międzynarodowych zarówno na terenie Darfuru, jak również w rejonie całego Sudanu. Powstały chaos w działaniu Unii Europejskiej związany jest między innymi z jakością współpracy UE z USA. Brak jest ścisłej współpracy ukierunkowanej na planowanie działań pomocowych, również dlatego, że powstała swoista rywalizacja pomiędzy krajami sąsiadującymi, które pragną być postrzegane jako główny pośrednik w działaniach pokojowych. W gestii UE jest wywieranie silniejszych nacisków na rząd Sudanu, która formalnie nie jest do tego przygotowana. Rola ta powinna być przejęta przez USA, a UE powinna podjąć zadanie wspierania owych działań. Najbardziej skutecznym działaniem jest stworzenie międzynarodowej grupy państw, w skład której weszłyby: Rosja, Chiny, kraje arabskie i państwa afrykańskie, celem wywierania nacisków politycznych i ekonomicznych na rząd Sudanu. 8. Inicjatywy pokojowe i próby rozwiązania konfliktu w Darfurze 8.1. Umowa pokojowa z Abudży w sprawie Darfuru Podjęte w 2005 roku negocjacje w Abudży w Nigerii toczyły się początkowo bardzo wolno, tak że urzędnicy ONZ i Unii Afrykańskiej ostrzegali, że mogą one skończyć się fiaskiem. Ostrzeżenia pocho74 Tamże, s. 19, więcej G. C u m m i n g, The European Union in Sudan, dz. cyt. �8. Inicjatywy pokojowe i próby rozwiązania konfliktu... 201 dziły od wysoko postawionych urzędników, między innymi brytyjski minister spraw zagranicznych i premier Holandii oświadczyli, że społeczność międzynarodowa przekazała ogromne fundusze, czas i wysiłek dla przeprowadzenia rozmów, ale ich cierpliwość nie jest nieograniczona. Presje próbowali wywrzeć sekretarz stanu Wielkiej Brytanii Hilary Benn oraz zastępca sekretarza stanu Stanów Zjednoczonych Robert Zoellick. Ostrzegano, że zostanie wstrzymane finansowanie negocjacji, jeśli porozumienie nie zostanie szybko osiągnięte. Wkrótce pojawiło się niebezpieczeństwo wstrzymania rozmów. Dopiero wobec zaciętych walk w Darfurze postępy stały bardziej prawdopodobne, gdy przedstawiono kompleksowe porozumienie pokojowe, którego celem było zajęcie się przyczynami konfliktu i złożenie deklaracji pomocy humanitarnej oraz podjęcie decyzji o zawieszeniu broni, zmniejszeniu poziomu przemocy i poprawieniu klimatu do prowadzenia negocjacji. W końcu największe wysiłki skierowano na zespoły negocjacyjne, a nie strony konfliktu, aby podtrzymać komunikację z mieszkańcami Darfuru i innymi ważnymi grupami, które nie były reprezentowane na konferencji. Ostatecznie rebelianci poprosili mediatorów o trzy tygodnie czasu dla zapoznania się z dokumentacją. Zazwyczaj konferencje międzynarodowe nie są miejscami osiągania porozumienia za pomocą przedłużających się publicznych negocjacji, ale jako miejscami uroczystego ratyfikowania i ogłaszania wyników zakulisowych rozmów i negocjacji75. W dniu 5 maja 2006 roku ostatecznie podpisano Darfurskie Porozumienie Pokojowe w sprawie Darfuru, znane jako umowa z Abudży (Darfur Peace Agreement, DPA). Ukierunkowane jest ono na wytyczenie celów długotrwałego pokoju dla ochrony niewinnych M. M a m d a n i, Saviors and survivors..., dz. cyt., s. 306–308; zob. R.B. Z o e l l i c k, Deputy Secretary of State, Briefing on Abuja Peace Agreement for Darfur, May 5, 2006, Abuja, Nigeria,http://2001-2009.state.gov/s/d/former/zoellick/ rem/2006/65933.htm, [18.03.2015]. 75 �202 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze stron konfliktu. Umowa (porozumienie) wymusza na sudańskim Rządzie Jedności Narodowej rozbrojenie i demobilizację zbrojnych oddziałów, w tym do połowy października radykalne ograniczenie ruchów sił obronnych poprzez zmniejszenie ich liczebności. Szczegółowy harmonogram demobilizacji został utworzony celem zapewnienia rozbrojenia sił rebeliantów. Umowa przewidywała, że 4000 kombatantów ma zostać zintegrowanych z sudańskimi siłami zbrojnymi, 1000 ma być włączonych do sił policyjnych, a 3000 ma być przeznaczonych dla wsparcia w ramach programów szkolnych i edukacyjnych. Dla ludności Darfuru został wprowadzony proces demokratyzacji w celu wyboru własnych przywódców mających stanąć na czele danego regionu. W lipcu 2010 roku przeprowadzono referendum w celu ustalenia jedności terytorialnej dla Darfuru. Na okres trzech lat umowa przyznała ruchowi rebelianckiemu 12 mandatów w Zgromadzeniu Narodowym w Chartumie, 21 miejsc dla krajowych członków ustawodawczych, 1 stanowisko gubernatora i 2 zastępców prezesów państwowych w Darfurze, wyższe stanowiska w ministerstwach i w samorządach. Społeczność międzynarodowa zaangażowana w tę tematykę wezwała darczyńców do ofiarowania dalszych środków dla wspierania określonych na konferencji potrzeb i realizowania priorytetów76. Zadaniem Rządu Jedności Narodowej jest zagospodarowanie 300 mln dolarów rocznie w okresie dwóch kolejnych lat w celu odbudowy regionu. Joint Assessment Mission powstał w celu jednolitej odbudowy dwóch regionów (północ-południe) na podstawie porozumienia pokojowego, jak również w celu określenia konkretnych potrzeb odbudowy i rozwoju Darfuru. Wokół obozów Darfur Peace Agreement, United States Department of State, Washington DC 2006, http://2001-2009.state.gov/p/af/rls/65932.htm, [18.03.2014]; zob. Roadmap for Peace in Darfur A Roadmap for Peace in Darfur, The Enough Project,February 2011r.,http://www.enoughproject.org/files/darfur_roadmap%20 %281%29.pdf, [18.02.2016]. 76 �8. Inicjatywy pokojowe i próby rozwiązania konfliktu... 203 dla uchodźców miały powstać strefy buforowe w celu budowy wewnętrznych korytarzy dla pomocy humanitarnej i innych działań pomocowych. Powołano też Komisję do spraw bezpośredniej współpracy z ONZ, aby nieść pomoc wysiedleńcom powracającym na swoje tereny. Umowa stwierdzała, że rząd Sudanu zapewni 30 mln dolarów odszkodowania dla ofiar konfliktu. Dziesięć dni od podpisania umowy doszło do jej złamania i nasilenia konfliktów zbrojnych na prowincjach. Skalę okrucieństwa porównywano do tej z 2003 roku i z początku 2004 roku. Nie miało to związku z postępowaniem politycznym, ale z techniczną obsługą rozwiązań, które sugerowano wprowadzić. Główny doradca zespołów w Abudży, brytyjski specjalista ds. Sudanu Alex de Waal, stwierdził 5 lipca 2006 roku, że selektywna eliminacja ugrupowań dżandżawidów poprzez ich zdziesiątkowanie doprowadzi do konfliktu z rządem Sudanu, któremu podlegają dżandżawidzi, i do dalszego powiększania skali konfliktu77. Niemniej jednak de Waal doradzał jeden kierunek działania, który byłby zgodny z Darfurskim Porozumieniem Pokojowym. Wymagał on zaangażowania armii sudańskiej w działania pokojowe. Prace te miały obejmować: utworzenie kontrolowanych szlaków migracyjnych oraz zainicjowanie procesu rozbrojenia kontrolowanego przez starszyznę plemienną. W świetle tak ciężkich zaniedbań oraz spadku zaufania wobec działań pokojowych, wdrażanie poszczególnych procesów pokojowych było jedynie idylliczną wizją dalszych działań na terenach objętych głębokim kryzysem zaufania i trwającym konfliktem wewnętrznym. Zdaniem de Waal, również u podstaw rozwiązania konfliktu stoi zjednoczenie grup etnicznych żyjących na terenie Sudanu. W przypadku interwencji NATO możliwe jest też doprowadzenie do rozszerzenia konfliktu G. P r u n i e r, Darfur’s Sudan problem, http://www.opendemocracy.net/ democracy-africa_democracy/darfur_conflict_3909.jspm, [18.03.2013]. 77 �204 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze zbrojnego i tym samym odbudowy kraju na gruzach. Jako przykład podał sytuację z Iraku78. Istnieje wiele powodów do krytyki porozumienia pokojowego w Darfurze, ale jego główne postanowienia nie dotyczą rozbrojenia dżandżawidów. Podczas negocjacji każda ze stron biorących udział w formułowaniu postanowień, jak również każda organizacja, która ustanawiała każdy z punktów porozumienia w Darfurze, jednogłośnie podkreśliła, że konieczność rozbrojenia dżandżawidów należy do tej organizacji, która umożliwiła uzbrojenie rebeliantów, tym samym wskazując rząd w Chartumie. Wskazano jednak, że plan rozbrojenia rebeliantów powinien być w pierwszej kolejności zatwierdzony przez Unię Afrykańską. Następnie po tej akceptacji powinna nastąpić kontrola procesu rozbrojenia przez Unię Afrykańską oraz niezależną społeczność międzynarodową. Powstała jednak wątpliwość co do możliwości realizacji planu rozbrojenia i zdolności rządu Sudanu do jego wykonania. Większość dżandżawidów została uzbrojona przez lub przy aprobacie rządu w Chartumie, co zakłada istnienie politycznej lojalności79. Kolejna faza rozbrojenia rebeliantów miała polegać na zreformowaniu i zniwelowaniu kompetencji paramilitarnych instytucji, które kontrolują szlaki migracyjne koczowników i rozpoczęciu procesu rozbrojenia nadzorowanego przez starszyznę plemienną. Istniała obawa, że doprowadzi to do ukrywania broni, niemniej powinno nastąpić znaczne zwiększenie bezpieczeństwa. Kiedy wiadomo, że żadna z grup nie jest faworyzowana, to proces pokojowy może być wdrażany niemal bezboleśnie. W owym mechanizmie głównym celem powinno być rozbrojenie i neutralizacja milicji plemiennych i jej głównych ognisk konfliktowych powiązanych Darfur Peace Agreement, the United Nations, http://www.un.org/zh/focus/ southernsudan/pdf/dpa.pdf, [14.03.2014]. 79 Darfur Peace Process & Chronology, http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/ facts-figures/sudan/darfur/darfur-peace-process-chronology.html, [15.03.2014]. 78 �8. Inicjatywy pokojowe i próby rozwiązania konfliktu... 205 z rządem w Chartumie. Nie jest to nowa koncepcja, ale została sprawdzona poza rejonem Afryki i jako jedyna odniosła sukcesy. Wśród tych, którzy pomogli zaprojektować darfurski plan rozbrojenia, są partyzanci i oficerowie, którzy prowadzili podobne działania na terenie Etiopii i Somalii, a także w innych częściach Sudanu. Radzili oni cierpliwość przy kontynuacji żmudnego procesu budowania zaufania. To daje siłę do budowania jednolitego frontu pokojowego, jak również wsparcie przy dalszych etapach procesów pokojowych80. Według niektórych ekspertów nie ma miejsca na dalsze złudzenia co do możliwości bezbolesnego wprowadzania zmian na terenie Sudanu. Sprzyjające temu działania to jedynie takie, które tworzą polityczno-wojskową kontrolę i ustalenie rozmieszczenia wojsk kontrolujących dane obszary. Widoczna jest konieczność zaniechania sztucznej kontroli przez instytucje zewnętrzne, blokujące prawidłowy i płynny rozwój poszczególnych procesów pokojowych. Sytuacja w Darfurze nie jest wynikiem tylko podziałów etnicznych, czy wrogości starszyzn plemiennych, ani nawet spisku zaprzysiężonych wrogów reżimu. Konflikt w Darfurze nie będzie również rozwiązany poprzez propagowanie optymistycznych receptur przywracania pokoju81. Podkreśla się, że Darfur był niezależnym państwem, którego terytorium Brytyjczycy włączyli do kondominium brytyjsko-egipskiego w 1916 roku ze względów strategicznych w okresie „wielkiej wojny”. Ponieważ obszar był bezużyteczny dla nich w tym czasie, zapomnieli o nim prawie tak szybko, jak go przyjęli i taki zapomniany pozostawał aż do 1970 roku. Darfur zamieszkany był przez plemiona afrykańskie i arabskie. Podział ten nigdy nie miał D. L a n z, Sudan-Darfur, Abuja Negotiations and the DPA,Unpacking the Mystery of Mediation in African Peace Processes,https://www.wiltonpark.org.uk/ wp-content/uploads/darfur-overview-summary.pdf, [17.03.2015]. 81 Tamże. 80 �206 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze większego znaczenia w czasach niezależności Darfuru, a nawet imperialnego zaniedbania, gdyż wszyscy jego mieszkańcy byli muzułmanami. Znaczenia nabrał dopiero wówczas, gdy doszło do podziału terytorialnego na pro- i antychartumskie82. Na podstawie opinii wielu obserwatorów rozmów pokojowych w Abudży rozpoczęto korzystne działania ukierunkowane na integrację głównych zmian w regionie Darfuru. Dwa skrzydła SLM– jedno z Minni Minawi i drugie pod przewodnictwem Abdulwahida na drodze skoordynowanych działań zobowiązały się do rozwiązania problemów negocjacyjnych. To prawda, że każdy ruch miał własny zespół negocjacyjny, prowadzony przez głównego negocjatora. Wszyscy pracowali w ramach jednego zespołu z zespołem rządowym. Zaangażowano się w szczegółowe dyskusje w celu podjęcia uchwały w spornych kwestiach z rządem Sudanu, co stało się przy pełnej koordynacji członków ruchu. Poszukiwania metodologii rozwiązania spornych kwestii w negocjacjach zostały skonstruowane i szeroko omówione. Negocjacje skupiły się na trzech głównych obszarach: podziału władzy, dystrybucji bogactw i uzgodnień dotyczących bezpieczeństwa państwa. Omówiono takie zagadnienia, jak dialog z Darfurem, odbudowa i rzwój, powrót uchodźców i osób przesiedlonych do swoich wiosek, układ zbrojny i indywidualne odszkodowania, rozbrojenie milicji plemiennych prorządowych i innych powiązanych kwestii83. 8.2. Dokument z Doha na rzecz pokoju w Darfurze Katar starał się pośredniczyć w rozmowach między stronami konfliktu w Darfurze. Konflikt wybuch w 2003 roku, Ligi Państw A. d e Wa a l, Darfur’s fragile..., dz. cyt., http://www.opendemocracy.net/ democracy-africa_democracy/darfur_conflict_3909.jsp, [z 17.03.2013]. 83 N. N e t a b a y, The Darfur Peace Process: Understanding the Obstacles to Success, http://www.beyondintractability.org/casestudy/netabay-darfur, [12.03.2014]. 82 �8. Inicjatywy pokojowe i próby rozwiązania konfliktu... 207 Arabskich i Unia Afrykańska zgodziły się we wrześniu 2008 roku na podjęcie współpracy w celu zakończenia trwającego od sześciu lat konfliktu. Obie zgodzily się, by Doha było gospodarzem. Za pośrednictwem Unii Afrykańskiej i ONZ, Katar zaangażował się mocno w ngocjację jako pośrednik. Grupy rebelianckie zachowały daleką ostrożność oraz sceptycyzm wobec arabskiej mediacji, dostrzegając to jako sposób ochrony prezydenta Sudanu Omar Hassana al-Baszira przeciw przed możliwością oskarżenia go o zbrodnie wojenne przez Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny. Od tego momentu katarski minister do spraw zagranicznych Abdullah Al-Mahmood podjął intensywne zaangażowanie w spotkania stron. Rząd Sudanu, Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości, rząd Czadu i Kenii, podjęły działania w celu ułatwienia procesu pokojowego84. W Doha udało się także zwołać różnego rodzaju inne szczyty arabskich oraz afrykańskich ministrów, mediatorów, specjalnych wysłanników do Sudanu i partnerów międzynarodowych, w celu podjęcia kolejnych kroków w mediacji porozumienia pokojowego dla Darfuru. Katarskie dobre stosunki z rządem Sudanu i jego rozległe dostarczanie pomocy humanitarnej dla ludności Darfuru, oznaczało, iż decydenci Katarscy cieszyli się wysokim poziomem zaufania w oczach obu stron negocjacji działając na rzecz zakończenia konfliktu w Darfurze. Ta reputacja bezstronności nie pozostała jednak w pełni niekwestionowana – byli też krytycy, w przypadku Darfuru byli częściowo związani z Chartumem85. Katar jest kluczowym partnerem gospodarczym Sudanu, a także jego rola polityczna w Darfurze przyczyniła się do powstania Darfurskiego Banku Rozwoju tworząc przykładowo rozwojowe I. I b r a h i m, A High Devolution Region (HDR): A Community Based Political Solution for Darfur, http://works.bepress.com/ibrahim_ibrahim/1, [12.03.2014]. 85 S. B a r a k a t, The Qatari Spring: Qatar’s emerging role in peacemaking. Kuwait Programme on Development, Governance and Globalization in the Gulf States, LSE, 2012 r. 84 �208 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze wioski w pięciu stanach Darfuru, którym przewodniczy dzisiaj Międzynarodowy Komitet Rozwoju. Zawarta umowa z Doha obejmuje zobowiązania zapłacenia 500 mln dol na odbudowę Darfuru. Dodatkowo obserwatorzy zauważyli, iż Doha jako neutralne miejsce może mieć pozytywny wpływ na dalsze negocjacje. Twierdzono też, że miasto będące w bliskiej więzi z Sudanem, ułatwiało by mediację poprzez głębsze zrozumienie problemu w Darfurze. Takie argumenty były równoważone przez tych, którzy dostrzegają większą trwałość w bezstronności Kataru. Analitycy zauważają, że neutralne terytorium jest lepiej przygotowanym miejscem dla otwartego dialogu na temat kluczowych problemów związanych z konfliktem86. Dokument pokojowy dla Darfuru został podpisany w maju 2011 roku w Doha. Dnia 14 lipca Rząd Sudanu i Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości podpisali protokół ustaleń o stworzeniu ram dla kompleksowego procesu pokojowego w Darfurze (Doha Document for Peace in Darfur, DDPD). DDPD jest wynikiem dwóch i pół roku negocjacji, dialogu oraz konsultacji stron konfliktu, wszystkich zainteresowanych stron i partnerów międzynarodowych. Dokument zapewnia rozwiązanie biorące pod uwagę przyczyny konfliktu oraz jego konsekwencje w tym również podział władzy. Jest również źródłem wiedzy na temat praw człowieka, sprawiedliwości i pojednania w odniesieniu do wewnętrznego dialogu między stronami. W czerwcu, sekretarz generalny ONZ Ben Ki Moon przywitał dokument z Doha jako zapowiedź końca trwającego od ośmiu lat konfliktu w Sudanie. Założenia dokumentu są odniesieniem dla Unii Afrykańskiej i Ligi Państw Arabskich. UNAMID przewodniczy komitetowi na rzecz zawieszenia broni, o którym mowa w dokumencie DDPD. Potwierdza swoje zaangażowanie w KrajoR.M. A b u s h a r a f, Debating Darfur in the world, „Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science”, 632(2010), nr 1, s.67–85. 86 �8. Inicjatywy pokojowe i próby rozwiązania konfliktu... 209 wą Konstytucję Rzeczypospolitej Sudanu od 2005 roku poprzez pełne wdrożenie umowy pokojowej ze stycznia 2005 roku, wraz z przestrzeganiem osiagnięć politycznych w rozwiązanie konfliktu w Darfurze w szczególności porozumień w sprawie zawieszenia broni i pomocy humanitarnej87. Dokument z Doha dla pokoju w Darfurze został podpisany w lipcu 2011 roku przez rząd Sudanu. Tylko jedna opozycyjna partia wyraziła swój sprzeciw – Ruch Wyzwolenia i Sprawiedliwości uznając od samego początku DDPD jako wadliwą umowę, która nie odnosi się do kwestii politycznych i bezpieczeństwa. Jednak DDPD było ogromnym krokiem dla zakończenia trwającego dzisięć lat konfliktu w rozległym regionie zachodniego Sudanu. Rząd w Chartumie, niestety konsekwentnie odmawiał sensownych działań związanych z wykonaniem tej umowy, która została ustalona na tak chwiejnym fundamencie. Należy też zauważyć, że sama umowa była wadliwa i nie pełna. Nie bierze pod uwagę podstawowych kwestii bezpieczeństwa i politycznych, które stanowiły przyczynę chwycenia za broń przeciwko reżimowi w Darfurze. Co więcej, nie powstrzymuje milicji od dalszych działań, które skutecznie uniemożliwiają powrót przesiedleńców oraz uchodźców. DDPD jest niezwykle podobna do porozumienia pokojowego podpisanego w Budźy w 2006 roku, która była katastrofą dyplomatyczną. Umowa rozwiązuje jeden z przejawów szerszego problemu rządu w Chartumie tj. marginalizcji społeczności żyjących na peryferiach Sudanu. Dopóki polityka integracji i transformacji demokratycznej dla wszystkich ludzi w Sudanie nie jest kompleksowo wdrożona, ewentualne późniejsze porozumienie pokojowe przyniesie tylko porozumienie regionalne, tak jak w przypadku Darfuru. Zarówno rząd USA i inne kluczowe organizacje humanitarne muszą zmieThe Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (DDPD), http://unamid.unmissions. org/Portals/UNAMID/DDPD%20English.pdf, [12.03.2014]. 87 �210 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze nić swoje zachowanie w stosunku do Darfuru jako oddzielnego projektu politycznego, oddzielając ją od reszty Sudanu. Następnie Darfur musi zostać wyłączony od przyszłej polityki planowania w Sudanie88. Jest kilka różnych rodzajów mediacji, np. te, które mogą być określone jako mediacje, gdzie stosuje się bodźiec jako zachętę dla stron umowy. Niektóre oparte są na zainteresowaniu, zachęceniu do mediacji, która koncentruje się na technicznym rozwiązywaniu problemów, ku zadowoleniu każdej ze stron. Wreszcie może być przekształcenie mediacji w przedsięwzięcie długoterminowe, które wymaga interwencji wielopoziomowych dla zmian relacji i fundamentalnego zrozumienia stron89. Jak dotąd Katar opierał swoją mediację na ogromnych zasobach finansowych jakie oferowano dla zachęty stronom konfliktu, w celu osiągnięcia porozumienia. Dokument ten idzie jednak dalej, sugerując iż katarska mediacja posuwa się dalej dzięki rzadkiej legitymizacji zarówno wśród państw arabskich jak i zachodnich90. Dokument z Doha zareagował na potrzeby mieszkańców Darfuru, co może być wyjaśnione w dalszej części: – przyjęcie reprezentacji mieszkańców regionów na wszystkich szczeblach administracji rządowej, w tym na prezydent państwa; – przyjęcie granic prowicji z resztą Sudanu z 1956; – ustanowienie Komisarza z uprwnieniami nt. gruntów i ich wytycznych; O. I s m a i l, A. L a R o c c o, Failing Darfur: Project of the Center for American Progress to end genocide and crimes against humanity – Enough, Washington, August 2012. 89 D. L a n z, M. W ä h l i s c h, L. K i r c h h o f f, M. S i e g f r i e d, Evaluating Peace Mediation: Initiative for Peacemaking, http://initiativeforpeacebuilding.eu/ pdf/Evaluating_Peace_mediation.pdf, [12.03.2014]. 90 D. M o r a n, Qatar Steps into the Breach. Security Watch, ISN Zurich: International Relations and Security Network, 24 March, www.isn.ethz.ch/isn/ Current-Aff airs/Security-Watch/Detail/?lng=en&id=9814, [16.03.2015]. 88 �8. Inicjatywy pokojowe i próby rozwiązania konfliktu... 211 – zatwierdzenie odszkodowań dla wysiedlonych i uchodźców, indywidualnie i zbiorowo dla ochrony ich bezpieczeństwa i zapewnienia im dobrowolnego powrotu do swoich wiosek; – uszczegółowienie środków dla rozwoju i świadczenia usług socjalnych na rzecz usunięcia niesprawiedliwości w odniesieniu do zacofania, stworzenie funduszu i zgromadzenie sumy 5 mld dol na ten cel; – przyjęcie prawej strony mieszkańców regionu do centralnej władzy; – zobowiązanie do nacjonalizmu instytucji państwowych; – stworzenie poszczególnych uprawnień dla zorganizowania dobrowolnego powrotu osób wysiedlonych i uchodźców; – utworzenie funduszu na cel odszkodowań i zadośćuczynienia; – utworzenie biura prawdy, sprawiedliwości i pojednania; – postanowienie w spawie szczegółowych warunków zawieszenia broni, kontroli i odpowiedzialności za ich naruszenie; – powołanie mechanizmu monitorowania i wdrażania czego nie było w umowie w Abudży. Pomimo faktu, ze Katar podejmował wysiłki pokojowe w Darfurze, były one czasem krytykowane, ale jednak praca ta była postrzegana w pozytywnym świetle. W regionie i światowej społeczności roi się od walki o władzę, gry o własne interesy, a Katar jest jednym z niewielu, który do niedawna wydawało się że wznosi się do rangi bezstronnej instytucji, która zobowiązała się do pracy na rzecz pokoju w trudnych sytuacjach. To starannie skonstruowana dla siebie pozycja bezstronnego, wiarygodngo i hojnego mediatora na Bliskim Wschodzie. Te wysiłki choć nie zawsze udane mają jednak spolidne podstawy dla powstania kraju, jako globalnego gracza w przywracaniu pokoju na rzecz zakończenia konfliktu. Rząd Kataru nie zatrzymał się na mediacji w sprawie konfliktu w Darfurze wraz z jego końcem po podpisaniu umowy w 2011 roku. Od tego czasu, jednym z celów jego polityki zagranicznej �212 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze w stosunku do Darfuru było monitorowanie sytuacji dla utrzymania stabilności i przestrzegania warunków porozumienia pokojowego. Z tego powodu między innymi w dniach 7–8 kwietnia 2013 roku, Katar jeszcze raz zorganizował międzynarodową konferencję darczyńców na rzecz odbudowy i rozwoju Darfuru. Konferencja odbyła się z przedstawicielami rządu Sudanu, jej podstawowym elementem było przyjęcie strategii odbudowy i rozwoju Darfuru na lata 2013–201991. Mimo międzynarodowej i regionalnej zgody co do dokumentu Doha dla Darfuru, wielu obserwatorów zgadza się, że dokument napotka wiele przeszkód i wyzwań, które można podsumować w następujący sposób. Największe wyzwania i braki stojące przed Umową Doha to odmowa głównych ruchów uczestniczenia w umowie i podpisania go, w szczególności Sprawiedliwości i Równości Ruch i Oswobodzenie Armii, siły Arko Minawi i Abdel Wahid Mohamed Nur. Dlatego Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości widzi siebie jako kluczowego gracza na mapie Darfuru, który nie może być zwalczny ale musi dostać odpowiednią okazję do dialogu z rządem w otwartym dokumencie gdzie omówiono wszystkie kwestie dotyczące negocjacji. Umowa Doha nie zawiera wyraźnego wskazania indywidualnego odszkodowania, podczas gdy Jadwit wdrażał przejściowe odszkodowania wg administracji obywatelskiej. Podobnie do negocjacji pokojowych w Abudży z 2006 roku, społeczeństwo obywatelskie zostało w dużej mierze wykluczone z Doha z wyjątkiem kilkudziesięciu liderów społeczeństwa obywatelskiego i wodzów plemiennych, którzy odegrali rolę doradczą. Mediatorzy planowali zgromadzić około 300 liderów społeczeństwa obywatelskiego do The International Donor Conference for Reconstruction and Development in Darfur, April 2013, http://darfurconference.com/, [16.03.2015]. 91 �8. Inicjatywy pokojowe i próby rozwiązania konfliktu... 213 Doha, celem zabezpieczenia swojego udziału w rozmowach pokojowych pomiędzy grupami rzadowymi, a rebeliantami jako bardziej stałe, ale nadal istniało duże prawdopodobieństwo, ze grupy te nie będą wspierać umów negocjonowanych przez rebeliantów92. Coraz bardziej chaotyczny proces negocjacji w Doha odzwierciedla podstawowe błędy w strukturze rozmów. Wstępna umowa między rządem Sudanu a Ruchem Sprawiedliwości i Równości lub JEM, ujawniła zacieranie przejrzystości i otwartości. Takie podejście dało możliwość rządowi Sudanu do umiejętnego manipulowania wewnętrznymi tarciami między grupami rebeliantów z Darfuru dbającymi o swoją przyszłość, w ten sposób unikając międzynarodowego potępienia dla poważnego naruszenia praw człowieka. Początkowo mediatorzy wierzyli, że uda się zjednoczyć gupy non-Jem początkując negocjacje z myślą o połączeniu dwóch odrębnych tworów. Niestety, spowodowało to pojawienie się dwóch dodatkowych jednostek walczących o włączenie do porocesu pokojowego w Darfurze na własnych warunkach: Ruchu Wyzwolenia i Sprawiedliwości (Liberation and Justice Movement, LJM)93 i grupy Roadmap. Napięcia między i wewnątrz tych grup są nadal bardzo wysokie. W dniu 20 marca 2010 roku LJM podpisał porozumienie o zawieszeniu broni z rządem Sudanu i zgodził się na rozmowy, które mogły doprowadzić do ostatecznego porozumienia pokojowego. W negocjacjach pokojowych z Doha, które odbyły się w grudniu 92 L. J o n e s, Doha agreement could actually worsen chances for peace in Darfur, 2011, http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Africa/Africa-Monitor/2011/0719/ Doha-agreement-could-actually-worsen-chances-for-peace-in-Darfur, [16.03.2015]. 93 Ruch Wyzwolenie i Sprawiedliwość to grupa rebeliantów uczestnicząca w konflikcie w sudańskim Darfurze, kierowana przez dr Tijani Sese. Jest to sojusz dziesięciu mniejszych organizacji rebelianckich Darfuru, które utworzyły nowe ugrupowanie w dniu 23 lutego 2010 roku. Za: Darfur new rebel group announces formation of its structure, „Sudan Tribune”, 2011. �214 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze 2010 roku i w styczniu 2011 roku, przywódca Ruchu stwierdził przyjęcie podstawowych propozycji dla Darfuru zawartych w dokumencie pokojowym proponowanym przez wspólnych mediatorów. W dniu 29 stycznia 2011 roku, przywódcy Ruchu i rywal Ruchu wydali wspólne oświadczenie potwierdzające ich zobowiązanie do negocjacji z Doha i zgodzili się wziąć udział w Forum w Doha w lutym 2011 roku. Ruch Wyzwolenia i Sprawiedliwości w lipcu 2011 roku podpisał porozumienie pokojowe dla Darfuru z nowym rządem sudańskiem. Z Ruchem Sprawiedliwości i Równości połączyły się też inne frakcje. Pomimo upływu czasu od podpisania porozumienia w Doha na rzecz pokoju w Darfurze wciąż wiele problemów i pytań pozostaje bez odpowiedzi. Przede wszystkim ostre pomiędzy kolejnymi kryzysami oraz róznice między elementami Wyzwolenia i Sprawiedliwości sygnatariuszy z Doha nasuwa coraz większe obawy co do potencjalnego wpływu na przebig wdrażania konwencji konstytucji kruchej koalicji między ich twórcami. Ruchy te reprezentują grupy rebliantów podzielonych na dwa obozy: jeden pod przewodnictwem przywódcy ruchu Darfur Transitional Authority Tijani Sisi, a drugi kierowany przez sekretarza generalnego, a obecnie ministra zdrowia Sudanu Bahr Idriss Abu Garda94. Wydaje się, iz porozumienie z Doha na rzecz pokoju w Darfurze jest njlepszą opcją na dzień dzisiejszy dla rozwiązania obecnego kryzysu w regionie Darfuru i najbardziej opowiednią propozycją społeczności międzynarodowej, dla rozwiązania tego złożonego problemu. Wysiłki rzadu Kataru są bezcenne, jak również inna opcja dla rozwiązania tego problemu poprzez Organizację Narodów Zjednoczonych, któremu udało się rozwiązać problem w Abobja i N’Djamena. The Darfur Peace Process: Recipe for a Bad Deal? Update from Doha, Enough Project, 2010, www.enoughproject.org/publications/updatedoha, [10.12.2014]. 94 �8. Inicjatywy pokojowe i próby rozwiązania konfliktu... 215 8.3. Porozumienie z Heidelbergu Od 2008 roku przedstawiciele wszystkich sił politycznych w Darfurze, w tym przedstawiciele społeczeństwa obywatelskiego, zaangażowali się w dialog uwzględniający przyczyny konfliktu w Darfurze. Dialog ten został zainicjowany przez Instytut Maxa Plancka we współpracy z Instytutem Badań nad Pokojem na Uniwersytecie w Chartumie. Spotkania odbyły się w Chartumie, a przede wszystkim w Heidelbergu w Niemczech, w związku z czym proces ten stał się znany w regionie Darfuru jako Porozumienie z Heidelbergu95. W negocjacjach stronie sudańskiej przewodniczył dr Al-Tayeb Haj Ateya, który opierał się na dobrych praktykach międzynarodowych prawników i mediatorów, takich jak: książę Raad bin Zeid (Jordan), dr Tono Eitel (Niemcy), dr Kamal Hossain (Bangladesz), prof. Rahmatullah Khan (Indie), dr Thomas A. Mensah (Ghana) i sędzia Tafsir M. Ndiaye (Senegal). Proces skoncentrowano na umożliwieniu obywatelom tego regionu rozwoju wraz z kompleksowym rozwiązaniem uwzględniającym konstytucyjność, polityczność oraz ekonomiczne i społeczne aspekty konfliktu w Darfurze. Ostateczny wynik porozumienia pokojowego z Heidelbergu, w postaci dokumentu końcowego Heidelberg Darfur Dialogue, przedstawiono szerszej publiczności za pośrednictwem publikacji wydanej w Berlinie 19 maja 2010 roku96. Dokumentem końcowym jest projekt porozumienia pokojowego w Darfurze, jak również konstytucja regionu Darfuru w Sudanie. Projekt zawiera kryteria i wytyczne dotyczące podziału władzy, 95 Secretary-General Hails Civil Society Commitment to Heidelberg Darfur Dialogue, in Message for Official Presentation of Outcome Document, 19 May 2010, http://www.un.org/press/en/2010/sgsm12897.doc.htm, [27.03.2015]. 96 Heidelberg Darfur Dialogue Outcome Document, Max Planck Institute for Comparative Public Law and International Lawand the Peace Research Institute of Khartoum University, Berlin 19.05.2010. �216 IV. Rola społeczności międzynarodowej w konflikcie w Darfurze gwarancji praw człowieka, przepisy w celu zapewnienia skutecznego udziału Darfuru na wszystkich szczeblach rządu federalnego w Sudanie oraz przepisy dotyczące rozwoju ekonomicznego, zarządzania ziemią i zasobami naturalnymi. Końcowy dokument przewiduje także możliwość ustanowienia, na okres przejściowy, terytorium Darfuru jako prowincji z własnymi kompetencjami oraz instytucjami w ramach rządu Sudanu. Wewnętrzna organizacja Darfuru wedle tego dokumentu opiera się na rządach prawa i zasadach demokracji oraz rządowej odpowiedzialności. Dokument zawiera również przepisy w celu wzmocnienia terytorialnego samorządu. Marginalizacja regionu ma zostać zaniechana poprzez włączenie Darfuru na wszystkich poziomach administracyjnych i we wszystkich gałęziach do służby rządowej i publicznej, w tym wojskowej. Prawa człowieka i podstawy wolności w Darfurze są wzmacniane poprzez gwarancje w przepisach prawnych, które stanowią część ostatecznego porozumienia pokojowego w Darfurze97. Podział dóbr i dochodów publicznych w Sudanie jest zgodny z zasadami sprawiedliwości i sprawiedliwego rozwoju społecznego i gospodarczego w całym kraju. Darfurski Zarząd Odbudowy i Rozwoju został uczyniony odpowiedzialnym za zarządzanie funduszami i zrównoważenie projektu gospodarczego rozwoju regionalnego. Szczegółowe przepisy odnoszą się do obowiązków budżetowych, dochodów, międzynarodowych transferów między różnymi szczeblami administracji, w szczególności pomiędzy centrum a Darfurem. Obszerny rozdział dotyczy także rozwoju i zarządzania ziemią oraz zasobami naturalnymi w celu zapewnienia ich sprawiedliwego i zrównoważonego wykorzystania. Ten rozdział zawiera przepisy Heidelberg Institute for International Conflict Research at the Department of Political Science, University of Heidelberg, Conflict Barometer 2010r., http://www. hiik.de/en/konfliktbarometer/pdf/ConflictBarometer_2010.pdf, [27.03.2015]. 97 �8. Inicjatywy pokojowe i próby rozwiązania konfliktu... 217 dotyczące tradycyjnych i historycznych praw do ziemi określonych ludów oraz przydział ziemi dla jednostek, społeczności, a także rozwoju i zarządzania ziemią. Ponadto, dokument końcowy wprowadza mechanizmy i instytucje w celu ułatwienia pokojowego rozstrzygania sporów w sprawach ziemskich. W odniesieniu dla zasobów naturalnych przepisy szczegółowe równoważą regionalny i lokalny interes zgodnie z międzynarodowymi standardami ochrony środowiska. Odpowiedzialność karna traktowana jest z najwyższą surowością wobec osób odpowiedzialnych za poważne akty przemocy w trwającym konflikcie zbrojnym w Darfurze. ��Rozdział V Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych, politycznych, społecznych i etnicznych konfliktu 1. Ekonomiczne znaczenie terenów Darfuru dla gospodarki Republiki Sudanu Prowincja Darfur jest jednym z najważniejszych regionów dla gospodarki Republiki Sudanu. Jej naturalnym bogactwem są żyzne gleby, położenie geograficzne oraz klimat, co sprawia, że ma to ogromne znaczenie dla całości gospodarki Sudanu. Region ten zajmuje pół miliona hektarów, co stanowi 20% całości powierzchni. Posiada również bogate zasoby mineralne oraz zwierzęce. Klimat tego regionu nie jest całkowicie uzależniony od pory deszczowej, co sprawia, że rolnictwo i hodowla stanowią dwa główne filary gospodarki tego regionu. Hodowla zwierząt przyczyniła się do 50% bilansu płatniczego Sudanu w latach 1976 i 1984, co stanowi 20% produktu krajowego i 25% całkowitej hodowli zwierząt w kraju. Badania gospodarki potwierdzają, iż sam Darfur jest w stanie zaspokoić zapotrzebowanie na żywność populacji liczącej 300 mln osób. Te same badania wskazują, że jest to możliwe przy stabilnej sytuacji politycznej dla zapewnienia dalszego rozwoju tego regionu1. Zasoby bogactw rozmieszczone są w trzech regionach – północnym, zachodnim i południowym Darfurze: African Economic Development Institute (AEDI), www.africaecon.org/index. php/africa_ business_reports/read/30, [28.03.2015]. 1 �220 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... Północny Darfur: Obszar geograficzny, obejmujący 270 tys. km2, jest najbogatszą częścią Darfuru. Jego żyzna gleba i rozległe grunty orne czynią go wyjątkowym miejscem w Sudanie. Obejmuje obecnie 8 milionów akrów uprawnych, na których jest hodowanych 12 000 zwierząt, co stanowi 10% żywca całego Sudanu. Ponadto z tego regionu pochodzą takie bogactwa naturalne jak: żelazo, ołów, chrom, granit, marmur. Są to bardzo bogate zasoby. Występują one w milionach ton, ale nie są wydobywane na większą skalę. Zachodni Darfur: Obszar geograficzny obejmujący 175 tysięcy km2, zawiera 8 mln hektarów ziemi uprawnej, z czego 3 miliony są faktycznie uprawiane. Ta część regionu posiada najbardziej żyzne grunty, zwłaszcza wokół Góry Mora. W związku z tym większość projektów umiejscawianych jest właśnie w tym rejonie. Ponadto region posiada wiele dolin i wód podziemnych, gdzie co roku jest pobierane około 3 mld metrów sześciennych wody, a co najmniej 75% całego regionu jest silnie zadrzewione. Południowy Darfur: Ta część regionu jest najbogatsza w surowce mineralne. Zawiera ogromne ilości miedzi, żelaza, cementu i kamiennego surowca wapiennego. Ponadto zawiera duże zasoby ropy naftowej, zatem inwestycje w przemysł wydobywczy mogą okazać się najbardziej dochodowe i opłacalne. Region Darfuru był dla Sudanu zawsze głównym źródłem zaopatrzenia w żywność dla całego kraju. Elity polityczne w kraju jednakże nieustannie pomniejszają wkład Darfuru we wzrost gospodarczy i rozwój Sudanu. Tymczasem ten region jest w stanie rozwiązać problem niedoboru żywności w całej Afryce. Jest też doskonałym miejscem dla rozwoju inwestycji dla zamożnej części mieszkańców Sudanu2. J. S h a o, http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article5226, [28.03. 2013]; zob. P.W. G o r e, Poverty versus affluence: The fiasco of rainfed mechanized agriculture in Renk District Southern Sudan, 1987. 2 �1. Ekonomiczne znaczenie terenów Darfuru... 221 1.1. Marginalizacja gospodarcza i polityczna według „Czarnej Księgi” Wspomniane nierówności w dostępie do ogólnonarodowych środków skłoniły niektórych działaczy politycznych w Darfurze do napisania książki nazwanej „Czarną Księgą” (Black Book)3. Dzieło to, wydane w 1997 roku, stanowiło pierwszą próbę udokumentowania nierówności wobec dostępu do władzy – od czasu uzyskania niepodległości w 1956 roku przez kolejne rządy, świeckie i teokratyczne, demokratyczne czy autokratyczne, aż do dnia dzisiejszego. Dokument ten mówił o braku równowagi władzy i dostępu do bogactw w Sudanie. Był dystrybuowany potajemnie w 2000 roku w Chartumie. Druga zmieniona wersja „Czarnej Księgi” pojawiła się w 2002 roku. Dokumentowała uprzywilejowaną pozycję nadnilockich Arabów (Dża’alin, Danagla, Szajgija) i marginalizowanie muzułmanów z zachodu Sudanu, między innymi tych, którzy popierali rebeliantów w Darfurze należących do SLA i JEM4. „Czarna Księga”, poprzez odsłonięcie poziomu niesprawiedliwości praktykowanej przez władze, podejmuje temat zmiany dotychczasowych rządów w Sudanie. Dokument ten dowodzi, że przyczyną obecnego konfliktu w regionie Darfuru są zakorzenione nierówności między centrum kraju, położonym nad Nilem, a jego peryferiami na jego zachodzie, co nie znalazło się dotąd w cenCzarna Księga: Brak równowagi władzy i bogactwa w Sudanie, znany powszechnie jako Black Book, jest opisem szczegółowo przedstawiającym kontrolę polityczną sprawowaną przez ludzi w Północnym Sudanie i marginalizację reszty kraju. Została ona opublikowana w dwóch częściach, pierwsza w maju 2000 roku, a druga w sierpniu 2002. Choć opublikowane zostały anonimowo, to później ujawniono, że pisarz miał silne powiązania z Ruchem Sprawiedliwości i Równości, grupą działającą w konflikcie, który wybuchł później w Darfurze na zachodzie. Za: International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur Report to the Secretary-General, Geneva, 25 January 2005, s. 23 [20.02.2016]. 4 W. Wa l l i s, The Black Book history or Darfur’s darkest chapter, „The Financial Times”, 20 August 2004. 3 �222 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... trum uwagi badaczy. Precyzując, dynamika dominacji głównych elit politycznych i gospodarczych oraz marginalizacja peryferii jest głównym powodem konfliktu w Darfurze. Z tego też punktu widzenia analizuję argumenty przemawiające za koncepcją „marginalizacji i wykluczenia” prowincji Darfuru i jej mieszkańców w nilocentrycznym Sudanie5. 1.2. Koncepcja marginalizacji w Sudanie Marginalizacja to termin, który w ostatnim czasie zakorzenił się w sudańskim żargonie politycznym w odniesieniu do praktyk wykluczania ludzi i spraw nie należących do głównego sudańskiego centrum politycznego. Termin ten oznaczał też zbiór zasad przyjętych przez kolejne rządy nilocentrycznego Sudanu, które sprzyjały koncentracji działalności gospodarczej, głównie w regionie północnym i centralnym, tym samym powodując nierówny podział dóbr naturalnych i dochodów. Marginalizacja w Sudanie nie jest jednak zjawiskiem nowym. Początki jej można odnaleźć już w czasach turecko-egipskich rządów (1820–1885). To właśnie rządy turecko-egipskie, poprzez ustanowienie stolicy całego kraju w Chartumie, zainicjowały politykę koncentrowania działalności gospodarczej głównie w centrum nad Nilem, prowadząc w praktyce politykę, która doprowadziła do nierównego podziału gospodarczego i rozwoju ludności w Sudanie6. W procesie przygotowywania Sudanu przez rząd brytyjski do niepodległości w 1940 roku zastąpiono kolonialnych urzędników nową administracją wywodzącą się z elit miejscowych plemion rolniczych znad Nilu (Dża’alin-Danagla, czyli zarabizowanych w przeszłości Nubijczyków). Spośród ośmiuset stanowisk adminiThe Black Book, 2002. A. E l -To m, The Black Book of Sudan: Imbalance of power and wealth in Sudan, „Journal of African National Affairs”, 2(2003), nr 1, s. 25–35. 5 6 �1. Ekonomiczne znaczenie terenów Darfuru... 223 stracyjnych, które zostały obsadzone w 1954 roku, tylko niewielka część tych stanowisk została przydzielona osobom ze zmarginalizowanych peryferii (Darfuru, Kordofanu, czy kraju Bedża, nie mówiąc już o chrześcijańsko-tradycjonalistycznym Południu). Stało się tak poniekąd dlatego, że po uzyskaniu niepodległości elity te były najlepiej przygotowane do przejęcia władzy i kontroli politycznej z racji posiadanego wykształcenia. W konsekwencji pojawiły się grupy polityczne dziedziczące władzę polityczną niczym kasty, ale też kontynuujące politykę marginalizacji obrzeży. W miarę upływu lat Darfur stał się terenem, którego sytuacja jest dobrym odzwierciedleniem pojęcia marginalizacji, do czego przyczynił się również kompleks gospodarczy i polityczna historia tej prowincji. Według raportu sporządzonego w 2007 roku postulat niezależności Darfuru w Sudanie stanowił punkt zwrotny w świadomości politycznej regionu, zmieniając tradycyjne mechanizmy rządzenia i podziału władzy regionalnej. Ten podział władzy był jednym z powodów decentralizacji i powstania przepaści pomiędzy Chartumem a rządem w Darfurze. Podkreślić należy, że wykluczenie Darfuru i podział władzy rozpoczęły się natychmiast po uzyskaniu niepodległości oraz w wyniku procesu kwestionowania wyborów parlamentarnych w Darfurze. Oprócz tego marginalizacja na poziomie lokalnym została ograniczona w stosunku do tych, którzy przybyli z północy i z centrum Sudanu7. Marginalizacja przyczyniła się do zburzenia świadomości politycznej w danym rejonie, co w konsekwencji doprowadziło do niekontrolowanych reakcji ludności Darfuru wobec trwającego procesu. Ukierunkowano działanie na zaprzestanie odgórnego narzucania parlamentarnych kandydatów oraz rozpoczęto kampanię na rzecz sprawiedliwego podziału władzy i bardziej zrównoważoT. A l i, R. M a t t h e w s, Civil wars in Africa: Roots and revolution, London, 1990. 7 �224 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... nego rozwoju. Powodem procesu marginalizacji było zmonopolizowanie władzy przez elity z Doliny Nilu, które spowodowały nieproporcjonalny podział władzy między centrum a peryferiami i przyczyniły się do stworzenia warunków nierównego rozwoju i powszechnego ubóstwa na obszarach wiejskich. Wszystko to spowodowało u mieszkańców Darfuru poczucie niesprawiedliwości, co doprowadziło do wojskowej rebelii przeciwko władzom centralnym8. 1.3. Nieproporcjonalny podział władzy w Sudanie Północny i centralny obszar Sudanu miał 81,8% udziałów w obsadzeniu stanowisk ministerialnych, a przedstawiciele obszarów zmarginalizowanych posiadali zaledwie 17,4% udziałów we władzy. Region zachodni został całkowicie wyłączony. Podczas kolejnych kadencji w latach 1964–1985 polityczne wykluczenie polityków z obszarów peryferyjnych kontynuowano i pogłębiano na poziomie regionalnym. W tym okresie udział przedstawicieli z obszarów zmarginalizowanych we władzy spadł do 13,9%. Po realizacji regionalnej ustawy rządowej z 1981 roku Sudan został podzielony na sześć regionów. Region Darfuru miał swojego zewnętrznego reprezentanta, natomiast w innych regionach reprezentanci wywodzili się z ludności miejscowej. To spowodowało właśnie silny protest i powstanie ludowe w Darfurze, które zmusiło rząd centralny do zmiany swojej decyzji i wyznaczenia w Darfurze gubernatora. W 1999 roku zmarginalizowana reprezentacja w rządzie federalnym wynosiła 33,3%, podczas gdy z prowincji północnych i środkowego Sudanu reprezentacja wynosiła 60,1%9. Korzystając z monopolu nilocentryczne władze polityczne zaczęły manipulować zasobami państwowymi, a tym samym wy8 9 E.S.M. A t e e m, The root causes of conflicts in Sudan..., dz. cyt., s. 19. A. E l -To m, The Black Book of Sudan..., art. cyt., s. 25–35. �1. Ekonomiczne znaczenie terenów Darfuru... 225 paczyły możliwości rozwoju gospodarczego na swoim terytorium. Ostatecznym rezultatem są dysproporcje gospodarcze i w strukturach społecznych, które spowodowały poważne konsekwencje dla rozwoju ekonomicznego kraju. Sytuację pogarsza jeszcze sposób realizacji polityki makroekonomicznej, co pogłębia nierówność i ubóstwo na obszarach peryferyjnych i zmarginalizowanych, a szczególnie w regionie Darfuru. Częstym problemem w Sudanie jest brak danych dotyczących wskaźników ekonomicznych, w szczególności poziomu ubóstwa, nierówności dochodów, jak również wskaźników rozwoju. Dostępne dane na temat ubóstwa i nierówności pochodzą z roku 1992. Warto zauważyć, że od czasu odzyskania niepodległości gospodarka Sudanu przechodziła różne fazy polityki makroekonomicznej10. Po wojskowym zamachu stanu w czerwcu 1989 roku rząd wprowadził program liberalizacji jako część strategii Ocalenia Narodowego. Główne elementy tego programu nie były negocjowane ani wspierane przez Bank Światowy i Międzynarodowy Fundusz Walutowy (MFW): – deregulacja importu, wymiana walut i cen; – stabilizacja kursu walutowego; – polityka oszczędności budżetowych i ścisła kontrola środków pieniężnych w budżecie; – prywatyzacja nieregularnych przedsiębiorstw publicznych; – zachęcanie do oszczędzania poprzez reformę systemu finansowego. Wyniki tych programów były bardzo słabe. Konsumpcja spadła o około 11 punktów procentowych, a inflacja osiągnęła rekordowy poziom 118,7 punktów stopy procentowej. W okresie 1996–2001 rząd zobowiązał się do wprowadzenia pakietu reform mających na celu liberalizację gospodarki. Zbiegło się to z zewnętrznym napływem bezpośrednich inwestycji zagranicznych związanych 10 E.S.M. A t e e m, The root causes of conflicts in Sudan..., dz. cyt., s. 21. �226 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... z komercyjnym zastosowaniem ropy naftowej. Sektorowe dane dla tego samego okresu wskazują na spadek udziału sektora rolnego, podczas gdy składniki przemysłu i usług odnotowały pewien wzrost. Ogólne długoterminowe trendy wskazały znaczący udział sektora produkcyjnego w całkowitym PKB w latach 1980 i 1990. Szybki i stabilny wzrost sektora rolnego stanowi podstawę gospodarki wiejskiej. Pod względem ubóstwa i nierówności implikacje polityki makroekonomicznej były ogromne, zwłaszcza dla obszarów zmarginalizowanych. Opierając się na szacunkach ubóstwa w Sudanie stwierdzono, że bieda wykazywała tendencję wzrostową11. Analiza wskazuje również, że tempo rozpowszechniania się biedy wzrasta znacząco na obszarach wiejskich, ale obszary miejskie też zostały w pewnym stopniu dotknięte ubóstwem. Wzrost biedy miejskiej był napędzany przez wewnętrzne migracje w wyniku pogarszającej się sytuacji na obszarach wiejskich z powodu wojen i słabego popytu na pracę. W roku 1990 można było zaobserwować przyspieszony wzrost nierówności. Ponadto nierówność na obszarach wiejskich wzrastała znacznie szybciej w latach 1970 i 1980, natomiast w 1990 roku wzrost objął również obszary miejskie. Chcąc chronić słabsze grupy przed negatywnymi skutkami programu liberalizacji, zainicjowano szereg środków wsparcia społecznego, aby zwiększyć bezpieczeństwo socjalne. Należą do nich: Fundusz Solidarności, Fundusz Ubezpieczeń Społecznych, wsparcie dla studentów, Narodowy Fundusz Emerytalny, Fundusz Ubezpieczeń Medycznych i Fundusz Pomocy Pracownikom Dotkniętym Prywatyzacją. Ponadto rząd powołał Ministerstwo Opieki Społecznej i Rozwoju, aby podjęło pracę nad redukcją ubóstwa. Pomimo tych środków i przy tak minimalnych instrumentach, United Nations Development Programme, The analysis in this section are based on UNDP, „Macroeconomic Policies For Poverty Reduction: The Case of Sudan”, Sudan, June 2006. 11 �1. Ekonomiczne znaczenie terenów Darfuru... 227 poziom wzrostu ubóstwa nadal utrzymywał się na obszarach zmarginalizowanych12. Z uwagi na fakt, że wzrost gospodarczy nie został poparty polityką społeczną i nie był sprawiedliwie rozłożony, wskaźniki ubóstwa nie uległy poprawie, a nawet ciągle się pogarszały. Ciężar obsługi długu stanowił dodatkowe obciążenie dla budżetu. Pomimo przynależności Sudanu do grupy krajów głęboko zadłużonych, kraj ten kwalifikuje się do wsparcia oraz redukcji zadłużenia w ramach inicjatywy Program Redukcji Zobowiązań Najbiedniejszych i Najbardziej Zadłużonych Państw Świata. Jedną z możliwych przyczyn słabych wyników jest to, że taka polityka nie była związana z redukcją problemu szerzącego się ubóstwa przy jednoczesnym wzroście gospodarki Sudanu. Ponadto problemem był niski wskaźnik gromadzenia dochodów publicznych, ograniczony dostęp do zewnętrznych źródeł finansowania oraz fakt, iż rząd nie skupił się na cięciu wydatków publicznych. Przyjęty system w 1992 roku zaostrzył problem peryferii. W ramach tego systemu Sudan został podzielony na 26 stanów. Dostarczanie podstawowych usług, takich jak edukacja, zdrowie, kanalizacja, drogi lokalne, rolnictwo, zostało delegowane do poszczególnych stanów, które nie miały wystarczających przychodów, ani zdolności do zarządzania administracyjnego. W 1998 roku całkowity budżet przyjęty przez stany i społeczność lokalną wynosił 2,4% PKB. Liczba ta wzrosła zaledwie do 4% w 2001 roku. Pomimo zwiększenia przychodów z szybko rozwijającego się sektora naftowego, obszary ubóstwa wciąż się powiększały i pomimo wzrostu dochodów z handlu ropą naftową wrosły również wydatki na cele wojskowe, pochłaniając 60% dochodów z handlu ropą. Wzrost Tamże; zob. K. A l n n u r, Together We Stand Divided We Fall: Understanding Tribal Conflicts In Darfur, Peace Reseach institute, 2014, http://pri.uofk.edu/multisites/UofK_pri/images/stories/pri/papers/Darfur-War-Economic.PDF, [27.03.2015]. 12 �228 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... wydatków na cele wojskowe jest nieporównywalny z wydatkami na cele społeczne, edukacyjne czy zdrowotne. Chociaż nastąpiło odkrycie złóż ropy naftowej, to jednak nie miało ono większego wpływu na poprawę sytuacji finansowej, jak również nie miało wpływu na rozwój społeczny i gospodarczy kraju, a poziom ubóstwa i nierówności między poszczególnymi stanami ulegały dalszemu utrwaleniu. Wcześniej już wykazano, że polityczna marginalizacja spowodowała nieproporcjonalny podział we władzy na korzyść elit z Doliny Nilu, które koncentrując działalność gospodarczą na ich obszarach, powodują powstawanie różnic pomiędzy obszarami centralnymi i peryferyjnymi. Zastosowane zasady makroekonomiczne pogłębiają ubóstwo i nierówność w zakresie zaspokajania takich potrzeb człowieka, jak edukacja i służba zdrowia. W przypadku Darfuru tylko kilka projektów i programów rozwojowych realizowano przy wsparciu instytucji międzynarodowych13. Regionalne uprzedzenia w Sudanie są widoczne również w podziale wydatków na rozwój gospodarczy, co przedstawiono na wykresie 3. Widoczne są tam wyniki rozwoju regionalnego w Sudanie w latach 1996–2001. Jak widać, okres ten charakteryzował się ogromnymi dysproporcjami w podziale wydatków na rozwój gospodarczy. Chartum sam stanowił 75% całkowitych wydatków na ten rozwój14. Różnicom w działalności gospodarczej, stronniczości w alokacji wydatków i zasięgu ubóstwa towarzyszyły rozbieżności w poziomie rozwoju człowieka, w szczególności w zakresie zdrowia i edukacji. Dostępne dane dotyczące wskaźników społecznych ujawniają różnice pomiędzy centrum i peryferiami oraz różnice w zależności od płci. Tamże. The Ministry of Finance and National Economy, Directorate-General. National Accounts United Nations Population Fund, Sudan 2003. 14 Tamże. 13 �1. Ekonomiczne znaczenie terenów Darfuru... 229 Wykres 3. Podział wydatków na rozwój regionalny w Sudanie w latach 1996–2001 Północny 7% Wschodni 7% Centralny 7% Darfur 2% Kordofan 2% Chartum 75% Źródło: The Ministry of Finance and National Economy, Directorate-General. National Accounts, United Nations Population Fund, Sudan 2003. Dane z okresu 2002–2003 w dalszym ciągu ujawniają znaczące różnice między centrum a peryferiami. Sytuacja w Darfurze uległa pogorszeniu w wyniku wojny i braku dostępu do usług edukacyjnych, szczególnie w obozach dla uchodźców wewnętrznych, w części pozostawionych samym sobie przez organizacje pozarządowe. Ze względu na niski poziom wydatków publicznych jakość usług edukacyjnych na peryferiach ogólnie spadła i tylko 64% nauczycieli posiada dobre doświadczenie w swojej dziedzinie, a jedynie 7% nauczycieli w ogóle podejmuje pracę w edukacji. Wskaźniki zdrowotne na obszarze całego kraju również zostały naznaczone różnicami regionalnymi. Wskaźniki te są najgorsze w Sudanie Południowym, w regionie wschodnim nad Morzem Czerwonym, w Darfurze i Kordofanie. Śmiertelność niemowląt w tym obszarze jest także wyższa niż na obszarach środkowego i północnego Sudanu15. Tamże; zob. D. G o l d b e r g, Measuring the Cost of War in Darfur, http:// www.africa.com/blog/measuring_the_cost_of_war_in_darfur/,[23.02.2016]. 15 �230 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... Polityka rządu wprowadzająca prywatną opiekę zdrowotną tym bardziej nie zmniejsza podatności na marginalizację obszarów zagrożonych. Niewiele osób z wiejskiej biedoty ma dostęp do bezpłatnej opieki medycznej, a świadczenie płatnych usług medycznych jest zjawiskiem trudnym do wdrożenia na terenach objętych tak znaczącym ubóstwem. 2. Koszty ekonomiczne wojny w Darfurze Wojna w Darfurze – podobnie jak każda inna – wygenerowała wysokie koszty, zarówno w sferze ekonomicznej, jak i humanitarnej. Szacunki wykazały, że rząd Sudanu wydał na wojnę w Darfurze ok. 24,07 mld dolarów, co stanowi równowartość 162% PKB w latach wojny. Obejmuje to 10,08 mld dolarów w formie bezpośrednich wydatków wojskowych i 7,2 mld dolarów w formie straty produktywności wysiedlonych z terenu Darfuru i 2,6 mld dolarów w formie utraty oszczędności ofiar wojny, a 4,1 mld dolarów to straty wynikające z uszkodzenia infrastruktury. W czasie, gdy państwo przez ponad dwie dekady przekazywało tylko 1,3% budżetu na zdrowie publiczne i 1,2% na edukację, wydało 23% rocznego budżetu na prowadzenie działań wojennych w Darfurze16. Według Raportu o Rozwoju Świata w 2011 roku, wzrost liczby osób przesiedlonych w obrębie poszczególnych krajów, w tym w Sudanie, spowodował znaczny spadek rozwoju człowieka17. Wojna, która miała miejsce w Darfurze, dotknęła ponad 30 tysięcy osób, do przemieszczenia się zmusiła 3 miliony ludzi. Podpalonych zostało około 3 tysięcy wsi, przy czym utracono uprawy i zwierzęta gospodarH. A l i, Altaklufa Aligtisadyia Li harb Darfur (Koszt ekonomiczny wojny w Darfurze), Doha 2011, s. 1–3. 17 Human Development Report 2011, United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 2012. 16 �2. Koszty ekonomiczne wojny w Darfurze 231 skie o wartości milionów dolarów. Według Biura ONZ ds. Koordynacji Pomocy Humanitarnej (United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, OCHA)18, nie da się oszacować wynikających z wojny strat psychologicznych, społecznych i moralnych, w tym utraconej reputacji państwa. Ucierpiały też priorytety gospodarcze Sudanu. Stosunkowo słaby kraj hojnie wydawał środki na działania wojenne, więcej niż na żywność. Dla niezamożnego kraju jest to duże obciążenie, pochłaniające coraz większe ilości PKB19. Przeprowadzono światowe badania naukowe, mające na celu oszacowanie kosztów konfliktu zbrojnego na poziomie globalnym. Celem takich badań jest zwykle oszacowanie straty dochodu narodowego za pomocą matematycznych technik modelowania. Są one jednak zróżnicowane i niespójne. Większość badań odzwierciedla ekonomiczne skutki wojny jako procent PKB. Często oszacowania te obejmują koszty związane bezpośrednio z konfliktem, ale pomijają efekty pośrednie. Istnieją dwa sposoby obliczania kosztów wojny. Pierwszy polega na obliczaniu kosztów zniszczonych materiałów. Metoda ta wylicza straty bezpośrednie i pośrednie koszty konfliktu na podstawie teorii ekonomicznej lub dowodów empirycznych. Drugi sposób obliczania kosztów wojny, to modelowanie znane jako analiza i ocena, która wyznacza oczekiwany alternatywny wzrost gospodarczy i poziom ogólnego dobrobytu państwa w przypadku braku zaangażowania w konflikt20. Biuro Narodów Zjednoczonych do spraw Koordynacji Pomocy Humanitarnej (OCHA) jest organem Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych (ONZ), utworzonym w grudniu 1991 roku rezolucją Zgromadzenia Ogólnego 46/182. Uchwała miała na celu wzmocnienie reakcji ONZ na złożone sytuacje kryzysowe i klęski żywiołowe. Za: United Nations General Assembly Session 46 Resolution 182, Strengthening of the coordination of humanitarian emergency assistance of the United Nations, http:// www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=A/RES/46/182, [21.03.2015]. 19 Biuro ONZ ds. Koordynacji Pomocy Humanitarnej (OCHA). 20 World Development Indicators, World Bank, 2011; zob. D. G o l d b e r g, Measuring the Cost of War in Darfur, http://www.africa.com/blog/measuring_ 18 �232 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... Pomimo wykorzystania tych metod, nie jest łatwo zmierzyć rzeczywisty koszt konfliktu, ponieważ każdy przypadek jest inny i posiada swoiste cechy. W przypadku Sudanu trudno jest zebrać i sklasyfikować dane, dotrzeć do wszystkich elementów konfliktu, aby wyliczyć wiarygodnie koszty. 2.1. Wydatki obronne wojny w Darfurze Wydatki na cele obronne w Sudanie mogą przybierać wiele form, bywają bowiem zakamuflowane w celu zachowania poufności. Nie ma danych poszczególnych elementach wydatków rządowych w tym zakresie. Złożoność problemu wynika również z tego, że armia zajmuje się handlem i jest właścicielem szpitali i przedsiębiorstw handlowych, stąd rzeczywiste wydatki wojskowe są zawsze znacznie niższe niż teoretyczne szacunki. Ponad to obiekty wojskowe są zaangażowane także w sektorze naftowym, który posiada wystarczające środki na pokrycie kosztów. Jak pokazano w tabeli nr 3, wydatki wojskowe w Sudanie systematycznie rosną. Przed rozpoczęciem konfliktu w Darfurze w 2003 roku, państwo wydawało średnio rocznie 773 mln dolarów na pokrycie wydatków wojskowych. Od tego czasu jednak stopa wydatków wojskowych wzrosła ponad dwukrotnie. Poziom wydatków wojskowych w ciągu następnych sześciu lat (2004–2009) szacuje się na 10 mld dolarów, co stanowi ok. 1,7 mld dolarów rocznie skierowane bezpośrednio na działania wojenne w Darfurze21. the_cost_of_war_in_darfur/, [28.03.2014]; zob. United Nations Environment Programme, Environmental and socioeconomic impacts of armed conflict in Africa,http://www.eoearth.org/view/article/152607/, [28.03.2014]. 21 H. A l i, Altaklufa Aligtisadyia Li harb Farfur..., dz. Cyt., s. 5–6; zob. World Development Indicators, World Bank, 2011; zob. B. Ru b i n, The Middle East: A Guide to Politics, Economics, Society and Culture, London 2015, s. 181–182; zob. H. A l i, Military Expenditures and Inequality in the Middle East and North Africa, „Defence and Peace Economics”, 23(2012), nr 6, s. 575–589. �2. Koszty ekonomiczne wojny w Darfurze 233 Tabela 3. Wydatki wojskowe w Sudanie i Darfurze (szacowane w milionach dolarów) Rok Wydatki wojskowe w Sudanie Oszacowanie wydatków wojskowych w Darfurze 2003 773,00 — 2004 2 198,00 1 352,71 2005 1 797,00 951,71 2006 2 113,00 1 267,71 2007 2 676,00 1 830,71 2008 3 228,00 2 382,71 2009 3 148,00 2 302,71 Suma 15 933,00 10 088,26 Źródło: Bank Światowy, 2011. Tabela 3 dostarcza dowodów, że konflikt w Darfurze spowodował największy udział w wydatkach wojskowych po 2003 roku. Sytuacja w Sudanie Południowym była względnie opanowana pod nadzorem ONZ, a działania militarne w regionie szybko ustały. W tym samym okresie rząd Sudanu podpisał porozumienie pokojowe z państwami sąsiadującymi, w tym z Etiopią, Erytreą i północną opozycją znaną jako Narodowy Sojusz Demokratyczny (National Democratic Alliance, NDA)22. Wrócono do dialogu w ramach porozumienia politycznego, w którym mediatorem był Egipt. Podobnie konflikt, który rozgorzał we wschodnim 22 Narodowy Sojusz Demokratyczny (NDA) to grupa sudańskich partii politycznych, która powstała w 1989 roku, aby sprzeciwić się nowemu systemowi Omara Hassana al-Baszira, po tym jak przejął on władzę w wyniku zamachu stanu w dniu 6 czerwca 1989 roku, NDA podpisał umowę z rządem Sudanu w dniu 18 czerwca 2005 roku, w wyniku porozumienia pokojowego do drugiej sudańskiej wojny domowej 9 stycznia 2005 r. Za: S. H a s s a n, The Sudan National Democratic Alliance (NDA): The Quest for Peace, Unity and Democracy, „Issue: A Journal of Opinion”, 21(1993), nr 1–2, s. 14–25. �234 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... Sudanie, został rozwiązany poprzez porozumienia pokojowe podpisane w 2006 roku. Można powiedzieć, że wydatki wojskowe, co jest związane z przemysłem naftowym i pośrednictwem firm należących do instytucji wojskowych, spowodowały zniszczenie sektora eksportowego poprzez wyłączenie go z tworzenia kapitału w przemyśle cywilnym. W 1999 roku przykładowo eksport ropy stanowił 15% całości eksportu Sudanu. Po dziesięciu latach udział ten wzrósł do 93%, przy czym eksport ropy utrudnia eksport innych produktów, ponieważ rząd skierował dochody z ropy bezpośrednio w kierunku zamówień wojskowych i importu sprzętu wojskowego, a nie w kierunku poprawy sektora eksportu innych produktów. Rząd żył z pieniędzy ze sprzedaży ropy naftowej, a nie opierał się na branżach produkcyjnych, takich jak przemysł spożywczy i lekki. Badania wykazały, że z każdego dolara otrzymanego przez rząd od dochodów z ropy naftowej wydano 0,21 dolara na zbrojenia. Polityka ta doprowadziła do spadku eksportu dóbr innych niż ropa. Nie było znaczącej zmiany tej tendencji w okresie pomiędzy 1997 i 2009 rokiem. Zostało to osiągnięte dzięki stabilności krótkoterminowej eksportu towarów innych niż ropa naftowa w 2004 roku przez sprzedaż usług dla sieci bezprzewodowych za granicę, ale średnia wartość eksportu była w przedziale 600 milionów dolarów. 2.2. Utrata kapitału ludzkiego Według Raportu o Rozwoju Świata, ogłoszonego przez Bank Światowy w 2011 roku, ludzie żyjący w państwie dotkniętym konfliktami zbrojnymi są zazwyczaj bardziej narażeni na ubóstwo i pozbawienie edukacji szkolnej czy podstawowej opieki. Takie zagrożenia mają wpływ w dłuższej perspektywie na możliwości zarobkowania w codziennym życiu, co z kolei daje określony efekt w zakresie rozwoju gospodarczego. Wcześniejsze badania wykazały, że jeden z rodzajów pośrednich kosztów woj- �2. Koszty ekonomiczne wojny w Darfurze 235 ny, to taki, który odzwierciedla się w zmniejszonej wydajności pracy w wyniku odpływu kapitału i zniszczenia sił wytwórczych człowieka. Tabela 4 pokazuje liczbę uchodźców wewnętrznych i ludności dotkniętej wojną, a także pokazuje, że w 2009 roku konflikt w Darfurze miał niekorzystny wpływ na 1,5 mln ludzi w Darfurze Północnym, 1,9 mln w Darfurze Południowym i 1,2 mln w Darfurze Zachodnim. Wojna spowodowała przemieszczenie 0,5 mln mieszkańców Darfuru Północnego, 1,4 mln mieszkańców Darfuru Południowego i 1,2 mln mieszkańców Darfuru Zachodniego. Na bezpośredni koszt konfliktu zbrojnego w Darfurze składa się też utrata zysków życia codziennego wysiedlonych23. Tabela 4. Liczba osób wewnętrznie przesiedlonych i ludności dotkniętej konfliktem w Darfurze (od 2005 do 2009 r). Darfur Północny Rok Darfur Południowy Darfur Zachodni Liczba Liczba Liczba Liczba Liczba Liczba dotkniętych uchodźców dotkniętych uchodźców dotkniętych uchodźców 2005 725736 393750 824346 603719 854388 662000 2006 1307025 475257 1413099 722922 1276087 776348 2007 1355594 461399 1546173 862385 1263956 779226 2008 1516680 508499 1913518 1410704 1293394 766363 2009 1518064 508499 1913518 1410704 1283124 746912 Źródło: Biuro Narodów Zjednoczonych ds. Koordynacji Pomocy Humanitarnej (OCHA). Jak widać wojna w Darfurze, podobnie jak wszelkie inne działania wojenne, zmusiła dużą liczbę ludności do zmiany miejsca zamieszkania, co skutkowało zagrożeniem ubóstwem, utrudnieniem dostępu do edukacji czy utratą źródła zarobkownaia. D. G u h a - S a p i r, Darfur: Counting the Deaths, Mortality Estimates from Multiple Survey Data, Cred 2005, s. 10–35. 23 �236 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... 2.3. Uszkodzenia infrastruktury Darczyńcy zagraniczni i rząd Sudanu uruchomiły programy pomocowe w celu wsparcia uchodźców w zakresie edukacji, opieki zdrowotnej, zaopatrzenia w wodę i żywność. Pomoc obejmowała też ochronę i poprawę bezpieczeństwa oraz odbudowę infrastruktury. Udzielone wsparcie miało na celu złagodzenie cierpienia ludności i przywrócenie obszarów dotkniętych konfliktem do normalnego życia. Jak wiadomo, rząd Sudanu ze względów politycznych odmawia czasami organizacjom humanitarnym dostępu do obszarów dotkniętych katastrofą. W ten sposób szacunkowa wartość szkód w infrastrukturze jest znacznie niższa niż w rzeczywistości. Stany Zjednoczone i ich sojusznicy przeprowadzali zbieranie danych na temat tej ludności Darfuru, zaczęli to robić dopiero w 2004 roku, nie ma zatem wiarygodnych danych za lata 2003 i 2004. Zgromadzone dane przedstawiają wartość utraconych dochodów w okresie, w którym rząd był zaangażowany w walki w celu pokonania ruchów rebelianckich. Okres ten cechuje drastyczne naruszanie praw człowieka. 2.4. Pomoc ekonomiczna organizacji zagranicznych dla Darfuru Według danych rządowych w Darfurze działa ponad 150 organizacji zagranicznych, co pociąga za sobą koszty powyżej 500 mln dolarów rocznie (oprócz sił UNAMID, które potrzebują ok. 150 mln dolarów miesięcznie). Organizacje te zatrudniają ponad 50 tys. pracowników, w tym 8 tys. zagranicznych. Z tego tej ogromnej kwoty (500 mln dolarów) pieniędzy zostanie wydane w formie kosztów administracyjnych. Zaznaczyć należy, że ponad 60% osób przesiedlonych oraz uchodźców nie korzysta z tej działalności. Ponadto organizacje te są związane z krajami zachodnimi, czasami reprezentują interesy jednostek, co jest kolejnym dylematem. Tak �2. Koszty ekonomiczne wojny w Darfurze 237 więc nasuwa się pytanie, jakie są perspektywy rozwiązania tego problemu24. Bezpieczeństwo ludności cywilnej w Darfurze, w tym przesiedleńców wewnętrznych i pomoc humanitarna to jest jeden z najważniejszych celów organizacji pozarządowych w Darfurze wobec odnotowanego dramatycznego wzrostu liczby ataków na ludność cywilną i bezprecedensowego wzrostu grabieży dostaw humanitarnych oraz ataków na pracowników organizacji humanitarnych. Rząd Sudanu wspiera bojówki dżandżawidów i, w mniejszym stopniu, zbuntowane frakcje w Darfurze, które są winne ataków na cywilów i utrudniania dostarczania pomocy humanitarnej. Jednak ciężar odpowiedzialności za kryzys humanitarny spoczywa przede wszystkim na Sudanie. Ochrona cywilów pogorszyła się w wyniku intensyfikacji przemocy i szybkiej ekspansji geograficznej konfliktu w Darfurze. Jest zatem potrzeba, aby przywódcy Sudanu i zbuntowane frakcje zobowiązały się do przestrzegania w Darfurze przepisów międzynarodowych w zakresie prawa humanitarnego, w tym umożliwienia organizacjom humanitarnym wykonywania pracy w sposób bezpieczny i nieskrępowany. Użycie w Darfurze sił ONZ i UA oraz sił pokojowych musi być rozpatrywane w świetle głębokich, złożonych przyczyn konfliktu. Jako takie użycie siły do interwencji humanitarnej w Darfurze pozostaje ograniczone. Krótkotrwałe rozwiązanie tego problemu, czyli przymusowa humanitarna interwencja (tj. przeprowadzona bez zgody Sudanu) w Darfurze niesie ze sobą niebezpieczeństwo spowodowania dalszej destabilizacji w Sudanie i regionie. Dlatego wszelkie działania, które są podejmowane w zakresie pomocy humanitarnej w Darfurze, mogą spowodować więcej szkody niż pożytku, o ile nie odbywają się w szeroko akceptowany sposób, który jest zgodny z prawem międzynarodowym. 24 The Darfur conflict and civilian protection, dz. cyt., s. 3. �238 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... Wszystkie działania powinny być wykonywane w celu wzmocnienia i wsparcia istniejących sił pokojowych AU i AMIS w Darfurze. W związku z tym, organizacje pozarządowe i inni powinni dążyć do zwiększenia rozmiaru i wzmocnienia cywilnego mandatu ochrony życia. Jednocześnie są naciski ONZ w celu zapewnienia hojnego wsparcia finansowego na potrzebne operacje. Ponadto Sudan powinien być poddany dużej presji, aby umożliwił działanie siłom UA i ONZ w Darfurze, które mogą zapewnić skuteczną ochronę cywilną. Rząd Sudanu otrzymuje wsparcie od rządów krajów arabskich widoczne również w wielu arabskich mediach, co jest postawą niezwykle nieodpowiedzialną i nieetyczną. Rządy arabskie mają prawny i moralny obowiązek zagwarantować, że zbrodnie nie będą popełniane na ludności cywilnej w Darfurze i że rząd Sudanu zrobi wszystko, co możliwe, aby otoczyć cywilów ochroną i zapewnić bezpieczeństwo. Ten brak woli wśród rządów arabskich co do zastosowania odpowiedniego nacisku na Sudan jest symptomatyczny dla ogólnego braku wiedzy lub zrozumienia sytuacji w Darfurze przez świat arabski. Ma tu miejsce odrzucenie lub minimalizowanie wagi zaistniałego humanitarnego kryzysu. Urzędnicy z Sudanu i przedstawiciele niektórych ruchów opozycyjnych w Darfurze wyrazili chęć odnowienia procesu negocjacji i doprowadzenia do pokoju i to wyłącznie w przejrzysty sposób. Ponadto rząd Sudanu odnowił swoje zobowiązanie do rozwiązania konfliktu w Darfurze poprzez proces dialogu zawarty w porozumieniu pokojowym Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA). Następnie Sudan obiecał współpracę z Kairskim Instytutem Studiów Praw Człowieka (Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, CIHRS)25 i z innymi organizacjami. 25 Założona w 1993 roku, Kairski Instytut Studiów Praw Człowieka (CIHRS) jest niezależną regionalna organizacja pozarządowa, której celem jest propagowanie poszanowania zasad demokracji i praw człowieka w regionie arabskim. W tym celu CIHRS skupia się na analizie trudności stojące stosowania między- �2. Koszty ekonomiczne wojny w Darfurze 239 W 2003 roku ludobójstwo i zbrodnie popełnione przez rząd Sudanu osiągnęły największą skalę. Biuro Narodów Zjednoczonych ds. Koordynacji Pomocy Humanitarnej rozpoczęło rejestrację dotacji darczyńców dla Darfuru w roku 2004. Nie ma żadnych dostępnych danych za okres przed tą datą. Jak pokazano w tabeli 5, rząd Sudanu wydał 24,07 mld dolarów na wojnę w Darfurze, w tym 10,08 mld dolarów w formie bezpośrednich kosztów wojskowych, a 7,2 mld wynoszą straty wydajności spowodowane przez wewnętrzne przemieszczenia ludności. W stratach uwzględnić należy też 2,6 mld jako utratę środków do życia, które miały być osiągnięte przez zmarłe ofiary, gdyby nie wybuch wojny. Kolejne 4,1 mld dolarów to uszkodzenia infrastruktury26. Tabela 5. Udział kosztów wojny w Darfurze w PKB ($USD) Rok 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 Produkt krajowy brutto (PKB) 14820630 15578510 16564420 18434410 20307410 22002150 22002150 Koszty wojny w Darfurze (% PKB) 03,21 18,70 16,30 19,87 20,32 23,20 23,57 Wydatki wojskowe w Darfurze 0000000 1352710 0951710 1267710 1830710 2382710 2302710 10088260 Całkowity koszt wojny 0476410 2815360 2699330 3662560 4127120 5103800 5186900 24071480 Źródło: Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych i jej partnerzy, praca planu wsparcia finansowego dla Sudanu. Biuro Narodów Zjednoczonych ds. Koordynacji Pomocy Humanitarnej. narodowego prawa praw człowieka, upowszechnianie kultury poszanowania praw człowieka w tym regionie, a zaangażowanie się w dialog między kulturami dotyczące różnych międzynarodowych traktatów dotyczących praw człowieka i deklaracji. Za: Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies – CIHRS,http://www. cihrs.org/?page_id=48&lang=en, [29.03.2015]. 26 The cost of future conflict in Sudan, The Institute for Security Studies (ISS), 2010, s. 2–22, https://www.frontier-economics.com/documents/2014/03/ frontier-report-the-cost-of-future-conflict-in-sudan.pdf, [29.03.2014]. �240 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... Jak można odczytać z tabeli koszty wojny rozpoczęły się na poziomie 3% PKB i osiągnęły 24% w 2009 roku, co jest ogromnie niekorzystne dla gospodarki Sudanu, gdyż traci ona co najmniej jedną czwartą wartości towarów z powodu wyniszczającej wojny. 3. Synteza wyników badań empirycznych oraz teoretycznego nurtu rozważań Badania przeprowadzone przeze mnie miały na celu zbadanie warunków gospodarczych i skutków z nich wynikających. Obserwacji poddano też podział na grupy, relacje pomiędzy nimi, jak też obecne w Darfurze wzorce życia. Założono, że czynniki ekonomiczne odgrywają istotną rolę w zmianach w sferze społecznej, kulturalnej i w procesie tworzenia tych społeczności, ale czasami też warunki ekonomiczne kształtują się w wyniku zmian w zakresie warunków społecznych. Tak więc zróżnicowane czynniki mogą być po stronie przyczyn i skutków. Oznacza to, że związek między wzrostem ekonomicznym i procesami społecznymi jest w znacznym stopniu skomplikowany i jest to zależność nieliniowa, która jest efektem występowania różnych zmiennych, takich jak: polityka, poziom rozwoju instytucjonalnego i inne warunki środowiska. Głównym celem badania było przeprowadzenie oceny uwarunkowań ekonomicznych oraz analiza społecznych i politycznych aspektów konfliktu w Darfurze. Przedmiotem badania były główne wskaźniki odnoszące się do gospodarstw domowych na poziomie wspólnoty w regionie. Metodologia badań W niniejszej pracy wykorzystane zostały przede wszystkim opisowe metody oparte na analitycznym zestawieniu faktów i informacji. Zgromadzone dane zostały przeanalizowane i zin- �3. Synteza wyników badań empirycznych... 241 terpretowane, aby osiągnąć akceptowalne uogólnienia. Metody opisowo-analityczne polegają na dokładnym opisie cech i zdarzeń, będących przedmiotem badań, w ujęciu statystycznym, dynamicznym lub geograficznym. W tej grupie metod wyróżnia się metodę opisową zwykłą i metodę opisowo-porównawczą. Polegają one na wyodrębnieniu określonego zjawiska z dotychczas znanej całości, jego opisaniu, analizie porównawczej z podobnymi zjawiskami, wyróżnieniu czynników wspólnych i różnicujących. Metody te najczęściej charakteryzują cechy i zdarzenia w sposób ilościowy i jakościowy. Słowny opis przeplata się z informacjami liczbowymi. Metody te mają za zadanie wierne przedstawienie rzeczywistego obrazu przedmiotu badań. Opisowe porównanie cech i zdarzeń dotyczących przedmiotu badań w tym samym czasie jest przedmiotem metody statystyczno-porównawczej. Opis z punktu widzenia czasu ma za zadanie porównanie cech i zdarzeń podlegających zmianom w czasie. Ta metoda obejmuje wiele form, a mianowicie: badanie danej sytuacji, analizę funkcji i działania, opis kontynuowany przez długi okres (badań dla niektórych etapów wzrostu lub rozwoju), co oznacza, że podejście to zależy od zestawienia faktów i informacji, a następnie porównania, analizowania i interpretowania. Jest to znana procedura metody opisowo-analitycznej, w której opisuje się środowisko poprzez wyciągniętą z niego próbkę. Moje badania są unikalne w tym sensie, że zebrane dane z wybranych wiosek są reprezentacyjne dla całej ludności wiejskiej w południowo-zachodnim Darfurze. Organizacja, która gromadziła dane, miała zadanie zebrać materiał z wiosek w danym regionie. Dlatego w przeciwieństwie do wielu innych mikroanaliz, analizuję kwestie dotyczące zebranych danych i reprezentatywności ich w kluczowej analizie wniosków. Zebranie danych i ich reprezentatywność są kluczową i unikalną cechą badania. Pobieranie próbek przeprowadzono na dwóch poziomach. �242 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... 1. Na poziomie koordynacji między lokalnymi wspólnotami: Wybranych Grup Dyskusyjnych (Focus Group Discussion) miało miejsce zgromadzenie danych w Biurze Koordynacyjnym Obszarów Wiejskich w Al-Fashir (El-Fasher Rural Network Office) z udziałem komitetu koordynacyjnego, gdzie zostały omówione kwestie związane z sytuacją gospodarczą, problematyką środków utrzymania i skutków konfliktu dla każdej z wiosek. Podjęto też problem konkurencji przy wykorzystywaniu zasobów naturalnych. Oprócz tego uzyskano również informacje dotyczące społecznych i politycznych aspektów związanych z konfliktem między różnymi grupami etnicznymi i plemionami. Wyjaśniono również, jak konflikt wpłynął na wydajność gospodarowania i zdobywanie środków do życia i inne zakłócenia. 2. Na poziomie społeczności pojedynczej wsi: Dane terenowe zebrano w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze należących do sieci Al-Fashir: Magzoob, Shabab i Shagra. Odsetki próbek były w zakresie od 10 do 20%, co daje w sumie 118 gospodarstw. Tabela 6 przedstawia frekwencję według wsi, w których zostało dokonanie badania. Tabela 6. Frekwencja według wsi, w których zostało dokonane badanie Nazwa Magzoob Shbab.tkelat Shbab.gry Shbab.gmees Shbab Shagra.B Shagra.G Shagra.A Suma Liczebność zbadana 40 16 6 6 13 5 4 28 118 Liczebność oczekiwana 14.8 14.8 14.8 14.8 14.8 14.8 14.8 14.8 Różnica 25.2 1.2 –8.8 –8.8 –1.8 –9.8 –10.8 13.2 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. �3. Synteza wyników badań empirycznych... 243 Kwestionariusz, którego użyto podczas badań, obejmował kwestie związane z osobistymi cechami, gospodarstwami domowymi, gospodarstwami rolnymi i dochodami z własności gruntów, prawem własności bydła, skutkami konfliktów dla tradycji, rynkami pracy i sytuacją społeczną. Oprócz relacji małżeńskich i stosunków międzyplemiennych, kwestionariusz zawierał również zagadnienia roli organizacji pozarządowych w budowaniu pokoju. Dane zostały zorganizowane i zestawiane przy użyciu programu komputerowego, a następnie analizowane przy użyciu pakietu statystycznego (Statistical Package for the Social Science, SPSS)27, co pozwoliło na uzyskanie tabeli częstotliwości i procentów. Głównym celem zbierania danych było dostarczenie rzetelnych informacji w zakresie ogólnych danych demograficznych: wiek, płeć, stan cywilny oraz ekonomicznych: źródło utrzymania (zarobkowanie), posiadanie ziemi, ilość posiadanych zwierząt i ich rodzaje, informacje dotyczące dostępu do opieki zdrowotnej, edukacji i urządzeń wodnych. Stwierdzono w badaniach, że liczba kobiet, które uczestniczyły w badaniu, zbliża się do liczby mężczyzn, co oznacza, że rola kobiet i ich pozycja w społeczeństwie darfurskim oraz ich znaczenie w życiu gospodarczym i społecznym nie różnią się zasadniczo od mężczyzn. Te wyniki potwierdzają przekonanie, że społeczeństwo darfurskie daje kobietom większą rolę w sferze publicznej w stosunku do roli, jaką posiadają kobiety w innych regionach Sudanu28. W tabeli 7 27 SPSS (Statistical Package for the Social Sciences), oprogramowanie do statystycznej analizy danych. Poza badaniami naukowymi jest często wykorzystywane w badaniach rynku i opinii, badaniach epidemiologicznych. Za: B. K o s s a k o w s k a, S. B e d y ń s k a, Wprowadzanie danych i podstawy pracy z programem IBM SPSS Statistics, Warszawa 2007. 28 A. M o h a m e d, From instigating violence to building peace: the changing role of women in Darfur Region of Western Sudan, „African Journal on Conflict Resolution”, 4(2004), nr 1, s. 11–26. �V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... 244 zestawiono wyniki badania, które pokazuje, jak kształtuje się udział kobiet na tle udziału mężczyzn. Tabela 7. Odsetek kobiet biorących udział w badaniu ukazany na tle udziału mężczyzn Płeć Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Różnica Mężczyźni 66 58.5 7.5 Kobiety 51 58.5 –7.5 Suma 117 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. Istnieje wiele przykładów na dużą rolę darfurskich kobiet we wszystkich sferach życia ekonomicznego i społecznego, również w rolnictwie i poprzez poświęcenie swojego życia do różnych prac domowych. Wykonywanie przez nie ciężkiej pracy dowodzi, że nie ma różnicy w zdolnościach umysłowych oraz kondycji psychicznej i fizycznej pomiędzy kobietami i mężczyznami. Jednak w przeszłości kobiety nie były dopuszczone do edukacji, co było wynikiem ówczesnej mentalności tamtejszych ludzi, czy w ogóle ludzi Wschodu, ich pojmowania roli kobiety, skoncentrowanej tylko na rodzeniu i wychowywaniu dzieci oraz na pracy w domu. Jednak obecnie, jak ukazują badania, ten wzór uległ zmianie, również w zakresie dostępu do edukacji. Badania wykazały, że pośród 94 osób, które zostały zbadane, liczba dziewcząt, które pobierają naukę w szkole, nie jest mniejsza od liczby chłopców (tabela 8) Tabela 8. Kto chodzi do szkoły? Płeć Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Różnica Chłopcy 13 31.3 –18.3 Dziewczyny 5 31.3 –26.3 �3. Synteza wyników badań empirycznych... Obie płcie 76 Suma 94 31.3 245 44.7 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. Jest jeszcze inny przykład statusu kobiet w życiu społecznym w Darfurze. Odgrywają one ważną rolę w tutejszym rzemiośle w dziedzinie rękodzieła domowego. W latach osiemdziesiątych ubiegłego wieku konkurencja darfurskich kobiet z mężczyznami miała miejsce również w dziedzinie handlu takimi towarami, jak odzież, meble i naczynia. Jak można zauważyć, wszelkie zmiany społeczne, zwłaszcza te zachodzące pod wpływem wojny domowej, w większym stopniu niż mężczyzn dotykają kobiet, powodując ich cierpienie, mimo że nie są zawsze bezpośrednio zaangażowane w walkę. Ponoszą jednak ofiary: giną lub zostają ranni ich krewni i bliscy oraz one same, a przede wszystkim są narażone na gwałty, porwania, ogólnie napaści na tle seksualnym. Doznają rozpadu rodziny, przymusowych przemieszczeń i utraty własności. Kobiety cierpią też z powodu lęku i zaburzeń psychicznych oraz poczucia beznadziejności. Żyją na uchodźstwie w warunkach uniemożliwiających zaspokojenie często podstawowych potrzeb. Niedogodność życia kobiet jest w tej sytuacji cięższa z uwagi na fakt, iż to one ponoszą odpowiedzialność za opiekę nad dziećmi i osobami starszymi. Kobiety zatem podczas wojny stają się często łatwym celem oddziałów przeciwnej strony. Wyniki badań opublikowanych przez UNICEF pokazują, jak duża jest liczba kobiet zamordowanych w wyjątkowo brutalny sposób, zabitych lub zgwałconych. Miało to miejsce między innymi także wśród muzułmanów w Bośni i Kosowie. Kobiety chociaż mniej wpływowe i aktywne politycznie, czy zaangażowane osobiście w wojnę, bywają celem wielu działań przeciwko nim. Kobiety cierpią też z powodu niedoboru dostaw żywności, zanie- �V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... 246 czyszczonych źródeł wody i zagrożenia chorobami. Narażenie na przemoc i ataki brutalności mogą zostawić traumę na całe ich życie. Poniższe wyniki badań pokazują, jaki jest wpływ konfliktu w Darfurze na sytuację kobiet. Rodzina w Darfurze jest wartością bardzo istotną, podstawą społeczeństwa, które ceni relacje rodzinne i kontrolę społeczną, jaką zapewnia. Jest szczególnie ważne dla ludności Darfuru ze względów także religijnych, społecznych i ekonomicznych. Przeprowadzone badania pokazują, że odsetek małżeństw szacuje się na 81% wśród tych, którzy byli ankietowani, podczas gdy wskaźnik rozwodów jest bardzo niski, nie przekracza 5%. Pokazuje to znaczenie statusu rodziny w społeczeństwie Darfuru (tabela 9). Tabela 9. Stan cywilny Stan Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Różnica Wolny 13 29.5 –16.5 Mężatka/ żonaty Rozwiedziona/ Rozwiedziony Wdowa/ wdowiec Suma 95 29.5 65.5 6 29.5 –23.5 4 29.5 –25.5 118 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. Kluczowym zasobem naturalnym w Darfurze jest przede wszystkim uprawa roślin, między innymi takich jak proso będące podstawą tutejszego wyżywienia oraz hodowla zwierząt, np. krów, owiec, kóz i wielbłądów. Główną formą prawa do ziemi w Darfurze jest prawo zwyczajowe, oznacza to prawo użytkowania ziemi na działkach wyznaczonych przez danego naczelnika (szejka) wsi, a nie prawo własności prywatnej w dosłownym tego słowa znaczeniu �3. Synteza wyników badań empirycznych... 247 (tj. możliwość kupowania i sprzedawania tej ziemi, czy zastawiania jej w banku pod pożyczki). Jeżeli gospodarstwo domowe przestaje użytkować jakiś kawałek ziemi, to przywódca społeczności może przydzielić tę ziemię jakiejś innej rodzinie, która będzie jej używała i jest jej dużo bardziej potrzebna. Podobnie dzieje się w przypadku nowych przybyszów w wiosce. Im również może być przekazana działka, jeśli wykazują swoją gotowość do działań na rzecz wioski. Innym ważnym elementem zwyczajowym własności ziemi w Darfurze jest to, że po zbiorach jest ona dostępna dla wypasu zwierząt. To prawo zwyczajowe dotyczy również koczowniczych grup pasterskich, którym pozwala się wypasać zwierzęta po uprzednim powiadomieniu dotychczasowego użytkownika i naczelnika wsi w zamian za mleko lub mięso. Z kolei osiadłe grupy rolników hodujące bydło czasami oddają zwierzęta pod opiekę nomadom. Ten podstawowy model nie tyle własności co zwyczajowego użytkowania ziemi ulegał szybkim modyfikacjom. W czasie gdy Darfur był zdominowany przez niezależny Sułtanat Fur, system zwany hakura dawał możliwość udzielania praw do ziemi nauczającym islamu nauczycielom religijnym (fakih) lub innym ważnym osobom. Istniał też system administracyjny hakura, w którym sułtan przydzielał ziemie przywódcom niektórych plemion. Prawo hakura było powszechnie określone jako dar dla największych plemion Darfuru, posiadających formalne prawo własności, np. plemion Fur, Masalit, Zaghawa i Rezeigat. Jeżeli większość wioski będzie zdominowana przez Masalit, to plemię to będzie przewodzić wiosce. Przybysze z innych plemion byli także mile widziani, jeżeli przyczyniali się do dobrobytu społeczeństwa i ostatecznie mogli w praktyce posiadać daną ziemię. Opisane tu zasady użytkowania ziemi w dalszym ciągu są powszechnie stosowane. Te złożone normy użytkowania i posiadania ziemi zostały zatwierdzone przez rząd w Sudanie w 1970 roku, który stwierdził, iż grunty nie będą rejestrowane jako własność państwowa. Powtarzające �248 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... się susze spowodowały ogólny niedorozwój, połączony z manipulacjami politycznymi dokonywanymi przez grupy w Czadzie i innych sąsiednich krajach, co przyczyniło się do trudnej sytuacji w Darfurze w latach osiemdziesiątych i dziewięćdziesiątych. Ludy rolnicze, takie jak Fur i Masalit stoczyły kilka gwałtownych wojen z plemionami koczowniczymi. Użytki rolne zostały ograniczone, tym samym pozostawiając koczowników samym sobie wraz z ich zwierzętami. Rolnictwo jest głównym źródłem utrzymania i zarobkowania oraz dochodów w Darfurze. Zgodnie z wynikami badań, w rolnictwie pracuje około 83% ludności spośród biorących udział w badaniu (tabela 10). Tabela 10. Główne źródła dochodu Liczebność Liczebność zbadana oczekiwana Uprawa ziemi 96 19.3 Różnica 76.7 Hodowla 5 19.3 –14.3 Zatrudnienie w przemyśle 6 19.3 –13.3 Inne 1 19.3 –18.3 Uprawa ziemi/hodowla 5 19.3 –14.3 Uprawa ziemi/zatrudnienie w przemyśle 3 19.3 –16.3 Razem 116 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. Wyniki pokazały również, że około 87% zajmujących się rolnictwem posiada własne grunty rolne, a tylko 13% po prostu pracuje na tej ziemi, co wskazuje na znaczenie posiadania ziemi w społecznościach grup etnicznych w Darfurze. Kwestia własności i utrzymania gruntów rolnych jest jednym z głównych powodów, które doprowadziły do wybuchu konfliktu w tym regionie (tabela 11). �3. Synteza wyników badań empirycznych... 249 Tabela 11. Prawo własności do uprawianej ziemi Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Różnica 103 59.0 44.0 Brak prawa własności 15 59.0 –44.0 Suma 118 Posiada prawo własności Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. Badania miały też na celu obserwację warunków tradycyjnych systemów gospodarczych na konflikt w zakresie stosunków międzygrupowych (tabela 12). Tabela nr 12. Wpływ tradycji na konflikt Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Różnica Zauważalny wpływ 54 49.5 4.5 Brak wpływu 45 49.5 –4.5 Suma 99 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. Mimo że czynniki ekonomiczne odgrywają istotną rolę w zmianach społecznych i sferze kulturowej, to czasem również warunki społeczne zakłócają warunki gospodarcze tak, że mogą być trudności ze zidentyfikowaniem i rozdzieleniem czynników i skutków. Różnorodność społeczności w Darfurze pod względem przynależności do grupy etnicznej i plemienia oraz życia w różnych środowiskach geograficznych, spowodowała zróżnicowanie popytu i konsumpcji, co z kolei powoduje różnorodność w działalności gospodarczej. Doprowadziło to do wzrostu zapotrzebowania na pracowników, gdyż trzeba było zwiększyć produkcję, aby sprostać �250 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... rosnącym i zróżnicowanym potrzebom społeczeństwa w wielu dziedzinach. Zapotrzebowanie na produkcję dotyczyło takich dziedzin jak: rolnictwo, wypas i tradycyjne rzemiosło. Wzrosło też zapotrzebowanie na skorzystanie z bogactwa terenów zadrzewionych, gdyż pojawiło się wiele rynków na drzewo i węgiel drzewny oraz szlaków handlowych zarówno wewnętrznych (krajowych), jak i zewnętrznych (zagranicznych, zwłaszcza do pobliskiego Czadu). Zaczęli przybywać do Darfuru przedsiębiorcy znad Sudanu Nilowego. Wielu z nich osiadło tu na stałe i stali się częścią społeczności darfurskiej, a inni wrócili po krótszym lub dłuższym okresie. Jeszcze inni podróżują stale w obie strony w celu sprowadzania towarów do i z Darfuru. 4. Tło konfliktu w Darfurze, jego wpływ na gospodarkę i źródła utrzymania według badań własnych Przed konfliktem gospodarka w Darfurze była oparta na trzech filarach: handlu zbożem (głównie proso i sorgo), uprawie i ogrodnictwie (pomidory, cebula, bakłażany, okra) oraz handlu zwierzętami (kozy, owce, krowy, wielbłądy). Wcześniej dochody Darfuru pochodziły także z wymiany zagranicznej. Sprzedaż mięsa i skór zwierząt dawał Sudanowi 20% krajowych dewiz przed odkryciem ropy, a ponad 20% zwierząt pochodziło tylko z Darfuru z hodowli pasterskich. Od momentu konfliktu handel zagraniczny produktami zwierzęcymi upadł prawie całkowicie, przenosząc się w całości na rynki lokalne. Produkcja zbóż również upadła, a obecny rynek jest podtrzymywany tylko przez handel produktami pochodzącymi z pomocy żywnościowej z zagranicy. Wcześniejszy handel regionalny oparty był na uzupełnianiu się i wymianie źródeł utrzymania rolników i pasterzy. Od 1970 roku zarówno pasterze, jak i rolnicy w obliczu długoletniej suszy stworzyli system współpracy pomiędzy sobą. Badania wykazały, że 92% spośród ankietowanych twierdzi, �4. Tło konfliktu w Darfurze, jego wpływ na gospodarkę... 251 że konflikt ma negatywny wpływ na ich dochody i możliwość utrzymania się, co jest przedstawione w tabeli 13. Tabela 13. Wpływ konfliktu na dochody rolników Zauważalny wpływ Brak wpływu Suma Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Różnica 109 59.0 50.0 9 59.0 –50.0 118 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. Region znalazł się pod ogromną presją. Niektóre grupy pasterskie zareagowały dywersyfikacją swych działań gospodarczych, podejmując się niektórych upraw. Niektóre grupy plemienne miały dostęp do bardzo żyznych ziem uprawnych, inne zaś, zwłaszcza te, które miały swoje pastwiska daleko na północy, zostały ich w sytuacji posuchy pozbawione i zmuszone do migracji na południe w poszukiwaniu gruntów uprawnych. Pomimo wcześniejszych konfliktów pomiędzy grupami Zaghawa i północnymi Rezeigat sytuacja ekologiczna doprowadziła do tego, że obie grupy przeniosły się na południe. W tym samym czasie hodowlę rozszerzono poprzez tradycyjny wypas w centralnym pasie Darfuru. W wyniku tego Arabowie zostali ograniczeni z obu stron. Po pierwsze stracili pastwiska na północy, a po drugie poprzez zwiększenie areałów upraw w środkowym rejonie ograniczono ich dostęp do pastwisk od strony południa. Do tych zmian należy dodać również brak działań ze strony władz centralnych celem dywersyfikacji działań wobec Arabów. Proces ten przebiegał w nieco odmienny sposób na południu i na zachodzie Darfuru, ale jego istota była taka sama – wzajemna presja środowiskowa, zaogniający się problem praw własności do ziemi, a właściwie �V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... 252 jej użytkowania, co zaczęło prowadzić do konkurencji między różnymi systemami gospodarowania, między rolnikami a hodowcami przede wszystkim wielbłądów. Miało to negatywny wpływ na rozwój gospodarczy i potęgowało dalszy konflikt w regionie. W tej sytuacji im więcej zmarginalizowanych grup pozostawało bez dostępu do gruntów uprawnych i pastwisk oraz edukacji, tym bardziej warunki sprzyjały powstawaniu napięć i grup rebelianckich, z drugiej strony zaś motywacji do zwalczania partyzantów, a ostatecznie do wojny domowej i porażek dotychczasowych rozmów pokojowych (tabela 14). Tabela 14. Wpływ konfliktu na poszczególne dziedziny gospodarki Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Różnica Rolnictwo 26 6.9 19.1 Pasterstwo 5 6.9 –1.9 Pozostałe dziedziny 3 6.9 –3.9 Handel 15 6.9 8.1 Pozostałe 3 6.9 –3.9 Rolnictwo – pasterstwo – handel 8 6.9 1.1 Rolnictwo – handel 3 6.9 –3.9 Wszystko 23 6.9 16.1 Pracownicy rolni 2 6.9 –4.9 Rolnictwo – pasterstwo 3 6.9 –3.9 Pracownicy rolni i pastwisk 3 6.9 –3.9 Pracownicy handlu 1 6.9 –5.9 Pozostali pracownicy pastwisk 1 6.9 –5.9 Pracownicy rolni i handlu 5 6.9 –1.9 Pastwiska i handel 2 6.9 –4.9 Dziedziny gospodarki Suma 103 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. �4. Tło konfliktu w Darfurze, jego wpływ na gospodarkę... 253 W trakcie wojny domowej w Darfurze nastąpiła utrata oraz upadek lokalnych rynków dla kupujących i sprzedających zwierzęta i zboża. Pierwotne rynki wiejskie stanowiły podstawę handlu w Darfurze, zwłaszcza wymiana produkcji rolniczej i pasterskiej, a zakupione towary pośrednicy wprowadzali na szerszy rynek. Tak szerokie załamanie rolnictwa i lokalnych rynków zbóż, na których obecnie opiera się handel ziarnem, zmusiło do masowego przemieszczania się grupo różnych źródłach utrzymania (tabela 15). Tabela 15. Wpływ konfliktu na handel Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Różnica Zauważalny wpływ 113 58.0 55.0 Brak wpływu 3 58.0 –55.0 Suma 116 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. W czasie wojny nastąpiło zamknięcie głównych transsaharyjskich szlaków handlowych do Libii i Egiptu dla eksportu i importu zwierząt, żywności i surowców spożywczych. Widoczny był wzrost cen na rynku podstawowym z powodu narastającej niepewności i ograniczonego transportu. Wyjątek stanowiły produkty zbożowe i mięsne, które produkowano na miejscu, ale pozostałe towary znacznie podrożały. Wcześniej, przed wybuchem konfliktu zbrojnego, Darfur posiadał tradycję migracji zarobkowej i przepływu pieniądza przez Libię i Egipt oraz inne kraje arabskie, które w wyniku konfliktu zaprzestały wymiany handlowej lub w znacznym stopniu ją ograniczyły. Blokada dróg migracji w wyniku niepewności co do możliwości uprawy ziemi spowodowała ograniczony dostęp do produktów pochodzenia rolniczego w miastach, a tym samym zamknięcie się gospodarstw w kręgu produkcji wyłącznie na własny użytek oraz wzrost zacho- �254 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... rowalności zwierzyny. Migracja zwierząt przy hodowli pasterskiej stanowi podstawowy element utrzymania systemu hodowli i produkcji. Ograniczając tę możliwość, doprowadzono do upadku niemalże całego systemu chowu zwierząt i produkcji pasterskiej. Konflikt w Darfurze, oprócz pogorszenia warunków życia, zniszczenia domów i zwierząt gospodarskich oraz zabójstw i gwałtów niewinnych cywilów, miał również znaczący wpływ na kulturę. Zrozumienie kultury Darfuru jest kluczowym elementem do zrozumienia ludzi i konfliktu. Badania pokazują, że aż 104 na 115 ankietowanych osób zdecydowanie uważa, że konflikt miał duży wpływ na ich kulturę (tabela 16). Tabela 16. Występowanie efektów kultury napływowej Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Różnica Widoczny efekt 104 57.5 46.5 Brak efektu 11 57.5 –46.5 Suma 115 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. Przedstawiciele i eksperci wspólnoty międzynarodowej opisują zagadnienie kultury napływowej wyłącznie w kontekście zaspokajania potrzeb życiowych wewnętrznych przesiedleńców i uchodźców, pomijając wpływ tej sytuacji na inne grupy zaangażowane w handel. Jednoznacznie przedstawia to brak zrozumienia dla złożoności problemu gospodarki Darfuru. Zrozumienie wspomnianych wyżej powiązań pomiędzy gospodarką, utrzymaniem, zarządzaniem oraz dynamiką konfliktu są kluczowe dla zapewnienia wsparcia i planowanej pomocy humanitarnej. Ważne jest to również w aspekcie obiektywnego informowania społeczności międzynarodowej dla zapewnienia lokalnych procesów pokojowych, planowania odbudowy i dalszego rozwoju (tabela 17). �4. Tło konfliktu w Darfurze, jego wpływ na gospodarkę... 255 Tabela 17. Wpływ organizacji pozarządowych na zaprowadzenie pokoju Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Różnica Silny 44 39.3 4.7 Średni 65 39.3 25.7 Brak 9 39.3 –30.3 Suma 118 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. Szacuje się, że 46,5% ludności znajduje się obecnie poniżej granicy ubóstwa oraz przewiduje się, że zjawisko to występuje dwukrotnie częściej na wsi niż w mieście. Ocenia się też, że w Chartumie ubóstwem dotknięte jest tylko ok. 25% populacji, podczas gdy w regionie Darfuru jest to ponad dwie trzecie29. Zdecydowana większość tych, którzy uczestniczyli w badaniu, odpowiedziała, że wojna miała wpływ na funkcjonowanie ubogich rodzin. Spośród 118 aż 115 respondentów odpowiedziało „tak” na to pytanie, co stanowi ok. 97% ogółu badanych (tabela 18). Tabela 18. Wpływ konfliktu na życie ubogich rodzin Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Tak 115 59.0 56.0 Nie 3 59.0 –56.0 Suma Różnica 118 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. W warunkach konfliktu nawet te rodziny, które mieszkają w stosunkowo bezpiecznych miastach, mogą zdecydować się na przeproNational Household Survey: Badanie przeprowadzone przez GUS Republiki Sudanu, w okresie od maja do czerwca 2009 r., aby ocenić aktualny poziom życia ludności. 29 �256 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... wadzkę własnych członków rodziny do innych miejsc, aby uniknąć kontroli aparatu bezpieczeństwa państwa autorytarnego. Dochodzi do tego szczególnie w przypadku, gdy pojawia się podejrzenie przyłączenia się któregoś z członków rodziny do ruchów zbrojnych lub grup, których interesy są przeciwstawne interesom grup rządzących30. W konsekwencji brak bezpieczeństwa może być jednym z elementów konfliktu, który ma wpływ na rodzinne relacje. Podczas badań 112 ze 118 zapytanych odpowiedziało twierdząco (tabela 19). Tabela 19. Wpływ konfliktu na rodzinne relacje Liczebność zbadana Liczebność oczekiwana Tak 112 59.0 53.0 Nie 6 59.0 –53.0 Suma Różnica 118 Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011, Kwestionariusz Badań Terenowych Ludności Darfuru. Stopień, w jakim miało miejsce pokojowe współistnienie w przeszłości i mechanizmy, które zostały wykorzystane do ułatwienia współistnienia, różnią się w zależności od miejsca. Ludność wiejska rolnicza i arabska (nomadyczna) miały harmonijnie ułożone kontakty aż do rozpoczęcia konfliktu. Były liczne związki małżeńskie między różnymi grupami etnicznymi i plemionami, a ludzie zapraszali się wzajemnie na uroczystości weselne31. W tabeli 20 pokazano liczebność związków małżeńskich międzyplemiennych i międzyetnicznych. 30 A. B r a n c h, Gulu Town in war... and peace? Displacement, humanitarianism and post-war crisis, Crisis States Working Paper 36 (Series 2), London 2008; zob. J. B e a l l, T. G o o d f e l l o w, D. R o d g e r s, Cities, conflict and state fragility, Crisis States Working Paper 85 (Series 2), London 2011. 31 S. J a s p a r s, S. O ’ C a l l a g h a n, Challenging choices: Protection and livelihoods in Darfur, HPG Working Paper, December 2008. �5. Strategie na rzecz ożywienia gospodarczego... 257 Tabela 20. Związki małżeńskie międzyplemienne i międzyetniczne Liczebność zbadana 76 Liczebność oczekiwana 51.0 Różnica 25.0 Nie 26 51.0 –25.0 Suma 102 Tak Źródło: Opracowanie własne na podstawie danych zebranych w trzech wioskach w północnym Darfurze, listopad 2011. Według badań, które zostały przeprowadzone przez autora, aż 75% ankietowanych uważa, że konflikt miał wpływ na zmniejszenie się gotowości do zawierania związków małżeńskich pomiędzy osobami pochodzącymi z różnych plemion. Widać zatem, iż konflikt przyniósł skutki w wielu aspektach życia społecznego. 5. Strategie na rzecz ożywienia gospodarczego i pokoju w Darfurze Konkurencyjne źródła utrzymania w przypadku braku dobrego zarządzania doprowadziły ostatecznie do niszczycielskiego konfliktu wokół dostępu do zasobów naturalnych. Brak kompleksowej analizy źródeł utrzymania przed przystąpieniem do rozmów pokojowych i pomocy humanitarnej pogłębiają tylko ryzyko konfliktu w Darfurze. Analiza źródeł utrzymania jest niezbędna, aby mieć pewność, że środki te są lokowane we właściwe miejsca, w zależności od potrzeb grup konkurujących o te same zasoby. Chodzi o zapewnienie obiektywnej pomocy humanitarnej, wykazanie odpowiedzialności w planowaniu, w celu doprowadzenia do ożywienia gospodarczego i stymulowania rozwoju. Do tej pory wsparcie faworyzowało pewne grupy, przy jednoczesnym marginalizowaniu innych. Na podstawie intensywnych badań terenowych i konsultacji, powstała teoria wyjaśniająca tło powstawania konfliktu w Darfurze, która określa także sposoby jego rozwiązania. �258 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... Arabowie (głównie Abbala, pasterze wielbłądów) znaleźli się w sytuacji społecznej i gospodarczej marginalizacji w wyniku niskiego poziomu praktycznych umiejętności przydatnych we współczesnym świecie i niskiego poziomu ogólnej edukacji oraz ograniczeń w dostępie do służby zdrowia i innych usług publicznych. Konkurencja pomiędzy rolnikami i pasterzami zwiększyła się w ciągu ostatnich trzydziestu lat i wzmocniła presję na plemienne mechanizmy integracyjne i pojednawcze, które mogą być utrwalane w obliczu ingerencji rządu. Arabowie byli bardzo podatni na manipulacje rządowe w zamian za obietnice darowizn ziemskich lub innych wynagrodzeń. Ich wyłączenie z szerszego procesu pokojowego zwiększało poczucie marginalizacji i braku wsparcia32. Nieświadoma społeczność międzynarodowa wyklucza tę grupę z procesu pokojowego, co zagraża dalszym działaniom pomocowym i samo w sobie ma ogromny wpływ na bezpieczeństwo. W chwili, gdy sytuacja ta została zauważona i uznana przez obserwatorów międzynarodowych na ziemiach Darfuru, okazuje się, że grupy te są coraz trudniejsze do opanowania i zaspokojenia ich potrzeb w celu wyrównania poziomu ich rozwoju. W lipcu 2007 roku ponad 180 lokalnych i międzynarodowych podmiotów zebrało się w celu opracowania wspólnego porozumienia i wznowienia działań pokojowych oraz poprawy życia codziennego i gospodarki w Darfurze. Na podstawie tego opracowano bardziej strategiczne podejście do wspólnej pracy. Działania te zostały wsparte przez mały zespół z Uniwersytetu z Tufts, który został zaangażowany w analizę podstawowych potrzeb miejscowych populacji począwszy od 2004 roku. Wyniki ich pracy były spójne dla poszczególnych regionów i odzwierciedlały wcześniejH. Yo u n g, A. O s m a n, R. D a l e, Strategies for economic recovery and peace in Darfur; Why a wider livelihoods approach is imperative and inclusion of the Abbala (camel herding) Arabs is a priority, Feinstein International Center, lipiec 2007 r. 32 �5. Strategie na rzecz ożywienia gospodarczego... 259 szą analizę źródeł dokonaną przez Tufts i pozostałych analityków. Opracowano listę następujących rekomendacji33. 1. Postuluje się eliminowanie braku spójności przepływu informacji o procesach politycznych i wspieranie pomocy humanitarnej i rozwoju. Proponuje się wspieranie kompleksowego zarządzania zasobami naturalnymi, aby zapewnić bardziej strategiczne i spójne podejście do źródeł utrzymania. Analiza ta prowadzić ma do szerszego zakresu wsparcia dla konkretnego działania ukierunkowanego na wzmocnienie aktywów gospodarstw domowych, a także dla wsparcia dalszych procesów politycznych i instytucji. W ramach powyższej analizy wpływu konfliktu na rynek, handel i lokalną gospodarkę, łatwej będzie zrozumieć, gdzie jest źródło problemu, porażek i sukcesów oraz opracować strategię promowania równego dostępu do rynków i poprawy warunków dla kupujących i sprzedających. 2. Podkreśla się konieczność precyzyjnego określenia powodów wykluczenia i marginalizowania poszczególnych grup oraz określenia priorytetów udzielania pomocy humanitarnej dla zaspokojenia potrzeb plemion arabskich. Potrzeby te różnią się od potrzeb przesiedleńców, a muszą być rozpatrywane w kontekście długoterminowych procesów integracyjnych. Skrupulatna ocena będzie zobowiązywała do zapewnienia każdej akcji humanitarnej bezstronności i nie przyczyniania się do lokalnych konfliktów. Konieczna będzie także identyfikacja zaangażowanych stron w rządzie Sudanu i partnerstwo w procesie polityki zagadnień partnerskich w Darfurze, w celu wprowadzenia pozytywnych zmian politycznych. Powinno to obejmować uczestnictwo społeczności lokalnej w odrębnych akcjach humanitarnych, co opisano powyżej. Zmiany w polityce partnerskiej w danym regionie powinny zostać sporządzone na podstawie doświadczeń Unii Afrykańskiej. W ramach trwających procesów pokojowych powinno się także propagować 33 Tamże, s. 4. �260 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... wspólne zrozumienie omawianych działań i presji wywieranych na grupy arabskie, zaniechania marginalizacji społecznej i gospodarczej w oparciu o ich obecną sytuację. Cel ten powinien być osiągnięty poprzez proces uczestnictwa w propagowaniu dialogu i identyfikacji potrzeb i źródeł dochodu. 3. Należy zapewnić także płynność akcji humanitarnych, bliskość między konkurencyjnymi źródłami dochodu i utrzymanie jawności procesów humanitarnych, czyli bezstronność, neutralność i niezależność. Wzmocnienie strategicznej koordynacji przywództwa i koordynacja źródeł utrzymania musi być ustabilizowana w ramach obecnych struktur ONZ, np. przez rozszerzenie prac istniejących grup roboczych, obejmowanie szerszego zakresu źródeł utrzymania, podejmowanie inicjatyw sektorowych poprzez promowanie konkretnych grup tematycznych. Choć ONZ ds. Wyżywienia i Rolnictwa (Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, FAO)34 odgrywa wiodącą rolę w koordynacji, musi zostać rozszerzone o inne agencje, jak Biuro Narodów Zjednoczonych ds. Koordynacji Pomocy Humanitarnej. Konieczne jest ponadto, zdaniem międzynarodowych obserwatorów, promowanie zrównoważonych metod gospodarowania zasobami. Zrównoważone zarządzanie musi być ściśle zintegrowane z programem źródeł utrzymania, a zwiększenie wsparcia humanitarnego ukierunkowane na ochronę i utrzymanie zasobów naturalnych. To wymaga wzrostu świadomości, oceny skutków i odpowiedniego działania w celu zgłaszania negatywnych skutków35. 34 Organizacja wyspecjalizowana ONZ utworzona z inicjatywy 44 państw koalicji antyhitlerowskiej uczestniczących w konferencji poświęconej problemom rolnictwa i wyżywienia, która odbyła się w maju 1943 roku w Hot Springs. Konferencja powołała do życia komisję, której celem było opracowanie projektu umowy założycielskiej FAO. Siedzibą FAO jest Rzym. Za: A short history of FAO, http://www.fao.org/about/en/, [28.03.2015]. 35 H. Yo u n g, A. O s m a n, R. D a l e, Strategies for economic recovery and peace in Darfur, dz. cyt., s. 5. �5. Strategie na rzecz ożywienia gospodarczego... 261 4. Podkreśla się także, że należy mieć na uwadze uprzywilejowane budowanie wpływów lokalnych podmiotów, w tym międzynarodowe organizacje pozarządowe, komitety programowe i krajowe dla pracowników. Trzeba promować rozwój potencjału lokalnego, instytucji oraz zasobów ludzkich, które muszą być priorytetem, biorąc pod uwagę nieprzewidywalne przyszłe zapotrzebowanie lokalnej ludności. Wśród metod pracy muszą być promowane dialog i silniejsze partnerstwo między sąsiadującymi grupami. Tworzenie organizacji społecznych i komitetów programowych powinno być szeroko zakrojone i nie ograniczone do specyficznych działań projektowych. Kryzys w Darfurze jest wynikiem marginalizacji peryferyjnej z punktu widzenia Chartumu prowincji pod względem politycznym i ekonomicznym w wielu obszarach i sektorach. Dialog ukierunkowany na przyjęcie pokojowych rozwiązań nie jest wystarczającym rozwiązaniem, gdyż przyczyny konflitku nie mogą być w ten sposób usunięte. Konieczne są działania o charakterze politycznym mające na celu usunięcie prawdziwych korzeni konfliktu. Rozwiązanie pokojowe z realną szansą powodzenia wymaga: – przyjęcia i przestrzegania zasady demokratycznej transformacji na poziomie krajowym i regionalnym, z poszanowaniem praw człowieka, gwarantowanymi przez konstytucję obejmującą prawa i wolności obywatelskie, delegowanie uprawnień, niezależne sądownictwo, zakaz dyskryminacji ze względu na rasę, religię, płeć, czy kulturę, oraz niewykorzystywanie religii w polityce; – równego udziału na wszystkich szczeblach administracji rządowej, zobowiązania do wprowadzenia zasady decentralizacji i rządu federalnego z podziałem władzy pomiędzy centrum i regiony; – sprawiedliwego podziału bogactwa pomiędzy centrum i regiony w celu osiągnięcia zrównoważonego i trwałego rozwoju; – przyjęcia zasad odnoszących się do własności ziemi w Darfurze w oparciu o prawa różnych pokoleń, biorąc pod uwagę dobro wspólne w tym regionie; �262 V. Ocena i analiza uwarunkowań ekonomicznych... – szerzenia zasady pojednania i zgodnego, harmonijnego współistnienia między plemionami w Darfurze, mającej na celu ochronę czynnika społecznego. Działania zmierzające do zakończenia wojny w Darfurze muszą zacząć się od położenia kresu aktom prowadzenia wojny. Prawdziwy rozejm, nadzorowany przez afrykańskie siły rozszerzonej Unii i ONZ, dobrze wyposażone i obsługiwane, musi być przestrzegany, konieczne jest natychmiastowe i rozbrojenie milicji Dżandżawid. Należy rozpocząć dialog w celu osiągnięcia sprawiedliwego rozwiązania opartego na zasadach wymienionych powyżej. Nie wydaje się, aby jedyną drogą było odbudowywanie zniszczonych wsi i zapewnienie powrotu do nich ich pierwotnych mieszkańców. Warto też postawić na budowę nowoczesnych miast wiedlug aktualnych standardów. Kryzys w Darfurze wywodzi się także z braku praworządnych elit państwowych, które nie są skupione jedynie na walce o władzę. Tymczasem władza korzystając z bezkarności wdraża ludobójcze kampanie przeciwko obywatelom, pogłębia zróżnicowanie gospodarcze, kontynuuje działania dyskryminujące środowiska, powodujące marginalizację i nierówności. To właśnie było zawsze przyczyną sporów pomiędzy elitarną władzą a tymi ugrupowaniami, które pragną równości w Sudanie. Eksploatacja regionów peryferyjnych Sudanu spowodowała zubożenie tamtejszych populacji, podczas gdy bogactwo i władza zostały skumulowane w rękach wybranych nielicznych w Chartumie. Reżim religijno-fundamentalistyczny, łączący władzę państwową z religią powoduje dyskryminację jednym, a faworyzowanie innych grup,nierówny dostęp do władzy i niesprawiedliwy podział majątku narodowego. Przemoc strukturalna i ekonomiczna stosowana przez władzę, w postaci dyskryminacji i marginalizacji społeczeństw, osiągnęła „punkt krytyczny” i w ten sposób brak równowagi i walka o władzę w Chartumie doprowadziły do krwawego kryzysu. �zakończenie Wiadomo, że wojny nigdy nie kończą się tak szybko, jak się zaczynają, a zwłaszcza wojny domowe, gdzie strony konfliktu i ich interesy nakładają się na siebie i nie są do końca jasno określone. Tak jest i w tym przypadku. Konflikt w Darfurze trwa w dalszym ciągu, choć niektóre wydarzenia, które zaszły, spowodowały zmianę sytuacji politycznej i militarnej w tym regionie. Proces badawczy został zakończony w roku 2015, co sprawia, że tytułem uzupełnienia chronologicznego warto zasygnalizować także niektóre z najbardziej istotnych wydarzeń, które nastąpiły w przedziale czasowym nie objętym analizą, czyli od 2011 roku. Przede wszystkim pod koniec 2011 roku nastąpił upadek reżimu pułkownika Muammara Kaddafiego w Libii, jak wiadomo głównego protektora ruchów rebelianckich w Darfurze, a zwłaszcza Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości, mającego największy wpływ na bieg wydarzeń w tym regionie. Po jego śmierci szef Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości Chalil Ibrahim w dniu 22 grudnia 2011 roku uciekł z Libii. Rząd sudański z pomocą libijskich rebeliantów doprowadził jednak do jego zgładzenia. W ten sposób JEM utracił silnego i charyzmatycznego lidera, co miało znaczący wpływ na morale jego bojowników. Wiązało się to z faktem, że Czad wszedł w dialog z rządem Sudanu, który obiecał nie wspierać buntowników przeciwko rządowi Idrissa Deby w Czadzie. Wcześniej, 11 listopada 2011 roku, przedstawiciele czterech zbrojnych ugrupowań opozycyjnych Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości, Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu, Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu-Frakcja Abdela Waheda, Ruch Ludowego Wyzwolenia Sudanu �264 Zakończenie Północnego w mieście Kauda w Górach Nubijskich) zjednoczyli się w ramach Sojuszu Rewolucyjnego Frontu Sudanu. Dwa z tych ruchów były stroną porozumienia pokojowego podpisanego z rządem sudańskim. Pierwszy z nich to Ruch Ludowy kierowany przez Malika Agara, gubernatora Regionu Nilu Błękitnego, usuniętego przez prezydenta Omara Al-Baszira ze stanowiska po wybuchu walk między jego siłami i armią sudańską, a drugi to Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu prowadzony przez Mani Arko Minawi, byłego asystenta prezydenta Sudanu. Nowo powstałe ugrupowanie (Sojusz Rewolucyjnego Frontu Sudanu) wystosowało deklarację, która głosiła, że jego głównym celem jest „obalenie wszelkimi środkami rządzącej ekipy Kongresu Narodowego i restrukturyzacja państwa, zgodnie z nową konstytucją”. Głoszono hasła: Sudan demokratyczny, decentralizacja, liberalizm, zjednoczenie na zasadzie dobrowolności. W styczniu 2012 roku uwaga polityków w Sudanie skupiła się na małżeństwie prezydenta Czadu Idrissa Deby z córką przywódcy milicji dżandżawidów Musy Hilala (będącego na liście Międzynarodowego Trybunału Karnego), wspieranej przez rząd Sudanu podczas wojny w Darfurze. Wiele środowisk w Darfurze uznało to małżeństwo za rodzaj przymierza pomiędzy al-Baszirem i Debim. Niektóre źródła mówią nawet, że prezydent Czadu, który należy do grupy etnicznej Zaghawa (czyli tej samej, do której należał Chalil Ibrahim), ma prawdopodobnie coś wspólnego z jego zabójstwem. Stąd wielu Sudańczyków odbiera to małżeństwo jako „małżeństwo rekompensujące” morderstwo przywódcy Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości, zwłaszcza że powszechnie było wiadome, iż Deby był za usunięciem Khalila z Czadu. Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości oskarżył nawet państwa regionalne o zabicie ich lidera. Oficjalni obserwatorzy międzynarodowi odrzucili jednak tę skargę, nie uznając tego małżeństwa za wydarzenie polityczne. Także sam Musa Hilal w jednym z wywiadów prasowych zdecydowanie �Zakończenie 265 odpierał zarzut wiązania małżeństwa jego córki z jakimikolwiek porozumieniami między reżimami w Sudanie i Czadzie. W 2013 roku Biuro ONZ ds. Koordynacji Pomocy Humanitarnej ogłosiło w swoim raporcie, że liczba wewnętrznie przesiedlonych w Darfurze do maja 2013 roku wyniosła 300 tysięcy osób, natomiast całkowita ich liczba w roku 2013 wyniosła już około pół miliona osób, czyli więcej niż w ciągu poprzedzających dwóch lat. Ogólnie rzecz biorąc w rezultacie konfliktu, który rozpoczął się w 2003 roku, ponad dwa miliony osób mieszka obecnie w obozach dla uchodźców. W lutym 2014 roku w Addis Abebie, pod przewodnictwem byłego prezydenta RPA Thabo Mbeki, rozpoczęły się negocjacje rządu sudańskiego z ugrupowaniami zbrojnymi z Darfuru. Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu kierowany przez Mani Arko Minawi i Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości na czele z Dżibrilem Ibrahimem zgłosiły jednak sprzeciw, wskazując na „powtarzające się błędy” w odniesieniu do poprzednich dwustronnych porozumień pokojowych, podpisanych przez niektóre ugrupowania Darfuru z rządem w Chartumie, takich jak dokument z Doha. Podkreślili, że rozwiązanie dla kryzysu w Darfurze i w innych regionach powinno powstać na szczeblu krajowym. Natomiast delegacja rządowa pod przewodnictwem Amina Hassana Omara uważała, że dokument z Doha na rzecz pokoju w Darfurze stanowić będzie jedynie przedmiot negocjacji. Sesje mediacyjne, po kilku próbach podjętych przez Mbekiego, doprowadziły do uzgodnienia poglądów między obiema stronami. W czerwcu 2014 roku Sudański Front Rewolucyjny kierowany przez Malika Agaar podpisał z liderem Partii Umma Sadiqiem Al-Mahdim Deklarację Paryską, w celu zjednoczenia sił opozycji, zatrzymania wojny i budowania państwa obywatelskiego. Był to pierwszy tego rodzaju dokument pomiędzy dwoma stronami, w którym podkreślono, że wojna domowa w Sudanie to ostatecz- �266 Zakończenie ność. Ogłoszono, że Front Rewolucyjny, który walczy w Darfurze i prowincjach Błękitnego Nilu i Kordofanie Południowym, podpisze rozejm. Obie strony zgodziły się na podjęcie nowych wspólnych działań między wszystkimi siłami politycznymi. Podkreślono także potrzebę zawarcia umowy regionalnej i międzynarodowej. W czerwcu 2015 roku podjęto próbę aresztowania Omara Hasana al-Baszira, na którym ciąży od 2009 roku zarzut zbrodni wojennych i zbrodni przeciwko ludzkości, podczas jego wizyty w RPA, na szczycie Unii Afrykańskiej w Johannesburgu. Pomimo decyzji Sądu Najwyższego RPA o zakazie opuszczania tego kraju Al-Baszir jednak z niego wyjechał, prawdopodobnie za wiedzą władz RPA. Prowadzone badania pozwalają stwierdzić, że sytuacji w Darfurze nie poprawia ogólnie zły stan gospodarki panujący w całym kraju od czasu secesji Sudanu Południowego. Gospodarka kraju była do tego czasu uzależniona od ropy naftowej, a tracąc główne jej źródła, znalazła się na skraju upadku. Pomimo funkcjonowania w dalszym ciągu ropociągu zgodnie z umową w Chartumie, fakt istnienia ugrupowań zbrojnych w Darfurze i Kordofanie Południowym osłabia państwo. Region Darfuru, żyjący w niepokoju od kilkudziesięciu lat, obecnie stoi przed ryzykiem kolejnej, nowej wojny, która w zasadzie nawet już się rozpoczęła, co potwierdzają niezależni obserwatorzy. Z punktu widzenia niniejszej rozprawy wydarzenia te nie wnoszą jednak już nic nowego do odpowiedzi na zasadnicze pytanie o przyczyny tego konfliktu. Odpowiedź na to pytanie jest zgodna z przyjętymi na wstępie założeniami, że wiodącymi uwarunkowaniami konfliktu w Darfurze są aspekty ekonomiczne w połączeniu z ekologicznymi, a dopiero w dalszej kolejności uwarunkowania polityczne, społeczne i etniczne. Konflikt zbrojny w Darfurze można porównać do trzeciej zasady dynamiki Newtona, która mówi, że akcja wywołuje reakcję. �Zakończenie 267 Kryzys środowiskowy, lata zaniedbań i marginalizacji tej prowincji przez rząd centralny, a z drugiej strony kolejne nieudolne próby podporządkowania sobie Darfuru przez Chartum, odbierane były przez Darfurczyków jako głęboka niesprawiedliwość oraz atak i pogwałcenie ich praw, co w efekcie wywoływało reakcję i obronę autonomii swojego regionu. Regionu mającego w dodatku własne, pamiętane dotąd, tradycje państwowości. Przez ostatnie dziesiątki lat w mieszkańcach tego regionu Sudanu narastało niezadowolenie i nienawiść wobec nilocentrycznej polityki, zarówno wśród miejscowych plemion nomadów arabskich, jak i miejscowych nigryckich rolników. Złość mieszała się z bezradnością i świadomością wyalienowania. Dla Darfurczyków dysponujących ograniczonym dostępem do ziemi i źródeł wody była to sytuacja, która nie tylko utrudniała im życie, ale wywoływała bunt przeciwko takim warunkom i takiemu traktowaniu. Pozostawieni sami sobie, Darfurczycy nie zgadzali się na egzystowanie w tym upośledzonym gospodarczo regionie. Konflikt w Darfurze to wojna wyjątkowo okrutna. Jak każda wojna domowa na świecie to wojna bratobójcza, gdyż, jak zostało to już podkreślone, określenie Arab i Afrykanin (biały i czarny), to określenia względne i symboliczne, po części wywodzące się z kolonialnych narracji. Nie ma tu ostro przebiegających granic między tymi grupami. W praktyce jedni mogą być drugimi, ale wszyscy są na pewno Darfurczykami, a w szerszym sensie również Sudańczykami. Z powodu tej wojny cierpią wszyscy, żołnierze i ludność cywilna. Walczący po wszystkich stronach konfliktu nie oszczędzają nikogo i nie liczą się z nikim. Głównymi ofiarami są kobiety i dzieci oraz mieszkańcy obozów dla uchodźców, które nie zapewniają im bezpieczeństwa. Bojówki rządowe i pospolici bandyci nadal bezprawnie napadają i gwałcą uchodźców na terenach, na których powinni być chronieni. �268 Zakończenie Społeczność międzynarodowa w okresie ostatnich lat stale podejmowała działania zmierzające do położenia kresu krwawemu konfliktowi, jednakże próby osiągnięcia trwałego porozumienia były i są utrudnione z uwagi na głębokie podziały panujące wśród różnych stron zaangażowanych w ten konflikt. Wielu obserwatorów zagranicznych przygląda się tej sytuacji, ale niewielu stara się dotrzeć do sedna tego konfliktu. Wiele organizacji reaguje schematycznie, jak przy wszystkich innych tradycyjnych walkach zbrojnych. Tymczasem w przypadku tej wojny ta schematyczność nie pomaga, lecz wprost przeciwnie, pogłębia problem. Tylko nieliczni mają świadomość, że kluczem i warunkiem do powstrzymania tych okrutnych walk jest odnalezienie kluczowych przyczyn tego konfliktu. Analizy wskazujące na mnogość czynników, które mogły się do wybuchu danego konfliktu przyczynić, mają oczywiście swoje zalety. Autor starał się w tej rozprawie również je zauważać i brać pod uwagę. Z drugiej jednak strony, takie podejście może mieć negatywne skutki z punktu widzenia efektywności procesu pokojowego, ponieważ w praktyce politycznych negocjacji i tak bardzo często wyróżnia się jeden z nich, czyli np. czynnik etniczny, jak w przypadku Darfuru. Tak się składa, że akurat ten czynnik w sprawie Darfuru jest bardzo często podnoszony, co sprawia, że prowadzi to do złej oceny sytuacji i w efekcie uniemożliwia rozwiązanie problemu. Tymczasem, zdaniem autora tej pracy, nie tyle czynnik etniczny jest tu kluczowy, ile to, co Paul Williams nazywa źle przeprowadzoną lub niedokończoną dekolonizacją1, co ma związek z czynnikiem etnicznym w tym sensie, że Darfur był w okresie przed kolonialnym odrębnym państwem i został wbrew swej woli przyłączony do reszty Sudanu, w którym rządziły i rządzą przedstawiciele elit 1 P.D. W i l l a m s, War & conflict in Africa, Cambridge 2011, s. 11. �Zakończenie 269 wywodzących się znad Nilu, potomkowie dawnego państwa Fundż, z którymi tenże Darfur zawsze rywalizował. Kluczową przyczyną konfliktu, wokół której powinny koncentrować się negocjacje pokojowe, jest jednak kwestia niesprawiedliwej alokacji zasobów dokonywanej przez rząd centralny w Chartumie, innymi słowy mówiąc preferowanie rozwoju nilocentrycznego, będącego przedłużeniem polityki gospodarczej jeszcze z okresu kondominium. To ta polityka doprowadziła do kryzysu gospodarczego, który stał się przyczyną protestów i żądań zmian wyjątkowo nieefektywnego ekonomicznie systemu politycznego. Konstatacje te nie są sprzeczne z ogólnym poglądem na przyczyny kryzysów w Afryce, że szukać ich należy w niewydolności afrykańskich rządów autorytarnych, opartych na biurokracji na wzór zachodni popełniających wiele błędów w swej polityce gospodarczej i społecznej2. Inny wniosek, który nasuwa się przy analizowaniu takiego konfliktu, jak wojna w Darfurze, to słabość międzynarodowego systemu bezpieczeństwa czy też niemożność jego zbudowania siłami tylko afrykańskimi (czego dowodzi próba podjęta przez Unię Afrykańską w Darfurze), z powodu finansowej słabości i wzajemnego skonfliktowana państw afrykańskich. Stąd zasadna jest konkluzja o konieczności wsparcia ich ze strony państw i organizacji zachodnich. Jednakże w tym przypadku należy zwrócić uwagę na fakt, iż zachodnie misje dyplomatyczne są zwykle spóźnione, stąd byłoby lepiej, aby pokojowe działania polityczne oddać jednak w ręce Afrykańczyków, a siłom zachodnim przeznaczyć zadania w ramach misji pomocowych. Na koniec należy stwierdzić, że kluczową kwestią w zrozumieniu przyczyny konfliktu w Darfurze jest także zrozumienie słabości Sudanu. Słabości nie tyle wojskowej, co biurokratycznej i możliwości wpływania na swoje społeczeństwo przy pomocy systemu 2 Tamże. �270 Zakończenie propagandowego i edukacyjnego. Władze Sudanu, podobnie jak wielu innych państw afrykańskich, nie potrafią sobie poradzić z konfliktem nawet o niewielkim zasięgu, gdyż szybko wykorzystany zostaje jego kontekst etniczny lub religijny, co prowadzi do jego eskalacji. Podkreślić jednak należy, że czynniki te pojawiają się dopiero w trakcie trwania konfliktu i nie one są jego przyczyną. To słabość rządu sudańskiego (będąca konsekwencją słabości ekonomicznej) prowadzi do zbyt pospiesznego stosowania represji, gdyż władze widzą w nich jedyną szansę utrzymania pokoju. �bibliografia 1. Źródła niepublikowane Badania sondażowe prowadzone przez autora przy pomocy kwestionariusza „Badania Terenowe Ludności w Darfurze”. Rozmowa autora z dr. Hassanem Al-Turabim, uczonym i politykiem, odgrywającym także praktyczną rolę w tym konflikcie, przeprowadzona 5.11.2011 roku, w Chartumie w Sudanie (dr H. Al-Turabi zmarł w 2016 roku). Rozmowa autora z zastępcą dyr. Fashirskiego Biura Sieci Wiejskiej, 15.11.2011 roku, w Północnym Darfurze. Rozmowa autora z Hajdrem Ibrahimem, sudańskim badaczem i naukowcem, znawcą problematyki Sudanu, a w szczególności Darfuru i Sudanu Południowego 12.04.2014 roku w Londynie, w Wielkiej Brytanii. Rozmowa autora z Mahmoudem Abbakerem Suleimanem, lekarzem, pisarzem i badaczem sytuacji w Darfurze, 4.09.2014 w Bedford w Wielkiej Brytanii. Rozmowa autora z Ahmedem Ibrahimem Diraige, który stworzył (Darfur Development Front, DDF), 10.03.2012 roku, w Oksfordzie w Wielkiej Brytanii. Wywiad przeprowadzony przez autora z Ahmedem Hussainem Adamem, sudańskim politykiem, byłym rzecznikiem darfurskiego Ruchu Sprawiedliwości i Równości, specjalistą akademickim w dziedzinie prawa międzynarodowego, 3.04.2012 w Londynie, w Wielkiej Brytanii. �272 Bibliografia Wywiad przeprowadzony przez autora z Ministerm Spraw Zagranicznych Sudanu Ibrahimem Ghandourem, 18.03.2016 roku, podczas jego oficjalnej wizyty w Warszawie, w Polsce. 2. Dokumenty Decyzja Rady 2012/312/WPZiB z dnia 18 czerwca 2012 r. w sprawie misji Unii Europejskiej w dziedzinie WPBiO dotyczącej ochrony lotnictwa w Sudanie Południowym (EUAVSEC-South Sudan), Dz. U. L 158, 19.6.2012. Porozumienie w sprawie humanitarnego zawieszenia broni w konflikcie w Darfurze. Podpisana w dniu 8 kwietnia 2004 roku w Ndżamenie, w Czadzie, między rządem Sudanu, SLM oraz JEM. Porozumienie pokojowe w sprawie Darfuru z dnia 5 maja 2006 roku, znane jako Umowa z Abudży. Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1556 z dnia 30 lipca 2004 roku. Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1564 z dnia 18 września 2004 roku. Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1590 z dnia 24 marca 2005 roku. Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1672 z dnia 25 kwietnia 2006 roku. Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1706 z dnia 31 sierpnia 2006 roku. Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1881 z dnia 30 lipca 2009 roku. Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1945 z dnia 14 października 2010 roku. Umowa o warunkach powołania Komisji ds. zawieszenia broni i rozmieszczenia obserwatorów w Darfurze. Podpisana w dniu 28 maja �Bibliografia 273 2004 roku w Addis Abebie w Etiopii między rządem Sudanu, SLM oraz JEM. Umowa ramowa w celu rozwiązania konfliktu między rządem Sudanu (GOS) i Ruchem Wyzwolenia i Sprawiedliwości (LJM). 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Zoellick R.B., Deputy Secretary of State, Briefing on Abuja Peace Agreement for Darfur, May 5, 2006, Abuja, Nigeria, http://2001-2009. state.gov/s/d/former/zoellick/rem/2006/65933.htm, [18.03.2015]. �wykaz skrótów ADB – African Development Bank (Afrykański Bank Rozwoju) AMIS – African Union Mission in the Sudan (Misja Unii Afrykańskiej w Sudanie) AU – African Union (Unia Afrykańska) CFA – Ceasefire Agreement (Porozumienia o zawieszeniu broni) CFC – Ceasefire Commission (Komisja Zawieszenia Broni) CIVPOL – Civilian Police (Policja Cywilna) CMO – Chief Military Observer (Główny Obserwator Wojskowy) CPA – The Comprehensive Peace Agreement (Wszechstronne Porozumienie Pokojowe) CPC – CivPol Commissioner (Komisarz Policji Cywilnej) CRC – Convention on the Right of the Child (Konwencja o prawach dziecka) DAEC – Darfur Assessment and Evaluation Commission (Darfurska Komisja Oceny) DDDC – Darfur-Darfur Dialogue and Consultation (Darfurska Komisja Dialogu i Konsultacji) �298 Wykaz skrótów DDPD – Doha Document for Peace in Darfur (Dokument z Doha na rzecz pokoju w Darfurze) DDR – Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (Komisja ds. Rozbrojenia, Demobilizacji i Reintegracji) DFC – Deputy Force Commander (Zastępca Dowódcy Sił) DMZ – Demilitarized Zone (Strefa Zdemilitaryzowana) DOP – Declaration of Principles (Deklaracja Zasad) DPA – Darfur Peace Agreement (Darfurskie Porozumienie Pokojowe) DRDF – Darfur Reconstruction and Development Fund (Fundusz Odbudowy i Rozwoju Darfuru) DRRC – Darfur Rehabilitation and Resettlement Commission (Darfurska Komisja Rehabilitacji i Przesiedlenia) DSAIC – Darfur Security Arrangements Implementation Commission (Darfurska Rada Bezpieczeństwa i Wdrażania Ustaleń) DSIRC – Darfur Security Institutions Restructuring Commission (Darfurska Komisja Bezpieczeństwa i Restrukturyzacji) FC – Force Commander (Dowódca Sił) FAO – Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych ds. Wyżywienia i Rolnictwa) FFAMC – Fiscal and Financial Allocation and Monitoring Commission (Alokacja Fiskalna i Finansowa oraz Komisja Monitorowania) �Wykaz skrótów 299 GNU – Government of National Unity albo National Government (Rząd Jedności Narodowej, Rząd Narodowy) GOS – Government of Sudan (Rząd Sudanu) GOSS – Government of South Sudan (Rząd Sudanu Południowego) ICC – International Criminal Court (Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny) ICD – Integration Commission of Darfur (Darfurska Komisja Integracyjna) ICRC – International Committee of the Red Cross (Międzynarodowy Komitet Czerwonego Krzyża) IDB – Islamic Development Bank (Islamski Bank Rozwoju) IDPs – Internally Displaced Persons (uchodźcy wewnętrzni, dosł. osoby wewnętrznie przesiedlone) IGAD – Inter-governmental Authority on Development (Międzyrządowy Organ ds. Rozwoju) IOM – International Organization for Migration (Międzynarodowa Organizacja ds. Migracji) JAM – Joint Assessment Mission for Farfur (Wspólna Misja Oceniająca dla Darfuru) JEM – Justice and Equality Movement (Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości) JHFMU – Joint Humanitarian Facilitation and Monitoring Unit (Wspólna Organizacja Humanitarna i Jednostka Monitorująca) �300 Wykaz skrótów LAS – League of Arab States (Liga Państw Arabskich) LCC – Logistics Coordination Committee (Komitet Koordynacyjny i Logistyczny) LJM – Liberation and Justice Movement (Ruchu Wyzwolenia i Sprawiedliwości) MINURCAT – United Nations Mission in Central African Repulic and Chad (Misja ONZ w Republice Środkowoafrykańskiej i w Czadzie) NCP – National Congress Party (Partia Kongresu Narodowego) NDA – National Democratic Alliance (Narodowy Sojusz Demokratyczny) NEC – National Election Commission (Krajowa Komisja Wyborcza) NGO – Non-Governmental Organizations (organizacje pozarządowe) NRF – National Revenue Fund (Fundusz Dochodu Narodowego) OCHA – Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (Biuro ds. Koordynacji Pomocy Humanitarnej) ONZ – Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych (United Nations) PSC – Peace and Security Council (Rada Pokoju i Bezpieczeństwa) RSSI – Reform of Selected Security Institutions (Reforma Wybranych Instytucji Bezpieczeństwa) �Wykaz skrótów 301 SAT – Security Advisory Team (Zespół Doradczy ds. Bezpieczeństwa) SLM – Sudan Liberation Movement (Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu) SPLA – Sudan People’s Liberation Army (Ludowa Armia Wyzwolenia Sudanu) SPSS – Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (oprogramowanie do statystycznej analizy danych) SSS – State Security Service (Państwowa Służba Bezpieczeństwa) TDRA – Transitional Darfur Regional Authority (Tymczasowe Władze Regionu Darfur) UE – European Union (Unia Europejska) UNAMID – United Nations-African Union Mission in Darfur (wspólna Hybrydowa Operacja Unii Afrykańskiej i ONZ w Darfurze) UNDP – United Nations Development Programme (Program Narodów Zjednoczonych ds. Rozwoju) UNESCO – United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (Organizacja Narodów Zjednoczonych ds. Oświaty, Nauki i Kultury) UNHCR – United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (Wysoki Komisarz Narodów Zjednoczonych ds. Uchodźców) UNICEF – United Nations International Children’s Educational Fund (Międzynarodowy Fundusz Narodów Zjednoczonych na rzecz Dzieci) �302 Wykaz skrótów UNIFEM – United Nations Development Fund for Women (Fundusz Narodów Zjednoczonych na rzecz Kobiet) UNSCR – United Nations Security Council Resolution (Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa Organizacji Narodów Zjednoczonych) USA – United States of America (Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki) WB – World Bank (Bank Światowy) WFP – World Food Programme (Światowy Program Żywnościowy) WHO – World Health Organization (Światowa Organizacja Zdrowia) �ANEKSY ��Leksykon najważniejszych postaci w Sudanie w kontekście konfliktu w Darfurze Omar Hasan Ahmad Al-Baszir (ur. 1944) W armii sudańskiej był od 1960 roku, nieustannie awansując. W latach 1975–1979 pełnił obowiązki attaché wojskowego w Zjednoczonych Emiratach Arabskich, następnie w latach 1979–1981 był dowódcą garnizonu. Od 1981 do 1987 roku dowodził brygadą spadochronową w Chartumie. 30 czerwca 1989 roku wraz z grupą oficerów przeprowadził zamach stanu przeciwko premierowi Sadiqowi Al-Mahdiemu. Zamach ten miał na celu zapobiec ugodzie z Ludową Armią Wyzwolenia Sudanu (SPLA). Generał Al-Baszir sprzeciwił się realizacji porozumienia, które umożliwiało wprowadzenie prawa świeckiego na południu kraju. Jako zwolennik prawa szariatu w marcu 1991 roku był zwolennikiem wprowadzenia tej zasady. W kolejnych latach 1996, 2000, 2004, 2010 został wybrany prezydentem Sudanu w pseudodemokratycznych wyborach. Khalil Ibrahim (1957–2011) Był przywódcą partyzantów zrzeszonych w ramach JEM. Wywodził się z ludu Zaghawa. Był zagorzałym zwolennikiem przejęcia władzy przez Islamski Front Narodowy z Hassanem Al-Turabim na czele. W latach 1991–1994 pełnił obowiązki regionalnego ministra edukacji w Darfurze Północnym. Ahmad Ibrahim Diraige (ur. 1935) W grudniu 1963 roku, jako młody polityk (wcześniej członek Partii Umma), stworzył Darfur Development Front (DDF) celem opracowania �306 Aneksy wspólnego programu wsparcia regionu Darfuru. W okresie rządów Numajriego Diraige został aresztowany, ale już w styczniu ten sam Numajri powołał go na stanowisko gubernatora Darfuru. 23 grudnia 1983 roku Diraige udał się do Chartumu przedstawić swoją sprawę osobiście, gdzie został aresztowany. Uciekł do Arabii Saudyjskiej. W Londynie stanął na czele Sudańskiego Federalnego Sojuszu Demokratycznego (Sudan Federal Democratic Alliance – SFDA), którego celem jest obalenie rządów Al-Baszira i daleko posunięta decentralizacja z przyjęciem struktury federalnej w Sudanie. Ahmed Haroun (ur. 1964) Jeden z trzech Sudańczyków ściganych przez Międzynarodowy Trybunał Karny za zbrodnie wojenne i zbrodnie przeciwko ludzkości w Darfurze. Pomimo międzynarodowego nacisku na rząd Sudanu w celu wydania jego osoby Ahmed pełnił urząd ministra ds. humanitarnych do maja 2009 roku, kiedy to został mianowany gubernatorem Kordofanu Południowego. We wrześniu 2007 roku został przewodniczącym komisji rządu sudańskiego do prowadzenia śledztwa w kwestii pogwałcenia praw człowieka na terenie Darfuru. Suliman Arcua Minnawi – Minni Minnawi (ur. 1968) Pod przewodnictwem Minnawiego jego frakcja SLM podpisała porozumienie pokojowe z rządem sudańskim w maju 2006 roku. Minnawi został mianowany przewodniczącym Tymczasowego Urzędu Regionalnego w Darfurze jako starszy asystent prezydenta Al-Baszira. W grudniu 2010 roku Ruch Wyzwolenia Sudanu wycofał się z porozumienia pokojowego. Minni Minnawi uciekł do Sudanu Południowego i dołączył do innych frakcji rebelianckich w Darfurze, w tym SLM Abdel Wahida. Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi (ur. 1935) Studiował ekonomię na Uniwersytecie w Chartumie. Następnie wyjechał do Wielkiej Brytanii, gdzie w 1957 roku ukończył ekonomię �Leksykon najważniejszych postaci w Sudanie... 307 na University of Oxford. W 1957 roku powrócił do Sudanu, pracując przez rok w Ministerstwie Finansów. W 1958 roku zrezygnował z pracy w urzędzie, by skupić się na wzmocnieniu Partii Umma, której został członkiem. Po przywróceniu demokracji w kraju w 1964 roku, został jej przewodniczącym. W 1966 roku dostał się do parlamentu i został premierem Sudanu. Jego rząd przetrwał jednak tylko 9 miesięcy i w maju 1967 roku został obalony w wyniku uchwalenia przeciw niemu wotum nieufności w następstwie wewnątrzpartyjnego konfliktu. W latach siedemdziesiątych XX w., w czasie dyktatury prezydenta Numajriego, był przez kilka lat więziony i zmuszony na udanie się na uchodźstwo. Sprzeciwiał się bowiem polityce prezydenta, w tym wprowadzeniu w całym kraju szariatu. W 1985 roku powrócił do Sudanu, aby w 1986 roku zostać po raz drugi premierem. Po niecałym roku premier rozwiązał rząd, gdyż nie był w stanie uchwalić nowego prawa karnego w miejsce szariatu, osiągnąć porozumienia z Międzynarodowym Funduszem Walutowym ani zakończyć wojny domowej. Drugi gabinet przetrwał jednak również tylko rok i został rozwiązany w sierpniu 1987 roku, trzeci został powołany w 1988 roku. Rządy Al-Mahdiego zakończyły się 30 czerwca 1989 roku, po zamachu dokonanym przez Al-Baszira. Zaraz po zamachu stanu został umieszczony w areszcie domowym, w którym przebywał do czasu dramatycznej ucieczki do Erytrei w 1996 roku. Przebywając za granicą przewodniczył opozycji wobec rządów prezydenta Al-Baszira. Do kraju powrócił w listopadzie 2000 roku. Mahmoud Mohammed Taha (1909–1985) Myśliciel religijny. W 1985 roku Taha został aresztowany za rozpowszechnianie ulotki wzywającej do zakończenia prawa szariatu w Sudanie. Następnego dnia został skazany na karę śmierci wraz z czterema innymi jego zwolennikami. Ali Osman Taha (ur. 1944) Pierwszy wiceprezydent Sudanu. Stanowisko to zajmuje od 1998 roku, z przerwą pomiędzy sierpniem 2005 a lipcem 2011 roku, kiedy �308 Aneksy to pełnił funkcję drugiego wiceprezydenta Sudanu. Pełnił również funkcję ministra spraw zagranicznych w latach 1995–1998. Jest członkiem Partii Kongresu Narodowego. Taha był odpowiedzialny za pogłębienie kryzysu w Darfurze w latach 2003 i 2004. Liderzy społeczności darfurskich oskarżali Tahę o powiązania z Musą Hilalem i że miał wpływ na jego uwolnienie z więzienia w 2003 roku. Taha koordynował pomoc rządową dla dżandżawidów. Hassan Abd Allah Al-Turabi (ur. 1932) Założyciel i przywódca Islamskiego Frontu Narodowego (National Islamic Front). W 1979 roku został ministrem sprawiedliwości, a w 1996 roku został wybrany do Zgromadzenia Narodowego i był jego przewodniczącym. Po wprowadzeniu stanu wyjątkowego w Sudanie został aresztowany. Współpracował z wieloma ugrupowaniami islamskimi. Oskarżany o wspieranie zamachów terrorystycznych. Za te podejrzenia został ponownie aresztowany w 2008 roku. �Słownik najważniejszych terminów Dżandżawidzi – zbrojne milicje muzułmańskie, działające w Darfurze, zachodnim Sudanie i we wschodnim Czadzie. JEM – Ruch Sprawiedliwości i Równości, Harakat Al-adil wa Al-musawa (Justice and Equality Movement) – grupa partyzancka pod przywództwem Chalila Ibrahima, zaangażowana w konflikt w Darfurze. Wraz z pozostałymi grupami rebelianckimi jak SLM walczyła przeciwko siłom Sudanu reprezentowanym przez dżandżawidów. JEM przyjmuje ideologię islamu, jednak pomimo uznania przez rząd sudański bezpośredniego związku z przywódcą religijnym i politykiem Hassanem Al-Turabim, grupa, jak i on sam zaprzeczają tym twierdzeniom. Al-Turabi oskarża rząd o „zaostrzanie sytuacji”, natomiast wielu jego zwolenników dołączyło do JEM. W 2006 roku JEM zadeklarował połączenie z Ruchem Wyzwolenia Sudanu (SLM) wraz z innymi rebeliantami w Związek Sił Rewolucyjnych Zachodniego Sudanu. W 2008 roku rebelianci JEM przeprowadzili nieudany atak na Chartum i Omdurman. W lutym 2010 roku liderzy JEM podpisali rozejm z rządem Sudanu. Rząd sudański zarzucił JEM wspieranie wojsk Sudanu Południowego w konflikcie granicznym z 2012 roku. NIF – Islamski Front Narodowy (The National Islamic Front) – organizacja polityczna islamistów, założona i kierowana przez Hassana Al-Turabiego. Posiadała wielki wpływ na rząd sudański od 1979 roku i dominowała go od 1989 roku. Wspiera utrzymanie islamskiego państwa opartego na prawie szariatu i odrzuca koncepcję państwa świeckiego. �310 Aneksy NCP – Partia Kongresu Narodowego (National Congress Party) – jest oficjalną partią rządzącą w Sudanie. Na jej czele stoi prezydent Omar Al-Baszir, który pełni ten urząd od momentu przewrotu wojskowego w 1989 roku. Partia Kongresu Narodowego została ustanowiona jedyną legalną partią polityczną w 1998 roku z taką samą ideologią jak poprzedzające ją Islamski Front Narodowy (NIF) oraz Rada Rewolucyjna dla Ocalenia Narodu, którym Al-Baszir przewodził do 1993 roku. Członkowie NCP zdominowali parlament sudański pod kierownictwem Al-Turabiego. Skłoniło to Al-Baszira do rozwiązania parlamentu i wprowadzenia stanu wyjątkowego. Al-Turabi został odwołany z szefostwa w Kongresie Narodowym, którego część członków zmieniło nazwę na Ludową Partię Kongresu Narodowego. Odłam ten zmienił niedługo potem nazwę na Ludowa Partia Kongresu (PCP), a następnie podpisał porozumienie z Ludową Armią Wyzwolenia Sudanu (SPLA). SLM/SLA – Ruch/Armia Wyzwolenia Sudanu (Sudan Liberation Movement/Army) – ugrupowanie założone jako Front Wyzwolenia Darfuru przez członków trzech rdzennych grup etnicznych w Darfurze: Fur, Zaghawa i Masalit na czele z liderami Abdelem Wahidem i Minni Minnawi. Główne frakcje to: – SLA – kierowana przez Minni Minnawi, który podpisał porozumienie pokojowe w sprawie Darfuru w maju 2006 roku. – SLA Al-Nur – grupa powstała w 2006 roku, kierowana przez Abdela Al-Nur Wahida. Odrzuciła porozumienie pokojowe w Darfurze. – SLM – grupa dowodzona przez Osmana Ibrahima Musę, który podpisał porozumienie pokojowe w styczniu 2011 roku. – SLM (General Command) – grupa utworzona w listopadzie 2010 roku przez byłych członków SLA al-Nur i byłych członków JEM. Grupa ta jest kierowana przez Mohameda Az-Zubeira Khamisa. �Załączniki 311 Załączniki Załącznik nr 1: Porozumienie w sprawie humanitarnego zawieszenia broni w konflikcie w Darfurze (Ndżamena, kwiecień 2004) – The April 2005 N’DjamenaHumanitarian Ceasefire Agreement the conflict in Farfur. Podpisane w dniu 8 kwietnia 2004 roku w Ndżamenie, w Czadzie, między rządem Sudanu, SLM/A oraz JEM. �312 Aneksy Załącznik nr 2: Umowa o warunkachpowołaniu Komisji ds. Zawieszenia broni i rozmieszczenia obserwatorów w Darfurze – Agreement on the Modalities for the Establishment of the Ceasefire Commission and the Deployment of Observers in Farfur. Podpisana w dniu 28 maja 2004 roku w Addis Abebie w Etiopii między rządem Sudanu, SML/A oraz JEM. �Załączniki 313 Załącznik nr 3: Umowa ramowa w celu rozwiązania konfliktu między rządem Sudanu (GOS) i Ruchem Wyzwolenia i Sprawiedliwości (LJM)– Framework Agreement to Resolve the Conflict Between the Government of Sudan (GOS) and the Liberation and Justice Movement (LJM). Podpisanie umowy nastąpiło 18 marca 2006 roku, za pośrednictwem Kataru i mediacji AU-ONZ w ramach cyklu spotkań w Doha. Umowa stanowi ogólne zasady rozmieszczenia broni, ogłasza amnestię generalną, wyraża porozumienie co do konieczności uznania roli społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. �314 Aneksy Załącznik nr 4: Kopia oryginalnych podpisów porozumienia pokojowego w sprawie Darfuru z dnia 5 maja 2006 roku, znanego jako umowa z Abudży – Darfur Peace Agreement Abuja – May 2006. �Załączniki 315 Załącznik nr 5: Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1556 z dnia 30 lipca 2004 roku. Wzywa rząd Sudanu do natychmiastowego spełnienia wszystkich zobowiązań zgodnych z komunikatem z 3 lipca 2004. Szczególnie dotyczy to ułatwień w realizacji zadań mających zapobiec lub ograniczyć katastrofę humanitarną. �316 Aneksy Załącznik nr 6: Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1564 z dnia 18 września 2004 roku. Działając na podstawie rozdziału VII Karty Narodów Zjednoczonych Rada,wyraża głębokie zaniepokojenie, że rząd Sudanu nie wypełnił swojego zobowiązania, na które zwrócono uwagę w rezolucji nr 1556 (2004) i komunikacie sekretarza generalnego z 3 lipca. �Załączniki 317 Załącznik nr 7: Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1590 z dnia 24 marca 2005 roku. Rada Bezpieczeństwa uznaje, że sytuacja w Sudanie nadal stanowi zagrożenie dla międzynarodowego pokoju i bezpieczeństwa. �318 Aneksy Załącznik nr 8: Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1672 z dnia 25 kwietnia 2006 roku. Rada Bezpieczeństwa, przywołując swoje wcześniejsze rezolucje w sprawie sytuacji w Sudanie: 1665 (2006) z dnia 29 marca 2006 roku; 1651 (2005) z dnia 21 grudnia2005; 1591 (2005) z dnia 29 marca 2005 roku; 1556 (2004) z dnia 30 lipca 2004 roku, podkreśla ponownie swoje zdecydowane zaangażowanie na rzecz pokoju w całym Sudanie. �Załączniki 319 Załącznik nr 9: Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1706 z dnia 31 sierpnia 2006 roku. Rada Bezpieczeństwa uznaje, że sytuacja w Sudanie nadal stanowi zagrożenie dla międzynarodowego pokoju i bezpieczeństwa. �320 Aneksy Załącznik nr 10: Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1881 z dnia 30 lipca 2009 roku. Rada Bezpieczeństwa uznaje, że sytuacja w Sudanie stanowi zagrożenie dla międzynarodowego pokoju i bezpieczeństwa. �Załączniki 321 Załącznik nr 11: Rezolucja Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ nr 1945 z dnia 14 października 2010 roku. Rada działając na podstawie rozdziału VII Karty Narodów Zjednoczonych, podejmuje decyzję o przedłużeniu do dnia 19 października 2011 roku. mandatu Panelu Eksperckiego, pierwotnie powołanego na mocy rezolucji 1591 (2005), a wcześniej przedłużonego przez rezolucje 1651 (2005), 1665 (2006), 1713 (2006), 1779 (2007), 1841 (2008) i 1891 (2009), i zwraca się do sekretarza generalnego o podjęcie niezbędnych środków administracyjnych tak szybko, jak to możliwe. �322 Aneksy Załącznik nr 12: Położenie Darfuru na mapie Sudanu Źródło: AFP. �Załączniki 323 Załącznik nr 13: Mapa Darfuru Źródło: Radio Dabanga, https://www.dabangasudan.org/en/all-news/article/camps-facecritical-living-conditions-as-winter-approaches, [12.08.2015]. �324 Aneksy fotografie Autor z Hassanem Al-Turabim, liderem Partii Kongresu Ludowego w Chartumie, listopad 2011, fot. Ishrag Alhilo �Fotografie 325 Autor z Hajdrem Ibrahimem, sudańskim badaczem i naukowcem, znawcą problematyki Sudanu, a w szczególności Darfuru i Sudanu Południowego, Londyn 2014 fot. Nazar Al.-Taher Autor wraz z Ministrem Spraw Zagranicznych Sudanu Ibrahimem Ghandourem, Warszawa 2016, fot. Kafy Kooli �326 Aneksy Autor wraz z dyr. Fashirskiego Biura sieci wiejskiej, Północny Darfur, Al-Fashir, listopad 2011, fot. Abdelaziz Karamalla Autor wraz z zastępcą dyr. Fashirskiego Biura sieci wiejskiej, Północny Darfur, Al Fashir, listopad 2011 roku, fot. Abdelaziz Karamalla �Fotografie 327 Spotkanie mieszkańców z miejscowości na obrzeżach Al Fashir, Północny Darfur, listopad 2011, fot. autor �328 Aneksy Hafir (zbiornik przeznaczony do magazynowania wody deszczowej) na obrzeżach Al Fashir, Północny Darfur, listopad 2011, fot. autor �Fotografie Tradycyjne domy i ulice w Darfurze, Al Fashir, listopad 2011, fot. autor 329 �330 Aneksy Susza i proces pustynnienia w Północnym Darfurze, Al Fashir, listopad 2011 fot. autor �Fotografie Obozy wysiedlonych, Darfur, Źródło: UNAMID 331 ��� https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/ba4acf021ec3a3f909f9da26b046c47b.pdf 7295ba52fbe9d10514ce4323172daef6 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5024 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource regionalizm interenet - aspekt etnograficzny Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4660 Title A name given to the resource Regionalizm w Internecie(wybrane zagadnienia) / Homo interneticus: etnograficzne wędrówki w głąb sieci Description An account of the resource Etnograficzne wędrówki w głąb sieci Homo interneticus; ; pod red.Ewy Jagiełło i Pawła Schmidta s.70-79 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kasprzyk, Damian Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydawnictwo Portalu Wiedza i Edukacja Type The nature or genre of the resource e-book Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Damian Kasprzyk - Regionalizm w Internecie (wybrane zagadnienia) Damian Kasprzyk UNIWERSYTET ŁÓDZKI Regionalizm w Internecie (wybrane zagadnienia) I nternet, jako sfera przepływu i wymiany informacji, staje się dogodnym narzę­ dziem promowania rozmaitych idei i postaw. Można do nich zaliczyć regiona­ lizm, który - najogólniej rzecz ujmując - oznacza zjawiska związane z upodmio­ towieniem regionów. Zjawiska te zróżnicowane są pod względem formy, inspiracji, oprawy teoretycznej, skali społecznej. Przebiegają na rozmaitych płaszczyznach: kulturowej, gospodarczej, prawnej, administracyjnej, edukacyjnej ale także indywidualno-emocjonalnej. Często nadaje się regionalizmowi rangę ideologii, w której doniosłą rolę odgry­ wają hasła swobody decyzyjnej prowincji lokowane w opozycji do centralizmu pań­ stwowego. Tak pojęty regionalizm stanowi domenę działań niektórych polityków i kontestatorów istniejącego ustroju samorządowego. W ramach ideologii regionalizmu gło¬ si się także potrzebę pielęgnowania pluralizmu kulturowego poprzez poszukiwanie i podkreślanie specyfik poszczególnych regionów. Istotne role odgrywają: folklor, ję­ zyk, wydarzenia z przeszłości, związane z regionami postacie historyczne ale także walory przyrodnicze i rozmaite detale kulturowe, na przykład kulinaria. Często re¬ gionalizm kojarzony jest z ruchem społecznym, w którym prym wiodą działacze i ani¬ matorzy zrzeszeni w regionalnych stowarzyszeniach. Podejmują oni próby wciela¬ nia w życie wspomnianych haseł, zarówno tych odnoszących się do systemu za¬ rządzania jak i pielęgnowania tradycji. Istnieje wreszcie regionalizm jako zjawisko odnoszące się do emocji i wyobraźni jednostek. Dostępne jest ono każdemu z osobna. Nie wymaga zaangażowania społecznego ani politycznego gdyż przebiega na innej płaszczyźnie niż ta wyznaczana przez ruch stowarzyszeniowy i działalność samo¬ rządową. Może się uzewnętrznić w twórczości literackiej, wspomnieniowej, pla¬ stycznej. Określenie „miłośnik" dobrze charakteryzuje depozytariusza tak pojmowa­ nego regionalizmu. Emocjonalnie upodmiotowiony region daleki jest od konkretu. Oznacza raczej zbiór miejsc, które jednostka wartościuje głównie poprzez doświad¬ czenia z przeszłości. Powyższe koncepcje to zaledwie pobieżny przegląd ujęć regio¬ nalizmu (por. Kwaśniewski 1987; Kubiak 1994; Skorowski 2007). �Damian Kasprzyk - Regionalizm w Internecie (wybrane zagadnienia) 71 Poniższy tekst nie dotyczy prowadzenia badań społeczności Internetu za pomocą metod etnograficznych. Koncentruje się natomiast nad zasobami Internetu, które po­ wstały na skutek działalności regionalistycznie zorientowanych teoretyków, działaczy, miłośników, samorządowców. W ramach regionalizmu pojmowanego jako ruch społeczny mamy do czynienia z aktywnością podejmowaną w rozmaitych sytuacjach. Często działalność stanowi kontynuację wcześniejszych poczynań, zaś sam teren do którego się odnosi doczekał się już zdefiniowania jako „region" w opracowaniach historycznych, etnograficznych czy geograficznych. Kiedy indziej działacze sięgają po wybrane zjawiska kulturowe kreując je na charakterystyczne dla dopiero postulowanego przez siebie regionu, lub sta¬ rając się „wypełnić" nimi region administracyjny. Rewitalizują bądź tworzą symbole 1 wynajdują tradycje mające pełnić role integracyjne i identyfikacyjne. Wychodząc z logicznego założenia, że działalność - o ile ma być określana jako regionalistyczna - musi odnosić się do skonkretyzowanego terytorium „...usiłują rozpropagować w umys­ łach ludzkich funkcjonowanie jako regionów wydzielonych jednostek administracyj¬ nych, odznaczających się czasem co najwyżej jakimiś cechami zwartości organiza¬ cyjnej lub gospodarczej" (Kwaśniewski 1993: 84). W tych kontekstach interesującym zagadnieniem staje się Internet jako narzędzie kreowania quasi-regionów. Proporcje argumentów wykorzystywanych w celu wyka¬ zania odrębności i specyfiki pewnych obszarów zwanych regionami, ziemiami, krai¬ nami czy w końcu małymi ojczyznami (do terminu tego powrócę w dalszej części tekstu) zmieniają się. Współczesna recepta na region to najczęściej baza w postaci obecnych jednostek administracyjnych niższego szczebla, garść historii, szczypta et¬ nografii, a wszystko okraszone walorami przyrodniczo-turystycznymi. Koncepcje te wydają się zazwyczaj mało czytelne merytorycznie z punktu widzenia dyscyplin nau­ kowych tradycyjnie zajmujących się regionalizacją. Stąd też określenie „quasi", któ¬ rego jednak nie stosuję w celu deprecjonowania zjawiska w jakimkolwiek wymiarze. Przeciwnie, uważam, że mamy do czynienia z procesem kulturotwórczym, pełniącym określone funkcje, który może odzwierciedlać stan świadomości regionalnej i postaw regionalistycznych. Kwerenda zawartości Internetu pod tym kontem odsłania obraz guasi-regionalizacji kraju. Daje możliwość dokonania wstępnej (bo na pewno nie całościowej) oceny skali zjawiska, umożliwia dokonanie pewnych obserwacji i ze¬ stawień natury ilościowej i jakościowej. Posłużmy się konkretnym przykładem. Na stronach Wielkopolskiego Towarzy¬ stwa Kulturalnego w Poznaniu zamieszczono bazę danych dotyczącą regionalnych towarzystw posiadających własne strony internetowe. Jednym z nich jest Stowarzy­ szenie Gmin RP Region Kozła. Informacje na temat samego regionu odnajdujemy pe­ netrując stronę i wybierając tematy „stowarzyszenie" oraz „historia, folklor, tradycje". Autorzy tekstów nie kryją, iż obszar określany jako Region Kozła posiada granice li­ nearne, obejmuje bowiem 7 gmin z pięciu powiatów. Gminy te, to Babimost, Kar­ gowa, Siedlec, Zbąszyń, Miedzichowo, Zbąszynek i Trzciel. Leżą one w granicach 2 województw: wielkopolskiego i lubuskiego. Taki a nie inny kształt nadały regiono­ w i władze wspomnianych gmin, „podpisując porozumienie na wspólne kreowanie wi¬ zerunku Regionu, jako ośrodka o dużych możliwościach rozwoju turystycznego, kul¬ turalno-oświatowego, gospodarczego". Internetowa kreacja Regionu Kozła jest zatem elementem realizacji określonego porozumienia. Autorzy strony lansują jednak tezę o rewitalizacji regionu zastrzegając: „To, iż ten mikroregion powstał, a raczej odtwo¬ rzył się, nie jest przypadkiem". Głównym argumentem jest kozioł - ów instrument ludowy, występujący na tych terenach w 2 odmianach. Ten etnograficzny element ma �Damian Kasprzyk - Regionalizm w Internecie (wybrane zagadnienia) 72 uzasadnić istnienie regionu, został wykorzystany w jego nazwie i projekcie logo (wize¬ runek koźlarza grającego na instrumencie). Symboliczną rolę - obok kozła - pełni także rzeka Obra, która „łączy" gminy. Autorzy strony powołują się na opinie i autorytet his­ toryka Zdzisława Linkowskiego - byłego dyrektora Muzeum w Gorzowie Wielkopol¬ skim, który zauważył, że obszar istniejącej w średniowieczu kasztelanii zbąszyńskiej obejmował w znacznej mierze ziemie obecnego Regionu Kozła. Także funkcjonujący po I I rozbiorze powiat międzyrzecki obejmował nieomal w całości to terytorium. Do¬ wodem wspólnoty regionalnej z okresu zaborów mają być także niemieckojęzyczne pisma wydawane w Międzyrzeczu i Zbąszyniu. Omawiając ich zasięg autorzy interne¬ towego tekstu stwierdzają: „jak widać - prasa adresowana była wyraźnie do mieszkań¬ ców obszaru, który odtworzył się jako Region Kozła". Czy obecność kozła-instrumentu muzycznego przypisywanego regionowi jest ele­ mentem decydującym o jego granicach? „Od niedawna widać odrodzenie muzyki koźlarskiej w gminie Babimost" - czytamy na jednej ze stron. Jest oczywiste, że kształt Re¬ gionu Kozła wynika z prostego faktu, iż został on wykreowany przez samorządowców zakładających stowarzyszenie. Członkiem zwyczajnym może zostać gmina samorzą¬ dowa. Na stronie stowarzyszenia czytamy także, że Gmina Siedlec zasiliła region nie¬ dawno. Oznacza to, że przyjęcie nowego członka lub rezygnacja z członkostwa oznacza zmianę granic regionu. Analiza statutu Stowarzyszenia Gmin RP Region Kozła wska¬ zuje jednoznacznie, że głos samorządowców jest decydujący. Mamy do czynienia z co¬ raz częstszą sytuacją (dostrzegalną za pośrednictwem Internetu), gdy region a nawet ruch regionalny, jest zjawiskiem wtórnym w stosunku do działań rozmaitych środo¬ wisk starających się mieć decydujący wpływ na kierunek i formę działań społecznych i kulturalno-oświatowych na danym terenie. Godna przytoczenia okazuje się w tym miejscu refleksja Grażyny Prawelskiej-Skrzypek i Romana Matykowskiego: „Wydaje się, że również na obszarze Polski występują w zbiorowościach terytorialnych grupy interesów, które propagując ^przestrzenną abstrakcję» przeistaczają się w «graczy quasi-regionalnych». Jednakże i ta grupa aktorów może dążyć do społecznego wy¬ twarzania regionu, jak i zawłaszczania przestrzeni społecznej" (Prawelska-Skrzypek, Matykowski 2003: 236). Prezentacja Regionu Kozła ma na celu ukazanie obszaru zamieszkałego przez ludzi aktywnych, zdolnych do podejmowania wspólnych przedsięwzięć na rozmaitych po¬ lach, pielęgnujących folklor (głównie muzyczny). Oryginalny wydaje się być system wiążący samorządowców z regionalistami-społecznikami i miłośnikami tradycji. Śledząc informacje umieszczone na stronach stowarzyszenia łatwo zauważyć deter¬ minację z jaką działacze starają się utrwalić sam termin - Region Kozła. Nazwy im¬ prez z reguły zawierają stosowny człon. W programie wydarzeń kulturalnych, sporto­ wych i rozrywkowych na 2009 rok figurują: Rodzinny Rajd Rowerowy Regionu Koz¬ ła, Drużynowe Zawody Wędkarskie Regionu Kozła, Triatlon Turystyczny Regionu Kozła, Turniej Pracowników Gmin Regionu Kozła i inne. Wydaje się, że tendencja nazewnicza stosowana w odniesieniu do organizowanych tu imprez ma na celu nie tyle wypromowanie nazwy regionu na zewnątrz, co utrwalenie jej we własnym środowisku, a zatem jest elementem szerszego projektu zmierzającego do społecznego wytworze¬ nia regionu. Strona Regionu Kozła zawiera fotografie z licznych imprez mających głó­ wnie charakter ludyczno-integracyjny. Sama narracja tekstów zamieszczonych na oma­ wianej stronie (podstronach) pełna jest przymiotników wartościujących, określeń świad¬ czących o emocjonalnym podejściu autorów zapewniających, że Region Kozła jest „wspaniały", „malowniczo położony" i „niepowtarzalny". Inicjatorzy działają planowo. Najpierw zintegrowali się samorządowcy, którzy wypromowali nazwę i symbol (znak). �73 Damian Kasprzyk - Regionalizm w Internecie (wybrane zagadnienia) Następnie podjęto działania zmierzające do integracji mieszkańców sąsiadujących gmin. Dawna spontaniczność zrzeszających się jednostek zastąpiona zostaje precyzyj­ nym planem. Powstawanie regionu i regionalizmu, pojmowane dawniej jako długotr­ wały proces historyczny, ulega przyspieszeniu za pomocą rozmaitych zabiegów. Warto zauważyć, że do niedawna część praktyków i teoretyków z dystansem spoglądała na sytuacje, gdy ruch regionalny inspirowany był przez samorządy. Ta nieufność wynikała z PRL-owskich doświadczeń wielu działaczy widzących w re­ gionalizmie demokratyczny, niezależny, oddolny ruch społeczny. Po 1989 roku mile widziana była pomoc i wsparcie ze strony władz lokalnych ale nie monopol decy¬ zyjny. Obecnie samorządy przejmują inicjatywę, same organizują ruch a następnie patronują działaniom. To animowanie regionalizmu wiąże się z potrzebą budowa¬ nia kapitału społecznego oraz z koniecznością funkcjonowania poszczególnych jed¬ nostek administracyjnych w realiach gospodarki kapitalistycznej. Oba te wyzwania, choć wydają się od siebie odległe, wymagają stworzenia atrakcyjnego wizerunku. Atrakcyjny wizerunek stanowi klucz do sukcesów na wielu płaszczyznach. Ułat­ wia pozyskiwanie funduszy, przyciąga turystów i inwestorów (por. Ciechocińska 1994: 44, 46). Pozytywna rozpoznawalność sprawia, że łatwiej i chętniej działania samorządowców wspierają sami mieszkańcy. Prace nad wizerunkiem wymusza kon¬ kurencja w absorbowaniu środków miedzy województwami, powiatami, gminami i miastami reprezentowanymi przez samorządy oraz konieczność ich późniejszego wykorzystania w oparciu o kapitał społeczny. To rywalizacja, w której decydujące znaczenie posiadają symbole, wszelkie produkty regionalne, imprezy kulturalne. Inter¬ net staje się swoistym polem tej rywalizacji. Wykorzystujący zawartość Internetu badacz zjawisk związanych z regionalizmem, dostrzeże kolejną grupę regionalnych, czy też quasi-regionalnych graczy. Fenome­ nem ostatnich lat są Lokalne Grupy Działania (LGD) . Ich idea jest bardzo bliska ideom regionalizmu. Zarządy LGD składają się głównie z osób wskazywanych przez stowarzyszenia społeczne i gospodarcze. Zintegrowane Strategie Rozwoju Obszarów Wiejskich, które opracowują i na które uzyskują wsparcie, dotyczą między innymi turystyki, ochrony oraz promocji środowiska naturalnego, krajobrazu i zasobów his¬ toryczno - kulturowych, a zatem pokrywają się w znacznej mierze z tradycyjnymi domenami zainteresowań i działań regionalistów. 1 Interesującym zagadnieniem jest autoidentyfikacja regionalna LGD, dokonująca się już na poziomie ich nazw. Tu cenne okazują się internetowe bazy danych. Nazwy LGD zawierają człon (czasami ujmowany w cudzysłów) precyzujący obszar działań grupy lub - rzadziej - stanowiący swoiste credo podejmowanych działań. Twórcy nazw odwołują się czasami do terminologii etnograficznej: „Lasovia", „Pałuki - wspólna sprawa", „Kaszubska droga". Spotkać można nawet odwołanie do specyfiki etnicznej: „Szlak tatarski" (tak nazwała się LGD funkcjonująca na terenie 5 gmin powiatu sokólskiego). Często w nazwach istnieją odwołania do figur rzek, gór lub zespołów leś¬ nych jako symboli ekologicznych informujących jednocześnie gdzie działa grupa: „Kraina Rawki", „Dorzecze Wisłoka", „Dolina Drwęcy", „Wokół Łysej Góry", „Be¬ skid Gorlicki", „Puszcza Knyszyńska". Niektóre nazwy nawiązują do jakiejś drob¬ niejszej specyfiki przyrodniczej: „Kraina bobra", „Brama na bagna", „Szlakiem 1 Grupy te działają na rzecz rozwoju obszarów wiejskich, w ramach unijnego programu (obecnie: LEADER +). Mogą mieć formę stowarzyszenia, fundacji lub związku stowarzyszeń. �Damian Kasprzyk - Regionalizm w Internecie (wybrane zagadnienia) 74 granitu", „Wrzosowa kraina", „Kraina nafty", lub kulturowej: „Ziemia gotyku", „Gryflandia". Część LGD dokonuje swoistej archaizacji posługując się określeniem „ziemia". Mamy więc LGD „Ziemia Biłgorajska", „Przyjazna Ziemia Limanowska", „Ziemia Łańcucka". Są w końcu i takie, które w swoich nazwach posługują się określeniem „re¬ gion": „Region Włoszczowski", „Region Sanu i Trzebośnicy". Tak więc na mapę zaistniałych za sprawą działalności rozmaitych stowarzyszeń oraz samorządów quasi-regionów, LGD nakładają kolejną warstwę. Stowarzyszenia te posiadają własne strony internetowe, stanowiące zasadnicze źródło informacji na temat ich działalności. Prowadzą one (jak do tej pory) nikłą aktywność wydawniczą, choć kilka LGD wydaje już własne biuletyny. Strony LGD są miejscami intensywnej promocji poszczególnych gmin, jednak zdarzają się próby definiowania całego obszaru jako regionu: „Region Wielkiego Łuku Warty poprzez swoje walory przyrodnicze jest jednym z atrakcyjniejszych terenów w województwie łódzkim i w całej środkowej Polsce. Posiada wiele unikatowych form przyrodniczych. Jest bogaty w obiekty cenne pod względem przyrodniczym, kul¬ turowym i historycznym". Niektóre LGD obejmują wszystkie gminy powiatu. Wów¬ czas powiat staje się zwartym obszarem kulturowym: „Obszar, na którym działa «Wstęga Kociewia» leży w całości w obrębie jednego powiatu - powiatu tczewskiego. Pod względem etnograficznym i historycznym teren ten nazywamy Kociewiem Tczew¬ skim. Gminy łączą wspólne tradycje kulturowe, etniczne i powiązania gospodarcze". Jednym z istotniejszych punktów akcji LGD są zabiegi popularyzujące walory agro¬ turystyczne i kulinarne. Wiele LGD przyznaje znaki promocyjne, o które ubiegają się okoliczni producenci, na przykład „Produkt ślężański" (LGD Ślężanie) czy „Marka lo­ kalna Bory Tucholskie" (LGD Bory Tucholskie). Tu unaocznia się wspomniana wcześ¬ niej walka o wizerunek i identyfikację obszaru objętego działalnością grupy. Fenomen LGD oraz, nie odosobnionego przypadku, Stowarzyszenia Gmin RP Re¬ gion Kozła, ukazuje coraz szerszy kierunek współczesnych działań regionalistycznych. Odmienność polega na kreowaniu quasi-regionów utworzonych z kilku gmin, nowych wektorach inspiracji i wytyczaniu nowych celów działalności. Z interneto¬ wych prezentacji wynika, iż celem działań jest budowa kapitału społecznego i ludz¬ kiego. Nieco upraszczając, chodzi o wzrost zaufania i kompetencji mieszkańców nie zaś o poznawanie warunków, badanie dziedzictwa kulturowego, popularyzowanie wiedzy o przeszłości regionu. W ramach nowych inicjatyw kładzie się nacisk na in¬ tegrację i szkolenia. Upodmiotowienie regionów sprowadza się do działań pod¬ porządkowanych interesom jego mieszkańców (Ciechocińska 1994: 47). Wektor inspiracji biegnie od władz samorządowych ku społecznikom. Ostatnia reforma ad¬ ministracyjna oraz dostęp do funduszy unijnych stały się okolicznościami stymulu¬ jącymi zmiany. Internet umożliwia ich obserwację ponieważ - w nurcie przeobrażeń cywilizacyjnych - staje się podstawowym medium za pomocą którego główni „gra¬ cze" na arenach regionalnych prezentują swoje cele, metody i osiągnięcia. Nieco innym zagadnieniem, które warto poruszyć, jest rozpiętość kontekstów w ja¬ kich lokowany jest, kojarzony z regionalizmem, termin „mała ojczyzna". Kwerenda zawartości Internetu daje - jak sądzę - ciekawe rezultaty. Termin „mała ojczyzna" - jako pojecie socjologiczne - jest korelatem świado¬ mości i emocji. „Wartość i znaczenie «małej ojczyzny», jej nie zawsze uświadomio¬ nych więzi rozumie i pojmuje na ogół ten, kto j ą utracił, kto z niej wyemigrował" (Simonides 1999: 67). Ten zestaw okoliczności uzupełnijmy jeszcze o sytuację - naj¬ bardziej chyba powszechną - uświadomienia zmian zachodzących w otaczającym �75 Damian Kasprzyk - Regionalizm w Internecie (wybrane zagadnienia) nas świecie lub zmian, którymi podlegamy my sami. Ta świadomość powoduje, że możemy czuć się „wygnańcami" mieszkając zawsze w tym samym miejscu. Istotę pojęcia oddaje literacka twórczość nostalgiczna, w której pamięć miesza się z wy¬ obraźnią w wyniku czego powstają obrazy wysoce wyidealizowane. Obecnie jednak nader często używa się terminu „mała ojczyzna" w trybie realistycznym. Czynią tak działacze, ideolodzy, publicyści i regionaliści. „Mała ojczyzna" staje się ideowym hasłem, projektem społecznym a w konsekwencji przekształca w stereotyp językowy (Robotycki 1998: 46). Tryb realistyczny dominuje także w tekstach dostępnych za pośrednictwem In¬ ternetu. Na komentowanych wyżej stronach Regionu Kozła czytamy, że gminy „trzy¬ mają się razem stanowiąc nierozerwalną małą ojczyznę"; „Ten niepowtarzalny za¬ kątek kraju, nasza mała ojczyzna to obszar około 1086 km , zamieszkuje go około pięć¬ dziesięciu tysięcy mieszkańców". Właśnie taki sposób użycia terminu „mała ojczyz¬ na" miał na myśli Czesław Robotycki pisząc: „W nowym wokabularzu jest już tylko słowem bez głębi, zbitką pojęciową na użytek szlachetnych dyletantów, naiwnych en¬ tuzjastów kultury ludowej i społeczników" (Robotycki 1998: 47). Odnajdujemy jednak ujęcia bliskie temu pierwotnemu. Oto dwudziestotrzyletnia blogerka opisuje swoje doświadczenia z wakacji w 2008 roku. 2 W końcu miałam wakacje! Sława, czy też Radzyń tuż obok niej, to miejscowości, które nazywam swoją małą Ojczyzną . Urodziłam się w Jeleniej Górze, ale to właśnie te dwa miejsca utożsamiam ze swoim dzieciństwem. Jeździłam tam od dnia kiedy się naro­ dziłam, wcześniej zresztą też. A najdziwniejsze jest to, że co roku przyjeżdżam tam jako inna osoba. Zmienność mojego życia koliduje z tamtejszą stałością. Uwielbiam tam wra­ cać, zawsze tak było. I jako kilkuletnia gówniara zbijająca drabinę na kwaterce z młotkiem większym od siebie samej, jako nastolatka potykająca się o linki od namiotów próbując wyrwać się nocą z obozu na ośrodek i teraz również, jako... sama nie wiem kim jestem teraz i na jakim etapie utkwiłam. Kiedyś było łatwiej ubrać to w słowa. 2 Nie wiemy czy takie ujęcie „małej ojczyzny" przez blogerkę jest wynikiem lektur (być może ta młoda kobieta jest studentką socjologii bądź etnologii), czy jest intui¬ cyjne. Różni się ono od klasycznego ujęcia opcją powrotu. Ostatnie zdanie brzmi na¬ stępująco: „I wiem, że za rok znów tam wrócę, po raz 23. Taka już moja mała tradycja odwiedzin mojej małej Ojczyzny". Zwróćmy jednak uwagę, że blogerka zdaje sobie sprawę ze zmiany własnej osobowości i w oparciu o tą samoświadomość buduje prze­ konanie o stałości „małej ojczyzny" nad jeziorem Sławskim. Coroczne powroty nie zmieniająjej postrzegania okolic Sławy i Radzynia. Ich obraz wydaje się być ustalony raz na zawsze, podobnie jak idealizowane obrazy „małych ojczyzn" kreślone przez wygnańców. Refleksje blogerki, pisane po powrocie z wakacyjnego wyjazdu, nie są tekstem nostalgicznym a raczej relacją. Zawierająjednak, charakterystyczne dla teks¬ tów nostalgicznych, struktury mityczno-symboliczne. Autorka umieściła liczne fotografie z pobytu, przeplatając je krótkimi komenta¬ rzami. Stosuje przy tym figury retoryczne sprzyjające podkreślaniu zalet miejsc w któ­ rych się znalazła. Na fotografiach dominują obrazy natury i beztroskiego relaksu, w opi¬ sach przeciwstawiane stechnicyzowanej, miejskiej rzeczywistości towarzyszącej au¬ torce zwierzeń poza sezonem: I zaczęło się wylegiwanie. obrazów ( . ) . 2 Słodkie lenistwo z dala od wirtualności i szklanych Miejscowości położone nad Jeziorem Sławskim w powiecie wschowskim woj. Lubuskie. �Damian Kasprzyk - Regionalizm w Internecie (wybrane zagadnienia) 76 Wieczory nad wodą były naj. Siedzieliśmy i po prostu gapiliśmy się w wodę. Często milcząc i to było najcudowniejsze. A nocą. Miliardy gwiazd niezakłócone przez światła wielkiego miasta. Magia - dodaje blogerka. Relacje uzupełniają opisy uciech kulinarnych charakterystycznych dla pokolenia autorki: Najlepsze zapiekanki w Poznaniu, pity w Jeleniej, pierogi w Kuźnicy Głogowskiej, lody w Krakowie, ale hot-dogi bezkonkurencyjnie w barze Oleńka w Sławie. Nie dość, że i tego roku bar był otwarty w tygodniu po 23, do tego hot-dogi były równie pyszne jak kiedyś; I sławska cukiernia „Szarlotka". Jakie tam są desery... brak słów. Blogerka sama zauważyła, że „mała ojczyzna" nad jeziorem Sławskim nie jest ani miejscem jej urodzenia ani też zamieszkania. Opisuje to miejsce (miejsca) przez pryz¬ mat doświadczeń z przeszłości. Utożsamia je z dzieciństwem. Poprzednie pobyty wspomina jednoznacznie pozytywnie. Bywała tu: „...również za starych dobrych cza­ sów obozów pod namiotami, spania na kanadyjkach, dyscypliny, nocnych wart i kwa­ terek, gdzie budowało się wierze wartownicze, później jako instrutkorka Kontekst w jakim występuje tu „mała ojczyzna" nie pozbawia tego terminu głębi. Nie ma on nic wspólnego z postulowaną przez niektórych regionalistów przestrzenią działań lokal¬ nych. Banalny na pozór tekst zawiera wątki idealizowania doświadczeń i miejsc na co dzień nie osiągalnych. To, że tekst został napisany „po powrocie" nie wyklucza pier¬ wiastka nostalgicznego. Trzeba sobie uświadomić skąd i dokąd wracamy. Można prze¬ cież powrócić - jak z przepustki - do miejsca wygnania i odosobnienia. Wydaje się, iż mamy do czynienia z takim właśnie przypadkiem. Zasadnicze odstępstwo od klasycznego ujęcia „małej ojczyzny" wiąże się z prze¬ konaniem, że jest to miejsce w którym spędzamy większość czasu, gdzie pracujemy na co dzień, gdzie jest nasz adres zameldowania, rodzina z którą mieszkamy. Tak nie jest. Przywołane fragmenty blogu potwierdzają to podobnie jak literatura nostal¬ giczna, choć forma różni się zasadniczo. Kwerenda zawartości Internetu umożliwia zatem obserwację w jaki sposób pewne terminy są aplikowane do dyskursu regionalistycznego. Obok „małej oj¬ czyzny" często używanym terminem jest globalizacja, który lokowany bywa w opo¬ zycji do regionalizmu. Globalizacja staje się często synonimem zagrożeń, między innymi dla tożsamości (w tym także regionalnej). Andrzej Tyszka, którego uznać można za jednego z głównych ideologów Ruchu Stowarzyszeń Regionalnych Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, przeprowadził krytykę za¬ łożeń Kongresu Kultury Polskiej, odbywającego się we wrześniu 2009 roku. Doko¬ nał tego na stronach blogu, pisząc między innymi: Obecny Kongres skupia zdeklarowanych reprezentantów postmodernizmu z do¬ datkiem adherentów neo-marksizmu. Oznacza to zgromadzenie stronników orientacji zhołdowanych wobec ośrodków ideowo-politycznych globalizmu, neo-liberalizmu, kosmopolityzmu, internacjonalizmu, „wielokulturowości", „politycznej poprawności", relatywizmu i permisywizmu, „tabloidyzacji mediów", konsumpcjonizmu i kulturo¬ wego komercjalizmu (...) Kongres odwraca się od szerokich i obiecujących nurtów kultury poza stołecznej, kultury regionów, małych i średnich miast. �Damian Kasprzyk - Regionalizm w Internecie (wybrane zagadnienia) 77 Zwróćmy uwagę na pewien paradoks obecności takiego ujęcia globalizacji w tek¬ stach zamieszczanych w Internecie. Otóż Internet jako narzędzie komunikowania uz¬ nawane jest za symbol, nośnik i znamię globalizacji, co nie przeszkadza - jak się oka¬ zuje - aby za jego pomocą ową globalizację krytykować w imię postawy regionalistycznej. To za pomocą licznych stron internetowych prowadzonych przez indy¬ widualnych pasjonatów oraz stowarzyszenia, portali społecznościowych i informa¬ cyjnych, ożywia się środowiska lokalne, popularyzuje tradycje regionów, podejmu¬ je zabiegi zmierzające do odradzania tożsamości. Już wiele lat temu zaistniał w litera¬ turze termin „glokalizacja", oznaczający wzajemne warunkowanie się procesu glo¬ balizacji i szeroko pojętego regionalizmu (Synak 2003: 192). Wyżej opisane sytua¬ cje zdają się potwierdzać tę zależność. Wielopłaszczyznowość zagadnienia regionalizmu i rozległość przestrzeni interne¬ towej wymagała dokonania wyboru. Powyższe przemyślenia mogą tym samym sta¬ nowić ledwie przyczynek do dyskusji nad rolą Internetu w badaniach współczesnego regionalizmu. Internet pozwala jednak dostrzec jak dynamicznym zjawiskiem, czy raczej zespołem zjawisk, jest regionalizm. Świadczy o tym kariera pojęć takich jak re¬ gion, ziemia i „mała ojczyzna". Przez szacunek dla wybitnych humanistów używałem określenia quasi-regionalizacja i zwróciłem uwagę na rozpiętość ujęć terminu „mała ojczyzna". Jednak bez zacietrzewienia wynikającego z dotychczasowych definicji (choć przy pełnej ich świadomości), region, ziemię i „małą ojczyznę" należy dziś uznać za kategorie dynamiczne, za pomocą których jednostki lub grupy celowe sta¬ rają się upodmiotowić, dowartościować i waloryzować przestrzeń w której żyją i dzia¬ łają. Terminy alternatywne są - jak się wydaje - mało atrakcyjne. Moją uwagę przykuły zjawiska nie tyle nowe, co zyskujące ostatnio na inten¬ sywności. Za takie uznać można wzmożone zaangażowanie samorządów w inicjo¬ waniu regionalizmu, stymulującą rolę funduszy unijnych, kreowanie quasi-regionów. W tym nurcie, tropione przeze mnie zagadnienia etnograficzne i historyczne traktowane są często przedmiotowo, wykorzystuje się je doraźnie, z pośpiechem wymagającym uo¬ gólnień i skrótów. To także konsekwencja pewnej specyfiki przekazu internetowgo (jedna z LGD zaprezentowała się za pomocą filmu i głosu lektora, rezygnując z tek¬ stu pisanego wymagającego od odwiedzających stronę wysiłku czytelniczego). Kapitał społeczny, kapitał ludzki i atrakcyjny wizerunek - oto dominujące współcześnie hasła. Trudno się dziwić brakiem zainteresowania etnologami w roli ekspertów, choć ich głos byłby zapewne pomocny także dla osiągania tych nowych celów. Posłużyłem się informacjami pochodzącymi z baz danych, stron stowarzyszeń oraz blogosfery. Szczególnie ów ostatni obszar wydaje się atrakcyjny, szczególnie dla bada¬ nia regionalizmu pojmowanego jako emocjonalna postawa jednostki. Narracja blogu wydaje się daleko bardziej spontaniczna niż ta obecna w tekstach przekazywanych za pomocą tradycyjnych, papierowych nośników. Użyłem kilkakrotnie terminu kweren¬ da, który w klasycznym ujęciu oznacza poszukiwania prowadzone w prasie, bibliote¬ kach i archiwach. Obecnie przeczesujemy także Internet. Wyszukiwarki dają większy komfort selekcji niż biblioteczne czy archiwalne katalogi (nawet te on-line) gdyż obej¬ mują nie tylko słowa kluczowe, a całość dostępnego w Internecie tekstu. Posiadają wszak oczywisty mankament. Obejmują tylko zawartość Internetu, stanowiącą wciąż jeszcze minimalny fragment zapisanej tekstem lub utrwalonej w obrazach myśli ludz¬ kiej. I ta właśnie cecha nakazuje traktować Internet jako cenne wprawdzie lecz jedy¬ nie uzupełniające źródło informacji dotyczących zjawisk kojarzonych z regionalizmem. Sama zaś obecność regionalizmu w Internecie to jedna z licznych odsłon tego zjawiska. �78 Damian Kasprzyk - Regionalizm w Internecie (wybrane zagadnienia) Literatura: Ciechocińska M., Regionalizm na obszarach pogranicznych, [w:] Regionalizm pol­ ski u progu X X I wieku, materiały z Kongresu Regionalnych Towarzystw Kul­ tury, red. S. Bednarek i in., Wrocław 23-25 I X 1994 , Wrocław 1994, s. 42-52. Kubiak H., Region i regionalizm. Próba analizy typologicznej, Przegląd Polonijny, nr 1, 1994, s. 5-40. Kwaśniewski K., Regionalizm, Rocznik Kaliski, t. X X , 1987, s. 29-44. Kwaśniewski K., Elementy teorii regionalizmu, [w:] Region, regionalizm - pojęcia i rzeczywistość, red. K. Handke, Slawistyczny Ośrodek Wydawniczy, Warszawa 1993, s. 75-86. Prawelska-Skrzypek G., Matykowski R., Współczesne oblicza regionalizmu. Ana­ liza przypadków w Polsce, [w:] Los i wybór: Dziedzictwo i perspektywy społeczeństwa polskiego. Pamiętnik X I Ogólnopolskiego Zjazdu Socjologicz­ nego Rzeszów-Tyczyn, 20-23 września 2000 r., red. A. Kojdera, K. Z. Sowa, Rzeszów 2003, s. 229-255. Robotycki Cz., Historia - folklor - tradycja a kwestia „małej ojczyzny", [w:] Cz. Ro­ botycki, Nie wszystko jest oczywiste, Wydawnictwo UJ, Kraków 1998, s. 42-67. Simonides D., Więź regionalna a „mała ojczyzna", „Studia Etnologiczne i Antropo¬ logiczne" t. 2, 1999, s. 65-73. Skorowski H., Współczesne ujęcie regionalizmu, [w:] Regionalizm. Idea - tradycje - perspektywy rozwoju w muzealnictwie, red. Z. Chlewiński, Wydawnicto Mu¬ zeum Mazowieckiego, Płock 2007, s. 11-29. Synak B., Kultury małych ojczyzn w warunkach globalizacji, [w:] Międzygeneracyjna transmisja dziedzictwa kulturowego. Globalizm versus regionalizm, red. J. Nikitorowicz, J. Halicki, J. Muszyński, Wydawnictwo Trans Humana, Białystok 2003, s. 187-193. 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(17.10.2009). �Damian Kasprzyk - Regionalizm w Internecie (wybrane zagadnienia) http://www.ruch.ngo24.pl (17.10.2009). http://www.sleza.pl/produkt_lokalny.html (17.10.2009). http://www.wstega-kociewia.pl/pl/index.php?tab=koc&id=1 (17.10.2009). http://www.wtk.poznan.pl/bazy/rsk_internet.aspx (17.10.2009). � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/bb197218c5518518093dbdee9d99b92b.pdf 7ca51827852d66e039fff51d815fcfb2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 5 Katarzyna Waszczyńska Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne etnolog/antropolog a warsztat muzealnika „Wielu ludzi myśli, że muzeum to taki magazyn, który można obejrzeć [...] muzeum to coś bardziej skomplikowanego, coś nieskończonego. Muzeum to cały osobny świat. Ale większość ludzi nigdy się w ten świat nie zagłębia, najwyżej stoją przy samym wejściu i są zadowoleni. Takich, którzy zechcą wejść do środka, jest tylko garstka”. Y. Ogawa, Muzeum Ciszy, Warszawa 2012, s. 112. Poniższy tekst koncentruje się wokół opisu działań, które mogą podjąć i podejmują adepci etnologii/antropologii w ramach muzealnictwa – jednego z pól zainteresowań etnologicznych/antropologicznych. Poprzedza je krótkie wprowadzenie w historię nauczania muzealnictwa etnograficznego w wileńskim/warszawskim ośrodku etnologicznym oraz dzieje muzealnictwa etnograficznego w Polsce. Stanowią one tło dla prezentacji trzech sylwetek zbieraczy z Mazowsza i ich zbiorów. To właśnie spotkanie z nimi stało się początkiem współpracy zbieracz – etnolog/antropolog. Współpraca ta dotyczyła przede wszystkim porządkowania zbiorów. Dlatego też w osobnym podrozdziale omówiona została organizacja takich prac oraz ich przebieg. Zasygnalizowane zostały również problemy, jakie mogą im towarzyszyć. Poszukiwana była też odpowiedź na pytanie, czy i jak wiedza i refleksja antropologiczna może zostać wykorzystana przy pracy ze zbiorami etnograficznymi, zgromadzonymi przez lokalnych zbieraczy. Krótka historia nauczania muzealnictwa etnograficznego w wileńskim/warszawskim ośrodku etnologicznym Cezaria Baudouin de Courtenay-Ehrenkreutz Jędrzejewiczowa, założycielka wileńskiego (oraz warszawskiego – dzisiejszego Instytutu Etnologii �Katarzyna Waszczyńska 122 i Antropologii Kulturowej) ośrodka etnologicznego, od samego początku, tj. od lat dwudziestych ubiegłego wieku podkreślała konieczność powołania muzeum etnograficznego, co zresztą nastąpiło w 1925 r.1 Wyjaśniała: „nie tylko względy wyłącznie naukowe przemawiają za powstaniem Muzeum Etnograficznego. Odzwierciedlając życie wsi i miasteczek w województwie wileńskim, białostockim, nowogródzkim i poleskim, służyć ono będzie do zaznajomienia się z typami i poziomem kultur na ziemi tej panujących lub wymierających. Korzystać z muzeum będzie zarówno młodzież szkolna, jak i szerszy ogół społeczeństwa miejscowego, oraz przybysze z innych dzielnic Polski i cudzoziemcy, licznie Wilno odwiedzający” (Baudouin de CourtenayEhrenkreutz [1926] 2005, s. 52). Jednakże to właśnie względy naukowe warto tu przede wszystkim podkreślić. Zbiory muzealne miały bowiem odgrywać istotną rolę w procesie edukacji etnologicznej. Tłumaczyła: „uważam [...], że [...] zakłady etnologji powinny posiadać małe podręczne muzea, planowo przez wykładowców tworzone [...], jeśli młodzież ma istotnie podczas studjów uniwersyteckich wyrabiać spostrzegawczość etnologiczną i zaprawiać się do badań w terenie” (Baudouin de Courtenay-Ehrenkreutzowa 1929, s. 257, za: Engelking 2008, s. 2). Korzyści z takiej współpracy miały być zaś obopólne. Pozwalały bowiem na to, by „z jednej strony Muzeum nie zmartwiało, z drugiej zaś, ażeby etnografowie-książkowcy również nie kamienieli w fikcjach mózgowych” (Baudouin de Courtenay-Ehrenkreutzowa 1933, s. 94–95, za: Engelking 2008, s. 2). Tak określone działania odpowiadały podobnym, podejmowanym w innych europejskich ośrodkach etnologicznych. Były one wyrazem czasów, dla których charakterystyczny był „ścisły związek pomiędzy etnologią jako młodą nauką a kolekcjami i muzeami – etnologicznymi, historii naturalnej, Völkerkunde, Volkskunde czy też les arts et traditions populaires” (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 2011, s. 125)2. To on zadecydował, że „Etnografia stała się dyscypliną akademicką i muzealniczą” (Posern–Zieliński 1973, s. 88). Wspominana współpraca czy też połączenie poddane zostało próbie po II wojnie światowej. Wówczas „EtnoMuzeum Etnograficzne w Wilnie, którego założycielką była wspominana już Cezaria Baudouin de Courtenay-Ehrenkreutz Jędrzejewiczowa, charakteryzowało się ciekawą strukturą, co wynikało z celów, które miało realizować. Składało się z trzech części: „laboratorium kultury”, przeznaczonego dla studentów, magazynów, dostępnych dla badaczy-teoretyków i praktyków czy artystów, oraz muzeum demonstracyjnego – dla wszystkich. Ostatnia z części traktowana była jako centralna, miała bowiem być „syntezą, wyrosłą z etnograficznych dociekań nad strukturą wytworów kultury «tutejszej» i ich wzajemnego stosunku, jako też stosunku elementów tej kultury pobliskich i dalszych terenów (Bujak 1980, s. 38). 2 „Sam Franz Boas dzielił czas między Columbię a Amerykańskie Muzeum Historii Naturalnej” (Barański 2007, s. 12). 1 �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 123 logia stała się uniwersytecką dziedziną nauki, zapominając o zgromadzonych zbiorach, pozostawiła je samym sobie (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 2011, s. 125). Jednak sytuacja ta bardziej dotyczyła etnologii uprawianej poza granicami Polski, tu bowiem to rozłączenie będzie widoczne dopiero w latach osiemdziesiątych XX w. Jednym z powodów tego „opóźnienia” była sytuacja kadrowa i organizacyjna polskich ośrodków etnologicznych po II wojnie światowej. Przykładowo warszawski ośrodek etnologiczny3, składał się wówczas z dwóch katedr: Katedry Etnografii Polski oraz Katedry i Zakładu Etnografii i Etnologii, które „po zakończeniu wojny pozostały bez profesorów” (Sokolewicz 2007, s. 15) oraz z problemami lokalowymi. To sprawiło, że priorytetem stała się przede wszystkim reorganizacja ośrodka. Innym powodem były względy nie naukowe, a polityczne i ideologiczne, które wymagały skoncentrowania uwagi na kulturze materialnej (Barański 2007, s. 13). Odpowiadało to zresztą wytycznym reformy szkolnictwa wyższego, a także ogłoszonemu w 1949 r. planowi sześcioletniemu. Zakładano w nim między innymi, że „powstanie w Polsce 600 małych muzeów regionalnych, zajmujących się kompleksowo archeologią, sztuką i kulturą ludową i to w nich właśnie mieli być zatrudnieni absolwenci historii kultury materialnej” (Sokolewicz 2007, s. 16–17). Konieczne więc było wykształcenie odpowiedniej kadry. Obowiązek ten przyjęło na siebie powołane w roku akademickim 1950/1951 – Studium Historii Kultury Materialnej4. Pierwsza możliwość zmian pojawiła się „w 1954 r., kiedy etnografia stała się samodzielnym kierunkiem na uniwersytecie” (tamże, s. 24), ale i tak kontynuowano wiele wątków, w tym studia nad kulturą materialną, czego przykładem może być wzięcie udziału w pracach przy Polskim Atlasie Etnograficznym (połowa lat sześćdziesiątych XX w.). Lata sześćdziesiąte przyniosły też współpracę z lokalnymi muzeami, np. z organizowanym Muzeum Rolnictwa im. ks. Krzysztofa Kluka w Ciechanowcu. „Tam studenci odbywali swoje praktyki letnie, ucząc się organizowania wystaw – od pomysłu, przez zdobycie eksponatu w terenie i jego opis, po ekspozycję” (tamże, s. 27), na podstawie 3  Historia warszawskiego ośrodka etnologicznego sięga 1935 r., kiedy zostały utworzone na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim dwie katedry: Katedra Etnografii Polski (kierowana przez prof. Cezarię Baudouin de Courtenay-Ehrenkreutz Jędrzejewiczową) oraz Katedra i Zakład Etnografii i Etnologii (kierowana przez prof. Stanisława Poniatowskiego). 4  Studium proponowało czteroletnie studia magisterskie. W tamtym czasie w Katedrze Etnologii brakowało kadry, stąd niemożliwe było prowadzenie oddzielnych studiów magisterskich. Studenci etnologii i archeologii studiowali przez dwa lata razem, a dopiero na trzecim roku wybierali kierunek specjalistyczny. Takie Studium utworzono w Warszawie, Krakowie i Poznaniu (Frankowska 1993, s. 198). W 1952 r. powołano Polską Akademię Nauk, w ramach której zorganizowano Instytut Historii Kultury Materialnej. Łatwo zauważyć, że mocny akcent był wówczas kładziony na materialność. �124 Katarzyna Waszczyńska zebranych materiałów powstała także niejedna praca magisterska omawiająca takie kwestie jak garncarstwo czy tkactwo. Tak wykształceni etnolodzy zasilali kadry muzeów etnograficznych (od tych dużych państwowych począwszy, a na regionalnych kończąc), a niektórzy znaleźli zatrudnienie w muzeach na wolnym powietrzu. Dla części miejsca te okazały się pracą stałą, ale byli też i są tacy, dla których stanowiły tylko etap ich kariery zawodowej. I można powiedzieć, że tak jest do dzisiaj. Lata osiemdziesiąte XX w., które przyniosły zmiany w zainteresowaniach naukowych i badawczych pracowników i studentów warszawskiej etnologii, spowodowały odsunięcie się od zaplecza, które dawało muzeum etnograficzne. W programie jednak nadal były zajęcia poświęcone tematyce kultury materialnej czy muzealnictwa. Chętni mogli także wybrać specjalizację muzealniczą. Tak było, ale tylko do połowy lat dziewięćdziesiątych XX w., kiedy reforma programu zajęć spowodowała zawieszenie specjalizacji. Pozostawiono jednak obowiązek praktyk muzealnych. Dopiero kilka lat temu zastąpiono je praktykami zawodowymi, co dało studentom możliwość wyboru miejsca ich realizacji. W rezultacie tylko część wybierała praktyki w jednostce muzealnej, najczęściej w Państwowym Muzeum Etnograficznym w Warszawie lub którymś z muzeów na wolnym powietrzu (np. w Ciechanowcu lub Wdzydzach Kiszewskich). Tematyka muzealna, a przede wszystkim możliwość pracy przy zbiorach kultury materialnej wróciła do programu studiów dopiero w roku akademickim 2008/2009. Wówczas została podpisana umowa między Wydziałem Historycznym Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego (z wykonawcą Instytutem Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej) a Urzędem Gminy Lelis5 na wykonanie prac porządkowych i inwentaryzacyjno-opisowych zbiorów, zgromadzonych w Ośrodku Etnograficznym Dziedzictwa Kulturowego i Przyrodniczego Kurpiów w Lelisie. Przygotowaniem do prac były semestralne zajęcia konwersatoryjne pt. „Miniatury etnograficzne”6, a od roku akademickiego 2009/2010 także zajęcia o podobnej tematyce, realizowane w ramach programu „Antropologii stosowanej”. Można zatem powiedzieć, że od 2009 roku w IEiAK UW realizowane są zajęcia (stacjonarne – konwersatoryjne oraz praktyczne) poświęcone lokalnym zbiorom etnograficznym. Zarysowane związki etnologii-nauki i muzealnictwa pokazują zmiany, które w nich zachodziły – od współpracy, przez odrzucenie, aż po powrót do 5 Umowa była podpisana przez dziekana Wydziału Historycznego prof. dr hab. Elżbietę Barbarę Zybert i wójta Gminy Lelis mgr. inż. Stanisława Subdę (w 2009, a w 2010 przedłużona). 6 Zajęcia o tym tytule realizowane są do dzisiaj. Mają one swoich stałych uczestników, ale także pojawiają się nowe osoby. Generalnie uczestniczy w nich rokrocznie ok. 15 studentów. �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 125 zainteresowań działaniami muzealniczymi, chociaż nie są one już prowadzone w murach muzeum – instytucji, ale w terenie. Dzięki temu zaś możliwe jest połączenie warsztatu badacza i muzealnika, co – prawie sto lat temu – postulowała Cezaria Baudouin de Courtenay-Ehrenkreutz-Jędrzejowiczowa. Zarys historii muzeów etnograficznych w Polsce W historii muzealnictwa etnograficznego w Polsce7 można wskazać kilka znaczących momentów i okresów. Jednym z nich jest bez wątpienia przełom XIX i XX wieku, w którym upatruje się początków tego typu muzealnictwa (Posern-Zieliński 1973, s. 88). To wówczas, a dokładnie w 1888 r. powołano w Warszawie pierwsze muzeum etnograficzne. Składało się ono z prywatnych zbiorów J.M. Kamińskiego i kolekcji obcej8 (afrykańskiej) L. Janikowskiego (Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa 1980, s. 23). Zbiory te początkowo pokazywano przy Ogrodzie Zoologicznym, a od 1902 r.9 w Muzeum Przemysłu i Rolnictwa (Posern-Zieliński 1973, s. 88). W 1911 r. Muzeum Etnograficzne otwarto również w Krakowie10. Równolegle do organizowania tych dużych – powstawały także muzea w mniejszych i większych miastach, m.in. w Zakopanem, Łowiczu, Włocławku, Suwałkach, Łomży, Ostrołęce, Nowym Sączu, Poznaniu, Wilnie11, Przemyślu, Lublinie, Wdzydzach12, Nowogrodzie. Zanim jednak do tego doszło, już wcześniej były podejmowane „działania, które można nazwać 7  Warto pamiętać, że historia muzealnictwa etnograficznego/antropologicznego stanowi jeden z fragmentów burzliwej, ale i ciekawej historii muzealnictwa jako takiego oraz jest częścią historii muzealnictwa etnograficznego/antropologicznego w Europie. Więcej na ten temat można przeczytać w: K. Pomian (1996a, b), K. Barańska (2004), R. Tańczuk (2011). 8  Należy podkreślić, że zachodnie muzea antropologiczne były organizowane z wykorzystaniem zbiorów tzw. egzotycznych, przywożonych z wypraw (organizowanych od odkryć geograficznych oraz w czasach kolonizacji), natomiast polskie były tworzone głównie ze zbiorów pochodzących z badań „tradycyjnej kultury ludowej”. Zarówno w pierwszym, jak i drugim przypadku pozyskane przedmioty pełniły rolę reprezentantów innych/obcych ludów i kultur, dzięki którym możliwe było ich poznanie. 9  W innych opracowaniach można znaleźć datę 1896, np. w: Barańska 2004, s. 53. 10  Początkiem krakowskiego muzeum był dział etnograficzny zorganizowany w Muzeum Narodowym w Krakowie w 1905 r. (Posern-Zieliński 1973, s. 88). 11 Chodzi tu o wspomniane już Muzeum Etnograficzne przy Uniwersytecie Stefana Batorego w Wilnie. 12 Z kolei we Wdzydzach Kiszewskich w 1906 r. powstało pierwsze na ziemiach polskich muzeum na wolnym powietrzu, zgodnie z wytycznymi Artura Hazeliusa – szwedzkiego etnografa, który w 1891 r. udostępnił na wyspie Djůrgarden w Sztokholmie, na terenach dawnego poligonu wojskowego, ekspozycję dokumentującą dziedzictwo kulturowe wsi i miasteczek Szwecji (Święch 2009, s. 101). �126 Katarzyna Waszczyńska protomuzealnymi” (Barańska 2004, s. 52). Zaliczano do nich organizowane od początku XIX w. wystawy przemysłowo-rolnicze, w ramach których „starano się [...] popularyzować kulturę ludową wśród szerokich rzesz ludności, pokazując jej wytwory na dużych i małych ekspozycjach” (Bujak 1980, s. 30). Anna Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa podkreśla jednak, że po zakończeniu takich wystaw „tylko częściowo zbiory wystawowe trafiały do zbieraczy oraz do muzeów przemysłu i rolnictwa, jako eksponaty ilustrujące możliwości produkcyjne wsi” (Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa 1980, s. 24) i dlatego nie można wskazać łączności między nimi a powstaniem muzeów etnograficznych. A mimo to fakt ten warto odnotować, dodając, że wiele z tych wystaw powstawało przy współudziale etnografów (tamże). Muzealne zbiory etnograficzne, złożone przede wszystkim z wytworów kultury ludowej, powstają również w ramach rozwijającego się od drugiej połowy XIX w. regionalnego ruchu ludoznawczego oraz ruchu krajoznawczego. Szczególnie wiele muzeów powstaje przy oddziałach Polskiego Towarzystwa Krajoznawczego13. Ich „założyciele, a zazwyczaj później kustosze [...] to miejscowi amatorzy kolekcjonerzy, entuzjaści swoich regionów i miłośnicy ich kultury, historii, przyrody i pamiątek” (Bujak 1980, s. 35). Takim pasjonatem był pewnie i „komisarz włościański, który podczas swej pracy w terenie gromadził wychodzące z użycia przedmioty” (Kielak 1996, s. 186) i składał je w budynku kancelarii gminy w Szelkowie koło Makowa Mazowieckiego. W 1897 r. zostały one zbiorami pierwszego muzeum wiejskiego na ziemiach polskich, które jednak nie przetrwało I wojny światowej14. Rozkwit muzealnictwa etnograficznego przypada na lata dwudzieste i trzydzieste XX wieku. Większość muzeów była organizowana, podobnie jak wcześniej, przez Polskie Towarzystwo Krajoznawcze, a także przez Towarzystwa Czytelni Ludowych i Szkół Ludowych (Barańska 2004, s. 54). Ich podstawę stanowiły zbiory prywatne lub dopiero organizowane zbiory. Ten wzmożony ruch zbieraczo-muzealny sprawiał, że konieczne było opracowanie instrukcji, która pomagałaby w tych działaniach. Jedną z nich przygotowała Komisja Muzealna Polskiego Towarzystwa Krajoznawczego i opublikowała w 1927 r. na łamach czasopisma „Ziemia”. Inną, stanowiącą bardziej omówienie zasad tworzenia muzeów etnograficznych zaproponował Kazimierz Moszyński. I chociaż przyznawał, że etnografią może zajmować się każdy, 13  W 1906 r. powstaje Towarzystwo Krajoznawcze, potem przekształcone w Polskie Towarzystwo Krajoznawcze. 14  Podobnie zresztą jak wiele podobnych jednostek – tradycje muzealnictwa regionalnego na przykładzie Mazowsza i Podlasia ciekawie opisuje Bernard Kielak (1996). �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 127 kto tylko będzie robił to z zamiłowaniem, to dostrzegał jednak potrzebę współpracy z wykształconymi etnografami. Przekonywał: „jeżeli muzeum regjonalne ma oddać istotny pożytek etnografji [...], tedy zbiory muszą być gromadzone «planowo», według wskazówek nakreślonych przez fachowca” (Moszyński 1928, s. 12). Należy dodać, że podawał konkretne nazwiska i miejsca, gdzie można zgłosić się po poradę (tamże, s. 17). Generalnie, w okresie międzywojennym około 2/3 zbiorów etnograficznych znajdowało się w muzeach regionalnych, z których 25 należało do różnego typu Towarzystw (Bujak 1980, s. 34). Znaczącą cezurą dla muzealnictwa etnograficznego była II wojna światowa. Wówczas „szereg placówek uległo całkowitej zagładzie. W 1939 r. spłonęło Muzeum Etnograficzne w Warszawie [...] Przepadły zbiory sztuki ludowej warszawskiego Towarzystwa Popierania Przemysłu Ludowego. Kolekcje znajdujące się w innych muzeach regionalnych spotkał podobny los [...]. Stan zasobów muzealnych zmniejszył się w stosunku do sytuacji z r. 1939 o ponad 50%” (Posern-Zieliński 1973, s. 111). Po wojnie więc trzeba było rozpocząć od rekonstrukcji sieci muzeów, a także od ponownego tworzenia ich zbiorów. „Pierwszy okres powojenny charakteryzował się [...] rozpropagowaniem akcji kolekcjonerskiej – zbierania obiektów etnograficznych na niespotykaną dotychczas skalę” (Barańska 2004, s. 58). Wciąż główne zainteresowania muzealników koncentrowały się na kulturze wsi (tradycyjnej kulturze ludowej) i zachodzących w niej zmianach, ale od końca lat pięćdziesiątych XX w. zaczyna pojawiać się nowy temat: kultura robotnicza. Ujmując rzecz od strony formalnej, należy zaznaczyć, że jednostki muzealne w 1950 r. zostały upaństwowione, przez co państwo przejęło nad nimi kontrolę. Poza tym wprowadzono ich rozróżnienie – największe muzea otrzymały rangę muzeów narodowych, większe muzea o znaczeniu ponadregionalnym nazwano muzeami okręgowymi, których zadaniem poza prowadzeniem zwykłej działalności muzealnej była opieka nad mniejszymi muzeami, określanymi mianem regionalnych. Przedefiniowano również cele, jakie powinny spełniać. Obok gromadzenia, dokumentowania i naukowych opracowań miały koncentrować się na działalności oświatowej. Ich rola bowiem miała być również kulturotwórcza. Warto dodać, że muzea etnograficzne, duże i małe, nie były jedynymi jednostkami, które posiadały zbiory, w tym te o tematyce etnograficznej. Dysponowały nimi również izby regionalne. Stanowiły one „nowy typ kolekcjonerstwa czy wręcz zbiorów muzealnych” (Pokropek 1980, s. 8), który rozpowszechnił się po II wojnie światowej. Motywem ich powstania była „ochrona przed zapomnieniem i zniszczeniem tradycyjnej kultury, zachowanie �128 Katarzyna Waszczyńska wszelkich pamiątek historycznych związanych z miejscowością i regionem. Działalność ta miała głębsze uzasadnienie – kolekcjonerstwo dla przekazania następnym pokoleniom własnego dziedzictwa kulturowego, pobudzenie świadomości ciągłości historycznej wśród szerokiego ogółu społeczeństwa. Miała też cele wychowawczo-dydaktyczne – uczenia właściwego stosunku do własnej kultury, kształtowania i utrwalania tradycji lokalnej grupy społecznej” (tamże, s. 13). Lokalizowano je w budynkach gminnych, miejskich domach kultury czy lokalach organizacji i stowarzyszeń regionalnych. Bardzo często pełniły także rolę ośrodków kulturalno-edukacyjnych. W wielu miejscowościach funkcjonują do dzisiaj. Przestrzeń między zbiorami muzealnymi a tymi z izb regionalnych uzupełniają lub/i wypełniają te prywatne. Ich zbieracze są zresztą obecni od początków historii muzealnictwa. Czasem tak zgromadzone zbiory stawały się zaczątkiem muzeum, a czasem pozostawały w prywatnych rękach przez lata. Spotkanie ze zbieraczami i ich zbiorami W trakcie etnograficznych badań terenowych niejednokrotnie napotyka się osoby, które gromadzą różne przedmioty, dokumenty, wycinki prasowe, fotografie itd. Najczęściej dotyczą one społeczności zamieszkującej daną miejscowość, okolicę, region, ale zdarza się, że mają charakter ponadlokalny i są prezentacją polskiej historii i kultury czy też danego zagadnienia (np. numizmatyki czy militarystyki). Owymi napotkanymi osobami mogą być miejscowi nauczyciele (niejednokrotnie już na emeryturze), dawni lub obecni działacze regionalni, twórcy – miejscowi artyści czy rzemieślnicy, ale także zdarza się, że są to tzw. zwykli ludzie, którzy po prostu są zainteresowani historią i kulturą. Zapytani o motywacje, które sprawiły, że podjęli decyzję o zbieraniu, zwykle wymieniają jedną – chęć zachowania elementów historii i kultury dla przyszłych pokoleń, aby dzieci i młodzież miały skąd dowiedzieć się o swoich przodkach, o tym jak to „dawniej było” i „jak się żyło”. Tylko niektórzy wskazują przy tej okazji, że od kiedy stało się istotne poszukiwanie tzw. „miejsc atrakcyjnych turystycznie”, to również oni starają się brać udział w promocji miejscowości, regionu i proponują „spędzenie wolnego czasu wśród swoich zbiorów” – zwiedzanie lub udział w organizowanych przez siebie warsztatach, pokazach, imprezach. Warto dodać, że jest to propozycja skierowana do wszystkich – zarówno do mieszkańców, jak i osób spoza danej miejscowości. Często zdarza się, że zbieracze stają się naszymi rozmówcami, do których wracamy wielokrotnie, spełniają rolę „odźwiernych” lub „opieku- �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 129 nów”15 podczas badań. Jeśli zaś zainteresujemy się gromadzonymi przez nich zbiorami, stają się również przewodnikami i nauczycielami. Nierzadko zaś są to przedmioty tzw. codziennego użytku, które jednak całkowicie lub prawie całkowicie z niego wyszły. Ich użytkownikami była najczęściej społeczność zamieszkująca dane miejsce, bliższą lub dalszą okolicę. Stąd zbiory te są nazywane etnograficznymi, a zgromadzone przedmioty są traktowane jako swego rodzaju pamiątka po jej dawnym życiu. Przykładami takich właśnie osób, zbierających „pamiątki” dawnego życia, mogą być: Henryk Kulesza, Wojciech Urmanowski oraz Zdzisław i Laura Bziukiewiczowie. Wszyscy oni związani są z Mazowszem. Krótka charakterystyka zbieraczy i ich zbiorów – trzy przykłady z Mazowsza Pierwszą osobą jest Henryk Kulesza, emerytowany nauczyciel historii, przez lata związany z Zespołem Szkół Zawodowych im. Prymasa Karola Wyszyńskiego w Lelisie, znany śpiewak ludowy i gawędziarz (laureat wielu nagród za działalność artystyczną). Jak sam wspomina, zamiłowanie do kultury kurpiowskiej kształcił w sobie od najmłodszych lat, ale znaczącym momentem był przede wszystkim czas studiów historycznych na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim, kiedy: „bardzo mocno rozkochiwałem się [...] w trzytomowej pozycji Anny Kutrzeby-Pojnarowej Kurpie. Puszcza Zielona. [...] tak się akurat złożyło, że w Oborczyskach znalazłem wspaniałą dziewczynę, która stała się później moją żoną i która mieszkała w tradycyjnym obejściu gospodarskim. I ciągle miałem pretensję, czemu profesor Anna Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa tam nie poszła. [...] i miałem troszeczkę pretensji [...] i ta zazdrość moja troszeczkę przerodziła się, no w te dokonania”16. Nie pozostały bez znaczenia słowa prof. Józefa Szaflika (wypowiedziane podczas egzaminu magisterskiego), że „powinien zostać na Kurpiach, bo tu jest jeszcze dużo do zrobienia”. Ta wypowiedź wyznaczyła mu drogę, którą podąża do dzisiaj, angażując się w liczne działania poznawcze i promujące Kurpiów i ich kulturę. Swoje działania traktuje zresztą jako „służbę” i niejednokrotnie powtarza: „cały czas doceniam, że mnie nakierowano na służbę temu regionowi”. 15  Por. M. H a m m e r s l e y, P. A t k i n s o n, Metody badań terenowych, Poznań 2000, s. 73–74. 16  Fragmenty wypowiedzi Henryka Kuleszy pochodzą z dwóch rozmów, które przeprowadziła autorka tekstu w lipcu 2009 i lipcu 2010 r. (zapisy rozmów znajdują się w archiwum prywatnym autorki). �130 Katarzyna Waszczyńska Henryk Kulesza jest też jednym z założycieli Ośrodka Etnograficznego Dziedzictwa Kulturowego i Przyrodniczego Kurpiów w Lelisie (nazywanego w skrócie Ośrodkiem Etnograficznym), a także głównym zbieraczem zgromadzonych tu zbiorów oraz ich opiekunem (i przewodnikiem po zbiorach17). Ośrodek został powołany 21 sierpnia 1996 r., a jego formalnym opiekunem był i jest nadal Gminny Ośrodek Kulturalno-Oświatowy w Lelisie, któremu to zadanie zlecił Zarząd Gminy Lelis. Jest więc to jednostka należąca do samorządu gminnego. Pierwszą jej siedzibą był niewielki budynek należący do gminy, który jednak w 2007 r. został rozebrany, co wymusiło przeniesienie zbiorów, a w zasadzie ich scalenie z innymi, pokazywanymi od 1998 r. w dawnym budynku Urzędu Gminy (prezentowanymi w pomieszczeniach na piętrze, a potem – od 1999 r. – już w całym budynku). Wraz z powiększaniem zbiorów konieczne było pozyskanie dodatkowej przestrzeni, co też się stało w 2000 r. – przeznaczono na nie budynek magazynowo-sklepowy, a w 2005 r. dostawioną wiatę, mającą chronić największe obiekty – maszyny rolnicze (Ogniewska 2009, s. 1–3). Obecnie więc Ośrodek Etnograficzny zajmuje budynek mieszkalny (nazywany Domem), lamus oraz wiatę. Pierwsze zbiory były związane z wyposażeniem domu wiejskiego – chaty kurpiowskiej. Taką zresztą wystawę, zatytułowaną „Wnętrza chaty kurpiowskiej” otworzono w 1997 r. (tamże, s. 2). Pierwszym pozyskanym przedmiotem był warsztat tkacki (własność Marianny Sadłowskiej – teściowej pana Henryka) oraz sprzęt potrzebny do obróbki lnu i wełny. Należy zaznaczyć, że w zbieranie przedmiotów dla ośrodka była zaangażowana cała społeczność Lelisa, w tym młodzież – „to za ich pośrednictwem mogliśmy dotrzeć do ludzi posiadających przedmioty, urządzenia, które były używane w życiu codziennym, a teraz stały się zbędne” (tamże, s. 3). Zbiory szybko powiększały się: „kiedy już ja miałem około 60, 70 zbiorów – wspomina pan Henryk – przymknąłem oczy i zacząłem zbierać wszystko, a to zardzewiałą łyżkę, a to stary garnek, a to jakieś cepy, a to jakiś pług, a to jakąś kołyskę i tak przybywało...”. Zbieracz oszacował, że ma już ok. 2000–2500 przedmiotów i wciąż sukcesywnie przybywają nowe, ale nie tylko są przynoszone (czasem kupowane) przez niego, ale także przez innych: „taka babuleńka mówi, weźcie te dwojaki, chłopa nie ma, niech chociaż ludzie je oglądają... także hojność mieszkańców i Lelisa i okolic, i w ogóle postawa tych ludzi, wśród których mieszkam, jest wspaniała. Sąsiad kiedyś 17  Na stronie: www.kurpie.lelis.pl, czy www.goko-lelis.eu można przeczytać, że szacowany czas zwiedzania leliskich zbiorów trwa półtorej godziny, nie jest to jednak zgodne z prawdą, Gospodarz bowiem – pan Henryk – często urozmaica opowieść o zbiorach śpiewem czy deklamowaniem, co zdecydowanie wydłuża czas oglądania – trzeba jednak przyznać, że czyni to z talentem i swadą, co sprawia, że upływu tego dodatkowego czasu się nie dostrzega. �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 131 przychodzi i mówi, a jeszcze Pan nie ma takiej drewnianej tarki...[...] Ludzie przychodzą, oglądają i mówią: a tego jeszcze Pan nie ma, a u mnie na strychu jest... i tak po prostu powstała ta drobiazgowość”. Tę „drobiazgowość” zaś stanowią naczynia klepkowe, dłubane, masielnice, garnki gliniane wypalane niepolewane i polewane, garnki żelazne, talerze i podstawki, nabory sztućców, trójnogi, meble (szafy, kredensy, łyżniki, skrzynie, łóżka, ławy – szlabany, kołyski, chodziki dla dzieci), tary, maglownice z wałkami, magiel, narzędzia stolarskie i bednarskie, plecionki, sieci (wiersze, drygawice, sanie, kłonie), czółno, warsztaty tkackie, cierlice, kołowrotki, tkaniny i kurpiowskie stroje ludowe (męskie i żeńskie), pieczywo obrzędowe, palmy, wycinanki, obrazy święte, ule, narzędzia do dziania barci, lady, maszyny rolnicze itd.18 Urozmaica je zaś kolekcja spreparowanych okazów19 ssaków, ptaków i ryb (ok. 100 sztuk) – ten „świat zwierząt i ptaków” Kurpiowskiej Puszczy Zielonej stanowi dumę pana Henryka. Warto dodać, że od 1999 r. Ośrodek stał się również miejscem realizacji licznych programów edukacyjnych (tamże, s. 4), jest także udostępniany każdemu, kto chciałby tu zajrzeć. Drugim przykładem zbieracza jest Wojciech Urmanowski, przedsiębiorca20, dzisiaj już na emeryturze, założyciel i prezes Fundacji Dziedzictwa Nadbużańskiego21 oraz działacz samorządowy. Zbieraniem różnych przedmiotów zajmuje się od ponad 20 lat. Warto podkreślić, że chcąc poszerzyć swoje zbiory, często korzysta z różnych aukcji, ogłoszeń i targów staroci. Po kolejne egzemplarze jeździ więc po całej Polsce, choć głównych terenem zainteresowania jest pogranicze Mazowsza i Podlasia oraz okolice Kuligowa, w którym mieszka. To tu postanowił zorganizować Park Kultury Ludowej, którego podstawą jest Skansen w Kuligowie, założony w 2000 r. Zaczątkiem skansenu była kuźnia wraz z całym oprzyrządowaniem, którą pan Wojciech odziedziczył po ojcu, a ten po swoim ojcu. Sam, jak przyznaje, nie pracował w niej, ale czuje się z tym miejscem związany – czuje do niego ogromny sentyment. Być może to ów sentyment sprawił, że postanowił „dostawić do niej” kolejne budynki. Obiektów do przeniesienia szukał w okolicy – na pograniczu Mazowsza i Podlasia, postanowił bowiem pokazać „dziedzictwo  Wśród zbiorów znajdują się także eksponaty nazywane przez pana Henryka archeologicznymi – chociaż w większości są to kopie (ok. 10 sztuk), militaria (ok. 10 sztuk), numizmatyki (ok. 20 sztuk). 19  Należy dodać, że wszystkie mają certyfikaty i zgody na ich przetrzymywanie. 20 Założyciel (w 1997 r.) i właściciel przedsiębiorstwa usługowo-handlowego w Wołominie. 21  Fundacja Dziedzictwa Nadbużańskiego została zarejestrowana i działa od 2006 r. 18 �132 Katarzyna Waszczyńska architektoniczne ludności nadbużańskiej”. Tłumaczy: „Dynamika przemian kulturowych niesie ze sobą wiele dobrego, ale nie sprzyja zachowaniu dawnej kultury materialnej. Ludzie chcą żyć wygodniej, szybciej i wydajniej pracować, używać trwalszych i bardziej produktywnych narzędzi. Dlatego znikają drewniane chaty, słomiane pokrycia dachów można zobaczyć jedynie w opuszczonych domostwach, a zachowany przydomowy warsztat rzemieślniczy to prawdziwy unikat. Z tego powodu podjąłem się gromadzenia i dokumentacji dawnej architektury wiejskiej i szlacheckiej, jaka powstała na Mazowszu i Podlasiu. Mam świadomość, że są to ostatnie chwile, aby opisać, udokumentować i utrwalić w pamięci te nieliczne zachowane elementy dawnego budownictwa i rzemiosła” (Urmanowski b.r., s. 1). Przy tej okazji warto dodać, że marzeniem zbieracza jest pokazanie na każdym budynku innego pokrycia dachu – na razie jednak pomysł ten nie został zrealizowany. Obecnie w skansenie znajdują się: zagroda, którą tworzą budynek mieszkalny (chałupa wiejska) i budynki gospodarskie – stodoła, chlew i obora, a oprócz tego także dwie stodoły, budynek inwentarski, budynek mieszkalny (przerobiony na dworkowy). Jedna ze stodół została wykorzystana na wozownię, w której można znaleźć wiele ciekawych pojazdów – od prostych drewnianych wozów po bryczki. Z kolei budynek inwentarski został dostosowany tak, by można było pokazać warsztaty rzemieślnicze, takie jak warsztat szewski, rymarski, powroźniczy, wikliniarski, garncarski. Przedmioty więc, które można odnaleźć w Skansenie w Kuligowie, stanowią w większości wyposażenie budynków, ich szacunkowa liczba to 3000. Są to między innymi: narzędzia związane z pracą kowala (kowadła, młoty, kleszcze, matryce kowalskie) i wykonane przez niego okucia i ozdobne kraty, naczynia gliniane, żeliwne i blaszane, dewocjonalia, meble, kosze plecione, naczynia klepkowe i dłubanki, narzędzia stolarskie, szewskie, rymarskie itd. Wojciech Urmanowski podkreśla, że mimo podejmowanych działań, których celem jest ochrona i zachowanie elementów dawnej kultury materialnej, to inaczej rozumie przyjętą przez siebie misję: „Uchronić nie oznacza jednak odciąć od świata i zaryglować w muzealnych magazynach. Tylko otwarte muzea i parki kultury i skanseny, z wieloma zachowanymi domostwami wraz z otoczeniem, są w stanie oddać namiastkę autentycznego wyglądu dawnej wsi polskiej” (tamże). Dlatego przyświecającą mu ideą jest stworzenie miejsca, w którym będzie można zobaczyć jak wyglądały warsztaty rzemieślników wraz z pełnym ich wyposażeniem, tak by choć na chwilę móc wcielić się w ich rolę (tak jak podczas cyklicznie organizowanych Nadbużańskich Warsztatów Kowalskich). Chciałby także, by było to miejsce, w którym można miło spędzić czas. Zresztą tę część marzeń realizuje z powodzeniem. Skansen w Kuligowie �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 133 często staje się scenerią organizowanych imprez – plenerów artystycznych, pikników sąsiedzkich i rodzinnych, festynów (przykładowo organizowane były tu w 2009 r. Dni Nadbużańskie i V Wołomiński Zlot Pojazdów Zabytkowych, w 2010 r. – piknik rodzinny „Nadbużańskie Babie Lato”, w 2011 r. – „Rybka lubi pływać”). Równie istotną częścią tych spotkań jest część kulinarna, podczas której można poznać kuchnię regionalną, dobrze zjeść, kupić miejscowe wyroby czy wymienić się przepisami. Warto również dodać, że zbiory Wojciecha Urmanowskiego zostały docenione przez reżyserów. Wykorzystał je Andrzej Wajda w „Zemście”, a także Jerzy Hoffman w „Bitwie warszawskiej 1920 roku” (www.skansen.powiatwolominski.pl/o-skansenie). Wreszcie przykład trzeci – Zdzisław Bziukiewicz, twórca ludowy22 – bursztyniarz, działacz regionalny i administrator stron internetowych www. kurpie.com.pl23, www.frywolitka.pl oraz bloga http://kurpiezielone.blogspot. com24. Swoją pasję do zbierania m.in. starych przedmiotów odkrył wiele lat temu, bo jak przyznał: „szczerze mówiąc, moja miłość to historia25 i dodał: szkoda mi tego, że niszczeje, że gnije to wszystko. W zasadzie zbierając zauważam, że w oka mgnieniu to wszystko zniknie teraz”. Mocno także podkreśla, że zajęcie to daje mu dużo satysfakcji: „ja to lubię (nawet odnawiać te rzeczy i tak dalej). [...] tak dla swojej satysfakcji, że coś zrobię o! a później jakoś to coś wychodzi i można to pokazać innym”. Pasję zbierania, ale i działania muzealno-edukacyjne podziela także żona – Laura, która także jest twórczynią ludową, znaną przede wszystkim dzięki koronkom Zdzisław Bziukiewicz jest członkiem Stowarzyszenia Twórców Ludowych – w latach 1995–2001 był członkiem zarządu, a w latach 2001–2005 pełnił funkcję wiceprezesa. Za działalność twórczą został także uhonorowany: w 2001 r. przez Prezydenta Aleksandra Kwaśniewskiego Srebrnym Krzyżem zasługi za promowanie kultury; w 2003 r. nagrodą Starosty Ostrołęckiego; w 2005 r. nagrodą Związku Kurpiów „Kurpikiem” oraz w 2009 r. przez Ministra Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego Bogdana Zdrojewskiego – Nagrodą Specjalną za całokształt pracy twórczej, upowszechnianie i popularyzowania kultury ludowej. W 2011 r. otrzymał wyróżnienie miesięcznika „Stolica” za stronę internetową www.kurpie.com.pl. 23  Strona internetowa, którą administruje Zdzisław Bziukiewicz, także wiele o nim mówi. Cechuje ją wielość informacji. Bziukiewicz sam przyznaje: „Wrzucam to, co mnie interesuje – wszystko o Kurpiach, ja się nie ograniczam do martwych jakichś etnografii, którą pisano w XIX wieku; to co mi się uda i teraz znaleźć, przyroda, wszyściutko... wrzucam”. Jego celem nadrzędnym jest bowiem stworzenie bazy informacji i kompendium wiedzy na temat Kurpiowszczyzny, jej mieszkańców i ich kultury. 24 Może warto dodać, że ma wykształcenie ekonomiczne, ale nie pracuje w zawodzie. 25  Fragmenty wypowiedzi Zdzisława Bziukiewicza pochodzą z rozmów z nim prowadzonych przez autorkę tekstu od 2009 r. Wszystkie są nagrywane, a ich zapisy znajdują się w archiwum prywatnym autorki. 22 �Katarzyna Waszczyńska 134 – frywolitkom. Razem ułożyli apel, umieszczony na stronie internetowej www.kurpie.com.pl, z którego można dowiedzieć się o celu tych wszystkich działań: „Naszym celem jest uratowanie przed spaleniem, wyrzuceniem na śmieci lub oddaniem na złom, ocalałych jeszcze elementów materialnych naszej kultury. Jeśli posiadasz narzędzia lub maszyny rolnicze, sprzęty gospodarskie czy domowe oraz inne pamiątki związane z naszym regionem – pomóż nam w ratowaniu ich przed zniszczeniem. Pokażmy je młodemu pokoleniu! Osoby, które chcą nam pomóc w tworzeniu zbiorów i przekazać eksponaty, proszę o kontakt”. Czytając to ogłoszenie, wyraźnie widać, że celem Bziukiewiczów jest zachowanie kultury kurpiowskiej po to, by mogły z niego korzystać przyszłe pokolenia. Muzeum Kurpiowskie w Wachu26 zostało otwarte 1.04.2009 r. Jego zbiory są ulokowane na terenie rodzinnej zagrody Zdzisława Bziukiewicza, w znajdujących się tu budynkach gospodarczych oraz na terenie wokół nich. Podstawowym lokum „muzeum” jest budynek dawnej stodoły (o powierzchni ok. 200 m2), wykorzystany zarówno wewnątrz, jak i zewnątrz. I tak we wnętrzu zagospodarowane są całkowicie ściany, częściowo połacie dwuspadowego dachu, a także wszystkie belki i słupy konstrukcyjne. Znajdujące się tutaj przedmioty są ułożone tematycznie, a więc wszystko, co jest związane z tkactwem27, bursztyniarstwem, stolarstwem, szewstwem, plecionkarstwem, wyposażeniem domu (m.in. zgromadzone są tu różnej wielkości kadłuby, kopańki, żarna, masielnice, skrzynie, kredensy, szafy, łóżka, ławy, naczynia gliniane polewane i nie polewane, metalowe i żeliwne), a także tkaniny i kurpiowskie ubrania odświętne, dewocjonalia i ozdoby z bibułki czy ciasta. Trzy zewnętrze ściany stodoły także służą do prezentacji części zbiorów – głównie narzędzi rolniczych, choć nie tylko. Część sprzętu, jak na przykład maszyny rolnicze, wóz, sanie, znalazły swoje miejsce w dawnej oborze. Z kolei pod gołym niebem (między budynkami gospodarczymi) został umieszczony kierat, lada, sieczkarnie mechaniczna i ręczna itd. Z drugiej zaś strony stodoły zostały ustawione ule skrzynkowe (nieczynne). Zbieracz  Nazwa zmieniała się kilkakrotnie. Był to więc i Ośrodek Etnograficzny – Kurpiowskiej wsi, Prywatne Muzeum Kurpiowskie. Wach, Tworzące – Prywatne Muzeum Kurpiowskie (zapis nazw został zachowany tak jak zapisał je zbieracz). Warto też dodać, że „muzeum” ma logo: jest to biały prostokąt (dwa jego rogi, przeciwległe, są w kolorze zielonym), w którym znajduje się rysunek sochy (rysunek pochodzi z Kroniki Szkoły w Wachu i prawdopodobnie jest autorstwa Józefa Siwika). Logo nie pozostawia wątpliwości, że muzeum prezentuje zbiory etnograficzne. 27  W 2008 r. Zdzisław Bziukiewicz zaprosił sąsiadki – dawniej zajmujące się tkaniem, by pokazały jak należy założyć osnowę. Proces ten został przez niego sfilmowany, a film umieszczony na stronie www.kurpie.com.pl. 26 �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 135 szacuje, że ma obecnie (2012 r.) ok. 3500 przedmiotów i wciąż pozyskuje nowe. Należy dodać, że większość, jak nie wszystkie zgromadzone przedmioty, były wykorzystywane przez mieszkańców Kurpiowszczyzny, chociaż nie wszystkie są wykonane przez miejscowych rzemieślników. Warto podkreślić, że Zdzisław Bziukiewicz chętnie udostępnia zbiory – pokazuje oraz barwnie o nich opowiada, niejednokrotnie przekraczając określany przez siebie czas na oglądanie, czyli półtorej godzinny. Na terenie „muzeum”, a także zagrody – małżeństwo Bziukiewiczów organizuje również warsztaty, których celem jest przybliżenie kultury dawnych mieszkańców Puszczy Zielonej. Oferta warsztatów jest bogata – wśród nich można znaleźć takie, które dotyczą zajęć codziennych, jak np. pranie na tarze, wykopki, ale też takie, które są związane z przygotowaniem do świąt, np. wykonywanie pisanek czy kwiatów bibułkowych. Można powiedzieć, że są bardzo kreatywni, wciąż szukają pomysłów na przyciągnięcie uwagi i osób. I tak, w 2010 r. ogłosili otwarcie kopalni bursztynu, a na 23 września 2012 r. zaplanowali Święto Bursztynu Kurpiowskiego, a w ramach niego I Mistrzostwa w Kopaniu Bursztynu Kurpiowskiego. Podsumowując tę krótką charakterystykę zbieraczy i ich zbiorów, można wskazać kilka łączących ich cech. Po pierwsze, samych zbieraczy łączy pasja zbierania przedmiotów, głównie codziennego użytku, należących do mieszkańców terenów, z których sami pochodzą i na których obecnie mieszkają i działają. Po drugie, chyba najważniejszym powodem tej aktywności jest chęć ich zachowania i ochrona. Mówiąc o swojej misji używają różnych określeń, np. że to: „sposób, by obronić przed zaginięciem i zapomnieniem wartości swojej ziemi, Kurpiowszczyzny” (Henryk Kulesza), „to ostatnie chwile, aby opisać, udokumentować i utrwalić w pamięci te nieliczne zachowane elementy dawnego budownictwa i rzemiosła” (Wojciech Urmanowski), „staramy się ocalić od wyrzucenia na śmieci, oddania na złom czy spalenia przedmioty dawnego użytku, nie będące już potrzebne współczesnym gospodarzom” (Zdzisław i Laura Bziukiewicz). Zwraca w nich uwagę przede wszystkim przekonanie, że działania te mają charakter ratunkowy. To dzięki nim będzie można je „zatrzymać”, a wręcz przywrócić współczesnym mieszkańcom, a także ich następcom. Po trzecie – wszyscy podkreślają konieczność ich udostępniania, mają także swoją wizję jak to robić (pokazywanie swoich zbiorów, organizowanie warsztatów, imprez). Na ogół przyjmują rolę gospodarza, który oprowadza po swoich dobrach. Często zdarza się jednak tak, że towarzyszącą oglądaniu opowieść przerywają pytania o konkrety – np. nazwy przedmiotów, ich wykorzystanie, �Katarzyna Waszczyńska 136 a ponieważ zbiory nie są podpisane (wyjątek stanowią numizmatyki w Lelisie)28, to gospodarz musi na tę chwilę stać się przewodnikiem-specjalistą. Istotne jest także to, że podczas oglądania ma się w zasadzie nieograniczone możliwość dotykania, brania poszczególnych egzemplarzy zbiorów do ręki, a czasem też przymierzania czy uruchamiania. To zresztą jedna z ich największych atrakcji i to nie tylko dla dzieci. Po czwarte, żaden ze zbieraczy nie traktuje swoich zbiorów jako pełnych i skończonych, i wciąż pozyskuje nowe ich elementy. Mają jednak swoje strategie pozyskiwania – objazd okolicy, wizyty na targach staroci czy aukcje internetowe. W ich strategii zbierania – „udokumentować dawne życie i podejmowane zajęcia” – jest jednak jeszcze coś, a mianowicie dostrzeganie zmian, które zachodzą w interesującej ich sferze. To sprawia, że starają się za nimi nadążać i dlatego równie istotnymi są dla nich przedmioty o odległej czasowo proweniencji, np. dłubane czy wyżarzane kadłuby, jak i różne modele telewizorów, radioodbiorników, telefonów czy pralek wirnikowych. To spostrzeżenie szczególnie mocno akcentują podczas porównań zbiorów własnych i muzealnych. Zarzucają wręcz muzealnikom pasywność i brak zainteresowania w tym względzie. To zaś, według nich, prowadzi do utraty kontaktu z ludźmi i z terenem, którego dotyczą zbiory gromadzone przez muzea według zasady, że wartościowe jest tylko to, co jest „stare”. Oni sami taki kontakt mają. Być może właśnie dlatego pracownicy muzeów z tzw. „prawdziwego zdarzenia” często postrzegają ich jak konkurencję, zapominając, że współpraca z nimi mogłaby przynieść zysk obydwu stronom. Wreszcie podobieństwo widoczne jest w samych zbiorach, ale nie chodzi o ich zawartość merytoryczną, która choć zbliżona, ma jednak swoją specyfikę, ale o różnorodność i wielość. Przebywając wśród nich, ma się nieodparte wrażenie nagromadzenia, a wręcz natłoku, tak jakby chciały zapanować nad zbieraczem, ale i nad oglądającym. To zaś sprawia, że spotkanie z etnologiem/ antropologiem staje się często początkiem ich współpracy. Dostrzegają w niej nie tylko możliwość zapanowania nad wielością, ale też próbę uporządkowania jej, szansę na potwierdzenie ich misji oraz przeczucia o wyjątkowości gromadzonych zbiorów. Zdają sobie bowiem sprawę z tego, że „bez ich [naukowców – uzup. KW] atestu przedmiot jest nieważny” (Wieczorkiewicz 1999, s. 47). Choć przy poszczególnych przedmiotach czy też grupach przedmiotów nie ma podpisów ani innych form informacyjnych, to w Muzeum Kurpiowskim w Wachu ostatnio pojawiło się dosyć dużo kartek z informacjami o charakterze organizacyjnym, np. „proszę nie siadać”, „proszę nie robić bez pozwolenia zdjęć”, „wizerunek właścicieli i zbiorów jest chroniony prawem” itd. Na pytanie o powód takiej kampanii – zbieracz wyjaśnił, że to wynik rosnącego zainteresowania odwiedzających, których liczba uniemożliwia dopatrzenie, czy np. któryś z przedmiotów nie ulegnie zniszczeniu. 28 �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 137 Decyzja zbieracza: zbiory prywatne czy muzeum prywatne29 Decyzja zbieracza, by od nowa uporządkować i opracować zbiory, wynika najczęściej z trzech powodów. Pierwszym jest wspomniana już ich wielkość (w sensie ilościowym), a drugim – różnorodność zgromadzonych przedmiotów. Dodać należy, że te dwa powody zwykle występują łącznie i sprawiają, że zbieracz stwierdza, że nie jest w stanie sam sobie poradzić z pracami porządkowo-opisowymi. Utwierdza go w tym również przeświadczenie, że jako niemuzealnik i nienaukowiec nie będzie umiał tego zrobić we właściwy sposób30. Wreszcie trzeci powód, który wynika z przemyśleń na temat przyszłości zbiorów i chęci zmiany ich statusu – to dążenie do przekształcenia „zbiorów, należących do zbieracza X” w „muzeum prywatne zbieracza X”. Zmiana ta często jest postrzegana jako regulacja funkcjonowania zbiorów, która umożliwia zabezpieczenie ich przed rozproszeniem lub zniszczeniem. Jest to szczególnie istotne, jeśli zbieracz podejrzewa, że następcy mogą nie chcieć kontynuować jego pasji lub jeśli nie ma on spadkobierców. Poza tym regulacja taka umożliwia ubieganie się o środki finansowe, na przykład na powiększanie zbiorów lub poprawę warunków ich przechowywania. Warto zwrócić uwagę, że kwestia powoływania muzeów prywatnych w miejsce zbiorów prywatnych została dostrzeżona przez profesorów Andrze29 Do tej pory w tekście najczęściej używanym słowem były „zbiory”, nie pojawia się natomiast słowo kolekcja ani muzeum (z wyjątkiem nazw nadanych zbiorom przez zbieraczy). Wynika to z faktu, że dla autorki słowa te mają określone znaczenia. I tak, kolekcja jest najczęściej zbiorem podobnych przedmiotów, a w związku z tym zbiory, o których traktuje ten tekst, można raczej potraktować jak wielość kolekcji, a nie jedną. Z kolei nazwa „muzeum” oznacza instytucję powołaną do gromadzenia, przechowywania i opieki (np. konserwacji), a także udostępniania zbiorów w postaci wystaw stałych i czasowych. Generalnie obecnie toczy się dyskusja na temat nazwy „muzeum”, tego, jakie zbiory powinny być gromadzone oraz tego, jaką rolę powinni grać podczas wystaw, czy powinny być wystawiane i jak. Opisywane zaś zbiory, choć są gromadzone i udostępniane, to przez sam ten fakt nie stanowią zbiorów muzealnych, a miejsce, gdzie się znajdują, jeszcze nie jest muzeum. Co nie oznacza, że nie mogą się nim stać, czemu poświęcona jest dalsza część tekstu. 30  Warto zauważyć, że sytuacja ta może się zmienić, zbieracze i kolekcjonerzy bowiem, dla których internet jest jednym z narzędzi komunikacji i poszukiwania informacji, mogą tam odnaleźć szereg podpowiedzi, jak samemu uporządkować i stworzyć inwentarz zbiorów oraz ich dokumentację fotograficzną. Przykładem może tu być strona www.myvimu.com (posiadająca wersję polską i angielską). Jak można przeczytać w powitaniu, jest to „serwis dla miłośników kolekcjonowania, poszukiwaczy oraz użytkowników, których pasjonuje zbieractwo”, dla wszystkich tych, którzy chcą stworzyć swoje muzeum „MyViMu – muzeum, które Ty tworzysz!”. Oczywistą zaletą jest wirtualność (a więc łatwość dostępu, powszechność, nieograniczoność), ale także to, że muzeum może być traktowane jako pojedynczy zbiór danego kolekcjonera oraz jako zbiór wielu różnych muzeów. �Katarzyna Waszczyńska 138 ja Rottermunda i Wojciecha Suchockiego, którzy w Raporcie z prac Zespołu Ekspertów ds. przygotowania tez do projektu nowelizacji Ustawy o muzeach [z 2009 r.], stwierdzają „Obserwujemy zjawisko powstawania w końcu drugiej połowy XX wieku nowych muzeów prywatnych, które w sposób znaczący nasiliło się w ciągu ostatnich kilku lat. Przyczyną takiego postępowania znacznej części kolekcjonerów jest nie tylko chęć zaspokojenia tym sposobem swojej próżności, czy wynika z braku spadkobierców lub niechęci do płacenia podatku od niepracującego kapitału, a za taki uznaje się dzieła sztuki, lecz raczej – chęć podzielenia się swym artystycznym bogactwem z szeroką publicznością, ale w taki sposób, by była świadoma, kto z nią tym bogactwem się dzieli” (Raport.... [2009], s. 25). I chociaż opinia ta odnosi się przede wszystkim do kolekcjonerów dzieł sztuki, to wskazane powody nie są obce i zbieraczom zbiorów etnograficznych31. Wspomniani eksperci dodają, że „Nowe prywatne muzea stają się niezwykle ważnym elementem w kulturalnej przestrzeni miast, ale nie tylko. Zatrudniają bowiem fachowy personel muzealny, konserwatorski, oferują interesujące programy edukacyjne i naukowe. Jest wiele powodów po temu, by uznać, że tendencja ta będzie kontynuowana” (tamże). I w tym miejscu należy wrócić do kwestii współpracy, podejmowanej przez zbieracza i etnologa/antropologa, który może pełnić rolę owego „fachowego personelu” w już powołanej jednostce lub tej przygotowywanej, w której dopiero trzeba nadać „naukowy atest” zgromadzonym przedmiotom. W tym kontekście warto zwrócić uwagę na warunki konieczne, by powołać muzeum prywatne32. Określa je Ustawa o muzeach z 21 listopada 1996 r. [Dz.U. z 1997 r. Nr 5, poz. 24 z późn. zm.]33 oraz Rozporządzenie Ministra Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodo Wyjątkiem jest sprawa płacenia podatku – od posiadanych zbiorów etnograficznych podatek nie jest naliczany. 32 Z informacji, którą można znaleźć na stronie Narodowego Instytutu Muzealnictwa i Ochrony Zabytków (www.nimoz.pl), możemy się dowiedzieć, że w Polsce jest zarejestrowanych 411 muzeów. Wśród nich są muzea państwowe, samorządowe (różnych szczebli) i prywatne (za takie uznawane są jednostki prowadzone przez osoby fizyczne oraz np. fundacje). Dla przykładu można podać, że na terenie obecnego województwa mazowieckiego jest w sumie 70 zarejestrowanych jednostek – 9 to muzea państwowe, 35 – samorządowe, 26 – prywatne, w tym do osób fizycznych należy 14, spośród nich gros to muzea o tematyce militarnej (informacje z czerwca 2012). 33  Obecnie trwają prace nad kolejnymi zmianami w Ustawie o muzeach. Opracował je wymieniony w tekście Zespół Ekspertów ds. przygotowania tez do projektu nowelizacji Ustawy o muzeach. Jeden z postulatów dotyczy nazwy „muzeum”. Nazwa ta miałaby być używana tylko w stosunku do tych jednostek, które posiadają uzgodniony z Ministerstwem Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego statut lub regulamin. Jeśli zapis ten znajdzie się w Ustawie, wówczas wiele prywatnych zbiorów, które noszą miano muzeum lub tak są nazywane, będzie musiało albo uregulować swój status, albo zmienić nazwę. 31 �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 139 wego z dnia 13 maja 2008 r. w sprawie prowadzenia Państwowego Rejestru Muzeów, wzoru wniosku o wpis do Rejestru, warunków i trybu dokonywania wpisów oraz okoliczności, w jakich można zarządzić kontrolę w celu ustalenia, czy muzeum spełnia nadal warunki wpisu do rejestru [Dz.U. z 2008 r. Nr 91, poz. 567]. Z tekstu ustawy istotny jest w tym względzie przede wszystkim artykuł piąty, ustęp pierwszy, który stanowi, że „Muzea mogą być tworzone przez ministrów i kierowników urzędów centralnych, jednostki samorządu terytorialnego, osoby fizyczne, osoby prawne lub jednostki organizacyjne nie posiadające osobowości prawnej” oraz artykuł szósty poświęcony obowiązkowi nadania statutu oraz jego zawartości treściowej34. Tu szczególnie ważny jest podpunkt trzeci, w którym wskazano obowiązek określenia „rodzaju i zakresu gromadzonych zbiorów”. Z kolei w rozporządzeniu należy podkreślić opis wniosku i jego wzór. Wypełnienie go wymaga bowiem dość szczegółowej wiedzy na temat posiadanych zbiorów. To wszystko sprawia, że zbieracz chcący zarejestrować swoje zbiory musi podjąć się ich opracowania. A to dla wielu – co zostało już zasygnalizowane powyżej – może okazać się trudne, albo też niemożliwe do samodzielnego wykonania. Praca etnologa/antropologa przy zbiorach Warto zatem przyjrzeć się działaniom, jakie może podjąć etnolog/antropolog w zetknięciu ze zbiorami, które miałby uporządkować i opracować. Będą to prace wykonywane przez muzealnika w odniesieniu do zbiorów etnograficznych. Są również zgodne z ramami prawnymi, które określa Rozporządzenie Ministra Kultury z dnia 30 sierpnia 2004 r. w sprawie zakresu, form i sposobu ewidencjonowania zabytków w muzeach (Dz.U. z 2004 r. Nr 202, poz. 2072 i 2073). Należy podkreślić, że podejmowane prace dotyczą zbiorów już pozyskanych, dlatego wcześniej konieczne jest uważne i wnikliwe ich obejrzenie. Chodzi nie tylko o zorientowanie się w ilości, ale przede wszystkim w ich zakresie tematycznym. Generalnie takie przeglądy warto zrobić dużo wcześniej, by mieć czas na przygotowanie merytoryczne, choćby tylko w teorii – czyli zebranie i zapoznanie się z literaturą pod kątem tematycznym danych 34 „Art. 6 ust. 2. Statut określa w szczególności: 1) nazwę, teren działania i siedzibę muzeum, 2) zakres działania, 3) rodzaj i zakres gromadzonych zbiorów, 4) organ zarządzający i nadzorujący oraz organy doradcze i sposoby ich powoływania, 5) źródła finansowania działalności muzeum, 6) zasady dokonywania zmian w statucie, 7) zasady prowadzenia działalności, o której mowa w art. 9, jeżeli muzeum zamierza taką działalność prowadzić” (Ustawa o muzeach z 21 listopada 1996 r. [Dz.U. z 1997 r. Nr 5, poz. 24 z późn. zm.]). �140 Katarzyna Waszczyńska zbiorów. Ważnym elementem przygotowań jest wspólne ze zbieraczem oglądanie zbiorów i rozmowa o początkach zbierania czy też celu – po co zbiera i dlaczego, co chciałby osiągnąć. W czasie tego spotkania, ale także kolejnych, odbywających się już podczas pracy, warto słuchać przytaczanych opowieści o zgromadzonych rzeczach/przedmiotach (sposobie i miejscu ich pozyskania, wcześniejszych użytkownikach [jeśli są znani], cechach charakterystycznych, sposobie działania, użytkowania itd.), ale i pytać o nie. Te informacje mogą być przydatne w późniejszym czasie. Po takich przygotowaniach można podjąć krok pierwszy, czyli spis z natury wszystkich rzeczy znajdujących się w zbiorach, które mają zostać uporządkowane i opisane. Tej wstępnej inwentaryzacji towarzyszy nadanie kolejnych numerów35, tzw. roboczych – są to zwykle numery napisane na kartkach czasowo przyczepionych do danego przedmiotu, stąd zwykle są na widocznym miejscu. Po sprawdzeniu, że wszystko zostało ponumerowane, można rozpocząć właściwe znakowanie, czyli krok drugi. Warto podkreślić, że nadany numer jest informacją ważną, łączy bowiem przedmiot, jego fotografię, kartę z opisem oraz wpis do księgi inwentarzowej – należy więc zadbać, by nie było pomyłek. Trzeba także dodać, że przed numerem powinien znaleźć się skrót nazwy wspólnej dla wszystkich zbiorów lub oznaczenie właściciela (Rozporządzenie 2004, par. 6, punkt 1). Samo znakowanie, zgodnie z zapisem we wspomnianym rozporządzeniu „dokonuje się techniką zapewniającą jego trwałość, bezpośrednio na przedmiocie, w miejscu najmniej widocznym, nienaruszającym wizualnego kształtu muzealium36. W szczególnych przypadkach oznakowanie może być przymocowane do muzealium w sposób możliwie trwały” (par. 6, punkt 2). Krok trzeci składa się z dwóch działań. Jednym z nich jest sfotografowanie każdego przedmiotu z osobna. Takie zdjęcie powinno być zrobione tak, aby przedmiot był na centralnym miejscu, dobrze oświetlony i można było na nim dostrzec jego cechy charakterystyczne. Czasami więc należy zrobić więcej niż jedno zdjęcie – oddające całość oraz zbliżenie, powiększenie na przykład danego fragmentu czy charakterystycznego szczegółu. Każde zdjęcie powinno mieć ten sam numer co przedmiot sfotografowany. W przypadku, kiedy ujęć jest więcej niż jedno, dawniej nadawano im dodatkową numerację (łamaną za numerem podstawowym), natomiast obecnie, dysponując fotografią cyfrową, wybrane zdjęcia można połączyć, „skleić w jedno” – będą więc mieć 35 Zdarza się, że przedmiot stanowi całość, choć składa się z części, np. pudełko z pokrywką. W takiej sytuacji każda z części będzie oznakowana tym samym numerem, np. 1/ – łamany na numer odpowiadający częściom, tj. 1/1 i 1/2. Każda jednak otrzyma oddzielną kartę i zdjęcie. 36 Kwestia nazewnictwa „muzealium”, „zabytek” występująca w zapisach prawnych nie wchodzi w zakres tego tekstu. �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 141 jeden i ten sam numer. Tak przygotowana dokumentacja fotograficzna trafia na kartę z opisem przedmiotu i jest podstawą osobnego katalogu (wcześniej był to katalog odbitek i negatywów, dzisiaj jest to przede wszystkim katalog zdjęć cyfrowych utworzony w komputerze). Drugim z działań jest założenie karty muzealnej (nazywanej też kartą ewidencyjną), czyli przygotowanie opisu przedmiotu. Informacje, które muszą się tam znaleźć, zostały wskazane w cytowanym już Rozporządzeniu, a są to: „możliwe do ustalenia, następujące dane identyfikacyjne zabytku: określenie autorstwa lub wytwórcy, pochodzenie, wartość w dniu nabycia, czas i miejsce powstania, materiał, techniki wykonania, wymiary, ewentualnie jego waga oraz określenie cech charakterystycznych. W razie braku danych identyfikacyjnych wpisuje się [...] wyraz «nieznane»” (par. 3, punkt 1). Natomiast decyzję o samym wyglądzie karty, jak i ewentualnym dodaniu do niej innych informacji pozostawiono do decyzji zarządzającemu muzeum (par. 7, punkt 2). Jedną z takich kart opracowano w Państwowym Muzeum Etnograficznym w Warszawie, także w wersji elektronicznej. Karta ta wypełniana jest z dwóch stron, a jej zawartość treściowa jest następująca: na awersie znajdują się informacje podstawowe rozmieszczone w trzech kolumnach, dane umieszczane są w nich jedne pod drugimi. Pierwsza – lewa zawiera (od góry): nazwę muzeum, nadany numerze inwentarza, informacje o tym, czy dany przedmiot stanowi zespół, datę i warunki pozyskania przedmiotu, określenie materiału i techniki wykonania, dane dotyczące konkretnych wymiarów (wysokości/długości, szerokości/głębokości itd.) oraz określenie stanu. Ta ostatnia informacja jest istotna z punktu widzenia konserwatorskiego. Zbieracz jednak rzadko podejmuje decyzję o skorzystaniu z fachowej porady konserwatora, częściej sam dokonuje napraw i zabezpieczeń. To zaś sprawia, że nawet niechcący dochodzi do zatarcia lub zniszczenia pierwotnej faktury, formy przedmiotu. Środkowa i prawa kolumna są krótsze, pod nimi bowiem jest miejsce na „wklejenie” zdjęcia przedmiotu. Powyżej, pośrodku, znajduje się jego nazwa ogólnopolska oraz poniżej gwarowa, a także informacje o cechach charakterystycznych, wyjątkowych, np. odnotowana na powierzchni data wykonania. Obok zaś powinny być zapisane informacje określające pochodzenie wykonawcy i użytkownika oraz występowania opisywanego przedmiotu. Jeśli uda się zdobyć dane na temat osoby, która go wykonała, to także trzeba ją tu odnotować. Z kolei rewers karty zawiera szerszy opis – od formy, przez barwę, technikę wykonania po funkcję opisywanej rzeczy. Tekst ten powinien być prezentacją danego przedmiotu, ale tak przygotowaną, aby na jej podstawie można było odtworzyć jego wygląd. Tekst powinien zatem stanowić �142 Katarzyna Waszczyńska wypadkową analizy cech fizycznych konkretnej rzeczy (efekt jej dokładnego obejrzenia), pozyskanej od zbieracza wiedzy na temat jej historii oraz, w razie potrzeby, także informacji z literatury (szczególnie jest to ważne, kiedy ma się do czynienia z „czymś” o trudnej do zidentyfikowania formie, technice wykonania czy nieznanym sposobie użytkowania). Tworząc taki opis, warto pamiętać, że pozyskiwane przedmioty „nieuchronnie zatracają swe wyjątkowe cechy, tracą dawne biografie, a zyskują nowe, co czyni je coraz bardziej nieprzezroczystymi. Dzieje się tak nawet wtedy, kiedy baczne oko dostrzeże znaki szczególne, będące ekstensją niegdysiejszych jednostkowych przynależności, dbałości o nie, a może niechęci, często emocji – zadrapania, ubytki czy ślady napraw, ulepszeń” (Barański 2011, s. 12). I chociaż wszystkie te „znaki” możemy dostrzec i wykorzystać przy opisie, to nie będzie on stanowił biografii przedmiotu37, w rozumieniu relacji, jaka istniała między nim a człowiekiem – jego użytkownikiem. Poza tym „nie możemy [...] w pełni zrekonstruować rzeczywistego znaczenia przedmiotu, nie tylko dlatego, że należy on zwykle już do przeszłości, lecz [...] dlatego, że znaczeń tych jest wiele, tak wiele jak liczni byli jego użytkownicy” (Barański 2010a, s. 325). Powstający opis będzie więc raczej wynikiem wzajemnej relacji przedmiot – opisujący oraz jego (opisującego) otwartości i wrażliwości na oglądaną rzecz. Poniżej opisu znajdują się jeszcze inne rubryki. Najistotniejsze z nich to te zawierające informacje o właścicielu zbiorów, sposobie i dacie pozyskania danej rzeczy, jej umiejscowienia w zbiorze oraz datę i podpis wypełniającego kartę. Warto dodać, że podpis wypełniającego – w tym wypadku etnologa/antropologa, mimo że dzisiaj napisany komputerowo i umieszczony na karcie elektronicznej, pozostaje na niej (bez względu na późniejsze dopiski czy poprawki) – jest więc potwierdzeniem autorstwa i jednocześnie przyjętej odpowiedzialności za umieszczone treści. Dawniej karty były wypełniane ręcznie, potem na maszynie do pisania, maszynie elektrycznej, a dzisiaj są pisane w komputerze i w razie potrzeby drukowane. Coraz częściej jednak są pozostawiane w wersji elektronicznej (tym bardziej, że taką formę również dopuszcza ustawodawca – patrz: Rozporządzenie 2004, par. 1, punkt 3). W praktyce muzealnej, szczególnie w dużych jednostkach, coraz popularniejsze jest korzystanie z programów komputerowych, służących do inwentaryzacji zbiorów. Niejednokrotnie two37 Biografię rzeczy można rozumieć jako historię – opowieść od jej stworzenia/wyprodukowania, albo też jako momenty, w których dana rzecz znajduje się w obiegu wymiany (przez co zyskuje wartość ekonomiczną) i związanych z nią relacjach z człowiekiem-nabywcą. Jest więc „historią jej rozmaitych ujednostkowień, jej kolejnych klasyfikacji w świecie niepewnych kategorii, które ulegają przewartościowaniu przy najmniejszej zmianie kontekstu” (Kopytoff 2003, s. 274). �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 143 rzą one system połączonych możliwości umieszczania danych tekstowych, fotograficznych i filmowych, a także sposoby zarządzania nimi. Przykładem może tu być system muzealny MONA38 oraz Musnet39. Zakup tych programów komputerowych40 jest niestety dosyć dużym wydatkiem, o czym – co ciekawe – informują produkujące je firmy41, przez co raczej nie są dostępne dla zbieraczy. Tym ostatnim pozostaje więc korzystanie z cyfrowej wersji karty, np. tej z Państwowego Muzeum Etnograficznego. 38  System muzealny MONA oferowany jest przez firmę S SOFT Biuro Usług Informatycznych, która ostatnio we współpracy z firmą Pentacomp Systemy Informatyczne S.A. przygotowała najnowszą wersję o nazwie MONA 3W. MONA jest rozbudowanym systemem, służącym ewidencjonowaniu, digitalizacji i zarządzaniu zbiorami, w tym ruchem muzealiów poza muzeum. Został on opracowany we współpracy z muzealnikami, głównie z zakresu sztuki. Jest wykorzystywany w ponad 100 muzeach w Polsce. Wśród wymienionych jednostek jest Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie, ale też Muzeum Etnograficzne im. Seweryna Udzieli w Krakowie (informacja ze strony www.jws.com.pl/mona/mona). 39  Program do katalogowania zbiorów muzealnych Musnet to propozycja firmy Ontia Sp. z o.o. i PRIMA Polska, autoryzowanego dystrybutora systemów skanowania 3D firmy Breuckmann. Na swojej stronie www.ontia.pl/kultura/ producent zachęca: „łączymy świat kultury ze światem informatyki przez tworzenie najlepszych rozwiązań do zarządzania kolekcjami, mediami, publikacją zbiorów w internecie”. Generalnie program Musnet posiada trzy wersje w zależności od liczby zbiorów i stanowisk komputerowych do ich obsługi. I tak, Musnet Biały przeznaczony jest na 1 stanowisko i zbiory do 10 tys., Błękitny – 5 stanowisk i 10 tys. zbiorów i Niebieski – wielostanowiskowy i powyżej 10 tys. zbiorów. Przed zakupem można skorzystać z miesięcznej wersji demo. Każda z wymienionych wersji posiada karty ewidencjonowania zbiorów zindywidualizowane do potrzeb danej jednostki. Wśród propozycji jest także karta przeznaczona dla zbiorów etnograficznych. Warto także dodać, że program Musnet jest skonfigurowany z innymi produktami firmy Ontia – Integra – systemem katalogowania i dokumentowania oraz zarządzania zbiorami muzealnymi i instytucjami kulturą; Mediastore – przeznaczonym do porządkowania dokumentów cyfrowych (to odpowiedź na potrzebę digitalizacji); Navigart – rodzajem platformy, umożliwiającej stworzenie wirtualnej kolekcji i przedstawienie tam wybranych obiektów w postaci wystawy oraz Patrinet – systemu do tworzenia katalogu zabytków (to system informacji konserwatorskich). Z programów tych korzystają jednostki muzealne z całej Europy, w Polsce m.in. Muzeum Powstania Warszawskiego, Muzeum Narodowe w Gdańsku, Muzeum Historii Fotografii w Krakowie. 40  Obydwa wymienione systemy inwentaryzacji zbiorów i zarządzania nimi posiadają informację o dostosowaniu do wymagań prawnych ewidencjonowania zabytków w muzeach, a obowiązujących w Polsce. 41 Z informacji udzielonej (czerwiec 2012 r.) przez pracownika firmy S SOFT wiadomo, że system MONA 3W to koszt ok. 17 tys. zł; z kolei „wynajęcie” miejsca w systemie (hosting) to koszt ok. 300 zł miesięcznie. Firma Ontia nie podała ceny swojego produktu, a jedynie na stronie www.ontia.pl/ontianews można przeczytać informację, że jako jedna z firm zajmująca się nowoczesną technologią uczestniczyła w targach SimeSitem – Salonie Innowacji Muzealnych, który odbył się 25–27 stycznia 2011 r. w Paryżu. Jednym z wniosków było stwierdzenie, że propozycja firmy jest zbyt droga dla polskich muzeów, stąd rynek ten jest mniejszy niż francuski czy niemiecki (www.ontia.pl/ontianews). �Katarzyna Waszczyńska 144 Z wypełnionych kart składa się katalog – podobny do fotograficznego i odpowiadający mu numeracją. Zbieracz może w swobodny sposób korzystać z obydwu katalogów, może nanosić poprawki, uzupełniać dane, a także je poszerzać. Może również wykorzystać zawarte tam informacje czy zdjęcia w inny sposób, np. przygotowując ulotkę informacyjną czy też tworząc wirtualną wersję swoich zbiorów42. Kolejnym – czwartym już krokiem jest odłożenie przedmiotu na miejsce lub przeznaczenie mu nowego oraz przekazanie informacji na jego temat, z wypełnionej karty, do księgi inwentarzowej. Również w przypadku księgi warto dodać, że może ona być prowadzona w formie elektronicznej (Rozporządzenie 2004, par. 1, punkt 3) i tylko w razie potrzeby może zostać wydrukowana (par. 3, punkt 5). Tak opisane kroki wyznaczały działania podejmowane w Lelisie43, Kuligowie44 i Wachu45, a ich wymiernymi efektami są: – w Ośrodku Etnograficznym Dziedzictwa Kulturowego i Przyrodniczego Kurpiów w Lelisie (sygnatura podstawowa: LOE) – katalog fotograficzny i katalog kart, w sumie 1502 przedmiotów46 (znajdują się one w domu i lamusie, stąd w numeracji pojawia się Dom/LOE i Lamus/LOE). Należy dodać, że ośrodek pozostaje pod opieką IEiAK UW;  Przykładowo w taki właśnie sposób Zdzisław Bziukiewicz chce wykorzystać powstające katalogi: fotograficzny i kart. 43  Prace w Ośrodku Etnograficznym Dziedzictwa Kulturowego i Przyrodniczego Kurpiów w Lelisie były organizowane dwukrotnie: 27.06.–5.07.2009 r. i 26.06.–4.07.2010 r. (w ramach zajęć: Antropologia stosowana); uczestniczyli w nich studenci Instytutu Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW: Filip Chmielewski, Bartłomiej Chromik, Barbara Dziwani, Jakub Jankowski, Magdalena Machała, Katarzyna Marciniak, Agata Mirosz, Ewa Nizińska, Stanisław Olędzki, Aleksandra Pawlik, Agata Rybus, Piotr Strojnowski, Eliza Siulborska, Filip Szwejser, Marta Wiesławska, Natalia Wolska, oraz prowadząca Katarzyna Waszczyńska. 44  Prace w Skansenie w Kuligowie nad Bugiem miały miejsce od 4 do 11 lipca 2010 r. Uczestnikami byli studenci IEiAK UW: Przemysław Chwała, Teresa Jurczyńska-Owczarek, Zuzanna Pacholczyk, Katarzyna Paszkiewicz, Antoni Sobiecki, Justyna Wojciechowska, oraz prowadzący Jacek Żukowski. 45 Działania w Muzeum Kurpiowskim w Wachu odbyły się w dniach 26.06.–4.07.2011 r. Podobnie jak we wcześniejszych pracach udział brali studenci IEiAK UW: Filip Chmielewski, Bartłomiej Chromik, Barbara Dziwani, Aleksandra Foryś, Alina Karczmarek, Maciej Wiktor Kornobis, Katarzyna Król, Magdalena Machała, Katarzyna Marciniak, Agata Mirosz, Ewa Nizińska, Stanisław Olędzki, Aleksandra Pawlik, Marta Rogala, Agata Rybus, Aleksandra Sadokierska, Marta Sitkiewicz, Eliza Siulborska, Piotr Strojnowski, Filip Szwejser, Nina Śniecińska, Marta Wiesławska oraz prowadząca Katarzyna Waszczyńska. 46  Nadano 1437 numerów inwentarzowych. Dysproporcja w numeracji wiąże się z tym, że wśród przedmiotów były komplety, co spowodowało, że kilka miało ten sam numer, różniły się zaś numerem po łamaniu. Każdy jednak miał założoną oddzielną kartę. 42 �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 145 – w Skansenie w Kuligowie nad Bugiem, nazywanym także Parkiem Kultury Ludowej w Kuligowie (sygnatura podstawowa: PKLK) – 200 kart przedmiotów. Prace zostały czasowo zawieszone; – w Muzeum Kurpiowskim w Wachu (sygnatura podstawowa: MKW) 560 zdjęć i 790 kart. Prace są kontynuowane, a samo muzeum zostało objęte opieką IEiAK UW. Zakończeniem prac w Ośrodku Etnograficznym Dziedzictwa Kulturowego i Przyrodniczego Kurpiów w Lelisie oraz w Skansenie w Kuligowie nad Bugiem było przygotowanie prezentacji zbiorów w zmienionej, w stosunku do poprzedniej, aranżacji. I tak, w pierwszym z wymienionych miejsc – w budynku głównym ośrodka, czyli w Domu zorganizowano dziewięć wystaw. Na parterze była to inscenizacja izby głównej, tzw. paradnej, pokoju mężczyzny, pokoju kobiety, izby tkaczki. Na piętrze zaś przygotowano ekspozycje tematyczne poświęcone: rybołówstwu, warsztatowi plecionkarza, garncarza, stolarza i bednarza. Z kolei w Skansenie w Kuligowie zaaranżowano warsztat kowala. Warto tu zatrzymać się na chwilę, by zwrócić uwagę na kilka ważkich kwestii związanych z organizowaniem wystaw ze zbiorów prywatnych i przedstawionych w miejscu ich pobytu. Zwykle każdy ze zbieraczy chętnie pokazuje swoje zbiory, a odwiedzający mogą zobaczyć wszystko, co zbieracz posiada, nawet jeśli – z racji ich wielości – pokazane jest fragmentami. Można więc powiedzieć, odnosząc się do stwierdzenia Manfreda Sommera – filozofa i kolekcjonera sztuki – „szczęśliwe jest muzeum, które «wszystko» co posiada, może również «nieustannie» pokazywać” (Sommer 2003, s. 246), że etnograficzne zbiory prywatne tę „szczęśliwość” mają wpisaną w swoje status quo. Jednakże konieczność zagospodarowania wszystkich zgromadzonych przedmiotów przy nowej ich aranżacji może okazać się zadaniem niełatwym. Często staje się wręcz wyzwaniem, szczególnie wówczas kiedy priorytetem ma być klarowność przekazu danej wystawy, nie mówiąc o próbie zastosowania najnowszych propozycji wystawienniczych, by obecny na niej eksponat nie był tylko nośnikiem informacji, ale inicjował akt recepcji, działania odbiorczego – przeżycia, refleksji, by mógł „przemówić” (Barański 2011, s. 20). Formułą wystawienniczą, w pewien sposób przypisaną do tego typu zbiorów, jest ekspozycja o charakterze rekonstrukcji. Warto dodać, że wystawy takie „są popularne i stosowane od końca XIX wieku” (Barańska 2010, s. 219). Opierają się między innymi na przedstawianiu „typowego wnętrza”. Zabieg ten spotkał się z krytyką, ponieważ takie wnętrze i wyposażenie nie istnieje w rzeczywistości. Poza tym, często wręcz je wymyślano i było niczym innym jak „projekcją współczesnego postrzegania minionego czasu i patrzenia na przeszłość przez pryzmat własnych przyzwyczajeń, gustów i poglądów” (tamże). A mimo to �Katarzyna Waszczyńska 146 ekspozycje rekonstrukcyjne są nadal popularne i często stosowane47, a także chętnie oglądane. Bazują bowiem na doświadczeniach i skojarzeniach indywidualnych oglądającego-zwiedzającego, który może poszukiwać i zainteresować się wyglądem i wyposażeniem miejsc sobie znanych (np. kuchni, sypialni), ale też który może, dzięki zgromadzonym przedmiotom czy stworzonej aurze miejsca, „ruszyć w podróż”, np. do swoich lat dziecinnych (będzie to wówczas podróż sentymentalna) lub – w przypadku dzieci – ich opiekunów. Próbę wykorzystania ekspozycji rekonstrukcyjnej podjęto także w Lelisie i Kuligowie, co wynikało z dwóch przesłanek. Pierwsza to możliwości zbiorów, czyli ich charakter, a druga to chęć przełamania postrzegania ich jako „zbioru różnych rozmaitości”, w zasadzie nieczytelnych dla nikogo poza zbieraczem. Co prawda, wcześniej zebrane przedmioty starano się uporządkować i pokazać zgodnie z wcześniej nakreślonym założeniem, ale w konsekwencji ich zróżnicowania, a przede wszystkim nagromadzenia tej koncepcji nie można było zrealizować. Nowe aranżacje (wspomniane powyżej)48 miały to zmienić. Wzbogacono je także o elementy „ożywiające”, mające dawać wrażenie „jakby ktoś przed chwilą wyszedł”, „jakby właśnie coś się stało” (forma wystawy rekonstrukcyjnej daje, a nawet wręcz narzuca takie możliwości). Przykładem z wystaw leliskich może być: uchylone wieko skrzyni, pognieciona pościel, tak jakby ktoś przed chwilą wstał, wióry rozsypane wokół świderkorby49 wkręconej w drewno, którą zresztą zwiedzający może poruszyć także sam itd. Taka forma ekspozycji sprawia jednak, że łatwo jest też zagubić się w działaniach rekonstrukcyjnych, tym bardziej jeśli dysponuje się dużym zbiorem, a zbieracz oczekuje, że każdy z przedmiotów zostanie zagospodarowany. Poza tym łatwo jest, nawet nie mając takiej intencji, zbudować przekaz o skonwencjonalizowanej i stereotypowej formule. Taki błąd popełniono w Lelisie, gdzie powstały pokoje: kobiety i mężczyzny (już samo ich nazwanie i rozdzielenie można tak potraktować), w których umieszczono na przykład – w pierwszym maszynę do szycia i chodzik dla dzieci, a w drugim – telewizor i butelkę po wódce. W tym kontekście warto przywołać słowa Petera Verga, który zwraca uwagę na fakt, że „przedmioty są gromadzone nie tylko po to, by je zestawić i zapre Przykładem mogą być muzea na wolnym powietrzu, patrz: J. Ś w i ę c h, Muzea na wolnym powietrzu, w: Edukacja kulturowa. Przestrzeń – kultura – przekaz, red. A.W. Brzezińska, A. Hulewska, J. Słomska-Nowak, Wrocław 2009, s. 101–110. 48  Warto dodać informację o stronie technicznej organizacji wystawy ze zbiorów prywatnych. Nie ma (na ogół) tu bowiem sprzętu wystawienniczego, rzadko też ma się do dyspozycji np. kubiki czy dodatkowe oświetlenie. Trzeba więc korzystać z tego, co jest oraz z własnej pomysłowości. Jedynym sprzętem, którym się dysponuje, jest młotek, gwoździe, drut lub sznurek. 49  Nazwa wiertarki ręcznej. 47 �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 147 zentować, lecz ponieważ są częścią historii, którą ktoś stara się opowiedzieć” (Vergo 2005, s. 319). Tym kimś jest organizator wystawy, który sprawia, że jej kontekst „nadaje im znaczenie wykraczające poza to, które posiadają jako obiekty kultury lub przedmioty kontemplacji estetycznej. Przez włączenie ich w wystawę stają się [...] elementem narracji” (tamże, s. 320). Tak więc dobrze jest pamiętać, że „o ile poprzez zbieranie, badanie i porządkowanie różnego rodzaju przedmiotów dokonuje się wnikanie w porządek rzeczywistości, to poprzez ich prezentowanie dochodzi się do ekspresji uzyskanej wiedzy, czy, szerzej, wizji świata” (Wieczorkiewicz 2001, s. 255). Problemy związane z pracą przy zbiorach Spotkania ze zbieraczami i praca przy ich zbiorach dostarczały wielu cennych doświadczeń, ale też nie były pozbawione problemów i nieporozumień. Należy zaznaczyć, że występowały one po obydwóch stronach – zbieracza i etnologa/antropologa – oraz powodowały napięcia w ich wzajemnych relacjach. Warto przyjrzeć się szczególnie kilku z nich – próbie zmiany ekspozycji, powiększaniu zbiorów i dokumentacji nowych przedmiotów, potrzebie wygospodarowania magazynów, wreszcie kontaktowi ze zbiorami. Pierwsze z wymienionych napięć pojawia się przy okazji pomysłu zmiany ekspozycji. Okazja do zmiany sposobu pokazywania zbiorów, czyli np. zorganizowania wystawy, należy do rzadkości. I nawet jeśli tak się zdarzy (jak było np. w przypadku Lelisa i Kuligowa), to i tak po jakimś czasie zaproponowana forma prezentacji jest zacierana, a zbiory wracają do poprzedniego umiejscowienia. Wynika to w dużej mierze z faktu, że zbieracz, mimo zgody na przeprowadzenie prac i zmian, a nierzadko czynnego uczestniczenia w nich, z czasem odczuwa zmęczenie i dostrzega „zewnętrzność” podjętych zabiegów. Dąży więc do powrotu do stanu wyjściowego, który był dla niego wyrazem indywidualnego podejścia do zgromadzonych przedmiotów, zgodnego z jego własnymi, „wewnętrznymi” zasadami przyporządkowania i wystawiania. Poza tym nawet jeśli numery na przedmiotach, ich fotografie i karty początkowo „trochę onieśmielają”, to z czasem powraca przekonanie, że przecież ich właściciel nie uległ zmianie i koniec końców to on decyduje o tym, co i jak będzie pokazywane. To sprawia, że choć etnolog/antropolog doświadcza pracy muzealnika, to głównie dotyczy to zakresu prac związanych z opracowaniem zbiorów. Natomiast jego chęć, by je zaprezentować – wystawić, może zostać wystawiona na próbę. Dlatego poczucie dumy czy zadowolenia towarzyszące wykonanej pracy wymaga zastąpienia go przez pokorę wobec zbieracza i jego zamysłu. Inaczej niż u bohatera książki Yoko Ogawy pt. Muzeum Ciszy, który �Katarzyna Waszczyńska 148 pozostaje wieczorem w muzeum, by obejrzeć przygotowaną przez siebie wystawę i stwierdza „nawet jeśli jestem trochę zbyt dumny, że poukładałem te szczątki w jakiejś kolejności, nikt nie ma mi tego za złe. Ostatecznie to właśnie ja wydobyłem te przedmioty z chaosu i przypomniałem ich prawdziwe znaczenie. Należy mi się za to chwila iluzji, że oto posiadłem miniaturową kopię świata” (Ogawa 2012, s. 143–144). Dwa inne napięcia pojawiają się przy okazji stwierdzenia faktu, że zbiory ciągle się powiększają, co rzadko łączy się z kontynuowaniem przez zbieracza prac inwentaryzacyjno-opisowych oraz nie prowadzi do wygospodarowania pomieszczenia na ewentualny magazyn. I tak, potrzeba zgodności dokumentacji ze stanem faktycznym nie jest dostrzegana przez zbieracza, ponieważ traktuje on ją jako zewnętrzną i narzuconą. Nawet jeśli wcześniej dostrzegał jej przydatność, to szybko orientuje się, że korzystanie z niej jest sporadyczne, a prowadzenie czasochłonne, szczególnie jeśli pozyskuje się wciąż nowe przedmioty. Trudno więc odnaleźć się mu w roli muzealnika, tym bardziej że jego kontakt ze zbiorami nie ma charakteru zawodowego, a wynika z chęci przebywania wśród nich, czy satysfakcji z ich uzupełniania. Z kolei inne założenia towarzyszą pracy etnologa/antropologa. Jego celem nie jest ciągłe uczestniczenie w tworzeniu inwentarza zbiorów danego zbieracza (chyba że ten postanowi go zatrudnić). Jego rolą jest raczej pomoc i pokazanie przebiegu prac tak, by zbieracz lub inna wskazana przez niego osoba mogła te prace kontynuować samodzielnie. Nie zawsze się to jednak udaje i szybko dochodzi do zdezaktualizowania się informacji o zbiorach, a także przerwania prac inwentaryzacyjno-opisowych lub też ich zarzucenia. Sytuacja ta może się zmienić, ale jest to uzależnione od samego zbieracza. W kontekście powiększania zbiorów należy również zasygnalizować niewielki wpływ etnologa/antropologa na decyzję o pozyskaniu „nowych egzemplarzy”, można jednak mówić o możliwości udzielenia porad w tym zakresie. Problematyczna jest także próba „wycofania” niektórych przedmiotów, a także wygospodarowanie miejsca – magazynu, w którym mogłyby (nawet czasowo) przebywać. Wynika to z dwóch powodów. Po pierwsze zbieracz rzadko kiedy dostrzega nadmiar w swoich zbiorach. Nie jest to tylko związane z chęcią posiadania50, która jest mu przypisywana, ale też z misji, którą podjął – ratowania interesujących go przedmiotów przed zniszczeniem i niepamięcią. Po drugie, ponieważ gromadzone zbiory potrzebują przestrzeni, a nie zawsze można np. dobudowywać kolejne pomieszczenia, więc wykorzystuje każde miej Renata Tańczuk przekonuje, że posiadanie u kolekcjonera może przybierać różne formy (Tańczuk 2011, s. 172–182). 50 �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 149 sce na ich ulokowanie lub tak przeorganizowuje całość, aby je pomieścić w tym, czym dysponuje. Poza tym, wspominaną już specyfiką zbieraczy i tworzonych przez nich zbiorów jest chęć prezentacji ich wszystkich. Stąd niemożliwe jest usunięcie jakiejś ich części z pola widzenia. Co prawda, w Lelisie taka próba została podjęta, ale w wygospodarowanych schowkach znalazły się głównie przedmioty niekompletne51, czyli takie, które prawdopodobnie i tak byłyby „ukryte” przed wzrokiem oglądającego. Nowe, czyli pozyskane przedmioty trafiają zaś bezpośrednio na ekspozycję, mieszając się z tymi, które zostały włączone do zinwentaryzowanego zbioru. Powyższe pokrótce zasygnalizowane napięcia i problemy wynikają z odmiennego sposobu traktowania zbiorów przez zbieracza i etnologa/antropologa. Jasno pokazują, że są to dwie różne perspektywy, z których patrzy się na przedmioty i tworzone z nich zbiory. Z kolei ostatnia z kwestii, którą należy podjąć, ma inny charakter i odnosi się głównie do postawy etnologa/antropologa wobec zbiorów, ale także zbieracza. Chodzi tu o pojawiający się często brak cierpliwości, a co za tym idzie i wnikliwości badawczej. W przypadku przedmiotów wynika to z faktu, że rzadko kiedy, poza kontekstem pracy przy zbiorach oczywiście, poświęcamy tak dużo czasu na świadomy z nimi kontakt52. W zasadzie ich nie dostrzegamy, bo „stanowią [...] na tyle bliski element naszego otoczenia, że uważamy je za coś oczywistego i niewymagającego uwagi” (Barański 2007, s. 10). Codzienne posługujemy się nimi, otaczamy, traktując jako swego rodzaju „narzędzia”, coś, co jest niezbędne do życia lub coś, co chcemy posiadać. Ta chęć posiadania szczególnie widoczna jest w ciągu ostatnich kilkunastu lat, co związane jest ze wzrostem konsumpcji. Tymczasem podczas pracy przy zbiorach zdarza się, że jeden przedmiot wymaga uwagi nawet przez kilka godzin. Wszystkie zaś potrzebują swego rodzaju „otwartości”, każdy z nich musi zostać rozpoznany: wzrokiem, dotykiem, węchem, a czasem również smakiem. Każdy jest wielokrotnie dotykany, obracany, by poznać rodzaj i fakturę materiału, wykonanie, zdobienia, sposób działania i użytkowania – a to zwykle tylko początek „przygody z przedmiotem”. Z kolei w przypadku zbieracza – brak cierpliwości w kontaktach z nim wynika często ze zmęczenia ciągłą jego obecnością i próbą czynnego uczestniczenia w procesie tworzenia opisu, co nierzadko 51  Wyjątkiem jest wykorzystanie szaf, w których schowano tkaniny. Jedna z nich służy jednocześnie za magazyn i element ekspozycyjny, druga zaś pełni rolę tylko „magazynu”. 52 Czas pracy przy zbiorach został ściśle określony i wynosił 8 godz. dziennie. Dzień pracy rozpoczynał się o godz. 9.00 i kończył o 17.00. Zdarzało się jednak, że wykraczano poza tę godzinę i albo kontynuowano prace inwentaryzacyjno-opisowe, albo spędzano dodatkowe godziny na rozmowie ze zbieraczem lub mieszkańcami danej miejscowości. �150 Katarzyna Waszczyńska traktowane jest jako ingerencja w „sferę naukową”. Tymczasem wiele przedmiotów obecnych w zbiorach nie jest nam znanych. Wyszły z użytku na tyle dawno lub zostały zastąpione coraz to nowszymi wersjami, że czasem trudno nie tylko rozpoznać czym jest dana rzecz, ale także do czego może służyć. W takich momentach okazuje się, że to zbieracz staje się ową „fachową siłą”, której zadaniem jest wyjaśnienie i opowieść o niej. Staje się on pośrednikiem w „oswojeniu obcości” przedmiotu, którą sprawiło „nie tyle przestrzenno-kulturowe oddalenie, ale starzenie się niegdyś dobrze znanych rzeczy” (Sommer 2003, s. 462). A mimo to choć wiedza zbieracza jest niejednokrotnie o wiele większa niż etnologa/antropologa, to często sprawia on wrażenie, jakby jej nie dowierzał. Czasem może go w tym utwierdzać także postawa etnologa/antropologa, który choć pyta i słucha wyjaśnień, to sygnalizuje również potrzebę weryfikacji tych informacji. Dlatego dopiero zapisanie jej na karcie przez etnologa/antropologa nadaje odpowiednią rangę, bo zostaje ona przez naukę uprawomocniona. W tym miejscu warto przypomnieć słowa Kazimierza Moszyńskiego „Etnografja znajduje się w tem szczęśliwem położeniu, że na jej polu mogą z rzetelnym pożytkiem pracować amatorzy, nie posiadający żadnego fachowego wykształcenia. Warunkiem jest zapał, prawdziwe zamiłowanie i wytrwałość. Rozmiłowanie się w danym przedmiocie często powoduje u ludzi zdolnych i krytycznych pewien rodzaj naukowego jasnowidztwa” (Moszyński [1928], s. 16). Stwierdzenia te, co trzeba wyjaśnić, padły w czasach, kiedy powstawało wiele ośrodków/muzeów regionalnych, których inicjatorami nie byli etnografowie. Zachęcano ich zatem do gromadzenia wytworów kultury materialnej. „Każdy przecież wytwór kultury materjalnej nie jest w gruncie rzeczy niczem innem, jak tylko rozwiązaniem pewnego zadania, wcielonem w określony fizyczny kształt. Jest jakgdyby zakrzepłą myślą ludzką” (tamże, s. 11), stąd „pod pewnymi względami wytwory kultury materjalnej posiadają nawet dla badacza niejaką wyższość nad wytworami w rodzaju pieśni lub wierzenia” (tamże, s. 12). Zacytowane słowa K. Moszyńskiego, których adresatami byli amatorzy-etnografowie, można współcześnie skierować także do etnologów/antropologów, którzy podejmują pracę przy opisywanych zbiorach etnograficznych. Tu bowiem często odczuwalny jest „brak fachowej wiedzy”, który niejednokrotnie trzeba zastąpić właśnie owym „zapałem, prawdziwym rozmiłowaniem i wytrwałością”. Wiedza i refleksja antropologiczna a praca ze zbiorami Pozostaje zadać pytanie: czy i jak wiedza oraz refleksja antropologiczna może zostać wykorzystana podczas pracy ze zbiorami etnograficznymi, zgroma- �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 151 dzonymi przez lokalnych zbieraczy. Niestety, odpowiedź na to pytanie nie jest ani prosta, ani jednoznaczna. Może ona bowiem równie dobrze brzmieć: nie, nie jest przydatna, jak i: tak, jest przydatna. Argumenty dotyczące pierwszej z odpowiedzi uwzględniają przede wszystkim tzw. techniczną stronę pracy ze zbiorami. Ich celem bowiem jest „uporządkowanie” – rozumiane jako inwentaryzacja i stworzenie katalogu naukowego i fotograficznego. Przy tego typu pracach raczej wykorzystywane są umiejętności pisania piórem, przygotowania materiałowej metki i przyszycia jej, kadrowania i wykorzystania światła, a także tworzenia zwartego opisu, w którym trzeba zawrzeć konkretne i wskazane w karcie informacje. I przy tym działaniu warto zatrzymać się na chwilę. Otóż polega ono w dużej mierze na umiejętności pisania tekstów, stosunkowo krótkich, konkretnych, z dużym ładunkiem szczegółów technicznych, a czasem i estetycznych. Niejednokrotnie jednak wymaga także umiejętności pozyskania czy odnalezienia odpowiedniej informacji, np. szczegółu technicznego, specyfiki lokalnego rzemieślnika. A to już wymaga znajomości literatury dawnej i współczesnej, w dużej mierze monograficznej, dotyczącej danej społeczności, regionu, gałęzi wytwórczości rzemieślniczej itd., a także rozeznania w opracowaniach dotyczących badań kultury materialnej, takich jak praca K. Moszyńskiego, Kultura Ludowa Słowian, cz. I pt. Kultura materialna, Warszawa 1967 (wyd. II), czy mapy zawarte w Zeszytach Polskiego Atlasu Etnograficznego (1964–1981), oraz Komentarze do Polskiego Atlasu Etnograficznego (1993–2011)53. Można tu również dodać serię zatytułowaną Ocalić od zapomnienia, publikowaną od 2003 do 2009 r. przez wydawnictwo Muza54. Te ostatnie to opracowania Komentarze do Polskiego Atlasu Etnograficznego w latach 1993–1996 były pod red. nauk. Janusza Bohdanowicza, a od 1998 – pod red. nauk. Zygmunta Kłodnickiego. Składają się z części – tomów poświęconych danym zagadnieniom. I tak, tom 1 nosi tytuł: Rolnictwo i hodowla. Część 1, red. R. Szlagor, Wrocław 1993, Rolnictwo i hodowla. Część 2, red. Z. Kłodnicki, Wrocław 1994; t. 2 pt. Budownictwo, red. Z. Kłodnicki, Wrocław 1995; t. 3 pt. Pożywienie i sprzęty z nim związane, red. E. Pietraszek, Wrocław 1996; t. 4. Transport i komunikacja lądowa, red. Z. Kłodnicki, Wrocław 1997; t. 5: Zwyczaje, obrzędy i wierzenia pogrzebowe, red. Z. Kłodnicki, Wrocław 1999; t. 6, A. L e b e d a, Wiedza i wierzenia ludowe, Wrocław – Cieszyn 2002; t. 7, A. D r o ż d ż, Pomoc wzajemna, Wrocław – Cieszyn 2002; t. 8, Zwyczaje i obrzędy weselne, cz. 1, A. D r o ż d ż, A. P i e ń c z a k, Od zalotów do ślubu cywilnego, Wrocław – Cieszyn 2004, cz. 2, A. P i e ń c z a k, Rola i znaczenie swata w kojarzeniu małżeństw, Wrocław – Cieszyn 2007, cz. 3, A. D r o ż d ż, Współdziałanie społeczności wiejskiej podczas obrzędu weselnego (druga połowa XIX wieku i XX wiek), Wrocław – Cieszyn 2009; t. 9, Zwyczaje, obrzędy i wierzenia urodzinowe, cz. 1: Zwyczaje, obrzędy i wierzenia związane z narodzinami i wychowaniem dziecka, Wrocław – Cieszyn 2010. 54  W ramach serii Ocalić od zapomnienia wydawnictwa Muza opublikowano książki poświęcone m.in. ginącym zawodom (Z. S k u z a, Ginące zawody w Polsce, Warszawa 2006), budownictwu ludowemu (T. C z e r w i ń s k i, Budownictwo ludowe w Polsce, Warszawa 2006), wyposażeniu domu wiejskiego (T. C z e r w i ń s k i, Wyposażenie domu wiejskiego w Polsce, Warszawa 2009) itd. 53 �152 Katarzyna Waszczyńska przygotowywane przez etnografów (z doświadczeniem muzealniczym), ale z założenia mające trafić do odbiorcy spoza naukowego kręgu. Nie podważa to jednak ich przydatności, chociaż z pewnością nie można ich traktować jako jedynego „poradnika” przy pracach z lokalnymi zbiorami etnograficznymi. Warto zwrócić uwagę, że „poznanie, zrozumienie przedmiotu, w tym tego muzealnego, w jego nieredukowalnej indywidualności, wyjątkowości, a zatem i poznanie znajdującego się «po tamtej stronie przedmiotu» człowieka bywa trudne bez posłużenia się zawsze jakoś redukującym i redukcjonistycznym żargonem codzienności, pełnym wieloznacznych symboli, wyobrażeń, wartości” (Barański 2011, s. 16), a także „bez posłużenia się żargonem nauki, która upycha rzeczywistość w równie adekwatne: formy, funkcje, taksonomie” (tamże). A zatem opis muzealny jest swoistym połączeniem, a może raczej wypadkową posiadanej wiedzy potocznej, doświadczenia i wiedzy naukowej. Nie można zatem powiedzieć, byśmy podczas tworzenia takiego opisu byli wolni od wiedzy z dziedziny, z którą spotykamy się od pierwszego roku studiów. Nie możemy także powiedzieć, że konstruując dany opis, nie koncentrujemy się na danym przedmiocie, ale na paradygmacie, który zadecydował o takim, a nie innym jego charakterze. Z kolei argumenty drugiej – pozytywnej – odpowiedzi, wskazują na kilka możliwości wykorzystania wiedzy antropologicznej, z tym że wszystkie wymagają „wyjścia” poza kontekst bezpośrednich prac inwentaryzacyjno-opisujących, choć na nich bazują. Po pierwsze, należy zwrócić uwagę na możliwości, jakie daje antropologia rzeczy. Warto przy tej okazji przypomnieć, że przedmioty – nazywane wówczas wytworami kultury materialnej – były zbierane i opisywane od samego początku formowania się antropologii – nauki. Sięgali po nie ewolucjoniści i dyfuzjoniści, by tworzyć i udowadniać swoje koncepcje – odpowiednio: układów typologicznych i stadiów kultury czy zasięgów wytworów kulturowych, kręgów kulturowych i obecności tzw. przeżytków. Przedmiot stanowił dla nich reprezentanta innej kultury (egzotycznej, ale i ludowej, potem nazywanej wiejską), jak i był źródłem wiedzy o kulturze. Stało się to także impulsem do tworzenia kolekcji i muzeów55 gromadzących „przywożone z różnych zakątków świata oraz zebrane na terytorium własnym obiekty kulturalne” (Tańczuk 2011, s. 78)56. Wówczas szczególnie znaczące dla 55  Okres muzealny w antropologii rozpoczyna się w latach dziewięćdziesiątych XIX w., chociaż jego początków poszukuje się już w latach czterdziestych XIX w. (Tańczuk 2011, s. 79). 56 Z kolei James Clifford przytacza fragment Instrukcji dla kolekcjonerów autorstwa Marcela Maussa, która dobrze oddaje ówczesne założenia: „Z uwagi na potrzebę, która sprawia, że ludzie zawsze pozostawiają ślad swej działalności w materii, niemal wszystkie fenomeny życia społecznego mogą wyrażać się w określonych obiektach. Systematycznie pozyskiwany zbiór obiektów �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 153 zbiorów i ich publicznej prezentacji były hasła antropologii relatywistycznej i Franza Boasa, by umieszczać przedmioty w ich naturalnych kontekstach, a zatem tych poprzedzających ich pozyskanie (Clifford 2000, s. 246). Te postulaty dostrzegalne są do dzisiaj w wielu muzeach etnograficznych/antropologicznych, a także w rekonstrukcyjnych wystawach etnograficznych. Wracając zaś do refleksji antropologii nad przedmiotami, należy zaznaczyć, że po początkowym umieszczeniu ich w centrum zainteresowań przyszedł czas funkcjonalizmu i dyfuzjonizmu, które przesunęły je na margines57 dociekań naukowych. Zajęto się bowiem człowiekiem i jego funkcjonowaniem w małej grupie społecznej, a przedmioty-artefakty traktowano jako wynik procesów społecznych (Tańczuk 2011, s. 81). Powrót zainteresowań kulturą materialną następował stopniowo: w latach sześćdziesiątych XX w. – w związku z dyskusją o zmianach postrzegania Innych i ich kultur po upadku kolonializmu, czy w latach siedemdziesiątych i osimdziesiątych XX w., wraz z rozważaniami na temat rozwoju kultury konsumpcyjnej (w Polsce były to lata dziewięćdziesiątych XX w.). Szczególnie zaś mocno nastąpił w latach osiemdziesiątych i dziewięćdziesiątych XX w., wraz ze swoistym „zwrotem ku rzeczom”58 (Domańska 2008, s. 8), który przyniósł zmianę podejścia do nich. Nie są już traktowane jako podporządkowane człowiekowi, czy pełniące rolę drugoplanową, ale równoważne człowiekowi59, a w skrajnej postaci wskazujące nawet ich wyższość. To „nowe spojrzenie na materialność” pokazało wielość kontekstów, w których można i należy rozpatrywać rzeczy. I tak, można je odnaleźć w koncepcjach konstruowania tożsamości jednostki jest zatem bogatym nagromadzeniem dopuszczalnych świadectw [pièces à conviction]. Ich zbiór tworzy zatem bardziej pewne i więcej ujawniające archiwum niż archiwum tekstów zapisanych, ponieważ są to autentyczne, autonomiczne obiekty, nie stworzone z uwagi na potrzeby danego przypadku [les beison de la cause], a zatem lepiej charakteryzują typy cywilizacji niż cokolwiek innego (Mauss 1931, 6–7)” (Clifford 2000, s. 76–77). 57  Należy podkreślić, że w przypadku polskiej antropologii przyczyny polityczne związane z obowiązującym po II wojnie światowej materializmem dialektycznym i historycznym „doprowadziły do przedłużenia uwagi skupionej na kulturze materialnej” (Barański 2007, s. 13). Jej wyrazem było powołanie w 1953 r. Instytutu Historii Kultury Materialnej PAN, a w jego ramach działu etnografii, obok działów archeologii Polski, archeologii śródziemnomorskiej oraz historii kultury materialnej – wszystkie swoje programy badawcze koncentrowały na kulturze materialnej (Frankowska 1973, s. 200–201). 58 Ewa Domańska łączy go z pojawieniem się projektu humanistyki nie-antropocentrycznej. Badaczka zwraca jednakże uwagę na to, że tu również mogą pojawić się zagrożenia – wypowiadającym się w imieniu rzeczy jest człowiek, czyli nadal (mimo chęci zmiany postrzegania) będzie umieszczał je w kontekście dla siebie istotnym (Domańska 2008, s. 9, 13). 59 Zwraca się tu również uwagę na język wypowiedzi i zaleca wręcz odrzucenie słowa „przedmiot” – upatrując w nim bierność i podległość podmiotowi. �154 Katarzyna Waszczyńska i grupy60, refleksjach na temat ich kulturowego i społecznego wymiaru61, praktyk i działań znaczących62, wymiany i procesu utowarowienia63 czy też jako „pełnoprawny uczestnik tworzenia rzeczywistości” (Domańska 2008, s. 14) oraz równoprawny uczestnik interakcji (Latour za: Domańska 2008, s. 18, Dant 2007, s. 25). Powrót zainteresowań materialnością uczy zatem patrzenia na przedmiot w szerszym kontekście. Nakazuje być wyczulonym na jego biografię, powstającą w relacji, która nawiązuje się między nim a człowiekiem. Można to uwidocznić w procesie przygotowania opisu danego przedmiotu, ale też i podczas rozmowy ze zbieraczem (jeśli jest możliwa). Jej celem bowiem będzie pozyskanie maksymalnie wielu informacji o danym przedmiocie. Począwszy od jego fizyczności – formy, materiału, koloru czy ewentualnych zdobień, przez „historię” – wykonawców lub miejsce powstania, właścicieli, użytkowników, miejsca przechowywania w tzw. „poprzednim życiu”, kiedy należał do tzw. przedmiotów codziennego użytku, miejsca, z którego został pozyskany i sposobu tego pozyskania, po pełnione funkcje i sposoby wykorzystania. W zasadzie można by mnożyć pytania, które pozwoliłyby na wnikliwe studium danego przedmiotu. Taka wrażliwość na przedmiot i „jego biografię” przypomina propozycję Piotra Szackiego – etnografa i muzealnika, który na początku lat osiemdziesiątych XX w. przedstawił program tzw. pełnej inwentaryzacji. Była to propozycja postawy badawczej, pozwalającej, obok pozyskiwanych przedmiotów, dokumentować także „sytuację”, w jakiej się znajdują, czyli wzajemne, wieloaspektowe relacje między elementami zespołu, np. zagrody czy budynku chłopskiego, traktowanego jako „stanowisko” o wyraźnie ograniczonej przestrzeni, podlegającej intensywnej „obróbce” kulturowej (Szacki 1990, s. 25–26). Jak łatwo zauważyć, propozycja ta dotyczy działań wcześniejszych, czyli pozyskiwania przedmiotów do muzealnych kolekcji. Jednakże przyjęcie takiej postawy badawczej do praktyki muzealnej 60  Tematykę tę przybliżają przykładowo: artykuł Marka K r a j e w s k i e g o, Przedmiot, który uczłowiecza..., „Kultura Współczesna”, nr 3 (57)/2008, s. 43–54, czy książka Marty S k o w r o ń s k i e j, Drugie życie przedmiotów. Second hand jako zjawisko społeczne, Poznań 2009. 61 Dobrze pokazuje to książka Tima D a n t a pt. Kultura materialna w rzeczywistości społecznej. Wartości, działania, style życia, Kraków 2007. 62  Warto tu zwrócić uwagę chociażby na koncepcję semiofor Krzysztofa Pomiana, opisaną w książce pt. Historia. Nauka wobec pamięci, Lublin 2006. Pomian nazywa tak przedmioty, które zostały poddane dwóm zabiegom: dekontekstualizacji i ekspozycji (tamże, s. 128–129), to one bowiem sprawiają, że zostają wyłączone ze sfery użytkowania, a stają się nośnikami znaczeń w danej społeczności. Koncepcja ta szczególnie często wykorzystywana jest w odniesieniu do opisów zbiorów muzealnych i pełnionej przez nie roli. 63  Np. I. K o p y t o f f, Kulturowa biografia rzeczy – utowarowienie jako proces, w: Badanie kultury. Elementy teorii antropologicznej, red. M. Kempny, E. Nowicka, Warszawa 2003, s. 249–274. �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 155 pozwoliłoby na „poznanie i zrozumienie przedmiotu”, zanim się go pozbawi kontekstu, w którym funkcjonował. Również gdyby etnolog/antropolog mógł uczestniczyć w pozyskiwaniu zbiorów przez zbieracza, mógłby skorzystać z tych podpowiedzi – co mogłoby mu ułatwić późniejszą pracę. Spojrzenie na materialność przez pryzmat złożonych relacji rzeczy i ludzi może prowadzić również do stwierdzenia, że w interakcjach tych stosunek do rzeczy i ich postrzeganie jest nie tyle odbiciem społecznych czy kulturowych ustaleń, ile wynika z ich mocy sprawczej – „przedmioty działają, a ich działanie wywołuje skutki w realnym świecie, wpływając na relacje międzyludzkie” (Gell za: Rodak 2008, s. 102). Przyjmując te założenia można stwierdzić, że przedmioty, które są brane do ręki przez etnologa/antropologa, by je ponumerować, sfotografować, zmierzyć i opisać, przyjmują rolę nauczyciela, który wymaga pokory wobec świata materialnego i domaga się zgłębiania wiedzy na jego temat. Opisana powyżej zmiana paradygmatu w stosunku do przedmiotu ma swoje odzwierciedlenie także w postrzeganiu zbiorów muzealnych (posiadanych i pozyskiwanych) oraz w toczących się dyskusjach na temat wystawiennictwa (por. Popczyk 2005). Praca przy zbiorach może także posłużyć do refleksji nad tą problematyką. Po drugie, pracę przy zbiorach można potraktować jako możliwość skupienia uwagi na postaci zbieracza i czynności zbierania, która wydaje się być czymś „naturalnym”, bo „każdy wie, czym jest zbieranie. I każdy to potrafi” (Sommer 2003, s. 3). Może jednak mieć jakiś indywidualny rys, wynikający na przykład z cech charakteru, zaplecza kulturowego, które mogą wpływać na sposoby zbierania oraz to, co się zbiera i dlaczego. Warto też zastanowić się nad faktem, że ten „pewien rodzaj «gromadzenia» wokół jednostki i wokół grupy – nagromadzenie materialnego «świata», oznaczanie subiektywnego obszaru, który nie jest «innym» – jest prawdopodobnie uniwersalny” (Clifford 2000, s. 235), z czegoś wynika i czemuś służy. Koncentrując zaś uwagę na osobie zbieracza, można zastanowić się, czy rzeczywiście „Gromadzone przedmioty składające się na kolekcję charakteryzują osobę, która je posiada, porządkuje, przydziela im stosowne miejsce” (Dant 2007, s. 160). I nawet jeśli nie uda się znaleźć odpowiedzi na tak postawione pytanie, to można spróbować dotrzeć do motywacji zbierania i porównać z tymi opisanymi przez Krzysztofa Pomiana (1996b)64. Ciekawe byłoby przyjrzenie się zbieraniu w kontekście pasji. 64 „Świadomość współwystępowania różnych funkcji kolekcjonerstwa: prestiżowej, ekonomicznej, poznawczej, estetycznej – nie powinna wszakże prowadzić do redukowania ich wszystkich do jakiejś jednej, arbitralnie uznanej za najważniejszą. Nie mamy powodu, by nie wierzyć licznym zbieraczom, którzy gromadzili obrazy, ryciny i rzeźby, podając jako główny motyw skłaniający ich do tego przyjemność dostarczaną przez oglądanie owych rzeczy” (Pomian 1996a, s. 114–115). �Katarzyna Waszczyńska 156 I to w dwóch znaczeniach tego słowa – jako hobby (działanie podejmowane w wolnym czasie, którego wykonywanie sprawia przyjemność, poszerza horyzonty itd.) oraz jako styl życia i pewna postawa. To zaś kieruje ku zagadnieniom konstruowania tożsamości jednostki oraz wpływu, jaki może ona mieć na inne osoby. W tym kontekście zbieranie będzie nie tylko wpisywało się w działania kreacyjne zbieracza jako człowieka i członka danej społeczności, ale także będzie jego aktywnością kulturalną (por. Tańczuk 2011), spełniającą określone cele (zbieracza i środowiska, do którego należy). Po trzecie, praca przy zbiorach i kontakt ze zbieraczem może pozwolić na dostrzeżenie roli, którą pełnią w społeczności lokalnej. Jak wpisują się w tworzenie tożsamości lokalnej, ale też jak ją kreują, na przykład poprzez budowanie poczucia dumy. Dumy, wynikającej chociażby z samego faktu posiadania takich zbiorów (inni takich nie mają), ale także ich zawartości, stanowiącej świadectwo „ich” historii i kultury. Można tu również zadać pytanie o to, czy i jak biorą udział w organizowaniu życia społecznego i kulturalnego, czy stanowią jego część. Patrząc zaś w taki sposób, można wskazać podobieństwo między działaniami zbieracza, który gromadzi i udostępnia swoje zbiory, a zaproponowaną przez nową muzeologię ideą „muzeum na miejscu”65. Istotą obydwu jest bowiem posiadanie zróżnicowanych zbiorów, ilustrujących codzienność (również w wymiarze historycznym), przez co możliwe jest poznanie lokalnej specyfiki (Barański 2010a, s. 344). Mogą zatem służyć jako źródło wiedzy o danej społeczności. Wreszcie można je potraktować jako przyczynek do szerszych rozważań podobnych do tych prowadzonych przez Krzysztofa Pomiana o kolekcjonerstwie. Stwierdza on, że „badanie kolekcjonerstwa jest zajmowaniem się kulturą jako całością” (Pomian 1996a, s. 115), co „odznacza się [...] umiejscowieniem na skrzyżowaniu różnych dziedzin, wielowymiarowością. Inaczej mówiąc, widziane jako całość, kolekcje danego kraju w danej epoce są współrozciągłe z kulturą tego kraju w tej epoce, którą ucieleśniają, czyniąc ją przeto widzialną” (Pomian 1996b, s. 337). Parafrazując powyższe, można powiedzieć, że wnikliwa analiza zbiorów, także tych dotyczących przedmiotów codziennego użytku,  Nawiązuje ono do koncepcji „ekomuzeów” Henriego Rivière’a, powstałej na początku lat siedemdziesiątych XX w. „«Ekomuzeum» oznaczało określony sposób myślenia, otwarty na świat, skupiony na kwestiach związków ze środowiskiem, w którym funkcjonuje. [...] muzea takie miały opisywać istnienie i funkcjonowanie społeczności żyjących poza głównym nurtem cywilizacji. [...] Idea «ekomuzeów» stała się podstawą funkcjonowania lokalnych instytucji w tak różnorodnych krajach jak Meksyk, Afganistan, Andorra, Algieria, Albania, Niemcy. Domeną ich działań stały się alternatywne muzea, tworzone przez lokalne społeczności, gdzie zniesiono dystans między publicznością a tym, co i w jaki sposób jest eksponowane w muzeum – muzea miały być częścią życia miejscowych wspólnot, a nie tylko je reprezentować” (Szczerski 2005, s. 338–339). 65 �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 157 pozwala na dostrzeżenie wzajemnych relacji między zachodzącymi zmianami światopoglądowymi i świadomościowymi a zbieraczem i podejmowaną przez niego aktywnością – zbieraniem. A co za tym idzie, można odszukać w nich „odbicia szerszych reguł kultury” (Clifford 2000, s. 234). Konkluzje Z powyższych rozważań wynika, że spotkanie etnologa/antropologa ze zbieraczem i podjęcie prac porządkowo-inwentaryzacyjnych przy jego zbiorach wykracza poza, jakby się wydawało, proste czynności oglądania i opisywania. Okazuje się, że wymagają one wiedzy i szerszego spojrzenia. Mogą również stać się inspiracją do rozważań nad naturą rzeczy i relacji, jakie łączą ją z człowiekiem, fenomenu zbieractwa jako takiego czy też postrzegania go jako zjawiska kulturowego. Wreszcie – pozwalają dostrzec w nim przejawy aktywności kulturalno-społecznej, ratunkowej-zachowawczej, ale także i kreującej, które wyróżniają i charakteryzują osobę zbieracza, a także społeczność, w której on działa i która jest czy też może być odbiorcą tych działań. Kończąc, można stwierdzić, że pracując przy zbiorach i stykając się ze zbieraczami, sami się nimi stajemy, kolekcjonując doświadczenia, które tej pracy towarzyszą. Te doświadczenia zaś również mogą być poddane refleksji, także tej antropologicznej... Literatura Barańska K. 2004 – Muzeum etnograficzne. Misje, struktury, strategie, Kraków. 2010 – Dom-muzeum, muzeum-dom, „Polska Sztuka Ludowa. Konteksty”, nr 2–3, s. 214–220. Barański J. 2007 – Świat rzeczy. Zarys antropologiczny, Kraków. 2010a – Dyskurs gęsty – w poszukiwaniu interpretatywnej teorii przedmiotu muzealnego, w: Etnologia i okolice. Eseje antyperyferyjne, Kraków, s. 319–355. 2010b – Muzeum etnograficzne XXI wieku, w: Etnologia i okolice. Eseje antyperyferyjne, Kraków, s. 357–388. 2011 – O sprawczości przedmiotu (muzealnego), „Etnografia Nowa/The New Ethnography”, nr 3, s. 9–22. Baudouin de Courtenay-Ehrenkreutz-Jędrzejewiczowa C. 2005 – Wskazówki dla zbierających przedmioty dla Muzeum Etnograficznego Uniwersytetu Stefana Batorego w Wilnie (1926), w: Łańcuch tradycji. Teksty wybrane, L. Mróz, A. Zadrożyńska (red.), Warszawa, s. 49–66. �158 Katarzyna Waszczyńska Bujak J. 1980 – Rozwój muzealnictwa etnograficznego i ochrony kultury ludowej w Polsce w latach 1918–1939, w: Funkcje patriotyczne muzealnictwa etnograficznego w Polsce. Materiały z sesji naukowej zorganizowanej przez Państwowe Muzeum Etnograficzne w Warszawie, z okazji 60. rocznicy odzyskania niepodległości przez Polskę oraz 90-lecia Muzeum Etnograficznego w Warszawie w dniu 29 września 1978 r., Warszawa, s. 29–42. Clifford J. 2000 – Kłopoty z kulturą. Dwudziestowieczna etnografia, literatura i sztuka, Warszawa. Dant T. 2007 – Kultura materialna w rzeczywistości społecznej. Wartości, działania, style życia, Kraków. Domańska E. 2008 – Humanistyka nie-antropocentryczna a studia nad rzeczami, „Kultura Współczesna”, nr 3 (57), s. 9–21. Engelking A. 2008 – Z dziejów wileńskiego ośrodka etnograficznego w dwudziestoleciu międzywojennym: w stronę profesjonalnych badań terenowych pogranicza polsko-litewsko-białoruskiego, Suwałki, s. 1–27 [tekst wygłoszony na konferencji pt. Badania etnograficzne na pograniczu polsko-litewsko-białoruskim w drugiej połowie XX wieku, Suwałki, 18–20.09.2008; złożony do druku]. Frankowska M. 1973 – Etnografia polska po II wojnie światowej (1945–1970), w: Historia etnografii polskiej, M. Terlecka (red.), Wrocław – Warszawa – Kraków – Gdańsk, s. 193–270. Kielak B. 1996 – Tradycje muzealnictwa regionalnego na Mazowszu, w: Kultura ludowa Mazowsza i Podlasia. Studia i materiały, t. 1, A. Stawarz (red.), Warszawa, s. 183–192. Kirshenblatt-Gimblett B. 2011 – Od etnologii do dziedzictwa. Rola muzeum, „Etnografia Nowa/The New Ethnography”, nr 3, s. 125–136. Kutrzeba-Pojnarowa A. 1980 – Patriotyczne źródła powstania muzealnictwa etnograficznego w Polsce, w: Funkcje patriotyczne muzealnictwa etnograficznego w Polsce. Materiały z sesji naukowej zorganizowanej przez Państwowe Muzeum Etnograficzne �Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne... 159 w Warszawie, z okazji 60. rocznicy odzyskania niepodległości przez Polskę oraz 90-lecia Muzeum Etnograficznego w Warszawie w dniu 29 września 1978 r., Warszawa, s. 14–26. Moszyński K. [1926] – Etnografia w muzeach regjonalnych, Warszawa. Ogawa Y. 2012 – Muzeum ciszy, Warszawa. Ogniewska A. [2009] – Dziedzictwo historyczne i kulturowe Mazowsza na tle Kurpiowszczyzny, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Ośrodka Etnograficznego Dziedzictwa Kulturowego i Przyrodniczego Kurpiów w Lelisie, Gminny Ośrodek KulturalnoOświatowy w Lelisie, s. 1–7 [artykuł niepublikowany; fragment znajduje się na www.goko-lelis.eu/page/etnograficzny.html oraz na www.kurpie. lelis.pl]. Pokropek M. 1980 – Wstęp, w: Przewodnik po izbach regionalnych w Polsce, Warszawa, s. 7–17. Pomian K. 1996a – Kolekcjonerstwo i filozofia. Narodziny nowożytnego muzeum, w: Drogi do kultury europejskiej. Trzy studia, Warszawa, s. 109–172. b 1996 – Zbieracze i osobliwości. Paryż. Wenecja XVI–XVIII wiek, Warszawa. Posern-Zieliński A. 1973 – Kształtowanie się etnografii polskiej jako samodzielnej dyscypliny naukowej (do 1939 r.), w: Historia etnografii polskiej, M. Terlecka (red.), Wrocław – Warszawa – Kraków – Gdańsk, s. 29–113. Rodak P. 2008 – Rzeczy w kontekście pisania. O materialności dzienników osobistych, „Kultura Współczesna”, nr 3 (57), s. 100–117. Sokolewicz Z. 2007 – Kadry, uczeni, w: Historia i współczesność warszawskiej etnologii. Zjazd absolwentów, Warszawa, s. 10–33. Sommer M. 2003 – Zbieranie. Próba filozoficznego ujęcia, Warszawa. Szacki P, Święch I. 1990 – Badania inwentaryzacyjne: założenia i realizacja, „Rocznik Muzealny – Włocławek”, t. III, s. 24–50. �160 Katarzyna Waszczyńska Szczerski A. 2005 – Kontekst, edukacja, publiczność – muzeum z perspektywy „Nowej muzeologii”, w: Muzeum Sztuki. Antologia, M. Popczyk (red.), Kraków, s. 335–344. Tańczuk R. 2011 – Ars collegendi. Kolekcjonowanie jako forma aktywności kulturalnej, Wrocław. Urmanowski W. b.r. – Dawna architektura wsi mazowieckiej. Skansen w Kuligowie oraz inne atrakcje turystyczne okolic Dąbrówki, Fundacja Dziedzictwo Nadbużańskie. Wieczorkiewicz A. 1999 – Muzeum jako miejsce rytuałów współczesności, w: Religie i kultura w globalizującym się świecie, M. Kempny, G. Woroniecka (red.), Kraków, s. 39–50. 2001 – Mowa słów i mowa rzeczy (o retoryce wypowiedzi muzealnej), w: Praktyki opowiadania, B. Owczarek, Z. Mitosek, W. Grajewski (red.), Warszawa, s. 237–256. Vergo P. 2005 – Milczący obiekt, w: Muzeum Sztuki. Antologia, M. Popczyk (red.), Kraków, s. 313–334. Dokumenty prawne: – Ustawa o muzeach z 21 listopada 1996 r. [Dz.U. z 1997 r. Nr 5, poz. 24 z późn. zm.]; – Rozporządzenie Ministra Kultury z dnia 30 sierpnia 2004 r. w sprawie zakresu, form i sposobu ewidencjonowania zabytków w muzeach [Dz.U. z 2004 r. Nr 202, poz. 2072 i 2073]; – Rozporządzenie Ministra Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego z dnia 13 maja 2008 r. w sprawie prowadzenia Państwowego Rejestru Muzeów, wzoru wniosku o wpis do rejestru, warunków i trybu dokonywania wpisów oraz okoliczności, w jakich można zarządzić kontrolę w celu ustalenia, czy muzeum spełnia nadal warunki wpisu do rejestru [Dz.U. z 2008 r. Nr 91, poz. 567]. Netografia: www.goko-lelis.eu [dostęp: maj – czerwiec 2012]. www.jws.com.pl/mona/mona [dostęp: maj – czerwiec 2012]. www.kurpie.com.pl [dostęp: maj – czerwiec 2012]. www.kurpie.lelis.pl [dostęp: maj – czerwiec 2012]. www.nimoz.pl/pl/aktualności [dostęp: 9.06.2012] – Raport z prac Zespołu Ekspertów ds. przygotowania tez do projektu nowelizacji Ustawy o muzeach, z 2009 r. www.ontia.pl/kultura/ [dostęp: maj – czerwiec 2012]. www.skansen.powiatwolominski.pl [dostęp: maj – czerwiec 2012]. �II �� Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Zbiory, kolekcje, muzea regionalne etnolog/antropolog a warsztat muzealnika/ Antropologia stosowana Subject The topic of the resource muzealnictwo etnograficzne, muzea etnograficzne, kolekcjonerstwo Description An account of the resource Antropologia stosowana, pod red. Macieja Ząbka Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Katarzyna Waszczyńska Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Międzynarodowe Centrum Dialogu Miedzykulturowego i Miedzyreligijnego UKSW Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource licencja Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf text Language A language of the resource pol Type The nature or genre of the resource artykuł w książce kolekcjonerstwo muzea etnograficzne muzealnictwo etnograficzne https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/e9414ada1e78ffaebc70a44fd992f57b.pdf 5cdef9e4d2f6b6ecf89e07afccb088c6 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5521 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 Subject The topic of the resource obywatelstwo - aspekt prawny uchodźcy Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5136 Title A name given to the resource Złudny status - status uchodźcy / Obywatelstwo na progu XXI wieku: konteksty prawne i kulturowe Description An account of the resource Obywatelstwo na progu XXI wieku: konteksty prawne i kulturowe, pod red.Macieja Ząbka, s.207-226 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kość-Ryżko, Katarzyna Czerniejewska, Izabela Language A language of the resource pol Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Biuro Krajowe UHCR Miedzynarodowe Centrum Dialogu Międzykulturowego i Międzyreligijnego UKSW Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 15 IZABELA CZERNIEJEWSKA Katedra Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytet im. Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu KATARZYNA E. KOŚĆ-RYŻKO Ośrodek Etnologii i Antropologii Współczesności IAE PAN w Warszawie ZŁUDNY STATUS – STATUS UCHODŹCY Wpływ zastanych regulacji prawnych na ludzkie losy na przykładzie uchodźców w Polsce Priviet, dzwonię, żeby przekazać dobrą wiadomość. Dostaliśmy status bieżeńca. Bardzo się cieszymy! Ale mamy też problem – szukamy mieszkania i nie możemy nic znaleźć... Wprowadzenie Niedawno zadzwoniła do mnie znajoma, która od dłuższego czasu oczekiwała na rozpatrzenie wniosku o status uchodźcy swej rodziny. Uradowana oznajmiła, że status otrzymali, ale mają problem, gdyż nie mają gdzie mieszkać. To jeden z wielu przykładów na to, w jaki sposób otrzymanie statusu uchodźcy nie oznacza zakończenia wszystkich problemów. Właściwie można powiedzieć, że wraz ze zmianą niepewnej sytuacji – z oczekującej na status, na decyzję o jego przyznaniu – zaczynają się pojawiać trudności. Fakty są bowiem takie, że rozdźwięk między oczekiwaniami i nadziejami związanymi z jego przyznaniem a późniejszymi realiami bywa dla cudzoziemców przyczyną ogromnej frustracji i rozczarowania. Wydawałoby się, iż oficjalne uznanie za uchodźcę i przyznanie praw oraz zagwarantowanie możliwości życia w danym kraju powinno wieńczyć trudy oczekiwania. Tymczasem jest to myślenie iluzoryczne i bardziej życzeniowe niż realne. �Izabela Czerniejewska, Katarzyna Kość-Ryżko 208 W tekście tym chcemy więc zwrócić uwagę na liczne niejednoznaczności i na niepewność sytuacji, w jakiej znajdują się osoby ubiegającej się o status uchodźcy. Celowo unikamy w tym miejscu szczegółowego opisywania kwestii prawnych związanych z procedurą ubiegania się o status uchodźcy, wiedząc, że dostęp do fachowej literatury na ten temat jest dosyć szeroki1. Zależy nam natomiast na omówieniu niektórych konsekwencji (społecznych, kulturowych, psychologicznych) wynikających z tych regulacji. Uzasadnieniem może być fakt, iż będąc antropolożkami, chcemy zwrócić uwagę na te aspekty warunków życia cudzoziemców w Polsce, które zaobserwowałyśmy podczas naszych badań, a które są często niedostrzegane i pomijane przez przedstawicieli innych nauk oraz pracowników sektora publicznego. Od 2010 r. realizujemy projekt badawczy obejmujący wielostanowiskowe badania terenowe2 (m.in. w Czerwonym Borze, Grupie k. Grudziądza, Warszawie-Targówku), dotyczący akulturacji dzieci i młodzieży uchodźczej w Polsce. Podczas spotkań z cudzoziemcami zamieszkałymi w ośrodkach uchodźczych3 wielokrotnie miałyśmy okazję obserwować ich codzienne życie i prowadzić rozmowy na temat oczekiwań i rozczarowań związanych z sytuacją, jaka stała się ich udziałem. W tekście tym będziemy więc odwoływać się do osobistych doświadczeń naszych respondentów, aby te najlepiej ilustrowały stawiane tezy i przybliżały rzeczywiste okoliczności, w jakich się znaleźli, szukając schronienia w Polsce. Dla kogo „złudny status”? Rozczarowani uchodźcy Niektórzy cudzoziemcy, będący w procedurze uchodźczej, są przekonani, że ich wyjątkowe położenie powinno gwarantować im ochronę międzynarodową, a co za tym idzie prawa, na które w swoim przekonaniu zasługują. Osoby te decydują się uczestniczyć w procedurze administracyjnej i cierpliwie oczekiwać na rozstrzygnięcia decydujące o ich losie. Niestety, bardzo często ludzie ci są nieświadomi niuansów legislacyjnych i złożoności zagadnień zwiąZob. m.in. J. C h l e b n y, Postępowanie w sprawie o nadanie statusu uchodźcy, Warszawa 2011 (Monografie Prawnicze). 2 Artykuł ten powstał na podstawie badań prowadzonych w ramach grantu badawczego pt. Identyfikacja etniczna i kultura dzieci uchodźczych w Polsce. Perspektywa antropologiczna finansowanego przez NCN (nr 109218136), kierowanego przez dr Katarzynę Kość-Ryżko przy współudziale dr Izabeli Czerniejewskiej. 3 Por. K. K o ś c i ń s k i, Warunki dotyczące lokowania i prowadzenia ośrodków dla uchodźców a prawo zamówień publicznych. Opinia Prawna, „Analizy, raporty, ekspertyzy”, 2011, nr 3. 1 �Złudny status – status uchodźcy... 209 zanych z prawną regulacją pobytu i ochrony międzynarodowej cudzoziemców przebywających na terytorium danego państwa, dlatego też mają skłonność do uproszczeń i autorskich interpretacji kwestii związanych ze „statusem uchodźcy”. Swoją wiedzę na ten temat czerpią zazwyczaj z zasłyszanych historii, plotek krążących w ich otoczeniu oraz „faktów” dotyczących sąsiadów, znajomych i dalekich członków rodziny. Powstająca w ten sposób wykładnia obowiązujących kodeksów i przepisów dotyczących uchodźstwa częstokroć różni się tej oficjalnej. Tym niemniej jednak, osoby podejmujące decyzję o opuszczeniu miejsca zamieszkania i wystąpieniu o azyl w innym państwie nie zawsze mają świadomość, że nie spełniają warunków upoważniających ich do ubiegania się o międzynarodową ochronę. Konfrontacja z brutalną rzeczywistością symbolizowaną przez paragrafy prawne i rozporządzenia urzędowe bywa przyczyną pierwszego bolesnego szoku, jakiego doświadczają po przyjeździe do obcego kraju, a następnie fali rozgoryczenia i rozżalenia na brak solidarności społecznej i nieżyczliwość wobec cudzoziemców. Osobom zaliczającym się do tej grupy wydaje się, że to, co dostają po przekroczeniu granicy wymarzonej Europy i po przyjeździe do naszego kraju, czyli skromny pokój w ośrodku, dostęp do kuchni, niewielkie kieszonkowe, opiekę medyczną i stołówkowe wyżywienie, jest dobrze zapowiadającym się początkiem. Wierzą, że na kolejnym etapie, na który z niecierpliwością czekają, może być tylko lepiej. Ta liminalna sytuacja4 niewątpliwie wpływa na sposób, w jaki osoby te funkcjonują, a także na to, jak się czują, co robią lub czego nie robią. Nie będąc jeszcze oficjalnie uznanymi za osoby, które mają prawo osiedlić się w danym miejscu, aby żyć i pracować w nim, nie starają się przygotować sobie przestrzeni i warunków do tego w przyszłości i w pewnym sensie wegetują. Po dłuższym czasie wyczekiwania na decyzję, która de facto niewiele zmienia w ich dotychczasowym życiu, zaczynają odczuwać narastające napięcie, frustrację i poczucie bezsilności, które niewątpliwie nie ułatwiają im procesu adaptacji kulturowej. Rozczarowani uchodźcami Dla części cudzoziemców stan, w którym się znaleźli, daje również sporo możliwości – można powiedzieć, że na dany moment życia odpowiada on na ich rozmaite potrzeby. Dotyczy to zwłaszcza osób, które dążą do zaspokojenia 4 W tym kontekście oznacza ona etap przejściowy, przed włączeniem w społeczeństwo przyjmujące. Jednostka straciła poprzednią rolę społeczną (mieszkańca kraju pochodzenia), ale nie nabyła jeszcze nowej (osoby uprawnionej do zamieszkania w kraju przybycia). Por. M. Z ą b e k, S. Ł o d z i ń s k i, Uchodźcy w Polsce. Próba spojrzenia antropologicznego, Warszawa 2008, s. 276–283. �Izabela Czerniejewska, Katarzyna Kość-Ryżko 210 swych pragnień i wiążą z wyjazdem za granicę oraz stanem oczekiwania na status konkretne plany, np. ma on ułatwić im leczenie, kontakt z bliskimi ludźmi, ucieczkę przed problemami w kraju itp. Niekoniecznie jednak wynikają one z chęci uniknięcia zagrożenia życia i zapewnienia sobie bezpieczeństwa poprzez uzyskanie międzynarodowej ochrony prawnej. W tym przypadku to raczej my (badacze, urzędnicy, osoby bezpośrednio pracujące z uchodźcami) wpadamy w pułapkę „złudności” statusu uchodźcy. Z nieuzasadnionych względów jesteśmy przekonani, że pobyt w naszym kraju jest dla nich bardzo dobrym rozwiązaniem ich problemów. Sprawia to, iż mimowolnie oczekujemy od nich zadowolenia z oferowanej pomocy i współpracy w realizacji naszego wyobrażenia o wzorowej koegzystencji. Bywa też, że nadgorliwie staramy się, by wszystkim przybyszom w równym stopniu zapewnić spokojny pobyt w ośrodkach, proponujemy programy integracyjne, lekcje języka polskiego, aktywizujemy zawodowo, a jednocześnie narasta w nas rozczarowanie ich postawą, niechęcią wobec oferowanych wzorców życia, a ostatecznie brakiem woli pozostania w Polsce. Status uchodźcy – czyli co? Z prawnego punktu widzenia, status uchodźcy to pewien zespół wzajemnych powiązań, głównie między państwem, w którym przebywa dany cudzoziemiec, innymi sprzymierzonymi państwami i społecznością międzynarodową akceptującą zasady jego przyznawania, a cudzoziemcą, który umożliwia mu ochronę na płaszczyźnie międzynarodowej i krajowej, a także zapewnia określone uprawnienia i korzyści5. Uchodźca, w odróżnieniu od innych kategorii migrantów, nie ma normalnych powiązań z własnym krajem, a właściwie z jego władzami, co uniemożliwia mu korzystanie z jego ochrony6. Będąc w tak specyficznej sytuacji i nie mogąc liczyć na korzystanie z praw kraju ojczystego oraz miejsca, do którego przybył, Konwencja Genewska (1951) oraz Pakty Praw Człowieka (1966) zapewniają mu, w przypadku pozytywnego rozpatrzenia jego wniosku o azyl i status, ochronę międzynarodową. Najważniejszymi polskimi aktami prawnymi podejmującymi problematykę cudzoziemców poszukujących schronienia są dwie ustawy: Ustawa o udzielaniu cudzoziemcom ochrony na terytorium RP z 13 czerwca 2003 r. (Dz.U. 2012 r. nr 0 poz. 680) oraz Ustawa o pomocy społecznej z 12 marca 2004 r. (Dz.U. 2004 r. nr 64 poz. 593)7. B. Wierzbicki, Uchodźcy w prawie międzynarodowym, Warszawa 1993, s. 27. Tamże, s. 26. 7 Ł. Ł o t o c k i, Cudzoziemcy poszukujący ochrony w Polsce – wybrane aspekty prawne i instytucjonalne, w: W poszukiwaniu bezpiecznej przystani. Cudzoziemcy z Czeczenii w Polsce, red. G. Firlit-Fesnak, Warszawa 2008, s. 163–176. 5 6 �Złudny status – status uchodźcy... 211 Osoby ubiegające się o status do czasu rozpatrzenia wniosku mają zagwarantowane dwa prawa, które mają charakter bezwzględny: zakaz dyskryminacji oraz zakaz odmowy przyjęcia na granicy. W Polsce cudzoziemcowi w trakcie procedury przysługuje ponadto pomoc socjalna udzielana w ośrodku (w tym zakwaterowanie i wyżywienie) lub poza ośrodkiem (wypłata świadczenia pieniężnego). Osoba taka ma również prawo do opieki medycznej, a dzieci do ukończenia 18 roku życia obejmuje obowiązek szkolny. Korzystanie z pełnego zakresu praw określonych w Konwencji jest możliwe dopiero po prawomocnym otrzymaniu statusu uchodźcy. Cudzoziemiec zdobywa wówczas prawa osobiste, społeczne i ekonomiczne, wybrane prawa polityczne (np. do zrzeszania się) oraz ma zagwarantowaną równość wobec nich, a tym samym dostęp do organów wymiaru sprawiedliwości na równi z obywatelami tego państwa. Konwencja wprowadza również pewne standardy traktowania uchodźców. Ogólnie rzecz biorąc, powinno być ono podobne do traktowania obywateli własnego kraju i identyczne jak innych cudzoziemców mieszkających na jego terenie, a równocześnie uprzywilejowane i pod niektórymi względami korzystniejsze8. Ponadto udziela się mu pomocy socjalnej oraz finansowej w celu wspierania procesu integracji ze społeczeństwem, w trybie i na zasadach określonych w ustawie z dnia 12 marca 2004 r. o pomocy społecznej. Te pokrótce wymienione ustalenia wynikające z przepisów administracyjnych dają pewne przywileje oraz ograniczenia i w znacznym stopniu wpływają na sposoby funkcjonowania osób starających się uzyskać status uchodźcy w Polsce. Ponadto warto wspomnieć, że cudzoziemiec poddany procedurze uchodźczej przechodzi przez trzy etapy, a na każdym z nich może go wspierać inna instytucja: 1) w okresie oczekiwania na nadanie statusu przebywa pod opieką Urzędu do Spraw Cudzoziemców; 2) na etapie uznanego uchodźcy, który trwa 12 miesięcy, cudzoziemiec ma prawo otrzymać wsparcie w postaci programu integracyjnego w jednym z Powiatowych Centrów Pomocy Rodzinie; 3) po zakończeniu programu integracyjnego ma możliwość ubiegania się o wsparcie w Ośrodku Pomocy Społecznej9. Można zatem powiedzieć, że zarówno status uchodźcy, jak i status osoby oczekującej na decyzję (będącej w procedurze) jest pewnym stanem prawnym, który w istotnym stopniu wpływa na dobrostan psychofizyczny (w tym też 8 A. P o t y r a ł a, Współczesne uchodźstwo. Próby rozwiązania międzynarodowego problemu, Poznań 2005, s. 75–76. 9 Por. B. S a m o r a j - C h a r i t o n o w, Indywidualne Programy Integracji (IPI) uchodźców w Polsce. Opis i ocena skuteczności z punktu widzenia pracowników instytucji, w: Obszary i formy wykluczenia etnicznego w Polsce. Mniejszości narodowe, imigranci i uchodźcy, red. A. Jasińska-Kania, S. Łodziński, Warszawa 2009, s. 216. �212 Izabela Czerniejewska, Katarzyna Kość-Ryżko subiektywnie postrzegane poczucie bezpieczeństwa) oraz ogólny sposób funkcjonowania jednostki: społeczny, materialny, tożsamościowy itp. Oddziałuje on także na postrzeganie i ocenę tej osoby przez społeczeństwo przyjmujące. Wychodząc poza definicję prawną statusu uchodźcy, wyodrębniłyśmy trzy obszary, w których naszym zdaniem, w zasadniczym stopniu się on przejawia i wpływa na specyficzny sposób funkcjonowania cudzoziemców ubiegających się o ochronę międzynarodową w Polsce. Jest to stan prawny, psychologiczny i społeczny. Stan prawny W tym przypadku określamy nim specyficzne okoliczności, w jakich znalazły się osoby będące w procedurze uchodźczej, czyli jest to sytuacja przejściowa i niedokończony proces. Bycie osobą ubiegającą się o azyl daje jednak również pewne przywileje, jak np. prawo do korzystania z bezpłatnej opieki zdrowotnej itp. Przykłady przytoczone poniżej ilustrują, w jaki sposób funkcjonowanie w tym niekomfortowym i przejściowym stanie umożliwia niektórym jednostkom realizację określonych indywidualnych celów. Nie zawsze przy tym plany cudzoziemców są zbieżne ze społecznymi wyobrażeniami o harmonijnej integracji uchodźców w kraju osiedlenia. Preferowane postawy akulturacyjne wobec nich oraz działania podejmowane w tym celu przez instytucje rządowe i pozarządowe zakładają np. wolę poddania się tym praktykom, co niejako wymusza na nich wypełnianie przewidzianych formalnie procedur. W wielu przypadkach to brak alternatyw sprawia, że cudzoziemcy decydują się na deklaracje wymagane przy ubieganiu się o status uchodźcy, który mało tego, że im się w rzeczywistości nie należy, to jeszcze oni sami go nie pragną. Ilustracje takich sytuacji przedstawiamy poniżej: Wyjazd do syna. Samotne, starsze małżeństwo z Gruzji pragnęło połączyć się z najbliższymi osobami, czyli z synem i jego rodziną, żyjącymi od ponad ośmiu lat we Francji. W obliczu desperacji postanowili sprzedać cały swój majątek, czyli mieszkanie i kilka kosztowności i udać się za nie do syna, wykupując najtańszą wizę. Tak też zrobili, jednak po pół roku wspólnego życia we Francji ktoś doniósł na nich policji imigracyjnej i zostali niemal natychmiast deportowani do Polski, gdyż był to pierwszy kraj, w którym przekroczyli granicę Unii Europejskiej. Następnie skierowano ich do jednego z ośrodków uchodźczych, gdyż ktoś im doradził, aby powołali się na chęć ubiegania się o status, jeśli chcą uniknąć powrotu do swego kraju, gdzie nikt już na nich nie czekał. W ośrodku dowiedzieli się od innych lokatorów, że ich szanse na pozostanie w Europie wzrosną, gdy będą mieć przekonywujące motywy ucieczki �Złudny status – status uchodźcy... 213 z Gruzji, gdyż mogą wtedy uzyskać jakąś formę ochrony międzynarodowej, co pozwoli im podjąć kolejną próbę połączenia się z rodziną we Francji. Taką motywacją mogłyby być np. prześladowania ze względów religijnych i stąd właśnie wzięła się nieprawdziwa opowieść o tym, że są jazydami kurdyjskiego pochodzenia. W pewnym momencie jednak wykreowana historia zaszła za daleko i zaczęła „żyć własnym życiem”, co podczas wywiadu statusowego szybko zostało ujawnione. Dostali odmowę, mimo to jednak złożyli odwołanie, bo powrót do Gruzji napawał ich autentycznym przerażeniem. Obecnie nie mają żadnych środków do życia, ani miejsca, gdzie mogliby się zatrzymać. Żyją w ogromnym stresie, mąż, który choruje na nadciśnienie, bardzo podupadł na zdrowiu. Tracą nadzieję i nie widzą sensu życia. Nie chcą pozostać w Polsce, gdyż od początku tego nie planowali, mimo to oczekuje się od nich zaangażowania w program preintegracyjny10 i naukę języka polskiego. W ostatnim akcie desperacji rozważają ponowną próbę ucieczki do Francji, ale póki co nie mają na nią pieniędzy. Muszą więc trochę odłożyć z otrzymywanych w ośrodku świadczeń, dlatego też zdecydowali się na złożenie odwołania i wyczekiwanie ponownego rozpatrzenia procedury. Zdają sobie sprawę, iż jest to gra na zwłokę i nie zależy im na statusie uchodźcy, a jedynie na połączeniu się z synem we Francji. Wyjazd do szpitala. Mężczyzna z Czeczenii, około 50 lat, chory na serce, przyjechał do polskiego szpitala, żeby się wyleczyć. Po operacji wrócił z powrotem do swego kraju. Podobnie dwudziestoośmioletnia Gruzinka, która przybyła z synem i mężem, gdyż cierpi na problemy z sercem i dyskopatię. Zdecydowała się na wyjazd i „ubieganie się o status uchodźcy”, bo chce mieć w Polsce operację na kręgosłup. W Gruzji jest to dla niej zbyt kosztowne i trudno dostępne. Sytuacje takie są znacznie częstsze niż się pozornie wydaje. Sporo ludzi deklarujących się jako aktywiści polityczni i prześladowani działacze społeczni, wyjeżdżając z kraju uwzględnia również i inne profity wynikające z tego faktu, jak chociażby lepsze warunki życia, opiekę medyczną, czy też bezpieczniejszą przyszłość swoich dzieci – i w gruncie rzeczy trudno mieć im to za złe11. Czy można bowiem winić ludzi za to, że w trosce o zdrowie swoje lub swoich bliskich korzystają z wszelkich dostępnych możliwości oraz z tego, co gwarantuje im status osoby ubiegającej się o azyl? W jednym z ośrodków, Zob. Por. A. M a c i e j k o, Z. O l s z e w s k a, Preintegracja i integracja Czeczenów w Polsce. Rzeczywistość i rekomendacje, „Analizy, raporty, ekspertyzy”, 2007, nr 5: http://www.interwencjaprawna.pl/docs/ARE-507-preintegracja.pdf [10.07.2009]. 11 Por. H. G r z y m a ł a - M o s z c z y ń s k a, Uchodźcy jako wyzwanie dla polskiego systemu opieki zdrowotnej, w: Poza systemem. Dostęp do ochrony zdrowia nieudokumentowanych migrantów i cudzoziemców ubiegających się o ochronę międzynarodową w Polsce, red. A. Chrzanowska, W. Klaus, Warszawa 2011, s. 143–161. 10 �214 Izabela Czerniejewska, Katarzyna Kość-Ryżko w którym były prowadzone badania, pracownicy portierni zwykli określać takie osoby mianem „uchodźców zdrowotnych” i trzeba przyznać, że jest to w tym przypadku bardzo adekwatna i dosłowna nazwa. Ucieczka na Zachód. W 2003 r., kiedy nie funkcjonował jeszcze system EURODAC12, wielu cudzoziemców przebywających w ośrodkach, przypuszczając, iż nie otrzymają statusu uchodźcy w Polsce, podejmowało decyzję o nielegalnym wyjeździe na Zachód. Wspomnienie sprzed lat jednej z badaczek jest nadal intensywne: w ośrodku IGA w Białymstoku, w którym wraz z wolontariuszami organizowała czas wolny dla dzieci, dostrzegła wypadające przez okno ogromne pakunki i tłumoki. Następnego dnia okazało się, że jedna z rodzin, której członkowie brali udział w prowadzonych zajęciach, zniknęła. W opisywanych tutaj przypadkach uwagę zwraca dysonans pomiędzy potrzebami uchodźców (wyjazd na Zachód – jawiący się jako ostoja bezpieczeństwa i dostatku), a postawami pracowników administracji publicznej (zorganizować cudzoziemcom pobyt i zachęcić do pozostania w Polsce). Dzisiaj również nagłe wyjazdy z Polski są nagminne i trudno o ich jednoznaczną charakterystykę i uzasadnienie. Zdarza się bowiem, że wyjeżdżają zarówno osoby oczekujące na rozpatrzenie procedury statusowej i spodziewające się odmownej odpowiedzi, jak też rodziny z uregulowaną już sytuacją prawną i bytową. W przypadku tych ostatnich jest to o tyle zaskakujące i zastanawiające, że dotyczy rodzin, które zdawałoby się dobrze sobie radzą i odniosły sukces adaptacyjny, czyli nauczyły się sprawnie funkcjonować w nowym miejscu i osiągnęły wyraźną stabilizację. Na ogół tacy cudzoziemcy wyjeżdżają do któregoś z krajów Zachodniej Europy, licząc na lepsze warunki materialne, a przede wszystkim na wyższe świadczenia socjalne, które według krążących w tym środowisku opowieści, są gwarantowane każdemu nowo przybyłemu. Choć nie jest to do końca prawdą, i na ogół szybko się o tym przekonują, to skutki ich rozczarowania łagodzi fakt, że znaleźli się w kręgu bliskiej rodziny, która, jak wynika z tradycji społeczności o strukturze klanowej (rodowej), powinna w poczuciu solidarności zapewnić im wsparcie i pomoc, a ponadto w razie jakichkolwiek kłopotów i trudności można na niej polegać. Dla wielu osób jest to główną motywacją „ucieczki z Polski”, tym bardziej, że tamtejsze diaspory są liczne, dobrze zorganizowane i sprawnie funkcjonujące (np. w Austrii, Francji, Norwegii). Sprawia to, że łatwiej jest im tam przezwyciężyć 12 EURODAC to Europejski Zautomatyzowany System Identyfikacji Odcisków Palców (Rozporządzenie Rady (WE) nr 2725/2000 z dnia 11 grudnia 2000 r., Dz.U. WE L 316 z dnia 15 grudnia 2000 r.). �Złudny status – status uchodźcy... 215 poczucie wykluczenia społecznego i kulturowego, bo mogą nadal kultywować swoje tradycje i zwyczaje, które nie budzą sprzeciwu w bardziej otwartych i tolerancyjnych społeczeństwach tych państw. Gdy w ostatnim roku (2011/2012) zdarzyło się, iż z jednej z podwarszawskich miejscowości wyjechali prawie wszyscy uchodźcy, nawet tacy, którzy byli tam 5 i więcej lat, odpowiedzią przedstawiciela tej grupy o przyczyny tej „masowej dezercji” było wygłoszone z pobłażliwym uśmiechem zdanie: „A co im tutaj po takim życiu? Próbowali, próbowali i zrozumieli, że jaka przyszłość ich tu czeka? Tutaj nie da się normalnie żyć”. Z toku dalszej wypowiedzi wynikało, że prawie każdy, kto ma rodzinę na Zachodzie, wcześniej lub później będzie próbował do niej dołączyć. Przykład ten pokazuje, że do rozczarowania Polską, o którym tak chętnie i dużo mówią zarówno „kandydaci do statusu”, jak też zdawałoby się szczęśliwi jego posiadacze, przyczynia się w znacznym stopniu również idealizacja krajów Europy Zachodniej. Nie poddając w tym miejscu analizie rzeczywistych różnic w warunkach bytowo-materialnych i socjalnych w poszczególnych krajach UE, które niewątpliwie istnieją i wypadają zdecydowanie na niekorzyść Polski, to problem, na który warto zwrócić w tym kontekście uwagę, polega przede wszystkim na dużej rotacji cudzoziemców deklarujących chęć osiedlenia się w naszym kraju. Pociąga to bowiem za sobą destabilizację i brak przewidywalności, które generują sporo trudności i zawiedzionych oczekiwań po obu zainteresowanych stronach (żeby tylko wspomnieć o placówkach edukacyjnych i koordynatorach projektów integracyjnych). Ucieczka przed karą lub wymiarem sprawiedliwości. Kolejnym przykładem sytuacji, w której stan prawny, w jakim znajdują się osoby ubiegające się o status uchodźcy, stwarza możliwość nadużyć, może być opisana poniżej egzemplifikacja. Dotyczy ona czteroosobowej rodziny gruzińskiej, która w miejscu swego zamieszkania zaciągnęła spory kredyt konsumencki i nie była w stanie go spłacić, wobec tego, chcąc uciec przed bankiem, zdecydowała się na wyjazd za granicę. Zatrzymano ich jednak na wschodniej granicy Polski, gdzie poprosili o azyl i zostali skierowani do jednego z ośrodków dla uchodźców. Tam podczas rozmowy z badaczką uparcie twierdzili, że są zaangażowani politycznie i dlatego muszą uciekać, a Polska nie jest w stanie zapewnić im odpowiedniej ochrony. Dopiero podczas wywiadu z ich sąsiadami okazało się, że motywy wyjazdu tych „uchodźców” były zgoła inne od deklarowanych. Podczas kolejnego spotkania z tą rodziną zostało to też potwierdzone przez nich samych. W ośrodku przebywali oni kilka miesięcy, korzystając w tym czasie z wszelkich dostępnych świadczeń, pewnego dnia jednak, nikogo nie uprzedzając, spakowali swój liczny jak na uchodźców dobytek i wyjechali prawdopodobnie do Niemiec. �Izabela Czerniejewska, Katarzyna Kość-Ryżko 216 Jak można zaobserwować m.in. na podstawie prezentowanych przykładów, stan prawny, w którym znaleźli się cudzoziemcy, bywa „złudny” i zwodniczy w porównywalnym stopniu zarówno dla przybyszy, jak i społeczności przyjmującej. Domniemane, optymistyczne założenie, że jest to okres przejściowy, który szybko minie i wszystko się „cudownie” odmieni, jest niesłuszne i na wyrost. Dla niektórych cudzoziemców bycie „osobą ubiegającą się” jest jednocześnie etapem kończącym ich starania o ten status, umożliwia im bowiem realizację własnych planów, a niczego więcej nie oczekują. Stan psychologiczny Stan prawny oddziałuje pośrednio także na ogólne samopoczucie i kondycję psychofizyczną jednostki. Na część osób wpływa demotywująco i destabilizująco, co przejawia się m.in. tym, że mają one obniżony nastrój psychiczny, czują się wewnętrznie rozbite, towarzyszy im długotrwałe poczucie wewnętrznego rozdarcia oraz obniżone poczucie sprawstwa. Nie oznacza to jednak, że symptomy te występują u wszystkich uchodźców, zdarza się bowiem, choć znacznie rzadziej, że sytuacja osobista, w której się znajdują oraz znamienny dla niej stan prawny wyzwala w nich duży potencjał aktywności i mobilizuje ich do działania. Sprawia to, że w nowych i niecodziennych okolicznościach, z dala od swego dawnego otoczenia, stają się śmiałe, odważne i zdeterminowane w egzekwowaniu należnych im, w ich opinii, praw. Postronnego obserwatora, nieobeznanego z procesami psychologicznymi, którym podlegają cudzoziemcy doświadczający szoku kulturowego13 i stresu adaptacyjnego14, może wręcz zadziwiać impet, sprawność organizacyjna i kreatywność w planowaniu przez nich rzeczywistości w nowym miejscu osiedlenia. Znacznie częściej zdarza się jednak, że osoby oczekujące na zakończenie procedury uchodźczej nie podejmują zbyt wielu aktywności w celu doraźnej zmiany warunków swego życia, a wręcz zaskakują apatią i pasywnością w biernym oczekiwaniu na wyjaśniające ich położenie rozstrzygnięcia prawne15. Społeczeństwo przyjmujące nierzadko oburza i rozczarowuje fakt, że cudzoziemcy ci, będący beneficjentami rządu polskiego i organizacji pozarządowych Zob. K. O b e r g, Culture Shock: Adjustment to New Cultural Environments, „Practical Anthropology”, 7(1960), s. 177–182. 14 J.W. B e r r y, Stress perspectives on acculturation, w: The Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology, eds. D.L. Sam, J.W. Berry, Cambridge 2006, s. 43–47. 15 Więcej na ten temat w: Goście i gospodarze. Problem adaptacji kulturowej w obozach dla uchodźców oraz otaczających je społecznościach lokalnych, red. H. Grzymała-Moszczyńska, E. Nowicka, Kraków 1998. 13 �Złudny status – status uchodźcy... 217 (zarówno krajowych, jak i zagranicznych), nie czują się zmotywowani do poszukiwania pracy, kwaterunku, nauki języka polskiego, poznania kultury polskiej itp. Usprawiedliwienie przyczyn takiego postępowania, a właściwie braku jakiegokolwiek działania, niepewną ich przyszłością wielu osób nie satysfakcjonuje i nie przekonuje. Znamiennym syndromem dla opisywanego tutaj stanu, który pozostaje w związku z niejednoznacznością i „złudnością” statusu uchodźcy, których doświadczają cudzoziemcy, jest towarzyszące im poczucie, że utracili jakąkolwiek możliwość decydowania o swoim życiu oraz że nie mają żadnej niemalże kontroli nad biegiem zdarzeń, od których zależą w znacznym stopniu ich dalsze losy. Takie odczucia oraz towarzyszące im emocje pojawiają się w miarę przedłużającej się niepewności i napięcia związanego z oczekiwaniem na decyzję statusową oraz niezmiennością codziennej rutyny życia w ośrodku. Sytuacja ta i charakteryzujące ją deficyty prowadzą nierzadko do wystąpienia zjawiska zwanego „wyuczoną bezradnością”16. Brak możliwości wpływu na decyzję statusową oraz stres z tym związany, przy równoczesnym zagwarantowaniu zaspokojenia podstawowych potrzeb sprawiają, że popadnięcie w ten stan staje się wysoce prawdopodobne. Wyuczona bezradność prowadzi do porzucenia prób zmiany uprzykrzonej sytuacji i nie podejmowania ich nawet przy nowych, zdawałoby się sprzyjających, okolicznościach. Symptomatyczne dla tego syndromu są przewlekłe stany depresyjne, uczucie apatii, obniżona motywacja do działania, obezwładniająca bierność17. Poczucie wyuczonej bezradności może nasilać się nawet w przypadku otrzymania upragnionego statusu uchodźcy, np. gdy pojawią się kłopoty ze znalezieniem pracy, wynajęciem mieszkania, czy trudności w kontaktach z urzędami. Objawia się ono wtedy wzmożonym poczuciem niemocy i niezdolnością do samodecydowania. Kolejną istotną kwestią w tym kontekście jest ryzyko, zdefiniowane przez nas jako degradacja potencjałów, na które szczególnie narażeni są cudzoziemcy mieszkający przez dłuższy czas w ośrodkach. Polega ono na tym, że ludzie przebywający w zamkniętej społeczności i w rządzących się swoimi prawami Zjawisko wyuczonej bezradności polega na przekonaniu o braku związku przyczynowego między własnym działaniem a jego konsekwencjami. Zob. M.E.P. S e l i g m a n, S.F. M a i e r, Failure to escape traumatic shock, „Journal of Experimental Psychology”, 74(1967), s. 1–9. Por. K. P r z e ł o w i e c k a, Zjawisko wyuczonej bezradności u klientów instytucji pomocy społecznej – przyczyny, konsekwencje, możliwości przeciwdziałania, w: Pomoc – Wsparcie społeczne – poradnictwo. Od teorii do praktyki, red. M. Piorunek, Toruń 2010, s. 204. 17 R. N a w r a t, Bezradność bezrobotnego. Wyuczona bezradność jako psychologiczny czynnik długotrwałego bezrobocia, w: Psychologia społeczna w zastosowaniach. Od teorii do praktyki, red. K. Lachowicz-Tabaczek, Wrocław 2001, s. 189–190. 16 �218 Izabela Czerniejewska, Katarzyna Kość-Ryżko wyizolowanych ośrodkach, które porównywane bywają za Ervingiem Goffmanem do instytucji typu totalnego18 (na podobieństwo więzień, domów starców, szpitali psychiatrycznych, koszarów wojskowych i klasztorów), podlegają wielu deprywacjom społecznym (tj. zdolność do pracy, samostanowienia, odpowiedzialności za rodzinę itp.) oraz nabywają nawyków, które w pewnym stopniu upośledzają ich dojrzałość i pierwotny kapitał społeczny. Przypuszczalnie, osiedlając się w innym miejscu niż ośrodek uchodźczy, z umiejętnościami, które posiadają oraz determinacją do zmiany swojej sytuacji życiowej, a także doświadczeniami, które ukształtowały ich ponadprzeciętne umiejętności przetrwania, daliby sobie radę i mogliby pracować oraz zarabiać na utrzymanie swoje i rodziny. Trafiając jednak po przekroczeniu granicy do placówek, które ich w jakimś sensie ubezwłasnowolniają, odbiera się im aktywność, zaradność i dynamizm, które odpowiadają w znacznym stopniu za sukces adaptacyjny i przebieg procesu akulturacji. Warunki tam panujące wymuszają w znacznym stopniu ich pasywność, bierną egzystencję i zadowalanie się tym, co otrzymują od społeczeństwa przyjmującego, któremu nie mogą w żaden sposób się odwdzięczyć, chociażby własną pracą, bo ta jest im zabroniona. W tych warunkach cudzoziemcy oczekujący na nadanie statusu uchodźcy praktycznie nie robią w tym czasie nic. Nie tylko, że nie doskonalą swoich umiejętności, nie rozwijają się i nie dokształcają, ale też nie nabywają doświadczenia życia w nowym miejscu osiedlenia, a to, co potrafią – zaczyna się stopniowo dezaktualizować. Utrzymywanie się takiego stanu przez dłuższy czas ma wiele konsekwencji. Analizujący je Tadeusz Kowalak twierdzi przykładowo, że osoba pozbawiona zatrudnienia narażona jest na utratę zdrowia fizycznego i psychicznego: depresję, stany niepewności, poczucie bezproduktywności, nadciśnienie tętnicze, a także na destrukcyjną kompensację braków i nieradzenie sobie ze stresem, których skutkiem może być alkoholizm i przemoc (w tym też wobec rodziny). Im dłużej człowiek pozostaje bez pracy, tym bardziej objawy te mogą się zaostrzać19. Sytuacja taka prowadzi do zmiany obrazu samego siebie, zachwiania poczucia własnej tożsamości oraz wywiera negatywny wpływ na równowagę emocjonalną i zdolność normalnego funkcjonowania w społeczeństwie20. Skutkami niezdolności do znalezienia 18 Zob. E. G o f f m a n, Charakterystyka instytucji totalnych, w: Elementy teorii socjologicznych. Materiały do dziejów współczesnej socjologii zachodniej (wyboru dokonali: W. Derczyński, A. Jasińska-Kania, J. Szacki), Warszawa 1975, s. 150. 19 T. K o w a l a k, Marginalność i marginalizacja społeczna, Warszawa 1998, s. 124. 20 M. S z y l k o - S k o c z n y, Polityka społeczna wobec bezrobocia w Trzeciej Rzeczypospolitej, Warszawa 2004. �Złudny status – status uchodźcy... 219 i utrzymania stałego miejsca zatrudnienia jest zwykle bieda i bezdomność21. Takie zagrożenia dotykają również czasami cudzoziemców, którzy opuścili ośrodki. Niepokój powinien budzić fakt, iż prawdopodobieństwo narażenia na długotrwałe skutki bezrobocia jest w ich przypadku znacznie wyższe niż polskiego bezrobotnego. By zapobiec tragedii bezdomności i wykluczenia uchodźców ze statusem, trzeba te osoby powtórnie sztucznie aktywizować. Czyni się to poprzez indywidualną pracę pracowników socjalnych z beneficjentami, zachęcanie do uczestnictwa w działaniach organizacji pozarządowych i instytucji pomocowych, udział w szkoleniach i projektach integracyjnych itp. Podejście takie jest bardzo kosztowne zarówno pod względem finansowym, jak też społecznym, a przy tym stosunkowo mało efektywne. Teoretyk pracy socjalnej, Ewa Kantowicz wyjaśnia, iż praktyki te mają prowadzić do wzrostu zaangażowania osób marginalizowanych, a także zwiększenia ich udziału w życiu społecznym. Jednym zaś z głównych celów tych działań jest przezwyciężenie wyłącznie konsumpcyjnego nastawienia do pomocy społecznej22. Jednakże, na co wskazują przypadki, z którymi spotkałyśmy się w trakcie prowadzenia badań, z perspektywy cudzoziemca nie zawsze wygląda to w ten sposób i czasami skutek jest odmienny od zamierzonego. Ilustracją takiej sytuacji może być opisany poniżej przykład. Roszczeniowość jako sposób na życie. Największym dramatem dla wielu cudzoziemców oczekujących na status uchodźcy oraz z przyznanym już statusem jest to, że wytrąceni zostają z przynależnych im w ich kulturze tradycyjnych ról oraz funkcji społecznych. W konsekwencji tego czują się nieprzydatni, upokorzeni i pozbawieni godności. Dotyczy to zwłaszcza wielu czeczeńskich mężczyzn, którzy w szczycie swego wieku produkcyjnego określającego zdolność do pracy23, zamiast pracować, zmuszeni są ubiegać się o pieniądze od różnych instytucji, bo bez tego nie są w stanie zapewnić przetrwania swoim rodzinom. W ich kraju takie zachowanie na ogół nie wchodziłoby w rachubę, gdyż postrzegane byłoby jako niehonorowe i poza wyjątkowymi okolicznościami mało kto by się do tego uciekał. Tym bardziej, że w kulturze muzułmańskiej przyjętą praktyką jest raczej dawanie jałmużny Por. K. W y s i e ń s k a, N. R y a b i ń s k a, Bezdomność uchodźców w Polsce – wyniki badania pilotażowego, Warszawa 2010. 22 E. K a n t o w i c z, Elementy teorii i praktyki pracy socjalnej, Olsztyn 2001, s. 133–134. 23 W Polsce jako granicę wieku produkcyjnego, określającego zdolność do pracy i szczyt efektywności zawodowej przyjęto: dla mężczyzn 18–64 lata, dla kobiet 18–59 lat. Obecnie trwają prace rządowe nad wydłużeniem tego okresu. Zob. D. J ę d r z e j c z y k, Podstawy geografii ludności, Warszawa 2001, s. 96–98. 21 �220 Izabela Czerniejewska, Katarzyna Kość-Ryżko niż oficjalne z niej korzystanie, a tak traktowane są otrzymywane w Polsce świadczenia. Tutaj uczą się z czasem, że prośba o wsparcie skierowana do organizacji pomocowych jest pewną przyjętą zasadą i nierozsądnie byłoby z niej nie skorzystać. Co więcej, cudzoziemcy są szczegółowo informowani przez fachowe poradnictwo, że mają prawo ubiegać się o takie wsparcie. Tak więc przykładowy mężczyzna, pomimo oporów kulturowych, w sytuacji, w której się znalazł, decyduje się na krok, kierując się innymi wartościami niż tradycyjne, które tymczasem „zawiesza”, gdyż przestają być przydatne w nowych okolicznościach. Swoje obecne zachowanie stara się racjonalizować zgodnie z normami przyjętymi w nowej kulturze: „to mi się należy”, „nie mam innych możliwości”, „jak dają, to biorę”. Warto zastanowić się więc w tym miejscu, czy o takie właśnie przyswajanie naszych wzorców kulturowych i udzielanie pomocy nam chodzi? Pojawia się też pytanie o to, co stanowić może dla naszego społeczeństwa większą wartość uosabianą przez zaakceptowanych uchodźców: czy będą to ich wyuczone umiejętności pozyskiwania środków z instytucji publicznych, czy też normy kulturowe mające swe źródło np. w czeczeńskiej tradycji, tj. honorowość, duma, więzi rodzinne i szczodrość wobec potrzebujących. Paradoksalnie jednak, jak świadczą przypadki nagłaśniane przez media, wobec osób, które nie popadają w stan bezradności i „nicnierobienia”, stajemy się jako gospodarze równie nieufni i podejrzliwi, jak wobec tych, którym zarzucamy „drenowanie systemu socjalnego” i „pasożytnictwo społeczne”24. Można więc się zastanowić, czy przypadkiem nieświadomie nie oczekujemy od nich bezwolności i apatii, gdyż sprawiają one, że łatwiej jest takimi cudzoziemcami kierować i kontrolować ich poczynania. W sytuacjach odbiegających od opisanego schematu daje się zauważyć w naszym społeczeństwie narastające poczucie zagrożenia i skłonność do negatywnej stereotypizacji uchodźców25. Przejawia się to chociażby w tym, że obiektywnie pozytywne cechy osobowościowe, niemal natychmiast, gdy dotyczą „obcych”, zyskują pejoratywne konotacje i tak np. zaradność i innowacyjność zostają uznane za spryt i przebiegłość. Jeśli rzeczywiście tak to funkcjonuje, to nic dziwnego, że cudzoziemcy starają się sprostać naszym oczekiwaniom i nie podejmują zbyt aktywnie prób usamodzielnienia się i znalezienie sobie zatrudnienia zgodnie z ich predyspozycjami. W dłuższej jednak perspektywie powstałe w ten sposób straty społeczne i kapitałowe są niezwykle trudne do nadrobienia. 24 Por. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bBqGxzHGT6c [27.02.2013] oraz wiele innych stron o wręcz rasistowskim i jawnie dyskryminacyjnym przekazie. 25 Por. E. C z a p k a, Stereotyp uchodźcy, Olsztyn 2006, s. 60–69, 104–144. �Złudny status – status uchodźcy... 221 Stan społeczny Status uchodźcy ma również swoje konsekwencje na poziomie społecznym, które tutaj określamy jako „stan społeczny”. Przede wszystkim wiąże się on z takimi zagadnieniami jak postrzeganie cudzoziemców, stereotypy na ich temat, uprzedzenia wobec nich, akceptacja lub nieakceptacja26, ale też ich funkcjonowanie społeczne, pozycja w grupie własnej i wśród „gospodarzy”, możliwości rozwoju, założenia rodziny i życia zgodnego z własnymi przekonaniami religijnymi, zrzeszania się, wpływu na politykę itp. To, w jaki sposób uchodźcy są postrzegani przez społeczeństwo polskie, jest wynikiem kilku wiodących i nakładających się na siebie czynników: wiedzy i przekonań, przekazów medialnych, doświadczeń osobistych i opowieści z tzw. drugiej ręki. Z zagadnieniami tymi związane są również takie kwestie jak kategoryzowanie społeczne27 i będące jej efektem etykietowanie, które w przypadku uchodźców może oznaczać np. naznaczenie (obcością, bezpaństwowością, bezrobociem), napiętnowanie (wojną, cierpieniem, katastrofą), stygmatyzację („biorcy”, ubodzy, wielodzietni, wykluczeni), co sprawia, że zwykło się o nich mówić w pewien określony i z góry skonwencjonalizowany sposób – nie dopuszczając innych charakterystyk28. Utarło się również, że należy to robić zgodnie z zasadą poprawności politycznej, gdyż w przeciwnym razie można narazić się na ostracyzm środowiska działaczy „prouchodźczych” i spotkać się z zarzutami o nietolerancję i ksenofobię. Nie mówimy przy tym tutaj o postawach, które rzeczywiście oscylują w stronę nacjonalistycznych, dyskryminacyjnych i niechętnych obcokrajowcom, które bezwzględnie zasługują na potępienie i naganę. Chcemy natomiast zwrócić uwagę, że do niedawna, zarówno wśród badaczy, jak też pracowników organizacji pozarządowych – zasadniczo życzliwie i wspierająco usposobionych wobec uchodźców – panował trend, aby unikać krytycznych uwag na temat ich podopiecznych. Korzystniej było pisać o nich w określonej konwencji, przedstawiając ich jako bezbronnych, pokrzywdzonych, wymagających wsparcia, asysty i bezwzględnej akceptacji społecznej, aniżeli dobrze sobie radzących i potrafiących sprytnie wykorzystać polskie prawo. W takim podejściu chodziło o nieszkodzenie wizerunkowi uchodźcy. Tymczasem ich obraz Więcej na temat społecznych mechanizmów postrzegania innych zob. I. K u r c z, Stereotypy, prototypy i procesy kategoryzacji, w: Stereotypy i uprzedzenia, red. Z. Chlewiński, I. Kurcz, Warszawa 1992. 27 Por. V.L. A l l e n, D.A. W i l d e r, Categorization, belief similarity, and intergroup discrimination, „Journal of Personality and Social Psychology”, 32(1975), s. 971–977. 28 Zob. M. K a m i ń s k a - Fe l d m a n, Wokół problemu dehumanizacji innych: próba uchwycenia zjawiska stygmatyzacji, w: Poza egocentryczną perspektywą widzenia siebie i świata, red. M. Jarymowicz, Warszawa 1994, s. 63–83. 26 �Izabela Czerniejewska, Katarzyna Kość-Ryżko 222 wykreowany w ten sposób tylko częściowo odpowiadał prawdzie i z tego punktu widzenia był zwodniczy zarówno dla pracowników administracji publicznej, jak i dla samych cudzoziemców. Rozbieżność tę wyczuwało także społeczeństwo przyjmujące, co w konsekwencji nie przysparzało obcokrajowcom sympatii i zrozumienia oraz nie prowadziło do intencjonalnie zakładanego wzajemnego poznania i zbliżenia. Bezkrytyczność wobec tej, bardzo zróżnicowanej, grupy oraz unikanie tematów trudnych, związanych np. z niechęcią niektórych osób do akulturacji, brakiem zaangażowania w programy integracyjne itp., nie tylko nie pozwala ich rozwiązać, ale też przynosi więcej szkody niż pożytku. Stwarza bowiem przestrzeń, gdzie kiełkuje ignorancja i niezadowolenie społeczne rodzące konflikty o podłożu kulturowym. Brak szczerego i zaangażowanego dyskursu publicznego sprawia, że do głosu dochodzą niekompetentni radykałowie, którzy wykorzystują niewiedzę społeczną np. dla budowania własnego wizerunku politycznego lub szerzenia nienawiści29. W ostatnim okresie jednak coraz częściej zaczyna się otwarcie mówić, że dotychczasowa strategia działania i praktyki akulturacyjne wobec uchodźców nie przynoszą oczekiwanych rezultatów. Pojawiają się także wypowiedzi ekspertów, że jako społeczeństwo mamy nie tylko obowiązek dawać i dzielić się z potrzebującymi naszego wsparcia cudzoziemcami30, ale też wymagać od nich, np. lojalności, uczciwości i zaangażowania w budowanie dialogu międzykulturowego. Zarysowująca się zmiana postaw wobec osób oczekujących na status uchodźcy i już uznanych za uchodźców wśród wielu osób rodzi mieszane uczucia, ale co ciekawe, spotyka się często z uznaniem głównych zainteresowanych, a szczególnie tych, którzy swoją przyszłość widzą właśnie w Polsce. Prowadząc od kilku lat badania w tej grupie, dane nam było spotkać się z wypowiedziami ludzi, którzy skarżyli się, że mają już dosyć życia z brzemieniem swojego wizerunku, gdyż nie jest on im do niczego potrzebny, a znacznie ogranicza ich możliwości. Chcą bowiem funkcjonować jako „normalni” ludzie, a nie wieczne „ofiary wojny”. Odcinają się więc od swojej przeszłości, gdyż uważają ją za zamkniętą i chcieliby w końcu, po zakończeniu procedury przyznającej ochronę, rozpocząć nowy rozdział w życiu. Poza tym woleliby, aby ich dzieci nie nosiły piętna uchodźcy. Niektórzy z nich przyznają jednak szczerze, że przynależność Wystarczy wspomnieć o wydarzeniach z Łomży w 2009 roku. Zob. K o ł a k o w s k i: Zabierzcie Czeczeńców z Łomży!, na: http://www.4lomza.pl/index.php?wiad=19924 [12.06.2012], a także stosunkowo niedawne zdarzenia z Białegostoku. 30 Por. Ł. Ł o t o c k i, R. S t a w i c k i, P.W. Z a w a d z k i, M. Ż e j m i s, Kontakty wybranych instytucji lokalnych z cudzoziemcami, w: Czym chata bogata... Pomoc dla cudzoziemców poszukujących ochrony w Polsce w świetle badań społeczności i instytucji lokalnych, t. 2, red. G. Firlit-Fesnak, Ł. Łotocki, Warszawa 2008, s. 127–143. 29 �Złudny status – status uchodźcy... 223 do tej kategorii niejednokrotnie też im pomogła i nadal pomaga w licznych sytuacjach, gdyż powołując się na nią są w stanie załatwić wiele spraw. Odmienną stroną tego samego medalu jest skłonność niektórych cudzoziemców do czynienia ze statusu uchodźcy swego rodzaju sposobu na życie. Zdarza się bowiem, że ludzie na tyle przyzwyczajają się do funkcjonowania jako „osoby objęte określoną kategorią społeczną”31 i na tyle angażują się w działania na ich rzecz, że identyfikacja ta dominuje wszystkie pozostałe32. Można wręcz powiedzieć, że są to jednostki, które oficjalnie funkcjonują jako „zawodowi uchodźcy”, a etykietka ta na tyle mocno do nich przylgnęła, że zdążyli się z nią zrosnąć, gdyż nadaje ona sens i znaczenie ich egzystencji. Przykładem osób, które doskonale odnajdują się w kategoriach prawnych i społecznych związanych ze statusem uchodźcy i umiejętnie je wykorzystują w przestrzeni publicznej, są niektórzy pracownicy instytucji humanitarnych, działacze oraz liderzy organizacji pozarządowych, którzy sami przeszli przez procedurę uchodźczą. Dotyczy to czasem również osób niezaangażowanych w oficjalną działalność, a po prostu obdarzonych dużą charyzmą lub innymi przymiotami, które potrafią umiejętnie zaprezentować i wykorzystać dla dobra swojego i swojej grupy. Pod wieloma względami zasługują one za to na uznanie, gdyż pomijając szczegółowe motywy, pokazują, że uchodźcy chcą i mogą mówić „własnym głosem” i mają wiele do zaoferowania społeczeństwu przyjmującemu. Przykładem, który dobrze ilustruje opisaną sytuację, a który uważamy za ciekawy, gdyż dotyczy dziecka, jest przebojowy czeczeński chłopiec i jego wspierająca mama, których prezentujemy poniżej. Medialny uchodźca. Chłopak z mamą i rodzeństwem są w Polsce od dwóch lat. On chodzi do szkoły podstawowej, znajdującej się w pobliżu ośrodka dla uchodźców, w którym mieszkają. Dobrze się uczy, świetnie opanował język polski. Jest miłym, ładnym, a przy tym rezolutnym i dobrze zapowiadającym się młodym człowiekiem. Oczekując na wydanie decyzji statusowej, pewnego razu rodzina ta została niesłusznie przeniesiona do ośrodka strzeżonego, w którym spędzili kilkanaście dni. Wstawili się za nimi ich polscy przyjaciele – osoby z organizacji pozarządowej, w tym prawnicy i nauczyciele, w efekcie czego szybko powrócili oni do ośrodka otwartego. Ich historia stała się jednak ciekawym wydarzeniem, chętnie opisywanym przez lokalne gazety i na fali 31 Zob. M. J a r y m o w i c z, Tożsamość jako efekt rozpoznawania siebie wśród swoich i obcych. Eksperymentalne badania nad procesem różnicowania Ja-My-Inni, w: Tożsamość a odmienność kulturowa, red. P. Boski, M. Jarymowicz, H. Malewska-Peyre, Warszawa 1992. 32 Por. H. Ta j f e l, J.C. Tu r n e r, The social identity theory of intergroup behavior, w: Psychology of intergroup relations (2nd ed.), eds. S. Worchel, W.G. Austin, Chicago 1986, s. 7–24. �224 Izabela Czerniejewska, Katarzyna Kość-Ryżko tego syn z matką zostali zaproszeni do telewizji publicznej. W tym miejscu pojawia się jednak pytanie, czy kreowanie przez media ich statusu celebryty nie wynika wyłącznie z faktu, że są „biednymi, pokrzywdzonymi cudzoziemcami, którym dzieje się w naszym kraju niesprawiedliwość”? Przypuszczalnie w tym przypadku nie było to bez znaczenia. Podobnie zresztą jak to, że chłopiec ma bardzo dobrą prezencję, jest komunikatywny i doskonale mówi po polsku. Sama jego mama nie byłaby tak „łakomym medialnym kąskiem”, gdyż ma znacznie mniejsze od syna umiejętności językowe, a poza tym jest jedną z wielu kobiet uchodźczyń, którym nie jest łatwo tutaj żyć. Funkcjonujące w Polsce przekonania społeczne na temat uchodźców nie prowadzą zasadniczo do zbliżenia między ludźmi i nie rozbudzają wzajemnej potrzeby poznania się, gdyż utrwalają pewien konkretny obraz i zabijają naturalną ciekawość drugiego człowieka. W konsekwencji tego dla wielu przedstawicieli społeczności przyjmującej bardziej istotne staje się to, ile pieniędzy dostają oni co miesiąc, czemu tak dużo i z „czyjej to idzie kieszeni” niż kim są, jaki kapitał (społeczny, intelektualny) mają do zaoferowania i co chcieliby zrobić na rzecz wspólnego dobra. Prowadzi to do kilku istotnych skutków, a jednym z nich jest bardzo słaba znajomość realiów życia uchodźców w Polsce wśród naszego społeczeństwa. Zamiast tego krążą liczne mity na ten temat i fantastyczne opowieści, w których roi się od przestępców, skandali o podłożu seksualnym (wielożeństwo, porwania, poślubianie nieletnich itp.), terrorystów i bogaczy handlujących bronią lub narkotykami. Poziom wiedzy społecznej oraz kompetencji kulturowych Polaków nie napawa optymizmem, choć nadzieję na zmianę stereotypowych opinii budzi zaangażowanie wielu jednostek w ich rozwój i zmianę oraz wzrastająca liczba kontaktów międzykulturowych naszych rodaków. Jeśli chodzi o analizę społecznych konsekwencji związanych ze „statusem uchodźcy”, to tym, co niewątpliwie zwraca uwagę w kontekście relacji społeczności przyjmującej i przybywającej, jest ogromny dystans osobniczy. Większość uchodźców pytanych o to czy mają jakieś nieformalne kontakty z Polakami lub znajomych wśród nich i czy bywają zapraszani do ich domów, zdecydowanie odpowiada, że nie lub wspomina o powierzchownych znajomościach, np. z pracy lub szkoły. Sporadyczne projekty integracyjne, jak zajęcia artystyczne w świetlicy dla kobiet33, są kroplą w morzu potrzeb, a i tak 33 Zajęcia dla kobiet polskich i uchodźczyń z ośrodka w Grupie zostały szerzej opisane w innym naszym tekście. Zob. I. C z e r n i e j e w s k a, K. K o ś ć - R y ż k o, Uchodźcy w Grupie i Czerwonym Borze – różne miejsca i różne światy? Wpływ warunków osiedlenia na proces adaptacji, w: Imigranci: między integracją a izolacją, red. M. Buchowski, J. Schmidt, Poznań 2012, s. 204–205. �Złudny status – status uchodźcy... 225 w sytuacji zakończenia procedury relacje między Polkami a uchodźczyniami mogą się rozluźnić na skutek wyprowadzki z ośrodka. Zjawisko to jest to o tyle niepokojące, że w dłuższej perspektywie stwarza podstawy separacji kulturowej lub nawet gettoizacji cudzoziemców. Okazuje się bowiem, że otrzymanie statusu i ochrony międzynarodowej nie gwarantuje zbliżenia międzyludzkiego, a wręcz przeciwnie, przyczynia się nierzadko do jeszcze większej izolacji społecznej i zamykania się we własnej grupie. Powstające w ten sposób poczucie wyobcowania i „samotności w tłumie”34 jest jedną z motywacji, jak wynika z rozmów z cudzoziemcami, do ich decyzji o opuszczeniu Polski i połączeniu się z rodziną mieszkającą w innym kraju europejskim. Kontynuując zasugerowany w temacie artykułu wątek „złudnego statusu”, można powiedzieć, że jeśli chodzi o jego społeczne aspekty, to jedną z dotkliwszych iluzji, której ulegają cudzoziemcy będący w procedurze, jest przekonanie, że gdy go otrzymają, to ich pozycja społeczna znacznie się poprawi, a prestiż wzrośnie. Wiele osób wierzy, że gdy tylko zyskają uwiarygodnienie swojej sytuacji, to pozwoli im to stać się częścią społeczeństwa, w którym zamierzają żyć i zbliży do Polaków. Gdy okazuje się, że tak się nie dzieje, a co więcej, rozluźnieniu ulegają kontakty, które mieli dotychczas, dopada ich zniechęcenie i kolejne rozczarowanie. Na własnej skórze przekonują się bowiem, że jesteśmy równie zamkniętym społeczeństwem, jak inni określani w ten sposób mieszkańcy Europy Zachodniej. Skazani na izolację i swoje własne środowisko (religijne, etniczne, narodowe, uchodźcze), uświadamiają sobie, że aby cudzoziemiec zasłużył na uznanie i aprobatę Polaków, trzeba być albo wybitnym sportowcem, albo wyróżniać się w jakichś innych dziedzinach35. Dotyczy to zwłaszcza kwestii związanych z nadawaniem obywatelstwa, które w innych krajach traktowane jest na ogół jako naturalna konsekwencja legalizacji pobytu i udanej akulturacji, a tutaj wiąże się z licznymi komplikacjami36. Zakończenie Za kreowanie wizerunku uchodźców i przekaz społeczny towarzyszący procedurze nadawania statusu uchodźcy niewątpliwie w niemałym stopniu odpowiedzialne są media, nie było jednak naszym celem analizowanie ich tutaj. Wystarczy wspomnieć, że konteksty, w jakich pojawia się ostatnio ta probleZob. D. R i e s m a n, Samotny tłum (pierwsze wyd. 1966), Kraków 2011. Zob. P. R o ż y ń s k i, Całkiem fajny kraj, „Plus Minus”, dwutygodniowy dodatek do „Rzeczpospolita”, 2–3 lutego 2013, s. 6–7. 36 Kwestie związane z nabywaniem obywatelstwa polskiego reguluje Ustawa z dnia 2 kwietnia 2009 r. o obywatelstwie polskim (Dz.U. z 2012 r. Nr 0, poz. 161). 34 35 �Izabela Czerniejewska, Katarzyna Kość-Ryżko 226 matyka w przestrzeni publicznej (np. strajki głodowe uchodźców, nadużycia pracowników w ośrodkach strzeżonych, detencja dzieci, nielegalny handel autami, przestępczość zorganizowana itp.)37 nie przysparzają cudzoziemcom popularności, a co więcej w znacznym stopniu odpowiedzialne są za odium i brak zaufania wobec nich. Sprowadzenie kwestii ich obecności w Polsce wyłącznie do poziomu skandali i egzemplifikacji patologii społecznych w poważnym stopniu wypacza wiedzę na temat migrantów i szkodzi większości, która żyje życiem normalnej, przeciętnej, zmagającej się z różnymi przeciwnościami rodziny. Tabloizacja informacji na temat „sposobów integracji cudzoziemców”38 oprócz tego, że tworzy im tzw. czarny PR i prowadzi do dezinformacji społecznej, to również rodzi lęki i fobie społeczne, a także odbiera szansę wielu ludziom na przełamywanie uprzedzeń, rozwój kompetencji kulturowych, czy też po prostu zadzierzgnięcie ciekawych i wartościowych przyjaźni. Uwzględniając wszystkie omówione tu przykłady oraz refleksje badawcze, pozostaje żywić nadzieję, że i w Polsce z biegiem czasu dostrzeżone zostaną straty, jakie wiążą się z różnymi złudzeniami i iluzjami wynikającymi z dotychczasowych ustaleń i praktycznych rozwiązań przyjętych w ramach procedury przyznawania statusu uchodźcy. Liczyć można też na to, że kapitał społeczny cudzoziemców oraz posiadany przez nich potencjał zostanie w końcu doceniony i właściwie wykorzystany „na rzecz wspólnego dobra” (na podobieństwo przysłowiowych już działań „na rzecz uchodźców”), co przyczyni się również do rozwoju miejsca, w którym przyjdzie nam razem żyć i pracować. Wystarczy poczytać fora internetowe umieszczone pod dziennikarskimi relacjami dotyczącymi tego typu wydarzeń, aby doskonale poznać opinię pewnej części społeczeństwa na ich temat. Jako że są one ogólnodostępne oraz ze względu na treści, z którymi się nie zgadzamy, nie będziemy ich tutaj propagować. 38 Por. Środki masowego przekazu i integracja, w: Podręcznik integracji dla osób odpowiedzialnych za kształtowanie i wdrażanie polityki, red. Dyrekcja Generalna ds. Sprawiedliwości, Wolności i Bezpieczeństwa, Luksemburg 2010, s. 25–49. 37 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/59f338d7a55573b1375374874c5caad2.pdf 82eeeae82b8a7cc56c82bb680dba333f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5496 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 Subject The topic of the resource płeć i seksualność - aspekt antropologiczny antropologia stosowana - podręczniki dyskryminacja Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5112 Title A name given to the resource Antropologia stosowana i zaangażowana wobec dyskryminacji ze względu na płeć i seksualność / Antropologia stosowana Description An account of the resource Antropologia stosowana, pod red. Macieja Ząbka; s.273-292 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kościańska, Agnieszka Grabowska, Magdalena Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Międzynarodowe Centrum Dialogu Miedzykulturowego i Miedzyreligijnego UKSW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 11 Magdalena Grabowska, Agnieszka Kościańska Antropologia stosowana i zaangażowana wobec dyskryminacji ze względu na płeć i seksualność Antropologia kulturowa jest dyscypliną, która miała i do dziś ma wiele do zaoferowania w kwestiach równościowych. Dzięki metodom badań, takim jak obserwacja uczestnicząca i wywiady pogłębiane, antropolodzy od początku koncertowali się na perspektywach marginalnych, starali się poznać życie innych kultur i różnych grup społecznych; ich opisy służyły denaturalizacji perspektywy zachodniej, czego klasycznym przykładem jest studium Margaret Mead, pokazujące, że podejście do kwestii płci i seksualności obowiązujące w dwudziestowiecznej kulturze Stanów Zjednoczonych nie jest jedynym, czyli nie jest wynikającym z natury modelem (Mead 1986; o Mead zob. np. Vance 1991). Innym przykładem jest wykorzystywanie źródeł pokazujących istnienie np. u Indian północnoamerykańskich tzw. trzecich płci w walce na rzecz praw mniejszości seksualnych (np.: Katz 1976, 1983; zob. też Vance 2007). Ponadto od samego początku antropolodzy angażowali się na rzecz badanych społeczności, czego do czasu przewrotu postmodernistycznego nie widać w ich tekstach, jednak świadczy o tym ich działalność społeczna udokumentowana w innych źródłach (zob. np. Lassiter 2010 o Morganie i innych dziewiętnastowiecznych badaczach Indian). Co więcej, feminizm i antropologia wzajemnie na siebie wpływały (Moore 1988, Strathern 1987, Baer 2004a, Baer 2004b). Prace antropologiczne poruszające kwestie płci i seksualności, które przyczyniły się do rozwoju krytycznego myślenia na temat tych kategorii, początkowo opierały się na esencjalistycznym ich pojmowaniu (Vance 1991). Jednak począwszy od lat siedemdziesiątych XX w. możemy mówić o rozwoju antropologii, która problematyzuje i dekonstruuje te pojęcia i w ciekawy, krytyczny sposób zazębia się z metodologią feministyczną oraz współdziała z równościowymi ruchami społecznymi. Przekładanie się wiedzy antropologicznej na praktykę od samego początku istnienia dyscypliny odbywało się w dwóch postaciach: antropologii stosowanej i antropologii zaangażowanej. Z antropologią stosowaną mamy do czynienia �274 Magdalena Grabowska, Agnieszka Kościańska w sytuacji, kiedy dana organizacja zatrudnia osobę z wykształceniem antropologicznym, by lepiej realizować swoje cele. Na przykład organizacja pomagająca ofiarom przemocy domowej w danej części świata lub w danym środowisku zatrudnia antropologa lub antropolożkę (załóżmy, że będzie to ktoś, kto ma doświadczenie w badaniach feministycznych), żeby poznać uwarunkowania tego zjawiska w określonym kontekście i dzięki temu lepiej pomagać, przygotować skuteczniejsze programy profilaktyczne. Organizacja może też zatrudnić antropologa bądź antropolożkę, żeby dowiedzieć się, czy jej działania są skuteczne. Praktycy zwracają uwagę, że taka współpraca może różnie się układać. Czasami może przebiegać bardzo dobrze, organizacja może być otwarta na – w naszym przypadku – metodologię feministyczną i wyniki badań ewaluacyjnych ze wszystkimi ich konsekwencjami. Antropolodzy mogą też pomagać w prowadzeniu projektów, w które angażuje się społeczność lokalna. Zdarza się jednak też tak, że organizacja zatrudniająca nie jest zadowolona z badań, gdyż np. ujawniają one błędy popełnione przez pracowników tej instytucji. Może dojść do sytuacji, że nie uwzględnia się wyników, a antropologów zwalania się bądź naciska na nich, by zmodyfikowali swoje ustalenia bądź metodologię. Podejście stosowane cechuje się więc uzależnieniem antropologów od funduszy organizacji (Bennett 2010, Lassiter 2010). Inaczej funkcjonuje antropologia zaangażowana (zwana też antropologią w działaniu1). Mówimy o niej, gdy antropolodzy prowadzący badania na dany temat zauważą problem i zdecydują się zaangażować w jego rozwiązanie, np. współdziałając z badaną społecznością. Może to przyjąć różne formy od publikacji w prasie, przez działania aktywistyczne wspólnie z badanymi, po organizowanie pomocy. Na przykład Paul Farmer, antropolog i lekarz, który badał m.in. drogi rozwoju epidemii AIDS wśród kobiet na Haiti, założył organizację charytatywną Partners in Health2, która zajmuje się pomocą medyczną, budową szpitali i szkoleniem lokalnego personelu medycznego. W tej sytuacji antropolodzy działają na własny rachunek. Ponadto coraz częściej mówi się też o antropologii publicznej, czyli zaangażowaniu badaczy w debatę publiczną3. 1  Terminem tym po raz pierwszy posłużył się badacz Indian Meskwaki Sol Tax (np. 2010), który w późnych latach czterdziestych i w latach pięćdziesiątych XX w. wraz z grupą studentów wykorzystując granty badawcze prowadził projekty mające na celu nie tylko diagnozę problemów tej grupy, ale też ich rozwiązywanie (o kontrowersjach wokół działań Taxa zob. Foley 2010). 2 Zob.: http://www.pih.org/ 3 Zob. też Červinková i Gołębniak red. 2010, Lassiter 2010, Bennett 2010, Tax 2010, Kościańska 2012, Kościańska red. 2012; w latach 2004–2006 w czasopiśmie „(op.cit.)” odbyła się debata o antropologii zaangażowanej w Polsce (zob. http://opcit.pl/teksty/tagi/antropologia%20 zaanga%C5%BCowana/ dostęp 28.03.2013), poruszono tam też kwestie feminizmu Baer (2005). Nancy Scheper-Hughes, która m.in. stawiła czoła międzynarodowemu handlowi organami, mówi z kolei o antropologii walczącej (zob. np. Scheper-Hughes 2010). �Antropologia stosowana i zaangażowana... 275 W pierwszej części tego artykułu przyjrzymy się metodologicznym i epistemologicznym związkom antropologii zaangażowanej i stosowanej z feminizmem, a dwie kolejne części prezentują konkretne przykłady, zarówno na poziomie dobrze znanych projektów antropologicznych, jak i działań studentów z Instytutu Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. W stronę zaangażowanej metodologii feministycznej Podawanie w wątpliwość zaakceptowanych przekonań, podważanie przyjętych założeń i przeformułowywanie pytań badawczych są charakterystyczne dla badań feministycznych – bez względu na ich specjalizację (Hawkesworth 2006, 4). Badaczki i badacze nazywający siebie „feministycznymi” muszą być przygotowani na to, że w ich kierunku padać będą pytania dotyczące odrębności i specyfiki metodologii feministycznej: „Czy istnieje coś takiego, jak feministyczna metoda badań i na czym ona polega? Jakie metody badawcze są, a jakie nie są «feministyczne»? Czy feminizm jest dyscypliną naukową? Antropolożki i antropolodzy, którzy w przeszłości i obecnie definiowali i definiują swoje projekty jako badania feministyczne, nie są jednomyślni w odpowiedziach na te pytania. Co więcej, niejednokrotnie nie ma wśród nich zgody na temat tego, czym jest sam feminizm: podczas gdy dla jednych jest to praktyka działania zakorzeniona w ruchach społecznych lat sześćdziesiątych XX wieku, dla innych feminizm to krytyczny projekt naukowy skoncentrowany wokół pojęcia płci kulturowej, jeszcze inni widzą go jako niemożliwy do wyodrębnienia w czystej postaci nurt zmagań na rzecz szeroko pojętej sprawiedliwości społecznej, którego częścią jest również walka z rasizmem, homofobią czy nierównościami ekonomicznymi (Collins 1998, Lorde 1985). Dla lepszego zrozumienia projektu metodologii feministycznej przydatne okazać się może zaproponowane w 1987 r. przez Sandrę Harding rozróżnienie pomiędzy feministycznymi „metodami” (czyli specyficznymi narzędziami czy praktykami badawczymi), feministyczną „metodologią” (czyli teoretyzowaniem na temat praktyk badawczych i ich implikacji), a „epistemologią” feministyczną (czyli rozważaniami nad procesem poznawczym) (Harding 1987). O ile według Harding nie istnieją specyficzne, feministyczne metody badawcze (zdaniem wielu badaczy i badaczek wynika to z charakterystycznej dla badań feministycznych interdyscyplinarności), o tyle możemy mówić �276 Magdalena Grabowska, Agnieszka Kościańska o feministycznym podejściu metodologicznym, przejawiającym się przede wszystkim w sposobach zastosowania tradycyjnych metod badawczych i ich krytyce, jak również tworzeniu nowego podejścia do procesu badawczego dzięki redefinicji istniejących definicji wiedzy i poznania (feministyczna epistemologia) (Harding 1987). Punktem wyjścia metodologii feministycznej jest diagnoza kondycji tradycyjnej nauki. Po pierwsze, metodologia feministyczna wskazuje na fałszywość przekonania o obiektywności i neutralności tradycyjnej nauki. Po drugie, rozpoznaje ona kluczową rolę badacza/badaczki w procesie formułowania pytań badawczych, prowadzenia badań i analizy danych: metodologia feministyczna kładzie więc nacisk na autorefleksyjność jako niezbędny element praktyki badawczej. Po trzecie wreszcie, tworząc narzędzia badawcze metodologia feministyczna wychodzi z założenia, że każdy projekt jest jednocześnie przedsięwzięciem naukowym i społecznym, a badania feministyczne stanowią kombinację produkcji wiedzy i polityki feministycznej (Reinharz 1992). Jednym z najważniejszych celów badań feministycznych jest zmiana społeczna. Krytyka obiektywności i neutralności wiedzy Zdaniem badaczek i badaczy feministycznych obiektywność nauki jest mitem, podobnie jak istnienie jednej obiektywnej i uniwersalnej perspektywy epistemologicznej. Ich zdaniem tradycyjne nauki ścisłe i społeczne nie są w stanie dotrzeć do neutralnych „faktów” społecznych czy naukowych (gdyż takie nie istnieją). Ponieważ dotychczasowym kontekstem procesu produkcji wiedzy była i jest kultura patriarchalna (zarówno wiedza w zakresie nauk ścisłych, jak i nauk społecznych produkowana była przez mężczyzn i na temat mężczyzn), istniejące teorie naukowe niejednokrotnie proponują nam również zafałszowany, zmaskulinizowany obraz rzeczywistości społecznej. W projekcie feministycznym, rozpoznając i uprzywilejowując perspektywę poznawczą grup mniejszościowych, badaczki i badacze skupiają się raczej na (subiektywnych) doświadczeniach zgodnie z założeniem, że możemy mieć dostęp jedynie do fragmentów wielowymiarowej i podatnej na wiele interpretacji rzeczywistości społecznej. Włączenie dotychczas nieobecnych w nauce perspektyw i doświadczeń odbywać się może na wielu poziomach i etapach procesu badawczego za pośrednictwem: uwzględnienia tożsamości takich jak wiek, płeć, rasa, klasa czy seksualność jako zmiennych w badaniu (np. w jaki sposób płeć wpływa na preferencje wyborcze, na podejście do problemów etycznych, wybory życiowe), przyjrzenia się wpływowi posiadanych przez nas jako badaczek/badaczy tożsamości na sposób prowadzenia badań – wybór tematów, to, jak patrzymy na zebrany materiał badawczy, przeszkody, na jakie możemy napotkać w procesie �Antropologia stosowana i zaangażowana... 277 badawczym ze względu na posiadane przez nas cechy, czy też zadania pytania o to, w jaki sposób tradycyjna wiedza na temat rozmaitych obszarów życia społecznego i grup społecznych wpływa na interpretację zebranego materiału badawczego (innymi słowy na ile uprzedzenia i stereotypy wpływają na jakość analizy naukowej). Skupienie się na doświadczeniu grup opresjonowanych, niewidocznych, marginalizowanych – takich jak kobiety, mniejszości rasowe czy seksualne – podważa jednocześnie teoretyczne fundamenty tradycyjnych nauk społecznych, pokazując, że społeczeństwo nie istnieje jako całość i może być badane jedynie jako konglomerat różnych grup społecznych, tożsamości, perspektyw i doświadczeń. Zmiana perspektywy epistemologicznej Uznanie kobiet i innych grup mniejszościowych za podmioty posiadające wiedzę obejmuje również dowartościowanie typowych dla antropologii, ale nie uznawanych w wielu innych naukach społecznych, sposobów poznania, czyli dopuszczenie użycia narzędzi badawczych takich jak obserwacja uczestnicząca czy wywiad pogłębiony4, włączenie badanych do procesu definiowana celów badania (zob. Lassiter 2010, Piotrowska, Synakiewicz red. 2011) oraz skupienie się na perspektywach poznawczych, które nie opierają się na racjonalności (na przykład emocje, zob. Abu-Lughod 2012 lub przekaz pozawerbalny, Ardener 1975). Przełamując paradygmat obiektywności, metodologia feministyczna skupia się też na włączeniu kategorii płci kulturowej (gender) do procesu badawczego. Proces ten odbywa się za pośrednictwem włączenia kobiet do procesów badawczych na poziomie ustalania próby, zwiększenia liczby kobiet pracujących jako badaczki (empirycyzm), skupienia na „subiektywnym” doświadczeniu kobiet żyjących w rozmaitych kontekstach społeczno-kulturowych oraz uznania kobiecego doświadczenia jako krytycznej perspektywy analitycznej (Harding 1987, Reinharz 1992). W konsekwencji oznacza to również poszerzenie horyzontów badawczych o problemy dotychczas uznawane za nienaukowe, należące do sfery prywatnej – metodologia feministyczna może pochwalić się ogromnym wkładem w poszerzanie obszarów badawczych o ważne, a dotychczas pomijane tematy takie jak przemoc w rodzinie, seksualność, reprodukcja czy praca domowa. W odpowiedzi na tradycyjną koncepcję nauki jako obiektywnej i neutralnej metodologia feministyczna proponuje model, w obrębie którego proces produkcji wiedzy naukowej jest głęboko osadzony w konkretnych kontekstach  Nie oznacza to, że badania etnograficzne nie były i nadal nie są prowadzone z androcentrycznej perspektywy (Ardener 1975, Moore 1988). 4 �278 Magdalena Grabowska, Agnieszka Kościańska społeczno-kulturowych. Jednocześnie postuluje się uważność i autorefleksyjność zarówno w kwestii możliwości tworzenia obiektywnych, uniwersalnych teorii naukowych, jak i samego procesu badawczego (a w szczególności relacji pomiędzy badaczką/badaczem a przedmiotem badań). W tym ujęciu nauki społeczne i wiedza w ogóle mają zawsze charakter polityczny; metodologia feministyczna postuluje ujawnienie tej polityczności, zrywając z nierealnym dążeniem do neutralności i obiektywności nauki. Jednocześnie proponując własną perspektywę badawczą i epistemologiczną oraz krytyczne spojrzenie na istniejące narzędzia badawcze, metodologia feministyczna niejednokrotnie przekracza granice istniejących dyscyplin naukowych. Badania skomplikowanych relacji władzy i wielowymiarowego charakteru opresji społecznych nierzadko wymagają wyjścia poza wąsko zdefiniowane granice dyscyplin naukowych czy sfer życia społecznego. Dla wielu badaczek stosujących metodologię feministyczną interdyscyplinarność staje się kluczowa w doborze metod i narzędzi badawczych, a także dla sformułowania strategii politycznych feminizmu. (Auto)refleksyjność a metodologia feministyczna Badaczki feministyczne postrzegają siebie jako aktywistki czy działaczki społeczne (Reinharz 1992), a zaangażowanie społeczne i polityczne stanowi główne założenie metodologii feministycznej. Jeśli uznamy związki pomiędzy teorią i praktyką feminizmu, podjęcie badań feministycznych wymaga krytycznego odniesienia się do procesów społecznych oraz relacji warunkujących proces produkcji wiedzy w naukach społecznych, humanistycznych czy ścisłych. Kluczowe jest tu rozpoznanie i nazwanie relacji władzy wynikającej z płci (gendered power), a także innych czynników, takich jak wiek, rasa, klasa czy seksualność wpływających na proces badawczy. W tym kontekście ważna jest przede wszystkim (auto)refleksja nad własnym usytuowaniem badaczki/ badacza w procesie produkcji wiedzy, rozpoznanie własnego umiejscowienia w rozmaitych hierarchach władzy i ich wpływu na postępowanie w procesie badawczym (Rich 1986). Refleksja nad umiejscowieniem badaczki/badacza w procesie naukowym wiąże się nie tylko z odejściem od postrzegania badaczy jako neutralnych obserwatorów rzeczywistości społecznej, ale również z podważeniem ich pozycji jako ekspertów w dziedzinie nauk społecznych. Redefiniując umiejscowienie badaczki/badacza metodologia feministyczna, podobnie jak inne nurty stosowanych nauk społecznych, odchodzi od pozytywistycznej tradycji, w której badacz jest usytuowany ponad rzeczywistością, jako obiektywny obserwator starający się nie ingerować w badany przedmiot (Wyka 1993, Okely 2007). �Antropologia stosowana i zaangażowana... 279 Innym ważnym elementem refleksyjności charakterystycznej dla metodologii feministycznej jest przedefiniowane relacji pomiędzy badaczką/badaczem a badanymi. Taka redefinicja oznacza przede wszystkim podmiotowe podejście do osób i społeczności badanych oraz traktowanie ich doświadczenia jako najważniejszego w procesie badawczym. Metodologia feministyczna postrzega w tym kontekście badanie naukowe jako współtworzone przez społeczność badaną, a nie będące jedynie własnością intelektualną badaczki/badacza. Proces włączenia grupy badanej do procesu badawczego może polegać między innymi na włączeniu punktu widzenia społeczności do procesu badawczego na każdym etapie: podczas formułowania hipotez, prowadzenia badań terenowych, interpretacji materiałów oraz przygotowywania publikacji naukowych. Takie praktyki są zgodne z proponowaną przez niektórych badaczy z kręgu antropologii stosowanej koncepcją „samodeterminującej się społeczności”, czyli społeczności, która posiada sprawczość w procesie badawczym (Olszewska-Dyoniziak 2000, s. 255). W podejściu tym społeczność badana współuczestniczy w procesie badawczym, a celem badań jest reprezentacja grupy badanej zgodnie z interesem i wolą jej członków, uwzględniając przy tym przyjęty przez nią system wartości (Staszczak 1987, Olszewska-Dyoniziak 2000, Lassiter 2010). Jednocześnie praktyka badawcza zorientowana na współuczestnictwo wpisuje się w filozofię teorii postkolonialnych, które skupiają się na doświadczeniu grup opresjonowanych (subaltern studies), umiejscawiając je w centrum teorii naukowych (Spivak 1985). Odejście od pozytywistycznego modelu badań społecznych i propozycja, że badaczka/badacz nie jest obiektywną obserwatorką/obiektywnym obserwatorem, ekspertem/ekspertką, ale współuczestniczką/współuczestnikiem badań, oznacza również redefinicję samej praktyki badań. Metodologia feministyczna niejednokrotnie odwołuje się w tym kontekście do stworzonej przez Paulo Freire „metodologii opresjonowanych” (Freire 1967), dla której kluczowa jest destabilizacja istniejących kanałów produkcji i przepływu wiedzy naukowej (na przykład relacji pomiędzy nauczycielem i uczniem czy „pierwszym” i „trzecim światem”) (Sandoval 2000). Podążając za Antonio Gramscim, koncepcja metodologii opresjonowanych głosi, że wszyscy, zarówno badacze/badaczki, jak i badani posiadamy zdolność i chęć do refleksji naukowej (Gramsci). Kładąc szczególny nacisk na kwestię współuczestnictwa, niektóre autorki z kręgu metodologii feministycznej chcą odejść od tradycyjnego nazewnictwa badań naukowych, proponując reinterpretację lub zastąpienie pojęć takich jak „badanie naukowe” zwrotami podkreślającymi równość pomiędzy badaczami a społecznościami badanymi, takimi jak „uczestniczące działanie” „badanie w działaniu” czy „uczestniczący rozwój”. Zwroty te podkreślają jednocześnie zaangażowany �280 Magdalena Grabowska, Agnieszka Kościańska wymiar badań feministycznych i ich ukierunkowanie na zmianę społeczną (przykład takich badań w kontekście polskim: Piotrowska, Synakiewicz red. 2011). Zmiana społeczna: wiedza i polityka w badaniach naukowych Dla badaczek i badaczy feministycznych proces produkcji wiedzy jest zawsze procesem politycznym, a zmiana społeczna powinna być najważniejszym rezultatem badań naukowych (Reinhratz 1992). Praca w paradygmacie metodologii feministycznej jest wynikiem politycznego zaangażowania w projekt feministyczny i jako taka stawia przed sobą cele nie tylko naukowe, ale również, a może przede wszystkim, społeczne i polityczne. Metodologia feministyczna jest więc przykładem takiego podejścia badawczego, w obrębie którego interwencja, nie obserwacja czy analiza, stanowi ostateczny cel pracy naukowej. Kładąc nacisk na interwencję lub zmianę społeczną, metodologia feministyczna dąży również do zatarcia tradycyjnego podziału pomiędzy teorią a praktyką społeczną, a w naukach społecznych pomiędzy naukami teoretycznymi a stosowanymi naukami społecznymi. O ile nauki stosowane są często widziane jako antytetyczne i idące przeciwko abstrakcyjnym teoretycznym wywodom w humanistyce, o tyle w paradygmacie metodologii feministycznej rozdział ten zostaje zatarty, ponieważ wiele jego przedstawicielek jest przekonanych o ścisłym powiązaniu pomiędzy teorią a praktyką społeczną. Ich zdaniem teoria może wpłynąć na rozpoznanie podmiotowości pewnych grup społecznych, legitymizację ich istnienia i uznanie ich problemów za polityczne. Tak na przykład stało się w przypadku teorii Judith Butler, która odwołując się do istnienia podmiotów seksualnych poza binarnym podziałem na dwie płcie, znacząco wpłynęła na widoczność i uznanie tożsamości społecznych osób transpłciowych. Istnieje wiele poziomów, na których zmiana społeczna może zaistnieć jako rezultat badań przeprowadzonych w paradygmacie metodologii feministycznej. Zmiana społeczna, do której dąży metodologia feministyczna, może dokonać się na poziomie samego procesu badawczego – na przykład postawienie dotychczas unikanych pytań może doprowadzić do ujawnienia jeszcze niezbadanych problemów społecznych czy poszerzenia horyzontów teorii społecznej. Innym ważnym wymiarem badań zaangażowanych jest upełnomocnienie czy upodmiotowienie poszczególnych grup społecznych na przykład dzięki redefinicji i demistyfikacji ich wizerunku jako grup pasywnych (np. bezrobotni, imigranci) lub zacofanych (np. mieszkańcy krajów rozwijających się). Badania naukowe mogą być narzędziem ewaluacji, ich rezultatem może być na przykład wskazanie najlepszych mechanizmów do walki w dyskryminacją i wykluczeniem społecznym (badania dotyczące tak zwanych „dobrych praktyk”). �Antropologia stosowana i zaangażowana... 281 Zmiana społeczna, która jest rezultatem badań, może też doprowadzić np. do zmiany prawa lub polityki społecznej dzięki ujawnieniu jej skutków dla kobiet lub innych grup społecznych (działaczki i badaczki feministyczne często prowadzą badania dotyczące przemocy, przemocy seksualnej wobec kobiet czy tak zwanej pracy domowej). W tym kontekście badania społeczne mogą stanowić narzędzie poprawy działania instytucji państwowych i społecznych. Ze względu na charakter uczestniczący badania prowadzone w paradygmacie metodologii feministycznej mają również wpływ na autorefleksję na poziomie indywidualnym wśród badaczek/badaczy i społeczności badanej. Mogą one doprowadzić do zmiany świadomości, upełnomocnienia pewnych grup, lepszej konceptualizacji pewnych problemów wewnątrz grup czy konsolidacji grupy. Co konkretnie antropologia może wnieść do przeciwdziałania dyskryminacji ze względu na płeć i seksualność? Prostytucja i przeciwdziałanie handlowi kobietami W ostatnich latach na arenie polityki międzynarodowej dużo uwagi poświęca się problematyce handlu ludźmi i zmuszania do prostytucji. W 2000 r. ONZ przyjęła Protokół o zapobieganiu, zwalczaniu oraz karaniu za handel ludźmi, w szczególności kobietami i dziećmi, a amerykański Departament Stanu przyjął Akt broniący ofiar handlu ludźmi i przemocy (Victims of Trafficking and Violence Protection Act)5. Na podstawie tych dwóch dokumentów ONZ, a przede wszystkim Stany Zjednoczone monitorują walkę z tym procederem na całym świecie i na różne sposoby zachęcają rządy, by aktywnie się w to włączały (Departament Stanu przygotowuje rankingi krajów pod względem ich zaangażowania w tę sprawę). Mimo że przyjęciu obu dokumentów przyświecały szczytne cele – praktyka okazała się daleka od doskonałości. Badaczki feministyczne, które skoncentrowały się na tym, jak te rozwiązania prawne wpływają na życie kobiet, wskazują na to, że w wielu przypadkach państwa, która chcą się wykazać walką z handlem ludźmi, koncentrują się na kryminalizacji prostytucji i nękaniu osób świadczących usługi seksualne, co uderza w tych, których mają chronić. Joanna Busza (2012) na zlecenie organizacji Lekarze bez Granic analizuje sytuację Wietnamek w Kambodży. Ciężkie wa5  Pierwsze traktaty międzynarodowe przeciwko handlowi ludźmi pochodzą z początku XX w. (Porozumienie międzynarodowe w sprawie zwalczania handlu białymi niewolnikami, Paryż 1904). �282 Magdalena Grabowska, Agnieszka Kościańska runki ekonomiczne panujące na wietnamskiej wsi skłaniają wiele kobiet do poszukiwania pracy poza miejscem zamieszania. Często nielegalnie migrują do Kambodży i tam podejmują pracę w przemyśle seksualnym. Niektóre są tam, bo zostały sprzedane. Kobiety te, bez względu na to, jak trafiły do domów publicznych, pracują razem. Busza analizuje przeprowadzone z nimi wywiady pogłębione i zwraca uwagę, że największym problemem dla osób świadczących usługi seksualne są działania kambodżańskich władz, które chcą wykazać się zaangażowaniem w walkę z handlem ludźmi. Miejscowe służby porządkowe urządzają – często w asyście działaczy organizacji pozarządowych – naloty na domy publiczne, aresztując pracujące tam osoby. W rezultacie tych akcji kobiety muszą uciekać się do łapówek, by odzyskać wolność, tracą też klientów. Akcje te przynoszą więc im straty finansowe, które potem starają się nadrobić, np. zgadzając się na seks bez prezerwatywy. Poza tym obecność aktywistów walczących z handlem ludźmi w czasie nalotów powoduje, że wszystkie organizacje pomocowe tracą zaufanie kobiet – znacząco utrudnia to działania na rzecz profilaktyki HIV. Busza wskazuje, jakie potrzeby mają kobiety świadczące usługi seksualne: chcą łatwego dostępu do opieki zdrowotnej oraz prezerwatyw; dobrze też oceniają prowadzaną przez Lekarzy bez Granic świetlicę, do której mogą przyjść i spędzić czas poza domem publicznym, socjalizując się z innymi kobietami. Akcje mające je wyzwolić są dla nich prawdziwym problemem, pogarszają warunki ich pracy. Są one bowiem zmuszone do świadczenia usług seksualnych przez ciężką sytuację gospodarczą w Wietnamie, a prostytucja jest dla nich często jedynym dostępnym im sposobem na zarabianie. Busza wskazuje więc, że organizacje pomocowe powinny skupić się na zaspokajaniu potrzeb osób świadczących usługi seksualne, a nie koncentrować się na działaniach, które pogarszają ich sytuację (wymiar upodmiotowiający). Badania takie nie tylko dążą do upodmiotowienia osób świadczących usługi seksualne, ale też do ukazania rezultatów międzynarodowych legislacji (wymiar demistyfikujący) (Busza 2012, zob. też Vance 2011). Kampania na rzecz afirmacji kobiecej seksualności Po wielkim sukcesie viagry firmy farmaceutyczne chciały wynaleźć i wprowadzić na rynki jej odpowiednik dla kobiet. Badaniom towarzyszyło lansowanie idei, zgodnie z którą zaburzenia seksualne u kobiet mogą być łatwo przezwyciężone dzięki odpowiednim lekom (uczestniczyli w tym też lekarze współpracujący z firmami farmaceutycznymi, zob. Fishman 2012). W końcu starano się o rejestrację plastra testosteronowego podnoszącego libido, ale amerykański urząd ds. leków (Food and Drug Administration, FDA) odrzucił wniosek. Lek zarejestrowano w Unii Europejskiej. �Antropologia stosowana i zaangażowana... 283 Medykalizacji kobiecej seksualności i rejestracji leków rzekomo podnoszących libido u kobiet przeciwstawia się działająca od 2000 r. grupa aktywistek, terapeutek i badaczek społecznych, sygnatariuszek manifestu wzywającego do nowego spojrzenia na seksualność kobiet, New View Manifesto, prowadzących kampanię społeczną pod tą samą nazwą – New View Campaign (http:// newviewcampaign.org, zob. też numer specjalny „Women & Therapy”, t. 24, nr 1/2, 2001, film Orgazm Inc. 2009, reż. Liz Canner). Główną organizatorką kampanii jest terapeutka Leonore Tiefer, profesorka psychiatrii na Uniwersytecie Nowojorskim. To ona występowała przed komisją FDA i przekonywała, że wyniki badań przedstawione przez firmę farmaceutyczną starającą się o rejestrację plastra są niewystarczające; długotrwałe podawanie testosteronu ma rozliczne efekty uboczne, a na seksualność kobiet wpływają też inne niż hormonalne czynniki. Tiefer zwraca uwagę na różnice kulturowo-społeczno-ekonomiczne powodujące odmienne sposoby przeżywania i wyrażania seksualności oraz na to, że warto brać pod uwagę subiektywne odczucia (zob. Hite 1976) i relacje. Model wyłącznie fizjologiczny, dominujący – zdaniem twórczyń kampanii – w seksuologii amerykańskiej, prowadzi do dominacji firm farmaceutycznych, chcących sprzedawać leki na zaburzenia. Zgodnie z założeniami manifestu Tiefer w licznych publikacjach oraz przed komisją FDA (np. Tiefer 2000, 2001) zwraca uwagę na specyfikę kobiecej seksualności. Jej zdaniem jest błędem: — postrzeganie kobiecej i męskiej seksualności jako ekwiwalentów (tak założyli wcześniejsi badacze [m.in. William Masters i Virginia Johnson 1975] i z tego wnioskuje się, że zaburzenia u kobiet i u mężczyzn są podobne) – ignoruje się w ten sposób wpływy kultury i nierówności między płciami; — pomijanie kontekstu relacyjnego; — stawianie znaku równości między wszystkimi kobietami. W związku z tym, zdaniem Tiefer i innych sygnatariuszek manifestu, problemy seksualne powinno się dzielić na: — mające podłoże socjokulturowe, polityczne, ekonomiczne; — relacyjne; — psychologiczne; — związane z innymi trudnościami zdrowotnymi. Jaką rolę w tym – wydawałby się medyczno-terapeutycznym kontekście – mogą odegrać badania antropologiczne? W ramach kampanii New View terapeutki ściśle współpracowały z badaczkami społecznymi, które analizowały kulturowe znaczenie leków poprawiających sprawność seksualną (Fishman, Mamo 2002), a także procesy towarzyszące opracowywaniu nowych leków (Fishman 2012). Antropolożka Jeniffer Fishman przeprowadziła badania etno- �Magdalena Grabowska, Agnieszka Kościańska 284 graficzne (obserwacja uczestnicząca, wywiady pogłębione i analiza publikacji specjalistycznych) i pokazała związki lekarzy z firmami farmaceutycznymi, do których dochodzi w procesie testowania i promowania nowych, jeszcze niezarejestrowanych leków. W związku z tym, że leki na zaburzenia erekcji okazały się bardzo dochodowe, koncerny starają się stworzyć ich odpowiednik dla kobiet, czyli magiczną pigułkę na zaburzenia seksualne u kobiet. To jednak okazało się znacznie trudniejsze, przede wszystkim z tego względu, że zaburzenia seksualne u kobiet nie są tak jasno zdefiniowane jak w przypadku mężczyzn: kobiety, które nie przeżywają orgazmu, mogą nie uważać tego za problem i być usatysfakcjonowane ze swojego życia seksualnego; również niskie libido może być przez nie w pełni akceptowane. Dlatego, aby skutecznie wprowadzić na rynek „różową viagrę”, trzeba nie tylko wynaleźć substancję chemiczną, ale też skonstruować zaburzenie: wpłynąć na jego opis w klasyfikacji chorób oraz odkryć grupę docelową (tj. przekonać kobiety, że mają problemy), a także zasugerować lekarzom, że warto zapisywać leki. Fishman pokazuje, że za pośrednictwem finansowania badań i szkoleń, firmy farmaceutyczne zaskarbiają sobie sympatię lekarzy6. W Stanach Zjednoczonych, podobnie jak w wielu innych krajach, koncerny nie mogą promować niezarejestrowanych leków ani pozarejestracyjnego stosowania rejestrowanych7. Wspierają jednak naukowców, którzy to robią. Fishman pisze m.in. o siostrach Berman, urolożce i psycholożce z Uniwersytetu Kalifornijskiego w Los Angeles, współpracujących z jednym z koncernów: W lutym 2001 r. siostry Berman wystąpiły dwukrotnie w programie telewizyjnym Oprah Winfrey [...]. W obu godzinnych programach były „ekspertkami” pytanymi o to, „dlaczego kobiety nie chcą uprawiać seksu” i w jaki sposób najnowsze badania medyczne mogą pomóc kobietom w osiągnięciu satysfakcji z życia seksualnego (Fishman 2012, s. 202–203). W swojej książce lekarki: Informują [...] o „nowościach” w dziedzinie medycznych badań nad kobiecą seksualnością oraz nowych specyfikach i sposobach leczenia, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem viagry i terapii testosteronowej (Fishman 2012, s. 203).  Trzeba w tym miejscu pamiętać, że w Stanach Zjednoczonych często fundusze od prywatnych darczyńców (w tym przypadku przemysłu) są jedynymi dostępnymi źródłami finansowania badań naukowych. 7 Użycie pozarejestracyjne polega na tym, że lekarz na daną chorobę zapisuje pacjentom lek, który co prawda uzyskał rejestrację w danym kraju, ale nie na tę chorobę, np. będzie to zapisywanie viagry – specyfiku dopuszczonego do użycia dla mężczyzn z zaburzeniami erekcji – kobietom z problemami seksualnymi. 6 �Antropologia stosowana i zaangażowana... 285 Choć, jak wspominałyśmy, firmy farmaceutyczne nie mogą informować pacjentów o lekach niezarejestrowanych na dane zaburzenia, zupełnie legalnie mogą to robić lekarze, np. siostry Berman. W ich książce „przeczytamy, że dr Jennifer Berman często przepisuje viagrę kobietom i że może ona pomagać w problemach seksualnych” (Fishman 2012, s. 203). Ich działalność poszła jeszcze dalej: Berman założyły własną stronę internetową w 2001 r. – www.newshe com Network for Excellence in Women’s Sexual Health (Sieć na rzecz doskonałości zdrowia seksualnego kobiet). Podobnie jak ich książka, strona miała „pomagać kobietom radzić sobie z problemami funkcji seksualnych” [...]. Na stronie znajdują się również banery reklamowe, za które Berman otrzymują wynagrodzenie, firm farmaceutycznych i produkujących środki medyczne. Poza tym zimą 2002/2003 r. opublikowano tam przynajmniej trzy reklamy (wyraźnie oznaczone) zamówione przez „główne firmy farmaceutyczne”, rekrutujące ochotniczki do testów klinicznych środków leczących kobiety z FSD (zaburzenia seksualne u kobiet – przyp. AK). Popularność Berman i ich status osób sławnych przyciągają odwiedzających stronę, a to prowadzi do kontaktu potencjalnych konsumentek z nowymi lekami i firmami farmaceutycznymi. Entuzjastyczna reakcja kobiet na wydanie książki i występy u Oprah pokazują, że Berman zidentyfikowały rynek kobiet, które szukają rozwiązania problemów seksualnych. Strona ta przyczynia się również do stworzenia rynku kobiet z „zaburzeniami seksualnymi” przez skapitalizowanie już istniejącego u kobiet poczucia seksualnego niedoboru (Fishman 2012, s. 204). Fishman w następujący sposób interpretuje tę stronę: Częściowo stronę tę można postrzegać jako „sprzedaż FSD” publiczności (Tiefer 2001). Nowe rynki dla terapii farmaceutycznych mogą być tworzone przez nowe kryteria diagnostyczne, a także kiedy eksperci informują o istnieniu zaburzenia bezpośrednio tych, którzy mogą rozpoznawać u siebie jego objawy [...]. Dzięki temu, że strona prowadzona jest przez badaczy medycznych, uzyskała legitymizację, która jest konieczną częścią reklamy i handlu FSD i potencjalnymi terapiami tego zaburzenia (Fishman 2012, s. 204). Działalność sióstr to tylko jeden z przykładów przytaczanych przez Fishman. Szczegółowo śledzi ona wpływ firm farmaceutycznych na lekarzy: często finansują one szkolenia i badania naukowe. Badania Fishman to przykład zaangażowania antropologii w feminizm. Pomogły pokazać (wymiar demistyfikacyjny), że coraz częstsze omawianie w mediach zaburzeń seksualnych nie jest rezultatem nagłej ich epidemii, �286 Magdalena Grabowska, Agnieszka Kościańska a raczej wynika ze skrupulatnie zaplanowanych działań wielkiego przemysłu; dostarczyły bardzo szczegółowych przykładów tego, jak ten proces się odbywa; wskazały nie tylko uwarunkowania kulturowe, ale też społeczne, a przede wszystkim ekonomiczne we współczesnym podejściu do kobiecej seksualności, wspomagając w ten sposób kampanię aktywistyczną na rzecz nowego podejścia do kobiecej seksualności (wymiar upodmiotowiający). Przykłady projektów studenckich: przekładanie się wiedzy antropologicznej na praktykę Najważniejszym celem warsztatów z zakresu antropologii zaangażowanej jest unaocznienie studentom praktycznej wartości prowadzonych przez nich badań oraz ukazanie możliwości kreowania zmiany społecznej w kwestiach związanych z płcią i seksualnością. Projekty studenckie realizowane w ramach warsztatów antropologii stosowanej, prowadzonych w Instytucie Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, dotyczą rozmaitych kwestii związanych z płcią i seksualnością, między innymi zdrowia reprodukcyjnego uchodźczyń z Czeczenii przebywających na terytorium RP, prawnej i społeczno-politycznej sytuacji osób transseksualnych i transpłciowych w Polsce, określenia aktualnych potrzeb klientów w ramach projektu związanego z profilaktyką HIV/AIDS „Bezpieczniejsze związki”, współpracy pomiędzy organizacjami kobiecymi w Polsce i na Ukrainie oraz seksualności osób z zespołem Downa. Indywidualne badania studentów odnoszą się do rozmaitych aspektów metodologii badań feministycznych: część z nich ma charakter upodmiotowiający (na przykład badania nad autodefinicją oraz potrzebami wybranych mniejszości seksualnych), inne to projekty demistyfikacyjne (analiza pracy organizacji pozarządowych działających na rzecz rozmaitych grup kobiet, na przykład imigrantek). Kluczowa dla powodzenia projektów studenckich jest forma prezentacji wyników badań: ważne jest nie tylko, aby badania miały charakter ukierunkowany na potrzeby konkretnych grup społecznych i/lub organizacji działających na rzecz grup społecznych, ale również aby ich wyniki prezentowane były w formie i w przestrzeni umożliwiającej dialog pomiędzy wiedzą teoretyczną, praktyką badawczą i codziennymi działaniami grup społecznych i organizacji pozarządowych. W ramach warsztatów prowadzonych w IEAK część badań studentów dotyczyła kwestii ważnych dla rozmaitych marginalizowanych grup społecznych: imigrantek czy osób transpłciowych. Indywidualne projekty studenckie realizowane były we współpracy z rozmaitymi organizacjami pozarządowymi, takimi jak Lambda Warszawa, Federacja �Antropologia stosowana i zaangażowana... 287 na Rzecz Kobiet i Planowania Rodziny (grupa Ponton) oraz Transfuzja8. Różnorodna była również forma, w jakiej uczestnicy warsztatów prezentowali wyniki swoich badań, na przykład raport zawierający ewaluację działań organizacji na rzecz danej grupy, propozycja artykułu w prasie, wystąpienie w panelu, w którym udział biorą przedstawiciele/przedstawicielki organizacji pozarządowych, raport przedłożony organizacji na temat tożsamości i potrzeb potencjalnej grupy docelowej. Niektórzy studenci wybrali również pozainstytucjonalne formy prezentacji wyników swoich badań, na przykład w formie przedstawienia teatralnego lub filmu dokumentalnego. Jednak zarówno w przypadku ścisłej współpracy studenta/studentki/badacza/badaczki z organizacją pozarządową, jak i skupienia się na pozainstytucjonalnej formie przekazu uzyskanych wyników, wszystkie projekty studenckie zawierały w sobie element zaangażowania społecznego, przejawiający się w dążeniu do zastosowania wiedzy teoretycznej i narzędzi badawczych w przestrzeni pozaakademickiej. Konkluzja Badania typowe dla antropologii, tj. badania jakościowe, etnograficzne, biorące pod uwagę relacje władzy w terenie i uwarunkowania kształtujące wiedzę oraz kładące nacisk na autorefleksyjność badacza czy badaczki, mogą wspierać zmianę społeczną w kwestiach związanych z płcią i seksualnością i współdziałać z feminizmem. Antropologia stosowana i zaangażowana może spełniać cele badań feministycznych: demistyfikować ogólnie przyjętą wiedzę i upodmiotowiać wykluczonych. Literatura Abu-Lughod L. 2012 – Ideologia i polityka uczuć, przeł. A. Kościańska, M. Petryk, w: Emocje w kulturze, red. M. Rajtar, J. Straczuk, Warszawa, s. 301–325. Ardener E. 1975 – Belief and the problem of women, w: Perceiving Women, red. Sh. Ardener, New York. 8  Wymienione projekty realizowane były przez uczestniczki i uczestników zajęć Antropologia stosowana, prowadzonych w Instytucie Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego: Jakuba Hińczę, Paulinę Kobzę, Małgorzatę Machnik, Gaję Mount, Agatę Rybus, Edytę Wasowską. �288 Magdalena Grabowska, Agnieszka Kościańska Baer M. 2004a – Najzdrowszy ze sceptycyzmów? Koncepcje płci i seksualności w antropologii społeczno-kulturowej, w: Gender. Konteksty, red. M. Radkiewicz, Kraków, s. 11–25. 2004b – Między antropologią a aktywizmem. Użycia i nadużycia paradygmatu wielorakich płci, „Zeszyty Etnologii Wrocławskiej”, nr 1(6), s. 23–35. 2005 – Ku pluralistycznej wspólnotowości, „(op.cit.) Maszyna Interpretacyjna”, nr 6, s. 6–7. Bennett J. 2010 – Antropologia stosowana i antropologia w działaniu. Aspekty ideologiczne i pojęciowe, przeł. A. Kościańska, M. Petryk, w: Badania w działaniu. Pedagogika i antropologia zaangażowane, red. H. Červinkova, B.D. Gołębniak, Wrocław. Busza J. 2012 – Usługi seksualne, migracja i niebezpieczeństwa płynące z przesadnych uproszczeń. Wietnamki w Kambodży – studium przypadku, w: Antropologia seksualności. Teoria, etnografia, zastosowanie, przeł. M. Petryk, red. A. Kościańska, Warszawa, s. 322–337. Červinkova H., Gołębniak B.D. (red.) 2010 – Badania w działaniu. Pedagogika i antropologia zaangażowane, Wrocław. Collins P.H. 1998 – Fighting Words: Black Women and the Search for Justice, Minneapolis. Fishman J.R. 2012 – Produkcja pożądania. Utowarowienie zaburzeń seksualnych u kobiet, w: Antropologia seksualności. Teoria, etnografia, zastosowanie, przeł. M. Petryk, red. A. Kościańska, Warszawa, s. 183–217. Foley Douglas E. 2010 – Projekt Lisy. Rewizja, przeł. A. Kościańska, M. Petryk, w: Badania w działaniu. Pedagogika i antropologia zaangażowane, red. H. Červinkova, B.D. Gołębniak, Wrocław. Freire P. 1967 – Pedagogy of the Opressed Published, New York. Harding S. 1987 – Science Question in Feminism, Ithaca. Hawkesworth M. 2006 – Globalization and Feminist Activism, New York. Hite S. 1976 – The Hite Report. A Nationwide Study of Female Sexuality, New York. �Antropologia stosowana i zaangażowana... 289 Katz J. 1976 – Gay American History, New York. Katz J. 1983 – Gay/Lesbian Almanac, New York. Kościańska A. 2012 – Antropologiczne badania seksualności i ich zastosowanie, w: Antropologia seksualności. Teoria, etnografia, zastosowanie, red. A. Kościańska, Warszawa. Lassiter L.E. 2010 – Etnografia współpracująca i antropologia publiczna, przeł. A. Kościańska, M. Petryk, w: Badania w działaniu. Pedagogika i antropologia zaangażowane, red. H. Červinkova, B.D. Gołębniak, Wrocław. Lorde A. 1984 – Transformation from silence to action, w: Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches, New York. Masters W.H., Johnson V.E. 1975 – Współżycie seksualne człowieka, przeł. R. Klimek, Warszawa. Mead M. 1986 – Dojrzewanie na Samoa, przeł. Ewa Życieńska, w: M. Mead, Trzy studia, Warszawa. Moore H.L. 1988 – Feminism and anthropology, Cambridge. Okely J. 2007 – Gendered Lessons in Ivory Towers, w: Identity and networks: fashioning gender and ethnicity across cultures, (red.) D.F. Bryceson, J. Okely, J. Webber, Oxford, Berghahn. Olszewska-Dyoniziak B. 2000 – Zarys antropologii kulturowej, Zielona Góra. Piotrowska J., Synakiewicz A. (red.) 2011 – Dość milczenia. Przemoc seksualna wobec kobiet i problem gwałtu w Polsce, Warszawa. Reinharz S. 1992 – Feminist Methods in Social Research, Oxford. Sandoval Ch. 2000 – Methodology of the Oppressed, Mineapolis. �290 Magdalena Grabowska, Agnieszka Kościańska Scheper-Hughes N. 2010 – Prymat etyki. Perspektywa walczącej antropologii, przeł. K. Liszka, w: Badania w działaniu. Pedagogika i antropologia zaangażowane, red. H. Červinkova, B.D. Gołębniak, Wrocław. Spivak Gayatri Ch. 1987 – Post-structuralism, Marginality, Post-coloniality, and Value, „Sociocriticism” 5(2) [10], 43–81. Staszczak Z. (red.) 1987 – Słownik etnologiczny: terminy ogólne, Warszawa, Poznań. Strathern M. 1987 – An awkward relationship: the case of feminism and anthropology, „Signs. Journal of Women in Culture and Society”, t. 12, nr 2, s. 276–292. Tax S. 2010 – Projekt Lisy, przeł. A. Kościańska, M. Petryk, w: Badania w działaniu. Pedagogika i antropologia zaangażowane, red. H. Červinkova, B.D. Gołębniak, Wrocław. Tiefer L. 2000 – Sexology and the Pharmaceutical Industry: The Threat of Co-option, „Journal of Sex Research”, t. 37, nr 3, s. 273–283. 2001 – Arriving at a „New View” of Women’s Sexual Problems: Background, Theory, and Activism, „Women & Therapy”, t. 24, nr 1/2, s. 63–98. Vance C.S. 1991 – Anthropology Rediscovers Sexuality: A Theoretical Comment, „Social Science and Medicine”, t. 33, nr 8, s. 875–884. 2007 – Konstruktywizm społeczny: kłopoty z historią seksualności, przeł. A. Kościańska, w: Gender. Perspektywa antropologiczna, t. 2, Kobiecość, męskość, seksualność, red. R.E. Hryciuk, A. Kościańska, Warszawa. 2011 – Thinking Trafficking, Thinking Sex, „GLQ”, t. 17, nr 1, s. 135–143. Wyka A. 1993 – Badacz społeczny wobec doświadczenia, Warszawa. �III �� https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/23ac3f8c10024254c40d0c246f5c1c51.pdf 11abc35d9e5c7089352fc1caf257035a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5003 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2011 Subject The topic of the resource Płeć i seksualność - aspekt antropologiczny Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4640 Title A name given to the resource Antropolog wobec współczesności Kulturowe konteksty naukowej wiedzy o seksualności/ Antropolog wobec współczesności Description An account of the resource Antropolog wobec współczesności pod red. Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.227-234 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kościańska, Agnieszka Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Agnieszka Kościańska Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Kulturowe konteksty naukowej wiedzy o seksualności Praca profesor Anny Zadrożyńskiej Etnologiczne problemy seksuologii. Symbolika płci w kul­ turach różnych ludów (1981) jest jednym z pierwszych polskich tekstów wykorzystu­ jących dokonania etnologii i antropologii kulturowej w studiach nad płcią i seksual­ nością. Podążając t y m tropem, w niniejszym artykule przyglądam się temu, jak dominujące w kulturze polskiej stereotypy płciowe i wyobrażenia na temat seksual­ ności przenikają się z nauką i medycyną. Analizuję jedną z pierwszych i zdecydowanie najpopularniejszą (sprzedano co najmniej siedem milionów egzemplarzy) polską książkę o seksualności - Sztukę kochania Michaliny Wisłockiej. Wpływ kulturowych wyobrażeń na temat płci na wiedzę naukową z zakresu sek­ sualności był przedmiotem zainteresowania wielu badaczy Michel Foucault poka­ zuje związek między scientia sexualis a władzą (Foucault 1995), Thomas Laqueur analizuje zachodzące w ciągu wieków zmiany w postrzeganiu ciała kobiecego i męs­ kiego czy masturbacji (Laqueur 1986, 2003). N a wpływ kultury na seksuologię zwracają uwagę też sami seksuolodzy i terapeuci: krytykują m.in. to, że wcześ¬ niejsze prace koncentrują się na relacji heteroseksualnej i związanymi z nią rolami płciowymi lub nie doceniają oddziaływania relacji władzy między partnerami na jakość pożycia (np. Długołęcka 2008, Kaschak i Tiefer 2001). Z kolei antropolożka Emily M a r t i n (2006) wskazuje, że w opisach naukowych relacje między plemnikiem a jajem bardzo przypominają relacje między mężczyzną a kobietą. W książce poświęconej historii amerykańskiej seksuologii socjolożka Janice M . Irvine dowodzi, że już sam moment narodzin tej dyscypliny jest związany z pewnymi założeniami dotyczącymi płci. Bez wątpienia dziełem, które wyznacza początek seksuologii w Stanach Zjednoczonych, jest raport Kinseya. Jak podkreśla Irvine, Alfred Kinsey dąży do wyników naukowych, obiektywnych. Jego raport jest oparty na 12 tysiącach wywiadów. Zeby zachować obiektywizm, Kinsey - zoolog z wykształcenia - starannie dobierał ankieterów: osoba taka powinna być szczęśli¬ wa w małżeństwie, ale musi móc dużo podróżować (to, zdaniem Kinseya, wyklucza227 �Agnieszka Kościańska ło kobiety bo jak mówił, kobieta nie może bez męża dużo podróżować i mieć zarazem udanego związku); mieć wykształcenie medyczne lub doktorat, ale jedno­ cześnie umieć rozmawiać z ludźmi z niższych warstw; powinna być urodzona w Stanach Zjenoczonych i znać kulturę amerykańską. Ponadto Kinsey nigdy nie zatrudniał nikogo o „dziwnym" etnicznym imieniu, unikał zwłaszcza Żydów, żeby nie zrażać protestantów. W efekcie ankieterzy Kinseya to niemal wyłącznie biali, heteroseksualni mężczyźni - WASP-owie (ang. White Anglo-Saxon Protestant). O n i reprezentowali, jego zdaniem, amerykańskie społeczeństwo i jego moralność, co w tej perspektywie było gwarancją zdobycia obiektywnych danych (Irvine 2005, s. 25). Również późniejsze prace seksuologiczne opieraja się na pewnych założeniach kulturowych i promują określony t y p seksualności. N a przykład uważane za rewolucyjne książki Virginii Johnson i Williama Mastersa (np. 1975) umiejscawiają seks w małżeństwie i wskazują na jego znaczenie właśnie w t y m kontekście (Irvine 2005, s. 39). Także w polskiej naukowej wiedzy o seksualności można zauważyć uwarunko­ wania kulturowe. Szczególnie widać to w kwestiach związanych z płcią: jak kobiety i mężczyźni są opisywani, jakie role są i m wyznaczane, jaka jest definicja udanego związku. Przyjrzyjmy się, jak ta kwestia wygląda w Sztuce kochania. Jak podaje autor­ ka, książkę oparła na doświadczeniach z 15 lat pracy lekarskiej (rozmowy z pacjentka¬ mi, odpowiadanie na listy kierowane do Poradni Korespondencyjnej Towarzystwa Planowania Rodziny oraz do miesięcznika „Zdrowie"), naukowej i publicystycznej. „Wojowałam uparcie o kulturę uczuć i seksu" - pisze Wisłocka (1978, s. 9). Porady których w ten sposób udzielała, dotyczyły trudności seksualnych, antykoncepcji i dolegliwości ginekologicznych. Jako ginekolożka, Wisłocka rozmawiała głównie z kobietami, ale Sztuka kochania - jak pisze - jest dla „obojga" (Wisłocka 1978, s. 10). Już w t y m momencie, na samym początku książki, widoczne jest, jak autorka rozu¬ mie rolę kobiety w związku: „Nie sądzę jednak, żeby to nastawienie było ujemną stroną książki, ponieważ w moim przekonaniu w kobiecych rękach leży kształt miłości i kultura życia uczuciowego rodziny" (Wisłocka 1978, s. 10). Sztuka kochania podejmuje kwestie takie jak: dojrzewanie płciowe, działanie hor¬ monów, psychika i fizjologia kobiet mężczyzn, budowa narządów płciowych, pierw¬ szy stosunek, relacje między płciami, zdrowie seksualne i antykoncepcja. Najwięk¬ sze zainteresowanie i zarazem największe kontrowersje budził rozdział Monotonia wrogiem miłości, w którym czytelnicy mogli znaleźć Przegląd podstawowych pozycji przy stosunku. Opisowi towarzyszyły rysunki: biała postać kobiety i czarna postać m꿬 czyzny w akcie miłosnym oraz szkice ilustrujące, jak w danej pozycji członek wcho­ dzi do pochwy Niektóre późniejsze wydania zostały wzbogacone o zdjęcia (np. War­ szawa: Graf-Punkt 1995). Autorka z kolei następne edycje uzupełniała o najnowsze odkrycia medyczne, głównie z zakresu antykoncepcji. 228 �Kulturowe konteksty naukowej wiedzy o seksualności Sztuka kochania była niewątpliwie dziełem rewolucyjnym, elektryzującym opinię publiczną i budzącym sprzeciw środowiska lekarskiego , cenzury i Kościoła. W w y ­ wiadzie udzielonym Darkowi Zaborkowi na krótko przed śmiercią Wisłocka o p o ­ wiadała: 1 G d y książka w r e s z c i e trafiła d o c e n z u r y czepiali się, ż e z d j ę c i a p o z y c j i są za duże, a b y ł y wielkości p o c z t ó w k i . Z m n i e j s z a l i ś m y aż się z r o b i ł y maleńkie jak z n a c z e k p o c z t o w y C o i m zrobiłam m n i e j s z y t o miał b y ć jeszcze m n i e j s z y I tak na okrągło. W k o ń c u jak już b y ł t a k i mały ż e nie b y ł o w i a d o m o , k t o baba, a k t o chłop, t o m ó w i ę d o naszego grafika: „Panie, z r ó b pan c h ł o p a czarnego, b a b ę białą, a l b o o d w r o t n i e , ż e b y b y ł o widać, c z y j e n o g i , c z y j e ręce, b o p r z e c i e ż t o w s z y s t k o r a z e m jest d o n i ¬ czego". Z r o b i ł i r z e c z y w i ś c i e b a r d z o c z y t e l n e są te r y s u n k i . W i ę c p o t e m p y t a l i : „Ale dlaczego biała k o b i e t a z M u r z y n e m ? " . T o b y ł n a j w i ę k s z y z a r z u t . [ . . . ] Jak c e n z u r a już się zgodziła, podpisała, p o d p i e c z ę t o w a ł a , Sztuka miała w y j ś ć za t r z y miesiące. A ż t u nagle n i e s p o d z i e w a n i e p r z y s z ł o d o Iskier k i l k u p a n ó w w d z i w n y c h kapeluszach, jak z filmu. Kazali d y r e k t o r o w i zamknąć lokal i z r o b i l i rewizję w biurkach p o kolei. D o s z l i d o w y d a w c z y n i , p a n i M ę c i n y a ona miała r o z u m na s w o i m m i e j s c u i poprosiła U r z ą d C e n z u r y o d w a e g z e m p l a r z e o p i e c z ę t o w a n e . D a l i d w a , j e d e n schowała g ł ę b o k o d o sejfu, d r u g i miała w szufladzie. „Proszę o d d a ć e g z e m p l a r z o p i e c z ę t o w a n y " . U z n a l i , że d o s t a l i w s z y s t k o . Ryzykowała, g d y b y znaleźli d r u g i , blada jej t w a r z ( W i s ł o c k a 2 0 0 4 ) . W końcu jednak: d o Iskier p r z y s z e d ł n o w y d y r e k t o r . A m ó j p r z y j a c i e l R y s i o W i ś n i o w s k i , t a k i działacz m ł o d z i e ż o w o - s o c j a l i s t y c z n y , ale i d z i e n n i k a r z , p o w i e d z i a ł : „Wiesz, z n a m t e g o pana, m y ś m y r a z e m d o g i m n a z j u m c h o d z i l i , p o g a d a m z n i m . K s i ą ż k a jest super, m o ż e za¬ n i m się połapie, t o ją puści". N o w y szef w y d a w n i c t w a p o l e c i a ł d o m i n i s t r a i mówi: „To s p o k o j n a książka dla m a ł ż o n k ó w , ż e b y się p o d s z k o l i l i i p o m o r d a c h nie b i l i , t a m t a r a m ta, t a m t a r a m t a " . A m i n i s t e r : „Tu na o k ł a d c e z r o b i pan pana m ł o d e g o w muszce i p a n n ę m ł o d ą w w i e ń c u i t o b ę d z i e para ślubna z w e l o n e m . I już nie b ę d ą g a d a ć , ż e t o jest takie r o z p u s t n e , b o jak dla małżeństw, t o dla m a ł ż e ń s t w " ( W i s ł o c k a 2 0 0 4 ) . I rzeczywiście, na okładce pierwszego wydania (1978) jest rysunek przedstawia­ jący młodą parę. Uważna lektura książki pokazuje, że okładka zaproponowana przez komunistycznego decydenta dobrze oddawała treść książki. Wisłocka często zwra­ ca się do małżeństw, proponuje rozwiązania mające na celu przełamanie - jak to na1 Wisłocka tak t o w s p o m i n a w w y w i a d z i e z 2004 r.: „Kozakiewicz w swojej recenzji powyrzucał m i rzeczowe wyjaśnienia, rozwalając szereg p r o p o z y c j i dla pacjentów. Z e t o w y p r z e d z a n i e zaintereso­ wań l u d z i , że nie można proponować rzeczy, którymi się nie interesują. Uważał, że przewlekłe stany zapalne p r z y p i e r w s z y m stosunku, p r z y uszkodzeniu błony t o temat nie d o pisania. O n a n i z m t o na¬ stępny grzech, którego się czepiali, że jest taki strasznie szkodliwy. Po onanizmie i antykoncepcji re¬ cenzenci jeździli w tę i nazad. G d y b y m poprawiła według t y c h uwag, książka nadawałaby się na śmiet­ nik" (Wisłocka 2004). 229 �Agnieszka Kościańska zywa - nudy w małżeństwie. Autorka czerpie zatem z głównego nurtu seksuologii amerykańskiej tego okresu, prac Mastersa i Johnson, które - jak wspominałam - rów¬ nież są skierowane do małżeństw. Przyjrzyjmy się więc koncepcjom kobiecości i męskości, na których opiera się Wisłocka. Jawnie krytykuje, pojawiającą się w wielu amerykańskich pracach seksuo­ logicznych (m.in. u Kinseya), ideę podobieństwa kobiet i mężczyzn . Różnica mię¬ dzy nimi wynika - zdaniem Wisłockiej - przede wszystkim z działania hormonów i jest szczególnie istotna w okresie dojrzewania. Mężczyźni (zwłaszcza młodzi) nie mogą kontrolować swoich zachowań seksualnych. Odpowiedzialność spoczywa na kobietach. N a w e t w sytuacjach tak drastycznych jak gwałt: 2 O g l ą d a j ą c s p r a w o z d a n i a f i l m o w e d o t y c z ą c e z b i o r o w y c h g w a ł t ó w zastanawiałam się, c z y w w i e l u w y p a d k a c h „ofiary" gwałtu i n d y w i d u a l n e g o l u b z b i o r o w e g o nie są tak samo w i n n e zaistniałej s y t u a c j i jak gwałciciele, a w o s t a t e c z n y m efekcie t y l k o b a r d z i e j p o k r z y w d z o n e ? M o ż e n a w e t s ł o w o „winna" w s t o s u n k u d o d z i e w c z y n y nie jest słuszne, raczej n a l e ż y się o n o r o d z i c o m i w y c h o w a w c o m ( W i s ł o c k a 1978, s. 4 1 ) . Autorka wiąże to ze zmianą obyczajów: Z a c z a s ó w n a s z y c h mam i b a b e k b y ł o nie d o p o m y ś l e n i a , ż e b y m ł o d a d z i e w c z y n a udawała się z p r z y g o d n i e p o z n a n y m m ę ż c z y z n ą na spacer, d o l o k a l u c z y w miejsce o d l u d n e . O s ł a w i o n e „ p r z y z w o i t k i " t a m t y c h c z a s ó w , wysyłane p r z e z r o d z i c ó w dla t o ­ w a r z y s t w a córki s p o t y k a j ą c e j się z m ł o d y m c z ł o w i e k i e m , miały z a p o b i e c n i e o c z e k i ¬ w a n y m agresjom f i z y c z n y m za s t r o n y m ę ż c z y z n y . D z i ś ś m i e j e m y się z tego. D z i e w c z ę t a c h o d z ą z mało z n a n y m i c h ł o p c a m i na w y c i e c z ­ k i , pozwalają się p o d r y w a ć na u l i c y n i e z n a n y m m ę ż c z y z n o m , z g a d z a j ą się na p ó j ś c i e z n i m i d o o b c e g o mieszkania c z y d o lasu. W y d a j e i m się, ż e są t o o b j a w y p o s t ę p u i n o w o c z e s n o ś c i , a nie k a r y g o d n e j l e k k o m y ś l n o ś c i . R o d z i c e , niestety, r ó w n i e ż nie zdają sobie c z ę s t o s p r a w y z n i e b e z p i e c z e ń s t w a t a k i e g o p o s t ę p o w a n i a i nie u p r z e d z a ¬ ją d z i e w c z ą t o g r o ż ą c y c h i m k o n s e k w e n c j a c h ( W i s ł o c k a 1978, s. 4 1 ) . W y n i k a to, jak wspominałam, z działania hormonów: C h ł o p a k nie ma wpływu na w y s o k o ś ć s w o j e g o napięcia seksualnego, ale d z i e w c z y n a p o w i n n a w i e d z i e ć , ż e każda sytuacja z w y ż e j w y m i e n i o n y c h staje się dla niego jawną p r o p o z y c j ą d o „gwałtu", i jeżeli nie chce b y ć z g w a ł c o n a , nie p o w i n n a dawać p o t e m u o k a z j i . [ . ] N i e s t e t y , g d y analizuje się d o k ł a d n i e s p r a w o z d a n i a s ą d o w e i p r a s o w e na t e n t e m a t , w p r z e w a ż a j ą c e j w i ę k s z o ś c i w y p a d k ó w s t w i e r d z a m y z g o d ę d z i e w c z y n y na p ó j ś c i e d o mieszkania, d o lasu c z y w o d l u d n e miejsce z p r z e d chwilą p o z n a n y m c h ł o p c e m " ( W i s ł o c k a 1978, s. 4 1 - 4 2 ) . 2 R ó w n i e ż Masters i Johnson, z których Wisłocka czerpie, dowodzą, że istnieją liczne p o d o b i e ń s t ­ wa między kobietami i mężczyznami, zob. Irvine 2005, s. 6 0 - 6 2 . 230 �Kulturowe konteksty naukowej wiedzy o seksualności I tylko popularyzacja tej wiedzy może być - zdaniem autorki - równie skutecz¬ na co przyzwoitki: S ą d z ę , że szeroka p o p u l a r y z a c j a w i e d z y o p r o c e s a c h f i z j o l o g i c z n y c h z a c h o d z ą c y c h w w i e k u m ł o d z i e ń c z y m w o r g a n i z m i e c h ł o p c ó w i d z i e w c z ą t p o w i n n a d a ć w efekcie ostrożniejsze korzystanie przez dziewczęta z wywalczonej z trudem równości w o b e c c h ł o p c ó w . [ . ] W d z i e d z i n i e seksu p o s t ę p i z r ó w n a n i e p r a w d z i e w c z ą t i c h ł o p c ó w wyprzedziły znacznie wiedzę o niewzruszonych prawach rządzących przemianami fizjologicznymi i p s y c h i c z n y m i w organizmie młodzieży i pozostawiły dziewczęta w jakimś sensie b e z b r o n n e , narażone na agresję seksualną ( W i s ł o c k a 1978, s. 4 2 ) . Autorka podkreśla też, że kobieta jest odpowiedzialna nie tylko za siebie, ale też za mężczyznę: C h ł o p c ó w natomiast p o n i e s i o n y c h napięciami seksualnymi, b a r d z o gwałtownymi w t y m w i e k u , zwykła l e k k o m y ś l n o ś ć d z i e w c z ą t naraża na k o m p r o m i t a c j ę , k a r y s ą d o w e i n i e ­ j e d n o k r o t n e w y k o l e j e n i e się z d r o g i p r a w i d ł o w e g o r o z w o j u już w latach m ł o d z i e ń ­ c z y c h ( W i s ł o c k a 1978, s. 4 2 ) . 3 Młode kobiety, idąc z mężczyzną w odludne miejsce, kierują się uczuciem: „u dziewcząt w t y m wieku (jak i przez całe życie) dominuje uczucie, podświadomy instynkt macierzyński". O w e uczucia i instynkt leżą u podłoża relacji z mężczyzna­ mi. Dziewczęta „wiją gniazdo" i opiekują się nimi (np. gotują i m ; Wisłocka doradza dietę bogatą w mięso, jeśli chcą, by mąż był sprawny seksualnie). Kobiety, będąc odpowiedzialne za siebie, mężczyznę i za rodzinę, mają „kobie¬ ce" metody kontroli mężczyzn. C i ostatni nie lubią k r y t y k i i np. nie lubią chodzić do dentysty - kobiety powinny swoje uwagi (np. dotyczące uprzykrzającego współży¬ cie seksualne fatalnego stanu uzębienia męża) przedstawić drogą okrężną, nie wprost. Kobieta kontroluje też życie seksualne i uczuciowe - „kobieta buduje miłość dla obojga" (Wisłocka 1978, s. 150), jej rolą jest hamowanie „zapędów partnera, nie p o ­ winna przejmować inicjatywy ponieważ to może zabić związek" (s. 151). Wisłocka (odwołująca się i do autorytetu nauki, i do tradycji) od razu odpowiada na ewentu¬ alną krytykę: T u z a k r z y k n i e c i e na m n i e z o b u r z e n i e m : - A g d z i e r ó w n o u p r a w n i e n i e ? W sferze płci nie ma i nie b ę d z i e n i g d y i d e n t y c z n o ś c i o d c z u w a n i a . Z z a s a d n i c z y m i r ó ż n i c a m i i o d m i e n n o ś c i ą p s y c h o s e k s u a l n ą m ę ż c z y z n y i k o b i e t y trzeba się p o g o d z i ć jak z fak¬ t e m , ż e m ę ż c z y z n a n i g d y nie b ę d z i e r o d z i ł d z i e c i . [ . . . ] N a s z e babcie twierdziły że „ m ę ż c z y z n a t o myśliwy a k o b i e t a - ptaszka, na k t ó r ą p o l u j e " . I m t r u d n i e j s z a d o upo¬ l o w a n i a c z y złowienia, t y m cenniejsza. N i e o d b i e r a j c i e , d z i e w c z ę t a , w a s z y m c h ł o p - 3 W a r t o zaznaczyć, że w kolejnych wydaniach Sztuki kochania f r a g m e n t y te nie zostały usunięte (np. G r a f - P u n k t 1995, W y d a w n i c t w o Jacek Santorski & C o 2002). 231 �Agnieszka Kościańska c o m p r z y j e m n o ś c i p o l o w a n i a na c e n n ą z d o b y c z . S p ó j r z c i e na n i e s ł y c h a n i e d u m n e i r o z r a d o w a n e m i n y panów, k t ó r z y na łamach gazet c z y p r z e d ekranem t e l e w i z y j n y m p o k a z u j ą z t r i u m f e m taaaką r y b ę z ł o w i o n ą w ł a s n o r ę c z n i e . A b s o l u t n e s z c z ę ś c i e m a l u ­ je się na i c h o b l i c z u . Sam złowił taką r y b ę , jaką n i e w i e l u m o ż e się p o c h w a l i ć ( W i ­ słocka 1978, s. 152). Kobiety mają więc siłę oddziaływania, ale jest to siła szczególna, można powie­ dzieć zakulisowa. I w tej książce, i w swych innych publikacjach Wisłocka bardzo krytycznie odnosi się do postulatów feminizmu liberalnego i konstruktywistycznego myślenia o płci . C z y jednak Sztuka kochania to książka, która wyłącznie utrwala stereotypy płciowe? O t ó ż nie. Wisłocka wyraźnie pisze, że kobieta ma prawo do przyjemności seksualnej i że to kobieta decyduje o t y m , czy chce mieć dziecko. Krytykuje pornografię za odhumanizowanie ciała kobiecego. Radzi, jak zabezpie­ czyć się przed niechcianą ciążą i jak osiągnąć przyjemność. Jednak metody przez nią proponowane - szczególnie jeśli chodzi o ostatnią z tych kwestii - opierają się w dużej mierze na stereotypach płciowych i owe stereotypy utrwalają. Te wyobra¬ żenia na temat kobiecości i męskości są wzmacniane przez autorytet nauki i wyra¬ żane w języku odwołującym się do hormonów. Jednocześnie ten sam język nauki służy do tego, by opisać techniki życia seksualnego i metody osiągania przez kobie¬ ty orgazmu w sposób odważny i zdecydowanie kobiety emancypujący. 4 Taka wizja kobiecości i męskości z jednej strony harmonizuje z wyobrażeniami na ten temat dominującymi w Polsce lat 70. X X w., z drugiej - jest z nimi sprzeczna. Jak piszą Mirosława Marody i Anna Giza Poleszczuk (2000), prasa popularna z tego okresu przedstawia kobiety jako dzielne ofiary a mężczyzn jako duże dzieci. Kobie­ ty dbają o mężów i pomagają im dla dobra rodziny Poświęcają się, pozwalają im wy¬ chodzić z inicjatywą, nawet jeśli to one były pomysłodawczyniami. Seksualność w tym okresie jest nieobecna, jeśli się pojawia - jest raczej zadaniem. T u Wisłocka za­ uważa problem. W latach 70. seksualność w dyskursie oficjalnym prawie nie istnie­ je. N i e ma edukacji; udaje się, że nie ma przestępstw seksualnych. W tej ostatniej kwestii Wisłocka nie staje jednak na wysokości zadania. Jak pokazują badania Piotra Perkowskiego (2009), mimo że obowiązujący w t y m okresie kodeks przewidywał kary za gwałt - wyroki były bardzo rzadkie. T u przychodzą na myśl cytowane po¬ wyżej fragmenty Sztuki kochania. N i e należy się dziwić, że milicjanci i sędziowie nie traktowali ofiar gwałtów poważnie, skoro postępowa lekarka obarczała je winą. 4 W książce Sztuka kochania. W dwadzieścia lat później (1988) Wisłocka poświęca dużo uwagi f e m i n i z ­ m o w i ( m . i n . obszernie k r y t y k u j e jedną z p i e r w s z y c h dostępnych po p o l s k u publikacji f e m i n i s t y c z ­ nych Nikt nie rodzi się kobietą p o d . r e d . Teresy H o ł ó w k i ) . Jej podejście d o b r z e streszcza następujący cytat: „Walka o prawa kobiet zaczęła się bardzo interesująco i stanowiła postęp po epoce »niewolnicy d o m o w e j « . Służyła szczęściu k o b i e t y i rodziny: Dalej nabierając z czasem rozpędu zaczyna służyć samej sobie i kończy się z b o c z e n i e m lesbijskim" (Wisłocka 1988, s. 30). 232 �Kulturowe konteksty naukowej wiedzy o seksualności Z kolei analiza prasy z końca lat 60., przeprowadzona przez Małgorzatę Szpakowską (2003, s. 73-82), pokazuje, że wiedza i edukacja w t y m zakresie były bardzo ogra¬ niczone, a wiele kobiet z powodu niewiedzy postrzegało współżycie jako torturę i grzech oraz panicznie bało się ciąży - Sztuka kochania mogła spowodować przełom w ich życiu . 5 W t y m sensie rola, jaką odegrała Sztuka kochania w wytwarzaniu dyskursu płci i seksualności, jest ambiwalentna - z jednej strony autorka bardzo dobrze diagnozu­ je problemy kobiet i częściowo dostarcza konkretnych narzędzi do rozwiązania tych problemów, z drugiej zaś - podobnie jak wiele innych prac naukowych doty¬ czących seksualności (zob. Fishman i M a m o 2001) - przyczynia się do utrwalania warunków kulturowych, które wytwarzają relacje władzy i przypisują określone role, a t y m samym owe problemy wywołują. Bibliografia Długołęcka A . 2008 Tworzenie intymnych związków, w: Kiedy kobieta kocha kobietę..., red. A . Długo­ łęcka i A. Engel-Bernatowicz, Warszawa, s. 115-160 Fishman J.R., Mamo L . 2001 What's is a disorder: a cultural analysis of medical and pharmaceutical constructions of male and female sexual dysfunction, W o m e n & Therapy", nr 1/2, s. 179-193 Foucault M . 1995 Historia seksualności, Warszawa Irvine J.M. 2005 Disorders of Desire. Sexuality Philadelphia and Qender in Modern American Sexology, Kaschak E., Tiefer L . (red.) 2001 A New View of Women's Sexual Problems, Binghamton, N e w York Laqueur T. 1986 2003 5 Orgasm, generation, and the politics of reproductive biology, Representations", nr 14, s. 1-41 Samotny seks. Kulturowa historia masturbacji, Kraków Szpakowska swoją analizę prasy uzupełnia odniesieniem d o społeczno-psychologicznych badań przeprowadzonych w t y m okresie przez Hannę Malewską. W n i o s k i Malewskiej są jednoznaczne: i m mniejsza wiedza, t y m gorsza jakość współżycia (zob. Szpakowska 2003, s. 75) 233 �Agnieszka Kościańska Marody M . , Giza-Poleszczuk A . 2000 Changing images of identity in Poland: from the self-sacrificing to the self-investing woman?, w: Reproducing Qender. Politics, Publics, and Everyday Life after Socialism, red. S. Gal, G. Kligman, Princeton M a r t i n E. 2007 Jajo i plemnik. Naukowy romans, w : Qender. Perspektywa antropologiczna, Kobiecość, męskość, seksualność, red. R.E. H r y c i u k , A . Kościańska, t. 1, Warsza­ wa, s. 33-49 Masters W . H . i Johnson V E . 1975 Niedobór seksualny człowieka, Warszawa Perkowski P. 2009 Przemoc seksualna wobec kobiet w świetle źródeł okresu Polski Ludowej, referat wygłoszony na konferencji Zapisy cierpienia, Warszawa, 15-16 kwietnia Szpakowska M . 2003 Chcieć i mieć. Samowiedza obyczajowa w Polsce czasu przemian, Warszawa Wisłocka M . 1978 Sztuka kochania, Warszawa 1988 2004 Sztuka kochania. W dwadzieścia lat później, Warszawa Seksualistka. Z Michaliną Wisłocką rozmawia Darek Zaborek, „Gazeta W y ¬ borcza", 20 września Zadrożyńska A. 1981 Etnologiczne problemy seksuologii. Symbolika płci w kulturach różnych ludów, w: Se¬ ksuologia kulturowa, red. K. Imieliński, Warszawa, s. 172-218 234 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/3f5bf8144393e6d1c89704bfbb3e8b8d.pdf 2e933a6a903fd4265cb7d31d66c24d5a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5014 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource czasopismo kolonializm historia Polski Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4651 Title A name given to the resource Polskie postulaty kolonialne na łamach „Ilustrowanego Kuriera Codziennego"/ Antropolog wobec współczesności Description An account of the resource tom w darze Profesor Annie Zadrożyńskiej Antropolog wobec współczesności; pod red.anny Malewskiej Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskiej-Walkowicz s.333-365 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kowalski, Marek Arpad Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Marek A r p a d Kowalski Warszawa Polskie postulaty kolonialne na łamach „Ilustrowanego Kuriera Codziennego" Opracowania dotyczące historii Polski w latach 1918-1939 w większości pomijają sprawę wysuwanych wówczas postulatów kolonialnych . Być może z perspektywy lat inaczej widzi się problemy polityki zagranicznej i wewnętrznej kraju. Ówczesne postulaty kolonialne postrzega się obecnie jako jej margines. Lecz wówczas była to sprawa żywo dyskutowana i także łącząca się z polityką zagraniczną. Zaskakująco żywo, biorąc pod uwagę obecną powszechną znajomość (czy raczej nieznajomość) tej problematyki. Rzadkie lub marginesowe poruszanie owego zagadnienia w pra­ cach historycznych zajmujących się dziejami II Rzeczypospolitej i w pracach antro­ pologicznych podejmujących temat ówczesnych zagadnień kulturowych może wy¬ nikać i z tego, że władze (kolejne rządy) wydawały się wzdragać przed bezpośred¬ nim zaangażowaniem w dyskurs kolonialny, a t y m bardziej w podejmowane akcje kolonialne,- ich głównym eksponentem była Liga Morska i Kolonialna . Ale, co cieka­ we, wiele miejsca poświęcała temu prasa. Także ta najbardziej popularna, najbardziej poczytna - najchętniej i najczęściej czytana. D o takich tytułów należał „Ilustrowa­ ny Kurier Codzienny". 1 2 Krakowskie, zrazu lokalne pismo, powstałe w 1910 r., jego założyciel Marian Dą­ browski uczynił po 1918 r. bodaj najbardziej znaczącym dziennikiem polskim. Za¬ równo pod względem wysokości nakładu, jak popularności, zasięgu społecznego i wpływu na opinię publiczną. W każdym razie „IKC" szybko zajął, pod względem znaczenia, jedno pierwszych miejsc w kraju. Nakłady dziennika stale wzrastały by osiągnąć 100 tysięcy egzemplarzy i dojść w 1937 r. do 150 tysięcy zaś niektórych numerów wyszło 200 tysięcy. Opiniotwórcza rola „IKC" nie polegała jednak tylko na imponującej na owe czasy wysokości nakładu. Pismo potrafiło bowiem dostosować się do upodobań czytel¬ ników, nie rezygnując wszakże z bardziej ambitnych tekstów. Doskonale zorgani- 1 W ś r ó d nielicznych opracowań poświęconych temu t e m a t o w i wymienić należy Garlicki 1969,-Białas 1983, Łossowski 2 0 0 1 , Tomaszewski i Landau 2005. 2 Sygnalizuję jedynie t o zagadnienie, zasługuje ono b o w i e m na odrębne omówienie. 333 przykładowo: �M a r e k A r p a d Kowalski zowano system kolportażu (nakład każdego numeru był rozprowadzany po całym kraju, w największej jednak liczbie w województwach południowych, centralnych i zachodnich) i druku (często się zdarzały kolorowe zdjęcia - ewenement tech­ niczny w owym czasie). Czytelników przyciągały również dodatki specjalistyczne; w każdym numerze jeden lub kilka, ukazujące się codziennie albo co jakiś czas, zazwyczaj w regularnych odstępach co tydzień (były to „Kurier Filmowy", „Kurier Gospodarczy", „Kurier Kobiecy", „Kurier Metampsychiczny", „Kurier Sportowy" by wspomnieć tylko niektóre). Liczny zespół, zarówno redakcyjny jak i techniczny administracyjny i usługowy (pod koniec lat 20. - ponad tysiąc zatrudnionych osób, w latach 30. - około 1500 osób) składał się z renomowanych dziennikarzy a współpracowało z pismem wielu uznanych publicystów i pisarzy (np. Jalu Kurek, W i t o l d Zechenter, Ferdynand Hoesick, Konrad Wrzos, L u d w i k Rubel, Zygmunt Nowakowski, Ksawery Pruszyński, Jerzy Giżycki, Mieczysław Lepecki, popularny autor powieści historycznych Wacław Gąsiorowski). N a łamy zapraszani byli też naukowcy rozmaitych dziedzin wiedzy i z rozmaitych (co starannie podkreślano) uniwersytetów. Podnosiło to w opinii publicznej powagę i rzetelność pisma. Zapewne popularność tego dziennika łączyła się i z tym, że nie był związany for¬ malnie z żadną partią czy ugrupowaniem politycznym, uchodził tedy za neutralny, acz jego lektura przekonuje, że był życzliwy obozowi rządzącemu po 1926 r., tyle że dy­ skretnie; był przy t y m od początku raczej antyendecki. Z pewną ostrożnością moż­ na określić pismo jako liberalne i przeciwne etatyzmowi, zarazem patriotyczne. „IKC" miał również kilka oddziałów krajowych - w Warszawie, Łodzi, Poznaniu, Katowicach, Wilnie, Lwowie, Bydgoszczy Grudziądzu, Lublinie i Kielcach - i k i l ­ kunastu korespondentów zagranicznych. Dziennik wyrobił sobie także swój styl: po¬ ważne artykuły i publicystyka podane w tonie zasadniczym, ale lekkim, czy też przystępnym, i sąsiadujące z sensacją. N i c dziwnego, że pismo należało do naj¬ bardziej znaczących w kraju (Maślanka 1976, Władyka 1988) . Skoro pismo o takim profilu sporo uwagi poświęcało polskim aspiracjom kolo¬ nialnym, można przypuszczać, że tematyka ta interesowała czytelników. Acz nie można wykluczyć, że pojawiające się na łamach „IKC" publicystyka kolonialna, sprawozdania, informacje i reportaże tego typu miały służyć popularyzacji idei kolonialnej w społeczeństwie. Być może wreszcie oba te aspekty łączyły się z sobą: „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny" odpowiadał na zainteresowania czytelnicze, zarazem służyły one propagandzie idei kolonialnej w społeczeństwie. 3 Trzeba w t y m miejscu wyjaśnić znaczenie słowa „kolonia", „kolonie" i pochod­ nych, tak jak je wówczas (w latach 1918-1939) pojmowano. Oznaczało ono zarów¬ no posiadłość, przeważnie zamorską, metropolii, podporządkowaną jej politycznie, 3 W swoich wspomnieniach Edward Mariusz Sokopp (1997, s. 54) określa „Ilustrowany Kurier C o d z i e n n y " jako d z i e n n i k popularny, trochę silący się na sensacyjność. A l e wiele ówczesnych tytułów uważających się za poważne nie stroniło o d pewnej dawki sensacyjności - trzeba było zdobywać i utrzymywać czytelników. 334 �Polskie p o s t u l a t y k o l o n i a l n e na ł a m a c h „ I l u s t r o w a n e g o Kuriera C o d z i e n n e g o " jak i grupę osób przebywającą na emigracji, a na ogół utrzymujących ze sobą kon¬ takty z racji wspólnego pochodzenia etnicznego (narodowego), wspólnoty języka, hi¬ storii, kultywowanych tradycji (pomijam określenie „kolonie" oznaczające obóz czy ośrodek wypoczynkowy dla młodzieży albo nowe przysiółki znajdujące się w pew­ nym oddaleniu od wsi właściwej, wreszcie miejskie nowo powstałe zespoły osadni­ cze - istnieją np. w Warszawie nazwy: kolonia Staszica czy Lubeckiego). Termin „ko¬ lonia" był więc wówczas wieloznaczny. W omawianym okresie stosowano po¬ wszechnie to określenie na przykład wobec emigrantów w Brazylii: „polska kolonia w Brazylii" czy też „polscy koloniści w Brazylii", mówiąc o Polakach, którzy osiedli w t y m kraju, słowo to obejmowało drugie lub nawet i trzecie pokolenie emigran¬ tów, poczuwających się jednak mniej lub bardziej wyraźnie do związków z krajem . Ówczesna prasa poświęcała tego typu koloniom sporo uwagi. Może i dlatego, że np. w Ameryce Południowej „kolonistów" uważano za pepinierę „kolonizacji", czyli za przyszłych ewentualnych pionierów zdobywających dla kraju nowe tereny - kolo¬ nie. Również „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny" często zamieszczał relacje o polskich kolonistach (czyli emigrantach i ich potomkach) w Brazylii i pozostałych państwach Ameryki Południowej, ale także w Stanach Zjednoczonych, Kanadzie i innych kra¬ jach świata (tam „koloniści" byli uważani jedynie za emigrantów). 4 Należy o t y m pamiętać, ponieważ postulaty kolonialne w II Rzeczypospolitej łą¬ czyły się ze sprawą emigracji: ambicja pozyskania dla Polski kolonii politycznych w jakiejś mierze była spowodowana także chęcią zwiększenia oraz usprawnienia czy ułatwienia emigracji z powodu - jak uważano - przeludnienia kraju . Emigracja osadnicza do Brazylii czy innych krajów Ameryki Południowej (a nawet do niektó­ rych państw europejskich) ograniczona była kwotami liczbowymi kraju imigracyjnego, regulującymi dopuszczalną liczbę rocznie przyjmowanych przybyszów. W przypadku własnych posiadłości tego typu ograniczenia administracyjne nie wchodziłyby w grę. Wracając do głównego nurtu rozważań: przez kolonie należy rozumieć, zgodnie z pojęciami omawianego okresu, posiadłości (zazwyczaj zamorskie) podległe p o l i ­ tycznie metropolii i przez nią zarządzane. Innymi słowy: 5 K o l o n i e p o l i t y c z n e są o b s z a r a m i s t a n o w i ą c y m i w ł a s n o ś ć jakiegoś państwa, n i e uważa­ jącego tego obszaru za c z ę ś ć własnego, właściwego obszaru państwowego. [ . . . ] ludność a u t o c h t o n i c z n a k o l o n i i nie jest l u d n o ś c i ą państwa kolonię posiadającego i w państwie 4 W ówczesnym języku, i w opracowaniach naukowych, i w tekstach popularnych, odróżniano nie­ k i e d y „kolonistów", pojmowanych jako osiedleńców-emigrantów, od „kolonizatorów" czy „kolonialistów" - zdobywców nowych terenów podległych politycznie krajowi, do tej grupy zaliczano „kolonistów" osiadłych w A m e r y c e Południowej czy plantatorów osiadłych w Afryce. C z ę ś c i e j mianem „kolonistów" obdarzano jednych i drugich. 5 Czasem negowano tezę o przeludnieniu Polski i sprzeciwiano się emigracji. N i e były t o zinstytucjo­ nalizowane ośrodki, lecz naukowcy i publicyści uważający, że Polska nie powinna uganiać się za mirażami kolonialnymi, ale dążyć do rozwoju gospodarczego, i że emigracja osłabia potencjał ludnościowy Polski. O s o b y te wywodziły się z tych samych kręgów politycznych i społecznych, co zwolennicy idei kolonialnej. 335 �M a r e k A r p a d Kowalski t y m nie posiada p r a w r ó w n y c h o b y w a t e l o m c z y t e ż p o d d a n y m państwa m a c i e r z y s ­ 6 tego ( Z a ł ę c k i 1930, s. 5 2 3 ) . Wypadałoby w t y m momencie podjąć próbę wyjaśnienia, jakie motywy decy¬ dowały o podjęciu w Polsce w latach 1918-1939 postulatów kolonialnych, by zrozu­ mieć, dlaczego ta tematyka gościła stosunkowo obficie na łamach „Ilustrowanego Kuriera Codziennego". Mianowicie: poczucie mocarstwowości Polski czy też dąże¬ nie do osiągnięcia takiego statusu (posiadanie kolonii było uważane za jedną z jego legitymizacji); uporządkowanie spraw emigracyjnych (posiadanie kolonii rozładowa¬ łoby domniemane przeludnienie kraju, a emigranci-osiedleńcy w koloniach utrzy¬ maliby siłą rzeczy związki z polskością, nie podlegając procesowi wynarodowienia); rozwiązanie kwestii tzw. żydowskiej (argument łączący się z emigracyjnym - osied­ lenie Żydów w koloniach zlikwidowałoby przeludnienie wsi i małych miasteczek, które zarazem stałyby się jednorodne etnicznie/narodowościowo); dostęp do su­ rowców i rozwój handlu (względy ekonomiczne). 7 Wszystkie te argumenty pojawiały się w publicystyce kolonialnej „Ilustrowanego Kuriera Codziennego". Czasem omawiane łącznie, czasem oddzielnie, zależnie od tego, który z nich autor postrzegał jako najważniejszy M i m o że szczegółowa eksplikacja tych motywów jest odrębnym zagadnieniem, należało je w skrócie podać, by pojąć ówczesne zafascynowanie postulatami kolonialnymi (pomijając zawsze pocią¬ gające tchnienie wielkiej przygody). Trudno precyzyjnie określić, kiedy sprawy kolonialne zaczynają wyraźnie po­ jawiać się w „Ilustrowanym Kurierze Codziennym". N i e zachowały się bowiem peł­ ne roczniki „IKC" z lat 1918-1919, jedynie kilka poszczególnych numerów. To samo dotyczy roku 1920 - istnieją jedynie numery: 1-32, 94, 162, 301. Zresztą można przyjąć, że w latach 1918-1920, co zrozumiałe, nie ma w piśmie żadnego zaintere¬ sowania koloniami. Dziennik koncentrował się na wojnie z Rosją Sowiecką, powsta¬ niach śląskich i walkach z Niemcami, plebiscycie na Śląsku, Śląsku Cieszyńskim, 6 Przyjmuję tę definicję jako obowiązującą w latach 1918-1939 w Polsce, jak i dla lepszego z r o z u ­ mienia p u b l i c y s t y k i kolonialnej na łamach „IKC". Była ona w t e d y powszechnie przyjmowana. 7 N i e należy tego stanowiska utożsamiać z a n t y s e m i t y z m e m , t a k i m jak dziś jest pojmowany. B y ł o ono, jak uważano, podyktowane konkurencją gospodarczą, przekonaniem, że Żydzi niejako „zmonopoli¬ zowali" w w i e l u wsiach i miasteczkach, szczególnie we wschodniej części kraju, handel i drobne rze¬ miosło, powodując bezrobocie, a zatem przyczyniając się pośrednio d o w z r o s t u l i c z b y t z w . zbędnych rąk do pracy. Była t o opinia niespójna i nielogiczna, lecz tak postrzegano sytuację w kraju. Pojawiające się w latach 1937-1938 hasło „Żydzi na Madagaskar" nie było hasłem warstw rządzących, mających wpływ na formułowanie oczekiwań kolonialnych, lecz N a r o d o w e j D e m o k r a c j i . Dążenia d o osiedlenia kolonistów-emigrantów na Madagaskarze miało na celu zapewnienie tam p o l s k i m b e z r o l n y m włas¬ nych gospodarstw. C h ę ć osiedlenia się na Madagaskarze wyrażali również Żydzi związani z ośrodka¬ m i syjonistycznymi szukającymi możliwości stworzenia namiastki własnej „siedziby narodowej", g d y B r y t y j c z y c y ograniczyli emigrację żydowską d o Palestyny: Polscy Żydzi przyłączyli się w t e d y do p o l ­ skich postulatów przewidujących emigrację (osadnictwo) na Madagaskarze. 336 �Polskie p o s t u l a t y k o l o n i a l n e na ł a m a c h „ I l u s t r o w a n e g o Kuriera C o d z i e n n e g o " Spiszu, Orawie, w regionie czadeckim i na Mazurach oraz na tworzeniu adminis­ tracji i rządu w kraju, wreszcie na scalaniu Rzeczypospolitej z trzech zaborów oraz Pomorza, Śląska i Kresów Wschodnich. Także rocznik 1921 jest wybitnie niepełny Zachowały się numery: 81, 153, 155, 157, 161, 182-183, 188-189, 199, 219-220, 222, 284, 322, 331-352. N i e c o bogatszy jest rocznik 1922 - zachowało się z tego okresu kilkadziesiąt (około 80) numerów. W żadnym z nich nie ma wzmianki o ko­ loniach. Roczniki 1923, 1924, 1925 - praktycznie nie istnieją; zachowały się jedynie poszczególne strony nielicznych numerów z tych lat, a i to w stanie szczątkowym. Nieco lepiej wygląda zawartość rocznika z 1926 r. - kilkadziesiąt numerów; bra­ kuje w nich wszelako wzmianek o polskich zainteresowaniach kolonialnych. Jedynie w nr. 280 z 11 października znajduje się redakcyjna informacja zatytułowana Nie­ mieckie apetyty kolonialne,, w kontekście jednak stosunków polsko-niemieckich. Rocznik 1927 jest prawie pełny, ale i w nim nie ma wzmianek o dążeniu do uzy¬ skania kolonii przez Polskę, jedynie kilka tekstów na temat emigracyjnego osadnict­ wa polskiego w Ameryce Południowej. W roczniku 1928 jeden tekst z nr. 293 (z 22 października) dotyka jakoś spraw ko­ lonialnych. Jest to zamieszczona pt. Konieczność dalszej propagandy idei morskiej w Polsce informacja ze zjazdu Ligi Morskiej i Rzecznej (poprzedniczki Ligi Morskiej i Kolo­ nialnej) - czytając o postulatach umocnienia Polski na morzu, można pośrednio d o ­ czytać się (raczej domyślać), że Polska powinna zainteresować się terytoriami za¬ morskimi. Dopiero roczniki 1929-1939 są pełne. Można z niejaką pewnością przyjąć, że problematyka kolonialna była nieobecna w „IKC" do 1926 r. Dopiero po maju 1926 r. zaczyna funkcjonować pojęcie Polski mocarstwowej i mowa jest o dążeniu do uzy¬ skania przez Rzeczpospolitą Polską statusu mocarstwa, co wiązało się z postulata¬ mi kolonialnymi (m.in.: Łossowski 2001; Tomaszewski i Landau 2005). C o prawda już w kalendarzu „IKC" na rok 1919 pojawia się artykuł A. Gadom­ skiego poświęcony wyprawie Stefana Szolca-Rogozińskiego do Kamerunu, niemniej tekst ten nie zapoczątkował dyskursu kolonialnego na łamach pisma. Było to - w okre­ sie walki o granice i scalania odradzającego się państwa - przypomnienie chwaleb­ nej historii Polski i dokonań Polaków w X I X w., mimo ucisku i nieistnienia kraju na mapie. Miał na celu raczej wzmożenie poczucia narodowego i państwowego, do¬ starczenie powodów do dumy z dziejów ojczystych. U progu odradzającej się nie¬ podległości był rodzajem propagandy, przypominał, że Polska nie powstaje na nowo, lecz odradza się, ma bowiem własną, dawną historię i osiągnięcia; jeśli nie formalnie jako państwo (Polska), to udział Polaków w tych osiągnięciach był niewątpliwy i rzutuje na współczesność. Inna sprawa, że w późniejszych latach postacie Stefana Szolca-Rogozińskiego i wcześniej działającego Maurycego Beniowskiego służyły jako uzasadnienie polskich praw do posiadania kolonii. Odwoływało się ono do praw - jak je określano - prawno-historycznych. Jak pisano: Beniowski był zdobyw¬ cą Madagaskaru, a Rogoziński - Kamerunu, z tego więc również tytułu należą się 337 �M a r e k A r p a d Kowalski Polsce posiadłości w tych dwu krajach, a przynajmniej należałoby wykroić (w przy­ padku Madagaskaru będącego kolonią Francji - przecież sojuszniczki Polski) frag¬ ment terytorium dla polskich plantatorów i osiedleńców, mających na t y m obsza¬ rze autonomię językową, gospodarczą i administracyjną, choć formalnie wyspa po¬ dlegała Francji. Ale to było już później, w artykułach i publicystyce drukowanej w dalszych latach. W 1921 r., w nr. 157 z 13 czerwca „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny" zamieszcza krótką informację zatytułowaną Niemcy marzą o zwrocie kolonif, w której wyraża się zaniepokojenie pogłoskami, jakoby w Berlinie miały się toczyć rokowania w sprawie zwrotu N i e m c o m Kamerunu. Lecz jeszcze nie było to związane z polskimi aspirac¬ jami kolonialnymi. „IKC" przez cały okres swojego istnienia był antyniemiecki i uczulał czytelników na niebezpieczeństwa zza zachodniej granicy (był zresztą w równym stopniu antysowiecki, ostrzegał przed bolszewizmem) oraz dokumen¬ tował nieustannie niegodziwości polityki niemieckiej wymierzone w Polskę. W ko¬ lejnych zaś latach skrupulatnie odnotowywał wszelkie fakty, zdarzenia, plotki i spe¬ kulacje wiążące się z dążeniami Republiki Weimarskiej i następnie I I I Rzeszy do odzyskania niegdysiejszych niemieckich kolonii. A to już wiązało się z polskimi as¬ piracjami kolonialnymi. N i e m c y utraciły w wyniku I wojny światowej swoje kolonie. N i e zostały one jed¬ nak zajęte bezpośrednio przez zwycięskie mocarstwa, lecz przejęła je formalnie Liga Narodów i jako mandaty Ligi Narodów zostały przekazane w zarząd Wielkiej Brytanii, Francji i Belgii (mowa o interesujących nas tu posiadłościach afrykań¬ skich). Polska, jako członek Ententy, zaczęła się domagać swojego udziału w spra¬ wowaniu jakiegokolwiek mandatu, a przynajmniej wykrojenia dla Polski fragmentu terytorium mandatowego z już istniejących. Roszczenia swoje uzasadniała przy¬ należnością części państwa (zabór pruski, Pomorze, Górny Śląsk) do cesarstwa nie­ mieckiego w okresie rozbiorów, przeto - argumentowano - miała w tych koloniach swój udział z racji płacenia podatków przez Polaków, mieszkańców zaboru, do skarbu państwa niemieckiego, służenia Polaków z tego terenu w oddziałach wojska i policji kierowanych do kolonii, ponoszenia kosztów utrzymania tych kolonii. Oczekiwania swoje określiła na 1/10 udziału w byłych koloniach niemieckich, co wynikało z prze¬ liczenia wielkości obszaru niegdyś należącego do Niemiec, obecnie polskiego, sta¬ nowiącego dziesiątą część byłego cesarstwa i podobnego odsetka ludności polskiej w Niemczech przed 1918 r. Zarazem była to dla rządów Rzeczypospolitej akcja antyniemiecka, mająca na celu zablokowanie rewizjonistycznych zamiarów Berlina - chodziło o przeciwsta¬ wienie się niemieckim dążeniom do rewizji traktatów wersalskich dotyczącym nie tylko spraw kolonialnych, lecz i kwestionowania przebiegu granicy polsko-niemiec¬ kiej, a to już było realnym zagrożeniem dla kraju. Sprawy kolonii były przez M S Z 8 C y t a t y z „IKC" przytaczam według p i s o w n i i gramatyki wówczas obowiązującej. 338 �Polskie p o s t u l a t y k o l o n i a l n e na ł a m a c h „ I l u s t r o w a n e g o Kuriera Codziennego" traktowane przeto instrumentalnie, jako część większej akcji przeciw niemieckim próbom rewizji ustaleń wersalskich. Wszystkie te czynniki spowodowały baczne przy¬ patrywanie się przez „IKC" dążeniom Niemiec do odzyskania dawnych kolonii, do¬ kładne odnotowywanie roszczeń i informowanie o nich opinii publicznej. Kolejny taki alarm, zatytułowany Niemieckie apetyty kolonialne, ukazał się w nr. 280 „IKC" z 11 paź¬ dziernika 1926 r. Pierwszy tekst dotyczący już własnych aspiracji kolonialnych, formułowanych w kon­ tekście nie akcji antyniemieckiej, lecz polskich dążeń, pojawił się w „IKC" w 1928 r. pt. Konieczność dalszej propagandy idei morskiej w Polsce (w nr. 293 z 22 października). Zawierał on informację ze zjazdu Ligi Morskiej i Rzecznej w Katowicach . Poświę¬ cony był on umacnianiu Polski nad Bałtykiem i konieczności zwiększenia propagan­ dy dotyczącej spraw morskich w społeczeństwie, lecz zaczęły t u pobrzmiewać echa aspiracji kolonialnych; morze jawiło się jako droga ekspansji gospodarczej Polski na inne kontynenty, a wraz z ekspansją gospodarczą możliwa miała stać się ekspansją kolonialna. Niebawem ukazał się w „Ilustrowanym Kurierze Codziennym" (nr 5 z 5 stycznia 1929 r.) artykuł wprost określający aspiracje kolonialne: Czy Polska ma prawo do zamor­ skich kolonij?, niepodpisany Czy to znaczy, że wyrażała się w nim opinia redakcji? Znak zapytania w tytule ma charakter retoryczny. Z treści wynika, że naturalnie, Polska ma prawo. Warto zatrzymać się nad t y m artykułem, nie tylko dlatego, że po raz pierwszy tak otwarcie padło sformułowanie o koloniach dla Polski. Również dlatego, że znaj¬ dujące się w nim argumenty będą, niekiedy z pewnymi modyfikacjami, powtarzały się w dalszej publicystyce kolonialnej na łamach „IKC". Jest więc powoływanie się na wspomniane już prawa historyczne - odwołanie się do Szolca-Rogozińskiego, przez przypomnienie artykułu o nim w wymienionym wcześniej kalendarzu „IKC" z 1919 r. Ze swojej strony autor (autorzy? redakcja?) przypomina, że „w swoim czasie flaga polska powiewała także nad Madagaskarem" - a więc mamy odwołanie się także do Beniowskiego , a następnie, że w 1931 r., w myśl postanowień traktatu wersalskiego, przypada termin rewizji mandatów kolonialnych. Przeto aktualna staje się kwestia uzyskania kolonii dla Polski (tzn. powierzenia jej mandatu nad którymś z terytoriów), a dzieje wyprawy Rogozińskiego stanowić mogą nie tylko historyczny, lecz i praw¬ ny, co budzić może wątpliwości, punkt wyjścia do rokowań w sprawie uzyskania 9 10 9 Liga M o r s k a i Rzeczna została założona w 1923 r. W 1928 r. liczyła ponad 20 tysięcy członków i 111 oddziałów. N a s w o i m I I I W a l n y m Z j e ź d z i e 2 5 - 2 7 października 1930 r. w G d y n i uchwaliła n o w y statut i przyjęła nową nazwę: Liga M o r s k a i Kolonialna. 10 N i e ma żadnych świadectw, b y nad Madagaskarem powiewała polska flaga. Beniowski wywieszał polską flagę na okręcie „Św. Piotr i Paweł", którym zbiegł z zesłania na Kamczatce i na którym dożeglował d o M a k a u (czasem podaje się, że była t o flaga konfederacji barskiej). N a Madagaskarze zaś wywieszał flagę własnego pomysłu, mającą świadczyć, że jest panem w y s p y nie zaś jej administra¬ t o r e m , i nie z ramienia Polski. 339 �M a r e k A r p a d Kowalski 11 mandatu . Czas więc najwyższy, by podjąć (to apel do rządu) energiczne działa¬ nia. W kolejnych numerach i latach wezwania takie są częste i formułowane bardzo zdecydowanie. Autorzy zaś bardziej ostrożni wprawdzie zastanawiają się nad sen¬ sem posiadania kolonii przez Polskę, jednakże często w takich przypadkach postu¬ lują, by Polska miała wolny dostęp do surowców znajdujących się w posiadłościach innych państw, a potrzebnych krajowi do rozwoju gospodarki (zwłaszcza przemy¬ słu, ale i rolnictwa), także piszą o potrzebie wolności emigracji (zniesieniu kwot liczbowych imigrantów) dla chętnych do osiedlenia się w tropikach i konieczności otoczenia osadników opieką państwa polskiego, wraz z utrzymaniem ich kontaktów z krajem. Można przyjąć zatem, że postulaty kolonialne pojawiają się w „Ilustrowanym Kurierze Codziennym" w pełni z dużą częstotliwością po 1926 r. Początkowo sto­ sunkowo rzadko, lecz od 1929 r. nieustannie gościły na łamach pisma. Było to skut¬ kiem, jak można przypuszczać, wzmożenia akcji przez Ligę Morską i Rzeczną. Częstsze pojawianie się owej problematyki w rocznikach 1935-1939 wynikało zaś z przekształcenia się L M i R w Ligę Morską i Kolonialną, co obligowało organizację do podjęcia akcji popularyzatorskiej. Doszło zresztą do współpracy między „IKC" a Ligą Morską i Kolonialną. Na po­ czątku 1935 r. utworzony został nowy dodatek „IKC", „Kurier Morski i Kolonialny". Można się zastanawiać, czy stało się tak na skutek odgórnych, rządowych sugestii. Wydaje się jednak, że była to własna inicjatywa redakcji. W końcu tematyka poru¬ szała wyobraźnię czytelników, zaspokajała ich ambicje państwowe, dumę z osiąg¬ nięć Rzeczypospolitej, krzewiła poczucie mocarstwowości, zatem przyczyniała się do zwiększenia popularności pisma. Po raz pierwszy „Kurier Morski i Kolonialny" pojawił się w 1935 r., jako dodatek do nr. 42 (z 11 lutego): W 15-tą r o c z n i c ę u r o c z y s t y c h zaślubin Polski z Bałtykiem, odzyskania przez odrodzoną R z e c z p o s p o l i t ą d o s t ę p u d o m o r z a , o t w i e r a m y na łamach „Ilustrowanego K u r i e r a C o ­ d z i e n n e g o " n o w y stały d o d a t e k , p o ś w i ę c o n y p r o b l e m o m ekspansji m o r s k i e j państwa p.t. „Kuryer M o r s k i i Kolonjalny". W ciągu t y c h lat 15-tu, k t ó r e dzielą nas o d pamiętne­ go dnia 10 lutego 1920, przezwyciężyliśmy n i e t y l k o o l b r z y m i e trudności, stworzyliśmy z n i c z e g o własny wspaniały p o r t , własną marynarkę w o j e n n ą , naszą straż na Bałtyku, własną flotę h a n d l o w ą - ale poza t e m dokonał się z a s a d n i c z y p r z e w r ó t w m e n t a l n o ś ­ ci s p o ł e c z e ń s t w a , k t ó r e dziś r o z u m i e w a ż n o ś ć d o s t ę p u d o m o r z a dla ż y c i a p a ń s t w o ­ w e g o i interesuje się ż y w o z a g a d n i e n i a m i z t e m związanemi. „Kuryer M o r s k i i K o l o njalny" b ę d z i e właśnie uważał za swe zadanie z a s p o k o j e n i e tego zainteresowania najszerszych w a r s t w ludności s p r a w a m i m o r s k i e m i i z a g a d n i e n i a m i k o l o n j a l n e m i . 11 W istocie na 1931 r. przypadał czas nie rewizji mandatów, lecz złożenia przez państwa zawia­ dujące sprawozdania z wykonywania na t y c h t e r y t o r i a c h czynności m a n d a t o w y c h . W propagandzie prasowej nie zwracano uwagi na tę r ó ż n i c ę , dostrzegano zaś m o ż n o ś ć zintensyfikowania polskich dążeń kolonialnych. 340 �Polskie p o s t u l a t y k o l o n i a l n e na ł a m a c h „ I l u s t r o w a n e g o Kuriera C o d z i e n n e g o " W t y m samym artykule wstępnym zarząd okręgu krakowskiego L M i K wyraża podziękowanie za wydawanie owego dodatku: A k c j a szerzenia w ś r ó d s z e r o k i c h sfer s p o ł e c z e ń s t w a polskiego, z r o z u m i e n i a dla s p r a w m o r s k i c h i k o l o n j a l n y c h jest doniosłym c z y n e m o b y w a t e l s k i m , za k t ó r y R e d a k c j i „Ilu­ strowanego Kuryera C o d z i e n n e g o " [ . . . ] należy się serdeczna podzięka i w y r a z y uznania. O d tego momentu wszelkie teksty dotyczące postulatów kolonialnych przenie­ sione zostały z zasadniczych stron pisma do dodatku. „Kurier Morski i Kolonialny". Ukazywał się w „IKC" regularnie, zawsze w środy. Jednakże tylko do czerwca. W „IKC" nr 168, z 1935 r. (19 czerwca) ukazał się nr 18 „Kuriera Morskiego i Kolonialnego", po czym dodatek znikł, zaś sprawy kolonialne wracają na normalne, redakcyjne i publicystyczne strony dziennika. Tak było już do końca, do września 1939 r. Zniknięcie dodatku nie zostało wytłumaczone żadną notą ani oświadczeniem redakcji. Można się zastanawiać, czy było to podyktowane kwestiami organizacyj¬ nymi (redakcyjnymi?) „Ilustrowanego Kuriera Codziennego" albo Ligi Morskiej i Kolonialnej. Może i t y m , że „IKC" i wcześniej, i później dopuszczał na swoje łamy artykuły kwestionujące sens posiadania przez Polskę kolonii, a przynajmniej wątpią¬ ce w ideę tzw. osadniczej kolonizacji (emigracji) zamorskiej w tropikach. Takie ar¬ tykuły były sprzeczne z ideami kolonizacyjnymi głoszonymi przez L M i K . Przyczyn można szukać i w nieporozumieniach finansowych, a był już wcześniej taki prece¬ dens. O t o w 1931 r., kilka lat przed powołaniem dodatku „Kurier Morski i Kolonial­ ny", doszło do konfliktu między „IKC" a L M i K - Liga zażądała (wedle informacji re­ dakcji) pieniędzy od Kuriera za druk artykułu propagandowego (więcej: IKC 1935a, s. 4), a redakcja odmówiła. Mógł i t y m razem zajść podobny konflikt. Podane poniżej zestawienie rozmaitych tekstów dotyczących spraw kolonial¬ nych na łamach „IKC" zawiera te, które są samodzielnymi polskimi postulatami ko¬ lonialnymi. N i e zawsze były one wyrażane wprost, większość jednak formułowano zdecydowanie: Kolcuje dźwignią rozwoju Polski (IKC 1929, nr 91, s. 8), Czy Polska „otrzy­ muje" w Afryce portugalską kolonję: Angolę? (IKC 1930, nr 94, s. 2), Czy Polska zdobędzie kolonje zamorskie? (IKC 1932, nr 97, s. 3), Polska musi zdobyć się na odwagę własnej polity­ ki kolonjalnej (IKC 1933, nr 70. s. 3), Polska ma prawo do części kolonij niemieckich (IKC 1933, nr 114, s. 16), Dlaczego należą się nam kolonje (IKC 1935, nr 51, s. 21), Co nam może dać Liberja (IKC 1935, nr 79, s. 23), Musimy rozpocząć walkę o kolonje dla Polski! (IKC 1936, nr 74, s. 3), Żądamy dla Polski kolonij (IKC 1936, nr 328, s. 7), Polska wobec wiel­ kiej batalji o nowy rozdział kolonij (IKC 1937, nr 334, s. 5), Cała Polska żąda kolonij (IKC 1938, nr 102, s. 5), Musimy dostać kolonje! (IKC 1939, nr 63, s. 15). Przytoczone tytuły dobrze pokazują język, jakiego używała propaganda kolo¬ nialna, przynajmniej ta bardziej radykalna. Okazją do przenoszenia postulatów kolonialnych na forum publiczne i dociera¬ nia z nimi do jak największych rzesz społeczeństwa były D n i Kolonialne, ustano341 �M a r e k A r p a d Kowalski wione przez Ligę Morską i Kolonialną, niezależnie od Święta Morza. Odnotowywał je „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny". Po raz pierwszy odbyły się w listopadzie 1936 r. Zostały zrelacjonowane pt. Zą&amy dla Polski kolonij (IKC 1936, nr 328). Lecz już w następnym roku odbyły się 9 kwietnia, a w piśmie pojawił się tytuł: Cała Polska żąda kolonij. Wielkie manifestacje w Warszawie i w całym kraju z okazji „Dni kolonjalnych" (IKC 1938a, nr 102). D n i Kolonialne miały być świętem niezależnym zarówno od rocznicy ustanowienia Polski nad Bałtykiem (10 lutego 1920 r.), jak i od Święta (od 1932 r. D n i ) Morza. Obchody D n i Kolonialnych w rozmaitych terminach w latach 1936-1938 tłumaczy się t y m , że szukano dla nich odrębnej daty w porach roku bar¬ dziej sprzyjających ulicznym manifestacjom i pochodom. Publikowane były na łamach „Ilustrowanego Kuriera Codziennego" również arty¬ kuły podające w wątpliwość domaganie się kolonii dla Polski. Zazwyczaj bywały formułowane ostrożnie i odwoływały się do argumentów klimatycznych i demogra­ ficznych. Ich autorzy sugerowali, że klimat tropikalny nie sprzyja masowemu osiedla¬ niu się białych na tych terenach, nie ma więc mowy o licznej kolonizacji; a taka była¬ by niezbędna, by realnie władać zamorskimi posiadłościami. Ponadto nim plantatorzy czy osadnicy zaczną osiągać zyski, będą musieli szalenie dużo pracować w nie¬ sprzyjających warunkach, wyczerpujących siły organizmu, zatem lepiej kierować emigrantów do państw „cywilizowanych", gdzie przybysze z Polski łatwiej dorobią się majątku, a przynajmniej łatwiej osiągną godziwy poziom życia. Druga grupa przeciwników obstawała przy tym, że kolonie będą wyciągały z kra¬ ju rzesze ludności, osłabiając przeto jego potencjał demograficzny, tak potrzebny tu, na miejscu, w Polsce. Niektóre teksty, oddalone od spraw kolonialnych, w istocie dotykały tego prob¬ lemu, chociaż w sposób nieco zaskakujący. O t o w sobotę 11 lutego 1939 r. w Teatrze im. Juliusza Słowackiego w Krakowie odbyła się premiera sztuki (dramatach w trzech aktach) Władysława Smólskiego Pieśń o Beniowskim (Narodziny Wodza). W „IKC" (1939, nr 39) Zdzisław Jachimecki, recenzent teatralny dziennika, ostro skrytyko¬ wał tę sztukę. N i e chodziło t u o reżyserię, inscenizację czy grę aktorów, acz i do tych elementów miał zastrzeżenia. Zarzucił przede wszystkim jej autorowi, że ten bezkrytycznie dał wiarę we wszelkie opowieści Beniowskiego o sobie. A przecież - pisał Jachimecki - Beniowski był łgarzem i ponosiła go fantazja. Chcąc nie chcąc, krytyk podważał więc argumenty zwolenników postulatów kolonialnych, którzy powoływali się na Beniowskiego i twierdzili, że jego obecność na Madagaskarze daje podstawy historyczno-prawne, jak je określano, do ubiegania się o kolonie dla Polski. Zwłaszcza że zwolennicy pozyskania chociażby części Madagaskaru po¬ czuli się zagrożeni nowymi odkryciami historycznymi dotyczącymi wyspy: „Coraz więcej spadkobierców króla Madagaskaru. Brak tylko wśród nich spadkobierców Beniowskiego" ( I K C 1939, nr 26); przy czym nie chodziło t u o konkretnych ewen¬ tualnych spadkobierców hrabiego Maurycego, mieli nimi być w ogóle Polacy, cały naród jako rodzaj spadkobiercy zbiorowego. 342 �Polskie p o s t u l a t y k o l o n i a l n e na ł a m a c h „ I l u s t r o w a n e g o Kuriera C o d z i e n n e g o " Niezależnie od haseł i formułowanych tytułów do grupy otwartych postulatów kolonialnych zaliczyć można i te wyrażane w tekstach, które nie określały sprawy jednoznacznie. Na przykład relacje z wystąpień ministrów spraw zagranicznych Augusta Zaleskiego, a następnie Józefa Becka przed komisjami Ligi Narodów czy też Sejmu i Senatu RP wskazują, że domagano się dla Polski wolnego dostępu do surowców lub też wyjaśniano parlamentarzystom założenia polityki zagranicznej. Wystąpienia te dotyczyły zazwyczaj emigracji lub wspomnianego dostępu do surowców. N i e padało w nich żądanie, a chociażby oczekiwanie kolonii dla Polski, lecz bywały one opatrywane takimi tytułami przez redakcję i tak relacjonowane, by czytelnik odniósł wrażenie podejmowanej przez polityków akcji kolonialnej. Inne jeszcze teksty, których autorzy też nie domagali się kolonii wprost, tworzy¬ ły atmosferę, dzięki której czytelnik miał się zainteresować sprawą postulatów ko¬ lonialnych. Były to podróżnicze relacje, opisy rozmaitych obyczajów ludów Afryki, ciekawostki z tamtych stron, relacje misjonarzy z ich pracy w krajach tropikalnych czy wreszcie artykuły historyczne przypominające osiągnięcia polskich badaczy i podróżników. Szczególną okazją stały się obchody 50-lecia wyprawy Stefana Szolca-Rogozińskiego do Kamerunu, z wykorzystaniem Leopolda Janikowskiego, jedynego żyjącego wówczas uczestnika wyprawy, dyrektora warszawskiego Muzeum Przemysłu i Rolnictwa, poprzednika obecnego Państwowego Muzeum Etnograficznego (IKC 1932, nr 342, Mróz 1932). D o tego typu tekstów można zaliczyć reportaże i wnioski z wystawy kolonialnej w Paryżu w 1931 r., zamieszczane w „IKC" z 1931 r. w numerach: 108, 126, 128, 129, 197, 316, 321. Także niektóre wiadomości agencyjne, np. Śladami Livingstona pędzi dziś pociąg od brzegów do brzegów Afryki (IKC 1931, nr 191), donosząca o otwarciu linii kolejowej od Lobito w Angoli do Beira w Mozambiku, lub Samolotem z Francji na Madagaskar... w czte­ ry dni (IKC 1931, nr 353), o uruchomieniu połączenia lotniczego metropolii z kolonia­ mi. Doniesienia uspokajały, że kandydaci na osadników nie muszą obawiać się trudne­ go życia, gdyż i do Afryki dociera współczesna cywilizacja. Niektóre szły jeszcze da­ lej. Taki oto tytuł daje swojemu reportażowi inżynier Wiesław Kuake: I w czarnej stolicy Somalisów nie jedzą ludzi na obiad. Pierwsze wrażenia z „dzikiej" Afryki (IKC 1933, nr 119). Pojawiały się również teksty, których uwaga nie była zwrócona na obszary znaj¬ dujące się w polu polskich zainteresowań kolonialnych, lecz dotyczyły innych tery¬ toriów, nie w kontekście aspiracji kolonialnych, raczej zintensyfikowania wymiany handlowej, chociaż też pośrednio zwracały uwagę czytelników ku aspiracjom kolo¬ nialnym Polski: Ludwik Tomanek, Egzotyczny kraj - egzotyczni ludzie. Polacy w ko­ loniach holenderskich (IKC 1937, nr 16) - reportaż z Indii Holenderskich, Andrzej Krasicki, Cejlon, wyspa tysiąca cudów ( I K C 1937, nr 28), Peregrinus, Echa z dalekiego Iranu. Dlaczego nas tu nie ma? Jak Polska pozostaje w tyle w wyścigu narodów (IKC 1938, nr 7), Jedynej kolonji polskiej w Azji Mniejszej - Adampolowi - grozi zturczenie (IKC 1937, nr 203) - t u motywem przewodnim było uchronienie od wynarodowienia p o t o m ­ ków osadników polskich w Turcji. 343 �M a r e k A r p a d Kowalski Inspiracją do niekoniecznie bezpośredniego propagowania akcji kolonialnych były różne wydarzenia. I tak redakcja zamieściła nekrolog generała Gustawa Orlicz-Dreszera (IKC 1936, nr 198), następnie tekst Ludwika Rubla, Złamane orle skrzydła (IKC 1936, nr 199), będący wspomnieniem o generale - prezesie zarządu głównego Ligi Morskiej i Kolonialnej - który zginął w katastrofie lotniczej nad Bałtykiem w Orłowie, w pobliżu Gdyni; zaś w nr. 202 z tego roku redakcja publikuje „Tak dalej być nie może". Ostrzegawcza mowa śp. Qen. Dreszera - obszerne fragmenty przemówienia wygłoszonego na zjeździe Ligi Morskiej i Kolonialnej. W żadnym z tych tekstów nie pada słowo o konieczności zdobywania kolonii dla Polski, lecz kontekst obu wydaje się oczywisty: trzeba podjąć ekspansję gospodarczą - oto testament generała. „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny" w sprawach kolonialnych odwoływał się rów¬ nież do autorytetów naukowych. Nazwiska autorów opatrywał, gdy tylko istniała taka możliwość, tytułami naukowymi: doktor, docent, profesor, i podawał miejsce ich pracy: Uniwersytet Jagielloński, Lwowski, Warszawski (Józefa Piłsudskiego); zresztą zabiegał o obecność tych autorów na swoich łamach. Informował także o obejmowaniu patronatem akademickim spraw kolonialnych . Zamieszczano arty¬ kuły i reportaże z posiadłości brytyjskich, francuskich, włoskich, niemające związ¬ ku z polskimi postulatami kolonialnymi, jednak z uznaniem wypowiadające się o ad­ ministracji tych państw w ich terytoriach zamorskich, podkreślające wagę władania owymi posiadłościami dla mocarstwowego znaczenia metropolii. „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny" skrupulatnie też śledził wojnę włosko-abisyńską 1935-1936. Zrazu w tonie powściągliwym, bez wyraźnego angażowania się po którejkolwiek ze stron konfliktu, a po upadku Etiopii i zawładnięciu nią przez Wło¬ chy z pewną sympatią dla Włoch, jako państwa, które radykalnie i samodzielnie podjęło swoją inicjatywę kolonialną, mimo co najmniej powściągliwości wielu znaczących mocarstw (Francja, Wielka Brytania). Relacje z tej wojny wynikały nie tylko z tego, że - co oczywiste - było to wydarzenie na miarę światową, więc każda licząca się gazeta musiała śledzić uważnie ów konflikt, lecz i z tego, że postępowanie Włoch mogło służyć jako wzór dla Polski: nie tylko werbalne domaganie się kolonii w publicystyce czy w zawoalowanych wystąpieniach polityków na forum Ligi Na¬ rodów, lecz zdecydowane przedsięwzięcie. Interesujące, na ile akcja W ł o c h miała wpływ na tzw. sprawę Liberii i poczynania Polski, a właściwie Ligi Morskiej i Kolo12 12 Korespondent dziennika dotarł w L o n d y n i e do znanego dobrze już wówczas w kraju Bronisława Malinowskiego, który powiedział: „Zdaniem m o j e m etnografja p o w i n n a dawać p o d s t a w y naukowe d o skomplikowanej p o l i t y k i i sztuki kolonizacyjnej". Dalej pytany o możliwości emigracyjne d o domi¬ niów b r y t y j s k i c h odpowiedział m.in.: „Gdyby się Australijczycy z g o d z i l i na znaczne zwiększenie i m i ­ gracji europejskiej, t o chłopi polscy okazaliby się d o b r y m i kolonistami" ( I K C 1938, nr 78). Pojawia się także w piśmie informacja o powołaniu S t u d i u m M e d y c y n y i H i g i e n y Tropikalnej p r z y W y d z i a l e Lekarskim U J , z zapowiedzią, że w następnym r o k u akademickim s t u d i u m t o ma stać się częścią składową Międzywydziałowego Studium Kolonialnego UJ, z wykładami z zakresu geografii, filologii (na¬ uczanie języków afrykańskich), etnologii, botaniki oraz kursu rolnictwa tropikalnego ( I K C 1939, nr 61). 344 �Polskie p o s t u l a t y k o l o n i a l n e na ł a m a c h „ I l u s t r o w a n e g o Kuriera C o d z i e n n e g o " nialnej w t y m kraju ( I K C 1934, Gadomski 1935, IKC 1935b, Oszelda 1936, IKC 1937). Polskie postulaty kolonialne wysuwane były przez L M i K (wcześniej zaczynała to czynić jej poprzedniczka, Liga Morska i Rzeczna) lub ośrodki zainteresowane akcją kolonialną: pozarządowe, społeczne, półoficjalne, formalnie niezwiązane z władzami państwa. Jeśli jednak w publicystyce pojawiały się nazwy instytucji rządowych lub nazwiska osób piastujących stanowiska rządowe, teksty tego rodzaju były wezwa¬ niem pod adresem władz, by te oficjalnie i energicznie domagały się na forum mię¬ dzynarodowym kolonii dla Polski, a na forum wewnętrznym, by jasno i otwarcie sta­ wiały sprawę, jako żywotną i ważną dla kraju i obywateli. Była to forma publicystycz¬ nego nacisku. Pismo zasadniczo jednak przestrzegało zasad, by nie wikłać oficjalnych władz w kwestie kolonialne. Wypowiadało się na temat postulatów kolonialnych w artyku¬ łach (reportażach, publicystyce) osób zainteresowanych tematem, w zagranicznych doniesieniach agencyjnych oraz depeszach swoich korespondentów krajowych i zagranicznych, wreszcie w publikacjach autorów związanych z Ligą Morską i Ko¬ lonialną czy też innego typu organizacjami i stowarzyszeniami zainteresowanymi pozyskaniem dla Polski posiadłości zamorskich. Można sądzić, że w t y m ostatnim przypadku teksty, chociaż autorskie, były inspirowane przez owe organizacje i przez nie kierowane do druku na łamach „IKC". Należy dodać, że w dzienniku były publikowane teksty nie tylko za podjęciem przez Polskę akcji kolonialnej, lecz i przeciwne jej. Te ostatnie znacznie skromniej reprezentowane, jednak i takie były. Można domniemywać, że poza celami czysto dziennikarskimi (nic tak nie ożywia pisma, jak polemika na jego łamach), świadczyć miały o obiektywizmie „Ilustrowanego Kuriera Codziennego" dopuszczającego na swoje strony zarówno teksty domagające się kolonii, jak i przeciwne takim postula¬ tom. Nawiasem mówiąc, taka polityka redakcyjna również przyczyniała się do zwięk¬ szenia poczytności i popularności dziennika. Zarówno zwolennicy, jak i przeciwni¬ cy postulatów kolonialnych znajdowali w piśmie potwierdzenie swoich poglądów. Jednak - jak już zostało powiedziane - publikacji kolonialnych było znacznie więcej. Poza t y m „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny" zamieszczał sprawozdania z D n i Kolonialnych. Można powiedzieć, że był to zwykły obowiązek dziennika, by infor¬ mować o wszelkich wydarzeniach w kraju. Ale nie wszystkie tego rodzaju imprezy były odnotowywane na łamach pisma, opisywano przede wszystkim te, które redak¬ cja uważała za istotne. D n i Kolonialne były pomyślane jako powszechna propaganda idei kolonialnej. W pierwszych relacjach z 1936 r. kładziono nacisk na sprawy pozy­ skiwania surowców: „kolonie dostarczają surowców dla przemysłu, równocześnie zaś są rynkiem dla fabrykatów przemysłowych. [ . . . ] import surowców kolonialnych stale wzrasta, [ . . . ] w imporcie surowców kolonialnych silnie zwiększa się udział kon¬ tynentu afrykańskiego", wraz ze statystycznymi wyliczeniami eksportu i i m p o r t u owych surowców (włókiennicze, tłuszcze roślinne, kauczuk, ziarno kakaowe, nasiona 345 �M a r e k A r p a d Kowalski oleiste, sizal, rudy żelaza i miedź), by dopiero skończyć stwierdzeniem, że „handel zagraniczny bowiem wiążąc ze sobą pewne terytoria może doprowadzić do uzależ­ nienia ekonomicznego i politycznego terenów surowcowych od państwa polskiego" (IKC 1936, nr 328). Relacje z D n i Kolonialnych w 1938 r. miały inny charakter. Argumentowano nie statystyką (acz i ta jest widoczna), lecz przede wszystkim po¬ wszechnością domagania się kolonii przez społeczeństwo. Wyliczano, w ilu mias¬ tach odbyły się demonstracje, wiece i przemarsze pod hasłem pozyskania kolonii dla kraju, ile osób brało udział w tych imprezach, kto brał w nich udział. Wymienione są m.in. Warszawa, Kraków i Poznań (liczne akademie, wiece, manifestacje), Lublin (20 tysięcy osób), Radom (10 tysięcy), Łódź, Łuck, Kielce, Tarnów, Chorzów, ale także mniejsze miejscowości: Szczuczyn, Suwałki, Łomża, Grajewo, Ostrołęka. Po¬ dawano, że w wielu miastach robotnicy zakładów przemysłowych gremialnie zgła¬ szali swój akces do Ligi Morskiej i Kolonialnej (pytanie, na ile było to postępowanie realne, na ile zaś spowodowane odgórnymi naciskami, by zapisywać się do L M i K ) . Ogólna liczba uczestników tych manifestacji określona została na co najmniej 10 mi¬ lionów, a w każdej relacji powtarzano, że w owych imprezach brali udział masowo robotnicy rzemieślnicy, chłopi, drobni kupcy (IKC 1938a, nr 102). D n i Kolonialne były więc okazją, by upowszechnić tę ideę w całym społeczeń¬ stwie, by z postulatami kolonialnymi dotrzeć do małych miejscowości oraz do wsi, do szkół, do wszystkich warstw ludności. Wielką wagę przywiązywano do szkół wiejskich - ich nauczyciele mieli być w środowisku wiejskim popularyzatorami idei kolonialnej. Chodziło o to, by idea ta nie ograniczała się tylko do dużych miast. Te¬ go rodzaju relacje, jak zamieszczane w „IKC", przekonywały zapewne, że jest to rze¬ czywiście akcja masowa, popierana przez całe społeczeństwo. „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny" zdecydowanie zaangażował się w popularyza¬ cję polskich postulatów kolonialnych. Świadczyć może o t y m zarówno duża liczba publikacji na ten temat, jak i dobór ich autorów - znanych powszechnie pisarzy, dzien­ nikarzy i naukowców, a wreszcie takie relacje, jak te z obchodów D n i Kolonialnych. Świadczyć o t y m może także różnorodność formalna tekstów: publicystyka postulatywna, publicystyka przywołująca rzeczywiste lub domniemane przykłady histo¬ ryczne o polskich zdobywcach zamorskich, reportaże z Afryki i Ameryki Południo¬ wej, artykuły o życiu polskich plantatorów i osadników w tropikach (Angola, L i b e ­ ria, Brazylia, Argentyna, Peru), rozważania nad klimatem, gospodarką i obyczajami miejscowymi rozmaitych terenów (Angola, Kamerun, Liberia, Madagaskar, państwa Ameryki Południowej) oraz nad możliwościami emigracji do tych krajów, rozmowy z działaczami kolonialnymi, ale także z plantatorami czy osadnikami żyjącymi czas jakiś już na tych terenach, rozmowy z naukowcami - lekarzami specjalistami od me¬ dycyny tropikalnej, klimatologami, geografami, historykami, geologami, ekonomis¬ tami, specjalistami od rolnictwa, handlu, przemysłu, wszelkich innych dziedzin. Ważne jest, co zostało wcześniej podniesione, że dziennik nie stronił od sensa¬ cji, ale jednocześnie nie uchylał się od publikowania poważnych tekstów. Obie te 346 �Polskie p o s t u l a t y k o l o n i a l n e na ł a m a c h „ I l u s t r o w a n e g o Kuriera C o d z i e n n e g o " konwencje - sensacyjna i poważna - były stosowane przy publikacji artykułów 0 sprawach kolonii. Goszczący na łamach pisma naukowcy zapewniali swoim auto¬ rytetem powagę sprawy. Te teksty skierowane były do wyrobionych czytelników. Mniej wyrobieni mogli znaleźć rozmaite ciekawostki czy sensację w reportażach, opowieściach plantatorów, przedrukach z pism zagranicznych mówiących o świę¬ tych wężach, ludożerstwie albo dziwacznych obyczajach plemion afrykańskich, a wreszcie w powieściach drukowanych w odcinkach (np. Haszysz Czarnego Lądu Antoniego Dębczyńskiego czy powieści-reportaże Arkadego Fiedlera). Trzeba zauważyć, że w publicystyce „IKC" (a także innych pism popularnych) kolonie stały się synonimem tropików. Zapewne dlatego, że te obszary uznawano za możliwe do skolonizowania. Inne, ze względów gospodarczych i klimatycznych, nie nadawały się do tego, by kierować tam osadników i plantatorów i zapewniać i m własne gospodarstwa (wśród kolonii formalnie była wymieniana Grenlandia, należą¬ ca do Danii, lecz to terytorium określano jako kawał lodu z garścią Eskimosów). Po¬ nadto obszary północne należały już do innych państw jako ich części, a do tro¬ pików, jak mniemano, można było jakoś „wcisnąć się" i zapewnić tam ewentualnym osadnikom względnie godziwe warunki bytu, w nieokreślonej zaś przyszłości tere¬ ny zajęte przez osadników-emigrantów mogłyby stać się polskimi koloniami. Całe to bogactwo form dziennikarskich stosowanych do upowszechniania po¬ stulatów kolonialnych na łamach „Ilustrowanego Kuriera Codziennego", różnorodność autorów oraz przywoływanych argumentów, wreszcie liczba tekstów poświęconych zagadnieniu - wszystko to zdaje się przekonywać, że „IKC" należał do czołowych pism propagujących ideę kolonialną w Polsce. Naturalnie istniały wyspecjalizowane w zagadnieniu pisma, np. naukowy „Kwartalnik Instytutu Naukowego do Badań Emi­ gracji i Kolonizacji" (od 1930 r. „Kwartalnik Naukowego Instytutu Emigracyjnego 1 Kolonialnego") czy bardziej popularne „Morze". Jednak „Ilustrowany Kurier Co¬ dzienny" był - chociażby jako wysokonakładowy i dobrze dystrybuowany dziennik - pismem rzeczywiście popularnym i poczytnym, docierającym do wielkiej masy odbiorców. Z racji swojej formuły postulaty kolonialne często obecne na jego łamach mogły zainteresować sprawą kolonialną ogromną część społeczeństwa. „IKC" bo¬ wiem nie tylko opisywał omawianą kwestię, ale i ją popularyzował. Bibliografia Białas T. 1983 Liga Morska i Kolonialna 1930-1939, Gdańsk Dębczyński A. 1935 Haszysz Czarnego Lądu, Warszawa 347 �Marek Arpad Kowalski Gadomski A. 1935 Co nam może dać Liberja, „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny", nr 79 Garlicki A . 1969 Problemy kolonialne w opinii MSZ w 1936 r, w: Naród i państwo: prace ofiarowane Hen­ rykowi Jabłońskiemu w sześćdziesiąte urodziny, red. Tadeusz Cieślak, Warszawa Fiedler A. 1935 Ryby śpiewają w Ukajali, Warszawa 1939 Jutro na Madagaskar, Warszawa Maślanka J. (red.) 1976 Encyklopedia wiedzy o prasie, Wrocław IKC 1918-1939 „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny", Kraków 1939 Kraków ogniskiem studjów kolonialnych, nr 61 1938a Cała Polska żąda kolonij, nr 102 1938b Chłop polski jest doskonałym kolonistą, nr 78 1937 Legenda o „polskim Lawrence, nr 4 1936 Żądamy dla Polski kolonij, nr 328 1935a Propaganda Pomorza - Liga Morska i Kolonialna i odgłos artykułu IKC, nr 211 1935b O co bije się biała ludzkość w Lidze Narodów, nr 262 1934 Umowa kolonizacyjna między Polską a Liberią, nr 330 1932 50-lecie wyprawy polskiej do Kamerunu. Uroczysta akademia w Warszawie, nr 342 Lepecki M . 1986 Maurycy August hrabia Beniowski, zdobywca Madagaskaru, Warszawa Łojek J., Myśliński J., Władyka W 1988 Dzieje prasy polskiej, Warszawa Łossowski P. 2001 Dyplomacja polska 1918-1939, Warszawa Makarczyk J. 1936 Liberia, Liberyjczyk, Liberyjka, Warszawa Mróz S. 1932 50-lecie „Polskiego Kamerunu", „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny", nr 349 Nadolska-Styczyńska A. 2005 Ludy zamorskich lądów. Kultury pozaeuropejskie a działalność popularyzatorska Ligi Morskiej i Kolonialnej, Wrocław Oszelda W. 1936 Włochy i Polska - dwa najbardziej przeludnione kraje Europy. O męskie i stanowcze 348 �Polskie p o s t u l a t y k o l o n i a l n e na ł a m a c h „ I l u s t r o w a n e g o Kuriera C o d z i e n n e g o " wystąpienia Polski w sprawie emigracyjnej i kolonjalnej, „Ilustrowany Kurier Codzienny", nr 20 Pawłowski S. 1936 Domagajmy się kolonii zamorskich dla Polski, Warszawa Sokopp E . M . 1997 Pisane na kolanie. Pamiętnik bez patosu 1914-1997, Warszawa Szumańska-Grossowa H . 1967 Podróże Stefana Szolca-Rogozińskiego, Warszawa Tomanek L . 1937 Egzotyczny kraj - egzotyczni ludzie. Polacy w koloniach holenderskich, „Ilustrowa¬ ny Kurier Codzienny", nr 16 Tomaszewski J., Landau Z . 2005 Polska w Europie i świecie 1918-1939, Warszawa Władyka W. 1988 Prasa Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej, w: Dzieje prasy polskiej, Warszawa Załęcki G. 1930a 1930b O kolonialno-polityczną kulturę mas polskich, Warszawa Korzyści posiadania własnych kolonij politycznych, „Kwartalnik Naukowego In¬ stytutu Emigracyjnego i Kolonialnego", t. 1 Ząbek M . 2007 Biali i Czarni. Postawy Polaków wobec Afryki i Afrykanów, Warszawa 349 �Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska Instytut A r c h e o l o g i i i E t n o l o g i i PAN Męka Pańska symbolicznie czy dosłownie? Dwa typy współczesnej wrażliwości religijnej P r z e ż y w a n i e Pasji Pisząc o współczesnej polskiej religijności, stajemy przed koniecznością zrewido­ wania pojęć i przekonań wykorzystywanych we wcześniejszych rozważaniach na ten temat, zwłaszcza na temat religijności ludowej. Kariera terminu, mimo jego roz­ licznych wad z lubością wytykanych przez kolejnych badaczy wcale się nie zakoń­ czyła i choć może nie nabiera już rozpędu, wciąż stykamy się z tekstami, które sta­ nowią świadectwo wiary w możliwości redefinicji, odświeżenia i powtórnego zasto­ sowania pojęcia religijności ludowej (por. Bukraba-Rylska 2008, s. 30). Kariera nie kończy się też w takim sensie, że ta kategoria pozostaje głównym, jeśli nie jedynym, punktem odniesienia w tekstach o polskiej religijności. Mój artykuł nie będzie t u wyjątkiem. Lecz zamiast walczyć z demonami przeszłości, a autorom tekstów po¬ święconych religijności ludowej wytykać niewłaściwe podejście do omawianych za¬ gadnień, mam zamiar skorzystać z luki, jaką stworzyły pozostawione przez nich opi¬ sy, i w pewnym stopniu ją wypełnić. Mam na myśli lukę, na którą wskazuje Magda Zowczak: C h o c i a ż istnieją e t n o g r a f i c z n e d z i e w i ę t n a s t o w i e c z n e świadectwa g ł ę b o k i e g o p r z e ­ żywania Pasji w religijności l u d o w e j , a w s z t u c e l u d o w e j o d p o w i a d a i m p o p u l a r n o ś ć i b o g a c t w o p r z e d s t a w i e ń pasyjnych, b a d a c z e religijności l u d o w e j nie poświęcili s z c z e g ó l n e j u w a g i t e m u a s p e k t o w i ( Z o w c z a k 2 0 0 8 , s. 3 3 ) . Zdaniem autorki brak zainteresowania t y m tematem wynika z przekonania autorów zajmujących się religijnością ludową o braku mistycyzmu w t y m rodzaju religijnoś­ ci, jak też z podkreślania w niej aspektu magicznego oraz pragmatycznego, podczas gdy „głębokie przeżywanie Pasji" było znakiem szczególnej wrażliwości religijnej (Zowczak 2008, s. 32-33). Informacje o roli Pasji i praktykach z nią związanych w dawniejszej religijności znajdujemy tylko w kilku akapitach rozrzuconych po różnych tekstach zawierają- 350 �M ę k a P a ń s k a s y m b o l i c z n i e czy d o s ł o w n i e ? cych opisy które możemy potraktować jako etnograficzne. Jedno z barwniejszych przedstawień zwyczajów wielkanocnych zostawił nam Jędrzej Kitowicz. Opisał nie tylko nabożeństwa związane z okresem wielkanocnym, ale także pełne ekspresji i po­ święcenia zachowania kapników umartwiających się postem, biczowaniem czy nie­ sieniem ciężkiego krzyża w wielkopiątkowej procesji (Kitowicz 2003, s. 43-54). Już te kilka stron opowiadających o zachowaniach wielkanocnych informuje nas, że prze¬ żywaniu męki Chrystusa towarzyszyła szczególnie głęboka pobożność . W z m i a n ­ ka o przeżywaniu Pasji pojawia się także u Stefana Czarnowskiego. Choć zasadniczo odmawiał on religijności ludowej głębi i refleksyjności, dostrzegł szczególny charak¬ ter pielgrzymek na kalwarie. 1 2 G o r l i w o ś ć zaś, z jaką l u d p o l s k i p i e l g r z y m u j e d o k a l w a r i i , ś w i a d c z y o t y m , jak b a r d z o o d p o w i a d a mu t o u z m y s ł o w i e n i e t a j e m n i c y M ę k i , O d k u p i e n i a i Z m a r t w y c h w s t a n i a , tak jak z a c h o w a n i e się jego w czasie w ę d r ó w k i o d stacji d o stacji oraz n a s t ę p n e w y ­ p o w i e d z i u c z e s t n i k ó w p i e l g r z y m e k pozwalają stwierdzić, ż e p r z e ż y c i a i c h są nie t y l k o g ł ę b o k i e , ale ż e nie o d r ó ż n i a j ą i c h o n i o d p r z e ż y ć , k t ó r y c h b y d o z n a w a ć musiał r z e ­ c z y w i s t y w i d z M ę k i Pańskiej, t o w a r z y s z h i s t o r y c z n e j w ę d r ó w k i Jezusa o d W i e c z e r ­ nika, p o p r z e z G ó r ę Oliwną, więzienie, sądy aż na G o l g o t ę i d o Ś w i ę t e g o G r o b u ( C z a r n o w s k i 1958, s. 9 3 ) . W owym nieodróżnianiu doświadczeń własnych od przeżyć rzeczywistych świadków męki Chrystusa Czarnowski dostrzega ułomność chłopskiej religijności, 1 K a p n i c y - nazywani tak o d swojego stroju - t o o s o b y zrzeszone w bractwach religijnych lub p o ­ zostające poza n i m i , oddające się szczególnego rodzaju p r a k t y k o m religijnym, np. biczowaniu, posz­ czeniu, z okazji świąt bądź w ramach pokuty. C z ę s t o t e ż uczestniczyli w procesjach religijnych. 2 „Kładli się wszyscy krzyżem i poleżawszy tak d o p e w n y c h słów w śpiewaniu kościelnym nad­ chodzących, za takimże znakiem o d marszałka danym p o d n o s i l i się na kolana i zawinąwszy kaptura z pleców na ramię - biczowali się w gołe plecy dyscyplinami r z e m i e n n y m i albo nicianymi, w powrózki kręte splecionymi. N i e k t ó r z y końce d y s c y p l i n r z e m i e n n y c h przypiekali w ogniu dla dodania większej twardości albo szpilki zakrzywione w d y s c y p l i n y niciane i rzemienne zakładali, ażeby lepiej ciało swo­ je wychłostali, które czasem t a k o w y m ćwiczeniem, silno przykładanym, aż d o żywego mięsa i szkar­ łatów wiszących sobie szarpali, brocząc krwią suknię, kapę i pawiment kościelny. [...] N i e ze wszyst¬ k i c h kościołów, ale z niektórych tylko, procesyja kapników - o p r ó c z krzyża z w i z e r u n k i e m Chry¬ stusowym na czele procesyi niesionego, miewała drugi krzyż w i e l k i , grubości belki, z tarcic spajanych dla letkości zrobiony, który w pośrodku kapników dźwigał jeden kapnik, idąc nie wyprostowany, ale w pół człeka p o c h y l o n y tak, jak nam malarze wystawują Chrystusa krzyż na Kalwaryją niosącego. D l a ­ tego p o d ten krzyż dobierali chłopa mocnego. Miał na głowie, c z y l i raczej na czapce kapturem p r z y ­ k r y t e j , koronę cierniową, łańcuch długi i g r u b y przez ramię p o d pachę przepasany koniec krzyża uno¬ sił za n i m i n n y kapnik, wyrażający Cyreneusza, a dwaj kapnicy d o b y t e pałasze niosący na ramieniu oznaczali żołnierzów, na Kalwaryją Chrystusa prowadzących, z których jeden trzymał w r ę c e koniec łańcucha. W y o b r a ż a j ą c y Chrystusa kapnik udawał także Jego p o d krzyżem upadania, a na ten czas je¬ den żołnierz targając łańcuchem i bijąc n i m o krzyż, czynił duży łoskot, d r u g i uderzając płazem p o krzyżu i po plecach l e k k i m i razami nosiciela krzyża, wołał na niego głosem donośnym: postępuj Jezu! Wtenczas nosiciel, w samej rzeczy pochyłym c h o d e m znużony, odpocząwszy nieco powstawał i dal­ szą drogę, czyli procesyją, kończył" ( K i t o w i c z 2003, s. 4 6 - 4 9 ) . 351 �K a m i l a Baraniecka-Olszewska 3 ja będę jednak chciała pokazać, że w t y m właśnie tkwić mogło jej bogactwo . Po­ wyższy fragment z tekstu Czarnowskiego cytuje też w swoim artykule na temat re­ ligijności ludowej Ryszard Tomicki. Ponadto zamieszcza on informację, że podczas pielgrzymek na kalwarie i odprawiania drogi krzyżowej pątnicy powszechnie d o ­ datkowo (ponad trud samej pielgrzymki) udręczali swe ciała. Wkładali na głowy wieńce uwite z ciernistych gałązek, a kieszenie wypełniali kamieniami i tak obciąże­ ni wchodzili na górę ukrzyżowania (Tomicki 1981, s. 55). Czarnowski dopatrzyłby się zapewne w tego rodzaju zachowaniu szczególnego pragmatyzmu - przez zwięk¬ szenie ofiary pielgrzym zwiększał prawdopodobieństwo, że jego prośba zostanie wysłuchana. W moim przekonaniu jednak podobne zachowania wynikają nie tylko ze swojego rodzaju wymiany z Bogiem, ale również z konkretnego typu wrażliwości religijnej. Zawarte w wymienionych, klasycznych już tekstach informacje na temat prze¬ żywania męki Pańskiej są skąpe, lecz wystarczają, by wyobrazić sobie, że doświad¬ czanie Pasji mogło być niezwykle głębokie, a co więcej, towarzyszyć mu mogła za¬ duma nad losem zarówno Chrystusa, jak i nad własnym. Wierni rozpamiętywali ży¬ wot Jezusa, ofiarowali mu swój trud, by choć w ten sposób towarzyszyć mu na dro¬ dze krzyżowej, płakali nad jego losem, a mistyczne uniesienia, tak wypatrywane przez badaczy w religijności ludowej, nie są przecież jedynym świadectwem głębi przeżycia. Towarzyszące opisywanym praktykom emocje mogły równie silnie zbli­ żać do Boga. Być może ze względu na wyjątkowo emocjonalny charakter przeżyć związanych z upamiętnianiem męki Chrystusa badacze religijności ludowej pominęli ten temat. Ich zabieg wydaje się jednak niezrozumiały. Wszak męka Chrystusa, odkupienie i zmartwychwstanie to wydarzenia podstawowe, a nawet założycielskie dla chrześ¬ cijaństwa. Poświęcenie szczególnej uwagi t y m rozdziałom z historii życia Zbawi¬ ciela już od średniowiecza stanowiło element zalecanego modelu religijności. Pisane wówczas podręczniki medytacji nakazywały rozpamiętywanie męki i wręcz wczuwanie się w sytuację Chrystusa (por. Freedberg 2005, s. 170-176). W t e d y też zro­ dził się ruch devotio moderna, a na jego fali powstał postulat naśladowania Chrystusa. Dobroć, cierpliwość, wytrwałość Zbawiciela miały być wartościami obecnymi w ży­ ciu każdego wiernego. Jak zaznacza David Freedberg, niepoślednią rolę w podob­ nych medytacjach czy uczynieniu z Chrystusa wzoru do naśladowania odegrały wi¬ zerunki przedstawiające mękę. Staje się nam bliższy [ C h r y s t u s ] i łatwiej jest nam k s z t a ł t o w a ć nasze ż y c i e na w z ó r jego życia i życia jego świętych, k i e d y z n i m c i e r p i m y - a najlepiej r o b i ć t o za p o m o c ą 3 Inaczej do nieodróżniania znaczącego i znaczonego p o d c h o d z i Joanna Tokarska-Bakir. Wykazuje ona, że jest t o jedna z podstawowych cech opisywanej przez nią religijności t y p u ludowego, a co więcej, przeciwnie d o Czarnowskiego, waloryzuje t e n proces p o z y t y w n i e (Tokarska-Bakir 2000, s. 5 3 - 5 7 ) . 352 �M ę k a P a ń s k a s y m b o l i c z n i e czy d o s ł o w n i e ? wizerunków. D o c h o d z i m y d o w s p ó ł o d c z u w a n i a , k o n c e n t r u j ą c się na w i z e r u n k a c h C h r y s t u s a i jego ś w i ę t y c h oraz na i c h c i e r p i e n i u ( F r e e d b e r g 2 0 0 5 , s. 166). U podłoża medytacji leżała zatem empatia rozbudzana przez wizerunki. Tym sa¬ mym aspekt wizualny był od początku wpisany w kult pasyjny. Dziś przypominają nam o t y m rozliczne przestawienia męki Chrystusa - krucyfiksy, obrazy rzeźby itp. Wystarczy przyjrzeć się krajobrazowi Polski, by dostrzec, że Pasja w badaniach nad współczesną religijnością nie może pozostać białą plamą. W s p ó ł c z e s n a w r a ż l i w o ś ć pasyjna Przeżywanie Pasji nie jest cechą jedynie dawnej religijności. C h o ć możemy odnieść wrażenie, że obecne w krajobrazie wsi i miast krzyże czy kaplice na tyle spowszed¬ niały, iż nikt, patrząc na nie, nie przywołuje w myślach obrazów męki Chrystusa, rola Pasji we współczesnej religijności pozostaje niezwykle żywym tematem. Jak pisze Z o w c z a k : W i e l e c e c h i p r a k t y k p r z y p i s y w a n y c h m o d e l o w o religijności l u d o w e j w s p ó ł c z e ś n i e jeszcze b a r d z i e j się u m o c n i ł o , a p i e l g r z y m k i , m i s t e r i a i k u l t o b r a z ó w c i e s z ą się nieustającą p o p u l a r n o ś c i ą ( Z o w c z a k 2 0 0 8 , s. 4 1 ) . Rzeczywiście, pielgrzymki, zwłaszcza te na kalwarie, stanowią jeden z elementów dzisiejszego kultu męki Pańskiej. Wpisują się w niego także wszystkie nabożeństwa upamiętniające wydarzenia z ostatnich dni życia Chrystusa - gorzkie żale, droga krzyżowa, także rekolekcje wielkopostne, liturgia Niedzieli Palmowej. Coraz więk¬ szą popularnością cieszą się też w Polsce misteria męki Pańskiej wystawiane w sank¬ tuariach, klasztorach i kościołach. Współczesność rządzi się swoimi prawami, więc wśród wymienionych zjawisk składających się na obraz dzisiejszego kultu męki Pańskiej nie może zabraknąć też filmów prezentujących i interpretujących całość Pasji, jej wybrane fragmenty bądź losy konkretnych postaci. By przedstawić znaczenie kultu męki Pańskiej we współczesnej religijności, po­ stanowiłam wykorzystać pojęcie „wrażliwości pasyjnej". Inspirowana tekstem A n ­ drzeja H e m k i i Jacka Olędzkiego zamierzam przedstawić szczegółowe ujęcie wraż­ liwości religijnej (Hemka, Olędzki 1990). O n i skupili się na „wrażliwości mirakularnej", owej potrzebie cudowności towarzyszącej życiu religijnemu. M i m o że wrażliwość pasyjna niejednokrotnie wkracza na teren zarezerwowany dla mirakularnej, jest nakierowana na inne treści. Tym, co wyróżnia wrażliwość pasyjną, jest określony stosunek do ostatnich scen z życia Chrystusa oraz ich znaczenie dla wier­ nych. Wrażliwość pasyjna zakłada pewien stopień zaangażowania w kult męki Pań­ skiej, nie tylko powierzchowne z nim zetknięcie. W historii prezentowanej w Pasji ludzie doszukują się odpowiedzi na wiele pytań, dotyczących losów zarówno świa­ ta, jak i własnych; dopatrują się w postawach jej uczestników wzorów postępo­ wania, i pozytywnych, i negatywnych; niejednokrotnie też w ostatnich scenach 353 �Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska z życia Chrystusa znajdują swój klucz do wiary. Wrażliwość religijna stanowi oczy¬ wiście kryterium subiektywne, lecz jak zauważają Hemka i Olędzki, powiązane z określonym modelem religijności (Hemka, Olędzki 1990, s. 13), a przez to łatwiej uchwytne dla etnologów. Opisywaną w t y m tekście wrażliwość pasyjną zawężę jednak do badanych prze¬ ze mnie zjawisk, dwóch elementów współczesnego kultu męki Pańskiej - uczest¬ nictwa w misteriach wielkanocnych oraz oglądania filmów poświęconych śmierci Chrystusa, przede wszystkim zaś Pasji w reżyserii Mela Gibsona. Takie ogranicze¬ nie zakresu wrażliwości pasyjnej wynika z przedmiotu badań, które prowadzę od kilku lat - właśnie nad polskimi misteriami męki Pańskiej. Podczas tego rodzaju stu­ diów nie sposób uciec od rozmów o innych możliwościach przedstawiania czy upa­ miętniania Pasji. Badania objęły więc także nabożeństwa drogi krzyżowej czy prze­ żywanie liturgii Niedzieli Palmowej. Dotknęły także zjawiska niezwykle żywot¬ nego we współczesnej kulturze, mianowicie oglądania filmów. Podczas rozmów, które prowadziłam, okazało się, że niejednokrotnie najsilniejszymi bodźcami bu¬ dzącymi w wiernych ową wrażliwość pasyjną jest obejrzenie misterium i uczestni¬ ctwo w n i m lub obejrzenie i przeżywanie filmu opowiadającego o męce Chrystusa. Wrażliwość pasyjna, o której piszę, wręcz rodzi się wskutek zetknięcia z jednym albo z obydwoma z wymienionych rodzajów przedstawienia Pasji. Specyfika b a d a ń nad przedstawieniami męki Chrystusa O d 2006 r. prowadzę badania nad misteriami wielkanocnymi w Polsce. D o tej pory zgromadziłam materiały na temat misterium w Poznaniu, w Zawoi Przysłop, w Kal­ warii Pacławskiej, w Bydgoszczy Fordonie oraz w Miejscu Piastowym. Obserwo¬ wałam też misteria w Lądzie, Otwocku, Zakroczymiu. W każdej z tych miejsco¬ wości przedstawienie wielkanocne wygląda inaczej, inne jest miejsce wystawiania, inny zestaw scen, inna scenografia, stroje, aktorzy . We wszystkich przypadkach 4 4 Z e względu na ogromną rozmaitość misteriów badania nad poszczególnymi przedstawieniami zasadniczo się różnią. W Poznaniu rozmówcami b y l i przede w s z y s t k i m b y l i członkowie duszpaster­ stwa akademickiego salezjanów, a więc ludzie młodzi. C z ę ś ć z nich p r z y g o t o w u j e m i s t e r i u m , c z ę ś ć t y l k o w n i m uczestniczy, lecz t y m , co ich wiąże, jest nie t y l k o m i s t e r i u m , ale także rodzaj wspólnoty powstałej p r z y salezjanach. W Z a w o i Przysłop badania wyglądały już zupełnie inaczej. Przedstawie¬ nie wielkanocne jest p r z e d m i o t e m zainteresowania całej w s i , silnie wiąże się z jej lokalną tożsamoś¬ cią. Wystawiane jest tam o d około 60 lat, więc miałam okazję porozmawiać z osobami zarówno star¬ s z y m i , jak i młodymi i porównać ich odczucia oraz opinie związane z m i s t e r i u m . Z kolei w K a l w a r i i Pacławskiej m o i m i rozmówcami b y l i mieszkańcy miejscowości położonych wokół sanktuarium, młodsi i starsi, traktujący m i s t e r i u m jako wydarzenie t y p o w e , nieco już spowszedniałe, na stałe wpi¬ sane w kalwaryjski kalendarz. W Bydgoszczy F o r d o n znów miałam okazję rozmawiać przede wszyst­ k i m z ludźmi młodymi. M i s t e r i u m organizują tam osoby zrzeszone w różnych grupach powstałych p r z y fordońskiej parafii. Jeszcze i n n y c h r o z m ó w c ó w spotkałam w M i e j s c u Piastowym. Tam zetknęłam się przede w s z y s t k i m z młodzieżą, grającą i uczestniczącą w m i s t e r i u m , gdyż przedstawienie organi­ zowane jest przez uczniów l i c e u m p r z y niższym seminarium michalitów. 354 �M ę k a P a ń s k a s y m b o l i c z n i e czy d o s ł o w n i e ? miałam jednak do czynienia z osobami związanymi z misterium, czy to przez orga¬ nizowanie go, czy przez uczestnictwo w nim. Fakt ten zapewne uwrażliwiał ich na historię Chrystusa, a przez to czynił ich ciekawszymi rozmówcami. Stąd też pre¬ zentowana przeze mnie wrażliwość pasyjna jest obrazem religijności osób szcze¬ gólnych - zaangażowanych w przedstawianie samej Pasji. Jednocześnie opisywana wrażliwość pasyjna stanowi pewien znak czasu. Z a n i m rozpoczęłam swoje badania, miało miejsce przynajmniej jedno - tyleż szczęśliwe dla jakości badań, co istotne - wydarzenie. W 2004 r. odbyła się światowa premiera filmu Pasja reżyserowanego przez Mela Gibsona. Jak się okazało, zdarzenie to zna¬ cząco wpłynęło na przebieg moich badań. Z rozmówcami prowadziłam rozmowy już nie tylko o misteriach, ale też o słynnej Pasji Gibsona; na palcach jednej ręki mogę policzyć osoby, z którymi się zetknęłam podczas badań, deklarujące, że nie widziały tego filmu. Porównania, komentarze, a także wzajemne relacje między t y m filmem a przedstawieniami wielkanocnymi pojawiały się niemal w każdej rozmowie. D o dziś brak wzmianki o Pasji Gibsona w opowieściach na temat misterium pozo¬ staje rzadkością. Postanowiłam zatem badania nad misteriami poszerzyć o odbiór innego rodzaju przedstawienia męki Pańskiej - filmu Pasja. Wyłącznie jednak o o d ­ biór tej jednej ekranizacji losów Chrystusa, gdyż w oczach moich rozmówców cał¬ kowicie przyćmiła ona inne, wcześniejsze filmy. Przeżywanie misterium i przeżywanie dzieła Gibsona nie wygląda oczywiście identycznie w przypadku każdego rozmówcy, nie zawsze prowadzi też do podob¬ nych wniosków. Wśród osób, z którymi rozmawiałam, zarysowały się dwie ogólne postawy: zwolenników misterium i zwolenników filmu Pasja. Rozmówcy podzielili się ze mną swoimi odczuciami, że jedno z wydarzeń oddziałuje na nich silniej niż drugie i t y m samym zapewnia im, ich zdaniem, poczucie większego zaangażowania w losy Chrystusa czy lepszego zrozumienia ich. N i e zdarzyło mi się jednak spotkać osoby, która stanowczo stwierdziłaby, że jeden z wymienionych sposobów przed¬ stawiania męki Chrystusa w ogóle na nią nie wpływa. Mamy tu zatem do czynienia z sytuacją modelową, kiedy porównywanie doświadczeń z uczestnictwa w misterium oraz wrażeń z filmu Pasja pozwala na utworzenie pewnych typów idealnych. Jeden będzie opisywał maksimum uczuć, emocji, przeżyć religijnych wzbudzonych przez film Gibsona, drugi zaś przez dane misterium; postawy uczestników przedstawień wielkanocnych w większości lokują się gdzieś pomiędzy tymi typami, nie odpowia¬ dając całkowicie jednemu bądź drugiemu. M i m o to można wyraźnie zauważyć, że jednym łatwiej jest przeżywać i rozważać mękę Pańską wskutek impulsu danego przez uczestnictwo w misterium, innym przez obejrzenie Gibsonowskiej Pasji. D w a typy idealne wrażliwości pasyjnej Wyraźnie zarysowują się nam dwa typy wrażliwości pasyjnej, które nazwałabym nieco górnolotnie symbolicznym (większe oddziaływanie misteriów) i dosłownym (większe oddziaływanie filmu Pasja). Oba niewątpliwie wiążą się z deklarowaną 355 �Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska przez moich rozmówców potrzebą wizualizowania treści religijnych, umożliwiają bowiem zobaczenie męki Pańskiej. Freedberg wskazywał na niebagatelną funkcję statycznych wizerunków, być może współcześnie wobec gwałtownego rozwoju kultury popularnej podobną rolę należy przypisać dynamicznym wizualizacjom (zob. Zowczak 2008, s. 41). Wielu moich rozmówców podkreślało, że zobaczenie męki Chrystusa umożliwia im, jak i innym, głębsze jej przeżywanie. By tego do¬ świadczyć, trzeba jednak być osobą wierzącą. Jeśli k t o ś jest r e l i g i j n y t o b ę d z i e m ó g ł p r z e ż y ć t e ż film [Pasję G i b s o n a ] . Jeśli nie, t o t y l k o g o o b e j r z y I t a k samo jest z m i s t e r i u m . C h c e m y ż e b y w s z y s c y p r z y j e c h a l i . A l e to, c o z n i e g o . . . no, wyniosą, t o sprawa i n d y w i d u a l n a . Jedni p ó j d ą tam, b o są w i e r z ą c y i n n i z o b a c z y ć , b o c o ś się d z i e j e ( k o b i e t a , lat 27, Poznań, marzec 2 0 0 6 ) . Z siły oddziaływania wizualnych przedstawień męki Pańskiej zdają sobie sprawę twórcy misteriów. Dlatego też sięgają po środki, które w ich przekonaniu podkreślą istotę pokazywanej historii. Tak, właśnie dlatego t e ż używamy t y c h r ó ż n y c h ś r o d k ó w w m i s t e r i u m . W i a d o m o , że jest t o w i d o w i s k o teatralne jako takie, ale r o b i o n o inne wrażenie. Jest l u d z i o m bliskie. Te efekty pomagają l u d z i o m t o p r z e ż y ć . Z jednej s t r o n y jest t o teatr, ale z d r u g i e j właśnie p r z e ż y c i e religijne, i t o naprawdę silne. T o w r a ż e n i e jest niesamowite ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 35, Poznań, marzec 2 0 0 6 ) . Zarówno uczestnictwo w misteriach, jak i oglądanie Pasji Gibsona zdaniem moich rozmówców niesie w sobie ogromny potencjał. Pozwala na lepsze zrozumie­ nie znaczenia ofiary Zbawiciela, na pogłębienie wiary na wywołanie empatii, na od¬ nalezienie w Chrystusie lub innych postaciach swoistego wzorca osobowego. „Wi¬ dzowie" męki Pańskiej szukają postaci, z którą mogliby się porównać, by zgłębić własne życie. T o C h r y s t u s prosił swojego ojca, b y ł B o g i e m i prosił swojego O j c a . N i e umiał p r z e ż y ć tego, tej męki. O n tą m ę k ę widział, p o c i ł się k r w a w y m p o t e m . I prosił ojca, ż e b y t o oddalił. Proszę panią, pani sama zobaczy. Jak pani b ę d z i e m y ś l e ć o t y m . I jeżeli k t o ś myśli, ł ą c z y się d u c h o w o , t o jest się n a d c z y m z a s t a n o w i ć - n a d własnym ż y c i e m . P o r ó w n a ć go d o męki C h r y s t u s a (kobieta, lat 6 5 , Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2006). C z ł o w i e k jest słaby co m o ż e sam z r o b i ć , t o nie w i e m , bez Boga. Ja tak uważam. N o ale ja tam, n o i n o i Pan B ó g go uznał [św. P i o t r a ] , a p o t e m stał się świętym, go całował i płakał, a wyparł się. N o t o tys c z ł o w i e k nie n i e r o z tam g o d a : j o b y m tego nie zrobił, a p ó ź n i e j c z ł o w i e k jakoś zgłupnie c z y jak i r o b i . T a k myślę (kobieta, lat 85, Z a w o j a Przysłop, l i p i e c 2 0 0 6 ) . 356 �M ę k a P a ń s k a s y m b o l i c z n i e czy d o s ł o w n i e ? B o z samego siebie t o jest przeżycie, m o ż n a tak p o w i e d z i e ć . B o tak c z ł o w i e k tak m o ż e p o r ó w n a ć siebie, ż e jest t y m kimś, k t o się p r z y c z y n i ł d o t e g o [ u k r z y ż o w a n i a ] . T o w t e d y widać ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 40, K a l w a r i a Pacławska, marzec 2 0 0 7 ) . Przeżycia te stanowią pewne bogactwo, które moi rozmówcy wynoszą z uczest¬ nictwa w misteriach bądź oglądania filmu Pasja. Ale by mogli je pozyskać, potrze¬ bują określonego rodzaju bodźców. Jedni znajdują je w przeżywaniu misterium, żałując, że wcześniej nie mieli możliwości uczestniczyć w podobnym zdarzeniu, in¬ ni doszukują się ich w oglądaniu Pasji Gibsona, zawierzając prezentowanej tam in¬ terpretacji losów Chrystusa. Typ wrażliwości pasyjnej, któremu większy impuls do refleksji nad męką Pańską daje uczestnictwo w misteriach, nazwałam symbolicznym, by skontrastować spo¬ sób przedstawiania historii Jezusa w przedstawieniach wielkanocnych z brutalną i werystyczną formą prezentacji w filmie Gibsona. Twórcy misteriów nie dysponują ani wystarczającymi środkami, ani możliwościami technicznymi, a często też chęcia¬ mi, by losy Chrystusa przedstawić z dbałością o każdy szczegół. Jednocześnie też część organizatorów świadomie unika prezentowania zbytniego okrucieństwa. W niektórych misteriach (np. w Lądzie, w Zawoi Przysłop) w ogóle nie ma scen bi¬ czowania i krzyżowania, pokazanie ich zastępują odgłosy tych czynności. W in¬ nych przedstawieniach wielkanocnych, choć sceny te są prezentowane (Poznań, Kalwaria Pacławska, Miejsce Piastowe, Bydgoszcz Fordon) i Chrystus wspina się na Golgotę umazany sztuczną krwią, umowność tych scen (niezależna od wrażeń, ja¬ kie wywołują) jest z daleka widoczna. Ponadto twórcy misteriów nie dążą do abso­ lutnego odtworzenia realiów. Zdarza się, że Chrystusa gra 18-latek (Zawoja Przysłop), apostoła 70-latek (Kalwaria Pacławska). Chleb podczas ostatniej wieczerzy może być z powodzeniem zastąpiony blatem do pizzy (Zawoja Przysłop), a jej przebieg mogą całkowicie zakłócić fotoreporterzy podtykający aktorom obiektywy pod nos (Kalwaria Pacławska). Uczestnik sam wie, na czym się skupić i jak przeżyć dane wydarzenie, by nie przeszkadzały mu pomyłki aktorów, błyski fleszy i nawoły¬ wania porządkowych. - C z e m u starszy c z ł o w i e k nie m o ż e z a g r a ć Piłata? - Pewno, że może. T o nieważne, ile ma lat. A k t o r z y są m n i e j ważni. O n ma p o k a z a ć , p r z e c z y t a ć w e r d y k t . T o jest rola. A c z y on tam stary, c z y młody. Ja t e r o z mógłbym g r a ć ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 75, Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . I jeśli t o się t a k przeżywa, t o n a w e t jak k t o ś się p o m y l i raz c z y dwa, t o nie zważa się na to. C h o ć w i e m , ż e się pomylił, b o znam tekst, ale jak się c z ł o w i e k w c z u w a , t o m u nie p r z e s z k a d z a . T o c z ę s t o było, ż e jak już k t o stary, t o się zatkoł, t o nie wiedział t e g o słowa. A l e t o nic. M y i t a k przeżywamy. T o a k t o r jak z a p o m n i t o nic, b y l e on t a k się w c z u ł w te rolę ( k o b i e t a , lat 55, Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . 357 �K a m i l a Baraniecka-Olszewska U nas nie musi b y ć tak p o d o b n y d o Pana Jezusa, w y s t a r c z y żeby się w c z u w o ł . M y t o i tak p r z e ż y w a m y (kobieta, lat 55, Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . Odmienną konwencję przyjęli twórcy filmu Pasja. Odcięli się od dotychcza¬ sowej tradycji pokazywania w kinematografii męki Chrystusa - łagodnie, bez epa¬ towania okrucieństwem. Stworzyli dzieło, które swoją brutalnością, dosłownością niektórych scen przypomina co krwawsze horrory. Lecz częściowo to właśnie okru¬ cieństwo, bezpośredniość prezentowania tortur, poniżania Jezusa przyniosły filmo¬ wi taki rozgłos. Także wśród moich rozmówców te sceny podawane są za przykład tych najprawdziwszych - przecież tak cierpiał Chrystus i dzięki Pasji Gibsona od tej świadomości już nie uciekniemy: Kaźń pokazana w filmie dla wielu osób stanowi o jego wartości, otwiera i m oczy, uzmysławia, jak te wydarzenia mogły wyglądać. Dopiero tak silny bodziec sprawia, że starają się oni zgłębić znaczenie ofiary C h r y ­ stusa. Pasję Gibsona niejednokrotnie traktują jako najwierniejsze przedstawienie męki Pańskiej. Wszak sam papież Jan Paweł I I po projekcji tego filmu miał powie¬ dzieć: „To jest tak, jak było" (Lis 2005, s. 337). Typ symboliczny Typ symboliczny wrażliwości pasyjnej cechuje osoby, którym uderzająca dosłow¬ ność w prezentowaniu męki Chrystusa nie jest potrzebna, by skłonić je do rozwa¬ żań nad losem Zbawiciela, a wręcz i m w t y m przeszkadza. N o właśnie, Pasja jest mocniejsza i t o p o d t a k i m , t a k i m kątem t a k i e g o p r z e ż y c i a ta¬ kiego, j a k b y strachu, t a k i c h n e r w ó w p o p r o s t u . Ź l e się czułam, jak oglądałam tą Pasję. B a r d z o źle. A t u [na k a l w a r y j s k i m m i s t e r i u m ] s p o k o j n i e (kobieta, lat 75, K a l w a r i a Pacławska, marzec 2 0 0 7 ) . Misteria przybliżają historię Chrystusa w sposób, jaki wpisuje się w charakter nabożeństw wielkanocnych - ukazują mękę, niejednokrotnie wskazując na jej okrutny wymiar, lecz nie epatują o w y m okrucieństwem, nie zmuszają do wyobra¬ żania sobie Jezusa jako bohatera krwawej jatki. Dopowiedzenie, jak dokładnie mo¬ gła wyglądać męka Pańska, zostawiają wyobraźni i wrażliwości wiernych, którzy tę historię rozpamiętują. Pozwalają też na wyłowienie z przedstawianych scen innych treści niż niepojęcie krwawa ofiara Chrystusa - a ta u niektórych osób zostaje w pa¬ mięci jako główna scena Gibsonowskiej Pasji. N i e dooglądałem Pasji d o końca i nie c h c ę oglądać. To, co t u r o b i m y [ m i s t e r i u m ] , w y d a ­ je m i się dobre. A Pasji nie c h c ę w i d z i e ć . [ . . . ] N i e dooglądałem i nie c h c ę , b o t r o s z k ę m i się w y d a j e . . . m o ż e t o też jest t o przejaskrawienie, że G i b s o n chciał t o p o k a z a ć w ja­ kiś taki s p o s ó b b a r d z o przejaskrawiony tą mękę, ale t o nie jest właściwe. T o b u d z i u mnie niesmak, p r z y n a j m n i e j u mnie, t a k i jakiś. M o i m z d a n i e m t o nie p o w i n n o tak wyglą¬ dać, t a k s t r a s z y ć ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 37, Z a w o j a Przysłop, sierpień 2 0 0 6 ) . 358 �M ę k a P a ń s k a s y m b o l i c z n i e czy d o s ł o w n i e ? Misteria pozwalają też na zatarcie granic czasowych między wydarzeniami jero¬ zolimskimi sprzed dwóch tysięcy lat a dzisiejszymi. Podczas misteriów wytwarza się pewna szczególna atmosfera, którą moi rozmówcy na równi z samym ogląda¬ niem męki Pańskiej identyfikują jako szczególny bodziec do zastanowienia się nad sobą w kontekście ofiary Chrystusa. N o b o jest c i e m n o , t o jest takie i n d y w i d u a l n e , n o jest taka atmosfera, nie w i e m , n o in¬ t y m n o ś c i , n o o s o b n o ś c i , ż e tam się jest. N o jest się w tłumie, ale jest się w ciemnoś¬ ci, że nie w i d a ć t y c h w s z y s t k i c h l u d z i , ale z d r u g i e j s t r o n y jest ta ś w i a d o m o ś ć cały czas t y c h l u d z i , nie. Przy f i l m i e tego n i e ma, nie. N o nie no, b o t o na ekranie nie m o ż n a o d d a ć tego, co jest w m i s t e r i u m , n o b o c i l u d z i e t e ż b i o r ą w t y m udział, nie (mężczy¬ zna, lat 25, Poznań, marzec 2 0 0 6 ) . Właśnie możliwość określonego typu uczestnictwa, którą daje misterium, bez względu na to, czy jest ono wystawiane w przykościelnej salce, czy na kalwaryjskiej drodze krzyżowej, jest wartością, której żadna projekcja filmowa nie zagwarantuje. Uczestnictwo w misteriach budzi troskę zarówno organizatorów, jak i „widzów"; dla obydwu tych grup jest niezmiernie ważne i poświęcają mu wiele uwagi. Osoby przygotowujące przedstawienia wielkanocne starają się zorganizować je tak, by jak najbardziej wciągnąć wiernych w uczestnictwo. W przypadku filmu takie zabiegi nie są możliwe. A l e c h o d z i t e ż o to, ż e b y t y m l u d z i o m dać t a k i udział a k t y w n y . C o k o l w i e k , c h o ć b y najmniejszą rolę, ż e b y i n n y c h t e ż jakoś wciągnąć. Jak p o d c z a s wieczerzy, d a j e m y lu¬ d z i o m chleb [ k i e d y C h r y s t u s łamie chleb, p o n a d tysiąc b o c h e n k ó w zostaje r o z d y s t r y b u o w a n y c h w ś r ó d w i d z ó w - K . B - O . ] . T o właśnie w t e d y m o g ą p o c z u ć , ż e u c z e s t n i c z ą w t y m , ż e t e ż mają w t y m swój udział, t a k m i się w y d a j e (kobieta, lat 25, Poznań, kwie¬ cień 2 0 0 6 ) . Uczestnictwo w misterium i namysł, do jakiego ono skłania, są przez część moich rozmówców postrzegane jako główne zalety przedstawień. W ich braku z ko¬ lei upatrują głównej wady filmu Pasja. Tak, widziałam, c h y b a w s z y s c y w i d z i e l i t e n f i l m . A l e m o m e n t a m i miałam wrażenie, że już n i e w y t r z y m a m , ż e t o za dużo. M i się wydaje, ż e t o nie o t o c h o d z i , ż e b y t a k krwią z a r z u c i ć , p o to, ż e b y z r o b i ć w r a ż e n i e na l u d z i a c h . T o nie w y s t a r c z y Bo m y w i e m y że t o c z ł o w i e k b y ł u k r z y ż o w a n y i m ę c z o n y ale f i l m p o w i n i e n p o k a z a ć c o ś w i ę c e j , p o c o była ta męka. T o ważne, ż e b y p o k a z a ć wnętrze, b o t o jest t y l k o w tej r e l i g i i . I m y się i tak n a d t y m zastanawiamy, i t a k t o przeżywamy. A jak się t o w i d z i t a k b r u t a l n i e , tak bez t e g o . . . n o ,wnętrza, t o człowiek już się tak nie zastanawia, nie, b o już ma t o wszyst­ ko d o k ł a d n i e pokazane (kobieta, lat 25, Poznań, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . Wyższość uczestnictwa w misterium nad oglądaniem filmu wiąże się też z ko¬ niecznością zaangażowania się czy to w przygotowanie, czy w wyprawę na przed359 �K a m i l a Baraniecka-Olszewska stawienie wielkanocne. Oglądanie filmu postrzegane jest jako czynność prostsza, nie tak odświętna i wymagająca mniej osobistego zaangażowania - niekoniecznie emocjonalnego, ale organizacyjnego. L u d z i e są n i e c i e k a w i . W o l ą film o b e j r z e ć . T y l k o m y jesce w o l i m y swoje [ m i s t e r i u m ] i sami z r o b i ć dla Pana Jezusa (kobieta, lat 55, Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . Jednocześnie jednak w świadomości organizatorów i uczestników misteriów ist¬ nieje przekonanie, że film pozwala na o wiele bardziej precyzyjne odwzorowanie wydarzeń. W przedstawieniu wielkanocnym nie sposób osiągnąć podobnej do¬ kładności. Film Pasja, mimo całej swej brutalności, pozostaje pewnym ideałem po¬ kazywania męki Pańskiej właśnie ze względu na szczegółowość przedstawienia, bo¬ gactwo strojów, scenografii. Gibsonowska ekranizacja stała się więc pewnym punk¬ tem odniesienia także dla uczestników misteriów. A jak przeżywali, te pirse jak m y oglądali i przeżywali, t o w s z y s t k o w y s z ł o jak z tego filmu, z Pasji. Bo się l u d z i e w c z u w a l i w t o [ w m i s t e r i u m ] . Bo t o nase ludzie. T o l u d z i e tutaj t a k lubią. Jak b y ł o t o m i s t e r i u m , t o się garnęli d z i a d k i , b a b k i . W s z y s t k o i prze¬ żywało. T o t a k i ogrojec, n o i t e n Pan Jezus w t e m o g r o j c u , i t e n sąd Piłata t o się prze¬ żywało w e w n ę t r z n i e i c z u ł o się tak, j a k b y się b y ł o w J e r o z o l i m i e ( k o b i e t a , lat 55, Z a w o j a Przysłop, k w i e c i e ń 2 0 0 6 ) . Części osób, z którymi rozmawiałam, oglądanie Pasji Gibsona podobnych prze¬ żyć jednak nie zapewnia. Jednym dlatego, że razi ich brutalność przedstawienia, innym dlatego, że potrzebują szczególnego, odświętnego charakteru misteriów, by zaangażować się w przedstawianą historię. Symboliczny typ wrażliwości pasyjnej jest też naznaczony dozą wrażliwości mirakularnej. Podczas misterium ludzie wręcz oczekują odrobiny cudowności, nie­ zwykłości, gdyż doskonale pasuje ona do całości sytuacji - zdarzenia niecodzienne­ go. Uczestnictwo w przedstawieniu wielkanocnym, jak pisałam, wiąże się ze szcze­ gólną atmosferą. Inaczej rzecz się ma w przypadku czynności tak powszedniej jak oglądanie filmu, zwłaszcza w domu, nawet jeśli filmem t y m jest Pasja. Jeśli chodzi o ekranizację męki Chrystusa, świętość nie uobecnia się w filmie tak, jak dzieje się to w czasie trwania misterium, kiedy ludzie mają wrażenie, że mogą tej świętości niemal dotknąć. D l a t y c h l u d z i n i e k t ó r y c h t o jest tak, że j a k b y d o t k n ę ł a tego płaszcza [ C h r y s t u s a ] , t o b y z o s t a ł a u z d r o w i o n a , t o b y jakąś ł a s k ę d a ł o ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 4 0 , K a l w a r i a Pacławska, marzec 2 0 0 7 ) . Wieloma osobami rządzi potrzeba wykazania, że zdarzenie, w którym brali udział, było cudowne. Większość opowieści dotyczy ingerencji opatrzności w przedsta¬ wienie wielkanocne poprzez znaczące zjawiska pogodowe czy prowadzenie akto360 �M ę k a P a ń s k a s y m b o l i c z n i e czy d o s ł o w n i e ? rów tak, by ich działania zyskiwały dodatkową symbolikę. Najczęściej jednak po­ wtarzają się historie o gwałtownej zmianie pogody podczas sceny ukrzyżowania i śmierci Chrystusa. T o jest taka b a r d z o wzruszająca rzecz. T a k c h w y t a za serce. K i e d y ś t a k było, ż e w t y m m o m e n c i e z a c z ą ł p a d a ć deszcz. T o serce tak b i j e coraz słabiej, coraz ciszej. O n o d d a ­ je ż y c i e w r ę c e O j c a i w t e d y gaśnie całe światło, jest taka tajemnica ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 35, Poznań, marzec 2 0 0 6 ) . A tutaj G o l g o t a jest na tej takiej g ó r z e naszej i tam s z c z e g ó l n i e jakiś t a k i prąd p o w i e ­ trza jest, t a k w t e n c z a s [ p o d c z a s ukrzyżowania] jakiś t a k i wiatr, jakoś t a k d z i w n i e ( k o ­ bieta, lat 75, K a l w a r i a Pacławska, marzec 2 0 0 7 ) . Tak, t o zawsze. I te p i o r u n y jak, jak, przepraszam, ja zaraz muszę iść. Tam jest k w e s ­ tia, jak on t r a c i życie, i w t e d y te p i o r u n y co są s z t u c z n e takie na te, a p o c h w i l i z c h m u r takie w y c h o d z ą ciemne, t a k i e uczucie, j a k b y t o b y ł o z a ć m i e n i e ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 50, K a l w a r i a Pacławska, marzec 2 0 0 7 ) . W 2006 r zaś, podczas poznańskiego misterium wystawianego w rocznicę pogrze­ bu Jana Pawła II, śmierć Chrystusa, jak sprawdzili organizatorzy nastąpiła dokład­ nie o godzinie 21.37, czyli tej samej, o której nieco ponad rok wcześniej zmarł papież. Typ d o s ł o w n y Zwolennicy Pasji Gibsona nie deprecjonują oczywiście emocji i wrażeń, jakich d o ­ starcza, także im, uczestnictwo w misterium. Ci, z którymi miałam okazję rozmawiać, niejednokrotnie byli twórcami bądź uczestnikami misteriów i bardzo cenili sobie możliwość doświadczenia przeżyć, które zapewnia obecność na przedstawieniu wielkanocnym. I choć misterium oddziaływało na nich, nie pozostawiało obojętny¬ mi, oni sami w filmie Pasja upatrywali odpowiedniego dla swej wrażliwości religijnej sposobu pokazywania męki Pańskiej. Jednych do refleksji pobudzało właśnie okru¬ cieństwo, z jakim Gibson zekranizował drogę krzyżową, innych precyzja przedsta¬ wienia, dbałość o szczegóły, pozwalająca rozeznać się w realiach ówczesnej Jero¬ zolimy. Jeszcze inni dostrzegali w Pasji wysoko przez nich wartościowaną prawdzi¬ wość, realizm prezentacji, nieobecny w umownych jednak misteriach. Co ciekawe, to samo, co dla jednych stanowi główną wadę tego filmu, w oczach in­ nych staje się jego zaletą - dosłowność i brutalność przedstawienia samej męki Chry­ stusa. Dopiero taki rodzaj bodźca, zdaniem części moich rozmówców, porusza na tyle mocno, by sprowokować do refleksji religijnej. Więcej nawet, dopiero tak dra¬ styczna prezentacja męki Pańskiej prowadzi do odczuwania empatii z Chrystusem. N o tak, ale t o p r z e c i e ż właśnie o t o chodziło. W ł a ś n i e o cierpienie. M y ś l ę , ż e dzięki t a k i m s c e n o m l u d z i e lepiej m o g ą z r o z u m i e ć c i e r p i e n i e C h r y s t u s a . P r z e c i e ż , wiesz, 361 �Kamila Baraniecka-Olszewska w s z y s c y wiedzą, że za nas cierpiał i cierpiał. A l e n i k t nie zdaje sobie s p r a w y z tego c i e r p i e n i a . A tak m ó g ł się n a d n i m jakoś z a s t a n o w i ć . Z r o z u m i e ć , jak o g r o m n e b y ł o t o cierpienie. Pasja miała t o p o k a z a ć , m o ż n a tak p o w i e d z i e ć . Bo l u d z i e się nad t y m nie zastanawiają. A jak z o b a c z ą , t o t r o c h ę t o t e ż t a k o d c z u j ą (kobieta, lat 25, Poznań, marzec 2 0 0 6 ) . Powszechne wśród moich rozmówców jest przekonanie, że dziś ludziom nie wystarczy mówić o ofierze Chrystusa, nie wystarczą i m nabożeństwa drogi krzy¬ żowej, by dotarła do nich istota męki. Trzeba i m tę historię pokazać, a co więcej, pokazać tak, by odpowiadała ich wrażliwości, niekiedy odpornej na bardziej sub¬ telne przedstawienia. Dla takich osób niemal idealnym rozwiązaniem jest właśnie film Pasja. M i się Pasja b a r d z o p o d o b a ł a . Z n a c z y nie ze względu, ż e tam b y ł y te d r a s t y c z n e sce¬ ny ukazywane, ale ze w z g l ę d u na to, ż e Pasja jest bliska r e a l i z m u , bliska tej p o s t a c i . M e l G i b s o n m o ż e posunął się za daleko w t y m realizmie, n i e m n i e j t e n f i l m w y w o ł a ł coś. Ja słyszałem taką dyskusję na t e m a t c i e r p i e n i a tego C h r y s t u s a i m i się wydaje, że Pasja jakiś p o z y t y w n y s k u t e k wywołała. D l a t e g o ż e w i e l e o s ó b sobie nie uświadamia dokładnie, co t o jest właśnie droga krzyżowa, tak naprawdę. C o t o jest ukrzyżowanie, tak naprawdę. I t y m l u d z i o m trzeba t o p o k a z a ć . M o ż e n a w e t t a k t r a g i c z n i e jak w Pa­ sji, ż e b y z r o z u m i e l i ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 37, Poznań, marzec 2 0 0 6 ) . Bo studiując Pismo, m o ż n a o d c z y t a ć , ż e t o m n i e j w i ę c e j t a k m o ż e wyglądać. Te sce¬ ny, k t ó r e nas przerażają, takie p o p r o s t u były. I m o i m z d a n i e m trzeba t o p o k a z a ć . Z b l i ż y ć się jak najbardziej d o tego o b r a z u , k t ó r y r z e c z y w i ś c i e się tam rozegrał. Ja my¬ ślę, ż e d o b r z e , d l a t e g o ż e c z ę s t o się t o w o g ó l e u k r y w a . T o się p o k a z u j e tak, ż e do¬ brze, że go ukrzyżowali, że go kopali, ale t o w s z y s t k o jest takie ugładzone. Takie ładne. Tam g o t r o c h ę ciągnęli, t r o c h ę g o k o p a l i i g o ukrzyżowali (kobieta, lat 26, B y d g o s z c z F o r d o n , marzec 2 0 0 8 ) . W pewnym sensie film Pasja odkrywa przed nami realia męki Pańskiej, uzupełnia wszelkie inne przedstawienia o dosłowność, okrucieństwo, których brak mógł wier¬ nych w niedostatecznym stopniu pobudzać do rozważań nad Chrystusową ofiarą. Ofiarą, na którą składało się nieludzkie cierpienie. Gibsonowska ekranizacja wręcz wymusza zastanowienie się nad sensem cierpienia Chrystusa, ponieważ po obejrze¬ niu kilkudziesięciu minut krwawej jatki nie sposób myśleć o niczym innym. Dlatego też osoby, które w filmie Pasja widzą ten najwłaściwszy sposób oddania męki Pań¬ skiej, niejednokrotnie oglądają ten film po kawałku, rozmyślając nad kolejnymi sce¬ nami i wydarzeniami; traktują go niemal tak jak zespół biblijnych czytań, z których każde można potraktować jako odrębną część. A on o g r o m n i e cierpiał. I dlatego d o b r z e , że t a k i f i l m powstał, n a w e t jeśli dla niektó¬ r y c h jest z b y t drastyczny Ja sama niektórych scen nie widziałam jeszcze, m i m o że go d r u ­ gi raz oglądam. Bo ja t o oglądam p o kawałku, rozważając (kobieta, lat 26, B y d g o s z c z F o r d o n , marzec 2 0 0 8 ) . 362 �M ę k a P a ń s k a s y m b o l i c z n i e czy d o s ł o w n i e ? Takie podejście do Pasji Gibsona czyni z oglądania jej głęboko religijne prze¬ życie. To już nie jest oglądanie filmu, to doświadczanie Pasji. Dla wielu osób szcze¬ gólnie istotne w okresie wielkiego postu i Wielkanocy Pozwala i m się bowiem przy¬ gotować zarówno na nadejście świąt upamiętniających wydarzenia prezentowane w filmie, jak i na misterium, które choć inne od Gibsonowskiej Pasji, dla tych ludzi też stanowi istotny element obchodów Wielkanocy. Bo dla m n i e t o są naprawdę t a k i e p r y w a t n e rekolekcje. Z jednej s t r o n y właśnie przy¬ g o t o w a n i e się d o tego [ m i s t e r i u m ] , ale t e ż t a k i e rekolekcje p r y w a t n e (kobieta, lat 26, B y d g o s z c z F o r d o n , marzec 2 0 0 8 ) . O g l ą d a ł e m Pasję, tak, ale dla m n i e t o p r z e ż y c i e z b y t osobiste, nie b ę d ę o t y m m ó w i ł ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 35, B y g d o s z c z F o r d o n , marzec 2 0 0 8 ) . Oglądanie Pasji jest nie tylko doświadczeniem intymnym, to także przeżycie niezwykłe ze względu na wspomniany już przeze mnie odwzorowany w filmie ideał przedstawienia losów Chrystusa. Ideał, do którego, inaczej niż w przekonaniu osób prezentujących typ symboliczny, misteriom daleko. N i g d y się nie sugerowaliśmy Pasją, n o b o nie ma sensu, no, p o d r a b i a ć c o ś , c o jest c h y ­ ba doskonałe ( m ę ż c z y z n a , lat 35, B y d g o s z c z F o r d o n , marzec 2 0 0 8 ) . Na zakończenie Oba przedstawione typy wrażliwości pasyjnej mogą się zazębiać. Osoby, z którymi miałam okazję rozmawiać, uczestniczą w misteriach, ale oglądały też film Pasja, przy t y m jedno z tych wydarzeń zrobiło na nich większe wrażenie niż drugie. Trze¬ ba jednak pamiętać, że nie chodzi t u o rywalizację między dwoma przedstawienia¬ mi męki Chrystusa. Musimy też cały czas mieć świadomość, że nie są tutaj istotne rozważania, k t o woli film, a k t o teatr, a raczej komu jakiego rodzaju impuls religijny odpowiada. N i e jest to też wyłącznie kwestia sądu estetycznego. Ocena zarówno Pasji Gibsona, jak i poszczególnych misteriów wiąże się przede wszystkim z prze¬ życiem religijnym, ze wzruszeniem, poruszeniem, ale także z przyrównaniem tych reakcji do odczuć, jakie wywołuje uczestnictwo w nabożeństwach, w innych prak¬ tykach religijnych. Niejednokrotnie bowiem moi rozmówcy, choć film wywoływał w nich o wiele większe emocje niż misterium, mówili, że sposób przedstawiania męki Chrystusa w misterium jest i m bliższy. Wrażliwość pasyjna, którą przedstawiłam, pozostaje pod dużym wpływem kul¬ tury popularnej. Z jednej strony wyraża się on w cenieniu przez wiernych rozbudo­ wanych, wizualnych przedstawień męki Pańskiej i w twierdzeniu, że ich treści trafia¬ ją do nich o wiele skuteczniej niż czytania na mszy czy nabożeństwa wielkopostne. Z drugiej strony wyraźnym znakiem mariażu dzisiejszej religijności z kulturą popu¬ larną jest niezwykły sukces filmu Pasja. Z powodzeniem spełnia on wymogi dzisiej363 �K a m i l a Baraniecka-Olszewska szej superprodukcji - gwiazdy w obsadzie, napięcie, wartka akcja, rozmach sceno¬ grafii. Pod tą wpisaną w kulturę masową formą przemyca jednak treści, które dla wielu osób stanowią inspirację do głębokiej refleksji. Dzisiejsza religijność to pole przecięcia wielu porządków. To, co lokalne - organizacja swojego misterium - nie funkcjonuje już bez tego, co popularne - wszak nawet lokalne misterium niejedno¬ krotnie nosi ślady inspiracji Pasją, a podczas odprawiania drogi krzyżowej w koście­ le przypomną się sceny z tego filmu. Stąd też współczesna religijność zyskała miano religijności popularnej. W badaniach nad nią nie należy jednak pomijać wątku pa¬ syjnego i skupiać się wyłącznie na tematach dyktowanych przez model religijności ludowej. Zaryzykowałabym twierdzenie, że w religijności popularnej kult męki Pań¬ skiej zajmuje pozycję kluczową. Jak zauważa Magdalena Zowczak, w t y m typie religijności obraz odgrywa jedną z głównych ról (Zowczak 2008, s. 41). Taką też odgrywa we współczesnej wrażli¬ wości pasyjnej. Kultura popularna dostarcza mnóstwa bodźców kształtujących ten rodzaj wrażliwości, bodźców przede wszystkim wizualnych. Coraz więcej jest mis¬ teriów męki Pańskiej. Scenariusze do znacznej części z nich powstały w ciągu kilku¬ nastu ostatnich lat i ich realizatorzy pełnymi garściami czerpią z zasobów kultury popularnej - czy to przy produkcji scenografii, strojów, czy przy doborze muzyki, efektów dźwiękowych oraz świetlnych. Kolejną grupę stanowią ekranizacje męki z Pasją na czele. Film stał się źródłem dogłębnych przeżyć religijnych. Statyczny wizerunek - krucyfiks, obraz - umieszczony w d o m o w y m zaciszu czy na krańcu miejscowości nadal przypomina o męce Chrystusa, lecz coraz więcej osób zamiast wpatrywać się w martwy przedmiot, woli włączyć sobie mękę Chrystusa „na żywo" - choćby w postaci Pasji Gibsona. Bibliografia Bukraba-Rylska I . 2008 Religijność ludowa i jej niemuzykalni krytycy, „Znak", r. L X , nr 3 (634), s. 11-30 Czarnowski S. 1958 Kultura religijna wiejskiego ludu polskiego, w: Kultura religijna wiejskiego ludu pol­ skiego, Warszawa Freedberg D. 2005 Potęga wizerunków. Studia z historii i teorii oddziaływania, Kraków Hemka A., Olędzki J. 1990 Wrażliwość mirakularna, „Polska Sztuka Ludowa", t. XLIV, nr 1, s. 8-14 Kitowicz J. 2003 Opis obyczajów za panowania Augusta JJJ, t. I, Wrocław 364 �M ę k a P a ń s k a s y m b o l i c z n i e czy d o s ł o w n i e ? Lis M . 2005 Film pasyjny: doświadczenie misterium, w: Liturgia w świecie widowisk, red. H.J. Sobeczko, Z . Solski, Opole Tokarska-Bakir J. 2000 Obraz osobliwy: hermeneutyczna lektura źródeł etnograficznych, Kraków Tomicki R. 1981 Religijność ludowa, w: Etnografia Polski. Przemiany kultury ludowej, red. M . Bier¬ nacka, M . Frankowska, W. Paprocka, Wrocław Zowczak M . 2008 Między tradycją a komercją, „Znak", r. L X , nr 3 (634), s. 31-44 365 � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/fa8629a97419444088e3ced2a79f9a1a.pdf 639baad78571002c9b055cd99261bede Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5501 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 Subject The topic of the resource antropologia stosowana - podręczniki dziennikarstwo Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5117 Title A name given to the resource Antropologia w dziennikarstwie / Antropologia stosowana Description An account of the resource Antropologia stosowana, pod red. Macieja Ząbka; s.375-396 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kowalski, Marek Arpad Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Międzynarodowe Centrum Dialogu Miedzykulturowego i Miedzyreligijnego UKSW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 16 Marek Arpad Kowalski ANTROPOLOGIA W DZIENNIKARSTWIE Niezależnie od tego, jak byśmy nazwali czy określili temat: „Antropologia w dziennikarstwie” czy „Antropologia a dziennikarstwo” lub „Antropologia i dziennikarstwo”, lub jeszcze inaczej, ale podobnie – rzecz rozważań pozostaje ta sama, sprawiając wszakże pewne trudności w zrozumieniu i przedstawieniu. Lecz odsuńmy na bok wątpliwości nazewnicze. Zadanie polega na tym, by określić wzajemne relacje między antropologią a dziennikarstwem: podobieństwa i różnice, a jeszcze dokładniej, by wydobyć elementy wspólne i odrębne oraz takie, które znajdują się na pograniczu jednej i drugiej formy, a wreszcie by znaleźć związki metodologiczne i formalne między jednym a drugim rodzajem działania, wypowiedzi i przekazu, a jednocześnie odmienności charakterystyczne dla obu rodzajów poszukiwań i wypowiedzi przy jednoczesnym widzeniu tego, co może być uznane za wspólne lub podobne, a zarazem wzajemnie przenikające się. Konieczne jest tu pewne dopowiedzenie. Od pewnego czasu dziennikarstwo stanowi jedno z pól badawczych dla antropologii, znacznie szerzej nawet: nie tylko dziennikarstwo, ale ogólnie media (pamiętać trzeba, że w tym układzie dziennikarstwo jest – by tak rzec – fragmentem mediów). Powstają opracowania antropologiczne dotyczące dziennikarstwa, czy ogólniej mediów, jako przejawów kultury (naturalnie kultury jako efektów działalności ludzkiej i zarazem formującej człowieka, by nie odwoływać się tu do klasycznej już, acz nieco przydługiej i „wyliczankowej” definicji Edwarda Burnetta Tylora). Zarazem szukające w tych obu formach aktywności mniej czy bardziej widocznych antropologicznych tropów. Michael Herzfeld w pracy Antropologia. Praktykowanie teorii w kulturze i społeczeństwie jeden z rozdziałów swej pracy tytułuje Media, obejmując w nim nie tylko dziennikarstwo w czasopismach, ale i telewizyjne oraz radiowe, a także film, seriale i reklamy oraz wszelkie reportaże telewizyjne, słuchowiska radiowe i billboardy oraz rozmaite inne, a pokrewne formy klasyfikowane jako media. Zostawmy jednak na marginesie tak szerokie potraktowanie tematu, by nie pogubić się w szczegółach i skupić się na właściwym temacie naszych rozważań. �376 Marek Arpad Kowalski Podobieństwa i różnice Można rozumieć antropologię w dziennikarstwie w sposób niejako jednostronny, a raczej uproszczony. To znaczy zajmować się antropologią w dziennikarstwie rozumianą jako wypowiedzi dziennikarskie na temat antropologii, a dokładniej – publikowanie artykułów dziennikarskich traktujących o tym, czym jest antropologia, wyjaśnianie w ten sposób założeń nauki, przedstawianie jej wyników badawczych, przybliżanie pewnych terminów i określeń, przedstawianie myślenia antropologicznego jako dobrego sposobu na odbiór i rozumienie świata. Byłaby to swoista popularyzacja nauki. Można też publikować recenzje z prac i książek antropologicznych, zwłaszcza w pismach specjalizujących się w drukowaniu recenzji czy też w działach recenzyjnych rozmaitych pism, także popularnych. Jeśli – dodajmy – redakcje czasopism będą nimi w ogóle zainteresowane, gdyż wiele pism raczej stara się unikać zbyt wielu podobnych artykułów czy recenzji jako uważanych za trudne w odbiorze, a zatem nie przyciągających czytelników. Ta dosyć prosta forma antropologii w dziennikarstwie jest stosowana mimo pewnych trudności związanych z tzw. polityką wydawniczą, nastawioną na publikowanie tekstów „dla każdego”, czyli „dla wszystkich”, a zatem o niezbyt dużej skali trudności w odbiorze, acz korzystna jest dla popularyzacji nauki. Jednak nie tylko o to chodzi. Owszem, popularyzacja antropologii w dziennikarstwie jest ważna, ale jak powiedziano wcześniej, powinniśmy szukać wzajemnych relacji głębiej, niż tylko w artykułach i recenzjach popularyzatorskich. W 1912 r. ukazała się w Krakowie, nakładem wydawnictwa Gebethner i Wolff, praca Psychologia społeczna. Czynności poznawania, której autorem był Zygmunt Balicki, jak głosi wyjaśnienie: doktor praw, członek stowarzyszony Międzynarodowego Instytutu Socjologicznego. Wbrew tytułowi, czy raczej wbrew dzisiejszemu znaczeniu terminów, nie jest to praca stricte psychologiczna, lecz raczej socjologiczna, zawierająca bardzo wiele elementów i rozważań z zakresu etnologii i antropologii kulturowej, a właściwie lokująca się na pograniczu tych dyscyplin, czyli socjologii i etnologii (mianem psychologii społecznej określano wówczas socjologię). Znajdujemy tam pewne tropy mówiące o stosunku antropologii do dziennikarstwa i odwrotnie. Systematyzacja umysłowa, łącząca ze sobą wrażenia z obrazami, przechowanymi w pamięci surowej, polega przede wszystkim na skojarzeniu w czasie wrażeń przeszłych, teraźniejszych i przyszłych na podstawie ich podobieństwa. Jeżeli każde nowo występujące wrażenie dochodzi do świadomości podmiotu już jako znane w swych charakterystycznych przejawach z przeszłości i pod �Antropologia w dziennikarstwie 377 tym samym względem przewidziane i oczekiwane, przybiera ono cechy wrażenia określonej jakości (Balicki 1912, s. 80). Upraszczając nieco – wrażenia plus obrazy przechowywane w pamięci plus skojarzenia wrażeń przeszłych, teraźniejszych i przyszłych na podstawie ich podobieństwa, są to czynności umysłowe albo też rodzaj postępowania charakterystyczny dla antropologii i dziennikarstwa. I dalej nieco bardziej szczegółowo: Jako przykład trudności praktycznej w przeprowadzeniu granicy między duchowymi a funkcyonalnymi przejawami pewnego faktu społecznego, przytoczyć możemy zaniepokojenie, wywołane w środowisku społecznem przez silne wrażenia zewnętrzne: artykuły i wiadomości, zamieszczone w prasie, a temu faktowi poświęcone, zgromadzenia, narady, listy i depesze z tegoż powodu rozsyłane, demonstracye uliczne (odruchy) etc. zaliczymy do zjawisk fizycznych, przedmiotowych, podczas gdy treść wystąpień prasy, narad, komunikatów i haseł podczas demonstracyi wygłaszanych – do zjawisk duchowych (Balicki 1912, s. 99). Wyznaczając granicę między tym, co Balicki określa przejawami duchowymi, a przejawami funkcjonalnymi, czyli rzeczywistymi, realnymi, w jakiś sposób materialnymi, widać ponownie związki między antropologią a dziennikarstwem. A wreszcie swoiste podsumowanie wskazujące na rolę dziennikarstwa i jego związki z antropologią w ówczesnym rozumieniu zagadnienia: Jeżeli stróżem i wyrazicielem uwagi samorzutnej w społeczeństwach współczesnych jest dziennikarstwo, rolę tę w zakresie uwagi dowolnej spełnia publicystyka. Ona to wskazuje, co jest godnego przechowania w pamięci społecznej, co jest symptomatem poznawczym trwałym, a co przemijającym, i daje pierwsze wskazania nowych wyobrażeń twórczych, mających powstać w zakresie kultury narodowej. Publicystyka jest nadto stróżem niezaspokojonych potrzeb społeczeństwa, wyrazem jego pragnień i dążeń, a skierowując uwagę opinii na najdonioślejsze i najgłębiej sięgające zagadnienia bytu narodowego, zwraca ją w kierunku największego oporu zewnętrznego lub wewnętrznego i siłą rzeczy staje się drogowskazem przyszłych wysiłków twórczych (Balicki 1912, s. 263). Jak widać już wówczas, sto lat temu, gdy jeszcze antropologia była przynajmniej u nas w powijakach, zwracano uwagę na jej związki z dziennikarstwem (też w porównaniu z obecnym znajdującym się może nie w powijakach, ale jednak w przedszkolu). Nie wnikam tu w to, co Balicki rozumie pod pojęciami „zjawisk fizycznych”, „zjawisk duchowych”, „symptomatów trwałych” i „symptomatów przemijających”, czy wreszcie „oporu zewnętrznego” i „oporu �378 Marek Arpad Kowalski wewnętrznego”, ani jak je definiuje według ówczesnego rozumienia tych terminów, gdyż wymagałoby to szczegółowej recenzji tej pracy, a przecież nie o to nam chodzi. Dodać jednak należy dla lepszego pojmowania jego poglądów, że „pamięć surowa” odpowiada mniej więcej pamięci potocznej, nie wyniesionej z nauki, „symptomaty trwałe” to takie, które zapadają nam w pamięci na trwałe, w odróżnieniu od „symptomatów przemijających” czyli chwilowo goszczących w naszej umysłowości, wreszcie „opór zewnętrzny” to taki, który stawia nasz umysł przed przyjęciem realnych faktów zachodzących w naszym otoczeniu, a „opór wewnętrzny” to wzdraganie się przed przyjęciem faktów niezgodnych z naszymi poglądami i przyzwyczajeniami. To pokrótce tyle, żeby zrozumieć co Balicki rozumie pod tymi określeniami. Dokładne wyjaśnienia znajdują się w rzeczonej pracy i są czerpane z ówczesnego katalogu psychologicznego i socjologicznego. Dla naszych rozważań mają jednak drugorzędne znaczenie (ich znaczenia możemy zresztą domyślać się z kontekstu, w jakim występują). Najbardziej istotne wydaje się to, że już wtedy dostrzegano rolę antropologii w dziennikarstwie i rolę dziennikarstwa w antropologii, aczkolwiek w sposób rozłączny, niezupełnie przenikający się, chociaż zarazem często tożsamy, zwłaszcza przypisując jednej i drugiej formie wypowiedzi chęć obserwowania i badania świata, jego zrozumienia i wyjaśnienia. Uderza również u Balickiego fakt idealizowania dziennikarstwa dla formowania wyrażania i zaspokajania potrzeb społecznych; idealizowania wzbudzającego dziś pewne poczucie sceptycyzmu, czy rzeczywiście tak jest. W każdym razie dziennikarstwo zostało potraktowane jako pomocne w kształtowaniu postaw społecznych, czy raczej enkulturacji – pomocne dla wszelkich działań antropologicznych, a zarazem antropologia jako pomocna dla dziennikarstwa dla lepszego rozumienia świata i jego objaśniania. Ale przyjmijmy takie stanowisko z dobrodziejstwem inwentarza, w końcu takie były na ów temat poglądy na progu XX wieku. Zresztą i obecnie przy traktowaniu dziennikarstwa jako domniemanego „bytu idealnego”, nie pamiętając o jego współczesnych dewiacjach, jest to pogląd teoretycznie zasadny. A że praktyka częstokroć odbiega od ideału, to już odrębne zagadnienie. Dodajmy jeszcze dla uzupełnienia, że w dziennikarstwie mylone są niejednokrotnie pojęcia etnografii, etnologii i antropologii, a wreszcie że antropologia często bywa utożsamiana z antropologią fizyczną. Dodam na podstawie własnych obserwacji i rozmów (jeśli są one w jakiś sposób reprezentatywne), że kiedy mówię o antropologii (w domyśle kulturowej, acz nie dodaję tego przymiotnika), słyszę zdziwienie, że przecież to „badanie kości” czy coś podobnego, w każdym razie rozumiana ogólnie, jak powiedziałem, �Antropologia w dziennikarstwie 379 jako wyłącznie antropologia fizyczna. Trzeba dopiero dłuższego tłumaczenia, by rzecz wyjaśnić. Przydałoby się zatem, zwłaszcza ze strony antropologów, dokładniejsze wyjaśnienie, co należy rozumieć pod mianem antropologii, by w dosyć powszechnym odbiorze dziennikarskim nie była utożsamiana jedynie z jedną jej „częścią” (fizyczną). Ale to na marginesie. Znów jednak wróćmy do tematu. Logika versus emocje Na przestrzeni co najmniej stulecia mamy do czynienia z wzajemnym przenikaniem się antropologii i dziennikarstwa, aczkolwiek początkowo jeszcze delikatnym, nie sformalizowanym, albo może raczej z poczuciem, czy trochę bardziej ostrożnie, wyczuwaniem wzajemnych związków lub pewnych podobieństw, później dopiero bardziej wyraźnym. Lecz po tej wycieczce historycznej wróćmy do istoty problemu. Otóż należy od razu stwierdzić, że wszystko to, co podlega opisowi antropologicznemu, podlega także opisowi dziennikarskiemu. I odwrotnie: to, co podlega opisowi dziennikarskiemu, podlega także opisowi antropologicznemu. Innymi słowy, wszelkie zjawiska i fakty, które są przedmiotem badawczym antropologii, mogą być zarazem przedmiotem obserwacji dziennikarskiej. I odwrotnie: zjawiska i fakty, jakie bywają przedmiotem relacji dziennikarskich, mogą być także przedmiotem badań antropologicznych i wyciąganych na tej podstawie wniosków. Naturalnie, nie wszystko, co jest opisem dziennikarskim, nadaje się do przełożenia na pojęcia i język antropologii, tak jak i nie zawsze opis antropologiczny nadaje się do przełożenia na dziennikarstwo. Dodajmy, że opis dziennikarski teoretycznie powinien być gładki, potoczysty, językowo poprawny i ładny. W porównaniu z nim opis antropologiczny językowo bywa niekiedy chropowaty, elegancja językowa może mieć znaczenie drugorzędne. Jednakże są liczne pola wspólne pozwalające eksploatować je zarówno w sposób antropologiczny, jak i dziennikarski, a także śledzić założenia antropologiczne w dziennikarstwie. Na tym, jak sądzę, polega przede wszystkim istota antropologii w dziennikarstwie: wspomniane wspólne pola zainteresowań dające możność szukania tropów antropologicznych w wypowiedziach dziennikarskich i odwrotnie – możliwości dziennikarskich w poczynaniach antropologicznych. Narzuca się w tym miejscu przykład może nieco kontrowersyjny, ale trafny – mianowicie to, co od 10 kwietnia 2010 roku dzieje się w Warszawie na Krakowskim Przedmieściu przed Pałacem Prezydenckim. Nie oceniam tych wydarzeń w żaden sposób, podaję jednak jako wyraźny przykład. Wydarzenia �380 Marek Arpad Kowalski te i wszystko, co się tam dzieje, obrosło niezmiernie licznymi artykułami dziennikarskimi, kontrowersjami, publicystyką. Wszakże antropolog przypatrując się tym wydarzeniom, znajdzie dla siebie liczne tematy badawcze: narodziny mitu (na temat postaci Lecha Kaczyńskiego), tworzenie się wspólnoty, sakralizacja terytorium, stosunek do religii (krzyża jako symbolu i Kościoła jako instytucji), sprawa wykluczenia, stosunek „my” i „oni”, potoczne postrzeganie państwa, relacje między grupą a jednostką... Zapewne można by znaleźć wiele innych tematów przyciągających naukowca (rozwinięcie tych przykładów to odrębne zagadnienie, tu podaję je hasłowo). W każdym razie widać dobitnie, że to, co jest przedmiotem opisu dziennikarskiego, staje się przedmiotem badawczym dla antropologii. Przypominam: nie oceniam, nie komentuję, ale widać tu dobitnie, jak funkcjonuje lub może funkcjonować antropologia w dziennikarstwie, przynajmniej na poziomie uogólnionym. Podobnych przykładów z aktualnego życia publicznego można by przytoczyć więcej. Chociażby sprawa OFE (renty i emerytury), obecność naszych wojsk w Afganistanie, kwestia ewentualnej elektrowni atomowej w Polsce, zjawisko tzw. kibiców stadionowych i wiele innych spraw, jakimi żyje obecnie dziennikarstwo i jakimi będzie się karmiło w przyszłości. Trzeba w tym miejscu zauważyć, że podobne tropy antropologiczne znajdują się nie tylko w dziennikarstwie, ale i w literaturze pięknej. Są liczne tytuły powieściowe będące wprost antropologią. Można w tym miejscu wymienić takie przykłady, jak chociażby Kirgiz schodzi z konia (Warszawa 1974) Ryszarda Kapuścińskiego, Boża podszewka (Warszawa 1997 – na tej podstawie powstał serial telewizyjny pod tym samym tytułem emitowany kilkanaście lat temu) Teresy Lubkiewicz-Urbanowicz, Traktat o łuskaniu fasoli (Kraków 2006) Wiesława Myśliwskiego, Huta (Wołowiec 2007) Grzegorza Kopaczewskiego. To tylko kilka przykładów wybranych przypadkowo. Można by wymienić ich znacznie więcej, ale nie będę tego czynił, ponieważ związki między antropologią a literaturą piękną także bywają wyraźne, lecz dokładne ich prześledzenie odbiega od tematu zajmującego się antropologią w dziennikarstwie. Jeśli zostały tu przywołane, to marginalnie, żeby pamiętać i o tych także relacjach. Wracając do głównego nurtu rozważań, warto w tym miejscu zauważyć rzecz niezbyt często dostrzeganą, acz ważną. Mianowicie uwadze często umyka to, że absolwenci antropologii uprawiający badania etnograficzne mają niejako automatycznie przygotowanie dziennikarskie, chociaż nie zawsze jesteśmy tego świadomi. Na czym to polega? Etnograf przygotowujący się do badań na jakimś terenie czy na jakiś temat musi wiedzieć o co pytać swoich ewentualnych informatorów, jak to czynić, jak ich dobrać, jak skłonić do możliwie otwartych i dokładnych wypowiedzi, �Antropologia w dziennikarstwie 381 a wreszcie jak przełożyć te wypowiedzi na „swój” etnograficzny język utrzymany w ryzach przejrzystej logiki. Podobnie dziennikarz. Szykując się do napisania reportażu, felietonu, wywiadu lub jakiejkolwiek podobnej formy wypowiedzi, musi przygotować się do tego i wiedzieć, co chce powiedzieć i o co pytać informatorów, jak ich dobrać, jak skłonić do wynurzeń, gdy zrazu niechętnie mówią czy to z powodu skrępowania, czy dla jakichś innych przyczyn, a na koniec jak to przełożyć na obowiązujące formy dziennikarskie. Metodologia więc wywiadu, publicystyki, felietonu albo jakiejkolwiek innej wypowiedzi dziennikarskiej lub też bardziej generalnie zebrania materiału czy to dziennikarskiego, czy etnograficznego jest bardzo podobna, jeśli nie wręcz taka sama. Ale oprócz niewątpliwych podobieństw, są także różnice i to istotne, polegające na odmiennych w efekcie formach wypowiedzi, stylistyce, metodologii (w głębszym jej rozumieniu), przeznaczeniu i ostatecznych efektach. Antropolog musi pamiętać o tym, by przedkładane przez niego fakty były ze sobą powiązane logicznie, by jedne wynikały z drugich, a późniejsze wiązały się z wcześniejszymi, a wszystkie powinny być dobrze osadzone w postrzegalnych i udokumentowanych realiach. Musi także dbać o to, by były racjonalne, nie zbaczające w stronę domniemanych legend lub mitologii, a nawet opowieści „wyssanych z palca”, którymi informator może bezwiednie albo świadomie „karmić” badacza, on zaś powinien być czujny i nie dać się sprowadzić na manowce, zatem informacje prowadzące do ogólniejszych spostrzeżeń musi poddać weryfikacji i dociekać co kryje się pod pewnymi symbolami a nawet niedopowiedzeniami, tzw. „wymownym milczeniem”, gestami i mimiką, w ogóle mową ciała i spod tej warstwy ujawniać istotę sprawy. Podsumujmy zatem: logika, wzajemne powiązania faktów ujawniające rzeczywisty stan rzeczy, no i wystrzeganie się dowolności w interpretowaniu faktów. Interpretacja musi być zbudowana na jak najdalej idącym prawdopodobieństwie. Nie ma tu miejsca na zupełną dowolność czy pozwalanie sobie na ujawnianie rozmaitych sympatii czy antypatii w jakiejkolwiek sprawie. Własny pogląd powinien być podporządkowany racjonalności i obiektywizmowi. Na własne zdanie można sobie pozwolić dopiero w podsumowaniu, zastrzegając wszakże, że jest to osobiste zdanie autora. W razie wątpliwości czy niemożności jednoznacznych stwierdzeń potwierdzanych twardo faktami, dopuszczalne są jedynie zastrzeżenia czy też ostrożności w rodzaju: „wydaje się”, „można sądzić, że...”, „przypuszczalnie” itp. Natomiast, aczkolwiek w dziennikarstwie też mamy do czynienia z interpretacją, to wątpliwości nie są obudowywane zastrzeżeniami „wydaje się”, „można przypuszczać” i podobnymi. A w każdym razie są one rzadko stosowane. Naj- �382 Marek Arpad Kowalski częściej bowiem mamy do czynienia z jawnym, bezwzględnym i bezpośrednim wyrażaniem przeważnie jednoznacznej opinii, że tak właśnie dokładnie jest, jak zostało przedstawione w tekście. Fakty nie wymagają potwierdzenia i nie muszą wynikać jedne z drugich. Fakty – przyjmuje się – po prostu są, a samo ich istnienie jest już eo ipso podawane odbiorcy jako dowód ostateczny. Owszem, istnieją między nimi powiązania w twórczości dziennikarskiej, ale dosyć luźne, nie wymagające dokładnego ukazywania wzajemnych związków i zależności. Niejako „są, bo są” i oczekiwana jest zgoda na nie czytającego, bez wgłębiania się w konteksty i szukania ewentualnych relacji między nimi. Media masowe zdefiniować możemy jako media komunikacyjne, które są – lub też mogą być – rozpowszechniane na szeroką skalę, praktycznie w identycznej formie; w ich poczet zaliczamy nie tylko film, wideo, telewizję, radio czy drukowaną prasę – czyli formy, które najczęściej mamy na myśli mówiąc o „mediach” – ale też odbitki litograficzne, billboardy reklamowe oraz Internet. Sęk w tym, by nie dać się zwieść rzekomej doniosłości skali. Pod pewnymi względami media masowe przypominają niektóre ze skrajnie zlokalizowanych wytworów kultury. Na przykład gazety są w równym stopniu co ludowe pieśni skore do redukowania zbliżonych w jakikolwiek sposób zdarzeń do stosownej formułki – obciążonej jednak pokaźnym bagażem symbolicznym – co w rezultacie prowadzi do ich ujednolicenia (Herzfeld 2004, s. 404–405). Media masowe z natury rzeczy są mediami komunikacyjnymi. Znaczy to, że służą komunikacji ze społeczeństwem. Najbardziej jednak istotne wydaje się tu pojęcie redukowania jako zdecydowanie odróżniającego dziennikarstwo od antropologii. Mianowicie dziennikarstwo redukuje złożoność zdarzeń i faktów do jak najbardziej prostych i oczywistych stwierdzeń, zamykając je na ogół we względnie krótkich formułach, niejednokrotnie schematycznych i często abstrahuje od złożoności kontekstów – akurat odwrotnie aniżeli czyni to antropologia, uwzględniająca złożoność wydarzeń i ich konteksty. Gdy antropologia rozkoszuje się – można barwnie powiedzieć – złożonością faktów i zdarzeń, ich niejednoznacznością, pozwalając każdemu na wypracowanie i pielęgnowanie własnego punktu widzenia czy własnej interpretacji, krytycznego spojrzenia na to, co zostało przedstawione, to media odwrotnie – redukując złożoność faktów do prostych stwierdzeń i pomijając konteksty i wszelkie uwikłania owych faktów, tworzą uproszczone standardy ocen, podając bez wahania co jest prawdziwe, a co nie, co jest złe, a co dobre, co jest właściwe, a co nie, a czynią to na masową skalę, jawnie albo skrycie wpływając na czytelników, aby przyjęli owe standardowe oceny tak jakby były ich własne. �Antropologia w dziennikarstwie 383 Zapewne to miał na myśli Herzfeld w przytoczonym wyżej cytacie, by „nie dać się zwieść rzekomej doniosłości skali”. Skalę można w tym znaczeniu pojmować jako względnie skromny nakład i odbiór prac antropologicznych w porównaniu ze skalą i powszechnym odbiorem artykułów dziennikarskich (wysokie nakłady gazet i czasopism i liczne bardzo grono odbiorców). Doniosłość skali w tym przypadku oznacza masowość ocen; można powiedzieć, że ilość przechodzi w tym przypadku w jakość – im coś jest większe, staje się automatycznie bardziej prawdziwe (aczkolwiek wiemy, że nie musi odpowiadać to prawdzie). Tym bardziej, że media wskutek takiego odczytywania ich przesłania bywają często źródłem tworzenia samooceny, dzięki czemu wiemy (powinniśmy wiedzieć) jak życie nam się układa, czy jest dobre, czy nie bardzo, zatem wpływają na nas nie tylko w sposób informacyjny, ale i normatywny. Zwłaszcza że media niejako same z siebie tworzą ramy tego, co istotne, albo inaczej: tego, co za istotne powinno być powszechnie uważane, narzucając bezwiednie albo świadomie taki pogląd odbiorcom. Wspomniana w cytacie identyczna forma jest dlatego identyczna (przepraszam za tautologię), że występuje we wspomnianej masowej skali. Masowej, to znaczy przyjmowanej przez zdecydowaną większość odbiorców jako fakt nie podlegający dyskusji. Innymi słowy następuje redukcja zjawisk i zdarzeń do pobieżnych formułek podawanych jako fakty do masowego i szybkiego przyswojenia sobie, bez wgłębiania się w ich współzależności, konteksty czy odmiennie postrzegane kontrowersje. Dziennikarstwo ujawnia w tym miejscu jedną z bardziej pospolitych cech dyskursu biurokratycznego, w którym – w wyniku aktywnego stosowania błędnie umiejscowionej konkretności – standaryzacja retoryki stwarza iluzję gruntownej faktyczności – czy też, innymi słowy, czystej referencyjności (Herzfeld 2004, s. 405). Referencja, a więc niezgodność (czy chociażby względna niezgodność) między stanem rzeczywistym a opinią na jego temat, zdaniem Herzfelda, jest jedną z cech dziennikarstwa. Czy nam się to podoba czy nie, właśnie narzucanie przez dziennikarstwo, w sposób mniej czy bardziej jawny, poglądów do możliwie powszechnego wierzenia, niezależnie od rzeczywistego stanu rzeczy, stanowi o jego istocie. Należy w tym miejscu pamiętać o tym, co rzadko jest wspominane lub znane odbiorcom twórczości dziennikarskiej, a co ma wpływ na wspomnianą referencyjność, że dziennikarze w swojej pracy orientują się dosyć powszechnie, a może głównie na innych dziennikarzy, będących dla nich źródłem wiedzy i ocen, ponieważ często wielu z nich nie ma czasu (a bywa, że i chęci) dla pogłębiania swojego zasobu wiedzy, a przecież �384 Marek Arpad Kowalski każdy chce, by jego koledzy po fachu doceniali jego profesjonalizm. To jest owa „iluzja gruntownej faktyczności” niejako wymuszana przez samą istotę dziennikarstwa – dostarczenia odbiorcom szybkiego i nieskomplikowanego oglądu świata. Owszem, podobnie w antropologii też niejednokrotnie mamy do czynienia z orientowaniem się na zdania i poglądy innych badaczy i ich sądy i poglądy, ponieważ trzeba pamiętać, że: Etnografia jest od początku do końca uwikłana w pisanie (Clifford 2000, s. 33). Wychodząc od tego stwierdzenia, zauważmy, że pisanie – każde pisanie, antropologiczne, dziennikarskie czy jakiekolwiek inne – polega nie tylko na krytycznym odbiorze, ale również pretenduje do bycia mniej lub bardziej czymś w rodzaju prawdy objawionej. Zatem odnajduje się tu podobieństwo antropologii do dziennikarstwa (albo odwrotnie), gdyż dziennikarstwo jest właśnie pisaniem. Oczywiście dotyczy to dziennikarstwa prasowego, ale nie tylko prasowego, bo jednakże przy uwzględnieniu wszelkich różnic w formach wypowiedzi i innych jego form, także telewizyjnego, radiowego, Internetu. Podobnie i antropologia nie jest jedynie pisaniem, lecz przekazem słownym i wizualnym, też bowiem sięga do telewizji, radia i Internetu. Potraktujmy więc „pisanie” jako skrót myślowy, uwzględniający najrozmaitsze, nie tylko piśmienne formy przekazu. Wracając zaś do poprzedniej uwagi dotyczącej orientowania się na innych badaczy, występuje to zjawisko i w antropologii, lecz jest to wyraźnie zaznaczane, że np. X uważa tak, zaś Y inaczej i te różnice są motywowane przebiegiem własnych badań i spostrzeżeń, nie zaś pędem do stosowania schematycznych formułek. James Clifford w eseju na temat badań Marcela Griaule’a wśród afrykańskich Dogonów dosyć złośliwie zauważył: Nawet jeśli jest prawdą, że kluczowi informatorzy zostali „zgriaulizowani”, sam zaś Griaule się „zdogonizował” [...] to nie można z tego wywnioskować, że stworzona przez Griaule’a wersja Dogonów jest fałszywa (Clifford 2000, s. 70). Jak widać, kontrowersje między antropologami polegają na dokładnym przypatrywaniu się faktom i ich interpretacji, dalekie jednak są od pośpiesznych, schematycznych uogólnień. Natomiast w przypadku dziennikarstwa żyjemy w świecie symulacji, w którym najważniejszą funkcją znaku jest wymazanie rzeczywistości i jednocześnie ukrycie jej (rzeczywistości) zniknięcia. Wszelkie wartości są zazwyczaj nieostre, a ich interpretacja staje się dowolna, aby tylko była zgodna z potocznym myśleniem. �Antropologia w dziennikarstwie 385 Z drugiej wszakże strony wzmiankowane przypadki znane są wśród antropologicznych taktyk dyskursywnych jako technika sepizacji. Słowo pochodzi od anglojęzycznego skrótu SEP (somebody else’s problem). Sepizacja zatem polega na tym, że rozważany problem może zostać przemilczany albo uznany za nieważny poprzez sposób, w jaki się go omawia, pomimo że jest ważnym fragmentem rozmowy czy dyskusji. Chodzi więc w tym przypadku o przeforsowanie własnego punktu widzenia, kosztem zniwelowania punktu widzenia kontrpartnera czy kontrpartnerów, za pomocą odpowiednich zabiegów słownych. Sposoby stosowania sepizacji zajmują się nie tylko sprawami uważanymi za nieważne (dokładniej: sprowadzaniem spraw ważnych do kategorii spraw nieważnych), lecz i tym, w jaki sposób sprawy nabierają ważności lub ją tracą. Każdemu bowiem aktowi unieważnienia towarzyszy akt odwrotny: nadanie ważności sprawom innym. Jest to kontrsepizacja. Podobne do sepizacji i kontrsepizacji (albo też pokrewne) są manipulacje za pomocą stosowania cliché, czyli uproszczenia fałszującego rzeczywisty stan rzeczy. Nie każde uproszczenie jest cliché, tylko takie, które maskuje szczególny charakter opisywanego stanu rzeczy. Zabieg taki uważany jest za tendencyjny, ponieważ przy jego stosowaniu dominuje chęć osiągnięcia pożądanego skutku, realizacji jakiegoś zamiaru czy uzyskania wpływu na odbiorców lub czytelników. Umożliwia on to w ten sposób, że słowo lub zdanie napisane albo wypowiedziane zrazu jako komunał bez pokrycia w rzeczywistości (zafałszowanie stanu rzeczy) stopniowo staje się czymś możliwym do wyobrażenia, możliwym do dokonania, a wreszcie czymś dokonywanym. Bywa i tak, że przypadek indywidualny, podawany jako jednostkowy, staje się uogólnieniem. Zatem cliché zmienia rzeczywistość udając, że ją opisuje. Ktoś stosujący wspomniane techniki manipulacyjne (sepizacja, kontrsepizacja, cliché) rości sobie prawo do bycia dostarczycielem prawdy w tekście. Zgoda, że interpretacja może być także rodzajem wyjaśnienia, aczkolwiek tych wyjaśnień może być wiele, tyle ile interpretacji, a żadne z nich nie może pretendować do prawdy jedynej. Interpretacja może być tylko dociekaniem prawdy. Zatem pojawia się dalsze pytanie, kto (jaka interpretacja) ma reprezentować tożsamość i autentyczność prawdy? To pytanie nieustannie znajduje się w zawieszeniu. Możemy tylko domniemywać w oparciu o własną wiedzę i zmysł krytycyzmu. Tak jest w antropologii, gdy spoglądamy na odmienną interpretację innych naukowców i wybieramy tę, z którą się zgadzamy. W dziennikarstwie podobny wybór interpretacji jest mocno ograniczony. Tekst dziennikarski nie wdaje się w takie subtelności, przedstawiając to, co uważamy za interpretację, jako fakt. Tu kryje się „iluzja gruntownej faktyczności”, podniesiona przez Herzfelda. �386 Marek Arpad Kowalski Istota gruntownej faktyczności Jeżeli podobne techniki i zabiegi stosowane są w pewnych przypadkach w antropologii, to widać wyraźnie pewne relacje i podobieństwa z dziennikarstwem, z tym że w tym drugim przypadku czynności manipulacyjne są stosowane wprost i nie tak bardzo ukryte, jak w przypadku antropologii. Słowo i znak w dziennikarstwie bywają oderwane od swojej treści i odwołują się do innego słowa i znaku podawanych jako właściwe. Co ważniejsze, o ile przy wszelkich podobieństwach w antropologii można względnie trafnie wytropić manipulacje, a zawsze znajdzie się wcześniej czy później ktoś, kto zwróci uwagę na niedokładności lub nadinterpretację, o tyle w dziennikarstwie jest to znacznie bardziej trudne. Dlaczego? Charakterystyczną cechą mediów publicznych jest tworzenie pewnego, publicznego języka, który można powielać w nieskończoność i rozpowszechniać potencjalnie w jak najrozleglejszych przestrzeniach (Herzfeld 2004, s. 405). To jest też owa, inaczej określona herzefeldowska „gruntowna faktyczność”, czyli jeden z elementów odróżniających (przy wielu cechach wspólnych, a przynajmniej podobnych) dziennikarstwo od antropologii. To pierwsze działa w masowej skali, ta druga w skali znacznie mniej masowej. To pierwsze zorientowane jest na bardzo szeroki krąg odbiorców, ta druga na krąg odbiorców zawężony do grona fachowców i ewentualnie osób specjalnie nią zainteresowanych. Dziennikarstwo z założenia i z praktyki postępowania jest, jak wskazano, twórczością masową, dla wszystkich. Wśród tych „wszystkich” znajdują się osoby od – nazwijmy tak mało elegancko – prostaczków, kierujących się na co dzień wiedzą potoczną, do wyrafinowanych intelektualistów z rozwiniętym zmysłem krytycznym i samokrytycznym. Ma więc trafiać do każdego i to tak, by każdy zrozumiał przekaz dziennikarski, a jeszcze lepiej, by uznał go za „swój”, to znaczy odpowiadający mu zawartym w nim przesłaniem. Z pewną przesadą można stwierdzić, że dziennikarstwo jest swojego rodzaju masową misją, nakierowaną na jak najszerszy krąg odbiorców. Ponieważ zaś dziennikarstwo jest formą komunikacji nie tylko masowej, ale i często jednocześnie politycznej, najważniejsze są fakty, informacje i siła argumentów, a wszystkie one zredukowane dla zawładnięcia zbiorową wyobraźnią, nadającą działaniom i ideom wymiar symboliczny, uproszczony zarazem dla lepszego i bardziej efektywnego przyjęcia przez odbiorców. Wcześniej wspomniane zostało, że – z warsztatowego czy metodologicznego punktu widzenia – antropologowie otrzymują, niejako nieświadomie, �Antropologia w dziennikarstwie 387 przygotowanie dziennikarskie. Ta relacja działa i w drugą stronę. Dziennikarze równie automatycznie korzystają, a przynajmniej po części są profesjonalnie przygotowani do myślenia antropologicznego. Mianowicie przynajmniej teoretycznie dziennikarze mają za zadanie poznawać świat i rzetelnie przedstawiać go odbiorcom, czyli społeczeństwu. A właśnie takie założenie przyświeca antropologii. Widać tu znów wyraźnie relacje między jedną a drugą formą wypowiedzi. Jeżeli w tym dziennikarskim, masowym, powszechnym przekazie dla wszystkich mieści się antropologiczny punkt widzenia, to dobrze; a często mieści się. Bo znaczy to, że ów punkt widzenia, czy też sposób objaśniania świata staje się ważny i też znajduje odbiorców, powodując bardziej krytyczny i zróżnicowany odbiór rzeczywistości. Powoduje to rozszerzenie możliwości dziennikarskich, a także, niejako przy okazji, antropologicznych, bo i w tym ostatnim przypadku wyraźnie, a przynajmniej potencjalnie poszerza krąg odbiorców. Chociaż trzeba pamiętać, że między dziennikarstwem a antropologią nie istnieje rywalizacja w dążeniu do masowości. Dziennikarstwo z założenia nastawione jest na masowość. Antropologia nie startuje w tym wyścigu, chociaż ambicją niektórych antropologów bywa też masowy odbiór ich prac. Naturalnie nie tak masowy, jak twórczości dziennikarskiej, ale jednak możliwie szeroki. Aczkolwiek należy pamiętać, że misją antropologii jest przedstawianie złożoności świata (a nie jego prostoty), wydobycie skomplikowanych kontekstów, uwikłań, rozmaitych powiązań i ujawnienie ich. Przedstawianie złożoności świata jest także zadaniem dziennikarstwa, chociaż jak powiedziano wcześniej, odbywa się to na innym poziomie. Nie tylko znacznie bardziej masowym, ale i – w porównaniu do antropologii – uproszczonym. To uproszczenie wynika z bardzo prostego powodu: aby trafić do możliwie dużej grupy odbiorców i być przez nich zrozumianym. Dotyczy to także problemu interpretacji, gdyż występuje on i w dziennikarstwie, ale ponownie na innym poziomie. Interpretacja w dziennikarstwie bywa, w porównaniu z antropologią, mocno uproszczona, stosowana nie drogą żmudnego dochodzenia do niej, lecz „od jednego rzutu”. Dzieje się tak z powodów wcześniej wskazanych: masowości dziennikarstwa i w związku z tym konieczności szybkiego i bezkonfliktowego trafienia do odbiorcy, który powinien zrozumieć zabieg interpretacyjny bez konieczności wchodzenia do niego jak do labiryntu. Musi być wyłożony prosto. Formy wizualne Ciekawe rozważania wiążące się z tematem przedstawia Sławomir Sikora w artykule O problematyczności wizualności w antropologii, zamieszczonym �388 Marek Arpad Kowalski w zbiorze Kultura profesjonalna etnologów w Polsce. Autor skupia się, jak wyjaśnia tytuł, na formach wizualnych, takich jak fotografia czy film, ale pamiętajmy, że w dziennikarstwie mamy też do czynienia z wizualnością, ponieważ fotografia i film również mogą być formami wypowiedzi dziennikarskiej samodzielnej albo uzupełniającej wypowiedź pisaną lub mówioną. Zresztą należy zdać sobie sprawę, że pisanie także jest rodzajem wizualności: czytamy, a więc obserwujemy słowa, zdania, akapity, całą myśl zawartą w znakach pisarskich, które najpierw przyswajamy sobie patrząc, a więc czytając i dopiero w ułamek sekundy później to, co odbieramy, widzimy (to znaczy nie tylko patrzymy, ale rozumiemy to, co widzimy), zatem wizualnie czytanie zamienia się w rozumienie umysłowe. [...] widzenie (w odmienności do patrzenia) zawsze zawiera sporą domieszkę interpretacji (Sikora 2006, s. 183–184). Formy wizualne zawierają, bo muszą ze swej istoty zawierać, interpretację. Kluczem wszakże jest tu nader trafne przeciwstawienie pojęcia „patrzenia” pojęciu „widzenia”. Wiemy przecież, że „patrzeć” to nie znaczy dosłownie „widzieć”. Ta para pojęć odpowiada innej, przekładając na konwencję pisaną lub mówioną, stricte już dziennikarskiej: „czytać” i „rozumieć”, gdyż czytanie to rozpoznawanie liter, całych słów i zdań, lecz nie musi być równoznaczne z rozumieniem. Jeżeli na przykład mam przed sobą jakiś tekst w języku portugalskim, którego nie znam, patrzę na niego, rozpoznając litery i słowa, więc patrzę (pomijam wymowę), ale go nie widzę w znaczeniu: nie rozumiem, a wobec tego nie stać mnie na jakąkolwiek interpretację, ponieważ czytam, ale nie rozumiem, co czytam. Problem wizualności wpisuje się w pewną oczywistość reprezentacji. Przed tą oczywistością antropologia dziś ucieka, ale tak jak uczymy się z większym wyczuciem przyglądać tekstom pisanym, tak też wypada wykazać się większą wrażliwością w podchodzeniu do materiału wizualnego, czy szerzej wizualności (Sikora 2006, s. 184–185). Sikora co prawda lojalnie wyznaje, że na przykład Kirsten Hastrup w tekście Film as Ethnography, zamieszczonym w pracy Anthropological Visions: Some Notes on Visual and Textual Authority (1992) opowiada się przeciwko wizualności (co zostało oparte na jej doświadczeniach z badań terenowych) jako grożącej, jak mi się wydaje, pochopną i powierzchowną interpretacją, jednak jawi się on zwolennikiem wizualności, mimo wszelkich wątpliwości i zastrzeżeń, jakie ona niesie, podając z drugiej strony inne przykłady antropologiczne wspierające wizualność. �Antropologia w dziennikarstwie 389 Nie jest moją rzeczą wchodzić w ten spór, aczkolwiek doświadczenia rozmaitych antropologów z wizualnością mogą być odmienne. Wypada jednak zauważyć, że wizualność stała się jednym z filarów dziennikarstwa, a co więcej mimo pewnych wątpliwości („przed tą oczywistością antropologia dziś ucieka”), jednak wchodzi do antropologii, czego liczne przykłady przytacza sam Sławomir Sikora w wymienionej pracy, omawiając słusznie przykłady „czystej” wizualności w antropologii. Widać tu wzajemne przenikanie się pewnych form dziennikarstwa z pewnymi „wypowiedziami” antropologii. „Wypowiedziami” rozumianymi w tym przypadku jako wizualnymi formami. Wiadomo bowiem, że antropologia odwołuje się w pewnych przypadkach do form wizualnych: zdjęć i filmu, może więc nie tyle „ucieka przed problemem”, ile często nie traktuje go równie poważnie jak wypowiedzi tekstualnych. A przecież ileż to razy przypatrując się jakiemuś zdjęciu czy filmowi, mruczymy sobie pod nosem, że mówi on więcej, aniżeli opis tekstowy. Acz z drugiej strony przekazowi jedynie wizualnemu, mówiąc popularniej „obrazkowi” towarzyszy oczekiwanie, że będzie on dokładniej jeszcze wyjaśniony przez tekst pisany lub mówiony, chociaż nie zawsze takie dopowiedzenie bywa konieczne. Można przyjąć, że tryb wizualny powinien być równorzędny i równie poważnie traktowany, jak tekst pisany czy mówiony. Dziennikarstwo dawno już uznało tę równorzędność, antropologia dopiero stara się o ich równouprawnienie, chociaż w wielu przypadkach stosuje także owe standardy (może jednak owo równouprawnienie już się dokonało, bo przecież przekaz antropologiczny operuje dziś często zdjęciem, filmem – liczne są przecież filmy etnograficzne?). W każdym razie widzimy tu jak na dłoni antropologię w dziennikarstwie. Zwłaszcza wtedy, gdy przekaz wizualny opowiada nam o obcości, inności, niejednokrotnie wyraźniej przemawiającej obrazem niż tekst, a przecież antropologia to poszukiwanie „obcości”, czegoś innego, co nas otacza, sąsiaduje z nami albo jest „inne” od tego, do czego przywykliśmy w obrębie swojej kultury, no i porównywanie tego „innego” czy „obcego” z „naszym”. Dziennikarstwo często fascynuje pokazywaniem wzmiankowanej „obcości” czy „inności” jako egzotyki. Antropologia ową „inność” czy „obcość” także ujawnia, ale jako rzecz normalną, bez podniecania odbiorcy niezrozumiałą, a fascynującą egzotyką. Przeciwnie, oswaja ją tłumacząc, że inność albo obcość jest oczywistością, a nie odmiennością powodującą ekstazę wśród odbiorców. Dosyć, że mamy tu do czynienia z wzajemnymi relacjami między antropologią a dziennikarstwem, tyle że relacjami na poziomie z jednej strony profesjonalnym, z drugiej zaś masowym. Istota jednak, przy wszelkich odmiennościach, pozostaje ta sama. �390 Marek Arpad Kowalski Wszystko na sprzedaż? Paul Willis, krytyczny, jak można zrozumieć, wobec dziennikarstwa, porównuje teksty dziennikarskie do towarów kulturalnych. Zbliżamy się w tym miejscu do tego, że dziennikarstwo często swoje wypowiedzi traktuje jako towar. Naturalnie, towar specyficzny, pojmowany nie jako rzecz materialna, lecz jako rzecz „duchowa”, umysłowa. Materialne w tym przypadku może być to, co napisane albo pokazane na ilustracji (zdjęciu, filmie), lecz najbardziej istotna jest owa niematerialna, duchowa treść towaru, czyli przesłanie, jakie on niesie. Podwójna zagadka formy towarowej w sferze kultury nie tylko skutkuje walką jednej strony przeciwko drugiej – towar jako użyteczność, towar jako fetyszyzm – lecz także, jak widzieliśmy, zmaganiami w obrębie samej „formy kulturalnej”. Wpływ, jaki forma „nośnika” (fetyszyzm formy towarowej w ogóle) wywiera na „formę kulturalną”, polega na częściowym sfetyszyzowaniu wewnętrznych form tej ostatniej oraz wprowadzeniu wewnętrznego dystansu. Oczywiście element „kulturalny” towaru kulturalnego nie może ulec kompletnej fetyszyzacji, gdyż przestałby cokolwiek komunikować. Jednak brak stabilności między formami daje dobrego wewnętrznego „kopa”, by ujawnić fetyszystyczną naturę towaru lub tekstu, poddając ironii, relatywizując [...] te znaczenia, którym udało się przetrwać (Willis 2005, s. 93). Fetyszyzacja w tym ujęciu oznacza, że ważne staje się nie to, co jest ukryte w pewnych zdaniach lub określeniach, lecz oznacza zredukowanie (o czym była mowa wcześniej) złożoności do form najbardziej prostych, a przeto najłatwiejszych do przyswojenia. Nasuwa się tu porównanie do matematyki, mówi się bowiem o „uproszczeniu równania”. Lecz ani antropologia, ani dziennikarstwo, by ograniczyć się do tych dwóch przykładów szeroko pojętej humanistyki, nie są matematyką. Uproszczenie, czyli redukcja form skomplikowanych do najprostszych, w tym przypadku czyni rzeczywistość uboższą. A jednak dziennikarstwo czyni to – w imię maksymalnego uproszczenia tego, co ma do powiedzenia, a zatem i łatwiejszego odbioru. Innymi słowy, a bardziej dosadnie – tekst dziennikarski wydaje się być „towarem”, dokładniej „towarem kulturalnym”, działającym z jednej strony jako towar taki sam, jak każdy inny (np. mydło, samochód, odzież itd., cokolwiek zresztą, co byśmy chcieli podstawić pod pojęcie towaru), z drugiej mającym ambicję być przekaźnikiem kultury. O tej podwójności tekstów dziennikarskich czytamy w dalszych rozważaniach na ten temat: Przy odbiorze „prostej użyteczności” tekstu „wydajność” może iść w parze z realizmem i realistycznym odczytaniem, natomiast „złożona użyteczność” towarów kulturalnych oferuje także produktywność jako rezultat buntu. �Antropologia w dziennikarstwie 391 W wieku przedstawieniowej niewinności specjaliści zabawiali się, rozkładając na czynniki pierwsze sposoby pozwalające na semiotyczne manipulowanie pozostałymi członkami społeczeństwa (Willis 2005, s. 93). Bardzo trafne wydaje się porównanie tekstów dziennikarskich do towaru, dokładniej towaru specyficznego, mianowicie towaru kulturalnego, w którym kryje się zarówno pojęcie towaru (jakiegokolwiek), a zarazem pojęcie ideowego czy też myślowego przesłania (wszystko jedno w tym przypadku, jak chcielibyśmy go nazwać). Pod wspomnianą wyżej „użytecznością” połączoną z „wydajnością” (oba te czynniki wzajemnie się wspomagają i trzeba traktować je nierozdzielnie) należy, moim zdaniem, rozumieć wpływ tekstów dziennikarskich na odbiorców lub szerzej na społeczeństwo, dla którego produkowane są owe towary kulturalne. Ich podwójna rola polega na tym, że z jednej strony mówią jak gdyby idealistycznie albo lepiej generalnie o kulturze (jakkolwiek byśmy ją rozumieli), z drugiej zaś o jej „produkcyjnym” zastosowaniu, czyli dążeniu do tego, by ów towar był jak najszerzej przyjęty w społeczeństwie i stosowany w praktyce. Być może formy wizualne, tak jak określa je Sławomir Sikora, są bardziej towarem, aniżeli teksty pisane albo mówione. Ale to moje indywidualne spostrzeżenie, gdyż w takich przypadkach zdaje się decydować nie tyle zawarta w nich treść, ile mniej czy bardziej atrakcyjny wygląd. Warto zastanowić się, czy w przypadku antropologii też mamy do czynienia z towarem. W jakimś sensie – tak, ponieważ antropologia również w efekcie zmienia badania i ich wyniki w rodzaj towaru, gdy owe wyniki zamykane są w formie książki czy wykładu. Zmierza bowiem do tego, by owe badania i wyniki uprzystępnić możliwie szeroko (acz na znacznie mniejszą skalę) i sprawić, by były one znane i przyjęte w praktyce społecznej, a w każdym razie, by przeniknęły do świadomości ogółu i były stosowane (co najmniej rozumiane) w realnych działaniach i rozumieniu prawideł kierujących ludzkim życiem. Jednakże wiemy, że często stwierdzenia antropologiczne są przez następców poddawane krytyce, unieważniane albo lokowane w historii nauki. Na ich miejsce pojawiają się nowe, obowiązujące do czasu, kiedy powstają kolejne stwierdzenia lub odmienne od dotychczasowych interpretacje. Jeśli zgodzimy się, że i w antropologii, i w dziennikarstwie tekst (w jakiejkolwiek formie – pisanej, mówionej, wizualnej) jest towarem, to dostrzeżemy podobieństwa, a przynajmniej wzajemne relacje między antropologią a dziennikarstwem. Ta wszakże różnica, że w dziennikarstwie towar jest wystawiany na sprzedaż poprzez konkurencję gazet i wszelkich mediów dążących do tego, by to ich konkretny głos był przyjmowany przez odbiorców jako „własny”, w antropologii zaś towar jest nieustannie poprawiany i ulepszany i wprawdzie też wystawiany na sprzedaż, jednak nie tak bezwzględnie. Można �392 Marek Arpad Kowalski to ująć nieco inaczej. W antropologii ów towar też bywa sprzedawany, ale ze względu na jego wartość poznawczą. W dziennikarstwie natomiast wartość towaru nie jest wyliczana jedynie „sama w sobie”, ale decyduje także, a może i w znacznej mierze „opakowanie” – atrakcyjne, „błyszczące”, przyciągające swoim wyglądem. Jest jeszcze jedna, zapewne zasadnicza, różnica. W antropologii nasz „towar” nie jest sprzedawany za wszelką cenę. W dziennikarstwie bardzo często – tak. Zwraca na to pośrednio uwagę (pośrednio, gdyż rzecz nie dotyczy dziennikarstwa, lecz zawiera spostrzeżenia na temat współczesnej kultury) Anna Zadrożyńska: Jedno jest pewne: nie wszystko jest na sprzedaż, zarówno w sensie dosłownym, jak i metaforycznym. Na jarmarku kultury, przynajmniej europejskiej, proporcje towarów i usług do walorów bezcennych nie należą do wartości trwałych. Zmieniały się razem z ideologiami, ekonomiami, władcami, wojnami, modami, wynalazkami i wielu innymi warunkami zwykłego i niezwykłego życia ludzi (Zadrożyńska 2001, s. 6). Zarówno antropologia, jak i szczególnie dziennikarstwo, oferują towar na owym jarmarku kultury, ale – jak powiedziano – czynią to odmiennie. Powstaje pytanie: czy w przypadku antropologii mamy do czynienia z działalnością na wspomnianym, metaforycznym jarmarku kultury? Jeśli przyjąć, że tak, to jednak zachodzi między nimi istotna różnica. Autorka wyczuwa doskonale tę różnicę, gdy pisze o rozszerzeniu się – jak to nazywa – sprzedajności na wiele dziedzin z pozoru dawniej nie tykanych, dokładniej nietykalnych, mianowicie uczynienie towaru z tradycji, historii, przeżyć intymnych, religijnych, estetycznych i wystawianiu go na sprzedaż na jarmarku kultury. Ale stwierdzając, że nie wszystko jest na sprzedaż (to znaczy, że nie wszystko powinno być wystawiane na sprzedaż), zauważa: Targowisko to nie targ czy jarmark. To nie tylko spotkania kupców, sprzedawczyków i klientów. Targowisko – to pewna metaforyczna sytuacja kontaktów między ludźmi, relacji o zabarwieniu moralnym, emocjonalnym, estetycznym. Na targowisku przecież przede wszystkim się targuje: zachwala, negocjuje, kupuje, płaci. Każdemu zależy, by sprzedać jak najlepiej, by kupić jak najkorzystniej (Zadrożyńska 2001, s. 7). A więc mamy rozróżnienie na jarmark i targowisko. Tu i tam odbywa się handel, kupuje się i sprzedaje, a każdemu zależy na tej transakcji. Z tą wszakże różnicą, że na targowisku wszystko jest na sprzedaż, natomiast na jarmarku – nie wszystko. Dziennikarstwo, przynajmniej współczesne, handluje wszystkim. Antropologia wzdraga się przed wystawianiem wszystkiego na �Antropologia w dziennikarstwie 393 sprzedaż, aczkolwiek bywa kuszona do maksymalnego rozszerzenia swojej handlowej oferty. Z punktu widzenia korzyści zachęta wygląda pozornie racjonalnie, a owa zachęta czyniona ze strony dziennikarstwa (jeśli jest czyniona) równie pozornie zdaje się obiecywać zysk. Skąd więc opór antropologii przed wystawianiem wszystkiego na sprzedaż? Stąd, jak się wydaje, że mówi ona o niepewności licznych zjawisk kultury, o niemożności ostatecznego wyjaśnienia wszystkiego aż do końca i zostawienia pewnych spraw w zawieszeniu, gdyż inaczej antropologia zaprzeczyłaby samej sobie. Odwołajmy się ponownie do kolejnego cytatu wyjaśniającego ten problem: Niepewność, jak sądzę, jest wielką szansą poznawania, nie kończącego się śledzenia, szukania, wyjaśniania, konstruowania kolejnych, choćby i subiektywnych stopni wiedzy. Nawet jeżeli współczesny (czy tylko?) tekst naukowy ma być traktowany jedynie jako wyznanie badacza, to przecież tkwi w nim nadzieja na coś więcej. Nawet jeżeli nie może być ukazaniem obiektywnej prawdy, tylko opisaniem subiektywnego doświadczania świata, możliwym dzięki siatce własnych pojęć konstruowanej stopniowo, powoli i długo, to przecież i tak zmierza do jakiegoś pozasubiektywnego celu, choć dokonuje tego krętymi drogami (Zadrożyńska 2001, s. 12). Przypomnijmy raz jeszcze. Antropologia to śledzenie, szukanie i konstruowanie oglądu świata, a przeto i możliwie obiektywnej, nie subiektywnej, wiedzy o nim. Dziennikarstwo to też śledzenie, szukanie i konstruowanie wiedzy o świecie, ale nie stopniowe, powolne i długie, lecz idące „na skróty”. Szybkie i proste, zamieniające się niekiedy w prostackie. Nie ma w nim na ogół miejsca na wahania i wątpliwości subiektywizmu, wiele, jeśli nie wszystko, musi być podawane jako wyglądające na obiektywne i tak właśnie odbierane przez odbiorców. A przecież w antropologii jakieś pozornie błahe, nawet pojedyncze wydarzenie, słowo, zdanie może dawać asumpt do dalszych dociekań, rozwijania tego w jakąś teorię czy chociażby próbę teoretyczną poprzez konsekwencję postępowania logicznego, czasem swobodne skojarzenia albo wizje pozwalają na dokonywanie mniej czy bardziej umotywowanych interpretacji. Refleksja na temat poddawany badaniu, ogólniej – na temat kultury – bierze, a przynajmniej powinna brać pod uwagę zmienność słów, zdarzeń i ich rozumienie, by wypracować jakąś uporządkowaną konstrukcję, nawet jeżeli ta konstrukcja za chwilę poddana zostanie krytyce przez innego badacza, ale przecież wokół tej konstrukcji toczą się spory i dyskusje. Innymi słowy wątpliwości bywają immanentną cechą antropologii. W dziennikarstwie na ogół nie ma zapotrzebowania na wątpliwości (choć i ono niekiedy daje im wyraz). Antropologia obserwuje i bada odmienność, �394 Marek Arpad Kowalski inność, obserwuje zmienność, by na tych między innymi podstawach tworzyć konstrukcje mówiące o kulturowej rzeczywistości świata (relatywizm mieści się w tych konstrukcjach). W efekcie przedstawiać świat i kulturę w sposób możliwie uporządkowany (zmienność również jest fragmentem tego porządku). Dziennikarstwo też ma ambicję przedstawiania uporządkowanego świata, ale unika wybijania na czoło zmienności, waha się przed ujawnianiem wątpliwości jako czynnika wprowadzającego chaos do tego porządku. Naturalnie nie sposób go nie zauważyć, lecz przecież można go ominąć, przedstawiając chaos i wątpliwości jako zakłócenia mniej czy bardziej chwilowe. A w każdym razie potraktować chaos, zmienności i wątpliwości jako elementy obecnego porządku świata poprzez semiotyczne zabiegi i tworzenie publicznego języka powielanego w nieskończoność, jak zauważa, co zostało wcześniej powiedziane, Herzfeld. Tak więc pomimo wszelkich różnic dzielących antropologię i dziennikarstwo, relacje między nimi bywają w wielu elementach dosyć bliskie, jeżeli wręcz nie tożsame. Łączy je przede wszystkim zaciekawienie światem, ludźmi i ich kulturą, obserwacja tego wszystkiego, co się dzieje i zamiar, a właściwie chęć wyjaśniania wszelkich zjawisk, obyczajów i poglądów. Każda z tych dwu dziedzin twórczości czyni to po swojemu, a dokładniej w sposób sobie właściwy. Jednakże są dosyć liczne elementy wspólne, wyrażające się dosyć często w warsztacie czy metodologii. Powtórzę, bo to jest bardzo ważne i nigdy dosyć przypomnienia, że to, co jest przedmiotem obserwacji i badań antropologicznych, jest zarazem przedmiotem obserwacji i poczynań dziennikarskich. Równie ważne jest podobieństwo (czasami tożsamość) przygotowawczego postępowania antropologa i dziennikarza: umiejętność sformułowania tematu, zbieranie informacji wraz ze stosunkiem do informatorów, logiczne i racjonalne postępowanie w budowaniu ostatecznych wniosków (aczkolwiek znacznie bardziej surowe w przypadku antropologii, i odwrotnie, bardziej luźne, nie tak rygorystyczne w przypadku dziennikarstwa). Tożsamy, a w każdym razie bardzo podobny jest cel: wyjaśnianie świata, jego kultur i postępowania ludzi, aczkolwiek drogi do tego celu bywają odmienne, a i cel, chociaż podobny, to w ostatecznym rachunku bywa odmienny. Z jednej strony uświadamiający prosto to, co najistotniejsze, z drugiej pokazujący, że nic nie jest jednoznaczne i tożsame zawsze i wszędzie. Niezależnie jednak od zasygnalizowanych różnic i odmienności nasuwa się wniosek, że jednak w dziennikarstwie myślenie antropologiczne może być wielce pomocne. Myślenie, czyli tu sposób reagowania na informacje, ich dobór, ostateczne logiczne ich uszeregowanie, dostrzeganie związków między nimi, krytycyzm, wystrzeganie się pochopności, racjonalizm spojrzenia. Z drugiej �Antropologia w dziennikarstwie 395 strony myślenie dziennikarskie może być także pomocne w antropologii: odcięcie niepotrzebnych wahań (jakie są niepotrzebne, to już każdy powinien orzec w swoim sumieniu), zmierzanie prostą drogą do celu; „kręte drogi”, o jakich wspomina Zadrożyńska nie powinny być krętactwem (tu znów zastrzeżenie: co jest „krętą drogą”, a co krętactwem, a dzieli je niekiedy cienka linia, też powinno być określone przez każdego osobiście). Druga cienka linia oddziela to, co subiektywne od tego, co obiektywne. Schodzą się one w interpretacji, ale tu ponowna uwaga, by interpretacja nie przeradzała się w subiektywizm, lecz możliwie wiernie trzymała się obiektywizmu. Wprawdzie każdy człowiek ma jakieś własne poglądy, ideały, którym może ulegać, ale powinien w miarę możności pozostawić je na boku, uruchamiając swój krytycyzm. Dziennikarz znacznie łatwiej ulega swoim subiektywnym poglądom, chociażby ze względu na pośpiech i masowość wpisane w ten zawód, aniżeli antropolog, jednakże, przynajmniej teoretycznie obu powinno cechować myślenie obiektywne. Naturalnie nie jest to łatwe, lecz warto o tym wskazaniu zawsze pamiętać. Jeśli więc mówimy o antropologii stosowanej, to doskonałym jej przykładem może być w praktyce dziennikarstwo. Przy pamiętaniu jednakże o obowiązku (nigdy dosyć przypominania) racjonalnego i logicznego postępowania, zwracaniu uwagi na konteksty i rozmaite uwarunkowania (etniczne, obyczajowe, historyczne, geograficzne, kulturowe itd.). W końcu obie te dziedziny „wystartowały” ze wspólnej linii: objaśnianie świata i kultury, przy baczeniu na wszelkie odmienności, różnice i zmiany. Myślę więc, że w dziennikarstwie kryją się potencjalnie duże i liczne wartości antropologiczne, jakie mogą i powinny być stosowane korzystnie w tym zawodzie i odwrotnie – dziennikarstwo może być pomocne antropologii w stosowaniu jasnego i nie nazbyt poplątanego objaśniania świata. Konkretne przykłady twórczości dziennikarskiej, a i literackiej, dowodzą właśnie tego, z drugiej strony liczne prace antropologiczne dowodzą tego, że mogą one stanowić pasjonującą literaturę. Reszta zależy już od umiejętności, talentów i wciągających wizji autorów. Konkluzje Podsumujmy zatem powyższe wywody, starając się skupić na płynących z nich wnioskach, przedstawiając je w sposób możliwie skondensowany: — Zdarzenia i zjawiska podlegające opisowi antropologicznemu podlegają także opisowi dziennikarskiemu. — Język antropologii cechuje się logiką i racjonalnością, język dziennikarstwa odwołuje się do przekazu emocjonalnego. �396 Marek Arpad Kowalski — Antropologia interpretuje fakty, dziennikarstwo redukuje złożoność zdarzeń i faktów, sprowadzając je do standardowych, potocznych ocen. — Dziennikarstwo jest komunikacją masową uogólniającą świat, antropologia opisuje złożoność świata. — W dziennikarstwie wszystko jest towarem, w antropologii fakty prezentowane są ostrożnie. Literatura Balicki Z. 1912 – Psychologia społeczna. Czynności poznawania, Kraków. Clifford J. 2000 – Kłopoty z kulturą, Warszawa. Herzfeld M. 2004 – Antropologia. Praktykowanie teorii w kulturze i społeczeństwie, Kraków. Sikora S. 2006 – O problematyczności wizualności w antropologii, w: Kultura profesjonalna etnologów w Polsce, Wrocław. Willis P. 2005 – Wyobraźnia etnograficzna, Kraków. Zadrożyńska A. 2001 – Targowisko różności. Spojrzenie na kulturę współczesną, Warszawa. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/ffeaeb528a9d635e0bab80da2d1eb228.pdf d62e4cf1e83171c1d7c3449b06d45ae1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5001 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource Zadrożyńska, Anna potwory - aspekt antropologiczny monstra - aspekt antropologiczny Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4638 Title A name given to the resource Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach/ Antropolog wobec współczesności Description An account of the resource tom w darze Profesor Annie Zadrożyńskiej Antropolog wobec współczesności pod red. Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.184-206 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kowalski, Piotr Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text WOBEC CIELESNOŚCI ��Piotr Kowalski Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UJ Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach Chłopi w karczmie, niepomni na rozgrywające się obok nich dramatyczne wydarze­ nia, pełne egzystencjalnego napięcia, od czasu do czasu podnoszą się znad kufli i dzielą sensacyjnymi doniesieniami. C H Ł O P I Ł o ń s k i e g o r o k u , p r z e d samą wiliją, k r o w a c o ś mówiła d o M a r c i n a . C H Ł O P I I O p o w i e d z c i e no, k u m i e . C H Ł O P I A n o , p o s z e d ł M a r c i n d o o b o r y a k r o w a powiedziała d o niego w e d l e ż ł o ba: „ N i e jest d o b r z e , M a r c i n i e " . C H Ł O P I I I C o nie jest d o b r z e ? C H Ł O P I T a k ż e samo i M a r c i n ją zapytał: „ C o nie jest d o b r z e , k r o w o ? " . A k r o w a na t o : „A tak, w o g ó l e t o n i e jest d o b r z e " - i t y l k o siano jadła. M a r c i n jeszcze t r o c h ę p o c z e k a ł , b o myślał, ż e m o ż e co w i ę c e j p o w i e . S t o i , a ona nic, t y l k o siano je. Postał g o ­ dzinę, p o s t a ł i d w i e , aż g o n o g i zabolały i w y s z e d ł ( M r o ż e k 1983, s. 3 3 ) . W kolejnej chwili przytomności, gdy ockną się z prawdziwie metafizycznej nie­ mocy wspomną o t y m , że Maciejowi zaskroniec wpadł do barszczu. Chłop p o ­ wiedział wtedy że nie będzie więcej jadł, i rzeczywiście nie jadł. Za czas jakiś przy¬ pomina i m się też niezwykłe zdarzenie: C H Ł O P I Z a s i ę jeden był silny okrutnie. C H Ł O P I I O p o w i e d z c i e no, k u m i e . C H Ł O P I A n o , zadziwił c i się o n raz, aż się za g ł o w ę złapał... C H Ł O P I I I T o i co, ż e się złapał za g ł o w ę ? N i e d z i w o t a . C H Ł O P I Poczekajcie k r z y n ę . Z ł a p a ł c i się o n , a jako ż e s i l n y b y ł o k r u t n i e , głowa m u w r ę k a c h została. C H Ł O P I I M u s i w s z y i b y ł słaby C H Ł O P I W s z y i b y ł słaby ale za t o w r ę k a c h silny C H Ł O P I I I S i l n y m t e ż nie jest d o b r z e . . . ( M r o ż e k 1983, s. 5 8 ) . Głęboka prawda, cała mądrość ludu zdaje się objawiać w tych krótkich porusze­ niach ducha, które każą przerwać chłopom bezdenną medytację swojego losu. Po­ tęga ludowych przemyśleń jest porażająca - krowy gadają, jako że są wiedzące, choć 181 �Piotr Kowalski barany zapewne wiedzą więcej, niedobrze silnemu, bo ręce może silniejsze ma od szyi. M i m o wszystko zatroskanie krowy sytuacją świata czy bezgłowy korpus m o ­ carza nie okazują się faktami na tyle elektryzującymi, żeby przynieść pijącym otrzeźwienie i zmusić do podjęcia jakiejkolwiek działalności. N i e m o c chłopskich bohaterów stanowi manifestację, jak pisywał Witkacy zaniku uczuć metafizycz­ nych - oznacza więc zgodę na oczywistość świata, niemożność dostrzeżenia cze¬ gokolwiek poza t y m , co naskórkowo doświadczane, poniechanie trudu rozumienia. Spłaszczenie obrazu świata tłumaczy bierność, brak emocji, gotowości do zdziwie­ nia, tego niezbędnego warunku człowieczeństwa . W zaniku ciekawości, wygaśnię­ ciu odkrywczego i poruszającego zdumienia zobaczyć można symptomy tendencji generalnych - oto przyczynek do charakterystyki sposobu bytowania „jednowy­ miarowego człowieka" , którego poznawcze i egzystencjalne problemy komplikują się jeszcze bardziej w kontekście ponowoczesnej presji obrazów, luster i ekranów. C h o ć na razie dramat nierozróżnialności tego, co jest rzeczywistością, i jej przed­ stawień zdaje się nie dotykać codziennego życia, to jednak dyskretnie, acz skutecz­ niej symulakry zawłaszczają coraz większe obszary doświadczenia. Gadająca kro¬ wa, zaskroniec w zupie czy bezgłowy siłacz może być medialną ciekawostką, ale przecież nie źródłem zadumy nad dziwnością istnienia. 1 2 * G d y w X V I w. kolekcjonerzy zaczynali tworzyć gabinety osobliwości, ich zaan­ gażowanie i pasja były symptomem zjawiska znacznie poważniejszego: zmiany sto­ sunku do Wszechświata, nowej definicji człowieka i jego miejsca w Kosmosie, a więc najpierw - w naturze. Natura może powoływać do istnienia różne dziwaczne formy, trafiają się pomyłki, w y b r y k i czy nieudaczności. To one są atrakcjami w gabinetach osobliwości, w któ­ rych kolekcjonerzy zaspokajając swoją ciekawość i żądzę posiadania, układają w ga¬ blotach, w szafach i na półkach okazy fauny i flory, minerały, pozostałości po dawnej kulturze, szczególne miejsce rezerwując dla zdumiewających kuriozów. Niejedno¬ krotnie w kolekcjach znajdowały się słoje z potworkami zanurzonymi w konserwu¬ jących płynach. Okazy zwyczajne i te, które kwestionują normę, są po to, by ukazać 1 Tę starą formułę, prowadzącą d o refleksji o potrzebie poznania i doświadczenia metafizycznego, przypomniał w swej naukowej, i jednocześnie głęboko humanistycznej, pracy Erich F r o m m : „Jeżeli prawdą jest, że z d o l n o ś ć d o dziwienia się jest początkiem mądrości, t o prawda ta stanowi smutny ko­ mentarz d o mądrości współczesnego człowieka. Przy w s z y s t k i c h zaletach wynikających z osiągnięcia wysokiego stopnia literackiej i powszechnej edukacji - utraciliśmy ów dar dziwienia się czemukol­ w i e k " ( F r o m m 1972, s. 25). Książka, jak i inne ważne dzieła amerykańskiego psychoanalityka - co w a r t o pamiętać - powstawała w czasach pierwszej powojennej debaty o k r y z y s i e wartości, zagroże­ niach ze strony k u l t u r y masowej, niebezpieczeństwach społeczeństwa d o b r o b y t u i t d . 2 Tytuł głośnej książki H e r b e r t a Marcusego stał się skrótową prezentacją egzystencjalnych zagro­ żeń, jakie niesie ze sobą nowoczesna cywilizacja i rozwój k o n s u m p c j o n i z m u (Marcuse 1991). 182 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach wielobarwność świata; ich gromadzenie i prezentacja, wymagające poukładania eksponatów, jednocześnie ujawniają tęsknotę za porządkiem, za taksonomią, której przyznać wypada rangę podstawowej zasady organizującej świat. Tym, co wypełnia gabloty gabinetów osobliwości, są przede wszystkim żmudnie gromadzone okazy, reprezentujące klasy, grupy, gatunki roślin, zwierząt, rodzaje mi¬ nerałów i t d . Atrakcją szczególną pozostawać będą curiositates, rzeczy dziwne, zaska¬ kujące przez to, że nie udaje się ich ulokować w którymkolwiek miejscu kolekcji. C h o ć bowiem nad wszystkim panuje idea taksonomii, to przecież kolekcjoner za¬ wsze „interesuje się przede wszystkimi wydarzeniami, rzadkimi, a nawet wyjątkowy­ mi epizodami, które według niego tworzą historię" (Pomian 2001, s. 70). T y m samym istotą kolekcjonerskiego stosunku do świata jest z jednej strony jego uprzedmioto¬ wienie, z drugiej zaś zachłanne zawłaszczanie przez zbieracza i nasycanie znacze¬ niami wynikającymi z jego doświadczenia czy taksonomicznych przeświadczeń: T a k kolekcjoner, jak i ocalający je [dawne k u l t u r y ] etnograf m o g l i b y się u b i e g a ć o ostat­ nie miejsce w ś r ó d o b r o ń c ó w „prawdy r z e c z y " . A u t e n t y z m [ . . . ] w y t w a r z a się b o w i e m w trakcie usuwania przedmiotów i zwyczajów z ich bieżącej sytuacji historycznej ( C l i f f o r d 2 0 0 0 , s. 2 4 6 ) . Curiosum to przedmiot, zjawisko czy zdarzenie, które manifestuje się szczególnie dobitnie w działaniach kolekcjonera, albo ogólniej - w ramach wyobrażenia o po¬ znawczych powinnościach i perspektywach człowieka. Poszukiwanie osobliwości, jakie stanowić mogłyby atrakcyjne eksponaty z coraz częściej w X V I I w. udostęp¬ nianych prywatnych zbiorów, wpisuje się w ogólną tendencję epoki - o t o tworzy się formacja nazywana „kulturą ciekawości". Podejmowane wówczas próby opisania i poznania świata wynikają z dostrzeżenia zbyt wielkiej liczby faktów, które nie pa¬ sują d o ustabilizowanego wcześniejszego obrazu świata. Ciekawość definiuje się wówczas jako pasję, która bywa ryzykowna, bo zmusza do przekraczania granic po¬ znania, naruszenia standardów, a nawet naruszania podziałów na dyscypliny pozna­ nia i gatunki pisarstwa. W wypowiedziach ówczesnych uczonych wyraźnie rysują się konsekwencje ciekawości: to emocjonalne pobudzenie i fascynacja, to zdumienie, które wstrzymuje oddech i wywołuje wypieki na twarzy.. .(Kenny 2004, s. 41-47). Curiosum odpowiada ciekawości, ale na poziomie poznawanej rzeczywistości - to w niej samej przecież tkwią źródła poznawczych pasji, które wywołują wątpliwości etyczne i religijne: czy taka ciekawość nie wiedzie do postaw niebezpiecznych i grzesznych? C z y skupienie na curiosum, na czymś, co samym swoim skandalicznym istnieniem każe wziąć w ironiczny cudzysłów dogmatyczne prawdy o świecie, nie prowadzi do kwestionowania spraw o wiele istotniejszych? Niedorzeczności natury owe poszukiwane, gromadzone i chętnie opisywane raritates, przez swe nieoczekiwane, niemożliwe istnienie prowokują d o poszukiwania ukrytego ładu, innego niż ten, który znany jest z doświadczenia i rutyny codziennoś¬ ci, ale też odmiennego od wizji sankcjonowanej przez naukę i Kościół. Naruszenie 183 �Piotr Kowalski porządku, dziwaczny w y b r y k natury porządek ten poddaje szczególnie spektaku¬ larnej próbie odporności. Skandal istnienia monstrów wymaga uporu w poszukiwa­ niach zasad, które w ich obliczu zdają się ulegać niebezpiecznej erozji. By takie oswo­ jenie umożliwić, żeby przywrócić pewność i spokój, potrzeba ładu spełniającego się w dostojnym rytmie regałów i gablot. Ratujące spokój i bezpieczeństwo rutyny codzienności estetyzowanie tego, co budzi najgłębszy, paraliżujący lęk, musi być operacją ustanawiania dystansu, odsu¬ wania źródła grozy, zamiany powodu przerażenia w przedmiot ciekawości, w rzecz nadającą się do oglądania, podziwiania, a nawet pogardliwego odrzucenia. Z cza­ sem proces estetyzowania i kolekcjonerskich zabiegów taksonomicznych doprowa¬ dzić też może do ukształtowania skutecznej ochronnej techniki marginalizowania zagrożeń, usuwania groźnej obcości. A b y się nie bać, że niesie z sobą ryzyko rozsa¬ dzenia bezpiecznego porządku świata, trzeba ten nośnik obcości wyprowadzić po¬ za obszar ekumeny. „Klasyfikacja" bywa poręcznym chwytem, by pozbyć się tego, co może zranić, przerazić, dotknąć, bo jest zbyt bliskie, namacalne i tkwi w samym centrum życia obserwatora. Taksonomie gabinetów osobliwości tkwią w t y m samym stosunku do świata, w którego ramach powstawały wielkie systemy porządkujące cały Kosmos - Systema Naturae (1735) Karola Linneusza jest niezwykłym dziełem pewności, że można cały świat: rośliny i zwierzęta, umieścić w precyzyjnie skategoryzowanym systemie. Taką samą siatką objąć można także i człowieka, porządkując rasy występujące na świe¬ cie. O p t y m i z m poznawczy twórców „wielkich narracji", jakimi są naukowe systema¬ tyki, nie powinien przesłonić ich możliwych, dwuznacznych konsekwencji. Różni¬ cowanie świata, wytyczanie rodzajowych granic służy też nazbyt często do budowa¬ nia hierarchii, układania „eksponatów" wedle „naukowych" taksonomii, spod których wyglądają także decyzje aksjologiczne. * Staropolscy pamiętnikarze i kronikarze zapisali w swych dziełach niezwykły obraz świata i historii. W ich zapisach można odnaleźć wydarzenia istotne w planie historycznym - najbliższej okolicy, księstwa, państwa, czasem Europy czy świata. N o t a t k i o nich sąsiadują z tym, co dotyczyło prywatnych doświadczeń autorów, ro¬ dzinnych perypetii, urodzin, chorób, ślubów, zgonów... Nierzadkie bywały infor¬ macje innej zupełnie natury: T e g o ż r o k u p o jesień u G a b r i e l a Sałtyska, półrolnika w e w s i C i ś c u w farze m i l o w s k i e j , W e r o n i k a żona j e g o urodziła t r o j e d z i e c i , samych s y n ó w j e d n y m u r o d z e n i e m . Z k t ó ­ r y c h d w u o k r z c z o n o , a t r z e c i n i e ż y w y u r o d z i ł się. Z a K r a k o w e m zaś t e g o r o k u 1727 dnia 23 k w i e t n i a w e w s i N i e d ź w i e d z i u z a g r o d n i c z k a urodziła d w u c h ł o p c z y k ó w z s o b ą z r o ś n i ę t y c h o j e d n y c h w n ę t r z n o ś c i a c h i sercu, co z n a c z y ł j e d e n p ę p e k i prążka s p o ­ jona, a te l e d w o o k r z c z o n o , j e d n e m u W o j c i e c h e m , a d r u g i e g o Jerzem. A te w z i ę t o ja­ ko j e d n o m o n s t r u m d o A k a d e m i e j K r a k o w s k i e j i n a p u ś c i w s z y s p i r i t u v i n i dla dalszej 184 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach k o n s e r w a c y j e j [ i ] o d m a l o w a w s z y , z a c h o w a n o . Z n o w u t e g o ż r o k u 1727 d n i a 7 czerw¬ ca m i e s z c z k a k r a k o w s k a urodziła płód, k t ó r e miało g ł o w ę c z ł o w i e c z ą a t w a r z świnią, kły w i e l k i e , usta szerokie, w nosie d z i u r e k nie było, płuca na w i e r z c h u p r z y r o s ł e ; za¬ l e d w i e okrzczone, umarło. A t o z tej o k a z y j e j p r z y d a ł o się, że w t y m d o m u w y m a l o w a ­ n y b y ł Z y d na świni j a d ą c y i tak z a p a t r z y w s z y się żona, t a k i e urodziła p o d o b i e ń s t w o ( K o m o n i e c k i 1987, s. 5 6 6 ) . Kronikarz w jednej notatce zgromadził informacje o serii podobnych, bulwersu¬ jących zdarzeń, podobnych do tych, które nie były w stanie obudzić Mrożkowskich chłopów. Wiadomości o monstrach poruszały żyjących w świecie, w którym nie było miejsca na przypadkowe zdarzenia - choć niektóre notatki nie zostały opatrzone komentarzem, to jednak rozpoznanie sensu ostatniego ze zdarzeń wyraźnie poka¬ zuje, że poszukiwanie znaczenia było zadaniem nie tylko poznawczo, ale także eg¬ zystencjalnie istotnym. A tropów interpretacyjnych jest wiele - najprostszym jest odwołanie do przeświadczenia o skutkach zapatrzenia się przez kobietę ciężarną. Monstrum było przerażające, bo budziło inne jeszcze skojarzenia - ta hybryda ludzko-zwierzęca nie miała dziurek w nosie, co było jednym z symptomów demonicz¬ nych koligacji. Z y d na świni i diabelskie elementy potwora otwierają kolejne moż¬ liwe drogi poszukiwania znaczeń. O funkcji podobnych zapisów wiele mówi poetyka pamiętników i kronik, która pozwala na zestawienia ich z działaniami kolekcjonerów. I tak nawet „portrety ludzi, ich psychologia, refleksja filozoficzna, wreszcie tło opisowe są w nich słabiej r o z w i ­ nięte w porównaniu z pierwszorzędnym znaczeniem rejestracji zdarzeń" (Rytel 1962, s. 62). To zdarzenia wraz z okolicznościami (Michałowska 1970, s. 160-161) były zbierane przez pisarzy - są niczym przedmioty w gablotach gabinetów osobliwości. To kolekcjonowanie zdarzeń wydaje się dobrze tłumaczyć jako przedłużenie myśle¬ nia w ramach kultury oralnej, której liczne ślady znajdują się w prozie pamiętnikar¬ skiej i kronikarskiej (Kowalski 2006) - to przecież dzięki zapamiętanym zdarze¬ niom przechowywane są w tamtej kulturze prawdy i informacje społecznie ważne (Assmann 2008, s. 5 3 - 5 4 ) . * C o znaczą owe zapisy, uwaga poświęcana i m przez tych, którzy przede wszyst¬ kim pisują o historii lokalnej i wielkiej bądź prowadzą księgę przypadków swoich i najbliższej rodziny? Jakie były kształty potocznego imaginarium w tamtej dobie, jakie mechanizmy rządziły ówczesnymi procedurami tłumaczenia świata, według jakich standardów nadawano sens elementom rzeczywistości - przedmiotom, zja¬ wiskom, postaciom itd.? Dwie lekcje świata wydają się szczególnie ważne: z jednej strony to wyobrażenie religijne, w którym za pomocą pojęcia grzechu tłumaczy się wszelkie anomalie po¬ jawiające się w świecie i nadaje i m sens albo kary albo signum zbliżających się klęsk. Z drugiej strony działają już mechanizmy kultury ciekawości, którą wiązać trzeba 185 �Piotr Kowalski z taksonomicznymi nadziejami ówczesnych uczonych. C h o ć myśl naukowa nieko­ niecznie inspiruje myślenie potoczne, to jednak wyrasta na gruncie pewnych stan­ dardów wyobrażeniowych, jakie w potoczności są dostępne, poza t y m zaś historia naturalna obecna była w kulturze europejskiej od wielu już wieków. Załamanie koniunktury ekonomicznej, klęski żywiołowe, plagi, wojny i wszelkie inne czynniki prowadzące do utraty poczucia bezpieczeństwa często wiodą do kryzy­ su świadomości. Swoją dramatyczną rolę odegrał także Kościół, w którego działaniach propagandowych, zwłaszcza w czasach kontrreformacji, szczególnie w nauczaniu w poetyce „kaznodziejstwa strachu", wizje eschatologiczne, w zamyśle dyscyplinują­ ce, raczej pogłębiały lęk i dezorientację. W dyskursie ówczesnej pedagogii często pojawiały się rzeczy dziwne i straszne. Wykładnia niezwykłych zjawisk i anomalii w y ­ dawała się nietrudna do wyprowadzenia: to grzech spowodował chaos i pomiesza¬ nie w naturze. S k o r o na tej z i e m i jest t y l u s z a l e ń c ó w , iż z a m ę t , j a k i t u panuje, s t a n o w i j a k b y z a p o ­ w i e d ź p o m i e s z a n i a w p i e k l e - k t ó r e jest m i e j s c e m chaosu par excellence - c ó ż d z i w ­ nego, że m a m y uczucie, j a k b y n a t u r a l n y p o r z ą d e k świata t a k ż e stracił „ z d r o w y " r o z s ą ­ dek? G r z e c h c z ł o w i e k a r o z c i ą g n ą ł się na naturę, k t ó r a za p r z y z w o l e n i e m B o ż y m i dla p o u c z e n i a g r z e s z n i k ó w zdaje się o g a r n i ę t a „dziwnym s z a l e ń s t w e m " . Pozwala ona so­ b i e na „tysiąc działań s p r z e c z n y c h m i ę d z y s o b ą l u b n i e p o d o b n y c h d o siebie". R ó ż n o ­ r o d n o ś ć o b r a c a się w n i e d o r z e c z n e „mieszaniny": m a c i o r a „oprosiła się", w y d a j ą c na świat w i e p r z k a o l u d z k i m o b l i c z u ; t o z n o w u m a m y r y b ę o ł b i e lwa i p ł a c z ą c ą jak c z ł o ­ w i e k . Te p o t w o r n o ś c i są ilustracją g r z e c h u . ( D e l u m e a u 1994, s. 196; z o b . t a k ż e S c h i n ­ d l e r 2 0 0 2 , s. 3 7 2 - 4 4 9 ) . Monstra opisywano od dawna - nowożytni komentatorzy do wykorzystania mie­ li dzieła różne - od przekazów mitologicznych po uznane dzieła naukowe i kompen­ dia symbolograficzne. Sięgano d o Arystotelesa, czytywano Pliniusza. Monstra i be­ stie zadomowiły się w wyobraźni średniowiecznej, kiedy stopniowo, dzięki pracy Kościoła, dokonywało się głębokie przekształcenie bóstw pogańskich i ich ikono¬ grafii w demony w przedstawienia szatanów i ich popleczników . Monstra, potwory hybrydy z zoologii mitologicznej, z obszaru zaświatów, istot związanych np. z ry¬ tami inicjacyjnymi, przesunięto do demonologii i związano z grzesznymi pokuszeniami, z działaniami diabła albo czarownic, wymierzonymi przeciwko człowiekowi. Monstra mitologiczne nie miały aksjologicznego nacechowania - potwory w chrześ¬ cijańskiej wizji świata mają już jednoznacznie negatywne wartościowanie. Bywają przedstawiane jako konsekwencje grzechu, np. jako efekt bestialstwa, seksualnego po¬ łączenia człowieka i zwierzęcia. Trwałość połączeń monstrualności - animalności - be¬ stialstwa - demoniczności i t d . wciąż czeka na swojego badacza. 3 3 O roli zwierzęcych i h y b r y d y c z n y c h wcieleń w wyobrażeniach czarownic i szatana zob. G i n z b u r g 1991, s. 182-204. O popularnej ikonografii demonów z m o t y w a m i zwierzęcymi zob. W a r d i Steeds 2008. 186 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach Łączenie monstrualności i demoniczności, a następnie grzeszności pozwoliło na dodanie kolejnych wyobrażeń, znaczeń i połączeń, co nasilało się szczególne w mo¬ mentach społecznych, politycznych i egzystencjalnych kryzysów, w które w Europie obfitowały wieki X V I I i X V I I I . I nie jest łatwe, a może nawet jest niewykonalne zwe­ ryfikowanie poruszających wypadków, o których wiele mówiono i pisano w pełnych grozy i oburzenia broszurach. Czy stało się tak naprawdę, że urodziły się dzieci bez głowy? Czy relacje świadków są wiarygodne, czy też należą do argumentacji polityczno-propagandowej? Czy widziano takie przerażające monstra, czy też wyobraże¬ nie było na tyle sugestywne, że spodziewano się je zobaczyć? O t o np. Anglia około 1640 r. żyła doniesieniami o przyjściu na świat dziecka bez głowy. W jarmarcznych drukach i politycznych pamfletach przedstawiono historię kobiety, która dziecko takie powiła. Opowiadano o katoliczce, której zwyrodniałe obyczaje i grzeszne życie zostało napiętnowane zdumiewającym porodem. Kato¬ licy odpowiedzieli opowieścią o zbrodniach protestantów, zdziczeniu obyczajów, których skutkami są kolejne monstra. W ferworze publicznej awantury na rycinach przedstawiających przywódców religijnych prezentuje się ich z ogonami i innymi zwierzęcymi atrybutami. Opowieści o bezgłowych noworodkach służyły tworzeniu „sugestywnego obrazu kobiecego szaleństwa, błędów katolików i koneksji z czarow­ nicami" (Crossy 2004, s. 53). Podejmowały „problem kontroli nad wyzwalającymi się kobietami w czasie, kiedy patriarchalna dyscyplina, podobnie jak inne formy au­ torytetu, wydawały się rozsypywać" (Crossy 2004, s. 54). Konflikty społeczne, woj¬ na wyznaniowa i monstrualność pozostawały w ścisłym związku. C h o ć za każdym razem miały precyzyjnie zdefiniowanego zwyrodniałego wroga, to łączyły je wspól¬ ne wyobrażenia na temat kobiecej niesforności i podatności na demoralizację. Monstra pojawiające się w dyskursie publicystycznym były sugestywnymi figu¬ rami diagnozy stanu świata i społeczeństwa. Służyły wskazywaniu przykładów spo­ łecznej patologii, upadku religijności i wykroczenia poza naturalny porządek. Pisa¬ rze, prezentując w popularnych broszurach monstrualne noworodki i znajdując oparcie w standardach normalności, traktowali je jako „znaki tego, że to świat stanął na głowie". „Związek między monstrualnymi istotami a monstrualnymi zachowaniami" (Cro­ ssy 2004, s. 48) wydawać się musiał sprawą „naturalną", wpisaną w porządek świata. To, co kulturowe i społeczne, podlegało więc somatyzacji - obyczaje i ciało, cieles¬ ność, biologiczność znajdowało się na jednej płaszczyźnie dyskursu. Monstrualność, poza kontekstem myśli mitycznej, gdzie była wpisana w porządek zaświatów (więcej: Kowalski 2000), stawała się argumentem politycznym, już na poziomie zmetaforyzowanych sensów słów i obrazów. W Nowych Atenach ks. Benedykt Chmielowski rozdział zatytułowany O innych cudownych i osobliwych ludziach w świecie 4 4 W ten sposób m o n s t r u m stawało się e l e m e n t e m m i t o l o g i z a c j i w r o z u m i e n i u Barthes'owskim, jako zamiana porządku n a t u r y i k u l t u r y (Barthes 2000). 187 �Piotr Kowalski to jest o Anacephalach alias bez głowy, o Cynocephalach alias psią głową mających i o innych dzi­ wnej formy ludziach wypełnił informacjami o t y m , że N a g ó r a c h i n d y j s k i c h znajdują się l u d z i e z głowami p s i e m i i g ł o s e m p s i m , alias szcze­ k a n i e m . [ . . . ] W M o s k i e w s k i m zaś państwie, w k r a j u L u k o m o r a d o S a m o i e d y i należą­ c y m koło r z e k i T a c h n i n l u d z i e się znajdują obrośli o psiej głowie, r y b a t a k ż e w r z e c e w s p o m n i a n e j łowi się g ł o w ę , g ę b ę , nos, o c z y r ę c e l u d z k i e mająca, jako t a m e c z n i k r a j o p i s y światu oznajmują; w t e j ż e k r a i n i e na z i m ę l u d z i e zamierają, si c e r d e n d u m . [ . . . ] L u d z i e na P ó ł n o c n y c h Insułach się z n a j d u j ą c y t a k w i e l k i e u s z y mają, ż e c a ł e ciało, k i e d y t e g o p o t r z e b a pokrywają, co r o z u m i e m c z y n i ą o d s ł o t y i w i a t r ó w tej z a ż y w a j ą c o d n a t u r y s o b i e p o z w o l o n e j o p o ń c z y a l b o [ . . . ] takową się przykrywają kołdrą b ę d ą c zawsze n a g i e m i ( C h m i e l o w s k i 1 7 4 5 - 1 7 4 6 , s. 9 1 - 9 5 ) . Dyskredytując przedstawicieli obcych nacji czy polityków, przypisuje się i m hybrydyczne formy rozpoznaje animalne właściwości, obdarza epitetami, które mają źródła często alegoryczne i sprawdzają się w gestach odrzucenia. Przekonujące musiały być epitety sugerujące rzeczywistą monstrualność opozycji, parlamentu, przedstawicieli Kościoła i t d . Propagandowe mieszanie porządków i używanie w nauczaniu czy socjalizacji stereotypowych wyobrażeń z przesunięciem semantycznym oznacza uczenie pożądanego widzenia rzeczywistości, z ich pomocą wdrukowuje w podświadomość pewne metody interpretacji świata, uczy dostrzegania czegoś i uruchamiania podej¬ rzliwości wobec innych. Interpretacja monstrualności w ramach myślenia magicznego, religijnego, prze¬ niesiona do debaty politycznej współistniała z „kulturą ciekawości". Kolekcjoner¬ skie taksonomie są jednym z przykładów takich zabiegów porządkujących, u któ¬ rych podstaw leży przeświadczenie o istnieniu takiego porządku i o konieczności lokowania każdego przedmiotu czy zjawiska w odpowiednim miejscu siatki takso¬ nomicznej. Fascynujące zbieraczy curiositates nie mają zatem znamion cudowności, lecz raczej okazują się ekstremalną próbą falsyfikowalności porządku taksonomicz¬ nego. W pamiętnikach i kronikach zobaczyć można swoiste kolekcje, których jednost¬ kami katalogowymi są zdarzenia. Kolekcjonuje się przypadki mogące być świadect¬ wem naruszenia ładu świata, który został nie tylko rozpoznany opisany i zadekreto¬ wany w naukowych systematykach, lecz także sprawdzony w praktykach życia codziennego. * Pisarskie decyzje rozstrzygają o t y m , co pozostanie w społecznej pamięci jako informacja znacząca, powiązana z prawdami istotnymi dla społeczności, czy może nawet świata. Piszący nadaje rangę zdarzeniom: spośród tego, co działo się w da¬ nym roku, wybiera jedynie kilka, czasem kilkanaście istotnych, jego zdaniem, zda188 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach rzeń-opowieści. Takie raritates na tyle go poruszają, że chce, by pozostały w zaso¬ bach pamięci potomnych, by świadczyły o t y m , ile ważnych spraw rozgrywało się w okolicy, w której mieszkał. Poświęcone zdarzeniom mikronarracje są wyodręb¬ nionymi jednostkami tekstowymi: to informacja wydzielona akapitem, podobieńst¬ wem inicjalnych słów (np. wskazaniem czasu, nawet dnia tygodnia) i umieszczona w serii podobnych akapitów-wyliczeń. Jak w muzealnej gablocie - ma swój indeks, chronologię, ale najczęściej także nie ma dalszego ciągu. Bywa i tak, że dziejopis chce ten dalszy ciąg ustalić - próbując się z klasyfikacją, musi wykroczyć poza po¬ rządek historii naturalnej. Czytać należy wszak uważnie Księgę Stworzenia, by uchwycić nie tylko boski plan, harmonię tego, co w Naturze, ale pamiętając o do¬ świadczeniu alegorezy i wciąż atrakcyjnych praktykach różnego w proweniencji prognostykarstwa, szukać znaczeń, przesłań, które zakodowane zostały w t y m , co w spektakularny sposób naruszało normę. Wykroczenie poza porządek, złamanie ta¬ ksonomii skupia uwagę obserwatora: to, co odmienne, zawsze jest bogate w treści - trzeba tylko odnaleźć nie zawsze jawne przesłania tego, co przyciągnęło wzrok. T e g o ż r o k u [1705 - P K . ] 7 J u n i i w d z i e ń Ś w i ę t e j T r ó j c e u M a t i a s z a S t a n k o w i c z a , m i e s z c z a n i n a ż y w i e c k i e g o kokosz a l b o k u r a wysiedziała jaj 13, z k t ó r y c h j e d n o kur¬ c z ę w y k l u ł o się o d w u pyskach, a o t r z e c h o k a c h , c z e m u się d z i w o w a n o . K t ó r e mon¬ s t r u m wyjawiło się, b o k o n t r y b u c j a s z w e d z k a nastąpiła n i e z n o ś n a na m i a s t o i w s i , c o t e ż i księża musieli o n ę p ł a c i ć i u s p o k o j a ć ( C h m i e l o w s k i 1 7 4 5 - 1 7 4 6 , s. 2 9 9 ) . Monstrualność poddaje próbie ład potocznego doświadczenia. Pojawia się wszak tak blisko świata codziennego, że trudno ją odesłać d o zoologicznych cieka¬ wostek. Ptak o dwóch głowach jest anomalią przeczącą rutynie życia, szokuje i każe spodziewać się nadejścia rzeczy najgorszych. Jeszcze większą grozę budzić musi potwór urodzony z kobiety: ludzkie dziecko okazuje się nie-ludzkie, hybrydyczne, bestialskie. Jego pojawienie się wprawia w ruch ustabilizowane wyobrażenie o świe¬ cie, destrukturalizuje ład, potwierdzony przez wiekowe doświadczenie i automa¬ t y z m potocznych przyzwyczajeń. Jednocześnie fascynacja relacjami o potworach ujawnia uporczywie tkwiącą w człowieku skłonność d o igrania z niebezpieczeń¬ stwem, sięgania do spraw, tematów, wyobrażeń, które bywają nocnymi koszmarami, ale równie często - są materią plotek czy sensacyjnych doniesień. Już wówczas: W y o b r a ź n i ę c z y t e l n i k ó w gazet p o d s y c a ł y niewątpliwie c z ę s t e w i a d o m o ś c i o n a r o d z i ­ nach jakichś p o t w o r k ó w i l u d z k o z w i e r z ę c y c h d z i w o l ą g ó w . W 1723 r. „ze L w o w a " n a ­ deszła np. p o g ł o s k a , ż e „W Ż u b r z e j w s i [ . . . ] mila stąd m o n s t r u m k r o w a w p u ł [!] c z ł o ­ w i e k a , w p u ł [!] ciele urodziła". N a t o m i a s t z W o ł y n i a dotarła w i a d o m o ś ć , „że t a m J e y m ś ć Pani Ł ą k o w i e c k a starościna k i j o w s k a miała p o r o d z i ć p u ł człeka, puł b y d l ę c i a , t o m o n s t r u m ż y j ą c trwało 3 n i e d z i e l e z w i e l k i m p o d z i w i e n i e m i z j a z d e m s z l a c h t y i r ó ż n y c h l u d z i na d z i w , samy J e y m o ś ć Pani starościna p o p o r o d z e n i u t y l k o t y d z i e ń 189 �Piotr Kowalski żyła". I n f o r m o w a n o t e z o l i c z n y c h t e g o r o d z a j u p r z y p a d k a c h w i n n y c h krajach. „ G a z e t t y C u d z o z i e m s k i e " z 1720 r. z całą p o w a g ą d o n o s i ł y m . i n . , ż e w L i z b o n i e „pewna b i a ł o g ł o w a p i e r w s z y m p o r o d z e n i e m wydała na świat c z w o r o d z i e c i , d r u g i m zaś 7 sy¬ nów, z k t ó r y c h p i ę c i o r o p o k r z c i e świętym umarło, a d w o j e jeszcze ż y j ą " [ . . . ] Jako r z e c z g o d n ą u w a g i s y g n o w a ł np. w a r s z a w s k i k o r e s p o n d e n t w i a d o m o ś ć , iż „w bliskoś­ ci K r a k o w a u r o d z i ł o się n i e d a w n o m o n s t r u m m a j ą c e n o g i 4, r ę c e 3, g ł o w ę 1 , a t w a ­ r z y 2. N a jednej s t r o n i e 2 oka, na d r u g i e j j e d n o , w środku czoła, ale o d w ó c h z d r z e n i cach o c h r z c z o n e p o d kondycją, ż e bliźnięta, u m a r ł o w g o d z i n ę . G ł o w a d o A k a d e m i j p r z y w i e z i o n a , c o n s e r v a t u r i n S p i r i t u V i n i et ex i n d y c i l i s , d o c h o d z ą , ż e t o bliźnięta były" (Maliszewski 2001, 179-180) . 5 Świadectwo gazet jest ważne: ich szeroki jak na ówczesne możliwości komunika¬ cyjne obieg, rola informacji pochodzących z obiegu ustnego wskazują, że odpowia¬ dały ówczesnej potocznej mentalności i swoim autorytetem jej standardy dodatko¬ wo wspierały. Szansa pojawienia się anomalii jest równa na każdym obszarze - to wszak kwestia przypadku w świecie przyrody Inną sprawą jest uwaga poświęcana i m przez ów¬ czesnych; nie do końca rozstrzygalne może być to, czy zdarzenia takie rzeczywiś¬ cie miały miejsce, czy też w kronikach czy pamiętnikach notowano to, o czym się wówczas mówiło, co wzbudzało społeczne emocje i niepokoje. M o ż e to były tylko pogłoski, może późniejsze „ustalenia" poczynione wobec faktów nieszczęsnych, które wymagały zinterpretowania? Może wreszcie pisano i mówiono o tym, co p o ­ jawiło się w prasie, w informacjach przywiezionych z daleka, o czym mówiła stugębna plotka? Może widziano to, o czym wiedziano, że zobaczyć się powinno? Kronikarz czy pamiętnikarz, notując znane sobie - jak często się zastrzegają au­ torzy - z autopsji fakty i to, o czym wówczas chętnie rozprawiano, dokumentuje tę dwuznaczną i ryzykowną ciekawość, która kazała poszukiwać bulwersujących do¬ niesień, plotek i pogłosek. To ona zmuszała do wsłuchiwania się w doniesienia o dzi¬ wach przyrody, o monstrach, potworach, które pojawiają się niedaleko bezpieczne¬ go, codziennego życia. Niekiedy nie są to nawet szczególnie przerażające swoją fi¬ zyczną nienormalnością przypadki, lecz serie dziwnych zdarzeń; taka powtarzal¬ ność czegoś, co mieści się na skraju normalności, poddaje szczególnej próbie gra¬ nice dopuszczalnych „niedorzeczności" natury Tak jest np., gdy rodzą się bliźnięta. Zdarza się to nieczęsto, ale takie porody uwagi nie wymagają. Zupełnie inaczej, gdy to, co rzadkie, powtarza się regularnie. Kiedy w rodzinie bliźnięta rodzą się wielo¬ krotnie, trzeba już się zacząć nad t y m bardzo poważnie zastanawiać. O coś wszak może t u chodzić, o czymś mają te zdarzenia powiedzieć: 5 „W Italii pojawiło się m o n s t r u m - pół człowiek, pół wół. N a czole ma j e d n o oko, a o b o k uszu rogi. Pojawiło się, jak mówią, nie wcześniej niż p r z e d d w o m a miesiącami" ( R u d o m i c z 2002, s. 198). Spo­ śród obfitości w i d z i a n y c h miejsc z wyraźnym u p o d o b a n i e m ówcześni sarmaccy wędrowcy podają informacje o p o t w o r k a c h , k u r i o z a c h i relikwiach. Przykładem m o ż e być pamiętnik Jakuba Sobies­ kiego (1991). 190 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach D n i a 3 l i s t o p a d a [1717] A g n e s k a K a l f a s i o n k a t u z Ż y w c a r o d z i c z k a w S t o p n i c a c h w P o d g ó r z u się w y d a w s z y za syna sołtysiego, p o p o ł o g u umarła, z r o d z i w s z y d w o j e bliźniąt, a p r z e d t e m t e ż miała i p o r o d z i ł a p o r z ą d k ą d w a r a z y p o d w o j e bliźniąt. C o się d z i w o w a n o , ż e p o t r z y r a z y j e d n o p o d r u g i m t o się stało. A te w s z y s t k i e pomarły, t y l k o j e d n o zostało. Z n o w u p r z y d a ł o się t e ż na M i l o w c e u M a c i e j a Szabla, ż e D o r o t a S z c z o t k o w n a , mał¬ żonka jego troje bliźniąt porządką porodziła, a t y l k o b y ł między n i e m i syn jeden. T a k ż e w m i e ś c i e Ż y w c u p r z y g o d z i ł o się W e r o n i c e Gniłkowej, mieszczce żywieckiej ( C h m i e ­ l o w s k i 1 7 4 5 - 1 7 4 6 , s. 5 0 0 ) . W mitologii bliźnięta nie budzą dobrych skojarzeń (więcej: Kowalski 1998, s. 28-29), ale - sądząc po zapisach XVIII-wiecznego kronikarza - w mniemaniu p o ­ tocznym nie było już śladów podejrzeń o demoniczne koneksje, nie ma też niepoko¬ ju o „naturę" każdego z narodzonych dzieci. Niepokoić zaczynają dopiero dziwne zbiegi okoliczności, gdy zdarzenie możliwe, lecz rzadko spotykane, powtarza się nazbyt często. Seria identycznych, uporczywie powracających raritates, wywoływała wiele niespokojnych myśli i podejrzeń u ludzi zazwyczaj skoncentrowanych na ocze¬ kiwaniu znaków i cudownych ingerencji. Inne przypadki o wiele większe wywołują zdziwienie i emocje, być może niosą także ze sobą zagrożenia (bądź ich zapowiedzi), o jakich nawet nie śni się wścibskim spektatorom. Nawet skupieni na swojej prywatności pamiętnikarze odnoto¬ wują wiadomości, których bohaterowie chcieliby je skrzętnie ukrywać: Pani B u n i a t o w i c z o w a urodziła p r z e d w c z e ś n i e syna [ . . . ] na s k u t e k uniesienia się g n i e w e m . U s z y i twarz dziecka były p o d o b n e d o zajęczych. Niemowlę żyło przez t y d z i e ń całkowicie b e z j e d z e n i a c i e r p i ą c ciągle na epilepsję. M ó w i ą , że B u n i e w i c z o w a poślubiła swego k r e w n e g o p o śmierci p i e r w s z e g o męża. N i e chciała ona, ż e b y l u ­ d z i e oglądali o w o c tego p o ł o g u , a n a w e t starała się z a t a i ć g o ze w z g l ę d u na o b o w i ą z e k c h r z t u ( R u d o m i c z 2 0 0 2 , s. 179). Zapewne lęk przed gawiedzią i komentarzami na temat wdowy musiał powodować kobietą, że nie chciała przyznać się do swojego nieszczęścia. Niekiedy jednak spięt¬ rzenie potworności bywało tak wielkie, że musiało przyciągać powszechną uwagę: T e g o ż r o k u [1710] przydawały się r ó ż n e d z i w o w i s k a i p r z y p a d k i . N a p r z ó d w e w s i U s o ł a c h o w c a p o r o d z i ł a p i ę c i o r o jagniąt j e d n y m r o d z a j e m . U M a r c i n a Łabusa w Sop o t n i na Ś r e d n i m k r o w a urodziła c z w o r o cieląt, b ę d ą c jako s z c z e n i ę t a , t r o j e b y ł o ż y ­ w y c h , a c z w a r t e nieżywe,- a te p r z e d z i w n i e b e c z ą c , p o z d y c h a ł y ; k t ó r e d o z i e m i e za¬ kopano. Z n o w u na d w o r z e o b s z a r s k i m k r o w a urodziła c i e l ę o d w u g ł o w a c h żywe, a t o k a z a n o z a k o p a ć . W K r a k o w i e zaś w miesiącu l u t y m na S z c z e p a ń s k i e j u l i c y n a r o d z i ł o się d z i e c i ę , m a j ą c e d w i e g ł o w y z jednej szyje w y c h o d z ą c e , t a k ż e r ę c e i n o g i p o d w ó j ¬ ne, k t ó r e b y ł y spojone a l b o z r o ś n i o n e j e d n a w drugą. Z k t ó r y c h g ł ó w jedna r a n o umarła, a d r u g a p o południu. A t o r o z p r u w s z y z n a l e z i o n o w n i m d w o j e w n ę t r z n o ś c i , a t y l k o j e d n o serce. K t ó r e m o n s t r u m d a n o o d m a l o w a ć i na r a t u s z u k r a k o w s k i m na w i d o k l u d z i o m p r z y b i t o . C o t o b y ł o p r o g n o s t y k i e m r o z d w o j e n i a w Polsce panów, 191 �Piotr Kowalski b ę d ą c k r ó l ó w d w ó c h u k o r o n o w a n y c h , o c o w o j n y z [ s ] p u s t o s z e n i e m w Polsce były. A na t o d z i e c i ę sam c a r o w i c m o s k i e w s k i patrzał, k t ó r y w K r a k o w i e r e z y d o w a ł i d o ca­ ra ojca swego kazał o d m a l o w a n e o d e s ł a ć ( C h m i e l o w s k i 1 7 4 5 - 1 7 4 6 , s. 3 4 1 ) . Szokować musiała seria bulwersujących wypadków z udziałem zwierząt, i jeszcze to potworkowate dziecię, którego zadziwiające kształty kazano utrwalić na odesła¬ nym do Krakowa obrazie. Zainteresował się nim sam carewicz i swoim zdumieniem zapragnął podzielić się z carem-ojcem - wszystkie te utrwalone zdarzenia układają się w przerażający inwentarz raritates, które zdarzyły się tylko w jednym roku, i to w niezbyt odległych od siebie miejscach. Wszystkie zdają się wpisywać w porządek natury, ale obfitość przypadków i to, że jeden z nich d o t y c z y człowieka, nadwerę¬ żają pewność oczywistego i wszechogarniającego działania praw natury Czy jest to już powód, by rozważać tę kwestionowaną oczywistość, czy sięgnąć do prognostykarskiej lektury świata, a może szukać jeszcze innego klucza lekturowego? D z i waczność nie jest jedynie problemem estetycznym, stwierdzeniem możliwych po¬ myłek w świecie natury. W kulturze tamtej d o b y jest przede wszystkim poważnym zadaniem semiotycznym. Monstra są dla kronikarza, a zapewne także dla jego współczesnych, „niedo¬ rzecznością natury" bądź znakiem, ostrzeżeniem przed nadciągającymi katakliz¬ mami. Pisarz jednak w przykuwającym uwagę zdarzeniu nie upatruje już kary wyko­ nanej na osobie czy społeczności. W dokumentacji wieków dawniejszych, od śred¬ niowiecza począwszy, w kalectwie, monstrualności, a nawet trądzie widziano kon¬ sekwencje złamania nakazów boskich, działanie przeciw moralnemu i kosmicznemu porządkowi. Odbywanie stosunków seksualnych w czasie, gdy kobieta była nieczys­ ta - jak powtarzały to liczne dokumenty soborowe - ujawniało się np. ciężkimi cho¬ robami dzieci . Tej semiotyki znaków cielesnych dziejopis jednak nie stosuje - to interesujące, jako że skądinąd nieobce mu było nakładanie lektury zdarzeń jako prog¬ nostyków i tych samych zdarzeń jako już dokonanej oceny tego, co miało miejsce, to zaś z kolei traktowane było przez niego i współczesnych jako zapowiedź następ¬ nych wypadków. 6 Narodziny monstrualnego cielaka mogły okazać się złowieszczym prognosty¬ kiem śmierci dwojga ludzi, ale pisarz nie wiąże już zapowiedzi przyszłych zdarzeń z winą, grzechem tych, których wieszczba dotyczyła: T e g o ż r o k u [1698] w miesiącu m a r c u w l i p o w s k i m f o l w a r k u k r o w a urodziła cielę, k t ó r e b y ł o o d w u g ł o w a c h , a o c z t e r e c h n o g a c h , p o c z y m k r o w a zaraz z d e c h ł a i c i e l ę 6 Przykładem m o ż e być o b j ę c i e tabu k o b i e t y miesiączkującej - o d b y w a n i e z nią stosunków seksu­ alnych kończyć się miało szczególnie niebezpieczną nieczystością (mówi o t y m już Stary Testament, Kpł 20, 18). Złamanie tabu miało prowadzić do p o c z ę c i a istot kalekich, trędowatych, epileptyków, dzieci dotkniętych k a l e c t w e m (por. np. Zaremska 1986, s. 119). 192 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach za nią p o d n i u j e d n y m . K t ó r e m o n s t r u m t o wyjawiło, ż e u r z ę d n i k Jan K o z i e ł n a z w a n y z T r z e b i n i e t e g o ż d w o r u p r ę d k o umarł, a żona j e g o zasię p o n i m w n i e d z i e l c z t e r y umarła i c ó r k a jej także, U r s z u l a . A t ę s k ó r k ę z t e g o c i e l ę c i a d a n o d o kuśnierza w y p r a w i ć i d o K r a k o w a o n ę panu p o s ł a n o ( C h m i e l o w s k i 1 7 4 5 - 1 7 4 6 , s. 2 6 7 ) . G d y rodzi się dziecko, które jest i dziewczynką, i chłopcem jednocześnie, gdy pomieszane zostają seksualności, podstawowa zasada taksonomicznego ładu, „dzi­ wowanie się ludzi" jest reakcją najłagodniejszą z możliwych: T e g o ż r o k u [1709] d n i a 15 marca Jana Pruskiego, falbierza ż y w i e c k i e g o żona narodziła d z i e c i ę , k t ó r e miało d w o j e p r z y r o d z e n i a , m ę ż c z y z n y i b i a ł e j g ł o w y ale w i ę c e j na m ę ż ­ c z y z n ę p o k a z o w a ł o . A t e m u d a n o imię J ó z e f na k r z c i e świętym, c z e m u się l u d z i e d z i ­ w o w a l i . A t o b y ł o u m a r ł o w d z i e ń ś w i ę t y c h Filipa [ i ] Jakuba A p o s t o ł ó w ( C h m i e l o ­ w s k i 1 7 4 5 - 1 7 4 6 , s. 3 3 4 ) . Spotkanie z bestią, monstrum, które zdaje się należeć d o świata człowieka (zro¬ dzone przez kobietę, przypomina swoim ciałem człowieka), wystawia na ciężką pró¬ bę potoczne wyobrażenie o sensowności świata, jego harmonii i celowości każdego z elementów. W takich sytuacjach pojawić się muszą pytania dramatyczne o samego człowieka, jego szczególną pozycję we wszechświecie itd. Monstrum jest zbyt ludz­ kie, by nie prowokować pytań podstawowych ani nie prowadzić d o poczucia po¬ mieszania, lęku, a nawet światopoglądowego kryzysu. T e g o ż r o k u [1709] i n O c t o b r o mense w K ę t a c h niewiasta jedna urodziła d w o j e d z i e c i j e d n y m p o r o d z e n i e m : j e d n o b y ł o martwe, a d r u g i e m o n s t r u m , mając g ł o w ę wielką i n i e foremną, a j e g o cielsko miało k i e l k a o g o n ó w . Po k t ó r y m p o r o d z e n i u w k i e l k a d n i taż niewiasta umarła ( C h m i e l o w s k i 1 7 4 5 - 1 7 4 6 , s. 3 3 8 ) . Pojawienie się w ekumenie potwora, który w jakiś sposób lokuje się wśród istot ludzkich (bądź na ryzykownie otwierającej się ku transgresji granicy), wprowadza poruszenie w codziennym bytowaniu. Ostatecznie trzeba zastanawiać się nad t y m , co w doświadczeniu potocznym znajduje się poza obszarem refleksji, przyjmowane powszechnie, jakby przezroczyste w swojej oczywistości. Takie pytania pociągają za sobą kolejne: o gwarancje bezpieczeństwa bycia w t y m oswojonym, t j . pozna¬ nym i przewidywalnym, świecie, gdzie takie rzeczy mogą się jednak wydarzyć. Sama obecność monstrum prowadzi do zawieszenia pewności na temat obowiązywania oczywistych, przez pokolenia wypracowanych taksonomii, może wręcz obnażyć ich kruchość, zakwestionować adekwatność opisu rzeczywistości; obnaży wątpliwą prawdę o t y m świecie budowaną na przeświadczeniu, że owa taksonomia jest nie tylko scjentystyczną konwencją, lecz przede wszystkim zasadą samego bytu. Mon¬ strum, zniekształcony fizycznie potwór czy ludzka bestia, szalony morderca, wariat - wszystkie te przypadki to swoiste epistemologiczne (a dalej - aksjologiczne) 193 �Piotr Kowalski skandale w doświadczaniu świata. G d y monstrualność ujawnia się zbyt blisko domeny zwyczajnej społeczności, pojawia się też niepokój dotyczący istoty po¬ rządku moralnego. Takie zdarzenie godzi w same podstawy wizji świata, która od lekcji Biblii, powtórzonej i ugruntowanej przez myśl chrześcijańską w najwcześniej¬ szych czasach, a dodatkowo argumentowanej w refleksji humanistycznej, ustawia człowieka poza przyrodą. Człowiek, stworzenie boskie, jest wszak ponad resztą na¬ tury, która oddana mu została we władanie. Odrębność człowieka uzasadniano na wiele sposobów - jednym z nich jest opinia o harmonijności, symetryczności, funk­ cjonalności ludzkiego ciała. Kierujący się rozumem, wyprostowany i sprawny czło­ wiek został stworzony na obraz i podobieństwo Boże; zwierzęta zaś - choć też są dziełem Boga - tych walorów są pozbawione. Jeżeli „składność członków" albo ro¬ zum nie są właściwością jednostki, to jej miejsce wśród ludzi, albo przynajmniej jej wartości, muszą budzić poważne wątpliwości: S ą p r z y c z y n y s k ł a d n o ś c i a u s t a w i e n i a w s z y t k i c h c z ł o n k ó w c z ł o w i e c z y c h , tak t e ż t u b ę d ą w y p i s a n y z n a m i o n a o s o b l i w i e k a ż d e g o członka, c o sie t y c z ę d o b r o c i a l b o z ł o ś c i p r z y r o d z e n i a , aby k a ż d y m ó g ł w i e d z i e ć , z k i m ma t o w a r z y s z y ć a l b o k o g o sie chronić, t y m o b y c z a j e m , jako w y s z e j napisano ( r o z u m i e j m i e d z y t y m i ludźmi, k t ó r z y są z w i e ­ r z ę c y t o jest, k t ó r z y się nie r o z u m e m , ale z m y s ł y t y l k o sprawują) ( A n d r z e j z K o b y l i n a 1893, s.126). G d y więc właściwości konkretnego człowieka nie odpowiadają wyobrażeniom na ten temat, pojawia się pokusa wykluczenia, albo przynajmniej zmarginalizowa¬ nia kogoś, k t o w ten sposób przeczy porządkowi świata. W kodeksach prawnych, ale i w praktyce sądowej do X V I I I w., można znaleźć przyzwolenie na ekstermina¬ cję potworów, które - dla zniesienia ewentualnych wątpliwości - nie są traktowane w kategoriach ludzkich. Bartłomiej Groicki dopuszczał wręcz zabijanie potworkowatych dzieci, pisząc, że uwolnieni od kary za mężobójstwo mają być ci, k t ó r z y zabijają d z i e c i d z i w n i e się r o d z ą c e , nie w e d l e w y o b r a ż e n i a l u d z k i e g o , ale na kształt jakiej b e s t y j e k . A l b o w i e m i t a k i e nie mają b y ć chrzczone, ale zarazem zadaw i o n e abo k t ó r y m k o l w i e k o b y c z a j e m mają b y ć zatracone. K t ó r e t o d z i w n e r o d z e n i e [ . . . ] p o s p o l i c i e się f i g u r u j e w ż y w o c i e m a t k i z zapatrzenia jakiej b e s t y j e k a z z a m y ś l e ­ nia o niej czasu p o c z ę c i e ( G r o i c k i 1953, s. 213). W Kronice Jazowskiej, z podkarpackiej wsi Jazowsko, o zarazie, która pustoszyła zie­ mie polskie w 1708 r., można przeczytać informację pełną niepokoju i przerażenia: R o k u t e g o p o w i e t r z e m o r o w e nie t y l k o w K r a k o w i e , ale i w W i e l k i e j Polszcze, w M a z o [ w ] s z a c h , w W a r s z a w i e , c i r c u m c i r c a W a r s z a w y w S ę d o m i e r z u etc., etc., etc. w i e l ­ k i e panowało. W k t ó r y m p o w i e t r z u l u d z i e szaleli, j e d e n d r u g i e g o c z ł e k c z ł e k a na p o t ­ k a n i u z ę b a m i kąsali i o k r u t n i e r o z d z i e r a l i . P o w i e t r z e m w t y m ż e r o k u u m a r ł o w L i m a ­ n o w e j l u d z i 75, na K a n i n i e i z x i ę d z e m plebanem u m a r ł o l u d z i t a k ż e p o w i e t r z e m 33, w S t r o n i u u m a r ł o l u d z i 7. W i n s z y c h miejscach i w s i a c h t u koło nas b l i s k i c h , z łaski 194 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach B o g a n a j w y ż s z e g o t u koło nas w g ó r a c h nie b y ł o p o w i e t r z a , za c o n i e c h b ę d z i e B o g u w i e c z n a chwała, t y l k o t o na K a n i n i e , w S t r o n i u , w L i m a n o w e j , w S o w l i n a c h , w Jodłow¬ n i k u etc. (Kronika Jazowska 1971, s. 2 0 9 ) . Ludzie zamieniają się w dzikie bestie, niczym zwierzęta z kłami i pazurami rzu¬ cają się na siebie. Niemożliwa staje się komunikacja, zawieszone zostają zasady rzą¬ dzące człowieczym światem. Zaraza, wtargnięcie szaleństwa w granice ekumeny, zamienia ją w zaświaty, w krainę śmierci i odwróconych wartości. C i , którzy ulegną temu obłąkaniu, sytuują się na zewnątrz, w obszarze transgresji, poza światem co¬ dzienności. Taki też był przypadek nieszczęsnego Piotra Riviere'a, przedstawiony przez M i chela Foucaulta, czy opisanej przez uczonego sytuacji ludzi uznanych za chorych umysłowo, za szalonych „w dobie klasycyzmu" (Foucault 1987). Opowieść o nich staje się świadectwem szczególnego doświadczenia historii: oto bowiem bohate¬ rem relacji nie jest już władca, postać eksponowana i przyciągająca spojrzenie i w ten sposób organizująca społeczną przestrzeń. T y m razem jest to ktoś nieważny, z lu¬ du, ale za to znany z bezpośrednich spotkań bądź możliwy d o wskazania przez roz¬ poznawalność realiów znanych z codzienności. Wykładnikiem takich sytuacji jest też niezatarta w kronikarskich notatkach oralność dawnych przekazów, które trak¬ towały o podobnych zdarzeniach. Residua ustności poświadczają także obecność w tekście szczególnego typu wyobraźni, która chętnie wspierała się na fizycznym konkrecie i była jednocześnie stabilizowana przez legendowe przekazy wizji świata. N a r r a c j e te b ę d ą o d g r y w a ł y rolę p o ś r e d n i k a m i ę d z y t y m , c o p r y w a t n e , a t y m c o g o d ­ ne pamięci, m i ę d z y c o d z i e n n o ś c i ą a h i s t o r y c z n o ś c i ą . P o ś r e d n i c t w o t o w y m a g a doko¬ nania t r z e c h z a s a d n i c z y c h o p e r a c j i . To, co l u d z i e w i d z i e l i własnymi o c z y m a , i d o t ą d przekazują s o b i e z ust d o ust, w s z y s t k i e te o b i e g a j ą c e g r a n i c e w s i c z y okręgu o p o w i a s t k i , k i e d y stają się c z y m ś n i e z w y k ł y m , o p o w i a d a n e są k a ż d e m u - uniwersal¬ nie t r a n s k r y b o w a l n e i w r e s z c i e g o d n e d r u k o w a n e g o p a p i e r u [ . . . ] . R ó w n o c z e ś n i e nar­ racja z m i e n i a status; t o już nie wątpliwa p l o t k a [ . . . ] , t o n o w i n a ustalona raz na zawsze w e w s z y s t k i c h k a n o n i c z n y c h s z c z e g ó ł a c h [ . . . ] . Przez co nareszcie wieś c z y u l i c a o k a ­ zują się [ . . . ] twórcami h i s t o r i i [ . . . ] . W s z y s t k i e te o p o w i a d a n i a mówią o h i s t o r i i b e z panów, z a l u d n i o n e j a u t o n o m i c z n y m i i s z a l e ń c z y m i w y d a r z e n i a m i , o w y r a s t a j ą c e j p o d p o z i o m e m w ł a d z y h i s t o r i i , k t ó r a b ę d z i e p o t y k a ć się o p r a w o ( F o u c a u l t 2 0 0 2 , s. 2 2 5 ) . Ludzka bestia, gdy swoją obecnością, a jeszcze bardziej - swoim destrukcyjny­ mi, dzikimi czynami wkracza w domenę utrwalonego, odwiecznego (a więc - oczy¬ wistego i przezroczystego) porządku, narusza jego stabilność i budzić musi naj¬ gorszy strach: lęk przed groźbą destrukturalizacji codziennego środowiska, oswojo­ nego świata potoczności. Tremendum wyłaniające się z obecności monstrum, aby nie rozsadziło usilnie chronionego ładu, przekształcić trzeba w informację sensacyjną, curiosum, któremu „ludzie się dziwowali". Mityzacja dystansu do potwora, tzn. operacja 195 �Piotr Kowalski przekładu tego, co kulturowe, na to, co naturalne , jest jednak ledwie pierwszym krokiem, jaki trzeba poczynić, by uporać się z jego monstrualnością. M o n s t r u m jest przecież w istocie skandalem w porządku i ontycznym, i etycznym. Rozwiązaniem ostatecznym problemu jest eksterminacja. Wcześniej dokonuje się operacji znacznie trudniejszej: eliminuje się potwora z obszaru ekumeny w sposób o wiele bardziej radykalny niż jego uśmiercenie. Usuwa się ten egzystencjalny filozoficzny i estetycz¬ ny skandal, pokazując, że bestia czy wszelkie - nawet ludzkie - monstrum do po¬ rządku ludzkiego nie należy. Po tej interpretacyjnej operacji, która wspiera się na autorytecie „oczywistych", ówczesnych reguł taksonomicznych, skandal zostaje w pewnym stopniu zażegnany - ładowi świata, zagrożonemu gwałtowną erozją wy¬ wołaną przez pojawienie się symptomu chaosu, przypadkowości, przywrócić moż¬ na nadwątloną pewność. Takie odruchowe wykluczenie przekonać ma o t y m , że właściwie nic szczególnego się nie stało - monstrum nie należy przecież do świata człowieka, jest nie-ludzkie, dzikie i obce, można więc powrócić do wyjaśnienia go w porządku natury i przyjąć do wiadomości jego nieprzewidywalność i dzikość. To w nim wszak mieszczą się również rozmaite dziwactwa i niedorzeczności. W taki to sposób zobaczyć można, dlaczego kategoria monstrualności jest tak istotna dla dyskursu najszerzej pojętej władzy - jest jej poręcznym i zawsze skutecznym orę­ żem (Crossy 2004). 7 Najprościej monstrualność wskazać na poziomie wyglądów, kształtów i form. G d y jednak podejrzliwym spojrzeniem na otaczający świat czujnie śledzi się to, co ukryte, gdy wydobywa się prawdziwe i istotne znaczenia zawarte w pozornie bła¬ hych i zwyczajnych nawet zdarzeniach, gdy umysł wdrożony jest do lekcji alegorezy bądź wytrwałego odczytywania Księgi Natury, wychwytywania znaków i pro¬ gnostyków, człowiek nie może dać się uwieść temu, co zewnętrznie powabne, albo poprzestawać na śledzeniu tego, co ohydne. Monstrualność objawić się może we wszelkich działaniach, które naruszają ład świata - społeczny i moralny porządek społeczny który jednak ma swoją legitymizację o wiele bardziej zasadniczą: w bos¬ kim porządku kosmicznym. W krajach E u r o p y Z a c h o d n i e j p o n o ć jeszcze w X V I I I stuleciu zdarzało się wytaczanie formalnych p r o c e s ó w zwierzętom, zakończonych w y r o k a m i skazującymi na karę śmierci c z y n a w e t e k s k o m u n i k i . T a k daleko p o s u n i ę t a odpowiedzialność karna z w i e r z ą t była - jak się w y d a j e - o b c a p r a w u m i e j s k i e m u w Polsce. N i e m n i e j jeszcze s z e s n a s t o w i e c z n i pisarze t e g o prawa w s p o m i n a l i p o d w p ł y w e m Starego Testa­ mentu o u k a m i e n o w a n i u wołu, k t ó r y z a b i ł b y człowieka, p r z y t a c z a l i t e ż b e z k r y t y c z n i e przepis p r a w a saskiego n a k a z u j ą c y ś c i n a n i e z w i e r z ą t z n a j d u j ą c y c h się w m i e j s c u z g w a ł c e n i a k o b i e t y . J e d n o c z e ś n i e t w i e r d z o n o j e d n a k , ż e z w i e r z ę nie m o ż e p o p e ł n i ć 7 M i t w Barthes'owskim znaczeniu jest skuteczną operacją przeniesienia porządków: k u l t u r o w e standardy, np. o b c o ś c i , zostają zamienione w kategorie naturalne (a nawet somatyczne), i o d w r o t n i e to, co naturalne, zyskuje rangę rozstrzygającego a r g u m e n t u - to, co zgodne bądź niezgodne z naturą (zob. Barthes 2000). 196 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach p r z e s t ę p s t w a , „ponieważ r o z u m u nie ma i gwałtu u c z y n k i e m s w y m nie c z y n i " . Póź¬ niejsi a u t o r z y z a j m u j ą c y się p r a w e m m i e j s k i m b y l i z n a c z n i e b a r d z i e j k o n s e k w e n t n i . P r z y t a c z a l i jeszcze co p r a w d a w s p o m n i a n e n o r m y m ó w i ą c e o z g ł a d z e n i u z w i e r z ą t o b e c n y c h p r z y z g w a ł c e n i u . S t w i e r d z a l i j e d n a k , że w i c h czasach p r a k t y k u j e się t y l k o spalenie w r a z ze sprawcą s o d o m i i s t w o r z e n i a , z k t ó r y m ó w c z ł o w i e k d o p u ś c i ł się s p r z e c z n e g o z naturą w y s t ę p k u ( z n o w u w y r a ź n y w p ł y w Pisma Ś w i ę t e g o ) ( M i k o ł a j ­ c z y k 1998, s. 23). Za zachowania szczególnie odrażające, bo naruszające boski porządek, uważano sodomię. Zagrożona była karą najwyższą - była przecież występkiem przeciw na¬ turalnemu porządkowi świata. Tak sprawę traktowała Biblia, ale podobne prze¬ świadczenia zapisane są w tradycjach odleglejszych - obcowanie ze zwierzęciem prowadzi wszak do bestialstwa, do mieszania tego, co ludzkie, z t y m , co zwierzęce, a więc oddzielone i ulokowane w innym porządku. Broniąc się przed zarzutami sodomii, podsądni odwoływali się do tego, że jednak ostatecznie nie doszło d o sek¬ sualnego spełnienia, a więc zasłaniali się t y m , że nie sprowadzili ryzyka spłodzenia potwora, ludzko-zwierzęcej hybrydy: N p . w 1758 r. oskarżony twierdził, iż „z głupości m o j e j dopuściłem się g r z e c h u z krową, ale p ł o d u swego w k r o w ę nie w p u ś c i ł e m " [ . . . ] . I n n y o s k a r ż o n y o takież p r z e s t ę p s t w o twierdził: „członek swój miałem w c z ł o n k u tej kobyłki, ale nic nie w y s z ł o ze m n i e " [ . . . ] . Sąd k r a k o w s k i odrzucał te tłumaczenia, nie w i a d o m o jednak, c z y wynikało t o z o d m i e n ¬ nej i n t e r p r e t a c j i p o j ę c i a d o k o n a n i a , c z y p o p r o s t u nie dawał o n w i a r y o s k a r ż o n y m . Z a u w a ż m y b o w i e m , ż e J. C z e c h o w i c z o d r ó ż n i a ł c u d z o ł ó s t w o d o k o n a n e („ze s k u t ­ k i e m " ) o d takiego, k t ó r e g o s p r a w c y „immissione seminis consumatur nie w y p e ł n i l i " [ . . . ] , a w 1688 r. w D o b c z y c a c h o d n o t o w a n o s k r u p u l a t n i e , iż s o d o m i t a d o k o n a ł swego c z y ­ nu „z u k o n t e n t o w a n i e m c i e l e s n y m , alias cum polubione" ( M i k o ł a j c z y k 1998, s. 4 8 ) . W dawnych systemach karnych sodomia obejmowała wszelką aktywność seksual¬ ną niezgodną z naturą, a więc zarówno bestialstwo, czyli spółkowanie ze zwierzęta¬ mi, jak i homoseksualizm. G d y sprawy takie stawały przed sądem, ławnicy nie mu¬ sieli nawet rozważać szczegółowo motywów postępowania sprawców - z w y r o d niałość wynikała z podszeptów szatana czy była znamieniem opętania, owładnięcia przez demony, które pragną zniszczyć boski porządek (Kaczor 2005, s. 156) . A b y 8 8 D l a Komonieckiego p r z y p a d k i te są tak bulwersujące, że opowiadając o n i c h , zapomniał powie¬ dzieć o karze, jaka spadła na homoseksualistę-zbrodniarza: „ [ . . . ] Michał Kucharczyk wójt oszczadnicki komornicę swoje jeszcze brzemienną o k r u t n i e zabił z tej okazyjej, że on był styran albo mieszaniec, t o jest męskie i białogłowskie miał p r z y r o d z e n i e w sobie, więcej na białogłowskie ściągając. A t e n , c h o ć żonę miał, z nią nie przestawał, t y l k o sobie pachołka chował, z którym osobno legał i w n i m się kochał, a t e n pachołek nad wolą jego ożenił się i została z n i m praegna[n]s. O n zawiszcząc jej tego, wywiódł żonę jego k u o w c o m i tam o k r u t n i e z owczarzem zabił" (Kronika Jazowska 1971, s. 4 5 7 ) . W a r t o jednak zwrócić uwagę na przesunięcia w znaczeniach i ocenach bestialstwa w zależności o d t y p u k u l t u r o w e g o dyskursu. W myśli m i t o l o g i c z n e j takie sytuacje prowadziły najczęściej do powsta- 197 �Piotr Kowalski podobne orzeczenia sądowe nie budziły żadnych wątpliwości, zdarzenia takie wstęp­ nie wymagały intelektualnego, mentalnego zmarginalizowania - grzech sodomii na¬ zywano w średniowieczu peccatum mutum: niemy grzech, ponieważ uważano, że jego grozy nie można wyrazić słowami. A b y rozwiązać kryzys, który objął ład społecz¬ nego świata, należało dokonać zabiegu przesunięcia zbrodniarza z obszaru kultury do świata dzikości, usytuować poza społecznością. Czyniąc z niego bestię, łatwiej było utrzymywać dotychczasowe wyobrażenie porządku, które musiałoby być nad¬ werężone, gdyby potwór był jednym z nas. Istotę nie-ludzką następnie należało rzeczywiście wyeliminować, bo tak jak wilk, niedźwiedź i inne dzikie zwierzę za¬ grażała podstawom moralnego i kosmicznego ładu (rudymentarnego podziału ta¬ ksonomicznego na ludzi i zwierzęta): D i e 4 Julii w e ś r o d ę S t a n i s ł a w U r b a s z P i e t r z y k o w i c o p o r u b s t w o a l b o u c z y n e k s p r o ś ­ n y b e s t y j a l s k i z k l a c z ą w Ż y w c u p o d j u s t y c j ą spalon; k t ó r e g o J ę d r z e j D y b e k z Pewle w w i e r b i n a c h p i e t r z y k o w s k i c h z a s t a ł i p r z e d sądem jego pokonawszy, ś w i a d e c t w e m p o p r z y s i ą g ł . O k t ó r y m w y s t ę p k u w Ż y w c u jeszcze nie słychano. Przy k t ó r y m t e g o ż d n i a zaraz M a r e k W o j c i u r a z S z c z e r k u , c z ł o w i e k stary o rabunek S k o c z o w a miastecz¬ ka w Śląsku e g z e k w o w a n , b ę d ą c m u ręka o d c i ę t a i na p r ę d z e p r z y b i t a , a p o t y m ś c i ę t i ć w i e r t o w a n (Kronika Jazowska 1971, s. 4 4 8 ) . 9 Spalenie było karą przewidzianą przez kodeksy karne, ale też głęboko osadzoną w myśleniu, w którym wina była jednocześnie grzechem, a lęk przed jej nierozliczeniem wynikał z obawy o nieunikniony gniew i słuszną pomstę Boga. W dodatku te­ go rodzaju występek - zgodnie ze strukturami myślenia magicznego obecnymi w synkretycznej religijności d o b y staropolskiej - sprowadzał rytualną nieczystość na całą społeczność. „Spalenie delikwenta (wypalenie ogniem zbrodni) było symbolicznym aktem przywrócenia spowodowanego przezeń naruszenia porządku rzeczy (na za¬ sadzie: przestępstwo sprzeczne z naturą może implikować zmianę biegu rzeczy)" (Ka¬ czor 2005, s. 306). W y b ó r miejsca egzekucji, której poddawano i sprawcę, i zwie¬ rzę, także nie mógł być przypadkowy: D n i a 12 l i p c a w p o n i e d z i a ł e k w K ę t a c h o b e s t y j a l s k i e u c z y n k i z k l a c z a m i , k r o w y i ko¬ z a m i , j e d e n p a r o b e k ze w s i zginął. K t ó r e g o na g r a n i c y k o b i e r n i c k i e j ś c i ę t o i na stosie d r e w spalono. C z y n i ą c za g ł u p i e g o siebie (Kronika Jazowska 1971, s. 5 6 9 ) . nia groźnych h y b r y d ( c h o ć b y Leda i łabędź), w t r a d y c j i chrześcijańskiej w subtelnych i alegorycznych przedstawieniach sprawy przedstawiają się inaczej - nie wskazując na akt seksualny, przedstawia się b o w i e m skomplikowane przesłania, wymagające radykalnego odejścia o d naturalistycznej lektury (jak np. w scenach zwiastowania, w których j e d n o r o ż e c składa na łonie Panny swój r ó g ) . W późniejszych przedstawieniach dominują jednak o b r a z y grzeszności i p o t w o r n y c h skutków zbliżenia człowieka i zwierzęcia (zob. Dekkers 2000). 9 Księgi sądowe w t y m też r o k u odnotowały p o d o b n y przypadek: „Wołek z suskiego państwa także o p o r u b s t w o z krową spalon w Suchej, a krowę psi poszarpali" (Szczotka 1952, s. 9 9 ) . 198 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach Na granicy, na miedzach, pod lasem chowano samobójców, to było też miejsce pochówku wszelkich nieczystych zmarłych, których ciała mogłyby skalać poświę¬ coną ziemię, bądź nawet przez tę ziemię mogłyby nie zostać przyjęte. Granica jest obszarem niczyim o nieredukowalnie przejściowym charakterze (Kowalski 1998); w t y m miejscu przejścia mogły dziać się rzeczy różne, tam też przebywały duchy tych, którzy nie byli ani martwi, ani żywi... Za granicą rozciąga się obszar natury - zwierząt, bestii i wszelkiej dzikości, właściwy dla tych, którzy swoimi czynami sa¬ mi postawili siebie w obszarze transgresji, poza ekumeną. Podobnie traktowano kazirodztwo. Incest naruszał podstawowe normy życia społecznego, którego taksonomia miała zaczepienie w boskim, kosmicznym ładzie. Warto pamiętać o t y m pomieszaniu argumentacji religijnej i społecznej (cywilno¬ prawnej): w wielu wypadkach bowiem za czyn kazirodczy uznawano także stosun¬ ki seksualne między ojczymem a pasierbicą, a więc sytuację, kiedy nie zachodziło pokrewieństwo biologiczne. Najczęściej karą było powieszenie mężczyzny i ścię¬ cie kobiety, a następnie spalenie ich ciał: D n i a 11 l i p c a [1716] w s o b o t ę była egzekucyja p r z e z sąd m i e j s k i żywiecki na I g n a c e g o Szuffa z Z a b ł o c i a , w z g l ę d e m w y s t ę p k u k a z i r o d z t w a , ż e m a j ą c ż o n ę , z A n n ą b r a t a swego r o d z o n e g o c ó r k ą c i e l e s n o ś ć p o p e ł n i ł . Z a co ś r ó d r y n k u ś c i ę t i miał b y d ź spalon, ale iż u p r o s z o n o p o t y m , u Ś w i ę t e g o K r z y ż a k o ś c i o ł a p o g r z e b i o n . P r z y k t ó r y m A d a m S z c z o t k a b y ł i n l o c o s u p p l i c i i ś c i ę t i ć w i e r t o w a n , ż e z o j c e m S z c z o t k i alias M a ­ d e j e m p o r a b u n k a c h c h o d z i ł ; k t ó r e g o b y ł b r a t z d r a d l i w i e na spaniu w lesie zabił, a o n o d niego u c i e k ł (Kronika Jazowska 1971, s. 4 8 4 ) . Ochronna funkcja lokowania monstrum w porządku natury i traktowania p o t w o ­ ra jako zdarzającego się przypadku jej niedorzeczności nie wyczerpuje listy sposo¬ bów podchodzenia do podobnych dramatycznych zdarzeń. Zawieszenie norm co¬ dziennego życia, destrukturalizacja zwyczajnego, dobrze oswojonego środowiska człowieka budzi najgłębsze egzystencjalne lęki, ale też pozwala na podjęcie trudu poszukiwania znaczeń, przesłań faktu, który swoją odrębnością musiał szczególnie wyraziście objawić się obserwatorom. T e g o ż r o k u [1708 - P K . ] dnia 26 A u g u s t i w n i e d z i e l ę Petronela S k o r u p i o n k a a K a s p r a F o r n a l i k a k u c h a r z a małżonka, p o r o d z i w s z y t e g o ż dnia c ó r k ę R o z a l i ę n a p r z ó d , a p o t y m jakąś wielką b a n i ę s k ó r y t w a r d e j i g r u b e j z siebie z wielką b o l e ś c i ą z a l e d w i e p o z b y ł a . K t ó r ą b a n i ę r o z e r ż n ą w s z y w e środku jej b y ł o m o n s t r u m a l b o d z i w o w i s k o p o d o b n e d o córki, b e z g ł o w y i rąk, t y l k o t u ł ó w z n o g a m i , w jednej n o d z e d w a palce, a w d r u g i e j trzy, a k ę d y miała b y d ź szyja i głowa, t o jakieś włosiska w y r o s ł e były. Z czego t r z e c i e g o d n i a umarła, a t o m o n s t r u m z a k o p a n o d o z i e m i e (Kronika Jazowska 1971, s. 3 2 2 ) . Były też zdarzenia z innego porządku: o t o coś niepokojącego rozgrywało się w przyrodzie i to, co oglądano na niebie i wokół siebie, nie mogło być przecież jedynie 199 �Piotr Kowalski nieszczęśliwym zrządzeniem przypadku: „Tegoż roku i miesiąca w ogrodach niegdzie róża, a w sadach jabłonie i gruszki miejscami kwitnęły czemu [się] lud p o ­ spolity dziwował" (Kronika Jazowska 1971, s. 323). Prawdziwe zaniepokojenie, a mo¬ że nawet emocje silniejsze budziły przede wszystkim uporczywie pojawiające się wówczas znaki na niebie: T e g o ż r o k u d i e 24 S e p t e m b r i s w e d n i e s ł o ń c e i miesiąc w n o c y k u pełni nabierający się, t e g o ż d n i a i n o c y o b o j e c z e r w o n a w o j a k o b y k r w a w e w e m g l e t y l k o świeciły się, p r z e m i e n i a j ą c się różnie, c z e m u się l u d z i e d z i [ w o ] w a l i . C o p o t y m z n a c z y ł o krwawą w o j n ę w Polsce, s z w e d z k ą i m o s k i e w s k ą , k t ó r a przypadła i jej b i t w y dzień d i e 9 m e n sis O c t o b r i s , iż w i e l e w o j s k a z o b u s t r o n padło, s z w e d z k i e g o króla i m o s k i e w s k i e g o cara, k t ó r z y się o K o r o n ę polską b i l i (Kronika Jazowska 1971, s. 3 2 3 ) . G d y takich niecodziennych zdarzeń przytrafia się zbyt wiele, nie można już poprzestać na tłumaczeniu anomalii, które także i w Księdze Stworzenia mogły się niekiedy pojawiać. Nagromadzenie przypadków pozbawia pewności siebie, rozbra­ ja skuteczne procedury praktycznego rozumu, przede wszystkim zaś - kwestionuje stosowalność wygodnej formuły tłumaczącej: przypadku. Trzeba znaleźć jakieś inne wytłumaczenie, wykroczyć poza to, co przynosi codzienne, zwykłe życie w świecie natury. N i e wystarczy ono, trzeba - patrząc na to, co jeszcze niedawno wydawało się poddawać tej lekturze - szukać klucza gdzie indziej, wybrać inną poetykę lektu¬ ry, inaczej spojrzeć na świat. Można w jednym spojrzeniu uruchomić doświadcze¬ nie poszukiwań w świecie alegorii, otworzyć procedury alegorezy, które prowadzą do odkrywania głębszych przesłań o świecie i życiu. M o ż e jednak być i tak, że same zdarzenia, zwłaszcza zaś ich serie, utworzą sugestywny przekaz prognostykarski: T a k ż e przeszłego r o k u [1721] p o d l e tej w s i na U s o ł a c h przydało się, że u niejakiego na¬ zwanego Bosego, zarębnika, poroniła żona jego K o c z o n i a n k a dziecię, k t ó r e b y ł o o d w u g ł o w a c h , c z t e r e c h r ę k a c h i n o g a c h a o j e d n y m tułowiu, a g d y b y d o swego czasu przy¬ szło, b y ł a b y go nie urodziła, ale ż e niewczesne i n i e ż y w e było, z a l e d w i e g o z siebie pozbyła. [...] Z n o w u t e g o r o k u za C i e s z y n e m c i e l ę t a się urodziły g o ł e b e z sierci i k u r z ę w y l ę g ł o się z jaja o n o g a c h c z t e r o c h . [ . . . ] W p i e r w s z e d n i miesiąca maja w Państwie Ś l e m i e ń s k i m w e w s i O c z k o w i e w farze r y c h w a l d s k i e j u K a z i m i e r z a K o l a n k a , p o d d a n e g o pańskiego, u r o d z i ł o się c i e l ę b e z o c z u , nie m a j ą c ź r z e n i c , t y l k o dołki w m i e j s c u o c z u , i tak ślepe t y l k o było. C o t e ż j a g n i ę t a m ż e się p r z e d t y m t a k i e urodziło. [ . . . ] D n i a 29 maja w pią­ t e k w m i e ś c i e Ż y w c u P i o t r o w i Gielacie, słudze w ó j t o w s k i e m u n a r o d z i ł się s y n z A g neski, małżonki jego, k t ó r y i dziąseł nie miał, t a k ż e nos c u d o w n i e płaski miał, a z n i e g o jako i n d y k o w i z a k r ę c o n e mięsisko wisiało. A t e m u na k r z c i e d a n o imię Jan. K t ó r y nie p o ż y w a j ą c p i e r s i , zaraz na d r u g i dzień u m a r ł (Kronika Jazowska 1971, s. 5 3 9 ) . M o n s t r u m poddaje próbie standardy kultury. Paradoksalnie jak długo postrzega się monstrum jako monstrum, gdy dziwi się, napotykając curiosum, tak długo kultura jest trwała i w sytuacjach zapowiadających kryzys potrafi uruchamiać mechanizmy 200 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach ochronne. O w e nieszczęsne istoty, swoją obecnością wprowadzające dramatyczną konfuzję, trzeba ulokować na granicy ludzkiego świata, nieopodal N a t u r y na drodze prowadzącej w zaświaty - ale ten ruch, być może barbarzyński z punktu widzenia doświadczeń współczesnego człowieka, był konieczny, aby trwać mógł ład, dająca bezpieczeństwo pewność kształtów i taksonomii. Taki sposób traktowania p o t w o ­ rów i cudowności, wykorzystywany często w debacie politycznej , wyjaśnia też osob­ liwy fenomen obfitości monstrów w pewnych szczególnych momentach historycz­ nych. W czasach kryzysów zdaje się ludziom, że do tej pory nigdy jeszcze nie poja¬ wiło się tak wiele potworności i cudowności. Astrolog Maksymiliana I stwierdził 10 w 1508 r.: C z y t a m y ż e w czasach n a s z y c h p r z o d k ó w p o k a z a ł o się na niebie i na z i e m i m n ó s t w o rzeczy c u d o w n y c h , że c z ę s t o w i d z i a n o p o t w o r n e stworzenia. C z y ż jednak epoki, w k t ó r y c h o w e c u d o w n e zjawiska miały miejsce, m o g ą r ó w n a ć się z n a s z y m i czasami, jeśli c h o d z i o c z ę s t o t l i w o ś ć w y d a r z e ń t e g o r o d z a j u i o z d z i w i e n i e , jakie b u d z ą ? . F a k t e m n i e p o d w a ż a l n y m jest to, ż e t r u d n o b y ł o b y z n a l e ź ć e p o k ę , w k t ó r e j t y l e z a d z i ­ w i a j ą c y c h c u d o w n o ś c i z a j m o w a ł o b y ś m i e r t e l n i k ó w , ile dzisiaj. Luter, p r z y g o t o w u j ą c w W a r t b u r g u kazanie na a d w e n t , b y ł t e g o samego zdania: W o k r e s i e d z i e s i ę c i u l u b d w u n a s t u lat w i d z i e l i ś m y i słyszeliśmy t a k i e w i a t r y i g r z m o ­ t y - nie l i c z ą c n a w e t tego, co p r z y j d z i e p ó ź n i e j - ż e t r u d n o m i u w i e r z y ć , b y d a w n i e j jaka epoka słyszała w i a t r y i g r z m o t y t a k w i e l k i e i l i c z n e . . . A l b o w i e m nasze czasy w i ¬ dzą j e d n o c z e ś n i e , jak s ł o ń c e i k s i ę ż y c tracą swój blask, jak spadają gwiazdy, l u d z i ogar¬ nia t r w o g a , a w i e l k i e w i a t r y i w o d y r y c z ą s t r a s z l i w i e . W s z y s t k o t o następuje jedno¬ cześnie. Tak z a t e m widzieliśmy również k o m e t y a n i e d a w n o w i e l e k r z y ż y spadło z nie¬ ba i w t y m czasie p r z y b y ł a d o nas n o w a , niesłychana c h o r o b a , c h o r o b a F r a n c u z ó w ( D e l u m e a u 1994, s. 199). G d y z różnych powodów - kryzysu politycznego, gospodarczego, głodu, nara¬ stającego bandytyzmu, kataklizmów, zarazy itd. - świat wyskoczył ze swoich kolein, gdy rozum usypia, rodzą się demony T r u d n o rozstrzygać - czy najpierw są potwo¬ ry, potem zaś groza egzystencjalnego doświadczenia, czy też raczej jest odwrotnie - gdy wzrasta lęk, mnożą się monstra wszelakie. * Może przyczyny naturalne wyjaśniają poszczególne przypadki, ale sądzono, że mają one innego jeszcze reżysera. Wyjaśnienia wymagają radykalnie odmiennej her¬ meneutyki, w której przywołać trzeba apokaliptyczny zwierzyniec, bestie wielkie i małe, które w eschatologicznych sytuacjach dopełniają wyroków boskich. To na¬ rzędzie wymierzania kary ale też sposób na komunikację - zżerające kapustę gąsie­ nice, gdy namnożą się nadmiernie, co tłumaczy się racjonalnie, są złowieszczą zapo- 10 Z o b . np. ikonografię związaną z diabłem, zwłaszcza g d y pojawiała się ona w kontekście p o l e m i ­ k i p o l i t y c z n e j bądź w y z n a n i o w e j (di N o l a , 1997, zob. także: Basista, 2007, Dziechcińska 1976). 201 �Piotr Kowalski wiedzią tego, co nieuchronnie nadchodzi. Język biblijnych skojarzeń łączy się z figu¬ rami myślenia magicznego. Gąsienice, motyle, ćmy, rojące się robactwo wpisane było w porządek zaświatowy, związane z negatywnie wartościowaną transgresją: zmrok, ciemność, cisza i piekielny zgiełk, brak porządku, a więc wszystko to, co ulokowane było w sferze granicznej i po drugiej stronie granicy ekumeny (Kowalski 1998). Zmiany w przyrodzie zwiastują plagi, pomór, nieszczęścia wszelakie. Śmierć zapo¬ wiadana jest przez to, że „psy spuszczając pyski ku ziemi zaczynają wyć, krety ryją ziemię, wznosząc kopce niby mogiłki, sowy huczą nocą przeraźliwie, wiatr kopie wydmy niby groby" (Biegeleisen 1929, s. 290). W kulturze ludowej d o X I X w. prze¬ trwały potwierdzone wcześniejszymi zapisami potoczne przeświadczenia, że „na¬ mnożenie się robactwa, gadziny z ogonami jak u raków [ . . . ] , niezwykła obfitość żab, szczurów, komarów, motyli i much, które się z gniłości, nie nasienia rodzą, biegun¬ ki, czerwonki, wrzody i plamy [ . . . ] mnogość grzybów" (Giedroyć 1899, s. 75; cyt. za: Sznajderman 1994, s. 25) . Krajobraz czasów zarazy wygląda przerażająco - py¬ tanie, jakie warto stawiać, dotyczy tego, jak był on konstruowany w konkretnych przypadkach - czy z wiarą, że symptomy nieubłaganie ujawniają to, co się stanie, czy raczej jako metaforyczny, a może alegoryczny obraz służący do opisu narasta¬ jącego klimatu grozy? Czy rozmnożone robactwo przeraża, bo zapewne zeżre kapustę, czy jest groźbą spełniającej się właśnie apokalipsy, choćby tylko małej, doraźnej kary będącej ostrzeżeniem przed sprawami poważniejszymi? 11 * Monstra w staropolskim dyskursie znaczą przez odniesienia do magicznego modelu świata, myślenia religijnego o grzechu i karze czy w kategoriach boskich signów. Niemniej ważne są także zdroworozsądkowe, potoczne wyobrażenia o p o ­ rządku świata. W kulturze ciekawości monstra stanowią frapujący przykład „niedo¬ rzeczności natury", to curiositates, których samo istnienie musi zdumiewać ludzi; t y m samym weryfikuje granice wytrzymałości taksonomicznego porządku, który wciąż wydaje się wystarczający do tłumaczenia świata. Z czasem etykieta monstrualności zacznie służyć za wygodny argument w dyskursie władzy albo przynajmniej społe­ czeństwa broniącego samego siebie przed zwątpieniem w to, czy aby na pewno jest dobrze urządzone. Początek X X w. przyniesie medykalizację wyobrażeń o potworach, powoła na¬ wet specjalną dyscypliną badawczą - teratologię, która podobnie jak teratogenia, służyć musi s p r a w i e g ł ę b s z y c h u o g ó l n i e ń w zakresie m o r f o l o g i i zwierząt. Bez t e g o b y ł y b y one t y l ­ ko „ c i e k a w o s t k ą " naukową, nie o w i e l e p r z e w y ż s z a j ą c ą g ł ę b i ę p i e r w s z e g o lepszego „ p a n o p t i c u m " z k i e p s k i m p r e p a r a t e m c i e l ę c i a o d w ó c h g ł o w a c h i sfałszowaną f o t o g r a - 11 D o kanonu europejskich wyobrażeń weszły już zapisy z książek: Defoe 1993; Pypes 1966. 202 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach fią „braci s y j a m s k i c h " . O b i e te n a u k i są c z ę ś c i a m i składowymi m o r f o l o g i i i w r a z z in¬ n y m i jej d z i e d z i n a m i s ł u ż y ć mają c e l o w i n a j g ł ę b s z e m u tej gałęzi badania - ogólnej p r z y r o d n i c z e j f i l o z o f i i k s z t a ł t u ( T u r 1927, s. 9 ) . Medykalizacja ma swoje filozoficzne i światopoglądowe konsekwencje, ale za¬ nim potwory zostaną sprowadzone do rangi medycznych okazów, w potocznym my¬ śleniu i tak straszyć będę monstra, o których nie wiadomo, czy nie pochodzą z de¬ monicznego nadania, albo przynajmniej nie są efektem grzechu. Zapewne lękiem będzie napełniać inne jeszcze podejrzenie, które choć stare w samym sformułowa¬ niu, zyska nową interpretację: monstrualne wyglądy, potworność członków, zosta¬ je na zawsze skojarzona z potwornością, zwyrodnieniem obyczajów. O t o dlaczego tak bardzo musiał przerazić bohater Milczenia owiec, Hannibal Lecter - bo nie moż¬ na było w nim poznać monstrum. Zanim jednak przyjdzie nam przerazić się na dobre, zawsze trzeba mieć nadzie¬ ję, że może uda się, jak udało chłopom, coś skosić lub zaorać w całkiem normalnym, naszym świecie. N i e gubiąc przy t y m umiejętności dziwienia się. Bibliografia Andrzej z Kobylina 1893 Qadki o składnościach członków człowieczych z Arystotelesa i też inszych mędrców wybrane. 1535, Kraków Assmann J. 2008 Pamięć kulturowa. Pismo, zapamiętywanie i polityczna tożsamość w cywilizacjach starożytnych, przeł. A. Kryczyńska-Pham, Warszawa Basista J. 2007 Propaganda religijna w przededniu i pierwszych latach angielskiej wojny domowej, Kraków Barthes R. 2000 Mit dzisiaj, w: Mitologie, przeł. A. Dziadek, Warszawa Biegeleisen H . 1929 Lecznictwo ludu polskiego, Lwów Chmielowski B. 1745-1746 Nowe Ateny albo Akademia wszelkiej sciencyi pełna, na różne tytuły, jak na classes podzielona, mądrym dla memoryału, idiotom dla nauki, politykom dla praktyki, melancholikom dla rozrywki erygowana, t. 1, Lwów 203 �Piotr Kowalski Clifford J. 2000 Kłopoty z kulturą. Dwudziestowieczna etnografia, literatura i sztuka, przeł. E. Dżurak i in., Warszawa Crossy D. 2004 Lamentable, strange, and wonderful. Headless monsters in English Revolution, w : Mon­ strous Bodies / Political Monstrosities in Early Modern Europe, red. L. Lunger Knoppers, J.B. Landes, London Defoe D. 1993 Dziennik czasów zarazy, przeł. J. Dmochowska, Londyn Dekkers M . 2000 Dearest Pet. On Bestiality, London, N e w York Delumeau J. 1994 Qrzech i strach. Poczucie winy w kulturze Zachodu XJJJ-XVJJJ w., przeł. A . Szy­ manowski, Warszawa D i Nola A . M . 1997 Diabeł. O formach, historii i kolejach losu Szatana, a także o jego powszechnej a złowro­ giej obecności wśród wszystkich ludów, od czasów starożytnych aż po teraźniejszość, przeł. I . Kania, Kraków Dziechcińska H . 1976 W krzywym zwierciadle. O karykaturze i pamflecie czasów renesansu, Wrocław Foucault M . 1987 2002 Historia szaleństwa w dobie klasycyzmu, przeł. H . Kęszycka, Warszawa Morderstwa, o których głośno, w: Ja Piotr Riviere, skorom już zaszlachtował moją matkę, moja siostrę i brata mego.... Przypadek matkobójcy zXJXwieku, przedstawił M . Foucault, przeł. T Komendant i G. Wilczyński, Gdańsk Fromm E. 1972 Zapomniany język.. Wstęp do rozumienia snów, baśni i mitów, przeł. J. Marzęcki, Warszawa Giedroyć F 1899 Mór w Polsce w wiekach ubiegłych. Zarys historyczny, Warszawa Ginzburg C. 1991 Ecstasies. Deciphering the Witches Sabbath, Chicago Groicki B. 1953 Porządek sądów i spraw miejskich prawa magdeburskiego w Koronie Polskiej, Warsza¬ wa 204 �Kilka uwag o monstrach i potworach Kaczor D 2005 Przestępczość kryminalna i wymiar sprawiedliwości w Gdańsku w XW-XVJJ3 ku, Gdańsk wie­ Kenny N . 2004 The Uses of Curiosity In Early Modern France and Germany, O x f o r d Komoniecki A. 1987 Chronografia albo Dziejopis żywiecki, Żywiec Kowalski P. 1998 hasła: Bliźnięta, Granica, Cisza/Hałas, Ćma, Grzyb, Mrówka, Mysz, Noc, w: Leksykon. Znaki świata. Omen - przesąd - znaczenie, Wrocław-Warszawa 2000 Zwierzoczłekoupiory, wampiry i inne bestie. Krwiożercze bestie i erozja symbolicznej interpretacji, Kraków 2006 O porządkowaniu przestrzeni, znakach i pisaniu kroniki, w: Literatura i wiedza, red. W Bolecki i E. Dąbrowska, Warszawa Kronika Jazowska 1971 Kronika Jazowska, „Teki Archiwalne", t. X I I I Maliszewski K. 2001 Komunikacja społeczna w kulturze staropolskiej. Studia z dziejów kształtowania się form i treści społecznego przekazu w Rzeczypospolitej szlacheckiej, Toruń Marcuse H . 1991 Człowiek jednowymiarowy. Badania nad ideologią rozwiniętego społeczeństwa przemy­ słowego, przeł. S. Konopacki i in., Warszawa Michałowska T. 1970 Między poezją a wymową. Konwencje i tradycje staropolskiej prozy nowelistycznej, Wrocław Mikołajczyk M . 1998 Przestępstwo i kara w prawie miast Polski południowej XVJ-XVJJ] wieku, Katowice Mrożek S. 1983 Indyk, w: Wybór dramatów, Kraków Pomian K. 2001 Zbieracze i osobliwości. Paryż - Wenecja XV3-XVJJ3 wiek, Lublin Pypes S. 1966 Dziennik, przeł. M . Dąbrowska, Warszawa Rudomicz B. 2002 Efemeros, czyli diariusz prywatny pisany w Zamościu w latach 1656-1672, cz. 1: 1656-1664, przeł. W Froch, Lublin 205 �Piotr Kowalski Rytel J. 1962 „Pamiętniki" Paska na tle pamiętnikarstwa staropolskiego. Szkic z dziejów prozy narra­ cyjnej, Wrocław Schindler N . 2002 Ludzie prości, ludzie niepokorni. Kultura ludowa w początkach dziejów nowożytnych, przeł. B. Ostrowska, Warszawa Sobieski J. 1991 Peregrynacja po Europie [1607] i Droga do Baden [ms], cław oprac. J. Długosz, Wro¬ Szczotka S. 1952 Materiały do dziejów zbójnictwa góralskiego z lat 15S9-17S2, Lubin, Łódź Sznajderman M . 1994 Zaraza. Mitologia dżumy, cholery i AIDS, Warszawa Tur J. 1927 Potwory i ich rozwój. Zarys teratologii i teratogenii, Warszawa Ward L., Steeds W 2008 Demony. Wizje zła w sztuce, przeł. E. Romkowska, Warszawa Zaremska H . 1986 Niegodne rzemiosło. Kat w społeczeństwie Polski XJV-XV3 206 w, Warszawa � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/1d819dbf08b0c5ed3d2847398caac8f3.pdf 21c4d47f199bd584fbdec10eee5262a1 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5028 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource wyszukiwanie informacji w Internecie Biblioteka Cyfrowa PIA Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4664 Title A name given to the resource Cyfrowa Etnografia / Homo interneticus: etnograficzne wędrówki w głąb sieci Description An account of the resource Homo interneticus: Etnograficzne wędrówki w głąb sieci ; pod red.Ewy Jagiełło i Pawła Schmidta s.107-112 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Koźmińska, Joanna Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydawnictwo Portalu Wiedza i Edukacja Type The nature or genre of the resource e-book Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Joanna Koźmińska - Cyfrowa etnografia. O projekcie antropologicznej biblioteki cyfrowej 107 Joanna Koźmińska POLSKI INSTYTUT ANTROPOLOGII, UNIWERSYTET WARSZAWSKI Cyfrowa etnografia. O projekcie antropologicznej biblioteki cyfrowej S połeczeństwo informacyjne i nieustający rozwój nowych technologii inspiruje wiele przedsięwzięć inicjowanych na różnych polach nauki, w tym etnologicznej i antropologicznej. W ostatnich latach powstało kilka bardzo ciekawych i no­ watorskich projektów związanych z upowszechnieniem technik komputerowych oraz treści etnograficznych w Internecie wśród badaczy zajmujących się etnologią i antro­ pologią kulturową. Projekty te, mające wspomagać warsztat naukowy, obejmują różne aspekty działań etnografów, folklorystów, antropologów, poczynając od pionierskiego projektu Bibliografii Etnografii Polskiej (Ośrodek Dokumentacji i Informacji Etno­ graficznej, Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze, Łódź), programu komputerowej ana­ lizy tekstów etnograficznych (program EdEt - Edytor Etnograficzny, Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, Warszawa), projektu digitalizacji teks­ tów folkloru (Cyfrowe Archiwum Folkloru, Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika, Toruń), poprzez digitalizację archiwum kolbergowskiego (Instytut im. Oskara Kolberga w Poz­ naniu), aż po próbę stworzenia antropologiczno-etnologicznej biblioteki cyfrowej (Polski Instytut Antropologii, Warszawa). Te niezwykle cenne i ciekawe inicjatywy znajdują się w różnym stopniu realizacji - Bibliografia Etnografii Polskiej płynnie przeszła od wersji papierowej do wersji on-line, z programu EdEt korzystają studenci i badacze IEiAK UW i innych ośrodków akademickich, Biblioteka Cyfrowa PIA znaj­ duje się w końcowej fazie realizacji - Cyfrowe Archiwum Folkloru (CAF) boryka się z brakiem środków do podjęcia zadania (Grochowski, Mianecki: 2009). Idea utworzenia antropologicznej biblioteki cyfrowej powstała w 2007 roku w Pols¬ kim Instytucie Antropologii (PIA), młodej instytucji pozarządowej, skupiającej śro¬ dowisko etnologów i antropologów kulturowych ponad oficjalnymi strukturami aka¬ demickimi, muzealnymi czy stowarzyszeniowymi. Polski Instytut Antropologii dzia¬ łający na zasadach fundacji jest otwarty na wszelkie inicjatywy popularyzujące i wspie¬ rające wyżej wymienione dziedziny nauki. Gwałtownie rosnąca ilość bibliotek cyfrowych (w 2003 roku istniała jedynie Wiel¬ kopolska Biblioteka Cyfrowa, ale już w 2009 roku aż czterdzieści dziewięć bibliotek �Joanna Koźmińska - Cyfrowa etnografia. O projekcie antropologicznej biblioteki cyfrowej 108 zostało zarejestrowanych w Federacji Bibliotek Cyfrowych) i postęp, jaki się dokonał w zakresie digitalizacji/cyfryzacji książek i czasopism, nie mogły pozostać bez udziału naszego środowiska. W trakcie wędrówek po Internecie, stwierdziliśmy jednak bar¬ dzo niewielki zasób polskich fachowych treści etnograficznych. W kręgu etnografów najdotkliwiej odczuwany jest brak szerokiego dostępu do ro¬ dzimych czasopism etnograficznych. Czasopisma te, gromadzone w bibliotekach nau¬ kowych, uniwersyteckich czy muzealnych, rzadko wypożyczane są do domu. Skazuje to czytelnika - badacza i entuzjastę - na trud wielogodzinnego pobytu w czytelniach. Jest to sytuacja paradoksalna, w kontekście coraz lepszego dostępu do pełnotekstowych baz czasopism zagranicznych on-line prenumerowanych za pośrednictwem bib­ liotek akademickich i naukowych oraz zasobów dostępnych w ramach Open Acces. Biblioteka Uniwersytecka w Warszawie oferuje swoim pracownikom i studentom (po zalogowaniu w sieci uniwersyteckiej możliwy jest także dostęp w domu) ponad sto dwadzieścia tytułów czasopism w dziale antropologia. Inne ośrodki uniwersyteckie i na¬ ukowe także prenumerują bazy pełnotekstowe i udostępniają je na zasadach analo¬ gicznych do BUW. W związku z tą sytuacją postanowiliśmy powołać do życia cyfrową kolekcję te¬ matyczną, gromadzącą teksty z szeroko pojętego zakresu etnologii i antropologii kul¬ turowej. Nasz projekt wpisuje się w nurt digitalizowanych zbiorów tematycznych, gro¬ madzących jedną kolekcję, będącą efektem współpracy jednej lub kilku instytucji. Są to najczęściej inicjatywy środowiskowe, w przeciwieństwie do dużych projektów pi¬ lotowanych przez biblioteki narodowe w porozumieniu z innymi instytucjami (naro¬ dowe repozytoria cyfrowe), dążących do kompletności prezentowanych zasobów. Inną formą są zasoby cyfrowe powstające w oparciu o ideę udostępnienia starannie wyse¬ lekcjonowanych najważniejszych i najcenniejszych obiektów bibliotecznych kolekcji (Franke: 2007: 122). Cyfrowa Kolekcja Tekstów Etnograficznych (skrócona nazwa Cyfrowa Etnogra¬ fia - CE), czyli Biblioteka Cyfrowa PIA w pierwszym etapie realizacji ma za zadanie digitalizację i publikację w Internecie trzech czasopism etnograficznych. W związku z koniecznością dokonania wyboru, po licznych dyskusjach i konsultacjach zrezyg¬ nowaliśmy z digitalizacji starych periodyków - Wisły, Zbioru Wiadomości do Antro­ pologii Krajowej (ZWAK) oraz Materiałów Antropologiczno-Archeologicznych i Etno¬ graficznych (MAAE), na rzecz czasopism ukazujących się współcześnie: Ludu, Et¬ nografii Polskiej i Polskiej Sztuki Ludowej-Konteksty. Podejmując tę decyzję, mie¬ liśmy między innymi na uwadze stale rosnącą popularność nauk antropologicznych i przydatność aktualnych treści w procesie akademickiej edukacji. Podobnie jak dla Randala Strossa „(...) perspektywa, że da się przeszukiwać treść książek z taką łatwoś­ cią, z jaką się poruszamy po Sieci, była ekscytująca" (Stross 2009: 124), tak i dla nas ekscytująca i fascynująca stała się perspektywa otwarcia dostępu do polskich, aktual¬ nie ukazujących się czasopism wielu użytkownikom rozsianym na całym świecie, w każdym miejscu i o każdej porze. Głównym naszym założeniem stało się wprowa¬ dzenie do biblioteki cyfrowej czasopism w taki sposób, aby każdy zawarty w nich ar¬ tykuł był traktowany jako osobna publikacja, z pełnym opisem bibliograficznym (a nie tylko, jako część ustrukturyzowanego zbioru tomów, jak to miało miejsce dotychczas w innych polskich bibliotekach cyfrowych). Wzorowaliśmy się na zagranicznych kon­ sorcjach typu Jstor czy Proquest. Dużym utrudnieniem jest fakt, że do tej pory brak jest w d'Librze specjalnego modułu odpowiadającego za rejestrację czasopism. W efekcie, użytkownik zmuszony jest do katalogowania całych zeszytów lub tomów, jako osobnych �Joanna Koźmińska - Cyfrowa etnografia. O projekcie antropologicznej biblioteki cyfrowej 109 obiektów sieciowych. W konsekwencji powoduje to nagromadzenie się w indeksie jed­ norodnych zapisów (Kolasa: 2007). Założyliśmy, że udostępnimy użytkownikom pełną zawartość czasopism z zachowaniem ich pierwotnego wyglądu. Do dyspozycji użyt­ kownika będą narzędzia wyszukiwawcze, dające możliwość przeglądania udostępnio­ nych czasopism on-line, łącznie z pobraniem tekstu na dysk własnego komputera. Drugim przyjętym założeniem był pomysł zintegrowania biblioteki cyfrowej z na­ kładką umożliwiającą wyszukiwanie informacji i zarządzającą bibliografią, na przyk­ ład programem Zotero. Chcieliśmy stworzyć nowoczesny, bezpłatny warsztat wspo­ magający pracę naukowców, regionalistów, muzealników i pasjonatów. Następne etapy rozwoju i kontynuacja projektu będą poddane szerszej niż dotychczas dyskus¬ j i środowiska skupiającego się wokół PIA. Realizacja tego przedsięwzięcia stała się możliwa po uzyskaniu w sierpniu 2008 roku dotacji z Ministerstwa Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego oraz Fundacji na rzecz Nauki Polskiej. Po negocjacjach z Wydawcami: Instytutem Archeologii i Etnologii PAN, Pol­ skim Towarzystwem Ludoznawczym, Komitetem Nauk Etnologicznych i Instytutem Sztuki PAN uzyskaliśmy zgodę na opublikowanie w Internecie trzech czasopism: 1 - Etnografia Polska 1958-2004 (dwadzieścia jeden tysięcy stron) - embargo cztery lata, - Lud (okres powojenny) 1945-2004 (dwadzieścia trzy tysiące pięćset stron) - em¬ bargo cztery lata, - Polska Sztuka Ludowa - Konteksty 1947-2002 (szesnaście tysięcy dwieście trzydzieści pięć stron) - embargo osiem lat. 2 Okresy embargo, wprowadzone przez Wydawców, są powszechną praktyką sto¬ sowaną przez konsorcja i wydawnictwa, która chroni bieżącą dystrybucję wersji pa¬ pierowej. Poważnym - jeśli nie najpoważniejszym wyzwaniem - stało się, zgodnie z ustawą o ochronie praw autorskich, pozyskanie licencji od autorów i ich spadkobierców, co umożliwia publikację dorobku w Internecie. Licencje uzyskane od Wydawców są niewystarczające. W obawie przed naruszeniem praw autorskich zobowiązani jes¬ teśmy do uzyskania zgody autorów, których teksty znalazły się w digitalizowanych czasopismach. Jeśli nie uda się nam uzyskać akceptacji autorów dla naszego pro­ jektu, zmuszeni będziemy do udostępniania tekstów w tak zwanym „dozwolonym użytku" (art.28 ustawy o prawie autorskim i prawach pokrewnych dnia 4 lutego 1994, Dziennik Ustaw 1994, nr 24, poz.83) . Zgodnie z artykułem 27 tej ustawy: 3 Instytucje naukowe i oświatowe mogą, w celach dydaktycznych lub prowadzenia 1 Dziękujemy Dyrekcjom Instytutów IAiE PAN, IS PAN, Komitetowi Badań Etnologicznych, Polskiemu Towarzystwu Ludoznawczemu oraz Redakcjom Etnografii Polskiej, Ludu i PSL-Kontekstów za wyrażenie zgody na digitalizację wydawanych przez nie czasopism - bez tego nasz projekt nie mógłby zostać zrealizowany. Ze względu na uczestnictwo Kontekstów-PSL w Central and Eastern European Online Library (CEEOL) okres karencji jest tak długi. Apelujemy do autorów: aby biblioteka cyfrowa mogła stać się przydatnym źródłem informacji, ko­ nieczna jest zgoda Autorów i ich Spadkobierców na publikację w Internecie. Prosimy o poparcie naszego projektu przez wyrażenie zgody na publikację tekstów z wyżej wymienionych czasopism w Bibliotece Cyf¬ rowej PIA. Kontakt: www.pia.org.pl. 2 3 �Joanna Koźmińska - Cyfrowa etnografia. O projekcie antropologicznej biblioteki cyfrowej 110 własnych badań, korzystać z rozpowszechnionych utworów w oryginale i w tłumaczeniu oraz sporządzać w tym celu egzemplarze fragmentów rozpowszechnionego utworu. Natomiast artykuł 28 cytowanej ustawy stanowi, że: Biblioteki, archiwa i szkoły mogą: 2) sporządzać lub zlecać sporządzanie egzemplarzy rozpowszechnionych utworów w celu uzupełnienia, zachowania lub ochrony własnych zbiorów, 3) udostępniać zbiory dla celów badawczych lub poznawczych za pośrednictwem koń¬ cówek systemu informatycznego (terminali) znajdujących się na terenie tych jednostek. Jednak mamy nadzieję, że uda się uzyskać zgodę jak największej liczby autorów. Pierwsze licencje są już wprawdzie podpisane, lecz uzyskanie następnych będzie wy¬ magało więcej czasu. Jest to duża i skomplikowana operacja, która wymaga dotar¬ cia do ponad półtora tysiąca autorów i ich spadkobierców. Autorzy naszych artyku¬ łów często zamieszkują odległe kontynenty, ale mamy zamiar pozyskać także ich ak¬ ceptację. Pierwsze doświadczenia, jakie stały się naszym udziałem przy podpisywa¬ niu licencji, mówią, iż to będzie czasochłonny proces wymagający dużych nakładów pracy i środków finansowych. Projekt budowy Biblioteki Cyfrowej PIA składa się z różnych etapów działania i - po uzyskaniu niezbędnych licencji wydawniczych oraz źródeł finansowania - obejmuje: Skanowanie - ponad sześćdziesiąt tysięcy stron - ze względu na wysoki koszt ska¬ nowania przez firmy profesjonalnie zajmujące się digitalizacją, postanowiliśmy we własnym zakresie zeskanować, a następnie poddać procesowi OCR wybrane czaso¬ pisma (skany w rozdzielczości trzysta DPI, w formacie plików PDF). Skanowanie przy¬ sporzyło nam wiele trudności i zajęło najwięcej czasu, ze względu na bardzo złą jakość wybranych czasopism. Marnej jakości papier, wyblakły druk, nieczytelne zdjęcia, mi¬ nimalnej wielkości marginesy spowodowały, że niektóre skany powtarzane były wie¬ lokrotnie, aż do uzyskania w miarę zadowalającego efektu. Mimo dołożenia wszelkich starań, nie zawsze udało uzyskać się optymalną jakość zeskanowanego tekstu. Zakup i instalacja serwera obsługującego bibliotekę cyfrową. Dzięki współpracy z Instytutem Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW mogliśmy zainstalować serwer na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim. Wybór platformy cyfrowej umożliwiającej założenie i funkcjonowanie biblio¬ teki cyfrowej w Internecie. Zdecydowaliśmy się na polskie oprogramowanie dla bib¬ liotek cyfrowych d'Libra Digital Library Framework, które powstało w Poznańskim Centrum Superkomputerowo-Sieciowym. Oprócz dużej funkcjonalności przyjętych roz­ wiązań i wysokiej jakości oprogramowania, platforma cyfrowa d'Libra zapewnia pro­ fesjonalny serwis i jest stale modyfikowana. D'Libra daje twórcy biblioteki cyfrowej możliwość kontroli dostępu do zasobów, zarządzanie zasobem oraz metadanymi. Wa¬ dą systemu jest brak zadowalających rozwiązań w przypadku wprowadzania czaso¬ pism, co w przypadku Biblioteki Cyfrowej PIA, nastawionej głównie na gromadzenie kolekcji czasopism, stanowi poważny mankament. Należy mieć nadzieję, że i ten pro¬ blem z czasem zostanie pomyślnie rozwiązany. D'Libra to najpopularniejsza obecnie platforma do budowy bibliotek cyfrowych, wy­ korzystywana w większości polskich bibliotek cyfrowych. System ten posiada rozbudo¬ waną aplikację opartą o relację klient - serwer, z pięcioma interfejsami (aplikacje: użyt¬ kownika, redaktora, administratora, panel administracyjny oraz konsolę administracyjną (Kolasa 2007) Ważnym elementem przemawiającym za wyborem tego programu �Joanna Koźmińska - Cyfrowa etnografia. O projekcie antropologicznej biblioteki cyfrowej 111 jest możliwość integracji z innymi bibliotekami cyfrowymi używającymi tego opro¬ gramowania. Twórca d'Libry, PCSS zainicjował utworzenie Federacji Bibliotek Cyf¬ rowych (FBC) skupiającej obecnie (koniec 2009 roku) czterdzieści dziewięć bibliotek cyfrowych. Jest to platforma mająca służyć do budowy sieci rozproszonych biblio¬ tek cyfrowych i reprozytoriów w Polsce, aby wspomóc popularyzację i ułatwić wy¬ korzystanie zasobów opublikowanych on-line. Ponadto d'Libra koordynuje prace związane z polskim uczestnictwem w największym europejskim projekcie digilitalizacyjnym - portalu Europeana (około sześć milionów obiektów cyfrowych: obra¬ zów, tekstów, dokumentów dźwiękowych, filmów wideo), co świadczy o dużym uz¬ naniu, jakim się cieszy w środowisku bibliotek cyfrowych. Perspektywa ewentual¬ nego uczestnictwa Cyfrowej Etnografii w olbrzymim europejskim projekcie siecio¬ wym jest niewątpliwie bardzo kusząca. Publikację w Internecie zasobu trzech czasopism, czyli wprowadzenie do za¬ sobu Internetu artykułów w wersji pełnotekstowej wraz z opisem bibliograficznym (metadanymi). W terminologii przyjętej do opisu danych w bibliotekach cyfrowych używa się terminu meta dane (Nahotko 2005). Platforma d'Libra umożliwia umiesz¬ czenie opisów bibliograficznych „obiektów sieciowych", jakimi w tym przypadku są publikowane artykuły oraz reszta zawartości periodyków (spisy treści, recenzje i inne) w formacie DublinCore (Dublin Core Element Set). Jest to konwencja powszechnie przyjęta do opisu bibliograficznego w bibliotekach cyfrowych, analogicznie do for¬ matu Marc21 stosowanego w zautomatyzowanych katalogach polskich bibliotek (Gra¬ bowska 2007: 23). Publikacja w Internecie obejmuje tworzenie i wprowadzanie przez redaktorów cyfrowych metadanych wraz z przesyłaniem plików PDF z zawartością tekstową artykułów na serwer obsługujący Bibliotekę Cyfrową PIA. Szkolenie administratorów i redaktorów cyfrowych - system Libra wymaga wyszkolenia osób zajmujących się wprowadzaniem i przesyłaniem danych do Bib¬ lioteki Cyfrowej wraz z metadanymi. Promocja projektu - poprzez Internet, wyjazdy do miast skupiających ośrodki akademickie i muzealne zajmujące się antropologią, udział w konferencjach środo¬ wiskowych, pokazy, prelekcje dla osób zainteresowanych tą tematyką (na przykład w ramach X I I I Festiwalu Nauki odbył się wykład Antropolog w Internecie: o tech­ nikach wyszukiwania informacji i projekcie Cyfrowej Etnografii, a w podczas kon¬ ferencji „Badacz osobny: śladami etnografii Jacka Olędzkiego" w Państwowym Muzeum Etnograficznym w Warszawie odbyła się prezentacja projektu). Instalacja menedżera bibliografii umożliwiającego wyszukiwanie i archiwi¬ zowanie danych oraz przystąpienie do Federacji Bibliotek Cyfrowych. Prawa autorskie - utworzenie bazy autorów wszystkich publikacji z czasopism Etnografia Polska, Lud i Polska Sztuka Ludowa-Konteksty oraz podpisanie umów li¬ cencyjnych, ze wszystkimi autorami i spadkobiercami, do których uda nam się dotrzeć. Jak już wcześniej wspomniano, jest to najtrudniejsza i najbardziej czasochłonna ope¬ racja, której daty zakończenia nie jesteśmy w stanie przewidzieć. Przewidywany termin uruchomienia Biblioteki Cyfrowej PIA na przełomie 2009/2010 roku musiał ulec przesunięciu, ze względu na konieczność uregulowania spraw związa¬ nych z licencjami autorskimi. Obecnie, na stronie www.cyfrowaetnografia.pl lub www.digitalethnography.pl, użytkownik ma możliwość przeglądania opisów biblio­ graficznych ponad 2500 artykułów i innych treści z czasopism Lud, Etnografia Polska i Polska Sztuka Ludowa-Konteksty bez dostępu do ich zawartości. Na zakończenie, podsumowując opis projektu powstania Biblioteki Cyfrowej PIA, wypada zauważyć, że chociaż udział w tym przedsięwzięciu przysporzył nam �Joanna Koźmińska - Cyfrowa etnografia. O projekcie antropologicznej biblioteki cyfrowej 112 4 - koordynatorom - wiele niespodziewanych trudności (zwłaszcza podczas skano­ wania miernej jakości dokumentów, z nieczytelnymi zdjęciami a także przy zawie­ raniu umów z tak dużą liczbą autorów), to satysfakcja z więcej niż przychylnych rea­ kcji naszego środowiska sprawia, że warto było podjąć się tego zadania, także ze wzg­ lędu na wyzwanie, jakiemu musieliśmy sprostać. Cyfrowa Etnografia jest otwartą inicjatywą i zapraszamy do wspólnego budowania naszej kolekcji i publikowania własnych prac w Bibliotece Cyfrowej PIA. Literatura: Franke J., Googletheca Universalis?, [w:] Biblioteki cyfrowe: projekty, realizacje, technologie, red. J. Kasperek-Woźniak, J. Franke, Wydawnictwo Bibliotekarzy Polskich, Warszawa 2007, s.121-166. Grabowska M., Biblioteka cyfrowa w środowisku wirtualnym. Nowe wyzwania dla katalogów w erze dokumentów elektronicznych, [w:] Biblioteki cyfrowe: projekty, realizacje, technologie, red. J. Kasperek-Woźniak, J. Franke, Wydawnictwo Bib¬ liotekarzy Polskich, Warszawa 2007, s.21-34. Folklor w dobie Internetu, Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika, red. P. Grochowski, A. Mianecki, Toruń 2009. Kolasa W. M., D'Libra Digital Library Framework - platforma do budowy bibliotek cyf­ rowych, [w:] Biblioteki cyfrowe: projekty, realizacje, technologie, red. J. KasperekWoźniak, J. Franke, Wydawnictwo Bibliotekarzy Polskich, Warszawa 2007, s.67-89. Nahotko M . , Metadane, 2000, Ebib 6/2000(14), www.oss.wroc.pl/biuletyn/ebib14/ nahotko.html. Stanisławska-Kloc S., Prawo autorskie a biblioteka cyfrowa, [w:] I I I konferencja: Internet w bibliotekach. Zasoby elektroniczne: podaż i popyt. Wrocław 2006 , 12-14 grudnia 2005 roku, http://www.ebib.info/publikacje/matkonf/iwb3/artykul.php?e. Stross R., Planeta Google. Cel: Skatalogować Wszystkie Informacje Świata, Wydaw¬ nictwo Emka, Warszawa 2009. 4 Koordynatorzy projektu Cyfrowa Etnografia: Joanna Koźmińska (PIA, IEiAK UW), Paweł Krzyworzeka (doktorant IEiAK UW, PIA), Joanna Zamorska (PIA). � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/763a1d6ed1c831af7285e653e8c4dd6f.pdf 8e19268a52ca04c1ee88d23d1e309a29 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5019 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource interenet - aspekt etnograficzny Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4655 Title A name given to the resource Antropolog on-line, a badanie w działaniu / Homo interneticus: etnograficzne wędrówki w głąb sieci Description An account of the resource Etnograficzne wędrówki w głąb sieci Homo interneticus; ; pod red.Ewy Jagiełło i Pawła Schmidta s.14-20 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Krawczyk-Wasilewska, Violetta Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydawnictwo Portalu Wiedza i Edukacja Type The nature or genre of the resource e-book Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Violetta Krawczyk-Wasilewska - Antropolog „on-line" a badanie w działaniu... Violetta Krawczyk-Wasilewska UNIWERSYTET ŁÓDZKI Antropolog „on-line" a badanie w działaniu. Eksperyment polsko-brytyjski T ermin „badanie w działaniu", ukuty w latach czterdziestych przez psycholo­ ga społecznego Kurta Lewina (Lewin 1946: 202-203), znanego też jako pre­ kursora „teorii zmiany", przechodził rozmaite koleje losu; już to jako mani¬ pulacyjna socjotechnika odrzucona do lamusa, już to jako nurt emancypacyjny trak¬ tujący badanie jako formę refleksyjnej działalności podjętej przez badacza, uczest­ niczącego w sytuacji społecznej z zamiarem jej ulepszenia. Na gruncie brytyjskim badania w działaniu jako odmiana badań stosowanych bywają zaliczane do tak zwa­ nej metodologii systemów miękkich (SSM) i w ostatnich latach ponownie cieszą się tam sporą popularnością. Dyskusyjną próbę sprawdzenia możliwości wykorzystania tej metody w antropo­ logii on-line podjęła autorka niniejszego tekstu wraz z badaczem brytyjskim Dennisem W. Beer, podczas ich wspólnej pracy nad studium zatytułowanym Globalna wioska „singli", a kulturowe postawy starszych Brytyjczyków wobec randkowania „on-line" i zreferowanym podczas X V Kongresu ISFNR w Atenach w czerwcu 2009 roku w sekcji „Narratives and Modern Media". Wnioski metodologiczne au¬ torów poddam pod dyskusję po przedstawieniu materiału badawczego . Internetowe serwisy społecznościowe, a zwłaszcza portale randkowe są częścią współczesnego scenariusza kulturowego, gromadzą bowiem - liczonych w milionach - użytkowników reprezentujących wszystkie kategorie wiekowe, przy oczywistej domi­ nacji ludzi młodszych. Wielka rozmaitość i popularność tych portali w krajach wysoko rozwiniętych odzwierciedla głębokie lęki kulturowe związane ze zwiększającym się poczuciem ludzkiej samotności, której główne przyczyny upatrywane są w zaniku tra­ dycyjnych powiązań krewniaczych oraz tak zwanej gender revolution i „atomizacji" społeczeństwa. Ta ostatnia wiąże się z upadkiem rodziny, wzrostem neo-liberalizmu, konsumeryzmem i gloryfikacją autonomii jednostki. W tej sytuacji nawet związki mężczyzny i kobiety stają się towarem, który jako artykuł pierwszej potrzeby jest przedmiotem wymiany za pośrednictwem internetowych stron randkowych. Liczba osób samotnych, w żargonie zwanych z angielska singlami, cechuje się stałą tendencją wzrostową. Przewiduje się, iż do 2021 roku obejmie ona 40% dorosłych �Violetta Krawczyk-Wasilewska - Antropolog „on-line" 15 a badanie w działaniu... obywateli świata w krajach rozwiniętych i wymusi zmianę obyczajów, zmianę potrzeb mieszkaniowych, kosztów utrzymania, zużycia energii, usług, i tym podobnych . Ta prawdziwa rewolucja może zniszczyć zasady życia społecznego oparte na domu, ro­ dzinie i stałym miejscu zamieszkania. Single obojga płci nie odczuwają dziś stygmatyzacji, co więcej - wykorzystują swój status do poznawania świata, budowania kariery zawodowej i życiowego eksperymentowania. Wygodni i zadowoleni z siebie samotni tworzą powiększającą się populację, zwaną w USA quirkylones (quirky alone), na po­ trzeby której rynek odpowiada promocją życia solowego, małymi porcjami pakowanej żywności, wakacjami dla samotnych, mniejszymi mieszkaniami i domami oraz wzros¬ tem liczby internetowych serwisów randkowych, jak również... wzrostem liczby domów spokojnej starości. Oczywiście bycie tak zwanym singlem może być sprawą wyboru (w wypadku ludzi młodych, aktywnych zawodowo) albo koniecznością (w wypadku coraz młod¬ szych, rozwiedzionych lub owdowiałych emerytów i rencistów ). Poza korzyściami życie indywidualne rodzi pewne niedogodności, na przykład finansowe czy psy¬ chologiczne (puste gniazdo, brak stałego towarzystwa i wsparcia), wzmacniane doj¬ mującą samotnością, mimo posiadania progenitury. Ta sytuacja dociera powoli także do naszego kraju. 1 Wskazane wyżej problemy odzwierciedlają portale randkowe, które - co prawda - jeszcze nie dostarczają gotowego produktu, ale zmierzają w tym kierunku, o czym świadczy coraz większa liczba stron randkowych oferujących usługi psychometryczne, na przykład Parship.com, e-Harmony, Be-2.com, DDAffinity.com. Badając internetowe strony randkowe odnosimy wrażenie, o czym już pisaliśmy na łamach Fabuli (Krawczyk-Wasilewska 2006: 251-252), że zachowania on-line ich subskrybentów mają charakter globalny, świadczący o unifikującej sile mass-mediów i internetowej netykiety. Z drugiej zaś strony wspólnota sieciowych randkowiczów myśli lokalnie, o czym świadczą ich profile umieszczane w lokalnych lub transnaro¬ dowych, opartych na wymianie informacji, portalach. Studiując je, dostrzegamy różnice kulturowe, etniczne i społeczne; biedę i bogactwo, społeczną stratyfikację, lokalne oby¬ czaje, kryzys tradycyjnej rodziny , a także lokalną pozycję płci kulturowej. W Europie najwyższą liczbą samotnych osób i pojedynczych gospodarstw domo¬ wych cechuje się Wielka Brytania, gdzie w ciągu ostatnich czterdziestu lat ich liczba wzrosła czterokrotnie. Dziś wynosi piętnaście milionów przy sześćdziesięciomilionowej populacji. Tylko w samej Anglii samotne gospodarstwa liczą siedem milionów, przy prognozie wzrostu do dziewięciu milionów w roku 2021 (Palmer 2006). Tę sytuację odzwierciedlają brytyjskie usługi randkowe on-line (na przykład Match.com, YahooPersonals, DatingDirect.com), cechujące się ogromną liczbą użyt¬ kowników w porównaniu z innymi europejskimi stronami randkowymi. Wyjaśnie¬ nie kwestii, dlaczego Brytyjczycy są najbardziej samotnymi Europejczykami, wy¬ magałoby odrębnych, interdyscyplinarnych badań na większą skalę. Nasze zainteresowanie ograniczyliśmy do starszych Brytyjczyków i ich postaw kulturowych wobec internetowego randkowania. Celem było badanie w działaniu o charakterze jakościowym prowadzone przez autorów niniejszego - Polkę i Anglika; oboje w momencie badań samotni, oboje reprezentujący interesujący ich przedział wiekowy i status społeczny. 1 Tendencję tę uwidoczniają przewidywania statystyczne (między innymi Austriackiego Instytutu Eko­ logicznego) i projekty architektoniczne (na przykład wystawa „Singletown" na Biennale Architektury, Wenecja 2008). �Violetta Krawczyk-Wasilewska - Antropolog „on-line" a badanie w działaniu... 16 Dla naszego badania wybraliśmy DatingDirect.com (dalej skrót: DD), jeden z naj­ większych i najbardziej popularnych na Wyspach odpłatnych portali randkowych, którego właścicielem jest Meetic, firma umocowana we Francji i operująca w piętna­ stu państwach europejskich, a także na innych kontynentach. W końcu 2008 roku DatingDirect liczył około siedmiuset tysięcy użytkowników, podczas gdy w maju roku następnego ich liczba wzrosła do pięciu milionów na całym świecie, co dowodzi dal¬ szej konsolidacji operatorów rynku randkowego. O popularności portalu świadczy licz­ ba zalogowanych, na przykład dwudziestego piątego maja 2009 roku, o godzinie dwu­ nastej trzydzieści pięć (wtorek) system wykazywał dwadzieścia osiem tysięcy sie­ demset sześćdziesiąt siedem osób on-line w dziewięćdziesięciu trzech państwach, podczas gdy w sobotę wieczorem było ich już około siedemdziesięciu tysięcy. Próbą badawczą objęto osiemdziesięciu mężczyzn (w większości Anglików), którzy opublikowali swój pełny profil i odpowiedzieli na test autorki. Wszyscy oni byli aktywnymi subskrybentami DD w ostatnim kwartale 2008 roku i deklarowali, że należą do rasy kaukaskiej, są nieżonaci, mieszczą się w przedziale wiekowym sześćdziesiąt - sześćdziesiąt pięć lat, poszukują kobiet od pięćdziesiątego do sześć¬ dziesiątego ósmego roku życia, posiadają wyższe wykształcenie (od magisterium po doktorat), reprezentują indywidualne gospodarstwa domowe i dochód średni do wy¬ sokiego. Nie brano pod uwagę religii, zatrudnienia/emerytury, liczby posiadanych dzieci i innych danych. Dla porównania wskażmy przykładową sesję z dnia piątego grudnia 2008 roku, kiedy to system wykazywał sześciu takich mężczyzn w Polsce (populacja 38,1 mi­ lionów), piętnastu w Niemczech (82 miliony), siedemnastu we Francji (65 milio­ nów), ale w Wielkiej Brytanii aż tysiąc, a w samym tylko Londynie czterystu dwudziestu. Brytyjczycy dominowali podczas tej i każdej następnej sesji. Jak już wspomniano, autorka opublikowała, składający się z dwudziestu pytań test zgodności, którego wyniki pokrótce omówimy. Na pytanie o preferowany ro¬ dzaj wypoczynku wakacyjnego (trekking czy wczasy typu all-inclusive), prawie 100% respondentów opowiedziało się za wakacjami aktywnie spędzonymi i w spo¬ sób indywidualny. Na pytanie o rodzaj spędzania wolnego czasu, większość optowała raczej za pielęgnacją ogródka, komputerem, majsterkowaniem i oglądaniem TV oraz DVD niż odległą wyprawą do kina czy teatru. Tak zwane „wyjścia" dla większości oznaczały wizytę w najbliższym pubie. Wszyscy samotnie popijali w domach, nikt nie deklarował abstynencji. Czytanie książek i aktywność sportowa (głównie jazda rowerem, ale też żeglowanie, czasem tenis i golf lub krykiet) dotyczyły mniejszości. Przyjmowanie gości w domu, składanie spontanicznych wizyt sąsiadom, zaprasza¬ nie dalszych znajomych, jak i inne formy życia towarzyskiego nie są powszechnie praktykowane. Wyjątek stanowią śluby i pogrzeby oraz rodzinne wakacje w małym gronie. Powiedzenie „Mój dom jest moim zamkiem" oddaje tradycyjne wartości: szacunek dla własnej przestrzeni i prywatności, posiadanie nieruchomości (spłacony lub odziedziczony dom), obowiązki domowe (mężczyźni gotują, sprzątają, remon¬ tują) i pracę w ogrodzie oraz czas poświęcony na własne hobby. Tak zindywiduali¬ zowany styl życia, jak i dość wczesne przechodzenie mężczyzn na emeryturę (od pięćdziesiątego piątego roku życia i z odpowiednim odszkodowaniem od firmy) nie sprzyja zawieraniu nowych znajomości. Przeciwieństwem powyższego są możliwości, jakie oferuje Internet. Samotny star¬ szy pan może randkować do woli, spotykając w sieci nieograniczoną liczbę nowych znajomych i potencjalnych życiowych partnerek, tak z najbliższej okolicy, jak i całkiem �Violetta Krawczyk-Wasilewska - Antropolog „on-line" a badanie w działaniu... odległej (prawdziwa globalizacja!), z którymi można korespondować, wymieniać poglądy i fotografie, „czatować" i wreszcie marzyć o podjęciu ryzyka spotkania wirtualnej damy, by przekonać się o jej osobowości, wspólnych zainteresowaniach i wzajemnym pociągu fizycznym, zwanym w żargonie randkowym „chemią". Co więcej, w przeciwieństwie do komunikacji „twarzą w twarz", komunikacja on-line pomaga naszemu stereotypowemu Brytyjczykowi pokonać jego nieśmiałość wynikającą z tak zwanego zimnego wychowania i klasowej stratyfikacji społecznej, rozpoznawanej po sposobie wymowy i określonym restrykcyjnie kodzie zachowa­ nia. Postępując zgodnie z globalną netykietą randkową wychodzi ów poza sferę swych przyzwyczajeń, otwiera się „na obcych", opisuje szczegóły z życia osobis¬ tego i uczuciowego, jak również czuje się zwolniony z konwencjonalnych zasad używania języka formalnego czy zwyczaju nieokazywania emocji i panowania nad reakcjami (Fox 2004). Wręcz odwrotnie, internetowy kod językowy, używanie za¬ bawnych znaków graficznych, piktogramów i akronimów, posługiwanie się tak zwa¬ nymi śmieszkami czy buźkami (ang. emoticons i smileys) to cechy „warsztatu" komunikacyjnego każdego randkowicza. Dlatego też randkowanie w sieci jest dla antropologa świadectwem istnienia pewnej sfery liminalnej, w której randkowicz oderwał się już od „profanum", ale nie osiągnął jeszcze sfery „sacrum" (Gennep: 2006). Problem się sam rozwiązuje, gdy związek wir­ tualny przekształca się w rzeczywisty, o czym marzy większość użytkowników. Na prze¬ szkodzie jednak stają stare przyzwyczajenia, nawyki, bagaż rodzinny i inne życiowe doświadczenia, wreszcie brak chęci do przystosowania się lub zmiany. I tak, mimo przyzwyczajenia do życia w wieloetnicznym społeczeństwie, starsi Brytyjczycy w większości nie wykazywali zainteresowania rozwijaniem znajomości z Polką w wieku średnim, grzecznie odsyłając j ą do polskiej strony internetowej i pod­ kreślając, iż nie życzą sobie kontaktu z paniami z kontynentu (europejskiego - V.K-W), a zwłaszcza z „.. .Portugalii, Hiszpanii, Rosji, Polski i Bawarii", a także nie są zainte­ resowani kobietami z bardziej odległych miejsc, takich jak Filipiny, Afryka i Ameryka Południowa. Niektórzy pytali, czy rzeczywiście pisze do nich kobieta, czy też mężczyz¬ na, chcący wyłudzić pieniądze na podróż do Zjednoczonego Królestwa. Te stereotypowe opinie bazujące na pogłoskach, jak również nieznajomość po­ litycznych i ekonomicznych realiów tak zwanej Nowej Europy świadczą, iż inter¬ netowe kontakty z kobietami z krajów zwanych drugim i trzecim światem w oczach przeciętnego Brytyjczyka mają konotację negatywną i mogą być również manifes¬ tacją konserwatywnego poczucia wyższości Wyspiarzy, szeroko znanego - od wieku dziewiętnastego - pod hasłem splendid isolation. Z drugiej zaś strony badanie nasze wykazało, że 15% subskrybentów wykazywało postawę neutralną wobec pochodzenia etnicznego, w kilku zaś wypadkach nawet wy¬ jątkowo przychylną wobec pochodzenia polskiego, co wynikało z wcześniejszych, po¬ zytywnie ocenianych kontaktów z naszym krajem. Dwóch respondentów - wdow¬ ców, których zmarłe żony pochodziły z Polski - nie było zainteresowanych ponowną znajomością z Polką, motywując swą decyzję różnicą mentalności. Pytanie „Czy życie zagranicą byłoby dla ciebie problemem" starsi Brytyjczycy traktowali jak wyzwanie, którego nie należy brać pod uwagę. Jedynym miejscem do relokacji jest dla większości Hiszpania, czemu sprzyja łagodny klimat i duża ilość na stałe zamieszkałych tam emery­ tów brytyjskich. Relokacja do Polski wymagałaby poznania języka, przetrwania mroź­ nej zimy i przystosowania się do „dziwnych" obyczajów oraz nieznanych przepisów praw­ nych i niepewnej - w dłuższej perspektywie czasowej - sytuacji polityczno-ekonomicznej. �Violetta Krawczyk-Wasilewska - Antropolog „on-line" a badanie w działaniu... 18 Mimo tych zastrzeżeń, nasi wirtualni randkowicze wykazywali się dużą tolerancją re­ ligijną, wyrażając przekonanie, iż dwie religie mogą koegzystować pod jednym da­ chem bez żadnego problemu. Nadmienić przy tym należy, że większość subskrybentów deklarowała się jako ateiści lub niepraktykujący protestanci. Interesującą kwestią jest trudna do wymierzenia realna skuteczność randkowania on-line w odniesieniu do badanej populacji. Z naszych informacji wynika, że dla nie¬ wielu zakończyło się ono sukcesem. Większość badanych uczciwie stwierdzała, że była aktywnym członkiem strony DD przeciętnie od trzech do sześciu miesięcy, po czym znudzona, odpoczywała przez jakiś czas lub przenosiła się do innego portalu, by po około roku powrócić ponownie do DD , mimo faktu, że „.. .ludzie byli w więk­ szości ci sami, a część niechętnie odpowiadała na e-listy" - jak stwierdził jeden z użyt¬ kowników. Brak odpowiedzi mógł wynikać nie tylko z nadmiaru bardziej interesu¬ jących ofert, ale też z faktu, powszechnie niezauważanego, że nowi użytkownicy mogą rejestrować się bezpłatnie i choć ich profile są wyświetlane, w rzeczywistości jednak powiększają rząd „martwych dusz" (Silverstein 2004) pozbawionych prawa aktyw¬ nego uczestnictwa do czasu wniesienia pełnej opłaty członkowskiej. W dużych miastach wirtualna randka często przeradza się w osobiste spotkanie. Jeśli nie spełnia oczekiwań - nie martwi żadnej ze stron, gdyż następnego weekendu można spotkać się z inną osobą - każda ze stron płaci za siebie i każdy chętnie spę¬ dzi czas poza domem. Natomiast w małych miejscowościach i wsiach wirtualne kon¬ takty (zwłaszcza tak zwane czaty) podtrzymywane są dużo dłużej, stanowiąc formę miłego spędzania czasu. Oto przykład: Wyprowadziłem psy na spacer, potem czatowałem z kobietami, następnie lunch, praca w ogródku, kilka e-maili do nowych pań z DD, wieczorny spacer z psami, no i dzień wypełniony... Dlatego też profile wielu starszych użytkowników DD oznakowane są setkami puszczanych „oczek" i tak zwanych odwiedzin, skrupulatnie wykazywanych przez zarządzających portalem webmasterów. Mając poczucie nieograniczonych możli¬ wości, cybernetyczni randkowicze nie wykazują pośpiechu i traktują wirtualne kon¬ takty jako formę zabawy z bezpiecznej odległości i bez wychodzenia z domu. Nie¬ którzy subskrybenci porównywali swe uzależnienie od wirtualnego randkowania do pasji cechującej kolekcjonerów na przykład znaczków pocztowych. Nadmienić tu należy, że podtrzymywaniu uzależnienia sprzyjają różne triki marketingowe właści¬ cieli portalu DD, takie jak automatyczne odnawianie płatności na następny okres sub¬ skrypcji, utrudniony sposób likwidacji konta, przenoszenie niepłacącego do grona opisanych wcześniej „martwych dusz", zachęcanie e-mailami w rodzaju „tęsknimy za t o b ą . " , „ . m a m y pasujące do ciebie, nowe osoby", „dla ciebie wyjątkowo tania o f e r t a . " i inne zniżki, promocje, i tym podobne. Nic tedy dziwnego, że wirtualny business randkowy kwitnie, a jego użytkownicy, często samotni emeryci, mimo po¬ czucia iż podlegają manipulacji, często wracają do DD, ponieważ świat zewnętrzny pogłębia jedynie ich samotność. Sumując powyższe, nasuwają się wnioski o specyfice izolacji społecznej starszych Brytyjczyków, wynikającej z ich dawniejszej mobilności zawodowej i częstych zmian miejsca zamieszkania (ograniczone więzi koleżeńskie i przyjacielskie) oraz ograni¬ czonych więzi krewniaczych i międzypokoleniowych. Te ostatnie na przykład w Pol¬ sce są o wiele ściślejsze, ponadto - zgodnie z polskimi zwyczajami i obowiązującym prawem - dorosłe dzieci zobligowane są do opieki nad starymi rodzicami. Z kolei izo¬ lacja towarzyska starszych Brytyjczyków wynika ze zwyczajowego indywidualizmu �Violetta Krawczyk-Wasilewska - Antropolog „on-line" a badanie w działaniu... 19 i konserwatyzmu oraz tradycyjnego angielskiego stylu życia. Stąd też nasi respon¬ denci przezwyciężali swą samotność, ślęcząc przy komputerze - swoistym substy¬ tucie towarzyszki życia. Wirtualna miłość ze strony wyzwolonych, wymagających i często - w wyniku rozwodów lub wdowieństwa - bardziej zamożnych niż mężczyźni kobiet brytyj­ skich nieczęsto kończy się sukcesem. Z kolei brak powodzenia wśród kobiet z kon¬ tynentu może wynikać, iż postrzegają one starszych Brytyjczyków w sposób stere¬ otypowy - jako „zimnokrwistych", konserwatywnych i twardo po ziemi stąpających hipokrytów, dla których termin „romantyk" utożsamiany bywa nie z pojęciem za¬ kochanego, lecz raczej „artysty", „dziwaka", ekscentrycznego Don Kichota i nie¬ odpowiedzialnego życiowo człowieka. Oto przykład: ...Ona wszystko traktuje bardzo serio i pisze do mnie: „w twoim profilu stwier­ dziłeś, że nie jesteś romantyczny". Więc ja jej odpisałem, że była tam również opcja „całkowicie nieromantyczny", której nie wybrałem. Teraz fascynuje ją koresponden­ cja z artystą, WIELCE romantycznym... Na koniec wreszcie należałoby zwrócić uwagę na fakt, iż przeprowadzone przez nas badanie odbywało się w czasie globalnego kryzysu ekonomicznego, który w Wiel¬ kiej Brytanii przybrał formę recesji, dotkliwie odczuwanej przez większość tamtejsze¬ go społeczeństwa. Reakcją na kryzys jest, między innymi, hasło odwrotu od między¬ narodowych powiązań ekonomicznych w kierunku deglobalizacji. Tendencja ta po¬ woli wymusza określone zachowania społeczne, że wymienimy choćby: codzienne osz¬ czędzanie, spadek wartości nieruchomości oraz trudność ich sprzedaży, lęk o spokojną starość itp. Dlatego też kryzys może wpływać na zmniejszenie zainteresowania pod¬ różami, relokacją, a więc także międzynarodowym randkowaniem on-line. W świetle powyższego powrócić trzeba do postawionego na początku tego artyku¬ łu problemu metodologicznego, a mianowicie tak zwanego partycypacyjnego badania w działaniu zmodyfikowanego w odniesieniu do wybranej społeczności on-line, którą reprezentowaliśmy. W naszym wypadku przeprowadziliśmy je z perspektywy użyt¬ kowników popularnego na Wyspach portalu internetowego, a więc nasze zachowania, tak jak innych użytkowników, miały charakter indywidualnych, choć typowych dzia¬ łań, z których wyciągnęliśmy wnioski i przedstawiliśmy je w opracowaniu. Pozostaje otwartym do dyskusji pytanie czy użytkownicy portali randkowych wy¬ korzystują dla swego dobra wszystkie możliwości, jakie daje randkowanie on-line, by pokonać swą samotność i znaleźć odpowiedniego partnera. Zważyć tu zwłaszcza należy, że portale randkowe oferują pomoc w kreowaniu atrakcyjnego profilu i pub¬ likują liczne porady psychologiczne, dostarczając użytkownikowi swoistej edukacji, która wraz z dostępnymi - na rynku internetowym i księgarskim - poradnikami słu¬ żyć ma owemu celowi. Jak jest w rzeczywistości? Nie wiemy również jaka jest realna statystyka historii o „szczęśliwym zakończeniu" (Krawczyk-Wasilewska 2006: 252), tak chętnie publikowanych przez randkowe strony internetowe. Czy mają one jedy¬ nie wymiar komercyjny? Powyżej postawione pytania, a także wiele innych, wymagają dalszych badań, które mogłyby być wykorzystane do udoskonalenia randkowych stron interneto¬ wych i poprawy świadomości ich użytkowników. Jednakże omawiane portale, będąc w prywatnym posiadaniu i powiązaniu z użytkownikami różnych interfejsów nie wykazują skłonności do modyfikacji swojego oprogramowania. Stąd też zasięg na¬ szego badania ma charakter ograniczony. �Violetta Krawczyk-Wasilewska - Antropolog „on-line" a badanie w działaniu... 20 Literatura: Fox K., Watching the English.The Hidden Rules of English Behaviour, Hodder & Stroughton, London 2004. Gennep van A., Obrzędy przejścia, PIW, Warszawa 2006. Krawczyk-Wasilewska V., e-Folklore in the Age of Globalization, Fabula 47, heft 3/4, 2006, s. 248-254. Kwiecińska-Zdrenka M . , Badacz w działaniu - opisywać, zrozumieć czy zmieniać zastaną rzeczywistość? Socjologia Wychowania, t. XIV, 2000, s. 63-70. Lewin K., Resolving Social Conflict, Harper and Brothers, New York 1946. New Directions in Action Research, red. O. Zuber-Skerritt, Falmer Press, London 1996. Palmer G., Single Person Housholds, New Policy Institute, Joseph Rowntree Fo¬ undation, April 2006. Silverstein J., Online Dating for Dummies, Wiley Hoboken, New Jersey 2004. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/28a8c34ee1c650b503688fbe53a1e669.pdf 0bc9369a2eb4ee5c2b00e64b90074989 https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/4a1c96de01f2a262707b41589bbac85b.pdf 5cf964fbc84417ed4c03c5020de75b54 PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Wymysoü ej ȧ śejny, kliny śtot. Gyśihta fu Wymysiöejyn yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian �Archiwum Etnograficzne Ethnographic Archives Tom 67 �Tymoteusz Król Wymysoü ej ȧ śejny, kliny śtot. Gyśihta fu Wymysiöejyn yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian P O L S K I E TOWA R Z Y S T WO LU D O Z N AWC Z E WROCŁAW 2023 �Recenzenci: dr hab. Katarzyna Marcol, dr hab. Henryk Jaroszewicz Redakcja „Archiwum Etnograficznego”: Katarzyna Ceklarz – redaktor naczelna Anna Engelking, Damian Kasprzyk, Joanna Koźmińska Projekt okładki: Adam Konieczny Skład: Jadwiga Popowska Fotografia na okładce: Anna Fox (Lüft), Danuta Kubica (Ćiöe) i Helena Biba (Płaćnik) przed domem ostatniej z nich w wilamowskich strojach codziennych, 2008. Fot. Gabriel Król Redaktor naukowy: dr Maciej Mętrak Korekta tekstów w języku polskim: Magdalena Rudnik Korekta tekstów w języku wilamowskim: Paweł Szutow Pomoc przy transkrypcji: Małgorzata Zejma (Biöeźnjok), Aleksandra Nowak (Niedźjelka), Michał Smolana (Küćłik) Copyright by Tymoteusz Król, Instytut Slawistyki PAN Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze, Wrocław 2023 ISBN 978-83-64465-62-8 ISSN 0066-6858 Publikacja powstała jako efekt projektu „Reawakening the Wymysorys language in Wilamowice, Poland”, finansowanego w ramach programu Language Revitalization Accelerator 2022–2023 przez amerykańską organizację Wikitongues Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze ul. Fryderyka Joliot-Curie 12, 50-383 Wrocław tel. (+48) 71 375 75 83 e-mail: ptl@ptl.info.pl, www.ptl.info.pl Archiwum Etnograficzne �SPIS TREŚCI WPROWADZENIE – JĘZYK WILAMOWSKI JAKO JĘZYK GINĄCY�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 21 Dokumentacja języka wilamowskiego z perspektywy autobiograficznej�������23 Charakterystyka publikowanego materiału i struktura jego prezentacji���������25 Opowieści Wilamowian jako folklor ustny�����������������������������������������������������31 DY FÜRRYD – DY WYMYSIÖERYŚY ŚPRÖH OÜZ Ȧ ŚPRÖH YM ŚTARWA���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 37 Dokumentȧcyj fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh fur oütobjogrȧfyśa perspektyw�39 Kȧrȧkterystyk fur gywejza wiöer ȧn dy struktür fur prezentȧcyj ������������ 41 Dy Kistiöeryja fu Wymysiöejyn oüz moüłfolklor������������������������������������ 46 WILAMOWSKOJĘZYCZNE OPOWIEŚCI WILAMOWIAN GYŚIHTA FU WYMYSIÖEJYN YR WYMYSIÖERYŚA ŚPRÖH�������� 51 Opozycja „swoi”–„obcy”: auto- i heterostereotypy Dy opozycyj „ynzer łoüt” – „fremdy łoüt”, dos hȧst dy oüo- ȧn heterostereotypa������������������������������������������������������������������������ 51 [1] Dy Wymysiöejyn kuma fum mjer �������������������������������������������������������� 51 Wilamowianie pochodzą znad morza������������������������������������������������������ 51 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221215_wym/ [2] Ȧ Wymysiöejer tryft zȧj müter y Amsterdam�������������������������������������� 52 Wilamowianin spotyka swoją matkę w Amsterdamie ���������������������������� 52 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221216_wym/ [3] Dy Wymysiöejer wün ander łoüt ���������������������������������������������������������� 53 Wilamowianie byli innymi ludźmi���������������������������������������������������������� 53 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221217_wym/ [4] Uf Wymysoü diöft zih nimyd ny ferwȧjwa������������������������������������������ 53 Do Wilamowic nikt nie mógł się przyżenić �������������������������������������������� 53 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20090202_wym/ [5] Dy Wymysiöejyn köma mejer wi zejwa hundyt jür y dam ���������������� 54 Wilamowianie przybyli ponad siedemset lat temu���������������������������������� 54 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nusa-h%C8%A7la_20090102_wym/ �Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian 6 [6] Dy Wymysiöejyn wün ander łoüt wi dy Ełcnyn�������������������������������� 55 Wilamowianie byli inni niż Hałcnowianie �������������������������������������������� 55 https://wikitongues.org/videos/juza_20120103_wym/ [7] Dy Ełcnyn ferhyndyn yn Wymysiöejyn���������������������������������������������� 56 Hałcnowianie przeszkadzają Wilamowianom���������������������������������������� 56 https://wikitongues.org/videos/juza_20120104_wym/ [8] Nimand hot yns ny gan diöh dy śpröh������������������������������������������������ 57 Nikt nas nie lubił z powodu języka�������������������������������������������������������� 57 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221231_wym/ [9] Dy śpröh wiöe ny derłiöet�������������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Język wilamowski był zakazany������������������������������������������������������������ 57 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20140304_wym-2/ [10] Ȧ Wymysiöejeryn ziöet uf „hołdy-bołdy” o��������������������������������������� 58 Jak jedna Wilamowianka odpowiedziała na „hołdy-bołdy”������������������ 58 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga-helka_20090102_wym/ [11] Der śwygjerfoter wiöe ȧ Pöła, oder ȧ łjyt zih wymysiöeryś�������������� 58 Mój teść był Polakiem, ale uczył się wilamowskiego���������������������������� 59 https://wikitongues.org/videos/juza_20120105_wym/ [12] Fyrym zih dy łoüt interesjyn myter wymysiöeryśa śpröh���������������� 59 Dlaczego jest teraz takie zainteresowanie językiem wilamowskim������ 59 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20140301_wym/ [13] Der kłop fu Błan ferśtind wymysiöeryś���������������������������������������������� 60 Mąż z Bielan rozumiał po wilamowsku������������������������������������������������ 60 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20090103_wym/ [14] Der Poüermin ziöet, wos ej nojys�������������������������������������������������������� 60 Pauermin mówił o nowinach������������������������������������������������������������������ 60 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120107_wym/ [15] Wen wer kuzta wymysiöeryś, müstwer śtröf coła������������������������������ 61 Za mówienie po wilamowsku trzeba było płacić kary�������������������������� 61 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120108_wym/ [16] Di, wo ferśtinda, łahta�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61 Ci, co rozumieli, śmiali się�������������������������������������������������������������������� 62 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120109_wym/ [17] Wi dy Pöła ogycün gingja�������������������������������������������������������������������� 62 Stroje Polaków z okolicznych wsi �������������������������������������������������������� 62 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221213_wym/ [18] Dy Wymysiöejyn zȧjn kuma yn kłȧdyn���������������������������������������������� 62 Wilamowianie przybyli w strojach�������������������������������������������������������� 63 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221215_wym/ �Spis treści [19] Nimyd hot zyty fłȧk, wi wjyr �������������������������������������������������������������� 63 Nikt nie miał takich strojów jak my������������������������������������������������������ 63 https://wikitongues.org/videos/staha_20140301_wym/ [20] Wi zy nöm krig hon ȧ ymertihła gyśtöła�������������������������������������������� 63 Jak nam ukradli po wojnie najładniejszą odziewaczkę�������������������������� 63 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20120107_wym/ [21] Der śmjyrgüst fjym krig���������������������������������������������������������������������� 64 Śmiergust przed wojną�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 64 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221214_wym/ [22] Wi zy uf dy friöed gingja fjym krig���������������������������������������������������� 65 Jak szli na wesele przed wojną�������������������������������������������������������������� 65 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20090201_wym-2/ [23] Dy ślynćkja ufer friöed������������������������������������������������������������������������ 65 Ślęczki na weselu ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 65 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221224_wym/ [24] Dy dinstłoüt ȧn atyn ufer wjytśoft fum foter ������������������������������������ 66 Służący i robotnicy na gospodarstwie ojca�������������������������������������������� 66 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20220901_wym-2/ [25] Ȧ łöstikjy kistiöeryj fu wymysiöejer handułłoüt�������������������������������� 66 Humorystyczna historia o wilamowskich handlarzach�������������������������� 67 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga_20090104_wym/ [26] Śüsterpop wiöe ym zuntag ������������������������������������������������������������������ 67 Śusterpop (jajecznica po wilamowsku) była w niedzielę���������������������� 67 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221220_wym/ [27] S’asa ufum opyłys y Wymysdiöf���������������������������������������������������������� 68 Jedzenie na odpuście w Starej Wsi�������������������������������������������������������� 69 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20220602_wym-2/ [28] Wi dy wymysiöejer Jüda fȧjyta sukkot���������������������������������������������� 69 Jak wilamowscy Żydzi świętowali Sukkot�������������������������������������������� 70 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120113_wym/ [29] Wi mih der pot fjyr hołwa liter brantwȧjn oüsgykoüft höt�������������� 70 Jak mnie putek (ojciec chrzestny) wykupił za pół litra wódki �������������� 71 https:// https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20120103_wym/ [30] S’kynd bypiśt ȧ sowjetyśa drowa�������������������������������������������������������� 72 Dziecko obsikało radzieckiego żołnierza���������������������������������������������� 72 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nusa_20090103_wym/ [31] Ȧ güter Rüsek hyłft������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 72 „Dobry Rusek” pomaga ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 73 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nusa_20090101_wym/ 7 �8 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [32] Dy Rüsa nama s’fad����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73 „Ruscy” biorą konia ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 73 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nusa_20090102_wym/ [33] Wi zy yns noma, dy Neuman-Mejł cy feleśa�������������������������������������� 74 Jak nas wzięli do gaszenia młyna Neumanna���������������������������������������� 74 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga_20090106_wym/ [34] Der jyśty mȧj wymysiöeryś������������������������������������������������������������������ 74 Świętowanie Pierwszego Maja po wilamowsku������������������������������������ 75 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221108_wym/ [35] Ȧ gyśȧjty Wymysiöejeryn bywjet koroln ������������������������������������������ 75 Sprytna Wilamowianka ratuje korale ���������������������������������������������������� 76 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221117_wym-2/ [36] Oüz ȧ jung mȧkja ym pikus���������������������������������������������������������������� 76 Jako młoda dziewczyna w areszcie�������������������������������������������������������� 77 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20090101_wym/ [37] Ȧ bejzer, doüćer śiłer���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78 Zły niemiecki nauczyciel ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 78 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221103_wym/ [38] Ȧ briw wymysiöeryś gyśrejwa ������������������������������������������������������������ 78 List napisany po wilamowsku���������������������������������������������������������������� 79 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20070101_wym/ [39] Opyłys y Ałca���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79 Odpust w Hałcnowie������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 79 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221224_wym/ [40] Dy jyśta Wymysiöejyn wün y Wymysdiöf������������������������������������������ 80 Pierwsi Wilamowianie osiedlili się w Starej Wsi���������������������������������� 80 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221216_wym/ Konceptualizacja przestrzeni i „naszego” miejsca w świecie Dy konceptuȧlizȧcyj fum fȧld ȧn fu „ynzum” płoc ufer wełt�������������������� 81 [41] Wymysoü ej ȧ śejny, kliny śtot������������������������������������������������������������ 81 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto������������������������������������������������������ 81 https://wikitongues.org/videos/ruzla_20080101_wym/ [42] Dy jyśta Wymysiöejyn wułda ny błȧjn y Wymysdiöf������������������������ 82 Pierwsi Wilamowianie nie chcieli zostać w Starej Wsi ������������������������ 82 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20140303_wym-2/ �Spis treści [43] Fyrym hȧsa zy Underum Puś�������������������������������������������������������������� 82 Dlaczego jedna z dzielnic Wilamowic nazywa się Pod Lasem�������������� 83 https://wikitongues.org/videos/pejter_20090101_wym/ [44] Der Jüdaśtȧjg ȧn der Pöłaśtȧjg ���������������������������������������������������������� 83 Jüdaśtȧjg i Pöłaśtȧjg (ścieżka Żydów i Polaków)���������������������������������� 83 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221222_wym/ [45] Der Bibiöewjec jyśter �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 83 O dawnym Bibowcu ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 84 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221107_wym/ [46] Wi wiöe s’Biba-Jew cytȧlt�������������������������������������������������������������������� 84 Jak była podzielona Bibowa Rola���������������������������������������������������������� 84 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221212_wym/ [47] Wi yh mih łjyt śwyma bym mjer�������������������������������������������������������� 85 Jak uczyłam się pływać nad morzem ���������������������������������������������������� 85 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221209_wym/ [48] Wi wer zih bym nökwer oüz kyndyn bawjȧta����������������������������������� 85 Jak bawiliśmy się u sąsiada jako dzieci ������������������������������������������������ 85 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221130_wym/ [49] Wo yh hoüt ho gymaht ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 86 Co dziś robiłam�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 86 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nusa_20090105_wym/ [50] Der büw mytum ruta hitła ������������������������������������������������������������������ 86 Chłopczyk z czerwonym kapelusikiem�������������������������������������������������� 86 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga_20090105_wym/ [51] Der toüwuł höt ȧ feter gyfüt yn Świöeca Tȧjh ���������������������������������� 87 O tym, jak diabeł zwodził wujka do Czarnego Stawu���������������������������� 87 https://wikitongues.org/videos/ruzla_20090103_wym/ [52] Fum Ruzła, wo ziöet, do’s zih fu nist ny fjet�������������������������������������� 88 O Ruźle, co mówiła, że się niczego nie boi ������������������������������������������ 88 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20070104_wym-2/ [53] Dy wawyn fün uf Win�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 89 Tkacze jeździli do Wiednia�������������������������������������������������������������������� 89 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga_20090102_wym/ [54] Dy śmyd łjyta zih y Win ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 89 Kowale uczyli się w Wiedniu ���������������������������������������������������������������� 90 https://wikitongues.org/videos/staha_20140303_wym/ 9 �10 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [55] Der teper cy nökwyś ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 90 Garncarz po sąsiedzku���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 90 https://wikitongues.org/videos/staha_20140304_wym/ [56] Dy mama ging ufȧ jümyt myt yns ������������������������������������������������������ 90 Mama chodziła z nami na targ���������������������������������������������������������������� 91 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221221_wym/ [57] Dy tepyn fün myta typa ufȧ jümyt������������������������������������������������������ 91 Garncarze jeździli z garnkami na targ���������������������������������������������������� 91 https://wikitongues.org/videos/staha_20140102_wym/ [58] Ymcyg diöh dy at fum kłopa��������������������������������������������������������������� 91 Przeprowadzki ze względu na pracę męża �������������������������������������������� 92 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nusa_20140102_wym/ [59] Dy rȧz uf Win���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 92 Podróż do Wiednia���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 92 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nusa_20140103_wym/ [60] Fyfikjy śtykla ufer frȧjyt���������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 Żarty podczas zalotów���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 https://wikitongues.org/videos/staha-nuska_20140103_wym-2/ [61] Mȧj wymysiöejer friöed ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 Moje wilamowskie wesele���������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120105_wym/ [62] �Wi dy dinstmiöed nöm krig cüfełik ziöet, do wer hon ȧ śwȧjn gyśłaht�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94 Jak służąca po wojnie przez przypadek się wygadała, że było u nas świniobicie������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 94 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20120105_wym/ [63] Wi dy Rüsa ynzer hyt byśosa�������������������������������������������������������������� 95 Jak „Ruscy” ostrzeliwali nasz dom�������������������������������������������������������� 95 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20120108_wym/ [64] Wi zy ȧ śwöger nöma ys lager by Doüćłand �������������������������������������� 96 Jak szwagra zabrali do obozu za Niemca ���������������������������������������������� 96 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20140102_wym/ [65] W � i ȧ bykanter fum foter yn oüsgyzidlta Wymysiöejyn hüłf (ym 1956 jür)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96 Jak znajomy ojca pomógł wysiedlonym Wilamowianom (w 1956 r.)�������� 96 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20140103_wym/ [66] Der Edward Kennedy ej gyśtiörwa���������������������������������������������������� 97 Śmierć Edwarda Kennedy’ego �������������������������������������������������������������� 97 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nusa-h%C8%A7la_20090101_wym/ �Spis treści Konceptualizacja czasu, opozycja dawniej–dziś Dy konceptuȧlizȧcyj fur cȧjt, dy opozycyj „jyśter” ȧn „hoüt”������������������ 98 [67] Dy śül fjym krig wiöe śtreng���������������������������������������������������������������� 98 Przedwojenna szkoła była rygorystyczna���������������������������������������������� 98 https://wikitongues.org/videos/ruzla_20090104_wym/ [68] Fyrym wiöd y Wymysoü dy pönyśy śpröh ȧjgyfüt���������������������������� 99 Dlaczego w Wilamowicach wprowadzono język polski������������������������ 99 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga-helka_20090101_wym/ [69] Dy baba hoüt zih ym bet�������������������������������������������������������������������� 100 Babcia czepiła się w łóżku�������������������������������������������������������������������� 100 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221203_wym/ [70] Dy bowa, wo gingja bocȧm end wymysiöeryś���������������������������������� 100 Kobiety, które do końca życia chodziły po wilamowsku �������������������� 100 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221204_wym/ [71] Ȧ bow trüg koroln fu böśtan�������������������������������������������������������������� 101 Jedna kobieta nosiła korale z bursztynu ���������������������������������������������� 101 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga_20090101_wym/ [72] Wi zih ȧ Wymysiöejeryn fjym krig zułd ocin���������������������������������� 101 Jak przedwojenne Wilamowianki się ubierały ������������������������������������ 102 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221227_wym/ [73] Wosfer hemb jyśter wün�������������������������������������������������������������������� 103 O tym, jakie dawniej były koszule ������������������������������������������������������ 103 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221228_wym/ [74] Jyśter gusa zy ym śmjyrgüst ny ȧzu wi yta�������������������������������������� 103 Kiedyś nie lali po śmierguście tak mocno jak teraz ���������������������������� 104 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221206_wym/ [75] Zy śtełta ufum dah ȧ wiöen cyzoma�������������������������������������������������� 104 Jak złożyli wóz na dachu���������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221207_wym/ [76] Ym śmjyrgüst kund’ȧ ny gejn, wi’ȧ hot ahca jür���������������������������� 104 Po śmierguście nie można było iść, jak się nie miało osiemnastu lat �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 https://wikitongues.org/videos/staha-nuska_20140104_wym-2/ [77] Jyśter wiöe łöstikjer, wer śłysa dy fadyn������������������������������������������ 105 Kiedyś było weselej, szkubałyśmy pierze�������������������������������������������� 105 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20090201_wym/ 11 �12 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [78] Fjym krig go’s ny hefa kroüt y Wymysoü���������������������������������������� 105 Przed wojną w Wilamowicach nie było dużo kapusty ������������������������ 106 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221210_wym/ [79] Dy śwoümła hon yta ny wos cy frasa������������������������������������������������ 106 Jaskółki nie mają teraz co jeść�������������������������������������������������������������� 107 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga_20090108_wym/ [80] Jyśter wiöe dy wjytśoft ganc andyśt�������������������������������������������������� 107 Kiedyś praca na gospodarstwie była całkiem inna ������������������������������ 107 https://wikitongues.org/videos/ruzla_20090105_wym/ [81] Yta ej ȧ beser cȧjt wi jyśter��������������������������������������������������������������� 107 Teraz jest lepsza pogoda niż dawniej���������������������������������������������������� 108 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120101_wym/ [82] Dy cökela fjym krig���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 108 Cukierki przed wojną���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 108 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_202212123_wym/ [83] Jyśter mahta zy cigln myta henda���������������������������������������������������� 108 Kiedyś robiono cegły ręcznie �������������������������������������������������������������� 109 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221106_wym/ [84] Wi zy s’wejtünikjy kürjyta���������������������������������������������������������������� 109 Jak leczyli bolące miejsca�������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221101_wym/ [85] Dy śłykjermyłih kürjyt ȧ brüder������������������������������������������������������ 109 Jak kwaśne mleko wyleczyło brata������������������������������������������������������ 110 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221102_wym/ [86] Kürjyn myt kwaka ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 110 Leczenie kwakami (brukwią) �������������������������������������������������������������� 110 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221109_wym/ [87] Gest fu Belgjen�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������111 Goście z Belgii���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������111 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20090104_wym/ [88] Wo wer byr müter zocta���������������������������������������������������������������������111 Co sadziliśmy u mamy �������������������������������������������������������������������������111 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221221_wym/ [89] Wos zih os bocȧ mytag ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 112 Co się jadło przed południem �������������������������������������������������������������� 112 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221211_wym/ �Spis treści [90] Fanküh gybröht ufs fȧld�������������������������������������������������������������������� 113 Jajecznica przynoszona na pole������������������������������������������������������������ 113 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HlRG3aLs2es [91] Pylyk ȧn woserpip������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 114 Polewka i woserpip (pipa na wodzie)�������������������������������������������������� 114 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120115_wym/ [92] S’Asa byr fȧldat���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 114 Jedzenie przy pracy w polu������������������������������������������������������������������ 115 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221230_wym-2/ [93] Wjyr kohta oü ćjyrkja������������������������������������������������������������������������ 116 Gotowaliśmy też zacierkę�������������������������������������������������������������������� 117 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221222_wym/ [94] Ym besta wün gywjemty arpułn ������������������������������������������������������ 117 Najlepsze były zagrzane ziemniaki������������������������������������������������������ 117 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221226_wym/ [95] Ida tag ȧ śysuł kroüt �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 117 Codziennie miska kapusty�������������������������������������������������������������������� 118 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221110_wym/ [96] S’hemb ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 118 Koszula ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 118 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221205_wym/ Wartości obowiązujące w naszym świecie Dy wata, wo zy y ynzer wełt zȧjn���������������������������������������������������������������� 119 [97] Wi zy dy ciglȧj boüta�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Jak budowano cegielnię������������������������������������������������������������������������ 119 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221105_wym/ [98] Fyrym hȧsa zy cym Taksła���������������������������������������������������������������� 119 Skąd wziął się przydomek Taksła�������������������������������������������������������� 120 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20140302_wym-2/ [99] Dy śwygjermüter kuzt jok wymysiöeryś������������������������������������������ 120 Teściowa mówiła tylko po wilamowsku���������������������������������������������� 120 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221214_wym/ [100] Wo dy mama wje ziöen, wen zy fum grop wje ufśtejn�������������������� 121 Co powiedziałaby mama, jakby wstała z grobu ���������������������������������� 121 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20090102_wym/ 13 �14 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [101] Wi kon mȧ dy müterśpröh fergasa? ������������������������������������������������ 122 Jak można zapomnieć matczyny język? ���������������������������������������������� 122 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nusa_20090104_wym/ [102] Dy Siöeboka kuzta wymysiöeryś ������������������������������������������������������ 122 Soboki mówiły po wilamowsku ���������������������������������������������������������� 123 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120106_wym/ [103] Wymysiöeryś ej ȧ śejny śpröh ���������������������������������������������������������� 123 Wilamowski to piękny język���������������������������������������������������������������� 123 https://wikitongues.org/videos/staha_20140302_wym/ [104] Dy atyn łjyn zih wymysiöeryś������������������������������������������������������������ 123 Robotnicy uczyli się wilamowskiego �������������������������������������������������� 124 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nusa_20140101_wym/ [105] Fyrym yh ho ogyfanga cy śrȧjwa wymysiöeryś ������������������������������ 125 Dlaczego zacząłem pisać po wilamowsku�������������������������������������������� 125 https://wikitongues.org/videos/juza_20120101_wym/ [106] Der foter kund ny pönyś kuza ���������������������������������������������������������� 125 Ojciec nie umiał mówić po polsku ������������������������������������������������������ 126 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20090301_wym/ [107] Ym kynd wiöe’s ny derłiöet cy kuza wymysiöeryś�������������������������� 126 Jak zabroniono dziecku mówić po wilamowsku���������������������������������� 126 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la-juza_20090301_wym/ [108] Wysty gryhta wymysiöeryś kuza?���������������������������������������������������� 127 Zaczniesz mówić po wilamowsku?������������������������������������������������������ 127 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga-helka_20090104_wym/ [109] Wi mȧ dy wymysiöejer fłȧk zo wośa ������������������������������������������������ 128 Jak prać wilamowskie stroje���������������������������������������������������������������� 128 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221228_wym/ [110] Dy kyndyn wün bejz, do wer kuzta wymysiöeryś���������������������������� 128 Dzieci były złe, jak mówiliśmy po wilamowsku���������������������������������� 128 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120110_wym/ [111] Dy müter fur nökweryn kund ny pönyś ������������������������������������������ 129 Matka sąsiadki nie umiała mówić po polsku���������������������������������������� 129 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20120106_wym/ [112] Yhy nyt śwjerery zaha������������������������������������������������������������������������ 129 Szyłam cięższe rzeczy�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 129 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221208_wym/ �Spis treści [113] Yhy nyt śejny lȧlka (tȧkla)���������������������������������������������������������������� 130 Szyłam piękne lalki������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 130 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221210_wym/ [114] Wer hota myter śwaster zyty nymłikjy rek�������������������������������������� 130 Miałyśmy z siostrą takie same spódniczki ������������������������������������������ 131 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221201_wym/ [115] Dy gywynłikja rek fur müter������������������������������������������������������������ 131 Spódnice codzienne od matki �������������������������������������������������������������� 131 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221202_wym/ [116] Wi’h wymysiöejer blüza wüś ������������������������������������������������������������ 131 Jak prałam wilamowskie bluzki ���������������������������������������������������������� 132 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221229_wym/ [117] Dy śłȧhsta rek wün płesnerrök ȧn kȧljytarök���������������������������������� 132 Najgorsze (najmniej odświętne) były spódnice płesnerrök i kȧljytarök�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 132 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga_20090103_wym/ [118] S’kroücła fur müter���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 133 Krzyżyk od matki �������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 133 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=H1FzVUccQBk [119] Ym jyśta zuntag gingja zy śyner ogycün������������������������������������������ 133 W pierwszą niedzielę miesiąca ubierały się ładniej ���������������������������� 133 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20070103_wym-2/ [120] Dy śynsty traht uf Hȧlikjałȧjtnysdunyśtag�������������������������������������� 134 Najpiękniejszy strój był na Boże Ciało������������������������������������������������ 134 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221206_wym/ [121] Mȧj koleżanka fur tancgrüp (Linküś-Ruzła)���������������������������������� 134 Moja koleżanka Linkusiowa Ruzła������������������������������������������������������ 134 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221217_wym/ [122] Ȧ müzykȧlyśy gyśwyster Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla���������������������������������� 135 Muzykalna kuzynka Hala-Mockja-Hala (Elżbieta Matysiak)�������������� 135 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20140106_wym/ [123] Wer müsta zih külȧn nöm apułzeca�������������������������������������������������� 135 Po zasadzeniu ziemniaków musieliśmy się kulać�������������������������������� 136 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221229_wym/ [124] Oły śtunda wün gycyłt cyr at������������������������������������������������������������ 136 Wszystkie godziny pracy na gospodarstwie były policzone���������������� 136 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221212_wym/ 15 �16 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [125] Wi zy dy kjywła y Błan mahta���������������������������������������������������������� 137 Jak robili kosze w Bielanach���������������������������������������������������������������� 137 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221220_wym/ [126] Dy ołda łoüt zöha jok fȧld������������������������������������������������������������������ 137 Starzy ludzie widzieli tylko pole���������������������������������������������������������� 137 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%c8%a7la_20120116_wym-2/ [127] Śwjery at ufer wjytśoft ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 138 Ciężka praca na gospodarstwie������������������������������������������������������������ 138 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221230_wym/ [128] Wi’h myta myłihzaha uf dy Byłc fü�������������������������������������������������� 139 Jak jeździłam z nabiałem do Bielska���������������������������������������������������� 139 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20090105_wym/ [129] Der gymahty traktor�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 140 Robiony traktor������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 140 https://wikitongues.org/videos/staha-nuska_20140101_wym-2/ [130] Mjyr gyfuł dy at ym gatła������������������������������������������������������������������ 140 Podobała mi się praca w ogródku (rozsadniku)������������������������������������ 141 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120111_wym/ [131] Gatła köst at���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 142 Ogródek kosztuje dużo pracy �������������������������������������������������������������� 142 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120112_wym/ [132] Wi’h wiöe jung, müst yh ata�������������������������������������������������������������� 142 Jak byłam młoda, musiałam pracować ������������������������������������������������ 142 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120114_wym/ [133] Yhy maht ołys ym fȧld ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 143 Robiłam wszystko w polu�������������������������������������������������������������������� 143 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120103_wym/ [134] Wi der foter züht ȧ gyśpon���������������������������������������������������������������� 143 Jak ojciec szukał gyśpon (kogoś do sprzęgania się) ���������������������������� 143 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120104_wym/ [135] Dy at ufer köłagrüw���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 143 Praca na kopalni������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 144 https://wikitongues.org/videos/juza_20120102_wym/ [136] Der dźjada gyt cy asa yr öema nökweryn���������������������������������������� 144 Jak dziadek dawał jeść biednej sąsiadce���������������������������������������������� 145 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221225_wym/ [137] Yhy interesjyt mih jok myt at������������������������������������������������������������ 145 Ja interesowałam się tylko pracą���������������������������������������������������������� 145 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221225_wym/ �Spis treści [138] Mjyr gyfüł inda s’handułn, ȧ ny s’fȧld �������������������������������������������� 145 Mnie podobał się zawsze handel, a nie pole���������������������������������������� 146 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20140101_wym/ [139] Der foter handułt oüz knȧht�������������������������������������������������������������� 146 Mój ojciec handlował jako kawaler������������������������������������������������������ 146 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20140105_wym/ [140] Łöstikjy gyśiht fu ȧr dinstmiöed ������������������������������������������������������ 147 Zabawna historia o służącej������������������������������������������������������������������ 147 https://wikitongues.org/videos/ruzla_20090101_wym/ [141] Łöstikjy gyśiht fum kolandgejn�������������������������������������������������������� 148 Wesoła historia o kolędzie�������������������������������������������������������������������� 148 https://wikitongues.org/videos/ruzla_20090102_wym/ [142] Yhy fiöe śun ny ym rod���������������������������������������������������������������������� 149 Już nie jeżdżę na rowerze �������������������������������������������������������������������� 149 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20120102_wym/ [143] Wi wer dy hyt mojyta������������������������������������������������������������������������ 149 Jak budowaliśmy dom�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 150 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20140104_wym/ [144] S’water śług y dy zoüł ȧn s’fad derśrok�������������������������������������������� 150 Jak piorun uderzył w słup i przestraszył konia������������������������������������ 151 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221219_wym/ [145] Yhy kund śejn zyngja������������������������������������������������������������������������ 152 Zawsze umiałam ładnie śpiewać���������������������������������������������������������� 152 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221226_wym/ [146] At ym Bibiöewjec ȧn ufer wejz���������������������������������������������������������� 153 Praca w Bibowcu i na łące�������������������������������������������������������������������� 153 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221211_wym/ [147] Wi der kłop mulk dy ki���������������������������������������������������������������������� 153 Jak mój mąż doił krowy������������������������������������������������������������������������ 154 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221218_wym/ [148] Yhy müst błȧjn byr müter ufer wjytśoft������������������������������������������ 154 Musiałam zostać przy matce na gospodarstwie������������������������������������ 154 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221219_wym/ [149] Wi wer s’fłȧś nöm śwȧjnśłahta cytȧlta �������������������������������������������� 155 Jak dzieliliśmy mięso po świniobiciu�������������������������������������������������� 155 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221223_wym/ 17 �18 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [150] Awys güt uf dy kroft �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 155 Groch dobry na siłę������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 156 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221213_wym/ [151] Jyśter zösa oły ufa śymułn ���������������������������������������������������������������� 156 Kiedyś wszyscy siedzieli na stołkach�������������������������������������������������� 156 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga-helka_20090103_wym/ [152] Wi zy dy tehtyn fur nökweryn wułda nama ufȧ Üral �������������������� 157 Jak córki sąsiadki miały zostać zabrane na Ural���������������������������������� 157 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20120102_wym/ [153] Der direktor fur śül höt Wymysiöejer mȧkja fjym Üral bywjet������ 157 Jak dyrektor szkoły obronił wilamowskie dziewczęta przed wywózką na Ural������������������������������������������������������������������������ 158 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20120104_wym/ [154] Wi zy mih ȧreśtjyta, koht dy mama kłejzła myt fłoüma���������������� 158 Jak mnie aresztowali, to mama gotowała kluski ze śliwkami�������������� 158 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20120101_wym/ [155] Wi dy Stanecka bowa y dy tancgrüp ȧjłot���������������������������������������� 159 Jak Stanecka zaprosiła kobiety do zespołu������������������������������������������ 159 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221207_wym/ [156] Wi der krig oüsbroh, hüt yh dy ki���������������������������������������������������� 160 Jak wybuchła wojna, pasłam krowy ���������������������������������������������������� 161 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221227_wym/ [157] Der gyfoła gyśwyster kymt ufȧ troüm���������������������������������������������� 161 Kuzyn, który zginął na wojnie, przyszedł na sen �������������������������������� 161 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221104_wym/ [158] Wi zy ȧ batłer ȧn ȧ mȧja śtełta���������������������������������������������������������� 162 Jak stawiali dziada i maja �������������������������������������������������������������������� 162 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221208_wym/ [159] Faderśłȧjsa������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 162 Pierzowiec ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 163 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221209_wym/ [160] Der köh ufer friöed ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 163 Kucharz na weselu�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 164 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221112_wym/ [161] Der friöedaśmjyrgüst ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 164 Śmiergust weselny�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 164 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221111_wym/ �Spis treści [162] Zy wułda yn hund ny kłengln������������������������������������������������������������ 164 Jak nie chcieli dzwonić dzwonami psom �������������������������������������������� 165 https://wikitongues.org/videos/helka_20221218_wym/ Pieśni Dy łidyn �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 166 [163] Fu ynzyn rȧjhja fȧldyn���������������������������������������������������������������������� 166 Z naszych bogatych pól ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 166 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20090101_wym/ [164] Wymysiöejer śejny mȧkja������������������������������������������������������������������ 167 Wilamowianki to piękne dziewczyny�������������������������������������������������� 168 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20090102_wym/ [165] O dü mȧj łiwy puterbow�������������������������������������������������������������������� 168 O ty kochana maślarko ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 169 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga_20090107_wym/ [166] Zȧjt gybata, ny hot frejwuł���������������������������������������������������������������� 169 Prosimy was, nie miejcie pretensji (za kolędę dziękujemy)���������������� 169 https://wikitongues.org/videos/inga_20090109_wym/ [167] Mȧj mȧkja, ku cy mjyr���������������������������������������������������������������������� 170 Moja dziewczyno, chodź do mnie�������������������������������������������������������� 170 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20070101_wym/ [168] Der ołdy Kesuł������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 170 Stary Kesuł ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 170 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20070102_wym/ [169] Ȧn śrejt weter�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 171 Jeden krok w przód������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 171 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20070103_wym/ [170] Ny śyk mih ys pyśła���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 171 Nie posyłaj mnie do lasu���������������������������������������������������������������������� 171 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20070104_wym/ [171] S’möndła śȧjnt������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 171 Księżyc świeci�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 172 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20070105_wym/ [172] Śpacerpolka���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 172 Śpacerpolka������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 172 https://wikitongues.org/videos/h%C8%A7la_20070106_wym/ [173] Śłöf mȧj kyndła fest���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 172 Śpij moje dziecko mocno �������������������������������������������������������������������� 173 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221114_wym/ 19 �20 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [174] Diöt fum hejwuł���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 173 Tam z górki ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 174 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221115_wym/ [175] Zȧgja, nȧgja���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 174 Wyliczanka „Zȧgja, nȧgja” ������������������������������������������������������������������ 174 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221116_wym/ [176] S’wün ȧmöł cwü mykja���������������������������������������������������������������������� 175 Były raz dwa komary���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 175 https://wikitongues.org/videos/nuska_20221113_wym/ ZAKOŃCZENIE ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 176 DY ENDRYD�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 178 ROZMÓWCZYNIE I ROZMÓWCY, KTÓRYCH WYPOWIEDZI ZNAJDUJĄ SIĘ W TEJ KSIĄŻCE DY KUZERYNA ȦN DY KUZYN, WO ZY Y DAM BIHŁA KUZA �������180 BIBLIOGRAFIA BIBLIOGRȦFYJ ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 185 TEMATYCZNY SPIS TREŚCI TEMATYŚER RȦJSTER ���������������������������������������������������������������������� 189 �WPROWADZENIE – JĘZYK WILAMOWSKI JAKO JĘZYK GINĄCY Spośród około 6 tysięcy języków, którymi mówi się obecnie na świecie, większość używana jest przez niewielkie społeczności (Crystal 2000; Dołowy-Rybińska 2011: 13). Również w Europie występują języki, którymi posługują się nieliczne osoby. Języki te są zagrożone wymarciem, zwłaszcza gdy pozbawione są oficjalnego wsparcia państw narodowych. Do tej grupy należy język wilamowski, którego używanie zostało zabronione w 1945 r. przez przedstawicieli władz lokalnych, w większości wywodzących się z okolicznych miejscowości. Zakaz ten nie był jednak jedynym powodem, dla którego Wilamowianie przestali mówić do swoich dzieci w ojczystym języku. Po wojnie wilamowskość naznaczono piętnem, z perspektywy grupy dominującej (Polaków) język wilamowski przez długie lata uznawany był za dziwny, śmieszny, niewart uwagi. Takie negatywne ideologie i postawy językowe wymierzone przeciw językom mniejszościowym „powodują, że ludzie odrzucają swój język, nie przekazują go dzieciom, nie chcąc narażać ich na upokorzenia i trudności życiowe” (Dołowy-Rybińska 2011: 19). Mimo to język wilamowski do dzisiaj pozostaje ważny dla tożsamości dużej części Wilamowian. Świadczą o tym liczne wydarzenia organizowane przez Stowarzyszenie na rzecz Zachowania Dziedzictwa Kulturowego Miasta Wilamowice „Wilamowianie” we współpracy z Centrum Zaangażowanych Badań nad Ciągłością Kulturową Wydziału „Artes Liberales” Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, w których odgrywa on ważną rolę (por. Król, Olko, Wicherkiewicz 2017). Młodzi Wilamowianie – new speakerzy1 używają tego języka w rozmowach między sobą, także tych prowadzonych za pomocą internetowych komunikatorów. Większość Wilamowian, choć sama w języku wilamowskim już nie mówi, świadoma jest represji, jakie spotykały ich przodków z powodu używania swojego języka, i porusza ten temat podczas rozmów w gronie rodziny i przyjaciół (por. Neels 2012). Język wilamowski został zarejestrowany przez Bibliotekę Kongresu USA i otrzymał kod ISO 639-3 „wym”, uwzględniony został także w Atlasie zagrożonych języków Świata (Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger) UNESCO. Od 2013 r. podejmowane sa działania mające na celu prawne uznanie języka wilamowskiego za język regionalny w Polsce. 1 Osoby, które tego języka nauczyły się nie w domu, ale np. dzięki działaniom rewitalizacyjnym. �Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian 22 Równolegle do działań rewitalizacyjnych i aktywistycznych prowadzone są badania naukowe. W ostatnich dwóch dekadach powstały prace językoznawcze (Andrason, Król 2016; Żak 2017), w tym socjolingwistyczne (Wicherkiewicz 2001; Neels 2012; Wicherkiewicz, Szlachta-Ignatowicz 2019; Borges, Król 2019; Chromik 2019) traktujące o zmianie językowej, kontakcie językowym czy o rewitalizacji2. Dzięki rewitalizacji pojawili się nowi mówcy o zróżnicowanych kompetencjach językowych. To głównie oni tworzą dziś wspólnotę mówiących językiem wilamowskim. Również ich idiolekty mogą być ciekawym obiektem badań (por. Borges 2019). Rewitalizacja językowa jest procesem dynamicznym i płynnym, którego cele zmieniają się w zależności od aktualnej wiedzy oraz sytuacji danej społeczności. Jednak podstawową motywacją, wspólną dla większości aktywistów na rzecz rewitalizacji językowej, jest chęć kultywowania dziedzictwa swoich przodków (Grenoble 2021: 11), stąd kluczowa jest jego dokumentacja. Wiele języków nie zostało udokumentowanych i nie został po nich do dzisiaj żaden ślad (Ahearn 2013: 237). Niestety pandemia COVID-19, a także upływ czasu spowodowały, że w trzeciej dekadzie XXI w. pozostało przy życiu mniej niż dziesięć native speakerek płynnie mówiących w wymysiöeryś3. Dlatego też w ramach programu „Language Revitalization Accelerator”, finansowanego przez organizację Wikitongues, zajmującą się wspieraniem dokumentacji i rewitalizacji językowej, powstał projekt „Reawakening the Wymysorys language in Wilamowice, Poland”. Jego efektem jest 50 godzin nagrań, tym razem w wersji wideo, z dwiema aktywnymi do dziś native speakerkami – Heleną Bibową fum Płaćnik (ur. 1922) i Anną Foksową (Foxową) fum Lüft (ur. 1927). Celem niniejszej publikacji jest zaprezentowanie zróżnicowanego materiału dokumentującego język wilamowski. Stanowiły go nagrania wideo – ze względu na charakter projektu, który zakłada umieszczenie na stronie Wikitongues filmów dostępnych dla odbiorców dzięki zeskanowaniu kodu QR. Starałem się, by były one jak najbardziej różnorodne zarówno jeśli chodzi o liczbę opowiadających, tematykę, jak i czas powstania materiału, choć w przypadku języka o tak małej liczbie jego użytkowników nie było to proste zadanie. Jak pisała amerykańska antropolożka lingwistyczna Laura M. Ahearn, „Próby przechowania całego korpusu sztuki słowa zagrożonych języków są teoretycznie nierealne, nawet przy zastosowaniu współczesnych technologii, takich jak wideo, skoro bowiem znika język, znikają również praktyki językowe swoiste dla użytkowników tego języka” (2013: 242). Języki nie mogą bowiem istnieć bez ludzi, którzy ich używają (Crystal 2000: 1). Mam jednak nadzieję, że oprócz dokumentacji, która zawsze jest niedoskonała, publikacja ta wpłynie pozytywnie na żywotność języka wilamowskiego, zapewniając dodatkowy matePełna bibliografia prac o Wilamowicach z lat 2000–2020 w: Król, Mętrak, Żak 2020, prace do roku 2000 i uzupełnienia z lat 2020–2022, w: Król, Mętrak, Żak 2022. Na szczególną uwagę zasługują teksty Alexa Andrasona. 3 „Wymysiöeryś” to określenie języka wilamowskiego w tym języku. 2 �Wprowadzenie – język wilamowski jako język ginący riał w tym języku dla new speakerów. Historie, opowiadania podawane drogą ustną były i są do dzisiaj nie tylko jednym ze środków przekazywania języka, ale również wzmagają poczucie łączności z grupą i chęć podzielania jej światopoglądu (Grenoble 2021: 11–12). Istotne będzie również wzmocnienie obecności mowy wilamowskiej w Internecie, gdyż jest ona kluczowa dla zmiany negatywnych postaw wobec języka. Dokumentacja języka wilamowskiego z perspektywy autobiograficznej Historia pierwszych opracowań mających na celu dokumentację języka wilamowskiego sięga jeszcze okresu międzywojennego. Wymienić tu należy gramatykę autorstwa Adama Kleczkowskiego (1920, 1921) czy monumentalny słownik Hermanna Mojmira (1930–1936). Nie brakowało również opracowań amatorskich, jak słownik i gramatyka w monografii Józefa Latosińskiego (1909) czy folklorystyczne opracowanie Ludwika Młynka (1907). Jak już wspomniałem, w XXI w. powstały również liczne prace językoznawcze, które dostępne są szerszemu gronu. Celem tej publikacji nie jest ich zreferowanie, ale udostępnienie tych materiałów, do których większość zainteresowanych nie ma dostępu. Jednym z celów mojej pracy – nie tylko tej książki, ale moich działań w ogóle – jest oddanie głosu członkom grupy, która do tej pory była w dyskursie publicznym marginalizowana. Zdaniem Stacy Holman Jones4 (2014: 210–211) pisząc tekst autoetnograficzny, badacz powinien przetransformować w swojej pracy to, co osobiste w to, co polityczne. Już sama rejestracja i dokumentacja tych relacji w celu uchronienia ich od zapomnienia jest działaniem politycznym (Connerton 2012: 59). Dlatego też jako inicjator stworzenia tego największego korpusu nagrań rozmów w języku wilamowskim uznałem, że istotne dla zrozumienia tego, w jaki sposób powstawał i się rozwijał, będzie wprowadzenie z perspektywy autobiograficznej. Od urodzenia w 1993 r. mieszkałem w Wilamowicach (moi rodzice przeprowadzili się tu siedem lat wcześniej). Do dziś pamiętam dzień, w którym uświadomiłem sobie, jak bardzo niezwykłą sytuacją jest używanie odrębnego języka w jednym małym miasteczku. Wcześniej wydawało mi się, że skoro w Wilamowicach mamy język wilamowski, to w Dankowicach będzie dankowski, w Hecznarowicach – hecznarowski itd. Mogłem mieć wtedy około 5 lat, od razu jednak zdałem sobie sprawę, że językiem wilamowskim poza moją przyszywaną wilamowską Babcią (Heleną Rozner fum Böba-Loüzkja) mówi bardzo mało osób. Kiedy mniej więcej dwa lata później Babcia, z którą w dzieciństwie spędzałem wiele czasu, powiedziała, że język wilamowski wkrótce wyginie, bo nikt nim nie mówi, ogarnął mnie niepokój. Niedługo później, bo w 2001 r., wydana została interdyscyplinarna monografia gminy Wilamowice pod redakcją Antoniego Barciaka (2001). 4 Australijska badaczka, pionierka podejścia autoetnograficznego. 23 �24 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Kiedy o niej usłyszałem, od razu chciałem ją mieć, co też wkrótce się wydarzyło, bo kupili ją zarówno moi rodzice, jak i Babcia. Pamiętam papier, w jaki zapakowane były oba egzemplarze. Pomyślałem, że na pewno w tej książce będzie udokumentowany cały język wilamowski, jednak kiedy ją otworzyłem (i przeczytałem całe 750 stron od deski do deski), okazało się, że nie ma ona charakteru dokumentacyjnego, a raczej jest to zbiór mniej lub bardziej powiązanych ze sobą rozdziałów (wielu bardzo wartościowych). Po lekturze szczególnie utkwiły mi w pamięci słowa Tomasza Wicherkiewicza, który napisał, że całkowite wymarcie języka wilamowskiego „stanie się faktem zapewne jeszcze w pierwszej dekadzie nowego stulecia” (Wicherkiewicz, Zieniukowa 2001: 498). To wtedy zapragnąłem udowodnić, że się one nie spełnią: nie chodziło mi o ambicje osobiste, ale o uratowanie mojego języka od śmierci. Tak, określenie „śmierć języka” dobrze oddaje moje ówczesne odczucia i do dzisiaj nie umiem znaleźć lepszego słowa. Bez wątpienia jest to przykład stosowanego przez aktywistów i naukowców zajmujących się językami ginącymi na całym świecie dyskursu zagrożenia (Dołowy-Rybińska 2017: 481–486) i właśnie poczucie zagrożenia towarzyszy mi od tego czasu nieprzerwanie, z mniejszym lub większym natężeniem. Od razu pomyślałem, że należy działać, i poczułem, że to na mnie spoczywa odpowiedzialność za przyszłość języka wilamowskiego. Dlatego chciałem go dokładnie udokumentować. Kupiłem niebieski zeszyt i zacząłem spisywać słówka, które znałem, a o te trudniejsze wypytywałem Babcię. Ku mojemu przerażeniu okazało się, że zapisane słówka trudno odczytać, jeśli nie jest się zanurzonym w języku wilamowskim. Wtedy wpadłem na pomysł, że najlepiej będzie moje rozmowy z Babcią nagrywać. Na Wielkanoc 2004 r. dostałem od rodziców pierwszy dyktafon. To na nim przeprowadzałem swoje pierwsze nagrania. Babcia śpiewała mi piosenki, mówiła przysłowia czy wierszyki, dyktowała pojedyncze słówka. Pewnego dnia poszliśmy do przyjaciółki Babci – Ingi Matzner, która nie tylko świetnie mówiła po wilamowsku (do końca życia był on dla niej językiem prymarnym), ale także była niezwykle świadoma językowo. To ona tłumaczyła mi, dlaczego, jej zdaniem, neologizmy powinno się tworzyć na podstawie zapożyczeń z niemieckiego, i usiłowała wyplenić polonizmy z idiolektów mojej Babci i mojego. Robiła to jednak bardzo kulturalnie, by nie zrazić mnie, dziecka, do używania wilamowskiego. Przyszłość jej matczynego języka5 leżała jej na sercu, podobnie jak większości moich rozmówców, nawet jeśli reprezentowali oni różne ideologie i postawy językowe. 5 Choć jej matka Ewa Matzner pochodziła z Kamienicy (niem. Kamitz), gdzie używano dialektu języka niemieckiego, Inga rozmawiała z nią po wilamowsku, gdyż ta jako młoda osoba przybyła do Wilamowic, gdzie później urodziła się jej córka. Ewa Matzner była prawdopodobnie ostatnią użytkowniczką języka wilamowskiego, która nie nauczyła się nigdy języka polskiego. Zmarła w 1981 r. w wieku 90 lat. �Wprowadzenie – język wilamowski jako język ginący Inga opowiadała mi różne historie, opowieści o utopcach, śpiewała mi pieśni, również te, które sama ułożyła lub przetłumaczyła z języka niemieckiego. Pamiętam, jak bardzo emocjonujące było dla mnie zapisywanie nieznanych dotąd utworów. Nieznanych mi, to znaczy nieopublikowanych wcześniej w zbiorach pieśni Władysława Dybczyńskiego (2002) i Józefa Gary (2004). Miałem wrażenie, że robię coś niezwykle ważnego, ratuję coś od zapomnienia. Wkrótce do grona nagrywanych dołączyły kolejne koleżanki Babci, a także moje sąsiadki, które przychodziły do kapliczki stojącej obok mojego domu śpiewać pieśni maryjne. Po każdej modlitwie zostawały dłużej i rozmawiały po wilamowsku, a ja nagrywałem śpiewane przez nie pieśni, opowieści i przysłowia. I tak metodą kuli śnieżnej w 2009 r. grupa nagrywanych rozrosła się do około osiemdziesięciu osób (ich nazwiska zostały wymienione w zakończeniu). Wśród nich było wiele ważnych postaci, ale chciałbym tu wyróżnić Józefa Garę fum Tołer, wilamowskiego poetę, który również sam dokumentował język wilamowski. Jest on autorem zbiorów wierszy, pieśni, słowników (w tym Wikisłownika), do swoich publikacji wykonywał także nagrania (Gara 2004; Gara 2007). Stworzył również własny system zapisu. Wróćmy do prowadzonej przeze mnie dokumentacji. Miała ona charakter nie tyle dokumentacji językowej, co etnografii ratującej (Zhelyazkova 2003): chciałem zachować nie tylko język, ale jak najwięcej wiedzy Wilamowian. Tej dotyczącej lokalnej historii, tradycji, zwyczajów, strojów, a także postaw i ideologii językowych. W ramach tego wieloletniego, bo trwającego w latach 2004–2022, działania powstało ponad 2 tysiące godzin nagrań, głównie audio. Materiały te, choć we fragmentach opracowywane i publikowane przeze mnie jako cytaty w pracach naukowych i popularnonaukowych, a także udostępniane w innych projektach6, pozostają w większości niedostępne dla szerszego grona odbiorców. Charakterystyka publikowanego materiału i struktura jego prezentacji Trzonem tej książki jest 176 wypowiedzi Wilamowianek i Wilamowian w języku wilamowskim, których zapis wideo trwa łącznie około 3,5 godziny. Nagrania oraz ich tłumaczenie na język angielski dostępne są na stronie wikitongues.com, dzięki czemu mogą trafić do grona międzynarodowego. Część z nich powstała na potrzeby tego projektu w roku 2022, a inne zostały wybrane z materiału zgromadzonego w ramach innych projektów (ich spis znajduje się w zakończeniu). Wiele nagrań języka wilamowskiego udostępnionych zostało na stronie projektu „Dziedzictwo językowe Rzeczypospolitej”, http://www.inne-jezyki.amu.edu.pl/Frontend/ [dostęp: 1.10.2022]. 6 25 �Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian 26 Zebrany materiał prezentuję w formie transkrypcji oraz tłumaczenia na język polski. Poszczególnych wypowiedzi nie komentuję, jak to przeważnie bywa w monografiach antropologicznych. Nie można tu jednak mówić o neutralnej prezentacji, gdyż sam wybór tekstów oraz ich uporządkowanie już jest interpretacją (por. Clifford 2000: 59). Formę interpretacji ma również tłumaczenie. Wybór ten tym bardziej nie jest reprezentatywny, ponieważ dotyczy jedynie nagrań wideo, które stanowią niewielką część całego zarejestrowanego korpusu. Nie bez znaczenia jest również moja pozycja jako aktywisty i badacza insidera, którą opisałem w poprzednim podrozdziale. Podobnie więc jak w przypadku innych publikacji prezentujących „surowy” materiał, to ja jestem autorem tego wyboru, który podporządkowany był moim przekonaniom (por. Burszta, Grębecka 2015: 9). Podstawowym kryterium wyboru był język tekstu (język wilamowski, a nie kod mieszany z polskim lub niemieckim), treść, która nie wymagała anonimizacji, a także przydatność do celów edukacyjnych – nauki języka wilamowskiego oraz poznania obrazu historii Wilamowian dzielonego przez moje rozmówczynie. Rozmówczyniami i rozmówcami były osoby w różnym wieku, pochodzące z różnych warstw społecznych, o zróżnicowanych biografiach językowych7: niektóre chodziły do szkoły niemieckiej, inne zakończyły edukację w polskiej szkole przedwojennej (te urodzone przed 1927 r.). Są osoby, które musiały z Wilamowic wyemigrować, i takie, które spędziły w swoim rodzinnym miasteczku całe życie. Niektóre przeżyły aresztowania, wywózki do obozów, wysiedlenie z własnego domu na kilkanaście lat, innym udało się uniknąć tych form represji. Te wydarzenia wpłynęły zapewne na idiolekty poszczególnych osób. Założeniem był wybór materiału, w którym narratorzy mówią wyłącznie po wilamowsku, jednak w prezentowanych tekstach można zauważyć liczne interferencje – wyrazy czy całe określenia z języka polskiego lub niemieckiego. Cztery osoby – Elżbieta Gandor (Puś-Pejter), Józef Gara (Tołer), Elżbieta Kacorzyk (Bek-Bȧlcer) i Anna Zejma (Lüft) – urodziły się i całe życie mieszkały w dzielnicy Pod Lasem, o której mówiono, że cechuje ją inny dialekt języka wilamowskiego (por. Król 2015). Jakość nagrań jest też wystarczająca dla większości typów badań lingwistycznych. Możliwość odsłuchania nagrania umożliwia analizę oryginalnego materiału, a nie transkrypcji, jak to często bywa z udostępnianymi materiałami wilamowskojęzycznymi. Publikowane transkrypcje stanowią również ciekawy materiał dla socjolingwistek i socjolingwistów, gdyż na podstawie wielu wypowiedzi, które prezentują, można badać ideologie i postawy językowe. Etnolożki i etnolodzy mogą znaleźć w tym materiale wiele informacji na temat tożsamości Wilamowian, ról gendePojęcie „biografia językowa” rozumiem za Anną Zielińską jako „historię przyswajania i używania języków w ciągu całego życia człowieka, uwzględniającą po kolei fazy jego życia (dzieciństwo, młodość, wiek dojrzały, starość) oraz wydarzenia, które wpłynęły na zmianę języka w rodzinie” (Zielińska 2013: 68). 7 �Wprowadzenie – język wilamowski jako język ginący rowych czy obrazu innych społeczności żyjących obok Wilamowian. Zawiera on również liczne informacje przybliżające tematy będące tradycyjnie przedmiotem etnografii, takie jak obrzędowość doroczna i rodzinna, dawne budownictwo czy używane sprzęty i formy gospodarowania. W zgromadzonym materiale znajdują się zarówno teksty folkloru, które funkcjonują bądź funkcjonowały dawniej w obiegu społecznym, jak i wypowiedzi o charakterze indywidualnym, wywołane podczas wywiadu. Zebrane opowieści są zróżnicowane tematycznie. Jednak zarówno opowieści wspomnieniowe o wojnie i powojennych prześladowaniach, te o pracy w polu, jak i te humorystyczne łączy wspólny obraz świata. Językowy obraz świata definiuję za Jerzym Bartmińskim jako „zawartą w języku, różnie zwerbalizowaną interpretację rzeczywistości dającą się ująć w postaci zespołu sądów o świecie” (2007: 12). Jak pisała Katarzyna Marcol, „Reprodukowanie (powtarzalność) tekstów na poziomie określonych form czy struktur znaczeniowych świadczy o ich zadomowieniu się w świadomości wspólnoty, a zatem w tekstach folkloru ujawniają się sądy o świecie, wśród których są także wyobrażenia o przeszłości” (2020: 62). Jednak owe „sądy o świecie” obecne są nie tylko w tradycyjnie rozumianych tekstach folkloru. W zebranym materiale obok tych pierwszych znajdują się również te wywołane podczas wywiadów, mające charakter indywidualnych wspomnień. Również i w nich dostrzec można powtarzalne elementy świadczące o stałości obrazu świata członków wilamowskojęzycznej wspólnoty komunikacyjnej. Korzystając z typologii problemów badawczych służącej do analizy językowego obrazu świata zaproponowanej przez Bartmińskiego (2007: 20–21), podzieliłem zebrane teksty na następujące rozdziały: 1) �Opozycja swoi–obcy, czyli autostereotypy i heterostereotypy: w tym rozdziale znalazły się opowieści o tym, co różni Wilamowian od ich sąsiadów – Polaków i Niemców, o kontaktach z tymi grupami, a także o tym, co narratorzy uznali za typowe dla Wilamowian. 2) �Konceptualizacja przestrzeni i „naszego” miejsca w świecie: opowieści o różnych miejscach, zarówno tych znanych, bezpiecznych, jak i nieznanych, niepewnych. 3) �Konceptualizacja czasu, opozycja dawniej–dziś: są to opowieści o tym, co było dawniej, i jak zmieniało się życie społeczności do czasów współczesnych. Najczęściej opowieści te cechuje nostalgia za młodością i za tym, co minęło. 4) �Wartości obowiązujące w „naszym” świecie: etos pracy (zarówno gospodarzy, jak i handlarzy), sposób spędzania czasu wolnego, świętowania, prawidłowe (z perspektywy narratorów) postawy i decyzje podejmowane w życiu. 5) �Pieśni, które do dzisiaj stanowią ważny element repertuaru Wilamowian (por. Małanicz-Przybylska 2019). Teksty zostały pogrupowane w sposób elastyczny – wiele z nich można by przydzielić do kilku grup. Decyzja o przypisaniu danego tekstu do konkretnej grupy opierała się na moim długoletnim zanurzeniu w terenie. 27 �28 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Na końcu książki znajduje się również tematyczny spis treści, podzielony na następujące części: Wilamowice i Wilamowianie: opowieści związane z mitem pochodzenia Wilamowian, a także teoriami pochodzenia przydomków czy nazw miejscowych. Znalazły się tu również opowieści o życiu codziennym w Wilamowicach, np. o przedwojennej szkole czy budowie cegielni, a także o antagonizmach między Wilamowianami a Polakami czy Hałcnowianami, szczególnie w kontekście endogamii, czyli zawierania małżeństw w obrębie jednej społeczności. Język wilamowski: są tu opowieści, w których największą rolę odgrywa język wilamowski, np. mało znane historie członków społeczności, którzy nie potrafili mówić w innym języku, a także osób z zewnątrz, które z różnych powodów nauczyły się języka wilamowskiego – służących czy osób, które weszły w społeczność wilamowską poprzez małżeństwo. Ważnym elementem są też opowieści o prześladowaniach Wilamowian za używanie swojego języka w okresie powojennym, a także o negatywnych postawach mieszkańców okolicznych wsi, którzy wyśmiewali Wilamowian mówiących w swoim języku. Wśród opowieści o języku wilamowskim są zarówno historie dotyczące dawnych czasów, jak i refleksje na temat współczesnej sytuacji tego języka. To w nich szczególnie widoczne są ideologie i postawy Wilamowian wobec mowy wilamowskiej, a także innych języków. Stroje wilamowskie: opowieści o strojach wilamowskich, wyglądzie poszczególnych ich elementów, a także zmianach, które je dotknęły, zawierające nieraz ich ocenę z perspektywy narratorek. Można w nich dostrzec również rozmaite ideologie i postawy dotyczące stroju: zarówno jego wyglądu, jak i znaczenia dla wilamowskiej tożsamości. Znajdują się tu również informacje praktyczne, np. dotyczące prania czy szycia poszczególnych elementów, a także tego, jak wyglądały stroje na różne okazje. Tradycje: opowieści o tym, jak obchodzono dawniej wesele czy śmiergust8, a także opisujące zabawy towarzyszące „pierzowcom”, czyli skubaniu pierza. Zawierają one również mnóstwo szczegółów dotyczących tego, jak się ubierano i co jedzono przy tych okazjach. W opowieściach o wyjazdach na odpusty w okolicznych miejscowościach widoczne są też postawy wobec ich polskoi niemieckojęzycznych mieszkańców. Znalazła się tu także jedna opowieść dotyczącego świętowania Sukkot przez wilamowskich Żydów. Pieśni: Wybór pieśni wilamowskich wykonywanych przez Wilamowianki, a także komentarze do nich. Oczywiście nie jest to pełen katalog tych utworów, a te, które znalazły się w tym zbiorze, często mają więcej zwrotek, niż przedstawiono. Dzięki nagraniom wideo, dostępnym na stronie Wikitongues, moż8 Obrzęd wielkanocny polegający na odwiedzaniu dziewcząt przez kawalerów w celu polania ich, po to by otrzymać napitek i poczęstunek. �Wprowadzenie – język wilamowski jako język ginący na zobaczyć śpiewaczki oraz posłuchać pieśni, wykonywanych niekiedy z akompaniamentem (gra znany wilamowski akordeonista Jan Rozner). Są to natomiast praktyczne wykonania, które można porównać do tych „ustandaryzowanych”, zawartych w zbiorach tekstów (Król 2019a; Król 2019b; Król 2021). Jak wszystkie teksty folkloru pieśni cechuje bowiem wariantywność – wersje prezentowane w tej książce mogą więc różnić się od tych opublikowanych wcześniej. Gospodarstwo: historie o pracy na roli, a także przemianach, jakie dotknęły wilamowskie gospodarstwa za pamięci moich rozmówczyń i rozmówców. Oprócz opisów tego, co i w jaki sposób uprawiano, dotyczą one również pracy i życia służących, tradycji związanych z rolnictwem, a także poświęcenia się uprawie ziemi, nieraz kosztem innych planów. Są to wątki typowe dla wilamowskiego folkloru, obecne w wielu opowieściach narratorów pochodzących z rodzin gospodarskich. Straszydła: opowieści o tym, co Wilamowianki i Wilamowian straszyło. Niektóre z nich mówią o demonach, jak chłopiec z czerwonym kapelusikiem. Inne, przekazane w konwencji humorystycznej, wyśmiewają osoby, które „nabrały się” na istnienie tych demonów. Rękodzieło i handel: opowieści o Wilamowiankach i Wilamowianach, dla których to nie praca w polu była głównym źródłem utrzymania. Byli to rękodzielnicy, tacy jak garncarze, tkacze i kowale, którzy swego fachu uczyli się w Wiedniu. Znajdują się tu także opowieści o handlarzach, często humorystyczne. Zamiłowanie do handlu do dziś jest jednym z często przywoływanych atrybutów wilamowskiej odmienności. Jedzenie: opowieści o tym, co, o jakich porach i jak jedzono, w jaki sposób przynoszono jedzenie do pracy w polu, a także co przy jedzeniu mówiono. Znajdują się tu również przepisy potraw oraz dokładne opisy ich smaku. Ważne miejsce wśród nich zajmuje śüsterpop, nazywana jajecznicą po wilamowsku. Ważne wydarzenia historyczne: opowieści dotyczące ważnych wydarzeń z przeszłości Wilamowic, często przekazywane w konwencji memoratu: o początku drugiej wojny światowej, wojnie, powojennych wywózkach, wysiedleniach, aresztowaniach i represjach Wilamowianek i Wilamowian. Znajdują się tu komentarze dotyczące zarówno historii ogólnej, jak i lokalnej (np. założenia Regionalnego Zespołu Pieśni i Tańca „Wilamowice”). Opowieści z życia: opowieści, których nie udało mi się zakwalifikować do innych kategorii. Dotyczą one spraw z życia codziennego: jazdy na rowerze, wspomnień zabaw z dzieciństwa, nauki pływania, pracy w kopalni. Wiele z nich opowiada o konkretnych osobach: krewnych czy sąsiadach. Dużą część stanowią te dotyczące chorób i ich leczenia, a także opowiadania humorystyczne. 29 �Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian 30 Transkrypcję w języku wilamowskim starałem się tworzyć jak najwierniej, zgodnie ze współczesną ortografią języka wilamowskiego. Pierwsze zapisy języka wilamowskiego pochodzą z I połowy XIX w., jednak dopiero w XX w. pojawiły się próby stworzenia spójnego systemu zapisu. W 1907 r. podjął się tego polski ludoznawca Ludwik Młynek w swojej broszurze Narzecze wilamowickie (Młynek 1907). W 1909 r. słownik języka wilamowskiego korzystający z autorskiej ortografii opracował miejscowy nauczyciel Józef Latosiński. Własny system zapisu oparty na alfabecie polskim stworzył na przełomie XIX i XX w. wilamowski pisarz Florian Biesik. Pisownię opartą na transkrypcji fonetycznej stosowali Adam Kleczkowski (1920, 1921), Hermann Mojmir (1930, 1936) i Heinrich Anders (1933). Na początku XXI w. własną ortografię stworzył wilamowski poeta Józef Gara, który bazował na polskim alfabecie, uzupełnionym o dodatkowe znaki diakrytyczne (umlauty) oraz dwuznak „ao”, mający oznaczać „a” pochylone. Wspomniane systemy ortograficzne z różnych powodów się nie przyjęły. Niektóre były zbyt skomplikowane, w przypadku innych sami ich autorzy nie stosowali postulowanych przez siebie zasad konsekwentnie (por. Wicherkiewicz 2001). U progu drugiej dekady XXI w. pojawiła się potrzeba stworzenia współczesnej pisowni języka wilamowskiego związana z działalnością Stowarzyszenia na rzecz Zachowania Dziedzictwa Kulturowego Miasta Wilamowice „Wilamowianie”. Jako jeden z działaczy stworzyłem taką pisownię opierającą się na ortografii polskiej, zawierającą 33 grafemy proste. Ȧȧ Ii Pp Zz Aa Jj Rr Źź Bb Kk Ss Żż Cc Ll Śś Ćć Łł Tt Dd Mm Uu Ee Nn Üü Ff Ńń Ww Gg Oo Xx Hh Öö Yy A także digrafy (np. dź, dż, ng, iö, oü, öe) i trigraf (iöe). Pisownia ta nawiązuje do pisowni Gary oraz do tej stosowanej w słowniku Mojmira, ale jest w stosunku do nich bardzo uproszczona – w ograniczony sposób oddaje bogactwo wilamowskiej fonetyki. Spełnia jednak swoje zadanie, którym jest podtrzymywanie żywotności języka wilamowskiego – została przyjęta przez starszych użytkowników, sprawdza się w nauczaniu języka wilamowskiego i używana jest przez niemal wszystkich naukowców zajmujących się współcześnie tym językiem. W 2012 r. zostały na nią przetransliterowane najważniejsze dzieła literatury wilamowskiej9. Zastosowano ją w publikacji A grammar of Wymysorys (Andrason, Król 2016), a także w słowniku języka 9 Są one dostępne na stronie projektu „Dziedzictwo językowe Rzeczypospolitej”, http:// www.inne-jezyki.amu.edu.pl. �Wprowadzenie – język wilamowski jako język ginący wilamowskiego mojego autorstwa, zawierającym blisko 10 tysięcy wyrazów. Dziś jest ona jedyną używaną pisownią tego języka. Język wilamowski pod względem standaryzacji i kodyfikacji jest więc w nieco innej sytuacji niż wiele innych małych języków, w przypadku których na temat wyboru pisowni prowadzone są ożywione dyskusje. Jeśli któraś forma gramatyczna czy słowo odbiegało od postaci standardowej10, umieszczałem po tym wyrażeniu formę standardową w kwadratowym nawiasie. Dodatkowe wyjaśnienia czy dopowiedzenia umieściłem w nawiasach zwykłych. Tłumaczenie na język polski starałem się również robić jak najdokładniej, ale dla komfortu czytelnika pominąłem niektóre powtórzenia czy przejęzyczenia. Dociekliwi mogą skorzystać z wilamowskiej transkrypcji oraz z filmów dostępnych na stronie Wikitongues. Celem tej publikacji jest upowszechnienie materiałów zebranych podczas dokumentacji języka wilamowskiego zarówno wśród naukowców, pasjonatów wielojęzyczności, jak i samych Wilamowian, chcących pogłębiać swoją znajomość języka wilamowskiego. Opowieści Wilamowian jako folklor ustny Prowadzone przeze mnie badania terenowe miały charakter klasycznych badań etnograficznych, składały się więc z obserwacji i wywiadu. Jednym z ich celów było zebranie pieśni, wierszy i przysłów w języku wilamowskim. Duża ich część była już publikowana (Król 2019b; Król 2021), przy czym często przygotowując te utwory do druku, porównywano je do znajdujących się w archiwach materiałów zebranych przed 1945 r. przez niemieckich badaczy Karla Horaka i Alfreda Karaska (Król 2019a). Niektóre z tych utworów, w wersji przekazanej przez moich rozmówców, zostały także umieszczone w tej książce. Opowieści Wilamowian natomiast nie były do tej pory obiektem badań folklorystów, z nielicznymi wyjątkami. Polski zbieracz folkloru Ludwik Młynek opublikował w swojej broszurze kilkanaście przysłów i opowiadań Wilamowian (1907), natomiast w przedwojennym zbiorze Podania Niemców Beskidzkich wspomniany już niemiecki badacz Alfred Karasek zamieścił 61 opowiadań z Wilamowic (Karasek, Strzygowski 1930). Choć badania prowadzone w Wilamowicach w ostatnich dwóch dekadach nigdy nie były zorientowane na gromadzenie materiału folklorystycznego, ich efektem jest zebranie licznych tekstów, które można by uznać za folklorystyczne. Zdaniem Piotra Grochowskiego cechą narracji o charakterze folklorystycznym jest to, że „przybierają one [teksty o charakterze folklorystycznym] postać względnie ustabilizowanych tekstów odwołujących się do określonych formuł 10 Chodzi o formy odbiegające od norm opisanych w Słowniku języka wilamowskiego (Król 2020). 31 �32 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian poznawczych i stereotypów, które zarazem funkcjonują w żywych, interaktywnych sytuacjach komunikacyjnych” (Grochowski 2017: 239). Takie sytuacje wykonawczo-odbiorcze są charakterystyczne dla folkloru i „konstytuują zarazem wspólnoty interpretacyjne, które w toku wymiany informacji, poglądów i ocen negocjują i wypracowują, a następnie utrwalają i rozpowszechniają określone wzorce rozumienia rzeczywistości oraz adekwatne do nich zasady działania” (Grochowski 2017: 239). Należy pamiętać, że sytuacją folklorotwórczą może być nie tylko spotkanie na weselu czy w karczmie, ale także wywiad antropologiczny czy socjolingwistyczny. Parafrazując słowa Jędrzeja Burszty i Zuzanny Grębeckiej, można powiedzieć, że „Sytuacja wywiadu etnograficznego staje się przeto po części uczestnictwem w procesie przypominania, odtwarzania pamięci o przeszłości miasta, z jednej strony w teraźniejszości Wilamowic, która stanowi zawsze punkt wyjścia rozmowy, a z drugiej nieodmiennie naznaczonym urywkowością, niekompletnością czy też po prostu niekompatybilnością tego, co umyka pamięci” (2015: 10). Wiele z opowieści zebranych podczas wywiadu etnograficznego pełnych jest powtarzalnych i społecznie usankcjonowanych elementów, którym folkloryści mogą się przyjrzeć, analizując teksty mówione, wykonywane w sytuacji naturalnej dla członków danej wspólnoty (Grochowski 2019: 14). Według pochodzącego ze Śląska Cieszyńskiego folklorysty Jana Kajfosza: Zadomowienie się tekstu w świadomości sprowadza się do jego bardziej lub mniej dokładnego reprodukowania, czyli do powtarzania określonych form czy struktur znaczeniowych, co przekłada się na jego konwencjonalny i w miarę systematyczny charakter. Z tego właśnie względu za kluczowy wyznacznik przekazu folklorystycznego uznać można wierność określonym wzorcom tekstowym (2009: 44). W analizie typowej dla folklorystyki chodzi o „uchwycenie owych narracyjnych konwencji opowiadania, które traktowane są jako swoisty klucz do zrozumienia kultury, umożliwiający odczytanie sensów (i doświadczeń) o charakterze społecznym” (Grochowski 2019: 15). Liczne spośród prezentowanych tu opowieści to memoraty – opowieści świadka. W niniejszym zbiorze znajduje się wiele tego typu opowieści, np. o wybuchu wojny, powojennych prześladowaniach, sposobach ukrywania drogocennych przedmiotów przed prześladowcami czy powstaniu grupy kobiet przy Regionalnym Zespole Pieśni i Tańca „Wilamowice”. Niektóre z narratorek opowiedziały je jako swoje własne wspomnienia. Należy jednak pamiętać, że memorat nie jest obiektywnym opisem rzeczywistości. Cechuje go selektywność, a na sposób opowiadania mają wpływ zarówno własne przeżycia, jak i teraźniejszość (Lehmann 2007: 32), a także chęć przystosowania ich do kolektywnej ideologii cechującej zbiorowość (Krawczyk-Wasilewska 1986: 27). Memorat powstaje na przecię- �Wprowadzenie – język wilamowski jako język ginący ciu indywidualnego i wspólnotowego charakteru opowiadania – przekazywany jest w określonym kontekście, zawiera typowe dla danej społeczności motywy i wątki fabularne i ma charakter subiektywny (Hajduk-Nijakowska 2016: 10). W opinii folklorystki Katarzyny Marcol w opowieściach wspomnieniowych wzorce zachowań i hierarchie wartości nie są omawiane dosłownie, ale „[t]o działania bohaterów umiejscowione w określonym kontekście ujawniają, co jest dobre i społecznie akceptowalne, a co złe i niedopuszczalne w obrębie grupy” (2020: 223). Na kształt memoratu wpływa również osoba odbiorcy, a raczej wyobrażenie narratora o jego oczekiwaniach. Dlatego za istotne uznałem zaprezentowanie historii powstawania nagrań, których zapisy stały się podstawą do wyselekcjonowania tekstów ujętych się w niniejszym zbiorze. Jak pisał szwedzki folklorysta Carl Wilhelm von Sydow: Wiele memoratów może przejść w tradycję, bo inni ludzie uznają je za wystarczająco ciekawe, by je dalej opowiadać. Przy czym na ogół ulegają one mniejszym lub większym zmianom, w zależności od tego, kto je dalej opowiada. W ten sposób dawniejszy memorat przechodzi w podanie wspomnieniowe, jednak granica między nimi jest trudno uchwytna (Sydow 1934: 253; za: Simonides 1969: 46). Opowiadania stają się, zdaniem Simonides „własnością ogółu”, jeśli są „dość ciekawe”. W takim wypadku memorat „w procesie dalszego przekazywania podlega obiektywizacji, zatracając niektóre cechy osobiste na rzecz ogólnie zrozumiałych i eksponujących niezwykłość, wyrażającą się najczęściej w preferowaniu sytuacji transcendentnych” (Simonides 1969: 46). Proces „przerabiania” i dostosowywania memoratu do potrzeb grupy nazywa się fabularyzacją i folkloryzacją (Hajduk-Nijakowska 2016: 65). To, co nie zostało zaakceptowane przez grupę, „wychodzi z użycia i obumiera” (Bogatyriew, Jakobson 1975: 170). Wiele z opowieści znajdujących się w niniejszej książce uległo temu procesowi, np. ta o dyrektorze szkoły, który uratował wilamowskie dziewczęta przed wywózką na Ural, opowieści o „dobrych Ruskach” czy o żartach, które kawalerzy robili z okazji śmiergustu czy święta 1 Maja (szczególnie to o wozie złożonym w całości na dachu). Jednocześnie większość, o ile nie wszystkie, zaprezentowana została jako opowieści „prawdziwe” i „obiektywne”, mające stanowić dowody na prawdziwość wizji historii przekazanej przez rozmówców. Fabulatów nie można traktować jako opowieści zupełnie skostniałych, gdyż ich nieodłączną cechą jest również to, iż występują w wielu wariantach: „ich poszczególne elementy oraz przypisywane im znaczenia w każdym kolejnym wykonaniu mogły ulegać przekomponowywaniu i reinterpretacji. Efektem procesów folkloryzacji i fabularyzacji jest powtarzalność i zarazem zmienność (wariantywność) opowieści” (Grochowski 2019: 22–23). Takimi elementami fabulatów, których znaczenie mogło się zmienić, są toposy czy „skamieliny językowe”, których znaczenie zależne jest od wzorców interpretacyjnych akceptowanych przez daną 33 �34 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian grupę. Dlatego czasem tym samym fabulatom, funkcjonującym w różnych wspólnotach pamięci, nadawane są różne znaczenia, zgodne natomiast ze schematami, obrazami i przywoływanymi skojarzeniami, pochodzącymi z tradycji narratorskiej danej społeczności (Hajduk-Nijakowska 2016: 65–66). W tym zbiorze starałem się pokazywać różne opowieści, rezygnowałem więc z prezentowania dwóch wariantów tego samego fabulatu. W opowieściach Wilamowian widoczne są wyjaśnienia tego, w jaki sposób zachowywali się ich bohaterowie. Wyjaśnienia te, jak pisała Hajduk-Nijakowska, „bazują często na tradycyjnych mechanizmach rozumienia świata” (2016: 50) i osadzone są „w lokalnym systemie wartości i zbiorowych wyobrażeniach wzmocnionych emocjonalnie, które współtworzą bramy bezpieczeństwa ontologicznego” (2016: 50). Mechanizmy te, mające na celu „opanować lęki i zrozumieć otaczający świat oraz pomóc w znalezieniu odpowiedzi na dręczące człowieka pytania” (Hajduk-Nijakowska 2016: 50), można dostrzec nie tylko w tradycyjnych gatunkach folkloru, takich jak pieśń czy podanie, ale również w „opowieściach z życia”. Dlatego też opowieści wspomnieniowe Wilamowian – zarówno te dotyczące wojen i okresu powojennego, jak i opowieści z życia codziennego: o wypadkach, chorobach, starości czy śmiesznych wydarzeniach – mogą stać się obiektem badań folklorystów i antropologów. Niektóre z nich można by zaliczyć do legend miejskich, czyli „opowieści narracyjnych o zdarzeniach aktualnych, cechujących się krótką żywotnością” (Czubala 1999: 191). Jednak nawet współczesne legendy miejskie miewają „stare korzenie” (Czubala 1999: 194), w związku z tym powinno się je interpretować w kontekście tradycji folklorystycznej danej wspólnoty. W przypadku tradycji oralnej wilamowskiej społeczności istotne jest występowanie w niej dwóch etosów – gospodarzy i handlarzy. W tym pierwszym podstawową wartością jest uczciwa praca, w tym drugim praca jest tylko środkiem do osiągnięcia celu, którym jest zarobek. Etosy te wpłynęły na dwie związane z tymi grupami zawodowymi konwencje opowiadania. Zwłaszcza wśród Wilamowian urodzonych przed wojną widoczna była silna świadomość negatywnego stereotypu Wilamowian handlarzy obecnego wśród mieszkańców okolicznych miejscowości. W reakcji na te (często pozostające tylko w sferze wyobrażeń) zarzuty powstały liczne fabulaty mające udowadniać zaradność wilamowskich handlarzy. Jej efektem miał być dobrobyt, za sprawą którego Wilamowice przez lata w oczach moich narratorów wyróżniały się na tle okolicy. Te odmienne konwencje opowiadania są wzorami przekazu ustnego, które tworzą kulturę opowiadania Wilamowian (Lehmann 2007: 20). Wilamowianie, jak każda wspólnota, mają swój repertuar folklorystyczny. Opowieści przez nich przekazywane przez wiele lat pozostawały pod wpływem tradycji narratorskiej. Zdaniem folklorysty Daniela Kadłubca „świat folkloru jest oglądem ziemi i ludzi z lotu ptaka, z dystansu doświadczenia wielopokoleniowego, �Wprowadzenie – język wilamowski jako język ginący modelującego rzeczywistość według własnych praw” (Kadłubiec 1999: 69). Opowieści dostosowywano więc do funkcjonujących w danej wspólnocie komunikacyjnej wzorców interpretacyjnych i toposów, przystosowywano do aktualnych potrzeb. Na te potrzeby wpływ miała również polityka, a także liczni naukowcy i dziennikarze przybywający do Wilamowic. To, w jaki sposób dana opowieść się rozwinęła, zależne jest również od tego, do kogo narrator ją adresował. Opowieści wspomnieniowe, także te sfabularyzowane i sfolkloryzowane, często opowiadane są w konwencji memoratowej, „jako przeżycie autentyczne, jeśli już nie narratora, to osoby, którą narrator zna osobiście i na którą może się autorytatywnie powołać” (Simonides 1981: 35). W opinii folklorystki „[c]hęć nadania opowiadaniu formy przekazu prawdziwego wydarzenia doprowadza do tego, że znane z tradycji wątki są coraz częściej opowiadane w konwencji przeżycia autentycznego, jednostkowego. A więc z tradycyjnego fabulatu tworzy się współcześnie coraz częściej memorat” (Simonides 1981: 36). W tekstach folkloru „reprezentacja rzeczywistości może zlewać się z fikcją, często też zapamiętane z zamierzchłej przeszłości treści mimowolnie dostosowywane są do obecnie panujących realiów; są niepostrzeżenie szyte na miarę aktualnego społecznego zapotrzebowania” (Kajfosz 2011: 60). Istotna jest nie tylko sama sytuacja, ale również osoba odbiorcy (Lehmann 2007: 12). Szczególnie w przypadku historii alternatywnych, czyli „opowieści o podziałach wewnątrz wspólnoty uwypuklających fakt, że określone emocje, opinie oraz cele niekoniecznie były podzielane przez wszystkich” (Macdonald 2021: 107–108). Te nie były przekazywane obcym, a wyłącznie swoim. Być może dlatego to ja, jako badacz insider, mogłem je zarejestrować. Dlatego też przedstawione w tej publikacji historie nie mogą być oceniane z perspektywy prawdy lub nieprawdy. Wiele z nich wzajemnie się wyklucza lub zawiera odniesienia do błędnych dat lub faktów. Starałem się w to nie ingerować, a jedynie tam, gdzie wydawało się to konieczne, umieszczałem uwagi. Według antropolożki Joanny Tokarskiej-Bakir „w odróżnieniu od dyskursów różnych polityk historycznych język potoczny nie kłamie, jest mimowolnie prawdomówny. Język ten sprawozdaje, jak ludzie widzą świat” (2009: 303). I to właśnie wizja świata rozmówców, a nie prawda o tym świecie jest przedmiotem badań folklorystyki. Jak pisali rosyjscy folkloryści Piotr Bogatyriew i Roman Jakobson, „Istnienie utworu ludowego zaczyna się dopiero wówczas, gdy zostanie on przyjęty przez określoną wspólnotę; co więcej, istnieją tylko te jego elementy, które wspólnota sobie przyswaja” (1975: 169). Autorzy wspomnieli jednak, że tekst, który nie został zaakceptowany przez grupę i poniekąd skazany został na zapomnienie, może zostać uratowany przez „przypadkowy zapis jakiegoś zbieracza, przenoszący go z poezji ustnej do literatury pisanej” (1975: 169). Tak też zapewne jest w przypadku wielu opowiedzianych mi historii, które z różnych powodów mogły nie zostać zaakceptowane przez grupę, ale znalazły się w niniejszej publikacji. 35 �36 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Jak pisał niemiecki folklorysta Albrecht Lehmann, każdy okres historyczny ma swoją kulturę opowiadania, która zmienia się wraz z generacjami (Lehmann 2007: 13). Zebrane w niniejszej publikacji teksty pochodzą od narratorów urodzonych przed drugą wojną światową. Według Piotra Grochowskiego odbiór przekazów internetowych polega „nie tylko na ich oglądaniu lub czytaniu, ale także na ocenianiu, komentowaniu, relacjonowaniu własnych doświadczeń, zadawaniu pytań czy podejmowaniu dyskusji z autorami oraz innymi widzami/czytelnikami” (Grochowski 2017: 239). Publikacja ta może więc wpłynąć na repertuar młodszych Wilamowian. Treści te otrzymały w końcu dodatkowy pas transmisyjny, który może zapewnić im znacznie dłuższą żywotność. Być może gdyby nie działania dokumentacyjne, to nie przetrwałyby one do naszych czasów lub w ogóle by nie powstały, gdyż ich odbiorcami byli właśnie lokalni działacze i naukowcy. Nie byłby to pierwszy przypadek, kiedy to udział w tworzeniu folkloru mają nie tylko członkowie danej wspólnoty komunikacyjnej, ale również naukowcy. Mam nadzieję, że publikacja ta – przygotowana zarówno w wersji papierowej, jak i internetowej – nie tylko pomoże udokumentować język i wilamowską tradycję oralną, ale również pozytywnie wpłynie na ich żywotność w wilamowskiej społeczności. Internet jest dzisiaj bowiem ważnym medium transmisji języków rzadziej używanych. Tytuł tej książki zaczerpnąłem z opowieści autorstwa Rozalii Hanusz fum Linküś (1926–2009), wilamowskiej poetki i tłumaczki, która sama ułożyła i przekazała mi wiele tekstów folkloru. �DY FÜRRYD – DY WYMYSIÖERYŚY ŚPRÖH OÜZ Ȧ ŚPRÖH YM ŚTARWA Undyn 6 toüzyt śpröha, wo zy eta wada yr wełt gykuzt, dy mȧsta zȧjn gybroüht fun klina grüpa (Crystal 2000; Dołowy-Rybińska 2011: 13). Oü y Yłrop gyt’s śpröha, wo zy wada gykuzt fu wing łoüt. Di śpröha kyna ȧmöł śtarwa, s’mȧst, wen zy ny kyna błȧjn underśtyct fun nȧrodowikja łendyn. Y di grüp gyhjyt dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh, wo zy wiöd ferböta ym 1945 jür diöh dy lokȧlnikja regjyrana, ym mȧsta wo zy roüsśtompta fun djyfyn ymsrod wo zȧjn fu Wymysoü. Oder ny nok dos ferböta höt dos gymaht, do dy Wymysiöejyn ufhüta, cyn kyndyn y jyr müterśpröh cy kuza. Nöm krig wiöe dy wymysiöeryśkȧjt gyśtamt myt ȧm stigmȧ, fur oüsziht fur dominȧntyśa grüp (Pöła), błȧ dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh ȧ śmjyśnikjy, łahawaty, unwihtikjy śpröh. Zyty negȧtywnikjy śpröhideologyja ȧn śpröhśtełnana, wo zy zȧjn ȧjgyśtełt yn klinśpröha ȧtkȧn, „ferürzaha, do dy łoüt zih fu zer śpröh ohon, zy gan zy y jyn kyndyn ny weter, bo zy weła zy ny łön ungyryht wada ȧn ymśtend hon” (Dołowy-Rybińska 2011: 19). Oder dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh błȧjt zuwizu pocy hoüt wihtik fjys cügyhjyn fum grusa tȧl fu Wymysiöejer. Dos wȧjza hefa iwenta, wo zy wada gyorgȧnizjyt fur Gyzełśoft „Wymysiöejer”, mytum Centrum fur Gyangażjyta Füśnan fur Kultüryśa Wetercijung fum Tȧl „Artes Liberales” fum Warśawyśa Uniwersytet, wu ej di śpröh zjyr wihtik (zejh Król, Olko, Wicherkiewicz 2017). Dy junga Wymysiöejyn – noükuzyn11 – kuza di śpröh yn gyśpryhja undernander, ȧn oü myta internetowikja komunikȧton. Dy mȧsta Wymysiöejyn, gük zy zoüwer ny kuza wymysiöeryś, hon ym gydanka dy represyja, wo zy jyr fürfatyn hon gytrofa fjys kuza jyr śpröh. Zy dyśkürjyn oü fu dam myta frynd ȧn bykanta (zejh Neels 2012). Dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh wiöd ȧjgyrejestrjyt diöh dy Bibiotek fum USA Kongres ȧn zy krigt ȧ kod ISO 639-3 „wym”, ȧn oü ym Atlas fun śpröha, wo zy zȧjn ym śtarwa (Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger) UNESCO. Ym śpytsta fum 2013 jür priöebjyt mȧ dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh oüz regjonȧlśpröh y Pöłn ȧjcyrejestrjyn. Y darnymłikja cȧjt wjyd’s nawan rewitȧlizȧcyjnikja ȧn ȧktywistyćnikja zaha gyfüśt. Yn łecta cwe canjün ȧdśtinda lingwistyśy teksta (Andrason & Król 2016; Żak 2017), under dam socjolingwistyćnikjy (Wicherkiewicz 2001; Neels 2012; Wicherkiewicz; Szlachta-Ignatowicz 2019; Borges & Król 2019; Chromik 2019), wo zy 11 Dy łoüt, wo zy zih dy śpröh ny hon gyłjyt dyham, ok cym bȧjśpil diöhs tün fur rewitȧlizacyj. �Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian 38 traktjyn fur śpröhenderan, śpröhkontakt oba rewitȧlizȧcyj12. Dank rewitȧlizȧcyj zȧjn nojy kuzyn, wo zy ferśidnik kyna kuza. Zej zȧjn di, wo zy eta zȧjn di grüp, wo kuzt wymysiöeryś. Oü jyr idiolekta kyna oüz interesȧntyś gyfüśt wada (zejh Borges 2019). Dy śpröhrewitȧlizȧcyj ej ȧ dynȧmiśer ȧn fłisikjer proces ȧn jyr cyłn endyn diöh enderana ym ecnikja wysa oba ecnikjy sytuȧcyj fu ȧr grüp. Oder dy wihtiksty ürzah, cyzoma fjyr dy mȧsta ȧktywista fjy dy rewitȧlizȧcyj, ej der wyła, dy erbśoft fun fürfatyn weter ym ława cy hałda (Grenoble 2021: 11). Diöh dos ej dos dy dokumentȧcyj, di ej ym wihtiksta. Hefa śpröha wiöda ny gydokumentjyt ȧn s’ej et föna kȧ śpür mej (Ahearn 2013: 237). Ufs ungyłyk hot dy COVID-19-betkrankyt ȧn oü dy ferfłögan cȧjt cy dam gybröht, do ym dryta canjür fum 21-ta hundytjür zȧjn wingjer wi can müterkuzeryna gybłejn, wo zy perfekt wymysiöeryś kyna kuza. Diöh dos, yn rama fum program „Language Revitalization Accelerator”, wo’ȧ ej gyfinȧnsjyt fur orgȧnizȧcyj Wikitongues, wo zy underśtyct dy śpröh dokumentȧcyj ȧn rewitȧlizȧcyj, wiöd der projekt „Reawakening the Wymysorys language in Wilamowice, Poland” ufgybröht. S’zȧjn fönum wejder nojy 50 śtunda ufśpejłnana ȧdśtanda, dos möł yr video-wersyj, myta cwü bocy hoüt ȧktywnikja native-kuzeryna – Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922) ȧn Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927). Der cył fu dam bihła ej dy ferśidnikkȧjt yr dokumentȧcyj fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh fürcyłen. S’wihtiksty kryterum, diöh ȧ kȧrȧkter fum projekt (filma ufer internetzȧjt fu Wikitongues), wiöe s’oüskłoün fun video-ufśpejłnana. Yhy traht mih ym dos, do zy zȧjn wi ym ferśidniksta, wen’s zih höt ym coł fun kuzyn, temȧtyk wi oü dy cȧjt, wi zy zȧjn ȧdśtanda. S’wiöe oder ny łȧjht ym foł fu ȧr śpröh, wo zy zu wing łoüt kuza. Dy amerykanyśy lingwistyśy antropolożkjyn, Laura M. Ahearn, śrȧw: „Dy pröba, ȧ ganca kerper fun wjytyn fun śpröha ym śtarwa cy derhałda zȧjn ju ny mejgłik, zugiöe myter hyłf fun ecnikja teknologyja wi video, bo wen ȧ śpröh ferśwynt, ferśwynda oü dy śpröhprȧktykja, wo zy zȧjn ekstra fjy dy kuzyn fu dar śpröh” (2013: 242). Dy śpröha kyna füt ny egzystjyn ony łoüt, wo zy zy kuza (Crystal 2000: 1). Yhy höf oder, do hynder dokumentȧcyj, wo zy nymer ny ej ideȧlnik, wyt dy publikȧcyj dy łanikkȧjt fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh ȧjfłisa, bo zy wyt gan ȧ ekstra wiöer y dar śpröh fjy dy noükuzyn. Dy kistiöeryja, fercyłnana, wo zy wiöda gykuzt weter, wün ȧn zȧjn bocy hoüt ȧ mytuł ny nok śpröh wetercygan, oder zy śtjekja oü s’śpjyn fum band myter grüp ȧn ȧ wyła, jyr oüsziht uf dy wełt cy ejwernama (Grenoble 2021: 11–12). Wihtik wyt oü zȧjn, do dy śpröh diöh dos bihła wjyd śtȧkjer gyzan ym Internet. Dos ej ju füt wihtik fjy dy enderan fun negȧtywnikja ȧjśtełnana yr śpröh ȧtkȧn. Dy gancy bibliogrȧfyj fun ata fu Wymysoü y jün 2000–2020 y: Król, Mętrak, Żak 2020, prace do roku 2000 i uzupełnienia z lat 2020–2022 w: Król, Mętrak, Żak 2022. Ym mȧsta zo mȧ gan öbaht uf dy teksta fum Alexander Andrason. 12 �Dy fürryd – dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh oüz ȧ śpröh ym śtarwa Dokumentȧcyj fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh fur oütobjogrȧfyśa perspektyw Dy gyśiht fun jyśta ata, wo zy hon zułd dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh dokumentjyn, śtama fun Pöłnscȧjta. Mȧ zełd dö dy gramatyk fum Klećkowskja-Adam (1920–1921) oba ȧ grus wjytynbihła fum Fliöera-Hermon (1930–1936) nena. S’go ju oü ȧmȧtoryśa ata wi s’wjytynbihła ȧn dy gramatyk yr monogrȧfyj fum Lȧtośińskja-Jüzef (1909) oba dy folklorystyśy at fum Młynek-Ludwik (1907). Wi’h śun śrȧw, ȧdśtinda ym 21-ta hundytjür hefa lingwistyśy ata, wo zy fjy mejer łoüt ufa śtejn. Der cył fu dam bihła ej ny zej cy referjyn, ok dy ufgyśpejłty wiöer wetercygan y dan, wo zy cüner kȧn cütrejt ny hon. Ȧs fun cyłn fu mer at – ny nok fu dam bihła, ok giöe mȧj tün – ej, do dy śtym fun Wymysiöejyn, wo zy wiöe ind ufer zȧjt, zo zȧjn gyhüt. Stacy Holman Jones śrȧw (2014: 210–211), do wen’ȧ śrȧjwt ȧ etnogrȧfyśa tekst, mü der füśjer s’ȧgja ys polityćnikjy ejwerata. Oü dy rejestrȧcyj ȧn dokumentȧcyj fu dan gykuza zoüwer, wen’ȧ zy wył bywjen fum fergasa, ej ȧ polityćnik tün (Connerton 2012: 59). Diöh dos oüz der ośtyfter fu dam grysta ufśpejłnanakerper fun gykuza yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh, doüht’s mih, do’s wje zȧjn wihtik, do’h zo mȧj oütobjogrȧfyśy perspektyw fürśteła, do’ȧ zo beser bygrȧjfa, wi dar kerper ej ȧdśtanda ȧn wi’ȧ weter höt cügynuma. Wi’h uf dy wełt kom ym 1993 jür, wönt yh y Wymysoü (mȧj ełdyn wün dö köma zejwa jür ejer). Bocy hoüt gydenk yh ȧ tag, wi’h derwiöert, wi zjyr ungywynłik ej dos, do’s y dam klina śtatła ȧ ekstra śpröh gyt. Ejer doüht’s mih, do wen wer y Wymysoü hon dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh, do müsa zy oü hon y Denkjadiöf ȧ denkjȧdiöfyśy, y Hylćadiöf – hylćadiöfyśy ȧn zu weter. Yhy kon derzȧnk ymȧ 5 jür hon gyhot, oder gryhta ys’s mer ȧjkuma, do hynder mȧj cügynyta baba (Böba-Loüzkja-Helka), zełda war kuzt di śpröh. Wi’h ymȧ cwe jür śpyter hüt mȧj Baba kuza, do dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh wyt bałd ferhejngejn, bo nimyd kuzt zy mej ny, wiöd’s mer bang. Ny łang śpyter, bo ym 2001 jür hon zy roüsgan ȧ interdyscyplinȧrnikjy monogrȧfyj fur Gymȧn Wymysoü under redȧkcyj fum Barciak-Antoni (2001). Wi’h föner hüt, wułd yh zy gryhta hon, wos ny łang kom, bo mȧj ełdyn ȧn dy Baba hon zy gykoüft. Yhy gydenk s’papjyr, y wyłys bȧdy bihła wün ȧjgypakt. S’kom mer ȧj, do dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh wyt diöt zȧjn fuł gydokumentjyt. Oder wi’h’s ufgymaht ho ȧn yh ho dy ganca 750 zȧjta diöhgyłaza, wiöd yh ołdyśt derwiöert, do zy giöe nist ny dokumentjyt, ok dos zȧjn ferśidnikjy tȧln cyzoma, wo zy mytzoma hon mejer oba wingjer cy tün (oder hefa föna fum huha wat). Wi’h’s hot gyłaza, błyn mer ym gydanka dy wjytyn fum Wicherkiewicz-Tomasz, wo’ȧ śrȧw, do „der tut wyt uf dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh kuma byśtymt nö ym jyśta canjür fum noüa hundytjür” (Wicherkiewicz & Zieniukowa 2001: 498). To derzȧnk kom’s mer ȧj, do’h zo bywȧjza, do zy zih ny wan derwejwułn: s’ging mer ny ym mejh, ok yms reta fu mer śpröh fum tut. Dar bygrejf „ȧ tut fur śpröh” wȧjzt güt dos, wo yhy ho derzȧnk gyśpüt ȧn bocy hoütnik tags kon yh kȧ beser wüt uf dos ny fynda. Byśtymt ej dos ȧ bȧjśpil 39 �40 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian fum fjetnikja dyskurs, wo’ȧ ej gybroüht fun ȧktywista ȧn gyłiöeta, wo zy ata myta śpröha fur ganca wełt, wo zy zȧjn ym śtarwa (Dołowy-Rybińska 2017: 481–486), oder dos fjeta dos ej grod dos, wo yhy śpjy fu dar cȧjt ynȧncik, ok miöehysmöł śwȧher oba śtȧkjer. Gryhta kom’s mer ȧj, do’h zo yht kyna maha ȧn do uf mjyr łȧjt dos, uf wos dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh wyt ȧmöł kuma. Diöh dos wułd yh zy gynoü dokumentjyn. Yhy koüft ȧ błöw śrȧjwbihła ȧn yh füng o, wjytła, wo’h kant, ufcyśrȧjwa, ȧ ym dy śwjenera fret yh dy Baba. Yhy wiöe ołdyśt ym strah, wi’h zoh, do’s zih dy ufgyśrejwa wjytyn śwjer łyt diöhłaza, wen’ȧ ny ej yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh dertunka. Derzȧnk kom’s mer ȧj, do’h zo mȧj gykuza myter Baba ufśpejła. Uf dy Ustyn ym 2004 jür krigt yh fun ełdyn ȧ jyśta dyktȧfon. Myt ejm ho’h ym ofang ufgyśpejłt. Dy Baba zung mer łidła, ziöet mer śprejhwjytyn oba gytyhtła. Ȧmöł gingwer cyr gyśpon fu mer Baba – cyr Abda-Inga, wu zy ny nok güt wymysiöeryś kuzt (bocȧm end fu zer ława wiöe dos jyr prymȧrśpröh), oder zej wiöe oü myter śpröh yn gydanka. To zej höt mer fürgyłet, fyrym, wi zy dos doüht, diöft mȧ dy noja wjytyn doüćmesik maha ȧn zy priöebjyt dy pönyśmesikja wjytyn fun idiolekta fu mjyr ȧn fu mer Baba oüscytylgja. Zej maht dos ju oder zjyr gyhałda, do zy ny zułd mejh, oüz kynd, fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh wȧgcyśiöehja. Dy cükunft fu jyr müterśpröh hot zy ju tif ym hac, zu wi yn mȧsta fun łoüta, wo’h myta kuzt, zugiöe wi zy hota ȧjn zih ferśidnikjy śpröhideologyja ȧn ȧjśtełnana. Dy Inga fercyłt mer ferśidnikjy kistiöeryja, fun topjelca, zy zung mer łidła, oü di, wo zy zoüwer ejwerzoct fur doüća śpröh. Yhy gydenk, wi zjyr’s mih frü, wi’h kund ufśrȧjwa teksta, wo zy ejer nimand ny hot gydokumentjyt. Dos hȧst zyty, wo zy ny wün ufgyśrejwa yn bihła myta łidła fum Bütlok-Władek (Dybczyński 2002) ȧn Tołer-Jüza (Gara 2004). Mjyr śȧn’s, do’h mah yht wihtikjys, do’h yhta ret fum fergasa. Bałd bygȧnt yh ander koleżankja fu mer Baba, wo’h zy ho ufgyśpejłt, ȧn oü mȧj nökweryna, wo zy köma cyr kȧplic [kaplic], wo zy śtejt by mer hyt, mȧjafasper cy zyngja. Idys möł nö dam gybat błyn zy łengjer zyca ȧn fercyła wymysiöeryś, a yhy ho ufgyśpejłt jyr łidła, gyśihta ȧn śprejhwjytyn. Ȧn zu, myter metod fum śnejkrigla ej dy grüp fun ufgyśpejłta łoüt ym 2009 jür bocy yhta 80 gywahsa (jyr noma ho’h ym end fum bihła oüsgyśrejwa). Under jyn wün hefa wihtikjy łoüt, oder yhy wje weła dö ȧ Tołer-Jüza ufrüfa, wo’ȧ wiöe ȧ wymysiöejer tyhter ȧn’ȧ dokumentjyt zoüwer dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh. Har höt gyśrejwa bend fun gytyhta, łidła, oü wjytynbihła (y dam oü ȧ Wikiwjytynbihła), cy zen publikȧcyja go’ȧ oü ufśpejłnana cü (Gara 2004; Gara 2007). Ȧ höt gymaht zȧj ȧgja ufśrȧjwasystem. Kuwer cy mer dokumentȧcyj cyryk. Zy wiöe ju ny zöfuł śpröhdokumentȧcyj, ok retetnogrȧfyj (Zhelyazkova 2003): yhy wułd ny nok dy śpröh reta, ok s’gancy wysa fun Wymysiöejyn. Dos fur gyśiht, trȧdycyj, broühja, fłȧk ȧn oü śpröhȧjśtełnana ȧn �Dy fürryd – dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh oüz ȧ śpröh ym śtarwa ideologyja. Y dam łangzuma (s’toüyt yn jün 2004–2022) tün ȧdśtinda ejwer 2000 śtunda fun ufśpejłnana, s’mȧst audio. Dy wiöer, gük zy gyśtyklt śun fu mjyr gypublicjyt wiöe, oüz cytata yn gyłiöeta ȧn populȧrnikja teksta, ȧn oü wetergan yn andyn projekta13, błȧjt ym mȧsta ony cütrejt fjyr hefa łoüt. Kȧrȧkterystyk fur gywejza wiöer ȧn dy struktür fur prezentȧcyj Dos bihła ej underśtyct ufa bałd 200 kistiöeryja yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh fun Wymysiöejeryna ȧn Wymysiöejyn, wo zy cyzoma toüyn ymȧ 3,5 śtund. Dy ufśpejłnana ȧn jyr ejwerzecnan uf dy englyśy śpröh zȧjn ufer zȧjt wikitongues.com, diöh dos wan mejer łoüt yr ganca wełt cüna cütrejt hon. Ȧ tȧl föna wiöd ufgyśpejłt ym 2022 jür ekstra fjyr dos projekt, ȧ ȧ ander tȧl wiöd oüsgykłoüt fur wiöer, wo zy ej cyzomagykłoüt gywiöda yn andyn projekta (der gancy rȧjster ej ym end ufgyśrejwa). Dy cyzomagykłoüty wiöer prezentjy’h oüz trȧnskrypcyj ȧn ejwerzecnan uf dy pönyśy śpröh. Dy ekstra cytata komentjy’h ny, wi dos gywynłik ej yn antropologyśa monogrȧfyja. Mȧ kon dö oder ny kuza fu ȧr neutrȧlnikja pozycyj, diöh dos, do s’oüskłoün fun teksta ȧn jyr öernung ej śun ȧ interpretȧcyj (zejh Clifford 2000: 59). Oü dy ejwerzecnan ej ȧ interpretȧcyj. S’oüskłoün ej y dam mej ny reprezentȧtywnik, do’s tryft nok dy video-ufśpejłnana, wo zy zȧjn nok ȧ klin tȧl fum ganca ufgyśrejwa kerper. Wihtik ej oü mȧj pozycyj oüz ȧktywist ȧn hyna-füśjer, wo’h zy byśrȧw ym fłügja tȧl. Ynłik wi byn andyn publikȧcyja, wo zy ȧ unbyaty wiöer prezentjyn, dos bej yhy, wo’h’ho dos myt men gława oüsgykłoüt (zejh Burszta & Grębecka 2015: 9). S’wihtiksty kryterum wiöe dy śpröh fum tekst (dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh, ȧ ny dy śpröh gymengty myt pönyś oba doüć), dos, wo ynwik, wo diöft ny zȧjn ȧnonimizjyt ȧn do dos ej fjy dy edukȧcyj hyłfzum – cy łjyn wymysiöeryś ȧn oü cym derkena fum öebroz fur gyśiht fu Wymysiöejyn, wo’ȧ ej gyhałda fu men gykuzgyśpona. Mȧj gykuzgyśpona wün ferśidnik ołd, śtomta fu ferśidnikja społećnikja śyhta, zy hota oü ferśidnikjy śpröhbiogrȧfyja: nymiöehja gingja y dy doüćy śül, miöehja hon gyent jok dy pönyśy śül fjym krig (di, wo zy wün gybün fjyr 1927 jür). S’zȧjn oü łoüt, wo zy müsta wȧgfiöen fu Wymysoü ȧn zyty, wo zy hon s’gancy ława y jyr hamytśtot cügybröht. Miöehja ejwerławta ȧ rest, roüsfjyn y dy lagyn, oüszidln fu zen ȧgja hyta uf piöeca jür, dy ander kunda ȧdkłoüfa fu dam unryhta. Dy idiolekta fun ferśidnikja łoüt hota byśtymt myt dan zaha cy tün gyhot. Wo yh wułd maha, wiöe dy wiöer oüscykłoün, wu dy nȧrrȧton jok wymysiöeryś kuzta, oder yr cyzomagykłoüta wiöer kon’ȧ hefik interferencyja fynda – wjytyn oba gancy bygryfa 13 Hefa ufśpejłnana fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh wiöda gypublicjyt ufer internetzȧjt fum projekt „Dziedzictwo językowe Rzeczypospolitej”, http://www.inne-jezyki.amu.edu.pl/Frontend/. 41 �42 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian fum pönyśa oba fum doüća. Fjyr łoüt: s’Puś-Pejter-Hȧla, der Tołer-Jüza, s’BekBȧlcer-Hȧla ȧn s’Lüft-Nüśka (fur Züg) wün gybün ȧn zy ławta s’gancy ława Underum Puś, wo zy föna kuzta, do zy diöt kuzta y ȧm andyn dialekt fum wymysiöeryśa (zejh Król 2015). Dy ufśpejłnana zȧjn gynüg güt fjy dy mȧsta lingwistyśa badȧnöeta. Dos, do mȧ kon ȧ ufśpejłnan diöhhühja hyłft yr analiz fur oryginȧlyśa wiöer, ȧ ny nok trȧnskrypcyj, wi dos hefa möł ej myter wiöer yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh. Dy gypublicjyta trȧnskrypcyja zȧjn oü ȧ interesȧntyśy wiöer fjy dy socjolingwista, bo s’gyt diöt hefa gyśihta, y wyła mȧ kon badȧn śpröhideologyja ȧn ȧjśtełnana. Dy etnologa kyna y dar wiöer hefa informȧcyja fynda fum cügyhjyn fu Wymysiöejyn, genderowyśy roln oba öebroza fu andyn grüpa, wo zy myta Wymysiöejyn ławta. S’zȧjn diöt oü hefa informȧcyja, wo zy zȧjn ferbunda myter trȧdycyjnikja etnogrȧfyj wi jür- ȧn familyjgybroüha, ołd boün oba werkcojg ȧn ander wjytśoftaöeta. Yr cyzomagykłoüta wiöer zȧjn bȧdy teksta fum folklor, wo zy fungowȧn oba fungowȧta jyśter ym kesułnikja łoüf, wi oü indywiduȧlnikjy ryda, wo zy wiöda ufgybröht ym wywjad. Dy cyzomagykłoüta kistiöeryja zȧjn fu ferśidnikja zaha. Oder dy gydenkja-gyśihta fum krig ȧn fum nömkriggrasjyn, wi oü di fur fȧldat ȧn di łahawata prezentjyn ȧ kesułnikja wełtöebroz. Dy śpröhöebroz fur wełt bygrȧjf yh zu, wi der Bartmiński-Jerzy, oüz: „Łanikjy yr śpröh ferśidnik roüsgyziöety interpretȧcyj fur würikkȧjt, wo zy zih łyt byśrȧjwa yn zespołn fun mȧnana fur wełt (2007: 12). Wi dy Marcol höt gyśrejwa, „Dy reprodukcyj fun teksta y jyn fjym ȧn bydȧjtnanstruktün bywȧjzt dos, do zy zih hon ȧjgyławt yn hiöeta fun kesułłoüt – ȧzu yn teksta fum folklor wȧjza zih dy mȧnana fur wełt, under wyła zȧjn oü dy fürśtełnana fur ferganga cȧjt” (2020: 62). Oder di „mȧnana fur wełt” egzystjyn ny nok yn trȧdycyjnik ferśtanda folklorteksta. Yr cyzomagykłoüta wiöer zȧjn ny nok di, ok oü zyty, wo zy wiöda yn wywjada ufgybröht, wo zy zȧjn indywiduȧlnik gydöht. Oü y dan kon mȧ derzqn dy elementa, wo zy cyrykkuma ȧn zy boüyn ȧ öebroz fur wełt ym wymysiöeryśa komunikȧcyjkesuł. Nör typologyj fun füśnanproblema fur öebroz fur wełt, wo uf zy kom der Bartmiński (2007: 20–21), cytȧlt yh dy teksta uf zyty tȧln: 1) �Dy opozycyj „ynzer łoüt” – „fremdy łoüt”, dos hȧst dy oüo- ȧn heterostereotypa: y dam tȧl zȧjn dy kistiöeryja fu dam, diöh wos dy Wymysiöejyn andyśt zȧjn wi jyr nökwyn – Pöła ȧn Doüća, fun kontakta myt dan grüpa ȧn oü fu dam, wo dy narraton hiłda fjys typiś fjy dy Wymysiöejyn 2) �Dy konceptuȧlizȧcyj fum fȧld ȧn fu „ynzum” płoc ufer wełt: dy kistiöeryja fun ferśidnikja jytyn, fu dan bykanta ȧn zyhjyn, ȧn fu dan fremda ȧn nyzyhjyn. 3) �Dy konceptuȧlizȧcyj fur cȧjt, dy opozycyj „jyśter” ȧn „hoüt”: kistiöeryja fu dam, wo wiöe jyśter, ȧn wi dos ej bocy hoütnik tags andyśt gywiöda. Ym mȧsta gyt’s diöh dy nostȧlgyj hyndyn junga cȧjta ȧn hynder dam, wo śun ej wȧg. �Dy fürryd – dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh oüz ȧ śpröh ym śtarwa 4) D � y wata, wo zy y „ynzer wełt” zȧjn: etos fur at (fun wjytsłoüt wi oü fun handułłoüt), dy ferbłȧjnikja śtełn, fȧjyn, öntłikjy (fur oüsziht fun nȧrrȧton) ȧjśtełnana ȧn decyzyja, wo mȧ maht ym ława. 5) �Dy łidyn: zej zȧjn bocy hoüt ȧ wihtik tȧl ym repertuar fun łoüt fum wymysiöeryśa kesuł (zejh Małanicz-Przybylska 2019). Dy teksta błyn elȧstyćnik gytȧlt – hefa föna kynd mȧ cütȧla cyn andyn grüpa. Mȧj decyzyj wiöe myt mem łanga ława ym teren underśtyct. Ym end gyt’s oü ȧn rȧjster fun temata, do dos ej łȧjhter fjy dy nyȧkademyśy łoüt cy łaza: Kistiöeryja fu Wymysoü ȧn Wymysiöejer: kistiöeryja fum mit fum roüsśtama fu Wymysiöejyn, oü myta teoryja fu wu kuma dy śpicnoma oba jytynnoma. S’zȧjn diöt oü gyśihta fum tagtegłikja ława y Wymysoü, cym bȧjśpil fur śül fjym krig, fur boü fur ciglȧj, wi oü fu dam, wi zih dy Wymysiöejyn ȧn Pöła oba Ełcnyn funander ohota, s’mȧst ym kontekst fur endogȧmyj, dos hȧst, fu dam, wi zy zih hon gynuma jok y ȧr grüp. Dos tȧl, ȧn s’gancy bihła fyngt o myter kistiöeryj fum Linküś-Ruzła (1926–2009), ȧ wymysiöejer tyhteryn ȧn ejwerzeceryn, wo’s zoüwer höt cyzomagyłet ȧn wetergan hefa folklorteksta. Fur kistiöeryj, wo zy zih ofyngt myta wjytyn „Wymysoü ej ȧ śejny, kliny śtot” śtomt der titl fu dam bihła. Kistiöeryja fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh: kistiöeryja, wu ym wihtiksta ej dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh, cym bȧjśpil wing bykanty kistiöeryja fun łoüt, wo zy ny kunda andyśt kuza, wi oü fun łoüt fu zystwun, wo zy diöh ferśidnikjy zaha zih hon gyłjyt wymysiöeryś – dinstłoüt oba łoüt, wo zy zih cüwywa y Wymysoü. Wihtik zȧjn oü gyśihta fum unryhta fu Wymysiöejyn, wo wiöe nöm krig, diöh dos, do zy kuzta jyr śpröh, wi oü fun negȧtywnikja ȧjśtełnana fun łoüt fun djyfyn ymsrod wo zȧjn fu Wymysoü, wi zy oüsśpincta dy Wymysiöejyn, wo zy kuzta wymysiöeryś. Undyn kistiöeryja fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh gyt’s zyty, wo zy zih hon ym dy ołda cȧjta, wi oü refleksyja fur ecnikja sytuȧcyj fu dar śpröh. To y jyn ym mȧsta zit’ȧ dy ideologyja ȧn ȧjśtełnana yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh ȧtkȧn, wi oü yn andyn śpröha. Kistiöeryja fu wymysiöejer kłȧdyn: ziöen fu wymysiöejer fłȧk, fu dam, wi dy ferśidnikja fłȧk oüsśoüta, wi oü fu dam, wi zy zȧjn andyśt gywiöda ȧn dos ej hefa möł ogyśect fun narrȧtorkja. Mȧ kon oü derzan hefa ideologyja ȧn ȧjśtełnana yn fłȧk ȧtkȧn ȧjna: oü fu dam, wi zy oüsśoün, wi oü dos, wo zy bydȧjta fjys cügyhjyn fu Wymysiöejyn. S’zȧjn diöt oü prȧktyśy zaha, cym bȧjśpil, wi mȧ zo wośa oba nyn dy fłȧk, owi oü wi oüsśoüta dy kłȧdyn uf ferśidnikjy okȧzyja. Kistiöeryja fun trȧdycyja ȧn gybroüha: fu dam, wo zy jyśter hon gymaht ufer friöed oba ym śmjyrgüst, wi oü ferśidnikjy ferbłȧjnikjy śtełn, wo zy wün bym faderśłȧjsa. S’zȧjn diöt oü hefa zaha gyziöet fu dam, wi mȧ zih ocug ȧn wo’ȧ 43 �44 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian os by dam, ȧzu ys’s hefa fun kłȧdyn ȧn fum asa. Yn kistiöeryja fu dam, wi zy fün uf dy opyłysa, zit’ȧ oü dos, wi mȧ wiöe fjy dy nökwyn, wo zy doüć oba pönyś kuzta. S’ej diöt oü ȧ kistiöeryj fum Sukkot-hȧltag fu wymysiöejer Jüda. Kistiöeryja fur müzik ȧn łidła: łidła wymysiöeryśy ȧn oü kumentan cüna. Miöeha oü gyśpejłt ufer hȧrmoni (s’śpejłt der Pütelik-Jȧśki). Frȧłik, do dos zȧjn ny oły łidła, ȧ di, wo zy zȧjn y dam bihła, hon ny ȧmöł nö mejer śtröwa. Ufa ufśpejłnana wada oder gywejza zyty, wo zy zȧjn ynłik cy dan „gystandaryzjyta” yn łecta publikȧcyja (Król 2019a; Król 2019b; Król 2021). Wi oły foklorteksta, hon zy mejer warjanta – dy wersyja, wo zy zȧjn y dam bihła, kyna zȧjn andyśt, wi di, wo wün oüsgydrökt ejer. Kistiöeryja fur wjytśoft: kistiöeryja fu dam, wi zy hon gyat ym fȧld, ȧn oü fu dam, wi dy wymysiöejer wjytśoft zȧjn ym gydanka fu men kuzyn, andyśt gywiöda. Hynder byśrȧjwnana fu dam, wos ȧn wi zy hon ogyboüt, gyt’s oü zyty fur at ȧn fum ława fu dinstłoüt, trȧdycyja fur wjytśoft, wi oü fu dam, wi zy hon ołys gyłön, ym fȧld cy ata. Dos zȧjn typiśy twarfadum ym wymysiöeryśa folklor, wo zy zȧjn y hefa kistiöeryja fun nȧrrȧton, wo zy fun wjyt roüsśtoma. Kistiöeryja fun śiöehnikja: kistiöeryja fu dam, wo dy Wymysiöejeryna ȧn dy Wymysiöejyn höt gyśiöeht. Miöeha ziöen fun śoüzułn, wi der büw mytum ruta hitła. Dy ander, oüz łahawat wetergyziöet, łaha di łoüt oüs, wo zy zih łisa krigja, do zy głiöeta, do dy śiöehnikja istnjȧn. Kistiöeryja fur handwerk ȧn handuł: kistiöeryja fu dan Wymysiöejeryna ȧn Wymysiöejyn, wo zy ny hon gyławt fur at ym fȧld. Dos wün handwerkyn, zyty wi tepyn, wawyn ȧn śmyd, wo zy jyr fȧh hon gyłjyt y Win. S’zȧjn diöt oü gyśihta fun handułłoüt, hefa möł łahawaty. Der cug cym handuł ej bocy hoüt ȧ wihtikjer signȧl fu wymysiöejer andyśtkȧjt. Kistiöeryja fum asa: kistiöeryja fu dam, y wyłer cȧjt ȧn wi mȧ höt gasa, wi bröhta zy s’asa ufs fȧld ȧn oü fu dam, wo zy hon gykuzt bym asa. S’ej diöt oü dos, wi mȧ yhta zo koha ȧn oü wi zy śmakta. Wihtik ej diöt śüsterpop, wo ej oü bykant oüz „wymysiöejer fanküh”. Gyśihtkistiöeryja fu Wymysoü: kistiöeryja fun wihtikja zaha, wo zy zȧjn gyśan y Wymysoü, hefa möł wetergyziöet oüz memorȧt: fum ofang fum andyn wełtkrig (1939), nömkrigroüsfjyn, oüszidln, ȧreśtjyn ȧn represyja fu Wymysiöejeryna ȧn Wymysiöejyn. S’zȧjn diöt oü kumyntoża fur wełtkistiöeryj wi oü fur hjyzikja (wi s’ośtyfta fur Regjonȧltancgrüp „Wymysoü”). Ławakistiöeryja: kistiöeryja, wo zy cyn andyn kȧtegoryja ny pasta. Zy traktjyn fum idatagława: rodfiöen, gydenkja fum śpejła fur kyndhȧjt, łjyn fum śwyma, at ufer köłagrüw. Hefa föna ziöen fun konkretnikja łoüt: fu frynd oba nökwyn. Hefa zȧjn zyty, wo zy kuza fun krankyta ȧn wi mȧ zy zo kürjyn, wi oü łahawaty gyśihta. �45 Dy fürryd – dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh oüz ȧ śpröh ym śtarwa S’wihtiksty kryterum fum cytȧla wiöe dy tematyk. Ȧbysła andyśt ej dö s’tȧl Kistiöeryja fur müzik ȧn łidła, wu’s zȧjn oü gyzunga teksta ȧn nȧrrȧcyja föna, wi oü Ławakistiöeryja, wu’s zȧjn teksta, wo zy cyn andyn tȧln ny pasta. S’cył fu dam cytȧla wiöe ny dy klȧsyfikȧcyj nöm folklorystyćnikja śłysuł, ok do’s łȧjhter ej fjy dy łoüt, wo zy dos łaza, do zy kyna fynda di kistiöeryja, wo zy zȧjn ym mȧsta interesȧntyś fjyr zy. Zu kon mȧ fun fłȧk hühja oü yn kistiöeryja fun trȧdycyja ȧn gybroüha, ȧ dy granc cwyśa ławakistiöeryja ȧn gyśihtkistiöeryja fu Wymysoü zȧjn fłisnik. Yhy höf, do dar kompromis wyt y oła wejwułn. Yhy priöebjyt dy transkrypcyj yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh wi ym gynoüsta cy śrȧjwa, yr ecnikja wymysiöeryśa ortogrȧfyj ȧnöh. Dy jyśta pröba fum ufśrȧjwa yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh go’s śun yr jyśta hełwt fum 19-ta hundytjür, oder ołdyśt ym 20-ta hundytjür wün dos pröba fum ośtyfta fun ganca ȧjśrȧjwsystem. Ym 1907 jür höt dos gypriöebjyt ȧ pönyśer etnograf Młynek-Ludwik y zer brośür „Narzecze wilamowickie” (Młynek 1907). Ym 1909 jür śrȧw der Latosiński-śiłer ȧ wjytynbihła myter wymysiöeryśa ortogrȧfyj. Oü ȧ wymysiöejer śrȧjwer, der Fliöera-Fliöera, höt ym brüh fum 19-ta ȧn 20-ta hundytjür ogyśtyft zȧj ȧgja śrȧjwsystem, yr pönyśa ortogrȧfyj ȧnöh. Ȧ śrywt yr fonetyśa transkrypcyj ȧnöh mahta oü der Kleczkowski Adam (1920, 1921), Fliöera-Hermon (Mojmir 1930, 1936) ȧn Anders Heinrich (1933). Ym ofang fum 21-ta hundytjür śtyft zȧj śrȧjwsystem ȧ wymysiöejer tyhter Tołer-Jüza, wo’ȧ bȧzjyt ufer pönyśa ortogrȧfyj, oder ȧ gybroüht oü umloüta ȧn ȧ döpułta signȧl „ao”, wo’ȧ bydȧjt „gynȧgt a”. Dy gynanta ortogrȧfyśa systema hon zih diöh ferśidnikjys ny ufgynuma. Ȧna wün cy śwjer, by dan łecta hon dy oüton zy oü ny konsekwentnik gybroüht (zejh Wicherkiewicz 2001). Ym ofang fum andyn canjür fum 21-ta hundytjür wiöe ȧ nojy śrywt gybroüht, diöh dos, do ȧ grüp fu Wymysiöejyn ej uf dos kuma, wo zy wün myter Gyzełśoft „Wymysiöejer” cyzoma. Oüz ȧner fu dan łoüt ho’h ȧ zyty śrywt gymaht, wo zy ej ufer pönyśa ortogrȧfyj underśtyct ȧn zy höt 33 łȧjhty grafema. Ȧȧ Ii Pp Zz Aa Jj Rr Źź Bb Kk Ss Żż Cc Ll Śś Ćć Łł Tt Dd Mm Uu Ee Nn Üü Ff Ńń Ww Gg Oo Xx Hh Öö Yy Ȧn oü digrafa (dź, dż, ng, iö, oü, öe) ȧn ȧ trigraf (iöe). Di śrywt byrift zih uf dy śrywt fum Tołer-Jüza wi oü cy dar, wo zy ej ym wjytynbihła fum Mojmir, oder zy ej ju fejł gryngjer gymaht – zy wȧjzt ny ȧ ganca rȧjhtüm fur wymysiöeryśa fonetyk. Zy wejwułt oder bym derhałda fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh bym ława: zy błȧ ufgynuma fun ełdsta kuzyn, zy błȧjt güt ufgynuma byr łjyr fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh ȧn zy ej gybroüht diöh bałd oły gyłiöeta, wo zy eta myt dar śpröh yhta ata. Ym 2012 jür wiöda dy wihtiksta teksta fu wymysiöejer literȧtür �Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian 46 uf zy ejwerśrejwa14. Zy wiöd gybroüht yr publikȧcyj A grammar of Wymysorys (Andrason & Król 2016) ȧn oü ym wjytynbihła fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh, wo’ȧ höt bałd 10 toüzyt wjytyn. Hoüt ej zy dy ȧncikjy gybroühty śrywt fu dar śpröh. Dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh, wen’s zih höt ym dy standaryzȧcyj ȧn kodyfikȧcyj, ej andyśt wi hefa ander kliny śpröha, wu mȧ byśtenik ejwer ferśidnikjy śrywta dyśkürjyt. Wen jynt ȧ gramatyśy füm oba ȧ wüt andyśt wiöe owi yr standardwersyj15, śtełt yh nöher ȧ standardfüm ym ekikja wȧndła. Cüzecłik fürłen oba cüziöen śrȧw yh yn koüłikja wȧndła. Yhy go öbaht, do dy ejwerzecnan uf dy pönyśy śpröh wi ym gynoüsta ej, oder fjys güty fun łazyn ho’h nymiöehja wejderziöen ȧn ferziöen wȧggyłön. Dy akurata łazyn kyna myta wymysiöeryśa transkrypcyja ȧn filma ufer internetzȧjt fu Wikitongues ata. S’cył fu dar publikȧcyj ej dy wiöer fur dokumentȧcyj fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh oüscybrȧta, zu fjy dy gyłiöeta ȧn łiwhobyn fu mejśpryhikkȧjt, wi oü fjy dy Wymysiöejyn zoüwer, wo zy weła jyr kena fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh tifer maha. Dy Kistiöeryja fu Wymysiöejyn oüz moüłfolklor S’terenbadȧn, wo’h ho gyfüt, wiöe ȧ gywynłik etnogrȧfyś badȧn: s’wiöe ȧ obserwȧcyj ȧn wywjada. Ȧs fun cyłn wiöe’s łidła, gytyhta ȧn śprejhwjytyn yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh cyzomacykłoün. Ȧ grus tȧl fu dan teksta wiöe śun oüsgydrökt (Król 2019b; 2021), hefa möł oü fergłyhja myter wiöer yn arhiwa, wo zy wiöe cyzomagykłoüt fjym 1945 jür fun doüća füśjyn Horak-Karl ȧn Karasek-Alfred (Król 2019a). Miöehja fu dan teksta, zu wi zy dy kuzyn hon wetergan, hon y dam bihła płoc gyfunda. Dy gyśihta fu Wymysiöejyn wün bocy yt ny derfüśt fun folklorysta, ok myta klina oüsnama. Der Młynek-Ludwik, ȧ pönyśer folklorkłoüer, höt y zer brośür ȧ piöeca śprejhwjytyn ȧn kistiöeryja fu Wymysiöejyn oüsgydrökt (1907), ȧ ym band „Sagen der Beskidendeutschen” höt fjym krig der Karasek-Alfred, wo wer śun fönum śrywa, 61 kistiöeryja fu Wymysoü ufgyśrejwa (Karasek & Strzygowski 1930). Gük s’badȧn y Wymysoü wiöe yn łecta cwencik jür ni ny ufs cyzomakłoün fum folklor gyryht, hefa teksta, wo’ȧ zy yn folklor kon ȧjrȧhjyn, wiöda füt oü ufgyśrejwa. Ym Grochowskja-Piotr ȧnöh, der ocȧha fur folklorystyćnikja narracyj ej dos, do zy „ufnama ȧ kerper fun gynüg śtȧjda teksta, wo zy zih byrüfa uf gynoüa kenafjym ȧn stereotypa, wo zy fungowȧn yn łanikja, interaktywnikja komunikȧcyjnikja sytuȧcyja” (Grochowski 2017: 239). Zyty sytuȧcyja, wen ȧ tekst wjyd gykuzt ȧn ufgynuma, zȧjn fjyn folklor kȧrȧkterystyćnik ȧn zy „konstytjyn interpretȧcyjnikjy kesułn, wo zy ym oüstoüś fun informȧcyja, oüszihta ȧn ośecnana, miöekja, ata oüs, Mȧ kon zy diöhśoün ufer zȧjt fum projekt „Dziedzictwo językowe Rzeczypospolitej”, http://www.inne-jezyki.amu.edu.pl. 15 S’gejt ym dy fjym, wo zy zȧjn andyśt wi dy njym, wo zy wün ym Wjytynbihła fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh byśrejwa (Król 2020). 14 �Dy fürryd – dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh oüz ȧ śpröh ym śtarwa ȧ nöhta śtjekja ȧn brȧta oüs dy bygrejfmüstyn fur wirklihkȧjt ȧna zyty gyzec fum tün, wo zy cüna pasa” (Grochowski 2017: 239). Mȧ zo gydenkja, do ny nok ȧ trof ufer friöed oba ym krȧćum kon zȧjn ȧ folklorśofnikjy sytuȧcyj. Oü ȧ antropologićnikjer oba socjolingwistyćnikjer wywjad kon dos zȧjn. Yn wjytyn fun Burszta-Jędrzej ȧn Grębecka-Zuzanna ȧnöh „Dy sytuȧcyj fum etnogrȧfyśa wywjad ej oü y ȧm tȧl ȧ mytmaha ym proces fum ȧjkuma fun gydanka, fur noja ȧjkunft fun ołda gydanka fur fłügja cȧjt fur śtot, fu ȧr zȧjt yr ecnikja cȧjt fu Wymysoü, wo zy ej inda der punkt fum fłeća ym gykuz, ȧ fur andyn zȧjt ej zy inda gyśtyklt, nykompletnik ȧna nykompȧtybilnik myt dam, wo ym gydyhtnys ȧdkłjeft” (2015: 10). Hefa kistiöeryja, wo zy zȧjn ufgyśrejwa yr zyta sytuȧcyj, zȧjn fuł fun zyta elementa, wo zy wo ȧ wȧjł cyrykkuma ȧn ym kesuł ufgynuma ȧn zy wada fun folklorysta gybadȧt yn moüłikja teksta, wo zy wada gykuzt yn nȧtjyrłikja sytuȧcyja fjy dy łoüt fum kesuł (Grochowski 2019: 14). Ym Teśner-Śłyzyśa folklorysta Kajfosz-Jan ȧnöh: S’ȧjzidln fum tekst yn gydanka hȧst, do’ȧ ej mejer oba wingjer gynoü wetergyziöet, dos hȧst, do miöehja fjym oba bydȧjtnanstruktün wada wejder gyziöet, wos fjyt cy dam, do’ȧ wjyd konwencjonȧlnik ȧn hefa möł systemȧtyćnik. Grod diöh dos, do ȧ tekst ej troü yn akurata tekstafjym, ej der wihtiksty ocȧha fum folklorystyćnikja wetergan (2009: 44). Yr ȧnȧliz, wo zy ej typiś fjy dy folklorystyk, gejt’s yms „uffanga fun nȧrrȧcyjnikja fercyłkonwencyja, wo zy zȧjn gytraktjyt oüz ȧ śłysuł cym bygrȧjfa fur kultür, wo’ȧ łyt dy sensa (ȧn s’mytmaha) wihtik fjyr ȧ kesuł ufcyłaza” (Grochowski 2019: 15). Fu hefa kistiöeryja, wo zy y dam bihła zȧjn gywejza, hefa zȧjn memorȧta – kistiöeryja fum cȧjgjer. S’zȧjn y dam bihła hefa zyty kistiöeryja, cym bȧjśpil fum oüsbrȧhja fum krig, nömkriggrasjyn, öeta fum hejnłen fun tojera zaha fjyr dan, wo zy gygrasjyt hota oba fu dam, wi ȧdśtind dy grüp fun bowa byr Regjonaltancgrüp „Wymysoü”. Miöehja nȧrrȧton fercyłta dos ȧzu, wi wen zej zoüwer heta dos gydöht. Mȧ djef ju oder gydenkja, do der memorȧt ej kȧ objektywnikjy byśrȧjwnan fur wirklihkȧjt. Ȧ ej oüsgybrokt, ȧn dos, wi’ȧ wjyd fercyłt, höt mytum ȧgja derława ȧn myter ecnikkȧjt cy tün (Lehmann 2007: 32), wi oü myt dam, do mȧ dy memorȧta wył cyr kolektywnikja ideologyj fum kesuł cüpasa (Krawczyk-Wasilewska 1986: 27). Ȧ memorȧt ȧdśtejt cwyśam indywiduȧlnikja ȧn kesułnikja kȧrȧkter fur fercyłnan – ȧ ej y ȧm kontekst wetergan, ȧ höt typiśy motywa ȧn twarfadum ȧn’ȧ höt ȧ subjektywnikja kȧrȧkter (Hajduk-Nijakowska 2016: 10). Yr folklorystyn Marcol-Katarzyna ȧnöh, zȧjn dy hałdamüstyn ȧn watkjerȧrhyja ny byrezum bykuzt, „dos ej oder s’tün fu jyn śtȧtün, wo zy zȧjn gyśtełt y ȧm kontekst, wo wȧjzt, wos ej güt ȧn kesułnik ufcynama, ȧ wos śłȧht ȧn y ȧm kesuł ny derłiöet” (2020: 223). Der gyśtałt fu ȧm memorȧt höt oü dy persün fu dam, wo’ȧ cühüht cy tün, ȧ mejer dos, wi’s’um der kuzer fürśtełt, wo’ȧ fönum 47 �48 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian derhiöert. Diöh dos kom’s mer ȧj, do’s wihtik wje zȧjn, dy gyśiht fum kerper fun ufśpejłnana, wo zy cy dam bihła błyn oüsgykłoüt, fürcyśteła. Wi ȧ śwedyśer folkloryst Carl Wilhelm von Sydow śrȧw: Hefa memorȧta kyna y dy trȧdycyj nȧjkuma, bo dy łecta łoüt hon zy fjyr gynüg intersȧntyś, do zy zy weterziöen. By dam wada zy mejer oba wingjer ferendyt, dos hȧst, war zy weter kuzt. Ȧzu wjyd fum ołda memorȧt ȧ gydenkjafercyłnan, oder dy granc dercwyśa ej śwjer ufcyfanga (Sydow 1934: 253; za: Simonides 1969: 46). Dy kistiöeryja fun łoüt fanga o, wi dos Simonides śrȧw, „cy oła gyhjyn”, wen zy zȧjn „gynüg interesȧntyś”. Wen’s ȧzu ej, do wjyd der memorȧt „ym proces fum wetergan gyobjektywizjyt ȧn’ȧ feljyt by dam indywiduȧlnikjy ocȧha ȧn’ ȧ nymt uf zyty, wo zy zȧjn ym kesuł bygrȧjfłik ȧn zy wȧjza yht ungywynłikjys. Dy objektywizȧcyj hełt zih łiwer byn trȧnscendentnikja sytuȧcyja” (Simonides 1969: 46). Dar proces fum „ejwerata” ȧn cüpasa fum memorȧt cy dam, wo ȧ kesuł djef hon, hȧst fȧbulȧryzȧcyj ȧn folkloryzȧcyj (Hajduk-Nijakowska 2016: 65). Dos, wo błȧ ny ufgynuma fu ȧm kesuł, „gejt wȧg fum gybroüh ȧn śtjyrwt” (Bogatyriew & Jakobson 1975: 170). Hefa kistiöeryja, wo zy zȧjn y dam bihła, wün under dam proces, wi cym bȧjśpil fum śüldirektor, wo’ȧ höt gyret wymysiöejer mȧkja fjym roüsfjyn uf Üral, gyśihta fun „güta Rüsa”, cy fum cykrigata, wo dy knȧht mahta bym śmjergüst, cy ufȧ jyśta mȧja (wi cym bȧjśpil ȧ wiöen, wo’ȧ wiöe cyzomagyśtełt ufum dah). By dam dy mȧsta, wen ny oły kistiöeryja, wün fercyłt oüz dy „wirklih würikja” ȧn „objektywnikja”, wo zy zuła bywȧjza dy würyt fur oüsziht fun łoüt fum kesuł uf dy gyśiht. Dy fȧbulȧta kyna ny zȧjn gyhot oüz giöe śtȧjdy kistiöeryja, bo jyr müs-ocȧha zȧjn oü dy hefa warjanta: „jyr elementa ȧna dos, wi mȧ zy interpretjyt by idum noja weterziöen kund ejwerat ȧn wejdergyinterpretjyt wada. Dy procesa fur folkloryzȧcyj ȧn fȧbulȧryzȧcyj maha dy kistiöeryj, do zy ej wejdergyziöet ȧn endyt (höt warjanta)” (Grochowski 2019: 22–23). Zyty elementa fun fȧbulȧta, wo zy kyna myter cȧjt wos andyśtys bydȧjta, zȧjn toposa cy „śpröhśtȧnikkȧjta”, wo jyr bydȧjtnan höt myta interpretȧcyjmüstyn cy tün, wo zy y ȧm kesuł wada ufgynuma. Diöh dos miöehysmöł bydȧjta dinymłikja fȧbulȧta, wo zy fungowȧn y ferśidnikja gydankakesułn, wos andyśtys, oder inda yn skemȧta, öebroza ȧn ȧjkynfta fur nȧrrȧtoryśa trȧdycyj fu ȧm kesuł (Hajduk-Nijakowska 2016: 65–66). Yh go öbaht, do’h zo y dam bihła ferśidnikjy kistiöeryja wȧjza, ȧzu łis yh inda jok ȧ wersyj fu damnymłikja fȧbulȧt. Yn kistiöeryja fu Wymysiöejyn wjyd fürgyłet, fyrym dy śtȧtün zih zu hon ufgyfüt. Dos fürłen, wi dos Hajduk-Nijakowska śrȧw, „zȧjn hefa möł myta trȧdycyjnikja mekȧnizma fum wełtbygrȧjfa underśtyct” (2016: 50), ȧn zy egzystjyn ym „lokȧlnikja watsystem ȧn kesułnikja fürśtełnana, underśtyct fu dam, wo mȧ śpjyt, ȧn dos ołys boüt brama fur ontologyśa zyhjeran” (2016: 50). Di mekȧnizma, wo zy hyłfa „myta straha cy regjyn ȧn dy wełt ymsrod bygrȧjfa ȧna hyłfa dy fröga, wo zy ȧ menća �Dy fürryd – dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh oüz ȧ śpröh ym śtarwa knjyn, cyrykcyziöen” (2016: 50), kon mȧ derzan ny nok yn trȧdycyjnikja gatungja fum folklor, wi ȧ łid oba ȧ kistiöeryj, ok oü yn ławakistiöeryja. Diöh dos zu di gydankakistiöeryja fu Wymysiöejyn, wo zy traktjyn fur krigs- ȧn fur nömkrigscȧjt, wi oü dy kistiöeryja fum ołytagława – fun fołn, krankyta, ołder oba łöstikjy kȧjta, kyna fun folklorysta ȧn antropologa gybadȧt wada. Nymiöehja föna kyna oüz śtotlegenda gyzan wada, dos hȧst „nȧrrȧcyjkistiöeryja fun ȧktuȧlnikja kȧjta, wo zy ny łang łanik błȧjn” (Czubala 1999: 191). Oder zugiöe dy ecnikja śtotlegenda kyna hon „ołdy wücułn” (Czubala 1999: 194), dyrym djyft’ȧ zy inda interpretjyn ym kontekst fur folklorystyćnikja trȧdycyj fu ȧm kesuł. Ym foł fur moüłtrȧdycyj fu wymysiöejer kesuł, wihtik ej dos, do’s diöt gyt cwej etosa: fun wjyt ȧn fun handułłoüt. Y dam jyśta ej dy öntłikjy at ym mȧsta ogyzan, y dam andyn ej zy nok ȧ mytuł cym cył, dos hȧst cym gywejn. Di cwej etosa rifa cwü fercyłkonwencyja, wo zy zȧjn ferbunda myta wjyt ȧn handułłoüt. S’mȧst di Wymysiöejyn, wo zy wün gybün fjym krig wysa, do dy Pöła fun djyfyn ymsrod wo zȧjn fu Wymysoü hon yn gydanka ȧ öebroz fun Wymysiöejyn oüz wełyśy handułłoüt. Oüz kontra uf dos (gük dos hefa möł ej wür jok yn fürśtełnana fu Wymysiöejyn) ȧdśtinda hefa fȧbulȧta, wo zy zuła bywȧjza, wi sprytnik dy wymysiöejer handułłoüt zȧjn. Dos zuł cy dam fjyn, do Wymysoü wiöe rȧjh ȧn diöh dos andyśt wi dy djyfyn ymsrod. Di ferśidnikja fercyłkonwencyja zȧjn müstyn fum moüłwetergan, wo zy boüyn dy fercyłkultür fu Wymysiöejyn (Lehmann 2007: 20). Dy cyzomagykłoüta kistiöeryja zȧjn ferśidnik, wen’s gejt ym dy tematyk. Oder dy öebroza fu „ynzyn łoüt-Wymysiöejyn” ȧn „fremda” – Doüća, Pöła, Ełcnyn, „Rüskja” cy Jüda – zyca y oła kistiöeryja: y dan fum krig, nömkriggrasjyn, wi y dan fur fȧldat, owi y dan cym łaha. Der öebroz fu Wymysiöejyn underśȧjt zih yn ferśidnikja fercyłkonwencyja, wo zy zȧjn ferbunda myta etosa fu Wymysiöejer wjyt ȧn handułłoüt. Dy Wymysiöejer, wi ider kesuł, hon jyr folklorystyćnikja repertüar. Dy kistiöeryja, wo zy wetergan, hota łang cy tün myter nȧrrȧtoryśa trȧdycyj. Ym folkloryst Kadłubiec-Daniel ȧnöh, „dy wełt fum folklor ej ȧ oüsziht uf dy wełt ȧn uf dy łoüt zu, wi dos dy fygjeła zan, fum dystans fum cwyśagenerȧcyja ejwerława, wo boüyt dy wirklihkȧjt y jym ȧgja rȧht ȧnöh” (Kadłubiec 1999: 69). Dy kistiöeryja wiöda cügypast cyn interpretȧcyjmüstyn ȧn toposa, wo zy ym komunikȧcyjkesuł hon gyfungowȧt, zy wiöda cügypast cy dam, wo’ȧ grod diöft hühja. Dos hot oü myter polityk cy tün, wi oü myta gykuza myta hefa gyłiöeta ȧn dźjennikoża, wo zy köma uf Wymysoü. Dos, wi ȧ kistiöeryj ej weter gywiöda, kymt oü fu dam, cy wam zy wiöe adresjyt. Dy gydenkkistiöeryja, oü di gyfȧbulȧryzjyty ȧn gyfolkloryzjyty, błȧjn hefa möł fercyłt yr konwencyj fum memorȧt, „oüz würy gyśihta, wen śun ny fum nȧrrȧtor, to fu ȧm menć, wo’s der nȧrrȧtor zoüwer kant ȧn uf wyłys’ȧ zih kon oütorytȧtywnik byrüfa” (Simonides 1981: 35). Y dar folklorystyn ȧnöh, „wen’ȧ wył, do dy fercyłnan wjyd wetergyziöet wi yhta, wo wirklih wür ej gyśan, fjyt dos cy dam, do dy 49 �50 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian twarfadum, wo zy zȧjn bykant fur trȧdycyj, wada wejder fercyłt oüz ȧgja ejwerława fu ȧm menća. Ȧzu kymt hoütcytag fu ȧm fȧbulȧt wo ȧmöł mejer ȧ memorȧt” (Simonides 1981: 36). Yn folklorteksta „kon dy reprezentȧcyj fur wirklihkȧjt zih myter fikcyj mengja, hefa möł wada dy zaha, wo zy jyśter wün gyśan, cyr hoütnikja wirklihkȧjt cügypast; zej zȧjn ungywułd gynyt zu, wi mȧ zy hoüt djef hon” (Kajfosz 2011: 60). Wihtik ej ny nok dy sytuȧcyj zoüwer, ok oü der menć, wo’ȧ y dam cühüht. Ekstra byn ȧlternȧtywnikja gyśihta, dos hȧst yn „kistiöeryja fu dam, wi dy grüp ynwik ej cytȧlt, wo zy wȧjza, do miöehja emocyja, ahtnana ȧn cyłn wün ny inda fu oła cügyśtymt (Macdonald 2021: 107–108). Di wün yn fremda ny wetergan, ok y ynzer łoüt. Fylȧjht diöh dos kund yhy, oüz ȧ hjyzikjer füśjer, zej ufśrȧjwa. Diöh dos kyna dy kistöeryja, wo zy zȧjn y dam bihła, ny oüz wür oba ny wür fürgyśtełt błȧjn. Hefa föna śtyma ny cyzoma, oba hon ynwik śłȧhty data oba fȧkta. Yhy priöebjyt zy ny byrjyn, ok yn jytyn, wu’s mih doüht, do dos ȧ müs ej, ho’h yhta cügyśrejwa. Yr ȧntropologyn Tokarska-Bakir-Joanna ȧnöh, „dy gywynłikjy śpröh łoügjyt ny zu, wi dy dyskursa fu ferśidnikja gyśihtpolitykja, ok zy ziöet wür gütwyłnik. Dy śpröh wȧjzt, wi dy łoüt dy wełt zan” (2009: 303). Ȧn grod di oüsziht uf dy wełt fun kuzyn, ȧ ny dy wür fu dar wełt ej dos, wo dy folklorystyk zo badȧn. Wi dy rüsyśa folklorysta der Bogatyriew-Piotr ȧn der Jakobson-Romȧn hon gyśrejwa, „ȧ folklortekst fyngt zih o ołdyśt y dar cȧjt, wen’ȧ wjyd ufgynuma fu ȧm kesuł; ȧn wos mej, s’hałda zih bym ława jok di elementa, wo dar kesuł ufnymt” (1975: 169). Dy oüton śrywa oder folȧjfik, do ȧ tekst, wo’ȧ ny ej ufgynuma fu ȧr grüp ȧn wo’ȧ ej ufs fergasa gyłön, kon gyret wada fu ȧm „cüfełikja gykrysuł fu ȧm kłoüer, wo’ȧ’ȧ ejwertrüg fum moüłikja tyhta cyr śrȧjwliterȧtür” (1975: 169). Zu ej dos byśtymt oü ym foł fu hefa kistiöeryja, wo mȧ mer fercyłt, wo zy diöh ferśidnikjys ny kunda błȧjn ufgynuma fur grüp, oder zy zȧjn y dam bihła. Ym doüća folkloryst Lehmann-Albrecht ȧnöh, höt idy gyśihtcȧjt jyr fercyłnankultür, wo zy myta generȧcyja andyśt wjyd (Lehmann 2007: 13). Dy cyzomagykłoüta teksta y dam bihła śtama fun nȧrrȧton, wo zy wün gybün fjym andyn wełtkrig. Wi dos der Grochowski-Piotr śrȧw: s’ufnama fum internetwetergan hȧst „ny nok s’ośoün oba s’łaza, ok oü s’ośeca, kumentjyn, dercyłnan fum ȧgja ejwerława, fren ȧn dyśkürjyn myta oüton oba andyn śoüyn/łazyn” (Grochowski 2017: 239). Dy publikȧcyj kon oü ȧ repertüar fu jyngjyn Wymysiöejyn ȧjfłisa. Dy kontenta krigta ȧ noja trȧnsmisyjrima, wo’ȧ kon zy hefa łengjer bym ława hałda. Fylȧjht wen ny dos dokumentȧcyjnikjy tün, heta zy bocy hoütnik tags ny derławt, oba zy heta giöe ny ȧdśtanda, bo di, wo cühühta, dos wün grod dy hjyzikja ȧktywista ȧn gyłiöeta. Dos het ny s’jyśty möł gywast, wen dos wjyn zȧjn ny nok dy łoüt fu ȧm komunikȧcyjnikja kesuł, ok oü dy gyłiöeta, wo zy hon mytgyat bym ȧdśtejn fum folklor. Yhy höf, do di publikȧcyj – oüz bihła wi oü oüz internetzȧjt, kon hyłfa ny nok dy śpröh ȧn dy wymysiöejer moüłtrȧdycyj cy dokumentjyn, ok do zy oü wyt güt ȧjfłisa uf jyr łanikkȧjt ym wymysiöeryśa kesuł. Der Internet ej hoüt hałt ȧ wihtik medium fum wetergan fun zełda gybroühta śpröha. �WILAMOWSKOJĘZYCZNE OPOWIEŚCI WILAMOWIAN GYŚIHTA FU WYMYSIÖEJYN YR WYMYSIÖERYŚA ŚPRÖH Opozycja „swoi”–„obcy”: auto- i heterostereotypy Dy opozycyj „ynzer łoüt” – „fremdy łoüt”, dos hȧst dy oüo- ȧn heterostereotypa [1] Dy Wymysiöejyn kuma fum mjer Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Yh wa der wos ziöen, inda kuzt dy Polinskja-müm, wer zȧjn kuma diöt fu... kymt’s cy ziöen, fum mjer. Bo wjyr zȧjn... bo ynzer łoüt hon zih gyfüt woser. Zy... nimyd ny wył ny zȧjn bym mjer, by ȧm fłus, wi hȧst’s?... – Fłus. Fłus. Ju. Zy hon zih gyfüt fum woser. No oder zȧjn zy gykłoü... No wifuł jür müsa zy zȧjn kuma uf Wymysoü, ny? No do Wymysiöejer – zȧjn zy łang śun gywast dö, hon zy zih gy... myter wjytśoft, no. Oder inda fercyłt zy fu dam, do... wi zy hon fojer gymaht. Myt ȧm śtȧn, hon zy ȧ śtȧn ufȧ andyn śtȧn gykłopt, do wiöe... wytryskła, kymt’s cy ziöen.... – S’kom woser? Fojer. No do müst hon güty, güt śtruw, troügjys, do dos gy... höt gybrant, ny? No wifuł möł müsta zy dos ś... kymt’s cy ziöen... śtrö... – Śröpa? Wȧ ny, wi dos hȧst wymysiöeryś. – Śłön ȧner ym andyn oba śłȧjfa. No, do fojer roüskymt. No do... oder... kymt’s cy ziöen, śwjer wiöe’s gywast dö. Bo fȧld wün hefa, fad wün wing, ołys müsta zy maha myta hiöela. Myta hiöela, ȧna do hon zy gyhakt ȧn hower gyzyt ȧn kün ȧna, s’mȧjsta [s’mȧsts] kün, nöhta śpyter hota zy wȧs, oder oü gaśt, oü hon zy gyhot. No do fu dam hon zy gyławt. Wilamowianie pochodzą znad morza Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Coś ci powiem, ciotka Polińska zawsze mówiła, że my pochodzimy tam, przyjdzie powiedzieć, znad morza. Bo jesteśmy... nasi ludzie bali się wody. Nikt nie chce być przy morzu, ani przy rzece. – Rzece? �52 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian – Rzece. Rzece, tak. Bali się wody. No ale oni przy... no ile lat musieli iść do Wilamowic, nie? No to Wilamowianie już tu długo są, to się... zajmowali gospodarstwem, no. Ale zawsze opowiadała o tym, jak robili ogień. Jednym kamieniem, jednym kamieniem uderzali w drugi kamieni, no to była... wytryskła, przyjdzie powiedzieć... – Przyszła woda? Ogień. No to musiałeś mieć dobrą słomę, suchą, że to się zapaliło, nie? Ile razy to musieli, śtrö... – Śröpa? Nie wiem, jak to po wilamowsku. – Uderzać jednym kamieniem o drugi, albo ocierać. No żeby ogień wyszedł. No to, ale, przyjdzie powiedzieć, ciężko tu było. Bo pola było dużo, koni było mało, wszystko musieli robić kopaczkami. Kopaczkami, to kopali i owies siali i żyto, najwięcej żyta. Potem dopiero mieli pszenicę, albo też jęczmień, też mieli. No to z tego żyli. [2] Ȧ Wymysiöejer tryft zȧj müter y Amsterdam Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Oder h’wa der wos ziöen, yh kuz ok zöfuł, wi mjyr śrȧw der Biöeźnjok-Jȧśü. Fu, fon [fu] Holandja, z Amsterdamu, do ging’ȧ y dy kjyh, s’wiöe ȧn zuntag, ȧn’ȧ gejt ȧn’ȧ zit, ȧ wymysiöejer bow gejt, kymt’ȧ ziöen, „mȧj mama ej kuma gyfiöen uf Holand”. Bo ȧ höt gyśrejwa ȧn briw, ȧna ȧ liöeft [łjeft] dyhemd [byhend], ȧ gejt oü y dy kjyh, ȧn’ȧ łiöeft [łjeft] dyhemd [byhend], ȧn’ȧ gejt, wi’ȧ ej ȧ piöer met [metyn], ȧ zit, ȧ höt śü fu hułc. Łódki. „O, dos ej mȧj mama ny”. Oder ȧ gejt ȧdiöh, zy ej ogycün wymysiöeryś. No. „Zy ej ogycün wymysiöeryś, yh gydöht, mȧj mama ej kuma”, niby dy Biöeźnjoćka, bo har hot śun kȧ mama ny, oder ȧ his zy „mama”. No. Ȧna dos ej..., dos śrȧw’ȧ mer ym briw. No. Dos hȧst, müsa fjyr... ynzer ełdyn fu diöt jynt rȧjnkuma, wen’ȧ diöt höt gyzan ȧ wymysiöejer bow. Wilamowianin spotyka swoją matkę w Amsterdamie Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Ale coś ci opowiem, mówię tylko to, co mi napisał Boźniok-Jasiu. Z Holandii, z Amsterdamu, to szedł do kościoła, była niedziela, no i idzie i widzi, że idzie Wilamowianka. Podchodzi do niej i mówi: „Moja mama przyjechała do Holandii”. Bo pisał list, i leci, on też idzie do kościoła, i leci szybko, i jak jest parę metrów od niej, widzi, ona ma buty z drewna. Łódki. „O, to nie jest moja mama”. Ale on przechodzi, a ona �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian jest ubrana po wilamowsku. No, „Ona jest ubrana po wilamowsku, ja myślałem, że to moja mama przyjechała”, niby Boźnioczka, bo on już nie miał swojej mamy, ale on do niej mówił „mama”. No. I to jest... to mi napisał w liście. No. To znaczy, że nasi rodzice musieli skądś stamtąd przyjść, skoro tam zobaczył Wilamowiankę (w stroju). [3] Dy Wymysiöejer wün ander łoüt Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Wjyr wün ander łoüt, kymt’s cy ziöen, myt ołum andyśt. Mytum ocug, mytum asa, myter at ȧna łöstik zȧjn. Wjyr zunga hefa y Wymysoü ȧn hefa błimła. Błimła wün y idum gatła. Dy Wymysdiöfyn, wi zy köma ufȧ opyłys, do wunda [wundyta] zy zih, do zy zöfuł błimła hon y Wymysoü. „My se też musimy posadzić”. Yhy gydenk, wi dy Polinskja-müm hakt di, di fiöenbłimła, wo wer hȧsa klapsy. Hakt zy „No ady se weź z tego i z tego”. Go zy yn Pöła, do zy zuła zeca dy błimła. No, y Wymysoü wün hefa błimła. Wilamowianie byli innymi ludźmi Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. My byliśmy innymi ludźmi, przyjedzie powiedzieć. We wszystkim inni. W ubiorze, w jedzeniu, w pracy i w wesołości. Dużo śpiewaliśmy w Wilamowicach i dużo kwiatków. Kwiatki były w każdym ogrodzie. Starowsianie, jak przychodzili do nas na odpust, to dziwili się, że tyle kwiatków mają w Wilamowicach. „My se też musimy posadzić”. Pamiętam, jak ciotka Polinska kopała, te, te, floksy, co nazywamy klopsy. Kopała, „No ady se weź z tego i z tego”. Dała Polakom, żeby sobie posadzili kwiatki. No w Wilamowicach było dużo kwiatków. [4] Uf Wymysoü diöft zih nimyd ny ferwȧjwa Biöeźnjok-Helka (1924–2014), 2009. Y Wymysoü diöft zih nimand ferwȧjwa. Fon [fun], nökwer, fun, no, diöfa [djyfyn]. – Ju, oder dy höst gyziöet, do fu dar zȧjt fu Wymysoü, fum End? Ju ju, oder di diöfta zih ny ferwȧjwa y Wymysoü, fu Śrȧjwadiöf, Ołddiöf, Denkendiöf [Denkjadiöf], Hecznarowice, djyft’ȧ zih... nok Wymysiöejer mytum Wymysiöejer. Ȧ dy hełwt y Wymysoü, yh wył dos 53 �54 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian ny zjyr ziöen, oder dö zȧjn zu wi inder, ander łoüt, ȧn fum Rynk diöt... wejder ganc ander. Ju. Fu dar zȧjt, dar hełwta, diöft’ȧ zih ny ferwȧjwa diöt. Ȧn diöt – dö ny. No ȧzu wiöe’s. Zy hon zih ferwejwa zu unter miteinand, verwandt und so weiter, so. Do Wilamowic nikt nie mógł się przyżenić Helena Gasidło z d. Zejma (1924–2014), 2009. W Wilamowicach nikt nie mógł się żenić z... sąsiadów, no z wiosek. – Ale mówiłaś, że z tej strony Wilamowic... Tak, tak, ale oni nie mogli się żenić w Wilamowicach, z Pisarzowic, Starej Wsi, Dankowic, Hecznarowic, nie powinni... Tylko Wilamowianie z Wilamowianami. A ta połowa Wilamowic (zachodnia), nie chcę tego za bardzo powiedzieć, ale tu są tak jakby inni ludzie, a z rynku tam znowu całkiem inni. Tak. Z tej strony, z tej połowy, nie powinno się żenić tam. A z tamtej tu nie. Tak było. Oni się żenili tylko tak między sobą, z krewnymi i tak dalej. [5] Dy Wymysiöejyn köma mejer wi zejwa hundyt jür y dam H: Taksła-Hȧla (1923–2020), 2009. N: Taksła-Nüśa (1920–2012), 2009. H: Zejwa hundyt jür wi zy dö hon... N: Zejwa, dos ej śun mejer wi zejwa jür, (zejwa hundyt jür). H: No yta ys’s mejer. Fylȧjht aht. N: Yh ho niöencik jür ȧn byśtenik hjy’h zejwa ȧn zejwa. S’ej śun aht! Wilamowianie przybyli ponad siedemset lat temu H: Elżbieta Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1923–2020), 2009. N: Anna Sznajder (Schneider), z d. Danek (1920–2012), 2009. H: Siedemset lat minęło od czasu jak oni… N: Siedem, to już jest więcej niż siedem(set) lat. H: No teraz już jest więcej. Może osiemset. N: Ja już mam dziewięćdziesiąt lat i ciągle słyszę siedemset i siedemset. Jest osiemset! �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [6] Dy Wymysiöejyn wün ander łoüt wi dy Ełcnyn Tołer-Jüza (1929–2013), 2012. Dos wiöe ȧzu: dy Wymysiöejer hota myt dan Ełcnyn nist cy tün, bo dy Ełcnyn hota ȧbysła ander ryd, ȧn dy Ełcnyn hota zih mejer, do zy Doüćy zȧjn. Zy hota zih, do zy Doüćy zȧjn, no do, ȧ dy Wymysiöejyn, bo diöt, y Ałca hot, dos, dos der Latosiński śrȧw, do höt zih ȧ śiłer ferwejwa y Ałca, diöh dos zȧjn diöt Rosnern; Rosner his’ȧ. Dos śrȧjwt, do dü konst ju dos łaza. Do hot’ȧ, diöt zȧjn oü Rosnern gywast, y Ałca. No fu dam Wymysiöejer, wu zy diöt [höt] ferwejwa, bo Wymysiöejer hon zih oü ferwejwa, Foxa wün oü mȧłȧjhtwun y Pöłn, ȧna dö... No ȧna dos hota zy zih ferwejwa. Oder dy Ełcnyn wün ȧzu, zy hota kȧ, kȧ zyty güty cükunft cy ynzyn, cy ynzyn, cy ynzyn, dos. Bo zy hota mejer ȧzu, zy hota ȧ doüćy śül diöt y Ałca, ȧ pönyśy śül wiöe ȧn ȧ doüćy śül. Di kyndyn gingja y dy doüćy śül oba y dy pönyśy, wȧs yh, op nok, oder müsta oü pönyś (łjyn), wen zy dö, y Pöłn, wün. H’wȧ nist, cy gingja zy y di, y di, oba wi, wȧs yh ny, oder s’wün cwü śüln [śiln], dos wȧs yh. No ȧna di..., di łoüt wün ȧzu, ȧbysła ȧzu śtrytyś wün di łoüt. Dy wün ny zyty łoüt, zyty... wi hȧst zih, ȧzu... Dy Wymysiöejen wün ander łoüt. Fu andym [andum] pokolenie... Wilamowianie byli inni niż Hałcnowianie Józef Gara (1929–2013), 2012. To było tak: Wilamowianie nie mieli z Hałcnowianami nic wspólnego, bo Hałcnowianie mieli trochę inną mowę, i ci Hałcnowianie uważali się bardziej, że są Niemcami. Uważali siebie za Niemców. No to... a Wilamowianie, bo tam w Hałcnowie, to pisał Latosiński, tam się ożenił nauczyciel w Hałcnowie, dlatego tam jest teraz nazwisko Rosner. Rosner się nazywał. To pisze..., możesz o tym poczytać. Że tam też były Rosnery w Hałcnowie. No od tego Wilamowiana, co się tam ożenił, bo Wilamowianie też tam się żenili. Foxowie byli w wielu miejscach w Polsce, i tu... to się żenili. Ale Hałcnowianie byli tacy, nie mieli dobrego nastawienia do naszych, naszych, to. Bo oni się uważali raczej za.... oni mieli tam niemiecką szkołę w Hałcnowie, polska szkoła była i niemiecka. Dzieci chodziły do niemieckiej szkoły albo do polskiej, nie wiem czy tylko, ale musieli też po polsku, jak byli w Polsce. Nie wiem, czy chodzili do jednej i drugiej, czy jak, nie wiem. Ale były dwie szkoły, to wiem. No i... ci ludzie byli tacy, tacy trochę kłótliwi. Oni byli takimi ludźmi, jak to się nazywa, tacy... Wilamowianie to byli inni ludzie. Z innego pokolenia (fali osadniczej). 55 �56 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [7] Dy Ełcnyn ferhyndyn yn Wymysiöejyn Tołer-Jüza (1929–2013), 2012. No, no. Oder, ȧ di wün zyty, di..., di, di kłopa, wu fün uf dy Bejł y dy at, ufa rydyn fün zy, ny? Bo s’wün kȧ, kȧ oütabüsa wün ny, ȧni oüta, do fün zy na rowerach. Fün zy ufa rydyn, ȧ dy ełcner bowa gingja wi der [dy] śtrös brȧt ej, gingja zy myta, mytum, myt dam, myt ȧm, myt puter, myt myłih, byłoda gingja zy, zyty taśa hota zy, gingja zy, ȧ di fün, ȧn di kłenglta, ȧn di cöwta zih ny. Di müsta rundergejn fum rod, di cöwta zih ny, do zy... Ȧ jyśter wün zyty śtrösa, dos wiöe hefa, hefa wiöe, dos, ufa... wi hȧst?... Śtoüb, hefa śtoüb wiöe ufer śtrös, bo s’wün zyty śtrösa fu śtȧn, ny? No do wün śtoüb, wen ȧ oüta fü, to wiöe fuł śtoüb, ȧna uf, hyndyn rydyn maht’s zih oü śtoüb, oder ny ȧzu hefa. Ȧna – ȧzu fercyłt mer ȧner – nöhta ziöet’ȧ, s’ander möł, no do hota zy ny diöhgyłön, oder wejder zȧjn zy gyfiöen, bo di, s’mügjys, bo di zȧjn s’mügjys ganga fu Ałca uf dy Byłc cy ferkiöefa dos. Ziöet’ȧ, hota zy uf dy rydyn gymaht zyty est, ȧn zyty kliny est gymaht, myt, myt błytyn, cügy..., cügy..., cügybunda bym rod, ȧna gyfiöen, do, fu dan est, to ging, ging, to s’riöehyt nok. Ȧzu hota zy... ȧ di hota gyfłüht uf zy nöhta. Hałcnowianie przeszkadzają Wilamowianom Józef Gara (1929–2013), 2012. No no, ale oni byli tacy... ci mężczyźni, którzy jeździli do Białej na rowerach, nie? Bo nie było żadnych autobusów, ani samochodów, to jeździli na rowerach. Jeździli na rowerach, a Hałcnowianki chodziły tak jak ulica jest szeroka, szły z, z tym, z masłem, z mlekiem, obładowane szły, takie torby miały, szły, a ci jechali. I ci dzwonili na dzwonkach, a te się nie odsuwały. I oni musieli zejść z rowera, a one się nie przesuwały, żeby oni... a kiedyś były takie ulice, że było dużo, dużo, jak się nazywa, kurzu: dużo kurzu było na ulicy, bo były takie drogi kamieniste, nie? No to był kurz, a jak auto jechało, to było całkiem zakurzone, a za rowerami też się kurzyło, ale nie aż tak bardzo. I tak opowiadał mi jeden. Potem powiedział, na drugi raz, no to też ich nie przepuściły, ale znowu jechali, bo one, rano, one chodziły rano z Hałcnowa do Bielska sprzedawać to. Powiedział, że zrobili na rowery takie gałęzie, takie małe gałęzie z liśćmi, (worki z piaskiem) przywiązali przy kole i jechali, to z tych gałęzi się tylko kurzyło. Tak im zrobili, a te na nich klęły potem. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [8] Nimand hot yns ny gan diöh dy śpröh Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Nȧ, nȧ, nimand. Oły diöfyn [djyfyn] hota yns ny gan. Bo, do wer kuza ganc andyśt wi zej, do wer zȧjn ganc andyśt ogycün ȧna dos wiöe ołys ny güt. (...) No-no, bo, do dos ziöe’h der ju, bo zy ferśtinda nist, wu wjyr kuza. Nöhta ziöet... no s’höt ȧner gyziöet „hołdy-bołdy”, nöhta kuzta śun mejer, wejder mejer, no ȧn dos ej ȧzu uf dar wełt. Nikt nas nie lubił z powodu języka Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Nie, nie, nikt. Wszystkie wioski nas nie lubiły. Bo, że mówimy całkiem inaczej niż oni, że jesteśmy inaczej ubrani, i to wszystko się im nie podobało. (...) No to, mówię ci, bo nic nie rozumieli, co mówiliśmy. Potem mówili, no jeden powiedział „hołdy-bołdy”, potem mówili już więcej, coraz więcej, no i tak to już jest na tym świecie. [9] Dy śpröh wiöe ny derłiöet Taksła-Hȧla (1923–2020), 2014. Wiöe’s, s’wiöe ny derłiöet. Do dos ej doüć, doüć, ȧn yta to, yt wyła zy oły kunst zȧjn, oły weła zy zyty, no. Bo dö, dö, ny dy fu, yhy kuz ny fun... dy łoüt fu, ynz... ym diöf, di diö... oba wȧ... fum dö, do di łoüt. Oder di łoüt dö, wu dö by yns ławta, no. Bo wün dy Pöła ȧn dy Wymysiöejyn. No to... no ȧzu kuzta zy, ny? Ȧzu wiöe’s, ȧzu kuzta... Język wilamowski był zakazany H: Elżbieta Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1923–2020), 2014. Nie było, nie było dozwolone. Że to jest niemiecki, a teraz to, to chcą wszystko wiedzieć, wszyscy chcą takie... no. Bo tu, tu, nie ci z, nie mówię tu o ludziach z wiosek, co byli, albo ci, że ci ludzie. Ale ci ludzie, którzy tu koło nas żyli. Bo byli Polakami, a my Wilamowianami. No to, tak mówili, nie? Tak było. 57 �58 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [10] Ȧ Wymysiöejeryn ziöet uf „hołdy-bołdy” o H: Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2009. I: Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. H: Oder wȧst, wo ȧ bow ziöet, oder yh gydenk mer dos ny. „Hołdy-bołdy” hon zy gyrüfa, ȧ di bow ȧzu: „Wen dy ny wjest kyna pönyś kuza, wjesty müsa była wi ȧ hund”. I: No, do dos ziöet yh’ȧ oü śun wifuł möł. Jak jedna Wilamowianka odpowiedziała na „hołdy-bołdy” H: Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2009. I: Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. H: Ale wiesz, co jedna kobieta powiedziała? Ale ja tego już nie pamiętam. „Hołdy-bołdy” wołali, a ona tak: „Jakbyś nie umiała mówić po polsku, to byś musiała szczekać jak pies”. I: No, ja to też mówiłam wiele razy. [11] Der śwygjerfoter wiöe ȧ Pöła, oder ȧ łjyt zih wymysiöeryś Tołer-Jüza (1929–2013), 2012. Dy bow kund wymysiöeryś, oder dy wułd ny, bo dy kyndyn wün ȧna wi dy kyndyn klin wün, do kundwer ny kuza wymysiöeryś, bo dö hotwer zyty, zyty, dö zyty, wi hȧst’ȧ, zyty komunist hotwer nönd, to kundwer ny kuza wymysiöeryś, müstwer zih uf, uf pönyś nok kuza. Zej kund wymysiöeryś, yh kund wymysiöeryś, ȧn wen... to wer müsta pönyś kuza. Ȧ dö wiöe nö der śwygjerfoter, har wiöe ȧ Pöła. Oder ȧ, fum andum diöf wiöe’ȧ, fu Hylćadiöf, oder har höt zih dö ferwejwa śun, wȧs yh, y wyłum jür, ym.. ahtȧncwencikjer. No do müst’ȧ zih wymysiöeryś łjyn. Ȧ kund wymysiöeryś. No ȧ, dos wiöe ȧzu: wen ȧner, wen zih ȧner dö ferwȧw uf Wymysoü, dos wiöe ȧzu, no ny ȧzu, oba wiöe’ȧ rȧjh, ȧ müst giełd hon, hefa giełd, oba ȧ zyty miöed nom’ȧ, wu nimyd ny wułd, oba mytum kynd, o, ȧ kynd wen zy hot. Ȧ mȧj śwygjermüter hot ȧ kynd. Dy kund zih ny oüsgan gryhta, no to hot’ȧ zih oüs... ferwejwa myter. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Mój teść był Polakiem, ale uczył się wilamowskiego Józef Gara (1929–2013), 2012. Moja żona umiała mówić po wilamowsku, ale nie chciała, bo dzieci były i jak dzieci były małe, to nie mogliśmy mówić po wilamowsku, bo tu mieliśmy takich, takich, jak się nazywa..., komunistów takich blisko, to nie mogliśmy mówić po wilamowsku, musieliśmy się na... mówić po polsku. Ona umiała mówić po wilamowsku, ja umiałem mówić po wilamowsku, a jak przyszło co do czego, to musieliśmy mówić po polsku. A tu był teść, on był Polakiem, ale... Z innej wsi był, z Hecznarowic, ale tu się ożenił, nie wiem już, w którym roku... w 1928. No to musiał się nauczyć po wilamowsku, umiał mówić po wilamowsku. No a to było tak, jak któryś, jak któryś się ożenił w Wilamowicach, to to było tak, no nie tak, albo był bogaty, musiał mieć pieniądze, dużo pieniędzy, albo taką dziewczynę wziął, co jej nikt nie chciał, albo z dzieckiem, o, dziecko jak miała. A moja teściowa miała dziecko. Nie mogła wyjść za mąż tak od razu, no to on się z nią ożenił. [12] Fyrym zih dy łoüt interesjyn myter wymysiöeryśa śpröh Taksła-Hȧla (1923–2020), 2014. Oder andyśt nö, wos ej dos do di, di ryd wymysiöeryśy, do dy łoüt yta zih interesjyn. No. Bo dos ej ny ȧzu, do... wu zy yns jata, wu zy yns, wu dö wiöe ym fynfȧnfjycikjer jür wi di, komunizm wiöe, ny? No, do wiöe’s ju ny derłiöet. Mȧryja, dö ȧn kłopa derśłögyn [derśłüga] zy ȧn wu zy dö ro... wu zy dö ata myt yns. Ȧn dos wöst nimyd ny, fu wu ynzer łoüt, bo dos ej ynzer, wu yhy bej roüs fu dan łoüt, ny? Wu zy dö zȧjn kuma. S’wiöe zejwa... zejwa hundyt jür, s’wyt śun zȧjn aht hundyt jür. Dlaczego jest teraz takie zainteresowanie językiem wilamowskim Elżbieta Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1923–2020), 2014. Ale jeszcze co innego, co to jest, że ta, ta mowa wilamowska, że ludzie teraz się tym interesują. No. Bo to nie jest tak, jak nas bili, co nam, co tu było w 1945 roku, jak komunizm był, nie? No to nie było wolno. Maryjo, tu jednego mężczyznę zabili i co tu... co tu robili z nami. A tego nikt nie wiedział, skąd nasi ludzie (pochodzą), bo to jest nasze, co ja pochodzę z tych ludzi, co tu przybyli. Było siedem, siedemset lat, to będzie już osiemset. 59 �60 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [13] Der kłop fu Błan ferśtind wymysiöeryś Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), 2009. Ȧ fylȧjht, bo yta kuzt mej nimyd ny wymysiöeryś, oły kuzwer pönyś. Ȧ mȧj kłop wiöe fu Błan, dar kuzt ok pönyś. Oder ȧ ferśtind ołys. Wjyr kunda nist ny kuza, bo: „Yhy wȧs ołys, wo jyr kuzt”. Mąż z Bielan rozumiał po wilamowsku Elżbieta Matysiak z d. Rosner (1924–2014), 2009. A może, bo teraz nikt już nie mówi po wilamowsku, wszyscy mówimy po polsku. A mój mąż był z Bielan, on mówił tylko po polsku. Ale rozumiał wszystko. My nie mogliśmy nic mówić, bo „Ja wszystko wiem, co wy mówicie”. [14] Der Poüermin ziöet, wos ej nojys Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. Ju, no do wen yhta wiöe nojys, no do ging’ȧ śun, ziöet’ȧ yn łoüta śun, byr kjyh, war wył yhta hjyn, do’ȧ zo kuma ufȧ Rynk, diöt wyt’ȧ kuza. – Wymysiöeryś cy pönyś? Wymysiöeryś. No s’wün łoüter Wymysiöejyn, do kunda zy. Ȧna dy andyn, wo wün, di wün wejder... Di wen zy heta gykund, heta zy yns gyśtoha. Bo wjyr kuzta wymysiöeryś, ȧ zej ferśtinda nist. No, dos wiöe ȧ zyta diöf, no ȧzu wi y Ałca, y Ałca kuza zy oü ȧbysła. Enłik, oder ny ganc ȧzu wi wjyr. Pauermin mówił o nowinach Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2012. Tak, no to jak było coś nowego, to szedł już, mówił ludziom już, przy kościele, że kto chce posłuchać, to powinien przyjść na rynek. Tam będzie mówił. – Po wilamowsku czy po polsku? Po wilamowsku. No byli sami Wilamowianie, to umieli. A ci inny, co byli, to znowu... Ci jakby mogli, to by nas zadźgali. Bo my mówiliśmy po wilamowsku, a oni nic nie rozumieli. No to to była taka wioska, tak jak Hałcnów. W Hałcnowie też mówią trochę. Podobnie, ale nie tak samo jak my. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [15] Wen wer kuzta wymysiöeryś, müstwer śtröf coła Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. Ȧ wymysiöeryś oü, no do dy ałda, di junga kyna ju nist, mȧj kyndyn kyna wymysiöeryś ny. Yhy, wen yh yhta kuz myt imanda, nöhta fren zy: „Wos ej dos? Wi hȧst dos? Wos ej dos?”. Zej wysa nist. Bo jyśter łisa zy, wjyr kund... wjyr, wȧł yh, wi yhy wiöe jung, do ziöeta zy nö nist ny. Nöhta wen wer wułda wymysiöeryś kuza, müstwer śtyłnik, ȧ wen zy imand dertrüg, do wer wymysiöeryś kuza, müstwer śtröf coła. Ȧzu wiöe’s jyśter. Ȧ yta wjyn zy weła, do oły zuła kuza, ȧna di ałda kyna, ȧ wifuł zȧjn dar ałdy. Wen śun dos ej ołys gyśtiörwa. Ȧna di junga kyna ju wymysiöeryś ny. Ȧni ferśtejn zy ny. Za mówienie po wilamowsku trzeba było płacić kary Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2012. A po wilamowsku też, to ci starzy, młodzi już nic nie umieją, moje dzieci nie umieją po wilamowsku. Ja jak z kimś coś rozmawiam, to potem pytają: „A co to jest? Co to znaczy? Co to jest?”. Oni nic nie wiedzą. Bo kiedyś nie pozwolili, my... dopóki ja, jak byłam młoda, to nic jeszcze nie mówili. Potem, jak chcieliśmy mówić po wilamowsku, to musieliśmy po cichu, a jak ktoś doniósł, że mówimy po wilamowsku, to musieliśmy płacić kary. Tak było kiedyś. A teraz by chcieli, żeby wszyscy mówili po wilamowsku i ci starzy to umieją, a ile jest tych starych. Jak już wszyscy umarli. A ci młodzi to nie umieją po wilamowsku. Ani nie rozumieją. [16] Di, wo ferśtinda, łahta Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. No oder dö kuztwer – denk yhy – miöehysmöł hota zy zyty... wi zyty ferȧjna, ny? No do diöt gingwer cyzoma, wünwer miöehysmöł drȧj, fjyr łoüt, miöehysmöł wiöe jynt ȧ kłop myt... ben yns. No do kuztwer. Ȧn di andyn, wo ny kunda, hühta. Miöehja, wu ferśtinda, no do di wösta, wo wer kuza. Ȧ di, wo „wer ny kuza”, ȧna di an... zej łahta: „Fu wos łaha zej?”. No bo zej ferśtinda nist, ȧna di ferśtinda, do łahta zy. Wymysiöeryś. 61 �62 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Ci, co rozumieli, śmiali się Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2012. No ale tu mówiliśmy, czasem mieli takie, takie towarzystwa, nie? No to tam szliśmy razem, byliśmy czasem trzech, czterech ludzi, czasami był z nami jeszcze jakiś mężczyzna. No to mówiliśmy (po wilamowsku). A ci inny, co nie umieli, słuchali. Niektórzy, co rozumieli, no to ci wiedzieli, co my mówimy. A ci, „o czym oni tam nie mówią”, a ci, ci się śmiali: „z czego oni się śmieją?”. No bo oni nic nie rozumieli, a ci rozumieli, to się śmiali. Po wilamowsku. [17] Wi dy Pöła ogycün gingja Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Oder yh wȧ jok zöfuł, wen zy köma dö fu Wymysdiöf, fum rand, hota zy, oba fu Denkjadiöf, wi wiöe opyłys y Wymysoü, hota zy dy śü ufum... ny ogycün, zej köma biöewys ufer śtrös, ȧna nöhta fjyr kjyh cuga zy o dy śü ȧna köma zy ufȧ opyłys. No ȧn zy hota ȧn zyta rök, ȧzu wi świöeca rök, ȧn oü zy, ȧ zyty jak, ȧ zyty łangy, ȧn dö wün zyty pufa, zy wün ganc andyśt gynyt wi wymysiöejer zaha. Ȧna ȧ śjyctüh, no dos wiöe ołys. Stroje Polaków z okolicznych wsi Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Ale ja wiem tyle, jak przychodziły tu ze Starej Wsi tu z kraja, miały... albo z Dankowic, jak był odpust w Wilamowicach. Miały buty na... nie ubrane, one chodziły na bosaka po ulicy, a potem przed kościołem ubierały buty i przychodziły na odpust. No i miały taką spódnicę, taką jakby czarną spódnicę i też taką jaklę, taką długą i tu były takie pufy. One były całkiem inaczej uszyte niż wilamowskie rzeczy. I fartuch, no to było wszystko. [18] Dy Wymysiöejyn zȧjn kuma yn kłȧdyn Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. No do frȧłik, dos zȧjn ju ganc andyśtyNo di łoüt zȧjn gywys kuma y dan kłȧdyn. Ȧ nöhta hon zy dos fylȧjht ȧbysła ferbesert [ferbesyt]. Bo fylȧjht, fylȧjht ny ołys, oder di fün ju do Turcji ȧn fu diöt hon zy oü yhta mytgybröht. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Wilamowianie przybyli w strojach Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. No to pewnie, to są całkiem inne (stroje). No ci ludzie pewnie przyszli w tych strojach. A potem je może trochę ulepszyli. Bo może, może nie wszystko, ale oni jeździli do Turcji i stamtąd też coś przywieźli. [19] Nimyd hot zyty fłȧk, wi wjyr Zejma-Staha (1931–2015), 2014. Nimyd hot zyty ny, ymertihła zyty, zyty śjyctüh, wiöe ołys. Zjyr śejn. Mama, mȧj müter, zy hot zy. Korola [koroln] hota zy, ołys, ȧna s’jypła ȧna dy hoüa, ołys. Zy hota zy. Nikt nie miał takich strojów jak my Stanisław Zejma (1931–2015), 2014. Nikt nie miał takich, takich odziewaczek, takich fartuchów, wszystko było. Bardzo ładne. Mama, moja mama miała. Korale miały, jypły i czepce, wszystko miały. [20] Wi zy nöm krig hon ȧ ymertihła gyśtöła Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2012. Mhm, s’śynsty ymertihła. Oder wjyr łeta hejn cym nökwer, ym, yn köła, bo heta zy ołys gynuma. Jak nam ukradli po wojnie najładniejszą odziewaczkę Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2012. Mhm, najładniejszą odziewaczkę. Ale schowaliśmy (inne rzeczy) u sąsiada, w węglu, bo w przeciwnym razie to wszystko by zabrali. 63 �64 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [21] Der śmjyrgüst fjym krig Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Wi dy po śmjergüśćje jyśter gingja, to śun ym zȧhs s’mügjys. Do wjyr oły śtindwer uf, hiöertwer śun, wen dy śmjergüśnikja koma cym mȧkja, mȧj śwaster [śwastyn] wün ełder. No do köma zy, no do ȧbyselüćü bygusa zy yns myt, myt woser. Ider hot ym głaz ȧ hołwa liter woser ȧn ȧzu śprangta zy yns mytum woser. Dos wiöe der po śmjergüśćje. No do wjyr müsta gan ȧbyselüćü cy asa ȧn wjyr hota hefa wȧjn, bo der tȧta maht wȧjn, no do byśanktwer źy myt wȧjn, ȧn zy gingja wejder byhend weter, bo... do zy oły mȧkja kyna byzihja. No do dos toüyt ȧzu bocy, kymt’s cy ziöen, bocym can s’mügjys. Ȧ nöhta gingja zy y dy kjyh, ym can wiöe dy mas. S’mügjys ym zejwa, nöhta ym can wiöe dy ander mas. Ȧna nöhta ufum Rynk. No ufum Rynk wiöe wos cy zan, kymt’s cy ziöen. Do dy mȧkja wiöda ȧbyselüćü bygösa, do ȧner fü mytum wiöen ȧn’ȧ łot uf dy mȧkja ufȧ wiöen, dos wiöe ȧzu myta dȧjsyzȧl [dȧjsułzȧln], do cwej śmjergüśnikja cuga dan wiöen, ȧna cwej śtusa dan wiöen. Ȧn uf der heja zosa mȧkja myt śmjergüśnikja. S’wiöe łöstik ȧzu. No ȧna gyzunga, ȧna gytanct ȧna, wi hałt dy śmjergüśnikja. Ȧbyselüćü bygusa zy dih, to fotegrȧfjyta [fotogrȧfjyta] zy, no śejn wiöe’s cy zan ym Uster... möntag. Ym Ustermöntag gingja zy. Jyśter hȧltag ny, oder inda möntag wiöe dos. Śmiergust przed wojną Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Jak chodzili po śmierguście, to już o szóstej rano. To wszyscy już wstaliśmy, czekaliśmy już, kiedy śmierguśnicy przyjdą do dziewczyn. Moje siostry były starsze. No to przyszli, trochę nas polali wodą. Każdy miał we flaszce pół litra wody i tak nas opryskiwali wodą. To było po śmierguście. To musieliśmy dać trochę jedzenia i miałyśmy dużo wina, bo tata robił wino, to częstowaliśmy ich winem, a oni szli znowu szybko dalej, żeby mogli odwiedzić wszystkie dziewczyny. No to trwało tak do, przyjdzie powiedzieć, do dziesiątej rano. A potem szli do kościoła, o dziesiątej była msza. Rano o siódmej, a potem o dziesiątej była msza. A potem na rynku. No na rynku było na co patrzeć, przyjdzie powiedzieć. Dziewczyny trochę polewali, to jeden jechał wozem i załadował dziewczynę na wóz, to było tak z tymi naszelnikami, że dwóch śmierguśników ciągło ten wóz, a dwóch pchało z tyłu ten wóz. A na górze siedziały dziewczyny ze śmierguśnikami. Było tak wesoło. No i śpiewali i tańczyli, no jak śmierguśnicy. Trochę polali cię, to robili zdjęcia, no ładnie to wyglądało, w Poniedziałek Wielkanocny. Chodzili w Poniedziałek Wielkanocny. W pierwsze święto nie, tylko zawsze w poniedziałek to było. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [22] Wi zy uf dy friöed gingja fjym krig Küpsok/Poükner-Hȧla (1923–2010), 2009. No do gingwer uf dy friöed, wjyr cuga zih śejn o, wymysiöeryś. Nöhta ging’ȧ cym junkwer oba cyr junkweryn. Fu wyhjer zȧjt zȧjwer gybata, ny? No nöhta gingwer y dy kjyh, nöhta yn krȧćum, nöhta hower... gy... gyasa diöt, gytanct. Ȧ nöht s’öwyts, gingja zy oły yn ham (fur junkweryn), ȧ diöt gingja zy wejder ym can, ym ȧlf yn krȧćum, ȧn zu wejder gytanct bocȧ mügja. No, ȧzu wiöe dy friöed. Dos wiöe śun ojej... fjym krig, no. Ȧzu wiöe’s. Jak szli na wesele przed wojną Elżbieta Babiuch z d. Danek (1923–2010), 2009. No to szliśmy na wesele, ubieraliśmy się ładnie, po wilamowsku. Potem szło się do pana młodego albo do panny młodej. Zależy z której strony byliśmy zaproszeni, nie? No to potem szliśmy do kościoła, potem do karczmy, potem tam jedliśmy, tańczyliśmy. A potem wieczorem wszyscy szli do domu (panny młodej), a potem znowu szli o dziesiątej, jedenastej do karczmy i tam znowu tańczyli aż do rana. No takie było wesele. To było już... ojej, przed wojną no. Tak było. [23] Dy ślynćkja ufer friöed Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Ȧ, no to di wün ym krȧćum. No to diöt köma mȧkja, büwa, śtinda oły y dam zȧl [zol]. Ȧn di, di gest, dy łoüt, wu zy wün ufer friöed, di zösa. Ȧn di ślynćkja śtinda. Ȧna nöhta, wen dy hotst imanda ȧzu... kant yh cym bȧjśpil dejh güt, hułt yh dih ȧmöł cym tanca. Ȧn dy gingst wejder śtejn under dy wand. Ślęczki na weselu Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. A, no to ci byli w karczmie. No to tam przychodziły dziewczyny, chłopcy, stali wszyscy w tej sali. A ci goście, ci ludzie, co byli na weselu, ci siedzieli. A ślęczki stały. A potem, jak miałeś kogoś takiego... na przykład znałam ciebie dobrze, to poszłam po ciebie raz do tańca. A ty szedłeś znowu stać pod ścianę. 65 �66 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [24] Dy dinstłoüt ȧn atyn ufer wjytśoft fum foter Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. No no, zej ösa ȧna zy krigta ȧbysła bycołt, no, hefa byśtymt ny. Bo zy ösa ju. No ȧna. – Ȧ wu śłüfa zy? No y, yr śtuw. Do hota zy bet, ołys cücydekja ȧzu wi wjyr, no ȧn zy ösa, ȧn (...). Fylȧjht wösta zy oü ny, fu wu zy zȧjn. Bo cym foter koma oü bowa fun gybjygja. Oder dos wiöe fjym krig. Hułfa zy inda wen, wen wiöe, wen zy zecta arpułn, ȧ nöhta wejder wen wiöe... kün, wȧz ym fȧld, köma zy oü. Ȧn zy fün wejder yn ham. Ferdinta zy piöer giełd, ȧbysła giełd ȧn zy fün wejder. Ȧna nöhta köma zy wejder ym hjewyst. Bo jyśter mahtwer ju ołys myta henda, ny? No to hułfa zy ȧ woh ȧn zy fün wejder. Służący i robotnicy na gospodarstwie ojca Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. No oni jedli i dostawali trochę zapłaty, no, na pewno nie dużo. Bo jedli też. No i... – A gdzie spali? No, w pokoju. Mieli łóżka, całą pościel tak, jak my i jedli i (...) możliwe, że nie wiedzieli sami, skąd pochodzą. Bo do ojca przychodziły też kobiety z gór. Ale to było przed wojną. Pomagały zawsze, jak było, jak sadzili ziemniaki. A potem znowu jak było żyto, pszenica w polu, to przychodzili też. I jechali znowu do domu. Zarobili parę groszy, trochę pieniędzy i jechali z powrotem. A potem przychodzili znowu na jesień. Bo kiedyś robiliśmy wszystko rękami, no nie? No to pomagali przez jeden tydzień, a potem jechali znowu z powrotem. [25] Ȧ łöstikjy kistiöeryj fu wymysiöejer handułłoüt Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. Underum Bühhejwuł, wȧst, wu der Bühhejwuł ej? Diöt wiöe ȧ krȧćum unda [dunda], yta ej’ȧ śun ny. Diöt błyn zy inda śtejn ȧn diöt gingja zy ufȧ „kölȧś”, zy ziöeta ny „gülȧś”, ok ufȧ „kölȧś”. Ȧn dercün trunka zy śnops. Ȧn nöhta, wen zy śun byzöfa wün, fȧta zy zy nöhta ufȧ wiöen, ȧn s’fad wöst, wi cy fiöen yn ham, to – „wjo!”. Ȧn s’fad fjyt zy yn ham, byzöfa. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Humorystyczna historia o wilamowskich handlarzach Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. Na Bühhejwuł (Kępa Hałcnowska), wiesz gdzie jest Bühhejwuł? Tam była na dole karczma, teraz już jej nie ma. Tam zawsze się zatrzymywali i szli na „kulaś”, nie mówili gulasz, tylko „kulaś”. I do tego pili wódkę. A potem, jak byli już pijani, to wrzucili ich na wóz, a koń wiedział już, jak jechać do domu. To „wio” i koń ich pijanych sam wiózł do domu. [26] Śüsterpop wiöe ym zuntag Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Ȧ śüsterpop to wiöe oü ym zuntag hefa. Do śüsterpop, do yhy łjyt dos oü fur müter nöhta. No oder jyśter mahta zy ju ny zu güt wi yta. Yta gan zy wingjer mał ȧna ȧbysła myłih. Ȧna mejer ȧjyn. Ȧ jyśter wün hefa mał, hefa myłih ȧn cwe, drȧj ȧjyn, ȧn dos wiöe śüsterpop. Wȧsty, wi dos, śüsterpop dos ej, ȧ zyter... pop, wo dy śüstyn hon. Ȧzu his dos. (...) No, wȧsty’s. No oder dos, bo yhy maht dos inda, ny?... Yhy wȧnt ju nist ny, nom yh ys typła myłih ȧn ȧn łefuł mał ȧna cwej [cwe], drȧj ȧjyn, no bo h’hot hinyn, oder do wiöe’h śun oüsgan, maht yh dos y yns, y dyham. Hot yh ȧ kłopa ben mer, ȧ zjyr güta kłopa ȧn ȧ zun wiöe ełder, ȧ der ander wiöe nöhta y zȧhs, zȧhs jür, wiöe’ȧ jyngjer. No to mahtwer... ȧn dos ȧbysła, cym bȧjśpil, ȧ łefuł mał, ȧn ȧbysła myłih, fylȧjht wingjer wi ȧn hołwa liter, ȧna cwe ȧjyn, ȧna rejstwer dos inda ufum fet fum śwȧjn, ny uf kȧr puter, ny uf... margarin hotwer ny. Dos os yh ny, ȧ h’go dos oü y mem kłopa oü ny, koüft yh ny. Zyty margarin koüft yh ny. No wen yh maht puter, no to öswer ȧmöł, cwe möł. Śusterpop (jajecznica po wilamowsku) była w niedzielę Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Śusterpop to był też często w niedzielę. To śusterpop, to ja się tego też nauczyłam potem od mamy. No ale kiedyś nie robili jej takiej dobrej jak teraz. Teraz dają mniej mąki i trochę mleka. I więcej jajek. A kiedyś było dużo mąki, dużo mleka i dwa, trzy jajka i to był śusterpop. A wiesz jak to, śusterpop to jest taka papka, co szewcy mają. Tak to się nazywało. (...) No wiesz. No ale to, bo ja to robiłam zawsze, nie? Ja nic nie ważyłam, brałam do garnczka mleko i łyżkę mąki i dwa, trzy jajka, no bo miałam kury, ale to już byłam zamężna, robiłam to dla nas, tu w domu. Miałam męża, bardzo dobrego męża i jeden syn był starszy, a drugi był potem za sześć [lat], sześć lat był młodszy. No to robiliśmy, i to troszeczkę, na przykład, 67 �68 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian jedna łyżka mąki i trochę mleka, może mniej niż pół litra i dwa jajka i smażyliśmy to zawsze na tłuszczu ze świni, nie na maśle, nie na margarynie, tego nie mieliśmy. Tego nie jadłam (margaryny) i też tego nie dawałam mężowi, nie kupowałam. Takiej margaryny nie kupowałam. No jak robiłam masło, to jedliśmy raz, dwa. [27] S’asa ufum opyłys y Wymysdiöf Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. No ȧna uf Wymysdiöf ging yh wejder myter Polinskja-müm ufȧ opyłys. Bo zej hot diöt frynd yhta ym krȧćum. Diöt, wo yta dy kjyh śtejt, ȧn dunda, wo yta ej nist ny, ok no park jest, to diöt wiöe ȧ zyty łangy hyt, oü fu hułc, Krȧćmeryn. Krȧćmeryn his zih dos. Do diöt wiöe ȧ Wymysiöejeryn, dint zy diöt, ȧ nöhta go zy zih oüs myt dam wjyt. Bo dy, dy wün gyśtiörwa, ȧn di dinyn, di dineryn, ȧ Wymysiöejeryn wiöe’s, go zih oüs myt dam, z tym gospodarzem. Ȧn dy Polinskja-müm wiöe frynd myt dam menćła. Bo dos mü zȧjn oü ȧ öemer menć gywast, wo’ȧ ej ganga ufs dinst cym krȧćum diöt. Ȧ nöht wiöe zy, nöht gingwjyr ufȧ opyłys diöt myter Polinskja-müm, to inda oswer diöt s’mytagasa. Hoüt gydenk yh, wo wer diöt osa. Dos wiöe ȧ gülȧś. Dos ej... züp hotwer myt... myt ryź, ind myt ryź, bo’s wiöe kȧ cȧjt ny cy maha nüduł [nüdułn], oder myt ryź. Züp wiöe myt ryź, kroüt wiöe myt apuł [apułn] ȧn myt fłȧś, dos było drugie danie, ȧ nöhta śpyter ymȧ cwü oba ymȧ drȧj, do wiöe gülȧś, niby gülȧś. Dos wiöe gülȧś, ny yta zyta, wi yt ej gülȧś, ej. Dos wiöe, fo [fu] mytagsfłȧś, bo wiöe ryndera fłȧś ȧn hün oü, dos wiöe... yhy zoh dos cü, wi zy dos maht, śnȧd zy dos uf kliny śtykla ȧna nöht wiöe cwypuł ȧn puter, brant zy dos ȧbyselüćü myt... gał wiöd cwypuł. Ȧ nöht gus zy woser, ȧna nöht go zy s’fłȧś, dos, dos gy... dos fłȧś, wo śun wiöe gykoht. Go zy uf dos. Ȧ nöht güs [gus] zy roüm, dos bakt zih ȧzu, koht zih y dam roüm ȧbysła, no s’kymt cy ziöen, can, cwencik minüta, no, nie na gazie, ufum błȧh, no ny? Ȧ nöhta nom zy gydiöerty fłoüma. Gydjerty fłoüma. Ȧn gydjerty fłoüma, no, no ȧzu nom zy fum... ȧn zyta zȧkla hot zy fu... fu wiöer ȧ zyta zȧkla, nom zy ȧzu myter hand, ȧn y dos śöt zy nȧj. Ȧzu ȧ cwe möł go zy nȧj. Ȧn dos koht zih cyzoma. Ȧn wi zy wöst, wifuł łoüt höt zy, gus zy woser, nöht nom zy ȧn liter roüm, ȧna ȧbysła mał, maht zy zakłote, ȧn zy gus ȧn dos koht zy. To był gulaś śmietankowy, ze śliwkami. H’wa der ziöen, yhy hoüt wa’h nö gydenkja, wi dos güt wiöe. Ziöe’h, dos wiöe ȧzu zoüwylik, wi wen dy nö krigtst ȧ zyty fłoüm, wo ym roüm wiöd gykoht, dos wiöe beser wi dos fłȧś, wo diöt wiöe. Dos oswer myt brut. Cwe śysuł [śysułn] wün, s’wün mejer łoüt, wo hot frynd fu... �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Jedzenie na odpuście w Starej Wsi Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. No a do Starej Wsi chodziłam znowu z ciotką Polinską na odpust. Bo ona tam miała jakichś krewnych w karczmie. Tam, gdzie teraz stoi kościół i na dole, co teraz nic nie ma, tylko no park jest, to tam był taki długi dom, też z drewna. Krȧćmeryn (Karczmarka), Krȧćmeryn się to nazywało. To tam była Wilamowianka, służyła tam, a potem wyszła za mąż za tego gospodarza. Bo oni tam wymarli, a ta służąca, ta służąca Wilamowiana pobrała się z tym, z tym gospodarzem. I ciotka Polinska była krewna z tym człowiekiem. Bo to musiał być biedny człowiek, co poszedł na służbę tam do tej karczmy. A potem była, potem szłyśmy na odpust tam z ciotką Polinską, to zawsze jadłyśmy tam obiad. Dzisiaj jeszcze pamiętam, co tam jadłyśmy. To był gulasz. To jest... zupę miałyśmy z ryżem, zawsze z ryżem, bo nie było czasu zrobić makaronu, ale z ryżem. Zupa była z ryżem, kapusta była z ziemniakami i z mięsem, to było drugie danie, a potem później koło drugiej albo o trzeciej, to był gulasz, niby gulasz. To był taki gulasz, nie taki, jak teraz jest gulasz. To było, co mięso z obiadu, bo było mięso wołowe i drobiowe też, to było... ja się temu przyglądałam, jak ona to robiła. Kroiła to na takie małe kawałki, a potem była cebula i masło, okraszała to troszkę z... cebula robiła się żółta. A potem zalewała wodą, a potem dawała mięso, to to... to mięso, co było już ugotowane. Dawała na to. A potem zalewała śmietaną, to się tak piekło, gotowało się w tej śmietanie trochę, no przyjdzie powiedzieć, dziesięć, dwadzieścia minut, no nie na gazie, na blasze, no nie? A potem brała suszone śliwki. Suszone śliwki. I suszone śliwki, no tak, taki woreczek miała z... z materiału taki woreczek, tak brała ręką i do tego wsypywała. Tak ze dwa razy wsypywała. I to się tak gotowało razem. A jak wiedziała ilu ludzi ma, wlewała wodę, potem brała litr śmietany i trochę mąki, robiła zakłótę, i wlewała to i tak gotowała. To był gulaś śmietankowy ze śliwkami. Powiem ci, do dzisiaj jeszcze pamiętam, jak dobre to było. Powiem, to było takie kwaskowe, jak jeszcze dostałeś taką śliwkę, co była gotowana w śmietanie, to było lepsze niż to mięso, co tam było. To jedliśmy z chlebem. Dwie miski chleba, było więcej ludzi, bo miała też krewnych. [28] Wi dy wymysiöejer Jüda fȧjyta sukkot Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. Ȧzu wi dy Jüda, dy Jüda, di hota oü inda, ȧ dy Jüda, wen zy bata, do hota zy ȧ zyta, wi kon yh dos ziöen, ȧ zyta, zyty kliny komer, oder s’dah müsta zy cöwa. Zej hota inda zyta, zyta jes mahta zy, do zy dos dah kyna uf dy hej hywa ȧna do zy zȧjn underum hymuł. Zej kunda ny bata, wen, wen wiöe ȧ dah. Nok s’müst zȧjn głȧjh der hymuł. Ȧzu wiöe dos jyśter, oder ny ider wułd dos. 69 �70 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Jak wilamowscy Żydzi świętowali Sukkot Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2012. Tak, jak Żydzi, Żydzi też mieli (swoje święto), a Żydzi, jak się modlili, to mieli taką małą budowlę, ale z otwieranym dachem. Zawsze takie coś robili, żeby móc dach otwierać do góry, żeby byli pod dachem. Nie mogli się modlić, jak tam był dach. Musiało być od razu niebo. Tak było kiedyś, ale nie każdy tak chciał robić. [29] Wi mih der pot fjyr hołwa liter brantwȧjn oüsgykoüft höt Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2012. S’wün ju zöfuł oüta... wün ny, jok ynzer straż, hiöer nok, fȧjerwer, fü mytum wiöen ȧn mytum, diöt, yr mejł brit, brit s’gytrȧd. No to müsta zy fiöen, no łiöeśa. Ȧn yhy ging, yhy ging, bo yhy füt mih, do’ȧ wyt łön ȧn mȧj putek, mȧj pot, kom ȧn’ȧ ziöet mer: „No, Helena” – bo yh hȧs Hela – „No wun höst dö dih gynuma? Fyrym ȧdkłüfsty ny, fyrym łest dih ny hejn?”. Ȧ y ȧr wȧjł, nöma zy, ȧ dos wiöe ȧ zyter śtank, ȧna świöec.... fon [fun], s’gytrȧd, ny? Wo’s brit. Fo [fu] dyhynda, yh mü jüh dos ziöen, fo [fu] dyhynda, ufum öeś. „Jezüs” – ziöet yh – „yt, yt wȧs yh śun, wu’h dö bej kuma”. Ȧna fjyr ȧn hołwa liter śnops, kiöefta... koüfta zy mih roüs fu dar mejł. Rüfa zy, bo yh his Figwer, ny? Za... wi’h jung wiöe, rüfa zy, do’h zo. Ȧ yhy gydöht, do dar höt mih diöt, ferśtejt dy froü? Do’ȧ diöt mih rift. Ȧ diöt wiöe, wo zy fün yn mejł. Te, Tymuś..., no, co pociąg jedzie, śyna, ejwer dy, no nöht wöst yh śun. Ym drȧj s’mügjys bröht... fün zy myt mer yn ham, yn drȧj s’mügjys. No ȧn dö wiöe nimyd ny, ziöet mer dy mama: „Zejh jok, dü, dü byst zu hałcśtiöek, do dy ny... dy głiöest ny y mjyr, ok y jyn”. Yhy cug mih oüs, cydyjyśt wüś yh mih, nöht cug yh mih oüs. Ȧmöł kymt dy mama gyfłün, ȧ s’wiöe dy tjyr ny cügymaht, ȧ mȧj tȧta wiöe y England. U Andersa, bo har ȧdkłüf fon [fun] doüća drowa ȧn’ȧ ging diöt, ȧ zy, y Belgja, y Belgja gingja zy cwej. Ȧ wen dy Doüća zy heta gyfanga, to derśłüga zy. Dos wiöe wojna, ny? Ȧn dy mama ziöet: „Ȧdkłoüfźe, gej ufȧ kjyhüf, gej ufȧ kjyhüf!”. Bo dy śoün hotwer ny, bo s’brit, zy ferbrant, dy jyśty. Ym noünȧndresik [noünȧndresikjer] jür (1945). Ging yh ufȧ kjyhüf ȧn cwyśa growa [grywyn], groby, no, łot yh mih nejder ym... yr... dos, ym hembła. Wȧst, ȧzu cötyt yh. Do’ȧ wyt kuma, oder ȧr wöst ni, ȧ hot mih... ȧ ziht byśtenik. Ȧ dy mama ziöet: „Ȧ wos wyłsty, der foter höt’s śun gynuma, ȧ dü kymst oü?”. Bo s’wiöe ȧzu. (...) Zy köma fo [fu] Śrȧjwadiöf, bo zy... na poniemieckie, no. Frasa, trynkja, ȧ nöht, „co moje – to twoje”. Ȧn zu wiöe’s, �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian no. No to ging’ȧ, łis’ȧ mih. Hot yh nöhta rü. Oder wi s’Inga oü, do ziöet’s mer ȧzu: „Hela, wȧst? Yh mü der dos ziöen, dy Rüsa wün hundyt möł beser wi dy Pöła”. „Ȧ fyrym?”. „Zy gön yns cy, cy asa, s’mytagasa”. Zu trüga zy, do di hyhjer ny wysa. No güty łoüt, wo ejweron, y idum dos zȧjn. Jak mnie putek (ojciec chrzestny) wykupił za pół litra wódki Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2012. Nie było tyle samochodów, tylko nasza straż, poczekaj tylko, straż, jechali wozem i z nim, tam, bo w młynie był pożar, paliło się zboże. No to musieli jechać, no gasić. A ja szłam, ja się bałam, że mnie zostawią. A mój putek, przyszedł i powiedział mi „No Helena”, bo ja się nazywam Hela, „No skąd się tu wzięłaś? Czemu nie uciekłaś, czemu się nie schowałaś?”. Za chwilę brali, to był taki smród i czarno ze zboża, nie? Co się paliło. I z tyłu, muszę wam to powiedzieć, z tyłu, po tyłku (obmacywali). „Jezus”, powiedziałam, „teraz już wiem, na co tu przyszłam”. I za pół litra wódki mnie wykupili z tego młyna. Wołali, bo ja się nazywałam Figwer, nie? Jak młoda byłam, wołali, żebym... A ja myślałam, że ten mnie tam chce, rozumie pani? Że on mnie tam woła. A tam było, co jechali do młyna. Te, Tymuś, no co pociąg jedzie, szyny, przez te (szyny), no potem wiedziałam już. O trzeciej rano przywieźli... jechali ze mną do domu, o trzeciej w nocy. No a tu nikt nie przyszedł, powiedziała mama: „Popatrz tylko, ty jesteś taka uparta, nie wierzysz mi, tylko im”. Rozebrałam się, najpierw się umyłam, potem się rozebrałam. Naraz mama przylatuje, a drzwi nie były zamknięte, a mój tata był w Anglii. U Andersa, bo on uciekł z niemieckiego wojska i poszedł tam, a oni, w Belgii, w Belgii poszło dwóch. A jakby Niemcy ich chwycili, to by ich zabili. To była wojna, nie? A mama powiedziała: „Uciekaj, idź na cmentarz, idź na cmentarz!”. Bo stodoły nie mieliśmy, bo się spaliła, spaliła się pierwsza. W 1939 (1945) roku. Poszłam na cmentarz i pomiędzy groby, groby, no położyłam się w tym, w koszuli. Wiesz, tak się trzęsłam. Że on przyjdzie, ale on nie wiedział, on mnie szukał ciągle. A mama powiedziała: „A co chcesz, twój ojciec ją już wcześniej zabrał, a ty jeszcze też przychodzisz?”. Bo tak było, (...) przyszli (wysiedlający) z Pisarzowic, bo, na poniemieckie, no. Żreć, pić, a potem co moje, to twoje. I tak było, no. No to poszedł, zostawił mnie. Miałam potem spokój. Ale jak Inga też, to powiedziała mi tak: „Hela, wiesz? Muszę ci to powiedzieć, Ruscy byli sto razy lepszi niż Polacy”. „A czemu?”. „Bo oni dawali nam jeść, obiad”. Tak nosili, żeby ci wyżsi nie wiedzieli. No dobrzy ludzie, co wszędzie, w każdym tym (narodzie) są. 71 �72 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [30] S’kynd bypiśt ȧ sowjetyśa drowa Taksła-Nüśa (1920–2012), 2009. Ȧn dos wiöe ȧzu śejn, wi’s klin wiöe. Ȧn dö cy... wun der Kowalczyk ej, no do wün... bo dy, di köma, di di... ȧn dy oficjyn wün oü. Oficjyn wün cym jes... Köma zy, köma zy cy yns oü ȧn s’Hela hot ȧ jür. Ha ha, do bȧwjȧt’ȧ’s, ojej, bȧwjȧt’ȧ’s. Ȧ dos wiöe nöhta ȧzu... Yh wa ziöen, wi’s ej. Ejs... byzȧht’ȧ. Ȧ yhy ziöet’um, yhy ziöet: „Wos höt gymaht”. Ȧ, har ziöet: „Yhy ho oü zyty, y dyham”. Di oficjyn wün ȧbysła gyśȧjter. Dziecko obsikało radzieckiego żołnierza Anna Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1920–2012), 2009. I ona była taka ładna, jak była mała. I tu, gdzie jest Kowalczyk, no to byli... bo ci, ci przyszli, ci, a oficerowie też byli. Oficerowie byli u tego... Przyszli, przyszli do nas też, a Hela miała rok. Ha ha, to bawił ją, ojej, bawił ją. A ona była potem taka... powiem, jak jest. Ona go obsikała. A ja mu powiedziałam: „Co narobiła”. A on powiedział: „Ja też mam taką w domu”. Ci oficerowie byli trochę mądrzejsi. [31] Ȧ güter Rüsek hyłft Taksła-Nüśa (1920–2012), 2009. Ȧ nöht hotwer ȧn... ynzer müter kant dan, mȧj müter. Bo wer hota kȧ rü ny. Ȧzu köma zy s’nahts ȧn ȧzu di, di... ȧn śisa, ȧn mȧłȧjhtwos maha. Ȧzu kunda zy cykrigata. No to hotwer ȧn oficer, ȧ dy müter, di kund’um śmȧjhln. Di maht’um inda arpuł [arpułn] ȧna ȧ e, śług’s, cwe e. E, wiesz co to jest e? – Ju. No maht’s’um inda s’öwyts. Ȧ dar wiöe ȧzu fruł, ȧzu śmekt’um dos. Hotwer rü. Nimanda łis’ȧ ny cü. Do imyd wje kuma ȧn yhta, yhta oüszeca. Nȧ, ȧ łis nimanda cü. Ȧzu fruł wiöe’ȧ. Ȧzu wiöe’ȧ ȧ ganca mönda, ȧ mönda wiöe’ȧ gywys. No do nöhta gingj’ȧ. Nöhta, oder nöhta wiöe dos ȧbysła beser, ym śłȧhsta wiöe der, dy... der ofang, wi zy köma. Wi zy köma wiöe’s ym śłȧhsta. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian „Dobry Rusek” pomaga Anna Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1920–2012), 2009. A potem mieliśmy jednego... nasza matka znała tego, moja matka. Bo nie mieliśmy spokoju. Tak przychodzili w nocy i strzelali i różne rzeczy wyrabiali. Tak umieli dokuczać. No to mieliśmy jednego oficera, a matka, ona mu umiała się podlizywać. Zawsze mu robiła ziemniaki i jajko, wbiła dwa jajka. Wiesz co to jest? – Tak. No, zawsze mu robiła wieczorem. On był taki zadowolony, tak mu to smakowało. Mieliśmy spokój. Nikogo nie dopuścił. Żeby ktoś przyszedł i coś narobił. Nikogo nie dopuścił. Taki był zadowolony. Tak był, cały miesiąc chyba był. No to potem poszedł. Potem, ale potem było już trochę lepiej. Najgorszy był początek, jak przyszli. Jak przyszli, to było najgorzej. [32] Dy Rüsa nama s’fad Taksła-Nüśa (1920–2012), 2009. Mȧj foter, bo har śtiörw jung. Mȧj foter hot fynfȧnzȧhcik jür. Hotwer ȧn zyta jung fad, cwejürikja, ȧ zyta świöecys. Ȧ zej nöma ołys. Hotwer dos ym ołda, bo ȧ zyty ołdy, di, di hyt wiöe nö ny. Yr ołda, do diöt, der foter go jum diöt cy frasa, ołys, diöt wiöe’s cügymaht, no oder di, di Rüsa hota dos oüsgyjest, do diöt ȧ fad ej. Wi zy weter fün, hisa zy ufmaha ȧn s’fad nöma zy, ȧn s’wiöe fjetik. Ȧ zyta śejn świöec fad. Wo’s’ȧ gyfełt, dos noma zy. „Ruscy” biorą konia Anna Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1920–2012), 2009. Mój ojciec, bo on umarł młodo. Mój ojciec miał sześćdziesiąt pięć lat. Mieliśmy takiego młodego konia, dwuletniego, takiego czarnego. A oni brali wszystko. Mieliśmy to w starym (domu), bo taki stary, tego domu jeszcze nie było. W starym domu, to tam ojciec dawał mu jeść, wszystko, tam było zamknięte, no ale ci, ci Ruscy to się wytegowali (dowiedzieli), że tam jest koń. Jak odjeżdżali, kazali otworzyć i konia wzięli i było po wszystkim. Taki piękny, czarny koń. Co się im podobało, to brali. 73 �74 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [33] Wi zy yns noma, dy Neuman-Mejł cy feleśa Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. Y dy mejł wi zy yns noma, ȧn diöt dar ubowjec, dar wułd diöhoüs, do yhy mytum gej yn zek diöt jynta. Ȧ yhy łaht’ȧ oüs, oder diöt wün oü büwa, di müsta gywast fum AK zȧjn. Di zosa dy gancy naht ben yns, ȧn zy fercyłta ȧn zy łahta ȧn wjyr oü myta. Ȧn fu dam cün, do yh ny ging mytum, do go’ȧ mih diöt, bo y zyta rün kom s’gytrȧd, wȧł dy mejł wiöe undercunda gywast. Ȧn wi zy gyłeśt hota, to kom dos hȧsy gytrȧd nöhta. Müstwer dos y dy zek nȧjłön ȧn dy zek hywa cym fanster roüs. Zyty gancy cetnan. Ȧn do go’ȧ mih cy dam łecta rür, wu zytys ganc hȧsys gytrȧd kom. Bocy mügja kund yh śun kȧ wüt ny ziöen. Fu dam śtoüb. Jak nas wzięli do gaszenia młyna Neumanna Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. Do młyna, jak nas wzięli i tam ten ubowiec. On chciał koniecznie, żebym z nim poszła do tych worków tam gdzieś. A ja go wyśmiałam, ale tam byli też chłopcy, oni musieli być z AK. Ci siedzieli całą noc przy nas i opowiadali i się śmiali, a my też z nimi. A z tej złości, że z nim nie poszłam, to dał mnie tam do takich rur, bo w takich rurach szło zboże, bo ten młyn był podpalony. I jak gasili, to przychodziło potem to gorące zboże. Musiałyśmy to wpuszczać do worków i te worki podnosić i przez okno. Takie całe cetnary. No to dał mnie do tej ostatniej rury, gdzie takie całkiem gorące zboże szło. Do rana nie mogłam już powiedzieć ani słowa. Z tego kurzu. [34] Der jyśty mȧj wymysiöeryś Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Gryhta nöm krig, wa’h der ziöen. Ym Rynk wiöe, bo dos wiöe der jyśty mȧj, höt, höta [hota] di fu komunizm, höt‘ȧ ym Rynk ȧ zyta erzemlung [trof], fu ciglȧj gingja oü dy łoüt uf dan Rynk. Ȧ wjyr, jungy Wymysiöejer, bo dos wün jok Wymysiöejer, ziöeta ȧzu: „Wȧsty wos” – no wjyr wün jung, ziöeta zy: „Wjyr, wjyr gejn yns yn Bibiöewjec, diöt hower ȧ ȧkordeon, diöt wawer ȧbysła zyca ȧn zyngja”. Ȧ s’höt dos imynd [imyd] gryhta gyziöet ufum Rynk. No, ny łang wiöe dos dö. Köma gyfłün zyty... no, zyty nygüty łoüt. Dos wün kȧ Wymysiöejer. Ȧna zy hon yns gyfanga, wȧsty. War wiöe ȧdkłoüfa, wiöe’ȧ güt, ȧ war, wan zy hon gyfunga [gyfanga], ging’ȧ dy gancy naht uf dy policȧj, �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian diöt zösa zy yr, ym kałer pocy mügja. Ȧn s’mügjys füta zy di junga łoüt, bo y... ufer Byłc brant der... dy mejł. Füta zy diöt di łoüt y dy at. [...] S’höt dos imynd [imyd] gyziöet ufum Rynk ȧna, di nygüta łoüt zȧjn gryhta kuma ȧn zy hon yns gyfanga. Ȧ yhy wiöe... yhy ȧdkłüf, ȧna bym Mjeta, diöt wiöe ȧ zyty łȧter undum hoüz. Fjym hoüz. Yhy cug di łȧter uf mejh, ȧna h’zos under dar łȧter. Wen zy heta kuma, heta zy mih derwjygt [derwügt]. Świętowanie Pierwszego Maja po wilamowsku Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Zaraz po wojnie, to ci opowiem. W rynku, bo to był pierwszy maja, mieli ci komuniści, mieli w rynku takie zebranie, od cegielni szli też ludzie na ten rynek. A my, młodzi Wilamowianie, bo to byli tylko Wilamowianie, powiedzieliśmy tak: „Wiesz co”, no my byliśmy młodzi, powiedzieli: „Idźmy sobie do Bibowca, tam mamy akordeon, tam trochę posiedzimy i pośpiewamy”. A ktoś to zaraz powiedział na rynku. No niedługo to trwało. Przylecieli tacy... no tacy niedobrzy ludzie. To nie byli Wilamowianie. I oni nas łapali, wiesz. Kto uciekł, to dobrze, a kto, kogo złapali, poszedł na całą noc na policję. Tam siedzieli w piwnicy aż do rano. A rano wywozili tych, tych młodych ludzi, bo... w Bielsku palił się młyn. Wywozili tam tych ludzi do pracy. (...) Ktoś to powiedział na rynku i ci niedobrzy ludzie zaraz przylecieli i nas łapali. A ja byłam... ja uciekłam i u Mjety tam była taka długa drabina pod domem, przed domem. Pociągłam tą drabinę na siebie i siedziałam pod tą drabiną. Jakby nadeszli, to by mnie udusili. [35] Ȧ gyśȧjty Wymysiöejeryn bywjet koroln Lüft-Nüśka (1923–2010), 2007. Wen zy köma y dy hyt, ȧn zy zöha, zuhta zy jok dy łod, wu dy łoda zȧjn. Ȧn wen’ȧ dos ny past, to freta zy: „Ȧ wun zȧjn dy korol?”. To dy nökweryn dö hot ȧ zyta grusa dibzak, ym rök, ȧn zy köma oü. No „dy korol” ȧn „dy korol”. Ȧn zej nom dan boütuł myt dan, myt dan korol cwyśa dy fis, ȧn zy hüłd dos. Ȧn zej bytofta zy ejweron. Gancy bytofta zy zy, ȧn dy korol funda zy ny, bo zy hot ȧ zyta twiöegzak. Ȧn zyta twiöegzak hot zy... ȧjgynyt, y dam rök, ȧ wen yhta kom, wen wer zaha, zyty fyngjela oba üryngla, zyty zaha hejnłeta, to nom zy jok dan dibzak cwyśa dy fis, ȧn mytum śjyctüh dakt zy zy cü ȧn zy zös... wösta śun nist. Ȧn zy bytofta zy ganc. 75 �76 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Sprytna Wilamowianka ratuje korale Anna Zejma z d. Fox (1923–2010), 2007. Jak przyszli do domu, to widzieli, szukali tylko skrzyni, gdzie są skrzynie. A jak im to nie pasowało, to pytali: „A gdzie są korale?”. To ta sąsiadka tu, to miała taką dużą kieszenń w spódnicy, a oni przyszli też. No „korale i korale”. A ona wzięła ten worek z tymi koralami pomiędzy nogi i trzymała to. A oni ją obmacywali wszędzie. Całą obmacali, a korali nie znaleźli, bo miała taki worek jak na ser. Taki worek jak na ser miała zaszyty w tej spódnicy. A jak coś przyszło, takie rzeczy jak pierścionki albo kolczyki, takie rzeczy jak żeśmy chowali, to ona brała tylko tą kieszeń pomiędzy nogi i fartuchem przykryła i oni już nic nie wiedzieli. A całą ją obmacali. [36] Oüz ȧ jung mȧkja ym pikus Holećkla-Helka (1928–2017), 2009. Zy köma. To gingja zy ym dy hyta rym ȧn zy... zy zühta, dy mȧkja, dy mȧkja. Wi zy yns derfün, dy mȧkja, to łeta zy zih śun hejn, miöehja. Ȧ yhy wöst nist ny. Köma zy mih ȧna myt mjyr... „Zosty kuma” – ziöeta zy mer. No do ging yh hałt myta myt. „Bo wen ny, to wyt śłȧht myt’üh zȧjn” – ziöeta zy gryhta, ferhisa zy mer. Yhy füng o cy grenn, no oder zy noma mih uf dy Bejł, ȧn diöt müstwer łejgja ufum füsbödum. Ȧn, ȧn śłüfwer ufum füsbödum, bo wjyr wün dresik mȧkja. Mȧśjytwer fu Wymysoü bocy uf dy Byłc cyfüs. Füt yns nimyd ny. Ȧn wer grynn. Dy mama kund oü nist ny ziöen. „Bej śun śtył, yh wa kuma cy djyr, yh wa dih diöt byzihja” – kom zy. Kom zy zan, wo yhy diöt mah. Ȧna oba, wo wer ny maha nist. Miöehysmöł mahtwer nist, ȧ miöehysmöł gingwer, nöma zy yns, dy Rüsa derzȧnk wün ju dö. Do nöma zy yns, do wer yhta diöt ufroüma zuła, ejweron wu’s’ȧ ym śmüciksta wje... wiöe. To müstwjyr gejn ȧn wer müsta roüma. Zyty cȧjta hotwer, jungy cȧjta. Wos wiöe, ȧ jung mȧkja wiöe’h derzȧnk, oder h’müst śun... No do zöswer, cwü woha wiöe dos gywys, ȧn nöhta müsta zy yns cy asa gan, zöfuł mȧkja wi wün. Diöt nöma zy yns cyr at ufer Bejł, ȧ njen wośa ȧn öernung maha. Wȧs yh, nö wam dos wiöe? Bo dos wiöe łydik śun. Ȧna... ȧna wjyr müsta dos ołys ufroüma. Ȧ wi wer ufgyroümt hota, no do gön zy yns diöt yhta cy asa. Zyty plipzüp [pipzüp], mȧłȧjhtwosfer ȧny, wiöe dos ny güt. Oder hunger wiöe, do... wjyr hyngjyta, to öswer ołys uf. Wo wer grynn. Ȧ wi zy yns roüsłisa, cwü woha wiöe dos, zöswer diöt, mjyr śȧjnt’s, oder drȧj woha, śun gydenk śun ȧni ny gynoü. No do kömwer yn ham, ȧn wer köma diöt, myt jen fȧldyn oła fur Byłc. Myta fȧldyn, wi zy yns roüsłisa, bo wer głiöeta nö ny, do wer frȧj zȧjn. Do wer yn ham kyna gejn, do zy yns wejder ny wan huła. Fütwer yns okriöepnje. Oder zy �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian köma ny. Oder dy mȧkja müsta ekstra zyca, ȧ dy ełdyn oü ekstra zyca. Tȧta nöma zy oü, oü zos’ȧ diöt ym lager, ufer, ufer Był... ufer Bejł wiöe dos. Ȧ zyta ława hotwer, dos junga ława ȧzu troürik, ȧzu śłymp, ȧzu... Wen yh hoüt fu dam ołum denk, wje’h ju nö hoüt grenn. Dos wiöe ju śreklik. Wjyr wün ju nimanda nist ny śyłik, zyty kyndyn, jungy mȧkja wüwer, y dy śül gingwer nö. Ȧna zu yns byhandułn? War höt dos... Do zy güt myt śejna wjytyn wjyn cy yns kuzta [kuza], oba heta zy gükja y dy at gynuma, cyr at, oder ȧzu łoütyś. Oder dos wiöe jok ołys ȧzu... mȧłȧjhtwi. Jako młoda dziewczyna w areszcie Helena Nowak z d. Nikiel (1928–2017), 2009. Przyszli. To chodzili po domach i szukali dziewcząt, dziewcząt. Jak się dowiedziały, dziewczyny, to już się chowały niektóre. A ja nic nie wiedziałam. Przyszli po mnie i ze mną: „Masz przyjść” powiedzieli mi. No to przecież z nimi poszłam. „Bo jak nie, to będzie z wami źle”, od razu mi powiedzieli, obiecali mi. Zaczęłam płakać, no ale wzięli mnie do Białej i tam musiałyśmy leżeć na podłodze. I i spałyśmy na podłodze, bo byłyśmy tam trzydzieści dziewcząt. Maszerowałyśmy z Wilamowic aż do Bielska na nogach. Nikt nas nie zawiózł. I płakałyśmy. Mama też nic nie mogła powiedzieć: „Bądź już cicho, przyjdę do ciebie, odwiedzę cię tam”. Przyszła. Przyszła patrzyć, co tam robię. I, albo że nic nie robimy. Czasem nic nie robiłyśmy, a czasem szłyśmy, brali nas, wtedy Ruscy tu byli. To brali nas, żebyśmy tam coś posprzątały, wszędzie, gdzie było brudno. To musiałyśmy iść i sprzątać. Takie czasy miałyśmy, taką młodość. Co było, byłam młodą dziewczyną wtedy, ale musiałam już... No to siedziałyśmy dwa tygodnie to było chyba. No i musieli nam coś jeść dać, tyle dziewczyn, co nas było. Stamtąd nas wzięli do pracy do Białej, podłogę myć i robić porządek. Czy ja wiem, po kim to było? Bo to było już puste. No i my musiałyśmy wszystko sprzątać. A jak już miałyśmy posprzątane, no to dali nam tam coś do zjedzenia. Taką pipę byle jaką, to było niedobre. Ale głód był, głodowałyśmy, to zjadłyśmy wszystko. Co my się upłakałyśmy. A jak nas wypuścili, dwa tygodnie to było, siedziałyśmy tam, tak mi się wydaje, albo trzy tygodnie. Już nawet nie pamiętam dokładnie. No to przyszłyśmy do domu i przyszłyśmy tam, tymi polami całymi z Bielska. Polami, jak nas wypuścili, bo jeszcze nie wierzyłyśmy, że jesteśmy wolne. Że możemy iść do domu, że po nas znowu nie przyjdą. Strasznie się bałyśmy. Ale nie przyszli. Ale dziewczyny musiały siedzieć osobno, a rodzice osobno. Tatę też wzięli, też siedział tam w lagrze. W Biel... w Białej to było. Takie miałyśmy życie, tą młodość taką smutną, taką złą. Jak dzisiaj o tym wszystkim myślę, to jeszcze bym dzisiaj płakała. To było straszne. Nikomu nic nie byliśmy winni, takie dzieci, młodymi dziewczynami byłyśmy, do szkoły jeszcze chodziłyśmy. I tak nas traktować? Kto to... Jakby mówili do nas ładnymi słowami, albo by nas wzięli chociaż do pracy, ale tak po ludzku. Ale to wszystko było tylko tak byle jak. 77 �78 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [37] Ȧ bejzer, doüćer śiłer Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Stiehr, Stiehr wiöe oü ȧ, ȧ łjyt oü. No to wȧsty wos, har, mȧj kuzin, der Jüza wiöe ȧzu ołd wi yh. Ȧna wjyr gingja bȧdy y ȧ śül. Ȧ nöhta, har kund, no, ȧ łjyt zih śłȧhter wi yh. Bo wȧsty dy mȧkja wün inda beser. Nöhta ziöet’ȧ, ziöet’ȧ jum ȧzu: cyderjyśt jat’ȧ’an ȧzu mytum, myt ȧm, taką mioł loske, ȧ nöhta ziöet’ȧ: „Gej y dy aptyk ȧn kiöef mer hau blau!”. Ȧn dos wiöe ju nist jok „hau blau”, jat’ȧ’an ȧzu, do’ȧ wiöe ganc błöw. Zły niemiecki nauczyciel Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Stiehr, Stiehr był też, uczył też. No to wiesz co, on, mój kuzyn, Józek, on był w tym wieku, co ja. I my chodziliśmy razem do jednej szkoły. A potem, on umiał, no uczył się gorzej niż ja. Bo wiesz, dziewczynki były zawsze lepsze. Potem powiedział, powiedział mu tak, najpierw go bił tak z, taką, taką miał laskę a potem powiedział: „Idź do apteki i kup mi hau blau”. A to nie było nic, tylko „hau blau” (bij aż będzie niebieskie), tak go bił, że był cały niebieski. [38] Ȧ briw wymysiöeryś gyśrejwa Lüft-Nüśka (1923–2010), 2007. Wi dy Doüća dö wün, wi zy köma dö nȧj, ȧn yh hot ȧ feter, ȧ feter y Frankrȧjh. Ȧn wjyr kunda ny śrȧjwa cünum. No to śrȧw yh ȧn briw wymysiöeryś, oder ȧn grusa briw, bo wer wułda jum gan cy wysa, wo dö zih... bo har śrȧw, wiöe... wiöe noügjyrik, wos zih dö maht. Bo dy Doüća diöt ferśidnikjy... zaha mahta zy. Wo dy Doüća dö maha, op wer ława, dos wszystki, dos ołys fret’ȧ. Ȧn yhy kund nist jum ny śrȧjwa, bo s’wiöe... dy cenzür wiöe. No to śrȧw yh wymysiöeryś. Yta wi’ȧ dyham wiöe, śprȧh yh ȧzu: „No, Frana-feter, wos wöster fu dam briw, wo yhy śrȧw [oüh?] wymysiöeryś?”. „Nist wöst yh, h’hot nö mejer strah ym oüh, wi’s y dam briw ołys wiöe gyśrejwa, bo’h wöst nist ny derfön”. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian List napisany po wilamowsku Anna Zejma z d. Fox (1923–2010), 2007. Jak tu Niemcy byli, jak wkroczyli, a ja miałam wujka, wujka we Francji. A my nie mogliśmy do niego pisać. No to napisałam list po wilamowsku, ale duży list, bo chcieliśmy mu dać znać, co tu się dzieje. Bo on pisał, był ciekawy, co się tu dzieje. Bo Niemcy robili różne rzeczy. Co Niemcy tu robią, czy żyjemy, to wszystko, o wszystko pytał. A ja mu nie mogłam nic napisać, bo była cenzura. No to napisałam po wilamowsku. Teraz, jak był w domu (w Wilamowicach), powiedziałam tak: „No wujku Franku, coście wiedzieli z tego listu, co do was napisałam po wilamowsku”. „No nic nie wiedziałem, jeszcze bardziej się o was bałem, co w tym liście wszystko było napisane, bo nic z niego nie wiedziałem”. [39] Opyłys y Ałca Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Do yhy mytum Biöetuł-feter, füwer ju ufȧ, ufȧ, niby wen wiöe opyłys, do der Biöetuł-feter wiöe y bekjerȧj, har kund płacła baka zyty... Zyty płacła, wi dos śyseła ej, wün gybaka ufum... śjywa, no do wiöe’ȧ, drȧj oba fjyr zyty śjywa büh, no to wün s’kymt cy ziöen, zȧhs, cwełf zyty... uf ȧm śjywa, myt twiöeg ȧn myt cöker ȧn myt, myter posypka. Do ferkoüft’ȧ ufum opyłys, ferśtejsty? Ȧn wjyr, kyndyn, füwer ufȧ opyłys myt. Oder nöhta go’ȧ yns, wi’ȧ ołys ny hot ferkoüft, no do krigtwer oü, wer hota ju kȧ giełd ny. No gük dos wiöe dö der feter, dy Biöetuł-müm ȧn mȧj baba – dos wün śwastyn, no ny? Dos wiöe kuzynka, dy Tera-müm, wo ȧ fiöen hot ȧ zun. No do wüwer inda ufum, do denk yh, wi dy Ełcnyn gingja ogycün. Odpust w Hałcnowie Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Bo ja z Botuł-fetrem (wujkiem), jechaliśmy na, no jak był odpust, bo Botuł-feter był w piekarni, umiał piec takie ciastka. Takie ciastka, jak ta miseczka. Były pieczone w formie, to były trzy, albo cztery takie formy piekł. No to były, przyjdzie powiedzieć sześć, dwanaście takich, na jednej formie. Z serem, cukrem i posypką. To sprzedawał to na odpuście, rozumiesz? A my, dzieci, jechaliśmy na odpust z nim. Ale potem nam dawał, jak wszystkiego nie sprzedał, to dostawaliśmy też, no my nie mieliśmy pieniędzy. No chociaż to był wujek, bo ciotka Botłowa i moja babcia to były siostry, nie? To była kuzynka, ciotka Tera, co miała syna księdza. No to byłyśmy zawsze na..., pamiętam, jak Hałcnowianie chodzili ubrani. 79 �80 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [40] Dy jyśta Wymysiöejyn wün y Wymysdiöf Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. No wȧsty wos, ȧzu gynoü wösta zy ju oü ny. Jok oły ziöeta, wjyr zȧjn „hołdy-bołdy”. Bo nimyd ferśtand [ferśtind] di śpröh ny. No to müsta zy zȧjn fu jynt kuma, ny? Ȧn cyderjyśt wün zy y Wymysdiöf, oder diöt höt’s’ȧ ny gyfoła, dos hon fercyłt di ełder łoüt. Diöt höt’s’ȧ ny gyfołt, bo s’wün ȧbysła gybjygja. Ny grusy, oder zyty. Ȧn zy köma wejder dö, ȧn dö fełta zy, bo dö wiöe ejweron puś. Fełta zy di biöem, ȧna zy wönta wejder dö. No s’mü dos hon gytoüyt łang, do zöfuł nöhta... no, s’wün ju ny hefa. Pierwsi Wilamowianie osiedlili się w Starej Wsi Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. No wiesz co, tak dokładnie też nie wiedzieli (skąd pochodzą Wilamowianie). Wszyscy tylko mówili, że jesteśmy „hołdy-boldy”. Bo nikt nie rozumiał tego języka. No to musieli skądś przybyć, nie? I najpierw byli w Starej Wsi, ale tam im się nie podobało, to opowiadali ci starsi ludzie. Tam im się nie podobało, bo było trochę górek. Nie duże, ale takie. I przyszli znowu tu, a tu walili, bo tu był wszedzie las. Walili drzewa i mieszkali znowu tu. No musiało to trwać długo, że tyle później... no nie było ich dużo. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Konceptualizacja przestrzeni i „naszego” miejsca w świecie Dy konceptuȧlizȧcyj fum fȧld ȧn fu „ynzum” płoc ufer wełt [41] Wymysoü ej ȧ śejny, kliny śtot Linküś-Ruzła (1926–2009), 2008. Wymysoü ej ȧ śejny, kliny śtot. Wjyr hon ȧ śejny kjyh, yr kjyh zȧjn drȧj ełtyn, dy ełtyn zȧjn oüsgykrycułt ym łyndahułc ȧn der kroücwȧg ej oüsgykrycułt ym ȧhahułc. Wjyr hon... byr kjyh zȧjn oü nuna. Zy hyłfa yr kjyh, ȧny śpejłt ufer bejn, ufer ügl ȧna ȧny ej wejder yr dryskomer, zy ergjyt zih diöt myt dan büwa. Wjyr hon oü ȧ śejna Rynk. Ym Rynk zȧjn hefa gywełn, wjyr kyna yns ołys ȧjkiöefa, ławamytuł, ocycin. Ufer ek ej oü ȧ krȧćum, diöt kynwer yns oüstrynkja ȧn śnops ȧna ȧ mytagasa ufasa, ȧna zu ej der Rynk, ȧ grusy gymȧn ej, ȧ grusy śül, cy dar gymȧn gyhjyn dy djyfyn fu ynzy... ymsrod wu wün y Wymysoü. Błan gyhjyt ok fjym üwer, bo diöt ej ȧ fłus ȧna hynderum üwer gyhjyt zy śun y dy Śtot. No to gyhjyt cy dar [dam] ynzer Wymysoü Błan, Hylćadiöf, Śrȧjwadiöf, Wymysdiöf, Denkjadiöf. Zawyś gyhjyt śun uf Brejskja. Wjyr hon oü uf idum, idum mejtwoh ej y Wymysoü ȧ jümyt, ȧ kjymys. Do kon’ȧ yns, kynwer yns oü ołys kiöefa. Dy łoüt kuma gyfiöen fu wȧjt ȧna zy brengja dy wiöer, ȧn dy ander łoüt kuma wejder gyfiöen kiöefa. Ȧzu ejwer dos... oły mejtwoh ej, ej ȧ ben yns ȧ zyter jümyt. Wjyr hon oü śejny pȧhśtrösa. Grusy, brȧty śtrösa. Ȧn by dan śtrösa zȧjn śejny hyta gyboüyt. Śtekikjy hyta. Hułchyta zit mon [mȧ] oü, oder zjyr wing. Imyd [ind jynt] tryft zih nö fu hułc ȧ hyt, oder zjyr wing. S’ej ejweron ufgyroümt, zy, zy... s’zȧjn yn, yn gatła błimła ȧn puśbiöemła gyzoct. S’ej ejweron öernung, ufgyroümt. Wymysoü ej ȧ śejny, kliny śtot. Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto Rozalia Hanusz z d. Nowak (1926–2009), 2008. Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Mamy piękny kościół, w kościele są trzy ołtarze. Ołtarze są wyrzeźbione w drewnie lipowym, a droga krzyżowa jest wyrzeźbiona w drewnie dębowym. Mamy... w kościele są też zakonnice. Pomagają 81 �82 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian w kościele, jedna gra na chórze na organach, a jedna jest z kolei w zakrystii, zajmuje się tam ministrantami. Mamy też piękny rynek. Na rynku jest wiele sklepów, możemy sobie tam wszystko kupić: jedzenie i ubrania. Na rogu jest też karczma, tam możemy sobie wypić wódkę i zjeść obiad. Tak wygląda rynek. Jest też duża gmina, duża szkoła. Do tej gminy należą wioski dookoła Wilamowic. Bielany należą tylko przed brzegiem (Soły – Zasole Bielańskie), bo tam jest rzeka, a za rzeką należą już do Kęt. No to należą do tych naszych Wilamowic Bielany (Zasole Bielańskie), Hecznarowice, Pisarzowice, Wilamowice, Dankowice. Jawiszowice należą już do Brzeszcz. Mamy też w każdą środę targ. To możemy tam sobie też wszystko kupić. Ludzie przyjeżdżają z daleka i przywożą towar, a inni ludzie przyjeżdżają z kolei coś kupić. I tak każdej środy jest u nas taki targ. Mamy też piękne asfaltowe ulice, duże, szerokie ulice. A przy tych ulicach stoją piękne domy, piętrowe domy. Drewniane domy widać, jeszcze, ale bardzo rzadko. Czasem jeszcze się zdarza drewniany dom, ale już bardzo mało. Wszędzie jest posprzątane, w ogródkach są kwiaty i iglaki. Wszędzie jest porządek, posprzątane. Wilamowice to piękne, ładne miasto. [42] Dy jyśta Wymysiöejyn wułda ny błȧjn y Wymysdiöf Taksła-Hȧla (1923–2020), 2014. Fylȧjht, fylȧjht, water... water kuma uf dos, do, fu wu dy łoüt zȧjn, bo... Wen zy wün oü ȧzu, do zy... ny wułda diöt zȧjn, bo diöt zȧjn... wün zyty groble i takie se to, w Starej Wsi, no to köma zy uf Wymysoü dö, hota zy zih ȧjgyzidlt. Pierwsi Wilamowianie nie chcieli zostać w Starej Wsi Elżbieta Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1923–2020), 2014. Być może, być może dojdziecie do tego, skąd ci ludzie pochodzą. Jak byli też tacy, że... nie chcieli tam być, bo tam były takie groble i takie se to, w Starej Wsi (nierówny teren). No to przyszli do Wilamowic, tu się osiedlili. [43] Fyrym hȧsa zy Underum Puś Puś-Pejter-Hȧla (1930–2017), 2009. Wi dö wiöe Underum Puś? No güt, no dö wiöe ȧmöł gywast ȧ puś, wȧst? No. Oder di ołda łoüt hon dos ołys, dan puś likwidjyt, und zy hon hoüzyn ufgyśtełt. No. – Ȧn diöh dos ej dö gyhȧsa Underum Puś? �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Underum Puś, bo dö wiöe... yh denk dos ny, yh denk dos ny, oder mȧj, fylȧjht, dy baba, wje zy dos denkja, do dö wiöe ȧ puś. Dlaczego jedna z dzielnic Wilamowic nazywa się Pod Lasem Elżbieta Gandor z d. Fox (1930–2017), 2009. Jak tu było Pod Lasem? No dobrze, no tu był kiedyś las, wiesz? No. Ale ci starzy ludzie cały ten las zlikwidowali i postawili domy, no. – I przez to nazywało się tutaj Pod Lasem? Pod Lasem, bo tu był.... ja tego już nie pamiętam, ale moja, może moja babcia by to jeszcze pamiętała, że tu był las. [44] Der Jüdaśtȧjg ȧn der Pöłaśtȧjg Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. – Der Jüdaśtȧjg ȧn Pöłaśtȧjg dos wiöe dosnymłikjy? Dosnymłikjy. Bo Jüdaśtȧjg... nöht wün śun kȧ Jüda ny, ȧ nöhta gingja dy Denkjadiöfyn, dy Wymysdiöfyn ȧna dos wün Pöła, ȧ wjyr wün Wymysiöejyn. Ȧn s’his dos Pöłaśtȧjg. No. Jüdaśtȧjg i Pöłaśtȧjg (ścieżka Żydów i Polaków) Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. – Jüdaśtȧjg i Pöłaśtȧjg to to samo? To samo. Bo Jüdaśtȧjg, potem już nie było Żydów, a potem szli tam dankowianie, starowsianie, a to byli Polacy, a my byliśmy Wilamowianami. No i nazywało się to Ścieżka Polaków. [45] Der Bibiöewjec jyśter Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Nȧ-nȧ, der Bibiöewjec wiöe ny gryser. Ȧ wiöe fylȧjht nö ȧbysła kliner, oder ȧ wiöe ȧ śejner, kliny puś. Diöt hota zy ym zumer, wün oü zyty... śpejłta dy, dy... müzik. Ȧ miöehysmöł kom ȧ junger myter ȧkordeon. Ȧna di junga łoüt, di mȧkja ȧn dy büwa, diöt wiöe ȧ zyter płoc, ȧbysła weter fu dȧjner hyt. Diöt wiöe ȧ zyter płoc, diöt wün kȧ biöem, jok ymsrod wün biöem. Diöt tanctwer, diöt... zöswer ȧn wer zunga ȧna... Oder ny inda, ny inda. 83 �84 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian O dawnym Bibowcu Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Nie nie, Bibowiec nie był kiedyś większy. Był jeszcze może trochę mniejszy, ale był pięknym, małym lasem. Tam mieli, w lecie były takie... bawili się, no zabawa. A czasami przyszedł jakiś młody z akordeonem. A ci młodzi ludzie, dziewczyny i chłopcy, tam był taki plac, trochę dalej od twojego domu. Tam był taki plac, tam nie było drzew, tylko naokoło były drzewa. Tam tańczyliśmy, siedzieliśmy i śpiewaliśmy i... Nie zawsze, nie zawsze. [46] Wi wiöe s’Biba-Jew cytȧlt Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. – S’Biba-Jew oba wi? S’Biba-Jew. – S’Biba-Jew. Ȧ nöhta wiöe... No nöhta fu dam Biba-Jew, zy müsta hon dy, dy baba, no, di gru... – Di Prȧdźjada. No, müsta zy hon hefa fȧld, bo nöhta gön zy dos ym Biba-Jȧśkja, ym Biba-Jüza ȧn ym Zejma-Kȧśka, bo dos, di wiöe śun oüsgan. No to di drȧj wün uf dam jew. (...) Dos mü zȧjn jyśter gyhot ȧner ȧna, bo di fȧldyn zȧjn ȧzu, wi ȧs fȧld wiöe fum, fum... fum, no Hȧla-Frana, dos wiöe fum Mjeta, dos wiöe fum Biba-Jȧśkja, dos wiöe fum Biba-Jüza. Ȧn s’Zejma-Kȧśka, ejs hot fur ander zȧjt śtrös. Di śtrös, dar rȧja ging poca uf dy, pocam Barda. Dos wiöe ȧ hyt, no, śun ym end Wymysoü. Jak była podzielona Bibowa Rola Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. No Bibowa Rola. A potem było... No potem z tej Bibowej Roli, musieli mieć ci, te babcie, ci pradziadkowie. No musieli mieć dużo pola, bo potem to dali Biba-Jaśkowi, Biba-Józkowi i Zejma-Kaśce, bo ona, ona była już wydana. No tych troje było na tej roli. (...) To musiało być kiedyś w posiadaniu jednego i, bo te pola są (leżą) tak, jak jest pole od Hala-Franków, to było od Mjety, to było od Biba-Jaśka, to było od Biba-Józka. A Zejma-Kaśka, ona miała po drugiej stronie ulicy. Ta ulica, ta miedza szła aż do Bardy. To był dom już na końcu Wilamowic. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [47] Wi yh mih łjyt śwyma bym mjer Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Yhy wiöe ju njynt, h’wiöe jok y Wymysoü. No to diöt wiöe’h, ny? Ȧna zej gingja boda. Yhy hot oü ȧn śejna ocug cym boda, oder ziöeta zy: „Ku myt yns ys woser!”. Wi’h ging myta ys woser, zy hułda mih ȧbysła, bo wȧsty, yh kund ny śwyma, h’kon hoüt, bocy hoüt ny śwyma. No oder y dam woser, y dam mjer, ging yh ȧbysła rym. Oder nöhta wiöe zyty grusy zun, y piöer minüta wiöe’h ganc ferbrant. Ȧn di łoüt hon dos gyzan, nom’ȧ, fü’ȧ y dy śtot ȧn’ȧ koüft mer zoüwermyłih. Ȧn’ȧ kom wejder ȧn’ȧ go’m [ȧn’ȧ go mer] dos: „Dü müst dos byśtenik śmjen, bo wen ny, wysty ny oüshałda”. Jak uczyłam się pływać nad morzem Anna Foks (Fox) (ur. 1927), 2022. Ja wcześniej nigdzie nie byłam, tylko w Wilamowicach. No to tam byłam, nie? I oni poszli się kąpać. Ja też miałam taki ładny strój do kąpania, ale oni powiedzieli: „Chodź z nami do wody”. Jak poszłam z nimi do wody, oni mnie trzymali trochę, bo wiesz, ja nie umiałam pływać, dzisiaj nie..., do dzisiaj nie umiem pływać. No ale w tej wodzie, w tym morzu tak trochę chodziłam. Ale potem było takie duże słońce, za parę minut byłam cała spalona. A ci ludzie to widzieli, wziął, pojechał do miasta i kupił mi kwaśne mleko. I przyjechał znowu i dał to: „Musisz to ciągle smarować, bo jak nie, to nie wytrzymasz”. [48] Wi wer zih bym nökwer oüz kyndyn bawjȧta Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Zej hota dö ȧ zyta, ȧ zyta klin hytła, wjyr tancta diöt inda, bo s’wün hefa, hefa kyndyn ȧn mȧj foter, no dos wün, zy hota zih gan cyzoma. No ȧna di, di bow, dy, di ołdy, zy hot inda ȧ kysła ufum hiöet, bo zy hot... s’hiöet tut’er [tot’er] wej, hot zy inda dos kysła. Jak bawiliśmy się u sąsiada jako dzieci Anna Foks (Fox) (ur. 1927), 2022. Oni tu mieli taki, taki mały domek, tam zawsze tańczyliśmy, było dużo, dużo dzieci i mój ojciec, no to byli, oni się lubili. No ta, ta kobieta, ta stara, ona miała zawsze na głowie poduszkę, bo miała... głowa ją bolała, zawsze miała tą poduszkę. 85 �86 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [49] Wo yh hoüt ho gymaht Taksła-Nüśa (1920–2012), 2009. Yhy ny, yhy... arpuł [arpułn] fȧt yh, mjen fȧt yh, ołys cym mytagasa. Nöht ging yh ufȧ rużanjec, grod ent’ȧ zih śun yta. No ȧn ho’h, ȧ nöht gej’h, gej’h łejgja, gej’h oły tag uf ȧ śtund. Co dziś robiłam Anna Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1920–2012), 2009. Ja nie, ja obierałam ziemniaki, marchewkę obierałam, wszystko do obiadu. Potem poszłam na różaniec, prawie się już teraz kończy. No i... a potem idę, idę się położyć, idę codziennie na godzinę. [50] Der büw mytum ruta hitła I: Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. H: Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2009. I: Do inda fercyłt zy fu dam łoühtnikja, ȧn fu dam büwa mytum ruta hitła. Ȧ ynzer wjytyn fercyłt dos oü. H: Ȧ mȧj mama ny. I: Bo byn tȧjhja, wu fejł tȧjhja wün, do, do miöehysmöł s’fad füng zih o ufcybiöema, ȧn s’wułd ny weter gejn. Ȧn dar jat’s, ȧn zu weter. Ȧn ołdyśt wi’ȧ nöhta zih gyzȧnt, fług ȧ büw mytum ruta hitła fu, fjym fad wȧg. Oba oü, wi zy hisa, topielec. Dos wiöe dar büw myt dam ruta hitła. Chłopczyk z czerwonym kapelusikiem I: Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. H: Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2009. I: To zawsze opowiadała o tych błędnych ogniach i o tym chłopczyku z czerwonym kapelusikiem. A nasza gospodyni też to opowiadała. H: A moja mama nie. I: Bo przy stawach, tam gdzie było dużo stawów, to czasami koń stawał dęba i nie chciał iść dalej. A ten go bił i tak dalej. I dopiero jak się potem przeżegnał, spod konia wyleciał chłopczyk z czerwonym kapelusikiem. Albo też, jak nazywali, topielec. To był ten chłopiec z czerwonym kapelusikiem. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [51] Der toüwuł höt ȧ feter gyfüt yn Świöeca Tȧjh Linküś-Ruzła (1926–2009), 2009. Mȧj dźjada ȧna zȧj brüder, s’wönt cwej zyty kynstlihjy. Mȧj dźjada kund ołys maha. Ȧ maht ȧ kjywła, ȧ maht ȧ, ȧ, ȧ… ȧ śof, ȧ maht, ołys kund’ȧ maha. Ȧ maht oü ȧn hüt ufȧ, ufȧ zumer uf dy an, fu śtruw. Ȧn’ȧ fłoht dos śtruw uf aht, myt ahtyn, myt aht yjen. Ȧna nöhta prest’ȧ dos ȧn’ȧ nyt dos wejder cyzoma, ȧzu kunda zy ołys. Köma zy ym wynter cyzoma ȧn zy fercyłta. Ȧ dar ander brüder, dar wiöe wejder ȧ zyter, ȧ hołwy dökter. Ȧ ging cyn kija, wen zy hota s’kołp, wen zy zih zo okełwyn… oba ȧzu, wi yhta krank wiöe, ȧ kund, ȧ hüłf, no. No, no cy yns kom’ȧ… hiöer ok, mü’h ȧbysła denkja. Ȧna ȧmöł rüfa zy’ȧ uf Denkjadiöf dö, głȧjh ny, ny wȧjt. Ging’ȧ cyfüs, bo ȧzu do köma zy mytum fad gyfiöen. Ȧna diöt ej ȧ tȧjh, der tȧjh hȧst Świöecy Tȧjh. Ȧ hȧst nö yta Świöecer Tȧjh. Ȧn diöt wiöe, ȧ har wiöe zjyr tif, dar tȧjh. Diöt hot zih hałt imyd, wiöe diöt imyd derzöfa. Y jem Świöeca Tȧjh. No ȧ kymt fu dam Świöeca... fu dam okełwyn kymt’ȧ ȧbysła byzöfa, gejt ȧn’ȧ zyngt’um, ȧn’ȧ gejt ufer śtrös. Ȧmöł błȧjt’ȧ śtejn, zit’ȧ, ȧ śtrös gejt diöh ȧ tȧh, diöh ȧ tȧjh. „No wos ej dos yta? Wu ej dos yta? Wu ej yta dy śtrös?”. Ȧn’ȧ wył gejn, o, do ej woser. Ging weter. Wi’ȧ füt zih, dy śü hot’ȧ śun fuł woser, yn śüja. No, ȧ zos, ȧ zos, ȧ zos ȧn wi’ȧ füng cy fłüha, ufȧ toüwuł ȧzu fłüht’ȧ, dret’ȧ jum. Ȧna zu kekt’ȧ – „Dü, toüwuł ferwynćter, ferwynćter toüwuł, ga mer rü!” – bo har wöst do’s der toüwuł ej. Y dam łihtyt’ȧ oüs, y dam wynća, ȧn’ȧ kom cy zejh, ȧn’ȧ zit’ȧ ju, dos ej ju der mönd. Dos ej ju der mönd, dy śtrös ej diöt, ȧ kruh roüs ȧn’ȧ kom yn ham, no dy śü hot’ȧ ganc nos, oder ȧ dertrunk ny. No zyfuł wȧs yh. O tym, jak diabeł zwodził wujka do Czarnego Stawu Rozalia Hanusz z d. Nowak (1926–2009), 2009. Mój dziadek i jego brat to było dwóch takich artystów. Mój dziadek umiał wszystko zrobić. Robił koszyki, robił szafliki, robił, wszystko umiał zrobić. Robił też kapelusze, na lato, na żniwa, ze słomy. I on plótł tą słomę z ośmiu, w ósemki, ośmioma. A potem to prasował i znowu zszywał, tak potrafili wszystko. Spotykali się w zimie razem i opowiadali. A ten drugi brat, ten był znowu takim pół lekarzem. Szedł do krów, jak miały mieć cielę, jak się miały ocielić, albo jak była coś chora, on umiał, pomagał no. No, no do nas przyszedł... poczekaj, muszę trochę pomyśleć. Raz zawołali go do Dankowic tu, od razu, niedaleko. Poszedł na nogach, bo tak, to przyjeżdżali konno. I tam jest staw, ten staw nazywa się Czarny Staw. Jeszcze do dzisiaj nazywa się Czarny Staw. I tam było..., on był bardzo głęboki ten staw. Podobno ktoś się tam, ktoś się tam utopił. W tamtym Czarnym Stawie. No on przychodzi z tego czarnego... z tego cielenia przychodzi trochę pijany, idzie sobie i śpiewa sobie, i idzie po ulicy. W pewnym momencie staje, patrzy, a ulica idzie przez staw. „No co to teraz jest? Co tu się dzieje? 87 �88 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Gdzie teraz jest ulica”. No i chce ruszyć, o, a tu woda. Poszedł dalej. I jak się bał, buty miał już pełne wody, w butach. No siedział, siedział i jak zaczął kląć, na diabła tak klął, groził mu. I tak krzyczał: „Ty diable pieroński, pieroński diable, daj mi spokój”. Bo on wiedział, że to jest diabeł. W tym wytrzeźwiał, przy tym klęciu, przyszedł do siebie, patrzy, a tak, to jest księżyc. To jest księżyc, ulica jest tam. Wyszedł stamtąd i przyszedł do domu, no buty miał całkiem mokre, ale nie utonął. No tyle wiem. [52] Fum Ruzła, wo ziöet, do’s zih fu nist ny fjet Lüft-Nüśka (1923–2010), 2007. Fun śiöehnikja wa’h der fercyła. C’yns wiöe fu... der nökwer, cy yns, dos wiöe öwyt śun. No, fylȧjht ymȧ zejwa, aht s’öwyts. Ȧn zy zosa, der Kwaka-Frana, der kuzyn, s’gyśwyster, der Kocożyk, der Jüza, ȧna nöhta kom dy nökweryn, di, Śmejd-Ruzła. No, Śmejd-Ruzła ȧn zy, fercyłta ȧzu fu dam śiöehja. Ȧn s’Śmejd-Ruzła śpryht ȧzu: „Ȧ, jyr duła, yhy kum s’nahts yn ham, gej’h bym kjyhüf ferhejn, ȧ h’fjet mih ny!”. Ȧn der nökwer, dar ȧzu: „Wen ejs ȧzu ej, ȧzu śtełt zih fest, do’s zih ny fjet, yh wa jum yta maha”. Kymt’ȧ cün mer y dy kyh, ȧn’ȧ śpryht mer ȧzu: „Wiysz, wȧsty wos, Nüśa? Ga mer źe dö ȧ bazum” – no jak sie... – „Ga ȧ bazum, no mietłe, ga ȧ bazum i... bettüh ȧ wȧjsys, yh wa jum yta wȧjza, op zih ejs ny fjet. Oder yhy gej, oder ny łö’s gryhta roüs hynder mjyr kuma, ok hałd’s uf!”. Do’h ȧbysła zo fercyła mytum. Ȧn dar dö, cym nökwer wün zyty fłoüma, biöem. Ȧn dar śtełt undyn dan boüm [under dan boüm] ȧn, dan bazum ȧn uf dam bazum hot’ȧ dos wȧjsy bettüh. Ȧn dos kymt, s’gejt ȧzu kürȧź gejt’s ȧn dar myt dam boüm śytułt’ȧ, ȧn dan boüm myt dam tüh kłoüt’ȧ, ȧzu łet’ȧ poma... ȧmałik ufys. Wi dos kwićt, wi dos kekt. Füng’s zih s’fanster, füng’s kopyt, s’fanster füng ȧn uf mejh rüf’s: „Nüśa kuźe, Nüśa kuźe, Nüśa kuźe! Bo yh kon kȧn śrejt weter ny gejn!”. No kom’s nȧj, dy kłopa łahta zu fönum: „No Ruzła, ȧzu wiöesty, do dy dih ny fjetst ȧni bym kjyhüf ferhejngejn ym cwełf s’nahts”. No, nöht yn ham ging śun’s ny dö, ok’s ging myt dam, bo wjyr hota cwej droga... cwej wȧg: ȧn dö ȧn andyn diöt. Ging śun’s ny, ok dö. „Oder byłȧt mih źe, byłȧt mih źe”. (...) Byłȧt yh’s, ȧ’h byłȧt’s under dy lamp, wun dy lamp łiöeht. Ȧn yh śprȧh ȧzu: „Ȧ, yta wysty śun gejn ȧłȧn. Dy lamp łiöeht füt”. Ȧna, wi ejs ging diöt runder, yhy śprung ufer śtrös ȧzu, pöht yh myta fisa, do’h kłoüf, do’h fłig. Ȧn dos fług nö hater yn ham. O Ruźle, co mówiła, że się niczego nie boi Anna Zejma z d. Fox (1923–2010), 2007. O straszydłach, to ci opowiem. U nas był z... sąsiad, u nas, to był już wieczór. No może koło siódmej, ósmej wieczorem. I siedzieli. Kwaka-Franek, mój kuzyn, Kacorzyk Józek i potem przyszła sąsiadka, ta, Śmejd-Ruzła. No, Śmejd-Ruzła i oni, no opowiadali �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian o tych strachach. A Śmejd-Ruzła mówi tak: „O wy głupcy, ja przychodzę w nocy do domu, idę koło cmentarza i się nie boję”. A ten sąsiad tak: „Jak ona taka jest, tak się chwali, to ja jej teraz pokażę”. Przychodzi do mnie do kuchni i mówi mi tak: „Wiesz co, Nusia? Dajże mi tu miotłę”. No jak się... „Daj miotłę i białe prześcieradło, ja jej teraz pokażę, czy ona się nie boi. Ale ja idę, ale ty jej nie pozwól iść od razu za mną, tylko ją zatrzymaj”. Żebym z nią trochę poopowiadała. A ten tu, u sąsiada były takie śliwki, drzewa. A ten postawił pod to drzewo tą miotłę i na tej miotle to białe prześcieradło. A ta nadchodzi, idzie tak odważnie, a ten tym drzewem trzęsie i to drzewo z tym prześcieradłem zbiera i tak powoli kładzie na nią. Jak ta kwiczała, jak ta wrzeszczała. Chwyciła się okna, chwyciła, kopyt, chwyciła się okna i na mnie woła: „Nusia chodźże, Nusia chodźże, Nusia chodźże! Bo już nie mogę zrobić kroku!”. No przyszła do środka, te chłopy z niej się śmiały: „No Ruzła, taka byłaś, że się nie boisz, ani przechodzić koło cmentarza o północy”. No, potem do domu nie szła już tędy, tylko szła tym, bo my mieliśmy dwie drogi: jedną tu, a drugą tam. To nie szła już, tylko tu: „Ale odprowadź mnie, odprowadź mnie”. (...) Odprowadziłam ją, a odprowadziłam ją do lampy, gdzie lampa się paliła. I powiedziałam tak: „A teraz już pójdziesz sama. Przecież lampa się świeci”. A jak ona tam szła na dół, ja tak wyskoczyłam na drodze, tak tupałam nogami, że uciekam, że biegnę. A ona jeszcze szybciej leciała do domu. [53] Dy wawyn fün uf Win Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. Ejwerhoüpt dö wün fejł zyty, di wjykta. Ȧn nöhta ufa wȧn fün zy dermyt uf Win. Tkacze jeździli do Wiednia Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. W ogóle tu było dużo takich, co tkali. I potem na wozach jeździli z tym do Wiednia. [54] Dy śmyd łjyta zih y Win Zejma-Staha (1931–2015), 2014. Ȧn der, der Tomaszczyk, dar kom, wi dö dar Puzoń, bo di śmyt wiöe dö. No to oü kom’ȧ, fu... har łjyt zih dy, dy śmyd łjyta zy y Win. Diöt łjyt’ȧ zih. Ȧ wiöe ȧ... wi dar hȧst, der śmyd? [śmejd]. Śmejd. No har wiöe ȧ śmejd. Bo dy, dy, dy, dy fad hota zy dö gymaht, ju. Nöhta oü koma zy, ȧ har koüft, fȧld koüft’ȧ y Denkjadiöf. Bo hot’ȧ dö, der Puzoń, hot dö kȧ 89 �90 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian fȧld. Ȧ śtykla höt’ȧ dö, wo’ȧ dy hyt höt’ȧ śtejn, ȧ nöhta hot’ȧ dö nist. Diöt hot’ȧ y Denkjadiöf. Oü hot’ȧ cwe [cwü] ki, ȧna dö wiöe ȧ śmyt ȧ ołdy, dö ata zy. No to śun łang. Kowale uczyli się w Wiedniu Stanisław Zejma (1931–2015), 2014. A ten Tomaszczyk, ten przyszedł, jak tu ten Puzoń, co była kuźnia. No to też przyszedł z... on się uczył, ci kowale uczyli się w Wiedniu. Tam się uczył. On był... jak się nazywa, der śmyt? Śmejd. No on był kowalem. Bo konie tu podkuwali, no. Potem też przychodzili, a on kupił pole w Dankowicach. Bo tu Puzoń nie miał pola. Kawałek miał tu, co ten dom stoi, a tak, to nie mieli nic. Tam miał, w Dankowicach. Miał dwie krowy i tu była stara kuźnia, tu pracowali. No to już dawno temu. [55] Der teper cy nökwyś Zejma-Staha (1931–2015), 2014. Ȧn ȧ teper wiöe diöt, dos kliny hytła, di ej śun ny. Der dźjada śtełt uf, fu dam ałda, dö wiöe ȧ drzewiano chałpa, wiöe dö, do diöt śtełt’ȧ uf, ȧ hytła ȧna diöt der teper maht typa. Zu, yh gydenk nö nö, fjym krig. Zu myta fisa ȧn dö śejn, zyty myłihtypa mahta zy, no fur ad. No ȧna diöt, wu s’Nüśa höt dy śoün, diöt wiöe ȧ uwa. Ȧ w tym uwa, dym [dam] uwa diöt wypalali. Dy dy, dy, dy typa. No. Der dźjada hot dö. Garncarz po sąsiedzku Stanisław Zejma (1931–2015), 2014. I garncarz tu był, tego małego domku już nie ma. Mój dziadek wystawił, z tego starego, tu była drzewiano chałpa, tu była, to tam postawił domek i tam garncarz robił garnki. Tak, ja pamiętam jeszcze, przed wojną. Tak nogami i tu ładnie, takie garnki na mleko robili, no z gliny. No a tam, gdzie Nusia ma stodołę, tam był piec. A w tym piecu, w tym piecu tam wypalali. Garnki. No, dziadek miał tu. [56] Dy mama ging ufȧ jümyt myt yns Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Der tȧta ging ni ny, oder dy mama ging ufȧ jümyt, oder müst inda y ȧm mȧkja yhta kiöefa, no ȧ wi wjyr wün yr śül, ferśtejsty... der jümyt wiöe diöt, wun dy śül höt, y dam rynk wiöe. Ȧn derheja wün dy fad wejder. Bo dy �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian fad hota oü yhta, mȧłȧjhtwos, cy ferkiöefa. Myta wȧn. Ȧn dö wiöe ȧ bün oü, ȧna dö wiöe der jümyt myta, gyś... ufum njen. – Dö fjyr pöst ȧzu, fjyr śül? No, dos wiöe der jümyt myta büda. Ȧn diöt wün dy fad derheja. – Diöt wu... bym krȧćum diöt? Ju, bym krȧćum. Dy wȧn śtinda, bo wün, śafła hot’ȧ cy ferkiöefa. Mama chodziła z nami na targ Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Tata nigdy nie chodził, ale mama chodziła na targ, ale musiała zawsze którejś córce coś kupić, a jak byłyśmy w szkole, rozumiesz... targ był tam, gdzie szkoła ma, na tym rynku była. Na górze z kolei były konie. Bo ci, co konie (co przyjeżdżali ma wozach) też mieli różne rzeczy do sprzedania. Wozami. A tu była też studnia, a tu był targ znowu z... na ziemi. – Tu przed pocztą tak, przed szkołą? No to był targ z budami. A tam były konie na górze. – Tam gdzie... przy gospodzie? Tak, przy gospodzie. Wozy stały, bo były, szafliki mieli na sprzedaż. [57] Dy tepyn fün myta typa ufȧ jümyt Lüft-Staha (1926–2021), 2019. Zej fün myt dan typa y dy Śtot, yr Bejł, śtinda zy, dy ołys... ufs gyweł güt ferkiöefa zy, bo dö, y Wymysoü, wiöe cy wenig cy ferkiöefa. Garncarze jeździli z garnkami na targ Stanisław Foks (Fox) (1926–2021), 2019. Oni jeździli z tymi garnkami do Kęt, w Białej stali z tym wszystkim, mogli sprzedać, bo tu w Wilamowicach było za mało, żeby sprzedawać. [58] Ymcyg diöh dy at fum kłopa Tobyś-Nüśka (1930–2022), 2014. Yhy wiöe, y Nowa Wieś wöntwer cyderjyśt. Ȧ at ufȧ nakaz y Katowic. Oder dy wönung krigtwer y Nowa Wieś. Dos ej nönd by... Ruda. Ȧna nöhta, wi’ȧ di jün 91 �92 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian fergingja, ging’ȧ uf dy köłagrüw y zȧj at, no. Ȧn nöht diöt wiöd’ȧ śtȧjgjer. No ȧ nöht füwer nö uf zahüd, bo diöt wiöe ȧ kolega, ȧn’ȧ bot’ȧ zjyr o. Ging’ȧ wejder hyhjer. No. Ȧ nöht kömwer dö, bo der foter wiöe śwah śun, dy müter oü. „Kumtźe” ȧn „kumtźe”, ȧn „kumtźe”, ȧn mȧj ełdyn oü „Kumtźe, kumtźe” – no to kömwer dö. Przeprowadzki ze względu na pracę męża Anna Kowalczyk z d. Fox (1930–2022), 2014. Ja byłam, w Nowej Wsi (koło Katowic) mieszkaliśmy najpierw. Pracował przez nakaz pracy w Katowicach. Ale mieszkanie dostaliśmy w Nowej Wsi. To jest niedaleko Rudy. I potem, jak te lata przeszły, poszedł na kopalnię, do swojej pracy, no. I potem tam został sztygarem. No a potem pojechaliśmy jeszcze na zachód, bo tam był kolega i on go bardzo prosił. A potem znowu awansował. No, a potem przyszliśmy tu, bo ojciec był już słaby, matka też, „Chodźcie” i „chodźcie” i „chodźcie”, a moi rodzice też „Chodźcie, chodźcie”, no to przyszliśmy tu. [59] Dy rȧz uf Win Tobyś-Nüśka (1930–2022), 2014. Yhy wiöe myter śwaster ȧn cwü gyśwystyn. Ȧny ławt śun ny. Mȧj śwaster ławt ny ȧn ȧ gyśwyster. Dy ełdsty ȧn dy jyngsty ławt ny ȧn s’Böba-Hȧla ȧn yhy ławwer nö. Oh, wjyr wün cwü woha y Win. Ȧ nöht wiöe’h ekstra oü nö. Oder wjyr wün dy kyndyn śun ny, wüwer śun ny cyzoma, ejs fü myt zȧj [zer] müter, yh fü myt mȧj [mer] müter, no to fü’h. Bo wȧsty, s’wiöe wo ȧmöł śtrengjer. Ȧn wen dy yht wyłst brengja, wjyn zy oły gryht hon byzoma. Ferśtejsty’s? Ȧzu hota zy’s ny byzoma. Zej fü ekstra ȧn wjyr fün ekstra. Podróż do Wiednia Anna Kowalczyk z d. Fox (1930–2022), 2014. Ja byłam z siostrą i dwoma kuzynkami. Jedna już nie żyje, moja siostra nie żyje i jedna kuzynka. Najstarsza i najmłosza nie żyją, a ja i Boba-Hala żyjemy jeszcze. O, my byłyśmy dwa tygodnie w Wiedniu. A potem byłam osobno też jeszcze. Ale my, dzieci nie byłyśmy już razem, ona jechała ze swoją matką, ja jechałam ze swoją matką, no to jechałam. Bo wiesz, było coraz bardziej rygorystycznie. A jak chcesz coś przewieźć, to by mieli wszystkie od razu razem. Rozumiesz? A tak, to nie mieli nas razem. Ona jechała osobna, a my osobno. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [60] Fyfikjy śtykla ufer frȧjyt S: Lüft-Staha (1926–2021), 2019. N: Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2019. S: Yh wa ziöen, cünum ging ȧ büw, ny? N: Yhy hot ju hefa frȧjłoüt. S: Ȧna har hot ȧn hołwa liter, wjyr zoha jum cü, wi’ȧ kom, hołwa liter śtekt’ȧ ym giöeta diöt hyndum boüm. Ging ny nȧj. Nöhta wjyr noma dos, trunka dos oüs, do woser guswer’um ȧj. Ȧn har kom nöhta roüs, nom dos roüs ȧn’ȧ ging nȧj. Żarty podczas zalotów S: Stanisław Foks (Fox) (1926–2021), 2019. N: Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2019. S: Ja opowiem, do niej chodził taki chłopak, nie? N: No do mnie się wielu zalecało. S: No i on miał pół litra, my się mu przyglądaliśmy. Jak przyszedł, pół litra schował w ogrodzie tam pod drzwem. Nie wszedł. Potem my to wzięliśmy, wypiliśmy, to wodę mu nalaliśmy. A on potem przyszedł, wyciągnął to i wszedł do środka. [61] Mȧj wymysiöejer friöed Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. Wos wa’h fercyła, bo dos, s’mügjys wiöe dy troü, nöhta wün zy dyham asa, nöhta gingja zy yn krȧćum, diöt ej ȧ gruser jes (zol) uf der heja, ufum Rynk. Diöt śpejłta zy, diöt tanctwer, no... ȧzu frȧjyta zih dy łoüt. Ȧ nöht köma zy yn ham wejder asa ȧn wejder gingja zy cyryk. Jyśter wiöe dos ȧzu. Moje wilamowskie wesele Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2012. Co będę opowiadać, bo to, rano był ślub, potem jedli w domu, potem szli do karczmy, tam jest duży ten (sala) na górze, na rynku. Tam grali, tam tańczyliśmy i tak się cieszyli ci ludzie. A potem przyszli znowu do domu jeść a potem znowu szli z powrotem. Tak to było kiedyś. 93 �94 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [62] Wi dy dinstmiöed nöm krig cüfełik ziöet, do wer hon ȧ śwȧjn gyśłaht Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2012. Hotwer ȧ klina śwȧjn, ȧ kliny śwȧjn. Ȧn dy mama ziöet: „Wjyr wan śłahta, wawer (hon) yht cy asa” – bo s’wiöe ym gyśeft śun nist cy kiöefa, ny? „Wawer ȧbysła, cy bysła nama”. Ȧ güt. Ȧn c’yns wiöe ȧs, ȧ fo [fu] Rzeki [Rzyki], ȧ dinstmȧkja, wo’s ny hot diöt nist cy asa, do dy ki, do’s kom cyr mama hyłfa. Ȧn... ȧ zyter wiöe, no oü ȧ śwȧjn, hund, ȧ ruter hund, ging’ȧ uf... y Ałca ging’ȧ uf dy... fermygja. Ȧn ejs hot gy... „Zisty’s, cün... by yns hösty yht cy asa, ȧ by jyr y dam Wymysoü y..”, Bobowo, wyster, przezwisko. „Do wjesty nist ny hon”. Ȧ ejs ziöet: „No wjyr hota ju śwȧjn gyśłaht. Wjyr hota ju yht cy asa”. Dar lüder, dar, kom’ȧ gyfiöen dö yn gymȧn, ziöet’ȧ: „Der wat hon gryht ołys cy asa. Diöt ej ȧ śwȧjn gyśłaht”. Ȧn ȧner wiöe for [fur] fryndśoft, oder weter śun, for [fur] Pałośka. Jer wöst ny, ȧ hot gyhüt dos. Ȧ jer wöst ny, wi cy gejn. Ziöet’ȧ ȧzu: „Wyster, yhy ho mer fergasa s’mügjaasa cy nama. Yt mü’h fłigja”. „No to gejźe, gejźe”. Ȧ har ziöet yr mam, yr müter. Pałoś śryw’ȧ [śrȧw’ȧ] zih: „Gej gryht cym Nüśa” – bo mȧj mama Anna – „Do zy wan diöt gejn, bo zy zȧjn ogycejgja, do dy śwȧjn, s’śwȧjn höt”. Ȧn mȧj putek, mȧj pot, zyt c’ync s’gytrȧd, ȧna... – Bo dȧj foter wiöe ny dyham, no ny? Nȧ, der tȧta wiöe y England. Ȧn dy mama ziöet: „Wȧsty’s, fiöeźe” – funfcik kilo wȧs – „Ȧn wen zy wan dih fanga, ziöe, do dy höst hower” – bo der hower, do’ȧ zyt. No ging yh, bo het yh gywöst ołys, bo dy... yhy het zy gykant mejer. Har ziöet mer ȧzu, der pot: „Ȧ zycźe ȧbysła, ȧ nöht wysty gejn”. Yhy kum yn ham, aht kłopa köma dö, wo wer nist ny hota. Ȧbysła brut ȧn nist mej. Köma zy, ȧn yn köła zühta zy, ym gyhakys, bo der dźjada höt yns gyhakys gymaht, bo ȧ kü hotwer nö, diöt hakta zy. Ȧ nöht dy mama ging ufȧ Rynk, ziöeta zy jum ȧzu: „Wȧsty’s, wjyr hon ȧ śand, takie biedoczki, takie dwie biedoczki”, – no ȧn ȧ klin... der Staha wiöe jung, no, klin: „Jyr hot nist cy asa”. Ȧ fyrym ej der, fyrym kom’ȧ? Y dam, wo dos... „No musiałem iść, bo mnie zmuszali”, no. Jak służąca po wojnie przez przypadek się wygadała, że było u nas świniobicie Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2012. Mieliśmy małą świnię, małą świnię. I mama powiedziała: „Będziemy bić, będziemy mieli coś do jedzenia”, bo w sklepie już nic nie było do kupienia, nie? „Będziemy trochę, po trochu brać”. I dobrze. A u nas była jedna, z Rzyków, służąca. Co tam nie miała nic do jedzenia, że krowy, żeby przyszła mamie pomóc. I był taki, no, też taka świnia, pies, czerwony pies, co poszedł do Hałcnowa na majątek. I on �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian powiedział: „Widzisz, u nas masz co jeść, a u niej w tych Wilamowicach”, u Bobowej, wiecie, przezwisko, „To byś nic nie miała”. A ona powiedziała: „No my zabiliśmy świnię. Mieliśmy przecież coś do jedzenia”. Ten pieron, ten, przyjechał do gminy, powiedział: „Zaraz będziecie mieć wyżerkę. Tam zabili świnię”. I jeden był z krewnych, ale dalej już, od Pałoszki. On nie wiedział, on to usłyszał. A on nie wiedział, jak wyjść. Powiedział tak: „Wiecie co, zapomniałem wziąć śniadania. Muszę lecieć”. „No to idź, idź”. A on powiedział mam..., matce. Pałosz się pisał: „Idź zaraz do Nusi”, bo moja mama Anna, „Że tam pójdą, bo oni są oskarżeni, że świnię, że świnię mają”. A mój putek, mój chrzestny, siał u nas zboże. – Bo twojego ojcia nie było w domu, no nie? Nie, mój tata był w Anglii. I mama powiedziała: „Wiesz co, jedź”. Pięćdziesiąt kilo pszenicy, „a jak cię złapią, powiedz, że masz owies”, bo owies, żeby zasiał. No to poszłam, bo bym była wiedziała wszystko, bo... ja bym ich bardziej poznała. On mi powiedział tak, ten putek: „A siedź trochę, potem pójdziesz”. Ja przychodzę do domu, ośmiu mężczyzn przyszło, co nic nie mieliśmy. Trochę chleba i nic więcej. Przyszli i w węglu szukali, w sieczce, bo dziadek nam zrobił sieczkę, bo mieliśmy jeszcze jedną krowę. Tam kopali. A potem mama poszła na rynek, powiedzieli jej tak: „Wiesz co, wstyd nam jest, takie bedoczki, takie dwie biedoczki” no i mały (brat), bo Staszek był jeszcze młody, no mały. „Wy nie macie co jeść”. A dlaczego, a dlaczego przyszedł? Tego spytała, co... „No musiałem iść, bo mnie zmuszali”, no. [63] Wi dy Rüsa ynzer hyt byśosa Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2012. Ȧdkłüfwer cym Kućmierczyk. Dy mama ufum, ufum ryk mejh (trüg), ȧn... wo ȧ śtykla wün śun, wo zy śusa. Zy kunda yns derśłön. Ȧ diöt zoswer ym kałer, cwej tag. Oder zy hota woser, brut ȧn gywys arpuł [arpułn], no to öswer. Ȧn y cwej tag gingwer dö, no grynn, dy mama grȧn, no bo dy kü wiöe, ȧ s’wiöe kȧ he ny, kȧ śtruw ny, nist. Jak „Ruscy” ostrzeliwali nasz dom Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2012. Uciekliśmy do Kućmierczyka. Mama na, na plecach mnie i... co kawałek byli już, co strzelali. Mogli nas zabić. A tam siedzieliśmy w piwnicy, dwa dni. Ale mieli wodę, chleb i chyba ziemniaki, no to jedliśmy. A po dwóch dniach poszliśmy tu, no płakaliśmy, mama płakała, bo krowa była, nie było siana, nie było słomy, nic (po spaleniu stodoły). 95 �96 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [64] Wi zy ȧ śwöger nöma ys lager by Doüćłand Böba-Hȧla (1927–2018), 2014. Dö wiöe oü ȧ ołdy hyt. Oder dö wiöe der zun ȧner gyśtüdjyt pönyś. Ȧ nawet wiöe’ȧ y Doüćłand ym lagjer. Ȧn der foter dö, der Böba, fü der bocȧm Führer, diöt, ȧn hot ȧzu gylamyt, ȧn wȧsty’s, dö wün zy doüć gyśrejwa, ferśtejsty? Doüć, no. To łisa zy’ȧ nöhta, nö ȧm mönda łisa zy’ȧ roüs, dan Staha, dan gyłjyta. Jak szwagra zabrali do obozu za Niemca Elżbieta Figwer z d. Rosner (1927–2018), 2014. Tu był stary dom. Ale tu jeden syn był wykształcony po polsku (studiował na polskiej uczelni). A nawet był w Niemczech w obozie. I ten ojciec tu, Boba, pojechał aż do Führere, tam, i tak lamentował, i wiesz, tu byli zapisani jako Niemcy, no nie? Jako Niemcy, no (Volkslista). No to wypuścili go potem, po miesiącu go wypuścili, tego Staszka, tego wykształconego. [65] Wi ȧ bykanter fum foter yn oüsgyzidlta Wymysiöejyn hüłf (ym 1956 jür) Böba-Hȧla (1927–2018), 2014. No, mȧj foter fü nöhta nö uf Warśaw, ȧna nom’ȧ myt s’Linküś-Nüśka, diöt, wȧsty, war dos ej, no no no. Bo ejs wiöe oü ȧ zyter gadać. No to gingja zy cy dan ganca oüsgyzidlta kłoün giełd, bo dos köst ołys di, di... Ȧn’ȧ hot diöt ȧn fu Kozy, hot’ȧ ȧn, fu Kiöez wiöe, fu dam diöf, ȧn bykanta. Y dam ganca... Ȧn diöt maht’ȧ dos oüs, do zy köma, y cwü woha wün zy cyryk. Y dam sejm diöt, y Warśaw. To dar maht dos ȧzu oüs, dar fu Kiöez. Jak znajomy ojca pomógł wysiedlonym Wilamowianom (w 1956 r.) Elżbieta Figwer z d. Rosner (1927–2018), 2014. No, mój ojciec pojechał potem do Warszawy i wziął Linkusiową Nuśkę, tam, wiesz, kto to jest, no no. Bo ona była też taka wygadana. No to poszli do tych wszystkich wysiedlonych zbierać pieniądze, bo to wszystko kosztowało te, te. I on tam miał potem z Kóz jednego, z Kóz był, z tej wsi, znajomego. W tym całym... I tam to �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian załatwił, że przyszli (odzyskali domy), za dwa tygodnie byli już z powrotem. W tym sejmie tam, w Warszawie. To ten to tak zrobił, ten z Kóz. [66] Der Edward Kennedy ej gyśtiörwa N: Taksła-Nüśa (1920–2012), 2009. H: Taksła-Hȧla (1923–2020), 2009. H: Der Kennedy der Edward ej gyśtiörwa. Wȧsty fu dam? N: War? H: Der Edward Kennedy ej gyśtiörwa. N: Der Edward ej gyśtiörwa? Har ej śun ołd. H: Zejwȧnzymfcik jür... Ny, zejwȧnzymfcik jür? Dü kenst, ny? N: Di Kennedy, der... H: Kennedy der John, Robert, wu zy derśusa zy, ny? N: John, Robert i Edward. H: Ȧn der Edward, der łecty. N: Ȧ, har wiöe śun ganc, ȧ gru... yhy zoh’ȧ ȧmöł oü. H: Har wułd ju ny zȧjn kȧ prezydent. N: Har wułd ny zȧjn. Bo oły bejdy derśisa zy. Śmierć Edwarda Kennedy’ego N: Anna Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1920–2012), 2009. H: Elżbieta Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1923–2020), 2009. H: Edward Kennedy umarł. Wiesz o tym? N: Kto? H: Edward Kennedy umarł. N: Edward umarł? On był już stary. H: Siedemdziesiąt siedem lat. Nie? Siedemdziesiąt siedem, no nie? N: Ci Kennedy, ten... H: Kennedy John, Robert, co go zastrzelili, nie? N: John, Robert i Edward. H: No Edward, ten ostatni. N: A on był już całkiem... raz go też widziałam. H: On nie chciał być prezydentem. N: On nie chciał być, bo obydwóch zastrzelili. 97 �98 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Konceptualizacja czasu, opozycja dawniej–dziś Dy konceptuȧlizȧcyj fur cȧjt, dy opozycyj „jyśter” ȧn „hoüt [67] Dy śül fjym krig wiöe śtreng Linküś-Ruzła (1926–2009), 2008. Yr śül, wi yhy ging y dy śül, to wiöe’s zjyr ȧzu śtreng. Wjyr müsta zjyr gyhühja. Oder zy jata oü, dy śiłyn. Der śiłer kund s’kynd hoün, ȧn dy ełdyn ziöeta nist ny. Bo ejs müst zih ołys łjyn, zy müsta ołys kyna. Dy kyndyn müsta zjyr gyhühja. Ny ȧzu wi yta, maha zy, wo zy weła, yr śül. Jyśter wiöe dos ny. Jyśter wiöe der śiłer gyert. Dos wiöe der śiłer. Oły zumtag gingwer y dy kjyh. Cy fjyr wüwer y dar... ȧjgyśtełt ȧna wer gingja myta śiłyn y dy kjyh. Oły zumtag cyr jyśta mas. No ȧn ȧzu łjyta zy oü zyngja, ȧbysła fur wełt. No ołys łjyta zy. Zy łjyta oü wi... nyn, ȧn yh kon nö yta śtrykja ȧn... dy faś ym, yr zok. Dos łjyt yh mih yr śül. Dy śiłeryn łjyt yns. Oder s’wiöe güt yr śül. Yhy hot gan dy śül. Güty śiłyn wün oü. Mejer wȧs yh ny. Yr zejwda klas wüwer zȧhs mȧkja ȧn cwencik büwa. Ołys ging śun, dy büwa gingja śun weter y dy śül. No ȧn di mȧkja błyn hałt, bo zy wułda oü enda dy zejwdy klas ȧna, ȧna hyłfa y dyham. Müst’s śun dy ki hita, ołys y dyham maha. Wi byr wjytśoft. Przedwojenna szkoła była rygorystyczna Rozalia Hanusz z d. Nowak (1926–2009), 2008. Do szkoły, jak ja chodziłam do szkoły, to było bardzo rygorystycznie. Musieliśmy być bardzo posłuszni. Ale bili też, nauczyciele. Nauczyciel mógł zbić dziecko, a rodzice na to nic nie mówili. Bo ono musiało się wszystkiego uczyć, musieli wszystko umieć. Dzieci musiały być bardzo posłuszne. Nie tak jak teraz, że robią w szkole, co chcą. Kiedyś tego nie było. Kiedyś nauczyciel był szanowany. To był nauczyciel. Każdą niedzielę szliśmy do kościoła. Czwórkami byliśmy ustawieni i szliśmy z nauczycielami do kościoła. Każdą niedzielę na pierwszą mszę. No i uczyli nas i śpiewać, trochę o świecie. No wszystkiego uczyli. Uczyli też... szyć, a ja jeszcze teraz umiem robić na drutach piętę w pończosze. Tego się nauczyłam �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian w szkole. Nauczycielka nas uczyła. Ale było dobrze w szkole. Ja lubiłam szkołę. Dobrzy nauczyciele też byli. Więcej nie wiem. W siódmej klasie było nas sześć dziewczyn i dwudziestu chłopców. Wszystko już poszło..., chłopcy poszli już dalej do szkoły. No a te dziewczyny zostały, bo chciały też skończyć siódmą klasę i, i pomagać w domu. Musiała już paść krowy i wszystko robić w domu. Jak przy gospodarstwie. [68] Fyrym wiöd y Wymysoü dy pönyśy śpröh ȧjgyfüt I: Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. H: Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2009. H: Der Bernstein to mi wytłumacz. I: Pönyś, wymysiöejer... bursztyn ej pönyś. Ȧ pönyś kon mȧ dos ny ziöen. H: No pönyś ny. I: S’zȧjn ju fejł wjytyn, wo nöhta koma, do hon zy zy ejwerata uf wymysoüś... uf wymysiöeryś, bo y Estrȧjh gingja zy ju y dy doüćy śül, ȧ ny y dy pönyśy. Pönyśy śül mahta zy ołdyśt uf, wi der Bilczewski dö dy śül ufboüt. Ȧn zu, to hota zy... koma dy kyndyn y dy śül, kuzt der śiłer myta wymysiöeryś, bo zy kunda ȧni ny doüć. Nöhta ołdyśt łjyta zy s’wymysiöeryśy... yyy, s’doüćy, bo s’wiöe jok doüć. Ȧn nöhta ołdyśt wi der arcybisküp Bilczewski di śül ufboüt, do ziöet’ȧ, zy zeła diöt ȧjfjyn dy pönyśy ryd, wȧjł zy... ȧ zit wi zjyr ferhast zȧjn dy Pöła uf dy, uf di, wo ȧjgyzidlt zih hota fjyr aht hundyt jür. Bo har wiöe ju y Lemberg. Dlaczego w Wilamowicach wprowadzono język polski I: Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. H: Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2012. H: Der Bernstein – to mi wytłumacz. I: Po polsku, po wilamowsku... Bursztyn jest po polsku. A po polsku tego nie można powiedzieć (w języku wilamowskim). H: No po polsku nie. I: Jest dużo słów, które później przyszły i je przerobili na wilamowski. Bo za Austrii chodzili do niemieckiej szkoły, nie do polskiej. Polską szkołę otworzyli, dopiero jak Bilczewski (arcybiskup) tu wybudował szkołę. A tak, to przychodziły dzieci do szkoły i rozmawiały z nauczycielem po wilamowsku, bo nie umiały nawet po niemiecku. Potem dopiero uczyły się niemieckiego, bo był tylko niemiecki. A potem, dopiero jak arcybiskup Bilczewski tą (obecną) szkołę wybudował, to powiedział, że powinni tam wprowadzić język polski, ponieważ Polacy tak nienawidzą tych ludzi, którzy się tu osiedlili przed 800 laty. Bo on był we Lwowie. 99 �100 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [69] Dy baba hoüt zih ym bet Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. No frȧłik, zej zoct zih ym bet, zy śtind ny uf, oder gryhta hoüt zy zih ym bet. No. – No ȧ fyrym wiöe dos ȧzu, ziöeta zy? No wȧs yh? Zyfuł zoh yh dyham, no. Zy hoüt zih śun ym bet. Babcia czepiła się w łóżku Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. No pewnie, ona siadała w łóżku, nie wstawała, ale od razu czepiła się w łóżku. – A czemu to tak było? A czy ja wiem? Tyle widziałam w domu. Ona się czepiła już w łóżku. [70] Dy bowa, wo gingja bocȧm end wymysiöeryś Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Y dy kjyh – frȧłik! Oder nöhta, wi’s ȧzu śun wiöe ny erłiöet, no to gingja zy śun ony hoüa. Oder wymysiöeryś. Wün piöer zyty bowa, wiöe s’Wȧśkl-Kȧrolka, mȧj müter, ȧna nöhta wiöe fum, fum... no, Kasi Botuł-Mjyrkowej, dy müm ging oü pocy end wymysiöeryś. Bo dy jungsta, dy jyngsta bowa gingja śun ȧzu, wȧst, s’wiöe ny erłiöet, no to nyta zy śun ȧ rykla, ȧna gingja zy ȧzu śun. – Bo ojer śwygjermüter ging oü wymysiöeryś? Ȧ, di ging pocum tut wymysiöeryś. Zy hot oü cwe, cwe... cwej rek, zej wiöe ȧ öemy bow, ny? Bo der kłop śtiörw, zy ławt ju ȧni kȧ jür mytum kłopa, ȧn’ȧ śtiörw. Kobiety, które do końca życia chodziły po wilamowsku Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Do kościoła, pewnie. A potem, jak już nie było dozwolone, to chodziły już bez czepców. Ale po wilamowsku. Było parę takich kobiet, była Wȧśkl-Karolka, moja matka, a potem była od od... no Kasi Botuł-Mjyrkowej ciotka chodziła do końca po wilamowsku. Bo te młodsze kobiety chodziły już tak (nie po wilamowsku), bo nie było wolno, no to szyły już sukienki i tak chodziły. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [71] Ȧ bow trüg koroln fu böśtan Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. No ȧn dö wün, s’wün gynüg, dy ołda bowa s’mȧst trüga zy. Oder wȧsty, ȧ bow kant yh nö y Wymysoü, wo trüg koroln ny fu koroln, oder fu Bernstein. – Ju? Gynoü ȧzu gyśnyct wi dy ruta koroln, oder nö by... underwoh ging zy myt dan Bernstein. – Ju? Ju. – Ȧ wyłys wiöe dos? Dos wiöe fun Zejmyśa. Wu der Frana wiöe, der Böba-Frana ferwejwa. Dy śwygjermüter. Jedna kobieta nosiła korale z bursztynu Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. No a tu były, było dość trochę, najczęściej starsze kobiety je nosiły. Ale wiesz, jedną kobietę jeszcze znałam w Wilamowicach, która miała korale nie z korala, ale z bursztynu. – Tak? Dokładnie tak uformowane, jak te czerwone korale, ale jeszcze... w tygodniu chodziła w tych bursztynach. – Tak? Tak. – A która to była? To była od Zejmów. Gdzie Franek był, Boba-Franek gdzie się ożenił. Jego teściowa. [72] Wi zih ȧ Wymysiöejeryn fjym krig zułd ocin Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Cyjyśt höt zy s’hemb. Nöhta hot zy ȧ zyta, kymt’s cy ziöen, dos wiöe ȧ zyta r... niby podłüćka. Ȧ podłüćka, dos wiöe... wi’s wiöe wiöem[y], wiöe dos fu filc. Ȧ wi s’wiöe mȧja, śejn, no to wiöe’s ȧ wȧjsy. Ȧn ȧzu wiöe dos śtrimik, niby ȧ wiöemy podłüćka. Ȧ nöht wiöe ȧ rök, ȧn ȧ śjyctüh. Der rök wiöe inda, kymt’s cy ziöen, dyhynda wün fałda, ȧn dy wün dy... z przodu, fu föna wün zy fu wiöe... wiöer wiöe zöfuł ny, bo diöt wün 101 �102 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian wejder hefa fałda ȧna dö wiöe der... s’śjyctüh dakt zy dos ołys cü. No ȧn ȧ jüpka. Ȧ śejny jüpka. Ȧn underwoh to wiöe zy ȧzu śejn ny, bo s’wiöe gywynłik jok. Ȧn ȧzu wiöe myt borta. Y dy kjyh ȧn ȧzu, zyty śejny borta. Ȧ... do dy jüpka śejn ej. Oder yn krȧćum oba underwoh y dy kjyh, to wiöe śun dos amer ȧbyselüćü. Myt ander zyty... kymt’s cy ziöen, wȧ nist, wi dos... ȧ hoft. – Oüsgynyt. Ju, jyśter. No do wün jüpka śejny, ȧn dos wiöe, ȧna ufs hiöet ȧ tihła wymysiöejer, dy müst gejn ym tihła. Wjyr, mȧkja, müstwer oü ȧ tihła hon. Oder nöhta, wi’s wiöe wamer, do gingwer śun ony tihła, mȧkja. Oder dy mama, to łang gingja zy yn ymyntihła [ymertihła] y dy kjyh. Oder nöhta wiöda zy gyśȧjter, by Doüćłand, nöhta dy Doüća ziöeta zu: „S’ej ȧbysła śod y di, niby dy ymyntihła [ymertihła] oüsbłȧha”. No do gingja zy y dy jüpka [yn jüpkja]. Ołdyśt by Doüćłand gingja zy ony ymyntihła [ymertihła]. – Ȧ ejer to inda wiöe? Inda müsta zy hon. Cy wiöem, cy kołd, wiöe’s... s’ymyntihła [s’ymertihła] müst zȧjn. Wen dy wiöest oüsgan śun. Oder ȧzu ȧ mȧkja wi wiöe, to ging zy yr jüpka y dy kjyh. No ȧ yn krȧćum, no do wiöe wejder ander ocug, amer. Płesnerrök, no to płesnerrök dos wiöe... z Pszczyny, płesner. No dos wiöe... dü wȧst, wosfer dos rek zȧjn. Zyty śtrimła, oder ny ȧzu... śejn, oder płesnerrök dos wiöe yn krȧćum ȧna underwoh y dy kjyh. Jak przedwojenne Wilamowianki się ubierały Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Najpierw miała koszulę. Potem miała taką, przyjdzie powiedzieć, to była taka niby halka (podłüćka). Halka, to było jak była ciepła, to była z filcu (flaneli). A jak był maj, ładnie, to biała. A tak, to była w paski, niby ciepła halka. A potem była spódnica i fartuch. Spódnica była zawsze, przyjdzie powiedzieć, z tyłu były fałdy, a z przodu były z innego materiału, bo tam było znowu pełno fałd, to fartuch to wszystko zakrył. No i jupka. Ładna jupka. A w tygodniu to nie była taka ładna, bo była zwyczajna tylko. A tak, to była z bortami. Do kościoła i tak, takie ładne borty, żeby jupka była ładna. Ale w karczmie albo w tygodniu do kościoła, to to już było trochę biedniejsze. Z innymi takimi, przyjdzie powiedzieć... haftami. – Wyszyte. Tak, kiedyś. No to były ładne jupki, a to było... i na głowę chustka wilamowska, musiałaś iść w chustce. My, dziewczyny musiałyśmy mieć chustki. Ale potem, jak było cieplej, to chodziłyśmy już bez chustek, dziewczyny. Ale mama, to długo jeszcze chodziły w odziewaczkach do kościoła. Ale potem już zmądrzały, za Niemiec, potem Niemcy powiedzieli tak: „Trochę szkoda tych..., odziewaczki płowieją”. No to chodziły w jupkach. Dopiero za Niemiec chodziły bez odziewaczek. – A kiedyś to zawsze była? Zawsze musiały mieć. Czy ciepło, czy zimno, odziewaczka musiała być. Jak byłaś już wydana. Ale tak, panienka jak była, to szła w jupce do kościoła. No do karczmy �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian to był znowu inny strój, biedniejszy. Płesnerrök, płesnerrök to było z Pszczyny, pszczyńska. To było... ty wiesz, które to są spódnice. Takie paseczki, ale nie takie ładne. Ale płesnerrök to było do karczmy i w tygodniu do kościoła. [73] Wosfer hemb jyśter wün Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Nȧ, jyśter, dy mü[ter]... dy mama, do müsta, dy jemuł [jemułn] müsta zȧjn bocy dö. Oder nöhta wün zy śun gyśȧjter, s’ej śod ym dy wiöer ȧna kymt’s cy ziöen, zej müsta dos... wi kymt’s cy ziöen... obrócili to, ymłen, no do mahta zy dy jemuł [jemułn] kjycer. No do nytwer dö yns błimła oüs, owi wjyr, mȧkja. Nöhta hotwer s’hemb myt błimła, do wiöe’s fjyr ȧ blüzka gryhta ȧna... Oły wüwer öem ogycün. Oder wymysiöeryś, no. Wymysiöeryś, ym rykla, ym śjyctüh, oder nöhta wün śun rykla fjyr yns, mȧkja, gancy rykla, ny rek, bo dos wiöe cy wiöem, ys fȧld cy gejn ata. O tym, jakie dawniej były koszule Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Nie, kiedyś mama, to rękawy musiały być aż dotąd. Ale potem były już mądrzejsze, szkoda materiału i przyjdzie powiedzieć, musiały to... obróciły to, to zrobiły te rękawy krótsze. No to wyszywałyśmy sobie kwiatki, my panienki. Potem miałyśmy koszule z kwiatkami, to było od razu jako bluzka. Wszystkie byłyśmy biednie ubrane. Ale po wilamowsku, no. Po wilamowsku, w sukience, w fartuchu, ale potem były już sukienki dla nas, dziewczyn, całe sukienki, nie spódnice, bo to było za ciepło do pracy w polu. [74] Jyśter gusa zy ym śmjyrgüst ny ȧzu wi yta Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Hota zy won, do fu hułc wiöe dy won. Cy boda, no do ȧbyselüćü woser, no oder ny cy fejł, do zu mȧkja wiöe, kymt’s cy ziöen, myta śü wiöd’s giöe ny nos, bo dos wiöe ju ołys cy śwjer, oder zy śunta jyr. Ȧ yta s’łen zy dih nejder y dy... ys woser, yta ys’s ganc andyśt, wi’s jyśter wiöe. Jyśter gusa zy zih ȧzu ny wi yta. 103 �104 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Kiedyś nie lali po śmierguście tak mocno jak teraz Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Mieli wannę, z drewna była wanna. Do kąpania, no to trochę wody, no ale nie za dużo, żeby dziewczyna była tak przyjdzie powiedzieć, nawet butów nie miała zmoczonych, bo to było wszystko za ciężkie, ale szanowali je. A teraz kładą je do wody, teraz jest całkiem inaczej, niż było kiedyś. Kiedyś tak nie lali, jak teraz. [75] Zy śtełta ufum dah ȧ wiöen cyzoma Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Oder mȧj tȧta fjyrcyłt [fercyłt], wi’ȧ ging cyr mama cym Hȧla-Mockja diöt, cym Tobyś, do śtełt’ȧ ȧn wiöen ufum... ufum dah, ufer śoün. Śtełta zy. Dy büwa kuzta myter [myta]... ełdyn, ȧn dy andyn śtełta ufum dah ufer śoün ȧ wiöen cyzoma, no. Konsty ziöen, wi zy jyśter cykrigata, dos wiöe ny cym ziöen. Jak złożyli wóz na dachu Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Ale mój tata opowiadał, że jak chodził do mamy, tam do Hala-Mocka, do Tobysia, to postawili wóz na dachu, na stodole. Postawili. Chłopcy rozmawiali z rodzicami (dziewczyny), a ci drudzy składali na dachu stodoły wóz (drabiniasty). No powiedz, jak kiedyś robili na złość, to było nie do powiedzenia. [76] Ym śmjyrgüst kund’ȧ ny gejn, wi’ȧ hot ahca jür Lüft-Staha (1926–2021), 2019. Wi’ȧ hot zymfca jür, kon’ȧ nö njynta ny gejn. Wen’ȧ höt ahca jür, müst’ȧ kiöefa brantwȧjn, di oły rüfa ȧn bjyr ȧjkiöefa, nöhta kon’ȧ rymgejn. Po śmierguście nie można było iść, jak się nie miało osiemnastu lat Stanisław Foks (Fox) (1926–2021), 2019. Jak miał siedemnaście lat, to nie mógł nigdzie iść. Jak miał osiemnaście lat, to musiał kupić wódkę, wszystkich zaprosić i kupić, to dopiero potem mógł chodzić. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [77] Jyśter wiöe łöstikjer, wer śłysa dy fadyn Biöeźnjok-Helka (1924–2014), 2009. Es wiöe [s’wiöe] zjyr łöstik y Wymysoü jyśter. Wȧł, cym bȧjśpil, wjyr śłysa dy fadyn, cy yns, yn der kyh [yr kyh]. Koma oły nökweryn, oła mȧkja. Ȧna dy bowa oü. No ȧzu... wos kon yh ziöen mejer? Wjyr hon fejł mytgymaht dö, wȧsty? Wi di Rüsyn [Rüsa], wi koma dö, uf Wymysoü. Ȧ s’wiöe zjyr śejn, fadyn, für dym krig [fjym krig], dy nökwer hota zih zjyr gan. Zy gingja c’öwyts inda cyzoma. Uf der bank zasa [zösa] zy, bo jyśter wiöe kȧ radio, wiöe kȧ, kȧ te... fernzejer wiöe, wiöe nist. Ȧ ołys wiöe güt, s’wiöe łöstik. Ȧ yta, yta dy łoüt hon fernzejer, hon telefon, zy zȧjn fjyr zejh mejer. – Ju. Bo jyśter ida zuntag, koma dy bowa. Frȧłik, oły zuntag, oder undweroh oü. Underwoh s’öwyts. Koma zy oü, gingja zy cy nökwer. Zy hota zih jyśter zjyr gan. Yta oü, oder ider ej fjyr zejh mejer, wȧst? Wȧł ider höt, wi yh ziöet, fernzejer, und telefon, und so weiter. Kiedyś było weselej, szkubałyśmy pierze Helena Gasidło z d. Zejma (1924–2014), 2009. Kiedyś było w Wilamowicach bardzo wesoło. Bo na przykład, my szkubałyśmy pierze, u nas w kuchni. Przyszły wszystkie sąsiadki, wszystkie dziewczyny. I mężatki też. No i tak, co mogę jeszcze powiedzieć. Dużo tu wycierpieliśmy, wiesz? Jak Ruscy, jak przyszli do Wilamowic. A było pięknie, pierze, przed wojną, sąsiedzi się bardzo lubili. Wieczorem się spotykali. Wysiadywali na ławce, bo kiedyś nie było radia, nie było telewizji, nic nie było. A wszystko było dobrze, było wesoło. A teraz, teraz ludzie mają telewizory, telefony, są tacy więcej dla siebie. – Tak, bo kiedyś w każdą niedzielę schodziły się kobiety. Pewnie, w każdą niedzielę, ale w tygodniu też. W tygodniu też, wieczorem. Przychodziły też, szli do sąsiadów. Kiedyś się wszyscy bardzo lubili. Teraz też, ale każdy jest, każdy jest więcej dla siebie, wiesz? Bo każdy ma, jak powiedziałam, telewizor, telefon i tak dalej. [78] Fjym krig go’s ny hefa kroüt y Wymysoü Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Yh wa der wos ziöen, wi wjyr by Pöłscȧjt, no to hotwer inda kroüt, kymt’s cy ziöen, cwencik cȧjł [cȧjłn], do zectwer kroüt y cwencik cȧjł. Ȧna s’gan- 105 �106 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian cy gywend höt funfcik cȧjł oba zȧhcik cȧjł, no ny? No do can cȧjł zȧjn kroüt gyzoct, ȧn s’łecty wiöe myt kwaka gyzoct. No do wen dy höst zöfuł kroüt, dü djefst ju zöfuł ny hon, fjyr dejh, y ȧ bytła, no do s’łecty konsty ferkiöefa. No. Oder jyśter, kymt’s cy ziöen, war handułt myt kroüt? Wen ider hot kroüt, ider zoct’um dyham, no, ym gyweł wiöe, yh wȧ nist ny... kymt’s cy ziöen, ufum jümyt. Na targu, jümyt, ny? – Ju, jümyt. Ju. No do ufum jümyt konsty kroüt ferkiöefa, s’bytła hotsty, no do ferkoüfsty uf dy typła. Fu liter oba ȧ hołp liter wiöd kroüt ferkoüft y Wymysoü, wi wiöe jümyt. Ȧna uf dy Bejł wi füt’ȧ, no do hota zy ym bytła s’kroüt. Zoüwerkroüt. Przed wojną w Wilamowicach nie było dużo kapusty Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Powiem ci, jak my za polskich czasów (w okresie międzywojennym), no to mieliśmy zawsze kapusty, przyjdzie powiedzieć, dwadzieścia rządków. To sadziliśmy kapustę w dwadzieścia rządków. A całe stajanie (pole) miało pięćdziesiąt rządków, albo sześćdziesiąt rządków, no nie? No to dziesięć rządków było obsadzonych kapustą, a reszta była obsadzona kwakami (brukiew). No to jak masz tyle kapusty, nie potrzebujesz tyle dla ciebie, do jednej beczki, no to resztę możesz sprzedać. No. Ale kiedyś, przyjdzie powiedzieć, kto handlował kapustą? Jak każdy miał kapustę, każdy sobie sadził w domu, no. W sklepie była. Nie wiem, przyjdzie powiedzieć, na targu, nie? – Na targu. No. No to na targu możesz sprzedać kapustę, beczkę miałeś, no to sprzedawałeś na garczki. Na litr albo pół litra sprzedawano kapustę w Wilamowicach na targu. A do Białej jak jeździli, to mieli w beczce kapustę. Kiszoną kapustę. [79] Dy śwoümła hon yta ny wos cy frasa Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. Yta hon zy ju dö ny, wos cy frasa. Ȧni dy śwoümła hon mej... jyśter ym śtoł wün fuł fłigja. Do wün cwe, drȧj nast [nest] zugiöe ym śtoł. To fługa zy nȧj ȧn roüs. Ȧn dy łoüt wün fruł, do zy’ȧ dy fłigja roüsfunga [roüsfünga]. (...) C’yns, dö by Nikls ufum Rynk, do ym fürhoüz hota zy gymaht ȧ zytys koüłikjys wos, ȧn dos wiöe diöt underum sufit, ȧn... do wün cwe nastła inda. Ȧ wjyr hota, als [oüz] kyndyn hotwer inda śejny bynzeła, do hot yh miöehysmöł ufum bynzeła oü ȧjgymyst. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Jaskółki nie mają teraz co jeść Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. Teraz nie mają tu czego jeść. Ani jaskółki, bo kiedyś w chlewie było pełno much. To były dwa, nawet trzy gniazda w chlewie. To wlatywały i wylatywały. A ludzie byli zadowoleni, że im wyłapywały muchy. (...) U nas tu, u Niklów na rynku, to w sieni zrobili takie coś okrągłego i to tam było pod sufitem. To były zawsze dwa gniazdka. A my miałyśmy, jako dzieci, miałyśmy zawsze ładne wstążeczki, to miałam czasem narobione na wstążeczce. [80] Jyśter wiöe dy wjytśoft ganc andyśt Linküś-Ruzła (1926–2009), 2009. Jyśter wiöe dy wjytśoft ganc andyśt wi yta. Jyśter wiöe’s zjyr śwjer. Ołys maht zih myta henda, ołys. S’droś zih myta henda, ȧ s’zyt zih myta henda, s’nom zih wȧg myta henda, dos wȧgnama, dos nama... Bundwer zyty giöewa ȧn wer śtełta zyty bowa, bo dos gytrȧd müst güt oüstroügja. Nöhta fütwer dos nȧj, nö myta fłygln dröśwer, no. Ołys maht zih myta henda, ołys. Yta maha ołys dy maśinn. Kiedyś praca na gospodarstwie była całkiem inna Rozalia Hanusz z d. Nowak (1926–2009), 2009. Kiedyś praca na gospodarstwie była całkiem inaczej niż teraz. Kiedyś było bardzo ciężko. Wszystko robiło się ręcznie. Młóciło się ręcznie, a siało się ręcznie, odbierało się (snopki) ręcznie, to odbieranie. Wiązaliśmy takie snopki i stawialiśmy takie babki, bo to zboże musiało dobrze się wysuszyć. Potem to wwoziliśmy (do stodoły), jeszcze cepami młóciliśmy, no. Wszystko robiło się ręcznie, wszystko. Teraz wszystko robią maszyny. [81] Yta ej ȧ beser cȧjt wi jyśter Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2009. Güty cȧjt, zjyr güty cȧjt. Jyśter wiöe’s ȧzu güt ny, wi’s yta ej. Wi yhy jung wiöe, Mȧryja, wen wer gingja ufs fȧld, hoün oba wȧs, oba kün, no, no s’gytrȧd. Do ȧby… ȧ… ȧ bow, cwü hiwa zy, der, der kłop, ȧn yhy bund dos cü ȧna wer müsta nö byhend zih fjydyn, bo 107 �108 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian s’füng śun cy rȧnn. Ȧ yta ej zyty śejny cȧjt. Ȧ s’höt kȧ, nimand dö, ys [yms] rod kȧ kü. S’zȧjn kȧ ki, s’zȧjn kȧ, kȧ fad, nist ej mej ny. Yt zȧjn dy mȧśinn. Teraz jest lepsza pogoda niż dawniej Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2009. No dobra pogoda, bardzo dobra pogoda. Kiedyś nie było takiej dobrej pogody, jak teraz jest. Jak byłam młoda, Maryjo, a szliśmy na pole, siec albo pszenicę, albo żyto, no zboże. To jedną babkę, dwie skosili, mąż, a ja to związałam i musieliśmy się bardzo spieszyć, bo już zaczynało lać. A teraz jest taka piękna pogoda. A nikt tu wkoło nie ma krowy. Nie ma krów, nie ma koni, nic nie ma. Teraz są maszyny. [82] Dy cökela fjym krig Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Do cökela wün – o matko! – dos wün zyty ander cökela. No, kymt’s cy ziöen, ny zyty, wi yta zȧjn. Ȧbyselüćü apuł, kymt’s cy ziöen, ȧna hung oba cöker gym... gybrant, dos wün, takie miodowe więcej, hisa zy, fu hung cökela, hungcökela. Ȧ nöhta wün śtolperki śun, śpyter, dos wün... zejwȧndresikjer jür oba nö ejer, kyndyn wüwer, wün, gingwer. Do dy mama kund kiöefa fjyr fynf groś, no do krigt zy fynf zyty cökela, no to idys hot ȧ cökela. Cukierki przed wojną Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Cukierki były, o matko, to były takie inne cukierki. No, przyjdzie powiedzieć, nie takie, jak teraz są. Trochę ziemniaków, przyjdzie powiedzieć i miód albo cukier pieczony, to były takie miodowe więcej, nazywali je, cukierki z miodu, miodowe cukierki. A potem były już śtolperki, później, to było... w 1937 roku albo jeszcze wcześniej, dziećmi byłyśmy, to chodziłyśmy. Mama mogła kupić za pięć groszy, to dostała pięć takich cukierków, to każda miała jeden cukierek. [83] Jyśter mahta zy cigln myta henda Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Cyderjyśt mahta zy cigln myta henda. Mȧj hyt ej oü gyboüt fu cigln myta henda. Mȧj nökwer maht di cigln ȧna �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian dos troügta zy ufum płoc, ȧ nöhta ufer heja, dö, wu zȧjn di mȧlina, diöt mahta zy ȧn zyta, łe... Dos müsty kyna, ny? Di cigln ȧzu, ȧna zy underbranta undyn, ȧna di, dos fojer brant ȧzu łang, wȧjł di cigln ny zȧjn oüsgybrant. No s’wün nymiöeha wün cy zjyr gybrant, no to müsta zy dos wȧgwȧfa [wȧgwafa]. Ȧna di śejna boüta zy, boüt mȧj foter mȧj hoüz. Kiedyś robiono cegły ręcznie Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Najpierw robili cegły rękami. Mój dom też jest wybudowany z ręcznie robionych cegieł. Mój sąsiad robił te cegły i to suszyli na placu, a potem na górze, tam, gdzie są te maliny, tam robili taki... To musisz umieć, nie? Cegły tak i podpalali pod tym, i ten, ten ogień się palił tak długo, aż te cegły się nie wypaliły. No były niektóre, co były za bardzo wypalone, no to musieli je wyrzucić. A te ładne to z nich budowali, mój ojciec wybudował mój dom. [84] Wi zy s’wejtünikjy kürjyta Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. No, cym dökter gingja zy, ȧ zy kürjyta zih oü ȧłȧn dyham. No mahta zy... wen dy hotst... ȧ, cym bȧjśpil, ȧ füs wejtünik ȧzu wi yh, nöma zy fur łynd... kore, ȧna fu... fu ynwik śyłta zy dos mytum maser ȧn zy rejsta dos ufum roüm, ȧ nöhta łeta zy dos cü. Ȧn dos hułf [hüłf] ołys. Jak leczyli bolące miejsca Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. No, do lekarza chodzili, ale leczyli się też sami w domu. No robili, jak miałeś..., na przykład nogę bolącą, jak ja, to brali z lipy korę, i ze środka to tak obierali nożem i smażyli to na śmietanie, a potem to przykładali. I to wszystko pomagało. [85] Dy śłykjermyłih kürjyt ȧ brüder Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Mȧj brüder wiöe zȧhs jür jyngjer fön mer, ȧna wi’ȧ ej gybün, no do wjyr wün cyderjyśt cwej [cwe] mȧkja. No wułd der foter hon ȧn zun. Nöhta hota zy, zȧhs jür wiöe’ȧ jyngjer fön mer, ȧ ej śun oü gyśtiörwa. Ȧn’ȧ 109 �110 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian krigt lungenencundung [płoücencindung]. Nöma zy śłykjermyłih ȧn zy łeta cü di śłykjermyłih. Dos denk yh, wiöe’ȧ ȧ klin kynd. Hot’ȧ fylȧjht ȧ hołp jür oba ȧ jür, bo ȧ klin kynd. Ȧn zy łeta di śłykjermyłih cü, do wen’ȧ höt hyc, do dos gejt dy hyc wȧg. Ȧn’ȧ wiöd gyzund. Jak kwaśne mleko wyleczyło brata Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Mój brat był sześć lat młodszy ode mnie i jak się urodził, no to my byłyśmy najpierw dwie dziewczynki. No ojciec chciał mieć syna. Potem mieli, sześć lat był młodszy ode mnie, też już umarł. No i on dostał zapalenie płuc. Wzięli kwaśne mleko i przykładali to kwaśne mleko. To pamiętam, byłam małym dzieckiem. Miał może pół roku albo rok, bo małe dziecko. I przykładali to kwaśne mleko, jak miał gorączkę, żeby ta gorączka odeszła. I wyzdrowiał. [86] Kürjyn myt kwaka Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Kwaka, mȧj baba, zej hot zyty bykantśoft.... y dan łoüta, y zyta... weter nökwyn. Zej wönta diöt... bym woser (Zöł), ny wȧjt. Ȧ zȧj... mȧj müter wiöd krank, oder yhy wȧ ny, wi dos hȧst wymysiöeryś. Hemorojde. Ȧna... do wȧsty, dos ej... zyty krankhajt [krankyt], zyty krankyt ym, ym diöem, ny? Ȧna, oder... dos zȧjn grusy, dos tüt zjyr wej. Ȧ mȧj müter wiöd ȧzu krank ȧna dy, dy baba ziöet ȧzu: „Hiöer ok Helćü, yhy wa diöt gejn” – dos wiöe wȧjt, dos wiöe śun ym end Wymysoü – „h’wa fren wi har dos maht”. Ȧna kom zy yn ham, nom zy di kwaka, maht zy ganc rȧn, bo dos ej fu ad, ȧna śnȧd zyty śtykla y ȧn amper, ȧn nöhta gus zy kohnik woser uf dos, zy dekt dos ȧbysła cü, ȧ wen dos ej ȧzu... śun ny ganc wiöem, oder wiöem, to müsty dih... uf dos zeca. Müsty dih oüscin ȧna wȧsty wos. Dos wiöe jyr güt, ȧn zy wiöd gyzund. Leczenie kwakami (brukwią) Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Kwaki, moja babcia, ona miała takie znajomości, z takimi ludźmi, takimi dalszymi sąsiadami. Oni mieszkali tam... przy wodzie (Soła), niedaleko. A jego... moja matka zachorowała, ale nie wiem, jak to się nazywa po wilamowsku. Hemoroidy. I, to wiesz, to jest taka choroba, taka choroba jelita, nie? I to jest, to są duże, to bardzo boli. A moja matka tak zachorowała i babcia powiedziała tak: „Czekaj tylko Helciu, ja tam pójdę”, to było daleko, to był już koniec Wilamowic, „Ja zapytam, jak on to �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian robi”. I przyszła do domu, wzięła kwaki, całkiem je wyczyściła, bo to jest z ziemi, i kroiła takie kawałki do wiadra, a potem wlała na to gorącą wodę, przykryła to trochę i jak to jest takie... już nie całkiem ciepłe, ale ciepłe, to musisz na to siąść. Musisz się rozebrać i wiesz co. To było dla niej dobre i ona wyzdrowiała. [87] Gest fu Belgjen Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), 2009. Di fu Belgjen, wo köma, wȧsty’s? Wo yhy diöt śłüf. Di hota mih ȧzu gan wi... di köma dö gyfiöen śtȧjd. Oły jün köma zy ym zumer gyfiöen, dö, byn [ben] mer, wȧsty’s? Yhy koht, yhy... zy śłüfa byn [ben] mer, ołys. Oder derzȧnk ławt nö mȧj kłop, ȧn mȧj mama wiöe oü łang nö, do hułf [hüłf] zy mer, wȧsty’s? Goście z Belgii Elżbieta Matysiak z d. Rosner (1924–2014), 2009. Ci z Belgii, co przyjeżdżali, wiesz? Co ja u nich tam spałam. Oni mnie tak lubili, jak... oni przyjeżdżali tu ciągle. Każdego roku przyjeżdżali tu w lecie, tu, u mnie, wiesz? Ja gotowałam, oni u mnie spali, wszystko. Ale wtedy żył jeszcze mój mąż i moja mama była jeszcze długo, to pomagała mi, wiesz? [88] Wo wer byr müter zocta Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Wȧsty wos, wjyr hon gyzoct byr müter jok kroüt, ȧn büroka fjy dy ki ȧn fylȧjht ruty büroka yhta. Ȧna zu hotwer ju nist mejer. S’wiöe kȧ sałot, s’wiöe kȧ... zyty griny zaha, cwypułn, no to cwypułn hower byśtymt gykoüft. Bo ym giöeta wiöe oü ny. Dos wiöe ołys nöhta śpyter. Co sadziliśmy u mamy Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Wiesz co, my sadziliśmy u mamy tylko kapustę i buraki dla krów i może coś czerwonych buraków. A tak, to nie mieliśmy nic więcej. Nie było sałaty, nie było żadnych takich… takiej zieleniny, cebuli, no cebulę na pewno kupowaliśmy. Bo w ogrodzie też nie było. To wszystko było potem, później. 111 �112 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [89] Wos zih os bocȧ mytag Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Wjyr jyśter, wi wer kyndyn wün nö, no do dy mama śtind inda ym fynf uf, der tȧta oü, bo ym fad ȧjśyta, ȧna ym hołp zȧhs fün zy śun ufs fȧld, ny? Ȧn dy mama, wi wjyr wün nö jyngjer, no do müst zy gejn yn śtoł, ki mȧlkja ȧn śwen ferryhta, ȧn ȧzu wiöe dos, ȧn nöhta wiöd dy Polinskja-müm, inda wiöe zy bym błȧh, no do brant zy myt śtȧkla, bo hułc hotwer hefa, bo hota ȧn puś, no do śtȧkla wiöd gybrant. Ȧna s’wiöd inda gymaht polyk, myt apuł [arpułn], s’mügjys, oba myt ćjyrkja, myt myłih ziser oba myt zoüwermyłih. Myt zoüwermyłih to wün gymaht dy ćjyrkja fu, fu künmał. Ȧna zisy ćjyrkja do wün myt wȧs. Mąki pszennej. – Wȧsamał. Ju, no do wün inda, oder kȧfy wiöe ufȧ, uf mügjaasa [ufs mügjaasa]. Nöhta ym noün konsty kȧfy asa myt brut. Ȧn ȧzu wiöe inda polyk ȧn apuł [arpułn] ogymaht myt śpyrkja, oba ufum andum tag [ufȧ andyn tag] gywjemty apuł ufum roüm, dos wiöe zjyr fȧjn. Ufum roüm, zoüwerroüm. Ȧna apuł [arpułn] fu gestyn, płacła gyśnyta. Ȧn dos wiöe... ȧzu ruh dos, wi myt puter, kymt’s cy ziöen. Dos wiöe s’besty asa, ufȧ mügjaasa, myt ćjyrkja. Myt wȧsa, myt ziser myłih. No ȧ nöhta wiöe ym noün, wi wer ny gingja y dy śül, no do ym noün wiöe nöhta kȧfy myt brut. Oder wjyr wułda beser apuł [arpułn] hon, myt ziser myłih, myt ćjyrkja, owi dos brut. No s’brut wiöe troüg, miöehysmöł wiöe’s byśmjet myt twiöeg, oder myt puter ganc wing, bo dy puter müsta zy ferkiöefa, do zy giełd mahta uf... śtȧjer, yns ocin, ȧ fu wos hota [zułda] zy s’giełd maha? Dos wiöe, kymt’s cy ziöen, yhy bej ganc byrysa, kymt’s cy ziöen, bo yhy müst ganc, fu oła mȧkja s’rykla hon. No dos wiöe śun gyfłykt, kymt’s cy ziöen, byrysa, wi’h śtej myter śoüfuł. Ołys ej byrysa, kymt’s cy ziöen. Co się jadło przed południem Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922). Kiedyś, jak byliśmy dziećmi, to mama wstawała zawsze o piątej, tata też, bo koniowi nasypać i o wpół do szóstej już jechali na pole, nie? I mama, jak byłyśmy jeszcze młodsze, no to musiała iść do chlewa, krowy doić i świnie odbywać. I tak to było. No a potem była ciotka Polinska, zawsze była przy blasze, no to paliła patykami, bo mieliśmy dużo drewna, bo mieliśmy las, no to paliła patykami. I zawsze była robiona polewka z ziemniakami rano, albo z zacierką, ze słodkim albo kwaśnym mlekiem. Z kwaśnym mlekiem to była zacierka z mąki żytniej. I słodka zacierka to była z pszenicą, z mąki pszennej. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian – Z mąki pszennej. Tak, no to była zawsze, albo kawa była na śniadanie. Potem o dziewiątej możesz jeść kawę z chlebem. A tak, to zawsze była polewka i omaszczone ziemniaki ze szpyrką, albo na drugie to odgrzane ziemniaki na śmietanie, to było bardzo fajne. Na śmietanie, kwaśnej śmietanie. I ziemniaki z wczoraj, pocięte na plasterki. I to było... tak to pachniało, jak z masłem przyjdzie powiedzieć. To było najlepsze jedzenie, na śniadanie, z zacierką. Z pszenną, ze słodkim mlekiem. No a potem było o dziewiątej, jak nie szłyśmy do szkoły, no to o dziewiątej była potem kawa z chlebem. Ale my wolałyśmy ziemniaki ze słodkim mlekiem, z zacierką, niż ten chleb. Bo chleb był suchy, czasem był posmarowany serem, albo masłem to tak bardzo rzadko, bo masło musieli sprzedać, żeby zarobić pieniądze na... podatki, żeby nas ubrać. A z czego mieli zrobić te pieniądze? To było, przyjdzie powiedzieć, ja jestem całkiem obdarta, przyjdzie powiedzieć, musiałam całkiem, od wszystkich sióstr mieć sukienki. No to było już połatane, przyjdzie powiedzieć, obdarte, jak stoję z łopatą. To wszystko jest obdarte, przyjdzie powiedzieć. [90] Fanküh gybröht ufs fȧld Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Wen imyd hot cȧjt, owi dy mama, oba dy Polinskja-müm wiöe, no do maht zy inda fanküh, ferśtejsty? Do bröhta zy, no fynf ȧjyn, myłih ȧna cwej łefuł [łefułn] mał ȧn zy mahta, no śpyrkja wün. Fetys wiöe oü, bo s’śwȧjn wiöe gyśłaht, no do, dos wiöe ȧjgy... ym kosta ȧjgyzałca, dy śpyrkja, no do wün di śpyrkja, do mahta zy fanküh, do bröht dy mama ym noün s’mügjys, s’kymt cy ziöen fanküh ȧna ym bȧńka kȧfy, myt myłih, no do öswer ym fȧld śun, dos śmekt zjyr güt ym fȧld. Konst nö ȧmöł mejer ufasa. Jajecznica przynoszona na pole Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Jak ktoś miał czas, na przykład mama, albo ciotka Polinska była, to zawsze robiła jajecznicę, rozumiesz? To przynosili, no pięć jajek, mleko i dwie łyżki mąki i robili, no szpyrka była. Tłuszcz był też, bo świnia była zabita, no to, to było tak zasolone w skrzyni te szpyrki, no to były szpyrki, to robili jajecznicę. To przynosiła mama o dziewiątej rano, przyjdzie powiedzieć jajecznicę i w bańce kawę z mlekiem. No to jedliśmy już w polu, to smakowało dobrze w polu. Możesz jeszcze raz więcej zjeść. 113 �114 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [91] Pylyk ȧn woserpip Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. Brȧj oü, pylyk kohtwer, pylyk fu śłykjermyłih kohtwer. Do... müstwer zy ufkoha, nöhta gytwiłer maha, ȧbysła mał, ȧbysła woser, ȧna zu öswer. Dos wiöe jyśter. – Ȧ woserpip oü? Oü kohtwer woserpip. Dy epuł [epułn] śnyta zy, cyśnydwer, oder zy śyłta zih ny. Myt dar fał, kohtwer zy, nok dy... di kanła, krötwer oüs, do zy ny śwyma, ȧna ȧzu kohtwer ȧna dos nöhta... rejsta zy śpyrkja, mahta zy dos o ȧn ȧzu ösa zy. Ȧzu wiöe’s jyśter. Polewka i woserpip (pipa na wodzie) Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2012. Bryję też, polewkę gotowaliśmy, polewkę z kwaśnego mleka gotowaliśmy. To… musieliśmy ją zagotować, potem zrobić zacierkę, trochę mąki, trochę wody i tak to jedliśmy. Tak było dawniej. – A woserpip (nazwa zupy) też? Też gotowaliśmy woserpip. Jabłka kroili, kroiliśmy, ale ich się nie obierało. Z tą skórą gotowaliśmy je, tylko pestki wykrawaliśmy, żeby nie pływały i tak to gotowaliśmy, i to potem... smażyli szpyrkę, robili to i tak jedli. Tak było kiedyś. [92] S’Asa byr fȧldat Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Wi wer nynder wün, komwer yn ham asa, oder wi wer wün śun hynder śtrös, do bröhta zy yns s’asa. Do müsta zy ym cygjer ȧn zy bröhta yns, do wjyr ny kuma yn ham, do wer yns ȧbysła rün, do bröhta zy yns s’asa ufs fȧld. No do wiöe ȧ śysuł, ȧn zȧhs oba wifuł, fynf wi wer wün, fynf łoüt oba zȧhs łoüt, oły oswer fu dar śysuł. S’wiöe ny, do dü höst ufum tełer ekstra. Do wiöd dos, ufum rȧja zocwer [zöswer] ȧna wer ösa ym fȧld. Dos wiöe zjyr fȧjn ȧzu cy asa. – Ȧ dos öwytasa oü, oba... Nȧ, öwytasa komwer śun yn ham. Oder s’öwytasa, wi wer wün śun ym fȧld, kymt’s cy ziöen, dy zun ej śun runderganga, ganc. No do derzȧnk wiöda myta hiöela... – Gykłopt. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian „End dy at”, kymt’s cy ziöen, s’hiöela müsty owośa myta fisa, dy ad, bo dos ej ołys zu śejn, kymt’s cy ziöen, s’hiöela hot... hełt zih ju kȧ ad ny, bo ejs ej oüsgyat, no do gingwer yn ham ȧn s’wiöe śun cy... Ȧn ym tȧjh wüśwer dy fis, ȧn dy hend. (...) Dyham wiöd ok dy ad ȧbyselüću, bo dy mahst dy fis śenklik, ny? No oder wiöest śun ogywośa. Ȧ wifuł möł wiöe at, wi wer wȧgnöma, to wiöe śun ganc fynster, wen dy dy bowa śtełst, no do wüśwer zih ym tȧjh, botwer zih ym tȧjh, wiöem woser wiöe. No do ȧs ej dö, s’ander weter, bo dü mahst mer dö śenklik s’woser. Do wȧsty, wi wer wün fynf łoüt, to wüwer ym tȧjh. Oder do dy ny ymfełst. Wüśwer zih o ȧna wer wün śun ogybot. – Ȧna der zȧjt kuma yn ham, ju? Wjyr zȧjn kuma yn ham, hotwer s’öwytasa. (...) S’öwytasa hotwer, no inda wiöe, wi wer wułda brut myt kȧfy. Oder wjyr wułda inda hon apuł [arpułn] ym roüm gybakt. No do dy Polinskja-müm wöst śun fu dam, no do inda wiöd mejer apuł [arpułn] gykoht c’öw... mytag. Do wer c’öwyts hota ym roüm gyba... dy gywjemty apuł [arpułn]. No do, wȧsty, wen dy höst ym roüm gywjemty apuł [arpułn], dos roüht ȧzu wi puter. Bo dos wiöe güter roüm, no ny? No do myt ziser myłih, dos wiöe s’besty asa. Ȧ wen dy nöht nö wułdst hon brut, no to kundsty der nama brut, oder wiöest ogasa myt apuł [arpułn], kymt’s cy ziöen. No do... s’wiöe s’besty asa, ym roüm gywjemty apuł. Oder roüm zyter, ny wo yta ej, wen dy ȧ zyta roüm gyst, do dy puter kymt giöe runder, wȧsty? S’roüht ȧzu śejn, no to dy Polinskja-müm, inda fȧt zy mejer apuł [arpułn] ufȧ mytag, do zy nöhta wjemt yns apuł [arpułn] ufum roüm. Do inda ziöet zy: „Kȧśü, breng mer ȧn hołwa liter roüm” – no do wiöd cwe... wi wer wün mejer, no do wułdwer hon beser, no to y cwej rondl. Rondl? Y cwej rondl [rondln], wȧsty, bo wen wer zȧjn fynf łoüt, do wer hon beser apuł [arpułn] gywjemty. Dos wiöe s’besty asa. Ȧna miöehysmöł wiöe ȧ e ogykoht. Oder ym fȧld ym besta, wi wer s’mügjaasa osa, no do hotwer idys ȧ e. Jedzenie przy pracy w polu Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Jak byliśmy bliżej, to przychodziliśmy jeść do domu, ale jak już byliśmy za ulicą (Starowiejską), to przynosili nam jedzenie. To musieli w koszyku przynosić, żebyśmy nie szli do domu, żebyśmy sobie trochę odpoczęli, to przynosili nam jedzenie w pole. No to była miska i sześć albo ile, pięć jak nas było, pięciu ludzi albo sześciu ludzi, wszyscy jedliśmy z tej miski. Nie było, żebyś ty miał na talerzu osobno. To było to, na miedzy siedzieliśmy i jedliśmy w polu. To było bardzo fajnie tak jeść. – A kolację też, czy... Nie, na kolację przychodziliśmy już do domu. Albo kolację, jak już byłyśmy w polu, jak przyjdzie powiedzieć, jak słońce zaszło, całkiem, no to wtedy się kopaczkami... – Pukało. 115 �116 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian „Skończcie pracę”, przyjdzie powiedzieć. Kopaczkę musisz umyć nogami, ziemię, żeby to wszystko było ładnie, przyjdzie powiedzieć, kopaczka miała... nie trzyma się jej ziemia, bo jak jest wyrobiona, no to szliśmy do domu i było już... I w stawie myliśmy nogi i ręce. (...) W domu się tylko tą ziemię trochę, bo sobie zabrudziłeś nogi, nie? No ale byłeś już umyty. A ile razy była praca, jak odbieraliśmy (przy żniwach), to było już całkiem ciemno, jak stawiałeś babki. No to myliśmy się w stawie, kąpaliśmy się w stawie, ciepła woda była. No to jedna jest tu, druga dalej, bo ty mi tu zamulisz wodę. No to wiesz, jak byliśmy pięciu ludzi, to byliśmy w stawie. Ale żebyś się nie przewrócił. Myliśmy się i byliśmy już okąpani. Przyszliśmy do domu, to mieliśmy kolację. (...) Kolację mieliśmy, no zawsze był, jak chcieliśmy, chleb z kawą. Ale my chcieliśmy zawsze mieć ziemniaki pieczone w śmietanie. No to ciotka Polinska wiedziała już o tym, no to zawsze było nagotowanych więcej ziemniaków na obiad. Żebyśmy wieczorem mieli w śmietanie zagrzane ziemniaki. No to wiesz, jak masz ziemniaki zagrzane w śmietanie, to pachniało tak jak masło. Bo to była dobra śmietana, nie? No to ze słodkim mlekiem, to było najlepsze jedzenie. A jak potem jeszcze chciałeś chleb, to mogłeś sobie wziąć chleb, ale byłeś już pojedzony tymi ziemniakami, przyjdzie powiedzieć. No to to było najlepsze jedzenie, ziemniaki zagrzane w śmietanie. Ale śmietana taka, nie taka jak teraz, że jak taką śmietanę dajesz, to masło nawet nie schodzi, wiesz? Pachniało tak ładnie, no to ciotka Polinska zawsze obierała więcej ziemniaków na obiad, żeby potem nam zagrzała te ziemniaki w śmietanie. No to zawsze mówiła: „Kasiu, przynieś mi pół litra śmietany”. No to były dwa... jak nas było więcej, no to chcieliśmy mieć lepiej, no to w dwóch rondlach. Rondlach? W dwóch rondlach, wiesz, bo jak nas jest pięciu ludzi, że bardziej lubimy zagrzane ziemniaki. To było najlepsze jedzenie. A czasem było ugotowane jajko. Ale w polu najlepiej jak jedliśmy śniadanie, no to każda miała jajko. [93] Wjyr kohta oü ćjyrkja Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Oder wjyr, wjyr kohta oü, di, di züp myt, myt gryc fu dan... wi wer hota kełwyn, no. Dos wiöe myt gryc. Ȧ wen ny, to ufȧ mügja wiöe oü zyta... ȧzu wi dy mahst ȧ tȧg uf dy nüdułn, ȧ dos wiöe nöhta ȧbysła ufum rejs gymaht ȧzu klin ȧna ufer myłih gykoht. – To dos wün dy ćjyrkja? No, ćjyrkja. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Gotowaliśmy też zacierkę Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Ale my, my gotowaliśmy też, tą zupę z kaszą z tego, jak mieliśmy cielęta, no. To było z kaszą. A jak nie, to na śniadanie był też taki... tak jak robisz ciasto na makaron, a to było potem trochę usmażone takie małe i na mleku ugotowane. – To to nazywali „ćjyrkja”? No, ćjyrkja. [94] Ym besta wün gywjemty arpułn Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Yhy wułd dos zan yta. Wȧsty wos, wen dy dos wyst zan owi mȧj wjytśoft, niöencik jür y dam, ȧn yta, ej ołys ganc andyśt. Śyner, asa beser. Ȧn jyśter wos hotsty? S’mügjys wiöe kȧfy, na drugie danie. S’mügjys wiöe ćjyrkja ȧn apuł [arpułn]. Gywjemty apuł [arpułn] ufum roüm. Dos wiöe zjyr güt. Dos ruh ȧzu, bo der roüm wiöe, ȧbysła bekt zih, do puter gejt roüs, ny? Ȧn yta wjesty hon puter, twiöeg, śynka, nö, nö syry takie. Najlepsze były zagrzane ziemniaki Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Chciałam to teraz zobaczyć. Wiesz co, jakbyś zobaczył moje gospodarstwo dziewięćdziesiąt lat temu i teraz, wszystko się zmieniło. Ładniej, jedzenie lepsze. A kiedyś co miałeś? Rano była kawa, na drugie danie. Rano była zacierka i ziemniaki. Grzane ziemniaki na śmietanie. To było bardzo dobre. To tak pachniało, bo śmietana była, trochę się piekło, żeby masło wyszło, nie? A teraz byś miał masło, ser, jeszcze, jeszcze sery takie. [95] Ida tag ȧ śysuł kroüt Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. O Mȧryja. Ida tag ym mytagasa wiöe ȧ... ȧ śysuł kroüt. Ȧ ufȧ öwyt wejder ȧ töp kroüt ȧn brut, troüg brut ȧn kroüt. Ȧ wjyr, by mer müter, ösa ida tag, s’wiöe ȧ zyty grusy śysuł, bo wjyr wün can łoüt dyham, ȧ, ȧ śysuł 117 �118 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian myt arpułn, ȧn y andum tök [töp]... töp wiöe zoüwermyłih. Ȧna di myłih myt dan arpułn, oder ider ider łangt mytum łefuł y dan tełer. Wen dy dih ny fjedyst, wen dy dih... ȧmałik ast, wiöesty.... hungerik. No. Do dos wȧs yh. Codziennie miska kapusty Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. O Maryjo. Codziennie na obiad była miska kapusty. A na wieczór znowu garnek kapusty i chleb, suchy chleb i kapusta. A my u mojej mamy jedliśmy codziennie, była taka duża miska, bo my byliśmy dziesięciu ludzi w domu. A jedna miska była z ziemniakami, a w drugim garnku było kwaśne mleko. I to mleko z tymi ziemniakami, ale każdy, każdy sięgał łyżką do tego talerza. Jak się nie pospieszyłeś, jak pomału jadłeś, to byłeś głodny. No. To to wiem. [96] S’hemb Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Wȧsty, zej hota zyty hemb gynyty myt jemułn ȧna dö wiöe’s jok cügy... cy, cy, myt kniöefułn, ȧn cü, mahsty der ȧzu cü, ȧn s’hemb wiöe łang. Koszula Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Wiesz, miały takie koszule uszyte z rękawami i to było zapinane na guziki, tak sobie zapinałaś i koszula była długa. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Wartości obowiązujące w naszym świecie Dy wata, wo zy y ynzer wełt zȧjn [97] Wi zy dy ciglȧj boüta Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Mȧj foter höt dos ołys... był kierownik. No, ȧna zy nöma giełd fum Krzyżanowski, no zy bügta, zy łejn dos giełd, ȧ yhy wiöe ȧ zyta, ȧ gyśȧjt mȧkja, to inda, wen zy dos diöfta wȧg... cyrykgan, mȧj foter śökt mih inda. Diöt boüta zy di... cyderjyśt wiöe ȧ kliny ciglȧj, nöhta boüta zy dan, dan kumin uf dy hej. No oder yhy wiöe diöt ny, yhy wiöe inda byr müter dyham. Bo dy müter... wün kliny kyndyn, hułf yh yr müter. Jak budowano cegielnię Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Mój ojciec to wszystko... był kierownikiem. No i pożyczyli pieniądze od Krzyżanowskiego, no pożyczyli, pożyczyli te pieniądze, a ja byłam taką mądrą dziewczyną, to zawsze jak mieli oddać kolejną ratę, to mój ojciec mnie zawsze posyłał. Tam budowali... najpierw była mała cegielnia, potem wybudowali do góry ten komin. No ale ja tam nie byłam, ja byłam zawsze u mamy w domu. Bo mama, były małe dzieci, pomagałam mamie. [98] Fyrym hȧsa zy cym Taksła Taksła-Hȧla (1923–2020), 2014. Ȧzu, wȧsty wos, dö wün, hon zy oły, bo s’zȧjn hefa Foxa, hefa Schneider, do... ȧ c’yns hȧsa zy cym Taksła. Ȧ wȧsty, wo dos wiöe? – Kynter fercyła. 119 �120 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian No, mȧj dźjada wiöe byr fȧjerwer komendant. Ȧna wen zy hota gymȧśjyt, no bo wiöe... andyśt wiöe’s, wi yhy wiöe ȧ kynd, oder yhy denk, wi zy mȧśjyta, wi zy wün ogycün śejn, ny? Ȧn hot, hot’ȧ gyziöet „hałt ȧ takt”. Do zy zuła, wen zy mȧśjyn, do zy zuła hałda ȧn takt. Ȧ fu dam ej cym Taksła. Skąd wziął się przydomek Taksła Elżbieta Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1923–2020), 2014. No i tak, wiesz, bo tu było dużo Foxów, dużo Schneidrów, to... a do nas nazywali do Taksły. A wiesz, o co chodziło? – Może Pani opowiedzieć. Mój dziadek był przy straży, komendantem. I jak maszerowali, bo to było... inaczej było, jak byłam dzieckiem, ale pamiętam, jak maszerowali, jak byli ładnie ubrani, nie? I on powiedział: „trzymajcie takt”. Że oni mają, jak maszerowali, trzymać takt. (...) I z tego się wzięło „do Taksły”. [99] Dy śwygjermüter kuzt jok wymysiöeryś Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Kom, zej kuzt jok myt mer wymysiöeryś. Nöhta ziöet mer di śnjyh: „Wȧsty wos, müter, yhy gej cyryk cy mem, men ełdyn, bo dü kuzt, jyr kuzt fön mer ołys śłȧhty”. Yhy kuz ju: „Kyndła, wjyr kuza ju nist śłȧhtys, oder zej kuzt ny pönyś. Zy weł ny, zy wył ny kuza” – bo zej ziöet: „Yhy bej ȧ wymysiöejer bow, yhy kuz jok wymysiöeryś!”. No. Teściowa mówiła tylko po wilamowsku Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Przychodziła, to mówiła tylko po wilamowsku. Potem synowa mi powiedziała: „Wiesz co, mamo, pójdę z powrotem do moich rodziców, bo wy mnie obgadujecie”. Ja jej powiedziałam: „Dziecko, my nic złego nie mówimy, ale ona nie mówi, nie chce mówić po polsku”. Bo ona powiedziała: „Ja jestem Wilamowianką, ja mówię tylko po wilamowsku!”. No. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [100] Wo dy mama wje ziöen, wen zy fum grop wje ufśtejn Holećkla-Helka (1928–2017), 2009. Dy mama mȧjny, wen zy fum grop wje ufśtejn, to wje zy ziöen: „Mȧkja! Mȧkja!” – wje zy dy hend cyzomałen – „No do łjysty dy kyndyn ny wymysiöeryś kuza? Dos ej ju ynzer śpröh! War wyt zy łjyn? Wan zy śun nymer ny łjyn, wan zy śun nymer nist ny kyna!” – ȧzu wje zy mer ziöen. Ojej, zy kuzt ok wymysiöeryś ejweron. Ȧn der tȧta oü, der tȧta oü, oły. Oder wer füta yns, bo zy ziöeta, do zy yns ys lager uf Oüswynca wan roüsfjyn. Wen wer wan wymysiöeryś kuza. Oder dy müstst nist śyłik ny zȧjn, ok kuza wymysiöeryś, to raus bedzie. Zyta ława hotwer, dy junga jün zyty hotwer. Dos głiöet ȧni nimyd ny. Do kom... wer grynn dyham, dy mama ȧn ołys. Ȧn ny... „Ny grȧjnt, kyndyn, ny grȧjnt, fylȧjht water nö beser cȧjta derława” – ziöet zy. No zisty’s, et gejter zihja dos ołys. Ȧn wen wer yhta kuza, do zȧjter oü fruł, bo, bo dy junga kyna ju mej nist ny. Ny, dos ny wegja yns, wjyr füta yns, zy wułda yns ys lager nama uf Oüswynca. Oh... wen yh dos ołys denk. Śod cy kuza fu dam ołum, beser ny, bo menć wjyd ganc troürik. Co powiedziałaby mama, jakby wstała z grobu Helena Nowak z d. Nikiel (1928–2017), 2009. Moja mama, jakby wstała z grobu, to by powiedziała: „Dziewczyno!”, ręce by złożyła, „No to nie uczysz dzieci mówić po wilamowsku? To jest nasz język! Kto je nauczy, już się nigdy nie nauczą, już nigdy nie będą nic umieć”. Tak by mi powiedziała. Ojej, ona mówiła tylko po wilamowsku wszędzie. A tata też, tata też, wszyscy. Ale baliśmy się, bo powiedzieli, że nas wywiozą do obozu do Oświęcimia (po 1945), jak będziemy mówić po wilamowsku. Ale nie musiałeś być nic winny, tylko mówić po wilamowsku, to raus bedzie. Takie życie mieliśmy, taką młodość mieliśmy. W to nikt nawet nie uwierzy. To przyszliśmy i płakaliśmy w domu, mama i wszyscy: „Nie płaczcie dzieci, nie płaczcie, może jeszcze dożyjecie lepszych czasów”, mówiła. No widzisz, teraz chodzicie tego wszystkiego szukać. A jak coś mówimy, to jesteście zadowoleni, bo młodzi już nic nie umieją. Nie z powodu nas, my się baliśmy, chcieli nas wziąć do obozu w Oświęcimiu. Oh, jak to wspominam... Szkoda mówić o tym wszystkim, lepiej nie, bo człowiek się staje całkiem smutny. 121 �122 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [101] Wi kon mȧ dy müterśpröh fergasa? Taksła-Nüśa (1920–2012), 2009. No ȧzu ej dos, ȧzu, wen wer wjyn kuma ȧzu... oły zyca dyham. Dos zyct dyham, yh dyham, no, s’SiöebaHȧla. Wen wer ȧzu wjyn gejn cyzoma, no do wje dos... do yh kuz yhta, ejs kuzt, ȧ zo’s źe dos cyzoma ȧjjesa. Ȧ ȧs... Ȧn der menć... Yhy, wi’h ging y dy śül, wiöe dö der Latosiński. Dy wyst oü wysa, bo dü wȧst hefa. Dar wiöe, der Latosiński wiöe kierownik, jer wiöe, wi hȧst ȧ kierownik? – No kierownik oü. Kierownik oü? No to... oder wjyr gingja y dy śül fu zȧhs jür. Do kundwer ju nist ny pönyś, ok wymysiöeryś. Yhy... dy ełdyn, myt yns wun, wan zy zih diöt jesa? Wjyr gingja y dy śül, oder nimyd ziöet nist ny. Diöt dopiyr... – Ołdyśt. O, no, kuztwer, łjytwer zih pönyś. Ȧzu kuztwer wymysiöeryś. I wi kon mȧ dos fergasa? Jak można zapomnieć matczyny język? Anna Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1920–2012), 2009. No tak to jest, jakbyśmy się tak zeszły razem... wszyscy siedzą w domu. Ta siedzi w domu, ja w domu, Soba-Hala. Jakbyśmy tak się razem zeszły, to by to było, że ja coś mówię, ona mówi, razem byśmy coś utegowały. A człowiek... Ja, jak szłam do szkoły, był tu Latosiński. Będziesz wiedzieć, kto to, bo ty wiesz dużo. Ten Latosiński był kierownikiem, on był... jak się nazywa kierownik? – No kierownik też. Kierownik też? No to... ale my chodziliśmy do szkoły od szóstego roku życia. To nie umieliśmy po polsku, tylko po wilamowsku. Ja... rodzice, z nami, oni się tam będą tegować? Szliśmy do szkoły, ale nikt niczego nie powiedział. Tam dopiero... – Dopiero. No, mówiliśmy, uczyliśmy się polskiego. A tak, to mówiliśmy po wilamowsku. I jak to można zapomnieć? [102] Dy Siöeboka kuzta wymysiöeryś Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. No, Siöeboka wün hefa, wün. No do, di kanta zih, di... hüłda zih cyzoma inda, wen zy jynta gingja, do, do ȧner �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian ny, do cwej, drȧj ȧna bowa oü, no do... Ȧ nöhta di andyn wejder fu dan djyfyn: „Wosfer łoüt zȧjn dos, fu wu zȧjn di?”. Wen wer kuzta wymysiöeryś, zy ferśtinda nist. Soboki mówiły po wilamowsku Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2012. No Soboków było dużo. Oni się znali, trzymali się razem, zawsze jak gdzieś szli, to jeden nie, dwóch, trzech i z żonami, no to... A potem ci inni z tych wiosek: „Co to za ludzie, skąd oni są?”. Bo jak mówiliśmy po wilamowsku, to oni nic nie rozumieli. [103] Wymysiöeryś ej ȧ śejny śpröh Zejma-Staha (1931–2015), 2014. Medytjyn? No wymysiöeryś, oder wen dy wyst [wȧst], wi dos hȧst ołys, dos. Dos konsty. Oder dos, śun eta’s... fergasa hower dos. Dos wiöe ȧ śejny śpröh, wiöe’s. Wen dy konst zjyr güt, har kon güt. Har łjyt zih, bo dö wiöe ȧner, der Jüza Gara, dar kuzt, dar kon kuza. No ȧn’ȧ śtiörw oü. Ȧ h’wȧs ny, wos ej jum gyśan. Har wiöe ny ołd. Wilamowski to piękny język Stanisław Zejma (1931–2015), 2014. Myśleć? No myślę po wilamowsku, ale jak wiesz, jak to wszystko się nazywa, to możesz. Ale to, teraz już dużo tego zapomnieliśmy. To był piękny język, piękny język to był. Jak umiesz dobrze, on umie dobrze. On się uczył, bo tu był jeden, Józef Gara, ten mówił, ten umiał mówić. No i umarł już też. A nie wiem, co mu się stało. On nie był stary. [104] Dy atyn łjyn zih wymysiöeryś Tobyś-Nüśka (1930–2022), 2014. Wjyr hota fu Wymysdiöf, ȧ śtiörw śun, hot fjyrȧnniöencik cy wifuł jür. Ȧn ȧner fu Denkjadiöf, śtiörw’ȧ oü śun, no. Zöfuł hotwer. – Oder wi zy śun dö łengjer wün, to ferśtinda zy wymysiöeryś? 123 �124 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Ojej, dar fu Denkjadiöf, dar kund wymysiöeryś ȧn doüć, ȧn ołys. Bo wymysiöeryś łjyt’ȧ, bo wjyr kuzta wymysiöeryś ȧn pönyś cünum, ny? Bo har ferśtind ju nist ny. Cünum pönyś. Ȧn cy dam y Wymysdiöf oü pönyś. Dos wiöe ȧ ołder kłop, oder zy wułda’n roüsfjyn. No to, der foter nom’ȧ uf. No. No ȧn dan wułda zy oü roüsfjyn, oü nom’ȧ der foter uf. Bo zyst heta zy roüsgyfüt, Göt wȧs, wun. No. Oder s’wün güty kłopa. Ȧn dar y Denkjadiöf wiöe yht ełder wi yhy. Gywys cwe jür wiöe’ȧ ełder wi yhy. Oder dar... zjyr güt hiöet hot’ȧ. Ȧ zjyr ȧ güt hiöet. Har łjyt wymysiöeryś ȧn doüć. Bo yhy ging y dy doüćy śül, yhy müst śrȧjwa, yhy müst łaza. Ȧn wen yh jum ny ziöet – „Fyrym wyłsty mer ny ziöen?”. „No bo yh mü ju dos diöhłaza!” – ȧ yhy kund oü nö ny güt. Oder h’kund śun beser. Oder har, ołys kund’ȧ. Zjyr ȧ güt hiöet hot’ȧ. Ȧ śtiörw y Denkjadiöf ufȧ zawał. (...) Cym Hȧla-Mockja wiöe ju oü dy Magda. No, zy hot ȧ mȧkja. No to zej, dy ołdy kuzt ny (wymysiöeryś), oder zy ferśtind. Oder kuza kund zy ny. Oder s’mȧkja kund śun ołys. Ejs kund pönyś ȧn doüć ȧn wymysiöeryś. Ȧzu wi wjyr. Ju, no bo ȧ klin kynd ȧn wen dy höst ȧ gydyhtnys hołp ȧ... hołp ȧcwe, no to łjysty. Bo ȧ kynd łjyt zjyr byhend. No. Robotnicy uczyli się wilamowskiego Anna Kowalczyk z d. Fox (1930–2022), 2014. My mieliśmy ze Starej Wsi, on już umarł, miał dziewięćdziesiąt cztery czy ile lat. A jeden umarł już też w Dankowicach. Tylu mieliśmy. – Ale jak tu już byli dłużej, to rozumieli wilamowski? Ojej, ten z Dankowic, ten umiał i po wilamowsku, i po niemiecku, i wszystko. Bo wilamowskiego się uczył, bo my mówiliśmy po wilamowsku, a do niego po polsku, nie? Bo on nie rozumiał nic. Do niego po polsku. A do tego ze Starej Wsi też po polsku. To był starszy mężczyzna, ale oni go chcieli wywieźć. No to tata go przyjął. No. No a tego też chcieli wywieźć, jego też tata przyjął. Bo w przeciwnym razie by ich wywieźli. Bóg wie gdzie. No. Ale to byli dobrzy mężczyźni. A ten w Dankowicach był trochę starszy ode mnie. Chyba dwa lata był ode mnie starszy. Ale on... miał bardzo dobrą głowę. On się uczył po wilamowsku i po niemiecku. Bo ja chodziłam do niemieckiej szkoły, musiałam pisać, musiałam czytać. A jak jemu nie mówiłam, to „Czemu mi nie chcesz powiedzieć?”. „No bo sama to muszę jeszcze przeczytać”. A ja jeszcze też nie umiałam dobrze. Ale umiałam już lepiej. Ale on wszystko umiał. Miał bardzo dobrą głowę. Umarł w Dankowicach na zawał. (...) U Hala-Mocka była też (służąca) Magda. No ona miała córkę. No to ona, stara, nie mówiła po wilamowsku, ale rozumiała. Ale mówić nie umiała. Ale ta córka umiała już wszystko. Umiała po polsku, po niemiecku i po wilamowsku. Tak jak my. Tak, bo małe dziecko, a jak masz jeszcze pamięć pół na pół, to się nauczysz. Bo dziecko uczy się bardzo szybko, no. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [105] Fyrym yh ho ogyfanga cy śrȧjwa wymysiöeryś Tołer-Jüza (1929–2013), 2012. Yhy wiöe krank, yh wiöe ym śpytuł, ym śpytuł wiöe’h, h’wiöe zjyr krank, ufs hac. Yh wiöe ym śpytuł y Ochojec, wiöe’h. Diöt hon zy mih operjyt. Ym śpytuł hon zy mih operjyt ȧn y... diöt wiöe’h ȧ mönda, ym śpytuł, bo yh wiöe zjyr krank, yh wöst ny, op yhy wa der... ejwerława dos, no. Ȧn kom yh yn ham, nöhta, y dyham, ȧzu ȧ hołp jür maht yh nist, ok ȧzu zos yh, ȧna ȧ telewizor śoüt yh o, ȧn nöhta kom’s mer ȧj, ȧ djyft yhta wymysiöeryś śrȧjwa. No ȧna nöhta füng yh o cy śrȧjwa, zyty ferśidnikjy... wi hȧst dos, łidła, ȧna zyty, ȧ łidła nöhta śpyter. Ȧn ȧzu... no śrȧw yh ȧzu, wu mer uf, ufs hiöet kom, no. Zu śrȧw yh. No ȧ nöhta, nöhta, wȧs yh, nöhta go’h ȧ zyta bihła roüs, dos bihła hoter, ny? No. Ȧ zyta bihła go’h roüs, diöt ej oü ȧ dos... ȧ wjyrterbüh [wjytynbihła] ej oü diöt. Dlaczego zacząłem pisać po wilamowsku Józef Gara (1929–2013), 2012. Zachorowałem, byłem w szpitalu, byłem w szpitalu, byłem bardzo chory na serce. Byłem w szpitalu w Ochojcu. Tam mnie operowali. W szpitalu mnie operowali i tam byłem miesiąc w szpitalu, bo byłem bardzo chory. Nie wiedziałem, czy jeszcze to przeżyję. I potem przyszedłem do domu, w domu tak przez pół roku nic nie robiłem, tylko tak siedziałem i oglądałem telewizor. No i potem przyszło mi do głowy, że powinno się coś napisać po wilamowsku. No i potem zacząłem pisać takie różne, jak to się nazywa, piosenki i takie..., piosenki potem później. I tak, no pisałem, co mi przyszło do głowy. No a potem, potem, czy ja wiem, wydałem taką książkę, macie ją, no nie? No taką książkę wydałem, tam też jest słownik. [106] Der foter kund ny pönyś kuza H: Bek-Bȧlcer-Hȧla (1923–2022), 2009. J: Tołer-Jüza (1929–2013), 2009. H: No wiöd jyśter, no do war kuzt… mȧj, mȧj foter… y… wiöe y Win, no, nöht kom’ȧ fu Win… J: Nöhta ferwȧw’ȧ zih. H: Ferwȧw’ȧ zih dö, no do kund’ȧ ju ny pönyś kuza. Jo, jok wymysiöeryś. J: Oba doüć. H: Oba doüć, no. 125 �126 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Ojciec nie umiał mówić po polsku H: Elżbieta Kacorzyk z d. Fox (1923–2022), 2009. J: Józef Gara (1929–2013), 2009. H: No kiedyś, to kto mówił... mój, mój ojciec był w Wiedniu, no to przyjechał z Wiednia. J: Potem się ożenił. H: Ożenił się tu, no to nie umiał mówić po polsku. Tylko po wilamowsku. J: Albo po niemiecku. H: Albo po niemiecku, no. [107] Ym kynd wiöe’s ny derłiöet cy kuza wymysiöeryś H: Bek-Bȧlcer-Hȧla (1923–2022), 2009. J: Tołer-Jüza (1929–2013), 2009. H: Ȧ fum, fu mȧjner śwaster… der… zun, ȧ do’ȧ kund ju nist… pönyś ny kuza. Dy Rüsa koma nȧj, ȧ dar, jok wymysiöeryś kuzt’ȧ. Ȧn mȧj foter maht’um ȧzu, do’ȧ nist ny zo kuza, bo zy… „Germany, Germany, Germany”. J: Wjyn zy’ȧ ȧjśpjera. H: No, no do kuzt’ȧ ni, nöhta, ging’ȧ diöt cyr baba, diöt, dö, ȧn’ȧ ziöet ȧzu: „yh śȧjs cü zyta ława” – wymysiöeryś kuzt’ȧ – „yhy wa ȧmöł yn bün śpryngja”. J: Der bün wiöe dö ym płoc. H: Nöht kom’ȧ, nöht kom di baba cy mem foter ziöen dos, no do ziöet’ȧ: „Kuzźe, wi dy wyłst, s’zo zȧjn, wo wył. Kuz ȧn s’ej”. – Kon’ȧ wymysiöeryś? H: Ȧ yta, ȧ nist, ȧ ferśtejt ju giöe nist! Ȧ wiöe klin wi, wi, wifuł jür kund’ȧ hon, Jüza? J: No wifuł, zȧhs jür. H: No. Jak zabroniono dziecku mówić po wilamowsku H: Elżbieta Kacorzyk z d. Fox (1923–2022), 2009. J: Józef Gara (1929–2013), 2009. H: A od mojej siostry syn, to nic nie umiał mówić po polsku. Ruscy tu wkroczyli, a ten mówił tylko po wilamowsku. A mój ojciec zrobił mu tak (pogroził palcem), żeby nic nie mówił, bo oni: „Germany, Germany, Germany”. No to potem już nic nie mówił, potem, poszedł tam do babki i powiedział tak: „Mam dość takiego życia”, po wilamowsku mówił „wskoczę do studni”. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian J: Studnia była tu, na placu. H: Potem przyszedł, przyszła ta babka do mojego ojca, powiedzieć mu to. No to powiedział: „Mów, jak chcesz, niech się dzieje, co chce. Mów i gotowe”. – A on umie po wilamowsku? H: A teraz, nic, on nic nawet nie rozumie. On był mały jak, jak... ile mógł mieć lat, Józek? J: No ile, sześć lat. H: No. [108] Wysty gryhta wymysiöeryś kuza? I: Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. H: Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2009. I: Dü, Wymysiöejeryn, wysty gryhta wymysiöeryś kuza? H: Yhy wȧ nist, wi’h zo ziöen uf zy... I: Do ȧbysła nöhdenkja ȧn kuza wymysiöeryś. H: S’wył zih mer ny. I: No, „wył zih mer ny”. Byst cy bykwym. Dü, wo dy fum klina kynd jok wymysiöeryś gykuzt höst. H: To ziöe, dü gyśȧjty, wi granatowy, wi hȧsa zy? I: Di dunkułbłöwa. H: Dunkułbüwa. I: Błöwa! H: Ejs wȧs, wo’h kuz, ȧ dy... Tymüś, dü wȧst? Zaczniesz mówić po wilamowsku? I: Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. H: Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2009. I: Ty Wilamowianko, zaczniesz w końcu mówić po wilamowsku? H: Ja nie wiem, jak to powiedzieć. I: To trochę pomyśl i mów po wilamowsku. H: Nie chce mi się. I: No, „nie chce mi się”. Jesteś za wygodna. Ty, co od dziecka u was mówiło się tylko po wilamowsku. H: To powiedz, jak jesteś taka mądra, jak jest granatowy, jak mówią? I: Dunkułbłöwa (granatowe). H: Dunkułbüwa (chłopcy o ciemnej karnacji). I: Błöwa! H: Ona wie, co mówię. A ty, Tymuś, wiesz? 127 �128 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [109] Wi mȧ dy wymysiöejer fłȧk zo wośa Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Dos ho’h ȧłȧn gyłjyt. Bo zy kuzta mer: „Wi wysty dos wośa di, di... farby, fiöerwa wan ju gejn ganc wȧg!”. Ziöet yh: „Wi wa’h dos wośa?”. Nom yh cyderjyśt ȧn rök, ȧn s’wün śun di mȧśinn cy wośa. Zyty kliny mȧśin. Ziöet yh ȧzu: „Yta wa’h probjyn cyderjyśt dan ȧn rök”. Ziöet yh: „Wos kon yh dö gan y dos wo...” – yhy łjyt dos, yhy maht dos ȧłȧn. Nom yh ȧbysła załc, ȧn esig ȧn ny ganc wiöemys woser, bo diöt gistwer [guswer] y di mȧśin, wün zyty mȧśinn, wu dy müst nȧjgisa woser, ny? No to ȧ zyta woser... wiöem, oder ny hȧs. Wüś yh oüs, dyn [ȧ] rök, har wiöe ȧzu śejn. Ziöet yh: „Yta wa’h śun cwej nama!” – nöhta drȧj, ȧ nöhta can. Ȧna wüś yh ołys. Dy höst ju gyzan wifuł h’ho gywośa. Jak prać wilamowskie stroje Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Tego się sama nauczyłam. Bo mówili mi: „Jak to wypierzesz? Te kolory całkiem znikną”. Powiedziałam: „Jak to wypiorę?”. Wzięłam, najpierw jedną spódnicę, były już takie maszyny do prania. Taka mała pralka. Powiedziałam tak: „Teraz spróbuję najpierw tą jedną spódnicę”, powiedziałam, „co mogę tu do tego dać?”, uczyłam się, robiłam to sama. Wzięłam trochę soli, ocet i taką letnią wodę, bo tam wlewaliśmy do pralki, były takie pralki, co musiałeś nalać wody, nie? No to taką wodę, ciepłą, ale nie gorącą. Wyprałam tą spódnicę, a ona była taka ładna. Powiedziałam: „Teraz wezmę już dwie”, potem trzy, a potem dziesięć. I wyprałam wszystko. Widziałeś przecież, ile prałam. [110] Dy kyndyn wün bejz, do wer kuzta wymysiöeryś Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. Bo di junga ny, dy junga kunda ny. Zej, wen zy kuzta wymysiöeryś, di, dy kyndyn, do wün zy bejz, bo zy ferśtinda nist. Bo zy wün... bo s’wiöe ȧ cȧjt ȧ zyty, wo zy ny łisa wymysiöeryś kuza. No do di kyndyn kunda nist. Ȧ wen wer kuzta yhta wymysiöeryś, do ziöeta zy, „Zy kuza fön yns yhta. Bo wjyr ferśtejn ny, do kuza zy fön yns!”. Zej wün uf (yns?) bejz, dy kyndyn. Dzieci były złe, jak mówiliśmy po wilamowsku Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2012. Bo ci młodzi, ci młodzi nie umieli. Oni, jak się mówiło po wilamowsku, te dzieci, to były złe, bo nic nie rozumiały. Bo oni byli... bo był taki czas, co nie pozwolili �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian mówić po wilamowsku. No to te dzieci nie umiały nic. A jak coś mówiliśmy po wilamowsku, to powiedzieli: „Oni mówią coś o nas. Bo my nie rozumiemy, to oni mówią o nas”. One były złe, te dzieci. [111] Dy müter fur nökweryn kund ny pönyś Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2012. Ejs wiöe fo [fu] mȧj [mem] jür, oder ejs kuzt mejer doüć. Ȧ dy mama, zȧj mama kund wog... pönyś ny. S’wułd ny kuza pönyś. Ȧn s’go zih ny oüs, bo ejs ziöet mer: „Hela, wo ȧner kom, ȧn’ȧ hüt, do’s kuzt doüć” – no derzȧnk wiöe’s ȧzu – „kom’ȧ śun s’ander möł ny”. Matka sąsiadki nie umiała mówić po polsku Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2012. Ona była z mojego roku, ale mówiła więcej po niemiecku. A matka, jej matka nie umiała w ogóle po polsku. Nie chciała mówić po polsku. A ona nie wyszła za mąż, bo powiedziała: „Hela, co który przyszedł, a słyszał, że mówi się u nas po niemiecku”, no wtedy tak było, „to na drugi raz już nie przyszedł”. [112] Yhy nyt śwjerery zaha Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. No, ȧ yhy nyt oü, oder inda zyty śwejerery zaha, wi dy rek, dos nyt yhy. Bo, wȧsty, dos, dos, wu dy, di fałda wu zȧjn, dos ej ju... śwjer cy, cy nyn. Müstwer dos oü łjyn, oder nöhta ging dos ołys. Yhy maht oü zoha, zoka. No to wȧsty, di wu’h ho dö, ho’h mer ȧłȧn gymaht, kon yh der dos wȧjza. Szyłam cięższe rzeczy Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. No a ja też szyłam, ale zawsze takie cięższe rzeczy, jak spódnice, to szyłam ja. Bo wiesz, te fałdy, co są, to jest ciężkie do szycia. Musiałyśmy się też tego uczyć, ale potem to już szło. Robiłam też pończochy. No to wiesz, te, co mam, zrobiłam sobie sama, mogę ci pokazać. 129 �130 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [113] Yhy nyt śejny lȧlka (tȧkla) Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Yhy müst inda śejn nyn, di blüza wu zy hota, oba di rek, yh ho ju hefa rek gynyt. – Ȧna oü śjyctihjyn ȧn zyty zaha. Ȧ do śjyctih... dos wiöe, zyty at – kliny at. Ym śłȧhsta wiöe’s cy nyn di rek. Bo di gyśtałt, wiöe’s, yh wa der, yh wa dos nama, diöt ho’h zöfuł, wo’h nyt di lȧlka. Ȧ yhy nyt dos ȧzu gan, ȧ di bowa, wu yta nyn, ziöen, hon zy mer dö ym jes gyziöet, ziöeta zy: „Wjyr weła beser nyn grusy zaha”. Ȧ yhy ziöet ȧzu, „Bowy, ȧ yhy wiöe ȧzu gan, wi’h nyt, yhy nyt miöehysmöł can lȧlkja”. Dy ocyg. Bo dy lȧlka koüftwer. Szyłam piękne lalki Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Musiałam zawsze pięknie szyć, te bluzki, co miały, albo spódnice, szyłam przecież dużo spódnic. – I też fartuchy i takie rzeczy. A fartuchy to była taka praca, mała praca. Najgorsze było szycie tych spódnic. Bo te oplecki były... ja je wezmę, tam mam tyle, co szyłam dla lalek. A ja to tak lubiłam szyć, a te kobiety, co teraz szyją, mówią, kiedyś mi tu powiedziały: „My wolimy szyć duże rzeczy (dla dorosłych)”. A ja powiedziałam tak: „Kobiety, a ja tak lubiłam szyć, czasem szyłam dziesięć lalek”. Stroje, bo lalki kupowałyśmy. [114] Wer hota myter śwaster zyty nymłikjy rek Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. To, wȧsty wos, yhy ȧn s’Helka, hotwer zyty łangy rek, ale plisowane. Wün błöwy rek, ȧn ȧ blüzka. Dos wiöe fynf jür. Ȧ nist mejer. Inda yr... y dy kjyh ȧn fur kjyh, byhemd oüscin. Ȧ dyham gingwer ferśidnik ogycün. Inda yhy myter śwaster, zej wiöe drȧj jür jyngjer, oder zy wiöe ȧbysła gryser wi yhy. Yhy wiöe inda ȧzu kliner ȧn mager. Ȧn ejs wiöe ȧbysła gryser, ȧn wer hota inda ȧnikjy rek ȧna dos, ȧn... Ȧzu gingwer fynf jür, bo dos wiöe ȧzu łang, fun fisa wiöe jok dö ȧbysła zöfuł, ȧ nöhta wen dy wiöest immer, inda [wo ȧmöł] ełder, no to wiöe dos kjycer, kjycer, kjycer. Piöer jür. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Miałyśmy z siostrą takie same spódniczki Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. To wiesz co, ja i Helka miałyśmy takie długie spódnice, ale plisowane. To były niebieskie spódnice i bluzka. To było na pięć lat. I nic więcej. Zawsze do kościoła i z kościoła, a potem szybko rozebrać. W domu chodziłyśmy różnie ubrane. Zawsze ja z siostrą, ona była trzy lata młodsza, ale była trochę większa ode mnie. Ja byłam zawsze taka mniejsza i chudsza. A ona była trochę większa i miałyśmy zawsze takie same spódnice. I tak chodziłyśmy pięć lat, bo to było takie długie, od stóp było tylko trochę, a potem jak byłaś coraz starsza, to to było coraz krótsze i krótsze. Parę lat. [115] Dy gywynłikja rek fur müter Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Dos, ȧn zyta rök, hot zy cwej rek, mejer ny. Oba ym mȧsta drȧj. Ȧn dos wüś zy inda ȧna... yr woh ging zy ȧzu ogycün. No ȧn... ym zuntag, wi zy kom fur kjyh, cüg’s... cug zy dos oü o. Bo di śejna fłȧk gingja y dy o[mer], yn... – Y dy łod. Y dy łod. Spódnice codzienne od matki Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. To taką spódnicę (codzienną), miała może dwie, więcej nie. Albo najwięcej trzy. I to zawsze prała i tak chodziła ubrana w tygodniu. No a w niedzielę, jak przychodziła z kościoła, to też to ubierała. Bo te ładne stroje szły do... – Do skrzyni. Do skrzyni. [116] Wi’h wymysiöejer blüza wüś Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Ȧmöł ho’h, go’h yn töp di, di blüz [jypła], ny? Ȧ h’wułd zy oüskoha. Ho’h mer fergasa woser cy gisa. Wiöe zy ferbrant ym typa. Oder yh kund nyn, byhemd wiöer ȧn yh nyt śun wejder. 131 �132 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian – Ȧna wi, bo jyr hot oü gykoht, no ny? Di hoüaśtykla cym bȧjśpil. No no. No to dos, yn töp, yn töp. Ȧn zaf, ȧn pü... püwer. Proszek, püwer ȧna cyderjyśt kołd woser ȧna ufs błȧh, bo dos hotwer ju [s’]błȧh jok. Ȧna müst yh gan hefa woser, do dos ny ferbrit. Nöhta kohtwer dos, nöhta müsty dos hefa möł, cwe möł wejder śpjy... – Śwafa ju? No, do dy zaf, ołys wȧggejt, ȧ nöhta wejder yyy... gykoht śtiöek [śtjek]. Ȧn ołys gyśtiöekt, no dy zühst [zohst] ju, yta ho’h ju oü śejny zaha, konsty nö yta ośoün. Jak prałam wilamowskie bluzki Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Raz dałam do garnka tą bluzkę (jypłę?), nie? I chciałam ją wygotować. Zapomniałam sobie wlać wodę. Spaliła się w garnku. Ale umiałam szyć, szybko materiał i już znowu szyłam. – I jak, bo Pani też gotowała, nie? Te hoüaśtykla na przykład. No, no. No to do garnka, do garnka. I mydło, i proszek. I najpierw zimna woda, a potem na blachę, bo mieliśmy tylko blachę. I musiałam dać dużo wody, żeby się nie spaliło. Potem to gotowaliśmy, potem musisz to wiele razy, dwa razy... – Płukać? – No, żeby to mydło wszystko zniknęło. A potem znowu gotować krochmal. I wszystko wykrochmalone, widziałeś, ja do dzisiaj mam piękne rzeczy, możesz oglądać. [117] Dy śłȧhsta rek wün płesnerrök ȧn kȧljytarök Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. Oder cym bȧjśpil fu Płes koüfta zy oü dy płesnerrek. Dos wün dy śenkliksty, s’mȧst uf oły tag cuga zy zy o, zyty gryśtrimty. – Ju, płesnerrek. Ȧn der kȧljytarök dos wiöe y Wymysoü myt dan brȧta gałaśtrima. Najgorsze (najmniej odświętne) były spódnice płesnerrök i kȧljytarök Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. Ale na przykład w Pszczynie kupowali też płesnerrök (rodzaj spódnicy). To były te najgorsze, przeważnie na co dzień nosiły je, takie pasiaste. – Tak, płesnerrök. I spódnica kaljytarök to była w Wilamowicach z tymi żółtymi, szerokimi paskami. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [118] S’kroücła fur müter Lüft-Nüśka (1923–2010), 2007. Dy mama hot ufum kroücła ȧ noma, oüsgygrycułt [oüsgykrycułt], gygrycułt [gykrycułt] – Emilia Mika. Idy hot zȧj... zen noma, ufum kroücła. – Ȧ war höt dos gymaht ufum kroücła? No dos koüfta zy śun zyty. No dos... di rek, di tihła, dos koüfta zy y... fu Win wiöe dos. Fu diöt bröhta zy dos. Krzyżyk od matki Anna Zejma z d. Fox (1923–2010), 2007. Mama miała na krzyżyku imię wygrawerowane, Emilia Mika. Każda miała swoje imię na krzyżyku. – A kto to robił na tych krzyżykach? No to kupowali już takie. No to, te spódnice, chustki, to kupowali... z Wiednia to było. Stamtąd to przywozili. [119] Ym jyśta zuntag gingja zy śyner ogycün Lüft-Nüśka (1923–2010), 2007. Ȧ, dos wün, s’wün ferśidnikjy zuntag. Wen wiöe der jyśty zuntag, s’wiöe der jyśty zuntag, der jyśty zuntag wiöe ind, der jyśty zuntag wiöe ofang. Ofang ym mönda, der jyśty, jyśty zuntag. No to gingja zy śyner ogycün. Ȧ nöhta gingja zy śun wejder śłȧhter ogycün. No do zöfuł ociwerik, wi dö hot idy wymysiöejer bow, dos wiöe füt, dos ej ny mejglih. Do zyty öemy łoüt zöfuł ociwerik hota. W pierwszą niedzielę miesiąca ubierały się ładniej Anna Zejma z d. Fox (1923–2010), 2007. A, to były, były różne niedziele. Jak była pierwsza niedziela, pierwsza niedziela to był początek miesiąca. Pierwsza niedziela. No to chodziły ładniej ubrane. A potem chodziły już gorzej ubrane. No to tyle ubrań, co miała każda Wilamowianka, to to było przecież, to jest niemożliwe. Że tacy biedni ludzie mieli tyle strojów. 133 �134 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [120] Dy śynsty traht uf Hȧlikjałȧjtnysdunyśtag Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. No, dy śynsty traht. Boże Ciało, Łȧjt... wi hȧst dos, Łȧjtnysdunyśtag? No to gingja zy śejn ogycün. No nöhta śun underwoh ȧbysła andyśt, oder oü ny ym płesnerrök. Ym płesnerrök gingja zy jok wi wiöe... bygrytnys. No. Oba yr fost. Najpiękniejszy strój był na Boże Ciało Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. No, najpiękniejszy strój. Boże Ciało, jak to się nazywa, Łȧjtnysdunyśtag. No to szły pięknie ubrane. Potem w tygodniu już trochę inaczej, ale też nie w płesnerrök. W płesnerrök to szły, jak był pogrzeb. No. Albo w poście. [121] Mȧj koleżanka fur tancgrüp (Linküś-Ruzła) Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Ȧ mȧj foter maht’um ym fȧld dy at, bo har hot fad, ȧna... No to ejs kom wejder c’yns, cym foter oü yhta maha, do’s ny mü zöfuł coła. Nöhta kentwer [kantwer] yns. Gingwer inda bȧdy cyr tancgrüp ȧn cyryk kömwer wejder cyfüs, bo wjyr hota ju nist ny, jok ȧ rod cym fiöen. Oder wjyr gingja inda cyfüs. Ȧ nöhta, miöehysmöł wiöe’s ȧlf yr naht, ȧn dy ynzer, dy kjerownićka ziöet... ziöet zy inda: „Błȧjt nö, błȧjt nö” – fercyłt zy, jok yn bowa, ny? Ferśidnikjy zaha cym łaha ȧn wer zunga, miöehysmöł wiöe’s ȧlf yr naht, kom yh yn ham. Ziöet yh: „Rüźü, śtej yta dö” – bo yhy müst fłigja fum Gawlik, ejs ging diöt uf dy hej, ȧ yhy dö. Ziöet yh: „Yhy fjet mih, rüf uf mih!”. Ȧ yhy fług ȧzu wi ȧ wynd yn ham. Moja koleżanka Linkusiowa Ruzła Anna Foks (Fox) (ur. 1927), 2022. A mój ojciec robił jej w polu pracę, bo on miał konia, no to ona znowu przychodziła do nas, ojcu też odrabiać, żeby nie musiała tyle płacić. Potem się znałyśmy. Zawsze chodziłyśmy we dwójkę do zespołu i z powrotem przychodziłyśmy znowu na nogach, bo nie miałyśmy nic, tylko rower do jazdy. Ale chodziłyśmy zawsze na nogach. A potem, czasami była dwunasta w nocy, i ta nasza, ta kierowniczka mówiła, �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian mówiła zawsze: „Zostańcie jeszcze, zostańcie jeszcze”, mówiła, tylko kobietom, nie? Różne rzeczy do śmiechu i śpiewałyśmy, czasami była jedenasta w nocy, przychodziłam do domu. Powiedziałam: „Róziu, stój teraz tu”, bo ja musiałam lecieć od Gawlika, a ona szła tu na górę, a ja tu. Powiedziałam: „Ja się boję, wołaj na mnie”. A ja biegłam szybko jak wiatr do domu. [122] Ȧ müzykȧlyśy gyśwyster Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla Böba-Hȧla (1927–2018), 2014. Ejs wiöe okriöepnyś, ejs łjyt, s’jyśty łjyt ejs tanca. Ejs, s’Hȧla. Bo yhy wiöe nö ȧ zyta mȧkja, junkuśik, no to nom’s mih śun diöt uf dy hej, uf dy sala, ȧn diöt śun myt dan piöer mȧkja, dos Hȧla. Ȧzu wiöe’s hynder dam wymysiöeryśa. Dü wȧst, wi ejs kund zyngja wymysiöeryś ȧn... ȧn tanca ȧn... Nöhta hot’s oü ȧ zyty śejny bygrytnys, bo ejs s’jyśty maht dos ȧzu cyzoma. Muzykalna kuzynka Hala-Mockja-Hala (Elżbieta Matysiak) Elżbieta Figwer z d. Rosner (1927–2018), 2014. Ona była bardzo..., ona uczyła, ona pierwsza uczyła tańczyć. Ona, Hala. Bo byłam jeszcze taką dziewczyną, młodziutką, to wzięła mnie już tam do góry, na salę i tam już z tymi kilkoma dziewczynami, ta Hala. Taka była za tym wilamowskim. Ty wiesz, jak ona umiała śpiewać po wilamowsku i, i tańczyć i... Potem miała też ładny pogrzeb, bo ona pierwsza tak działała. [123] Wer müsta zih külȧn nöm apułzeca Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Yh wa der wos ziöen, wjyr jyśter, wi wer apuł zocta, ȧzu myta, mytum hiöela oba myter ko... myt dar... H’wȧ nist ny, wi’s zih his. – Föł. Föł. Do wi wer zocta, nöhta zoctwer śun ym mejst, ferśtejsty, do ging’s nö dyhemderer [byhenderer]. Do nöhta, wi zy dos hota śun ufgyśöt, ny... wiöe kȧ mejst, ny, ok s’wün śun dy cȧjł, no do müstwer zih külȧn, do dy apuł ȧzu grus wahsa wi wjyr zȧjn. Ny? No. Musimy się pokulać. No to ȧmöł nom dy śwaster, s’Hȧla, ȧ Łycki. Mȧreja śwjynty, wi zih dar wiöe... byłȧjdikt, wi dar wiöe bejz, do wer’ȧ hon... 135 �136 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Po zasadzeniu ziemniaków musieliśmy się kulać Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Powiem ci coś, my kiedyś, jak sadziliśmy ziemniaki, kopaczką, albo... nie wiem, jak to się nazywało... – Kół. – Kołem. To jak sadziliśmy, potem sadziliśmy już w gnoju, rozumiesz? To to szło szybciej. To potem, jak to już mieli nasypane, jeszcze nie było gnoju, tylko były już rządki, to musieliśmy się kulać, żeby ziemniaki urosły takie duże, jak my. Nie? Musimy się pokulać. No to raz siostra Hala wzięła Łyckiego. Maryja święto, jaki ten był obrażony, jaki ten był zły, żeśmy go (chwyciły). [124] Oły śtunda wün gycyłt cyr at Płacnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. No ju, wi wjyr, wi wer gingja ufs fȧld ym zȧhs s’mügjys, no do nom, hotwer śnytła byśmjet myt śmolc ȧn dy ost dyham ny. Ufs fȧld wi dy gingst. Dy gejst ȧn dy yst dos śnytła uf bocy dy kymst ufs gywend. Ȧ nöht wiöe ołdyśt s’mügjaasa, do wer ny ganc hungerik gejn ufs fȧld, dy konst śun asa ym wȧg, wen dy gejst. Do, dos kymt cy ziöen, oły śtunda wün gycyłt cyr at. Oły śtunda. Ym zȧhs s’mügjys śtejsty uf, oba ejer, dy mama müst yn śtoł, ȧ wjyr, mȧkja, müstwer śun gejn ufs fȧld, no. Dy wȧst ju, wun s’gywend ej ȧn s’ełder mȧkja wȧs, wo cy maha. Ȧn wifuł mȧkja wün, zöfuł hiöela wün. No. Ȧn zöfuł rȧhja wün ȧn zöfuł, zöfuł gowuł [gowułn] wün. Wszystkie godziny pracy na gospodarstwie były policzone Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. No tak, jak my, jak szliśmy w pole o szóstej rano, to braliśmy, mieliśmy kromki posmarowane smalcem. I nie jadłeś w domu, jak szedłeś w pole. Idziesz i jesz tą kromkę, aż przyjdziesz na stajanie. A potem dopiero było śniadanie. Żebyśmy całkiem głodni nie szli w pole, możesz już jeść w drodze, jak idziesz. To, przyjdzie powiedzieć, wszystkie godziny były policzone, do pracy. Wszystkie godziny. O szóstej rano wstajesz, albo wcześniej, mama musiała do chlewa, a my dziewczyny musiałyśmy już iść w pole. No, ty wiesz, gdzie jest stajanie a starsza dziewczyna (siostra) wie, co trzeba robić. I ile było córek, tyle mieliśmy kopaczek. No. I tyle grabi było, tyle i tyle było wideł. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [125] Wi zy dy kjywła y Błan mahta Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Dy kjywła mahta zy y Błan. Ȧ mȧj tȧta kund oü maha. Oder wer hota ni di, wi hȧst, wiklin. Bo dy müst kiöefa fu Błan. No do zułsty kiöefa? No do ȧ nöhta hösty ny kȧ cȧjt, bo dy höst s’fad, müst ata, no do koüftwer inda di kjywła y Błan. Fum Ligęza, hynder kjyh wiöe ȧ zyty ałdy hyt, yh gydenk dos, wi wjyr gingja myter mama, no do derzȧnk wiöe kȧ rod, nö nist ny. No do dy mama trüg ȧ grus kjywła, bo cym he oba cym... gyhakys. Ȧ wjyr trüga cwe kjywła cy apuł [apułn] cy haka. Do inda y Błan koüftwer. Jak robili kosze w Bielanach Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Kosze robili w Bielanach. A mój tata też umiał robić. Ale nigdy nie mieliśmy tej..., jak to się nazywa... wikliny. Bo musisz kupić w Bielanach. No to masz kupować? No to potem nigdy nie masz czasu, bo masz konia, musisz robić, no to kupowaliśmy te koszyki zawsze w Bielanach. Od Ligęzy, za kościołem był taki stary dom, pamiętam to, jak chodziłyśmy tam z mamą, no to wtedy nie było jeszcze roweru ani niczego. No mama niosła duży koszyk, bo do siana albo do... sieczki. A my niosłyśmy dwa koszyki na ziemniaki do kopania. To zawsze w Bielanach to kupowaliśmy. [126] Dy ołda łoüt zöha jok fȧld Taksła-Hȧla (1923–2020), 2014. Yhy wa jüh ziöen, ołdy łoüt wün andyśt, di zöha ju nist, ok tego (fȧld). Ȧn dos ej ołys ny... dos gyhjyt ołys ny yns. Bo wjyr zȧjn jok dö, ȧzu, wi der hot dö... namt y dy hyt ȧn lokator. Wjyr zȧjn dos nymłikjy. Bo wjyr müsa gejn ȧn ołys łön. Ȧn dos djyft’ȧ zih, dos djyft’ȧ zih zȧstȧnȧwjȧn, wi ufum tut, ufer ander wełt nöhta fjyr dos dy łoüt, op diöt yht ej, do fjyr dos müsty bys... – Yht gütys wyt zȧjn. Zȧjn güty łoüt ȧn śłȧhty łoüt. Dos ej zȧstȧnȧwjȧn. Dos ej ny mȧłȧjhtwos. Starzy ludzie widzieli tylko pole Elżbieta Sznajder (Schneider) z d. Danek (1923–2020), 2014. Ja wam powiem, starzy ludzie byli inni, oni nie widzieli nic, tylko tego (pole). A to wszystko nie jest... to wszystko nie należy do nas. Bo my jesteśmy tutaj tylko tak, 137 �138 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian jakbyście wzięli do domu lokatora. My jesteśmy tak samo. Bo my musimy odejść i wszystko tu zostawić. A to się powinno, to się powinno zastanowić, jak na łożu śmierci, na tamtym świecie później ci ludzie będą za to... czy tam coś jest, za to musisz... czy coś dobrego tam będzie. Są dobrzy i źli ludzie. Nad tym się trzeba zastanowić. To nie jest takie byle co. [127] Śwjery at ufer wjytśoft Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Do der kłop, cyderjyśt at’ȧ ufer Bejł, nöhta at’ȧ y ynzer fabryk. Ȧn diöt wün śłȧhty bycołung. Ȧ fum fȧld hot yh oü ny hefa. Ȧ nöhta, wi’s ging śun ȧbysła beser, mahtwer nȧmjot. Ȧna diöt zosw... zoctwer sałot, wjyr hota zyta güta sałot, no to hot yh śun mejer giełd, no to müst yh s’nahts nyn wejder. Bo ȧ diöft dö maha, h’hot cwü ki, ferkoüft yh myłih ȧn puter, ȧn roüm, no ȧzu, ȧzu ho’h hefa gyat. Ȧna zu łang ław yh. – Ȧ wen hoter gyśłöfa? No miöehysmöł, wȧsty wos, ȧ śand cy ziöen. Kom mȧj kłop, s’wiöe ȧny s’nahts, nom’ȧ mih uf dy hend. Ȧn’ȧ ziöet: „Kuźe, bowy, śłöfa”. Ziöet yh: „H’kon ju ny kuma, bo’h mü dos hon” – „Nȧ!”. Do nom’ȧ mih uf dy hend ȧn ys bet. Śłüf yh cwü, drȧj śtunda ȧn wejder um, ym fjyr ufgyśtanda ȧn wejder, wjeder yn śtoł, wejder myta kija wejder. Miöehysmöł ging yh ym drȧj s’nahts ufs fȧld. Ȧna ziöet yh: „Mareja, wen dö imynd [imyd] kymt, ȧna fyngt mih dö ȧ kłop”. Ȧmöł wiöe’h ym fȧld, oder dos wiöe śun śpyter, fylȧjht fynf s’mügjys. Oder kȧ menć ym fȧld, yhy ȧłȧn. Uf ȧmöł ȧ, ȧ hoza – „Mȧreja, Mȧreja!”. Gydöht yh der... ȧ kłop kymt uf mejh. Za’h, s’ej der hoza – „No Göt zȧj dank, do jok der höza [hoza], der hoza!”. No, ho’h hefa gyat. Ciężka praca na gospodarstwie Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. To mój mąż, najpierw pracował w Białej, potem pracował w naszej fabryce. A tam były kiepskie pensje. A z pola też nie miałam dużo. A potem jak już szło trochę lepiej, zrobiliśmy tunel foliowy. I tam sadziliśmy sałatę, mieliśmy taką dobrą sałatę, no to miałam już więcej pieniędzy, no i musiałam w nocy znowu szyć. Bo trzeba było tu robić, miałam dwie krowy, sprzedawałam mleko i masło, i śmietanę, no tak, tak dużo pracowałam. I tak długo żyję. – A kiedy pani spała? No czasami, wiesz, aż wstyd mówić. Przychodził mój mąż, była pierwsza w nocy, brał mnie na ręce i mówił: „Kobieto, chodź spać”. Odpowiedziałam: „Nie mogę �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian przyjść, bo muszę to mieć zrobione”. Nie. Wziął mnie na ręce i do łóżka. Spałam dwie, trzy godziny i znowu o czwartej wstawałam i znowu, znowu do chlewa, znowu z krowami. Czasami szłam o trzeciej w nocy na pole. I mówiłam: „Maryjo, jak tu ktoś przyjdzie i mi coś zrobi, jakiś mężczyzna”. Raz byłam w polu, ale to było już później, może o piątej rano. Ale nie było w polu żadnego człowieka, ja sama. Naraz zając (wyskoczył). „Maryjo, Maryjo”, myślałam, że jakiś mężczyzna mnie atakuje. Patrzę, to zając. No, „dzięki Bogu”, że to tylko zając. No, dużo się napracowałam. [128] Wi’h myta myłihzaha uf dy Byłc fü Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), 2009. Ȧ wjyr mytum kłopa, dö wiöe der śtoł. Dö wün dy ki. Dö wiöe ȧ zyty ałdy komer, wȧsty’s? Wi jyśter... s’kroüt s’gyzoüwyty śtind, dy zek. Dos wiöe dy komer. Ȧn der... ȧn nö fjyr, yhy myt mem kłopa, ejwerboüywer [ejwerboüytwer] dos, dö mahtwer śtuwa ȧn dy śtołn moüytwer diöt dunda, wȧsty’s? Dernawa ej gryhta. Cwü ki, cwü śwen, cwe śwen, ȧn hinyn. Yhy fü inda uf dy Byłc mytum twiöeg, kyz, wȧsty, myt rom [roüm], myt ȧjyn. Ys bankn [yn bank], y dy aptyk, diöt hota zy mih ejweron [gan]. Ym bankn [ym bank], wen yh... Jyśter y Pöłn, wen dy füst hynder dy granc, toüśta zy der ȧbyselüćü giełd oüs, wȧsty’s? Mark oba diöt... no, zyty s’wün ju... To yhy diöft ni ny śtejn, mjyr erłydikta zy ołys, oder yhy trüg’ȧ. Ȧna mȧj, mȧj kuzynk hot ȧ grusy wjytśoft, di śłahta śwen, wȧsty’s? Zy mahta brötwjyśt, wjyśt, leberwüśt. Fün zy myt mjyr diöt ȧn zy ferkoüfta dos. Ȧ jena wün fruw, bo s’wiöe ȧbyselüćü to... biligjer [wyłwer]. Ȧna s’wiöe beser. Do hamyśy brötwjyśt ej ju beser wi zyty. Jak jeździłam z nabiałem do Bielska Elżbieta Matysiak z d. Rosner (1924–2014), 2009. A my z mężem, tu był chlew. Tu były krowy. Tu była taka mała komora, wiesz? Jak to kiedyś... stała kapusta kiszona, worki. To była komora. I kiedyś, ja z mężem przebudowaliśmy to, tu zrobiliśmy pokoje, a chlewy wymurowaliśmy tam na dole, wiesz? Obok jest zaraz. Dwie krowy, dwie świnie i kury. Ja jeździłam zawsze do Bielska z twarogiem, serem, wiesz, ze śmietaną, z jajkami. Do banku, do apteki, tam mnie wszędzie lubili. W banku jak.... kiedyś w Polsce, jak chciałeś jechać za granicę, to ci wymieniali trochę pieniędzy, wiesz? Marki albo, no takie były. To ja nie musiałam nigdy stać w kolejce, mi załatwili wszystko, ale ja im woziłam. A moja kuzynka miała duże gospodarstwo, oni bili świnie, wiesz? Robili kiełbasy, kiszki, pasztetówkę. Jeździli tam ze mną i sprzedawali to. A oni byli zadowoleni, bo było trochę taniej. I było lepsze. Bo domowa kiełbasa jest lepsza niż taka. 139 �140 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [129] Der gymahty traktor S: Lüft-Staha (1926–2021), 2019. N: Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2019. S: Myt dam maht yh ołys. – Derging’ȧ zih nöhta, ju? S: Ojej. N: Dos wiöe ȧ zyter kliny traktor, ȧzu ufs fȧld cy fiöen. S: Ȧ, ufs fȧld cy fiöen. N: Yn kija brengja groz, oba büroka nöhta. Nöhta hot’ȧ... S: Ȧ zyt ym fȧld, ołys maht yh mytum. Tylko w jesieni, dos ej śwjer. Oder zu maht yh ołys, dy cȧjł [cȧjłn] ȧn ołys mytum. Robiony traktor S: Stanisław Foks (Fox) (1926–2021), 2019. N: Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. S: Nim robiłem wszystko. – Przydał się później, tak? S: Ojej. N: No to był taki mały traktor, żeby pojechać na pole. S: A, pojechać na pole. N: Krowom przywieźć trawę, albo buraki potem. S: Siał w polu, wszystko nim robiłem. Tylko w jesieni, to było ciężko. Ale tak, to robiłem nim wszystko, rządki i wszystko. [130] Mjyr gyfuł dy at ym gatła Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. No do dos... do cyjyśt müstwer zyn, do dos ufgejt, ȧ nöhta ryswer, ȧ nöhta gingwer ufs fȧld ȧna wer zocta. Ym, yn arpuł [arpułn], wo ȧ grȧć wejder. No do arpuł [arpułn] wün ȧna dos wiöe oü, kroüt. Dos wiöe kroüt. – Gatła hoter oü, no ny? No. – Ȧn dö, wosfer biöem hoter dö? Woser [wosfer] biöem? No bjyn ho’h, epuł [epułn] ho’h, ȧzu ander ho’h ny. No bjyn zȧjn cwelȧ. Di dryta, dos biöemła derhułd [derhüłd] ny, h’wȧ nist, oba underfros der... dy moüz jynta, wȧs yh. Bo s’ferdiöert. Bo yhy, yhy zoct, yhy koüft... y dyham wi’h wiöe, byn ełdyn, hot yhy ȧ zyta gatła, mahtwer. Ȧn der brüder, dar wiöe jyngjer ȧna �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian har wiöe śtiöek, har koht [maht] oü. Yhy hot ȧ śtykla ȧn har oü, ziöewer ȧ zyta śtykla wi der tejś. Y dam mah... zoctwer biöemła ufum rȧja, bo wen’s zih hüt dy ki, no do nom zih yn dibzak epuł [epułn] ȧn mȧłȧjhtwos oswer. No ȧ nöhta fu dan kjenła wühs zy roüs. Wo dy ki ny byfrösa, no do wen zy wühsa, do ging yh ȧna ym, mytum maser ysrod ymkrȧjat? [ymśnȧd] yh, ȧna h’kom, yhy bröht dos yn ham, ȧn y dyham zoct yh. No do dos wühs nöhta, nöhta wün śejny biöemła, bo yhy trȧ zy y dy hej, yhy... Y mjyr gyfuł dos, yhy at ȧn der brüder, der brüder wiöe jyngjer, der Jüza, wiöe fun cwejnłik, der Jüza ȧna s’Nüśa, wün cwe kyndyn. Je Nüśa wiöe śwah, oder der büw ej śtȧkjer. No do dar ȧn yhy, har wiöe jyngjer wi yhy, oder har, ȧ kłop, har hot ȧ gatła, ȧ jes... ȧn yhy oü. Ȧner ejwyn andyn. Wułdwer... yhy wułd hon beser, ȧ har wułd oü. No müstwer zeca, ufum rȧja kłoütwer zyty, bo wen’s zih os, wjyft zih ȧ, ȧ opuł, no do fun kjenła wühsa roüs. Do gingwer ȧna wer ymśnyda, ȧna wer bröhta dos yn ham, ȧna y dyham zoctwer, yhy hot ȧ zyta płoc, no ȧbysła gryser wi dar tejś. Ȧn der brüder oü, har wiöe jyngjer. Oder s’wiöe ȧ büw, har wiöe śtiöek. Yhy, yhy fu klinum. Gyfüł mer dos, no. Podobała mi się praca w ogródku (rozsadniku) Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2009. No to, najpierw musieliśmy siać, żeby to wzeszło, a potem wyrywaliśmy i potem szliśmy na pole i sadziliśmy. W ziemniakach, co krok znowu. No to ziemniaki były i to było też, kapusta. – Rozsadnik też pani miała, no nie? No. – A tu, jakie drzewa pani ma tutaj? Jakie drzewa? No gruszki mam, jabłonie mam, a tak innych to nie mam. No gruszek są dwa rodzaje. Te trzecie, to drzewko nie dotrzymało, nie wiem, albo je podżarła jakaś mysz, czy ja wiem? Bo uschło. Bo ja, ja sadziłam, kupowałam. W domu (jako panna) jak byłam, u rodziców, miałam taki ogródek, zrobiliśmy. I brat, on był młodszy i był silny, to też robił. Ja miałam kawałek i on też, powiedzmy, taki kawałek jak ten stół. W tym robiliśmy, sadziliśmy drzewka na miedzy, bo jak się pasło krowy, to brało się do kieszeni jabłka i byle co jedliśmy. No a potem z tych ziarenek wyrastało. Czego krowy nie zeżarły, to jak rosło, to szłam i nożem wykroiłam i przychodziłam, przynosiłam to do domu i w domu sadziłam. No to to potem rosło, potem były ładne drzewka, bo ja je prowadziłam do góry. Mi się to podobało, ja pracowałam i brat, brat był młodszy, Józek, on był z bliźniąt, Józek i Nusia, były bliźnięta. Nusia była słabsza, ale chłopiec był silniejszy. No to on i ja, on był młodszy ode mnie, ale on, chłop, on miał ogródek i ja też. I jeden przez drugiego: chcieliśmy... ja chciałam mieć lepiej, a on też. No to musieliśmy sadzić, na miedzy zbieraliśmy takie, bo jak się jadło, wyrzuciło się jabłko, no to z ziarenek potem wyrastało. No to szliśmy i wykrawaliśmy i przynosiliśmy to do domu, a w domu to sadziliśmy. Ja miałam taki plac, no trochę większy niż ten stół. A brat też, on był młodszy. Ale był chłopcem, był silny. A ja, ja od dziecka. Podobało mi się to, no. 141 �142 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [131] Gatła köst at Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. Dos ej, dos köst at. Yhy müst ym... s’wiöe, yhy hot ju kȧ gatła ny, h’hot kȧ, kȧ jes. No ȧ śtykla fu... nom yh, roza, ȧ roza byśipt yh fur heja, ȧ nöhta growt yh, h’ferdryt dos ȧna maht ad, do’h kon zeca yhta. Bo yhy hot ju kȧ gatła ny. Oder mjyr gyfuł [gyfüł] dos, yhy at. Ogródek kosztuje dużo pracy Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2009. To kosztuje dużo pracy. Ja musiałam, ja nie miałam ogródka, nie miałam żadnych tych. No kawałek wzięłam, darni, darń obcięłam z góry, a potem ryłam. Obracałam to i przygotowywałam ziemię, żebym potem mogła coś sadzić. Bo ja nie miałam ogródka. Ale mi się to podobało, pracowałam. [132] Wi’h wiöe jung, müst yh ata Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012 No wi yhy wiöe jung, nö ganc jung. Śwjer kom mer dos, oder yhy müst, yh go mer kȧ rü ny – „Yhy müs!”. Yhy growt, yhy... ȧna h’zoct, cyhakt, do ad mah yh güty, gus yh diöt kanał, do, do dy ad güt ej, ȧ nöhta zoct yh, cyhakt yh dos, zoct yh biöemła, ȧ nöhta di biöemła cyzoct yh mȧłȧjhtwun. Ym giöeta. Yh müst ny kiöefa, yh hot mȧjna. Jak byłam młoda, musiałam pracować Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2009. No ja byłam młoda, jeszcze całkiem młoda. Ciężko mi to przychodziło, ale ja musiałam, nie dawałam sobie spokoju – „Ja muszę”. Ja ryłam, ja... i sadziłam, rozkopywałam, ziemię robiłam dobrą, lałam tam gnojówkę, żeby ziemia była dobra, a potem sadziłam, rozkopywałam, sadziłam drzewka, a potem te drzewka rozsadzałam w różne miejsca. W ogrodzie. Nie musiałam kupować, miałam swoje. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [133] Yhy maht ołys ym fȧld Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. No yhy, yhy, yhy cyat mih gynüg. Y dyham hota zy fȧld, bo diöt wün noün miöergja fȧld, ȧ yhy wiöe s’ełdsty. No to myt mjyr jeta zy ȧzu wi mytum fad. Oder yhy, yhy wiöe śtiöek, yhy maht ołys. Yhy hiw, yhy kund ołys. Robiłam wszystko w polu Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2009. No ja, ja, ja się dość napracowałam. W domu (rodzice) mieli pole, bo tam było dziewięć morgów pola, a ja byłam najstarsza. No to mną orali tak, jak koniem. Ale ja, ja byłam silna, robiłam wszystko. Siekłam, umiałam wszystko. [134] Wi der foter züht ȧ gyśpon Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. Ju, no do di, di ełdyn, do ju, di śponta zih. Har hot ȧ fad ȧn der foter hot ȧ fad. Der foter züht, mȧj foter züht inda ȧn zyta, wo höt ȧ güt fad. Bo höt’ȧ ȧ śłȧht fad, ȧ zyta dyrys, do jes cug ny fejł, do müst dos dos ander cin. Do züht har inda ȧ zyta, wo oü güt oüsśoüt. Ȧ ny ider, s’wün miöehja wjyt, hefa, grusy wjyt. Jak ojciec szukał gyśpon (kogoś do sprzęgania się) Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2009. Tak tak, no to ci, rodzice, to tak, ci się sprzągali. On miał konia a mój ojciec też miał konia. Ojciec szukał, mój ojciec szukał zawsze takiego, co ma dobrego konia. Bo jak ma złego konia, takiego chudego, to tamten nie ciągnął dużo, to musiał ten drugi ciągnąć. To zawsze szukał takiego, co dobrze wygląda. A nie każdy, a byli niektórzy gospodarze, dużo, duzi gospodarze. [135] Dy at ufer köłagrüw Tołer-Jüza (1929–2013), 2012. Ju, yh kon fercyła, yh ging y dy köłagrüw ym noünȧnfjycikjer jür. Uf Brejskja, uf Brejskja ging yh, 143 �144 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian ȧna diöt, ȧ yh wiöe, yh łjyt śun, yh wiöe, elektromonter wiöe’h śun dö, y Kęty łjyt yh. No uczyłem się zawodu, no i potem poszedłem, nöhta ging yh uf dy köłagrüw, ufer köłagrüw at yh, no at yh, wiöe’h ȧ zyter, wi hȧst’ȧ, ȧ dyżurny, dunda. No ȧna diöt wiöe’h dyżurny, wiöe’h, no ȧ fynf jür ging yh diöt jynt uf di wend ȧna nöhta, nöhta hot yh śun beser at, warśtat, ȧna nöhta ander at oü, ȧzu do ho’h, gyłyklik ho’h diöhgyat dos ołys, bo oü wiöe’s ferśidnik. Oü kund yh diöt błȧjn wi ufer köłagrüw oü. Oü wiöe dos ȧzu. Yhy ziöet, diöt cwe möł wiöe’h śun ȧzu, do, do, yh zułd ny śtarwa, ȧn ȧzu ys’s. Yh zuł ława, no. No Jezu, ys’s dos. No ȧ nöhta, fur köła... wi’h at ufer köłagrüw nöhta, wȧs yh, drȧj jür, to ferwȧw, h’ho mih ferwejwa nöhta, no to cwe kyndyn hot yh ȧna... Praca na kopalni Józef Gara (1929–2013), 2012. Tak, mogę opowiedzieć. Poszedłem na kopalnię w 1949 roku. Do Brzeszcz poszedłem i tam, a ja byłem, uczyłem się już, byłem elektromonterem już tutaj, w Kętach się uczyłem. No uczyłem się zawodu, no potem poszedłem, potem poszedłem na kopalnię, na kopalni pracowałem, no pracowałem, byłem takim, jak to się nazywa, dyżurnym na dole. No i tam byłem dyżurnym, no pięć lat jakoś chodziłem tam na te ściany, a potem, potem miałem już lepszą pracę, warsztat i potem inną pracę też, tak że przepracowałem to wszystko szczęśliwie, bo też różnie było. Też mogłem tam zostać (zginąć), jak to też na kopalni. Też tak bywało. Powiedziałem, że tam już dwa razy było tak, że nie miałem zginąć, i tak było. Mam żyć, no. No Jezu, tak to już jest, no. A potem z kopal... jak pracowałem potem na kopalni, czy ja wiem, trzy lata, to się ożeniłem, ożeniłem się potem, no to miałem dwójkę dzieci i... [136] Der dźjada gyt cy asa yr öema nökweryn Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Ȧn der dźjada nymt’s cyryk: „Kȧśü” – bo his’s oü Kȧśü – „Kȧśü, ȧ hösty śun gasa? Ny? Zec dih nejder gryhta”. Ȧn der dźjada ziöet yr bow: „Ziöeśü, hösty śun gykoht dy ćjyrkja?”. Ȧ wen zy ny höt gykoht, to der dźjada koht. „Ȧn dü zec dih nejder” – ȧna śun gist’ȧ [goüst’ȧ] dy ćjyrkja ȧn dy myłih: „Ejs dih cyjyśt o”. Ȧn’ȧ śnet brut ȧna gyt, ȧn dy baba maht dos ny. Dos fercyłt ind dy Polinskja-müm, wi dy baba gȧjcik wiöe: „Der dźjada, wi’ȧ kom, go’ȧ oły, oły y yns” – wi zej ziöet zoüwer fjyr zejh – „go’ȧ yns cy asa. Ȧn dy baba het yns ny gan. Ȧ der dźjada go yns”. Do inda s’Kȧśka kom ȧzu, wen der dźjada kymt fur kjyh, to wȧ’s fu dam, do’s wyt asa. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Jak dziadek dawał jeść biednej sąsiadce Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. A dziadek jej kazał zawrócić: „Kasiu”, bo też się nazywała Kasia, „Kasiu, a jadłaś już? Nie? To zaraz sobie usiądź”. I dziadek powiedział żonie: „Zosiu, ugotowałaś już zacierkę?”. A jak nie miała ugotowane, to dziadek gotował. „A ty sobie usiądź” i już wlewa jej zacierkę i mleko: „Najpierw się najedz”. I kroi jej chleb i daje, a babcia tego nie robiła. To opowiadała zawsze ciotka Polinska, jaka babcia była skąpa: „Dziadek, jak przyszedł, dawał wszystkim (robotnikom), nam wszystkim”, jak ona mówiła sama za siebie, „dawał nam jedzenie. A babcia by nam nie dała. A dziadek nam dawał”. To zawsze Kaśka przychodziła tak, jak dziadek przychodził z kościoła, to wiedziała, że będzie jadła. [137] Yhy interesjyt mih jok myt at Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Yhy wiöe jung, mȧj foter wiöe y Rüsland. Ȧ nöhta, wi’h mih oüsgo: kyndyn ȧn at, ȧn ym fȧld, ȧn wjyr hota jok dy hyt ȧzu w surowym stanie. Yhy at tag ȧn naht. S’nahts nyt yh dö cym, cym... nökwer, har wiöe śnȧjder, yhy nyt wejder fjyr di bowa rek, rek jok. No to wȧsty, mejh, no s’interesjyt mih dos nist, jok di at, di at ȧn di at. Yhy wułd hon ȧ śejny hyt. Ja interesowałam się tylko pracą Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Byłam młoda, mój ojciec był w Rosji (został wywieziony na Ural). A potem, jak wyszłam za mąż: dzieci i praca i w polu i mieliśmy dom tylko w surowym stanie. Pracowałam dzień i noc. W nocy szyłam tu u sąsiada, on był krawcem, ja szyłam znowu dla tych kobiet spódnice, spódnice tylko. No to wiesz, mnie nic nie interesowało, tylko ta praca, ta praca i ta praca. Chciałam mieć ładny dom. [138] Mjyr gyfüł inda s’handułn, ȧ ny s’fȧld Böba-Hȧla (1927–2018), 2014. Yhy wiöe ȧzu duł, ȧzu hüw yh inda, wi’h wiöe jung, bo’h füt drȧj gywełn. Dy cukjernia, dy bakśtuw ȧna nö loda hot yh dö. Ȧn yhy wiöe ȧłȧn. Ȧn ym kłopa gyfüł 145 �146 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian dos ny, der kłop hot zȧhs hektan fȧld, ȧn jok ym fȧld. Dos gyfuł [gyfüł] jum. Ȧ mjyr gyfüł s’fȧld ny, ok dos. Ȧn yhy hüw ym bek inda zyty, zyty śwjery zek. Di zek hota zymfcik kilo, ahcik kilo wiöe diöt mał, bo dy łoüt nöma mjyr... mał bröhta zy ȧna brut nöma zy. Ȧn zy bycołta mer ok fjyr s’baka. Ȧn yta ej śun’s... di ny, bo yta dy łoüta, yta zyt śun nimyd kȧ kün. Yta zyn zy jok zytys... ander zaha, ȧzu kün ny. (...) No oder wȧsty’s, bo fȧlȧjht [fylȧjht] di grusa wjytśoft, di grusa fȧlȧjht [fylȧjht]. Bo dö, ym diöf, ȧni hjy’h ny fu kȧm kün, hyhstyns wu andyśt. Bo dö zȧjn łoüter hȧndlyża y Wymysoü. Dö handułn zy oły, ȧ s’fȧld dos... Wjyr gön zoüwer zȧhs hektan fȧld ym... dö, ym nökwer. Mnie podobał się zawsze handel, a nie pole Elżbieta Figwer z d. Rosner (1927–2018), 2014. Ja byłam taka głupia, podnosiłam zawsze (ciężkie rzeczy), jak byłam młoda, bo prowadziłam trzy sklepy. Cukiernię, piekarnię i jeszcze lody tu miałam. I byłam sama. A mojemu mężowi się to nie podobało, mój mąż miał sześć hektarów pola i tylko w polu. To mu się podobało, a mi się nie podobało pole, tylko to. I zawsze podnosiłam piekarzowi takie, takie ciężkie worki. Te worki miały po siedemdziesiąt kilo, osiemdziesiąt kilo mąki tam było, bo ludzie brali... mąkę przynosili, a chleb brali. I płacili mi tylko za pieczenie. A teraz już tego nie ma, bo teraz ludzie, teraz nikt już nie sieje żyta. Teraz sieją tylko inne rzeczy, a żyta nie (...). Ale wiesz, może te duże gospodarstwa, te duże może. Bo tu na wsi ani nie słyszę o życie, może gdzie indziej. Bo tu są sami handlarze w Wilamowicach. Tu wszyscy handlują, a pole to... Sami daliśmy (wynajęliśmy) sześć hektarów pola sąsiadowi. [139] Der foter handułt oüz knȧht Böba-Hȧla (1927–2018), 2014. No do der foter handułt, no to hot’ȧ giełd. Har wiöe... dö wiöe y Zawyś, dö wiöe dos ȧ zyta gruser, ȧzu wi dö Zöł. No to diöt... cöker füt’ȧ diöt, ȧn he – cyryk, y dan, y dan, wo zy ferkoüfta, wȧsty’s? Wo zy niby śmügljyn dos hȧsa. Okriöepnje güt ferdint’ȧ, wiöe nö knȧht. Mój ojciec handlował jako kawaler Elżbieta Figwer z d. Rosner (1927–2018), 2014. No ojciec handlował, no to miał pieniądze. On był... tu był w Jawiszowicach taki duży, jak tutaj Soła (rzeka). No to tam cukier woził, a siano z powrotem, �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian tym, tym, co sprzedawali, wiesz? Co to niby nazywają „szmuglowanie”. Bardzo dobrze zarabiał, był jeszcze kawalerem. [140] Łöstikjy gyśiht fu ȧr dinstmiöed Linküś-Ruzła (1926–2009), 2009. No cy yns wiöe ȧ mȧkja, ȧ dinstmiöed ȧn zy hot ȧ kynd, ȧ kynd. Ȧn dos kynd his Kȧśü. Oder by dam, by dam wjyta, do müst’s gejn y dy śül, bo s’kund łaza ȧn śrȧjwa ȧn śejn zyngja. S’zung zjyr śejn. Dos wiöe diöt cym Bilczewskja. Wi’s diöt wiöe uf der heja ufum rȧja, wi’s dy ki hüt, do hütwyś zyngja dö uf ynzum rȧja, dos mȧkja. Ȧzu śejn zung’s. Ȧna wjyr y by, dy, dy, by Pöłnscȧjta gingwer oły, oły zuntag uf dy gorzkie żale y dy kjyh. Dy kjyh wiöe fuł, bo dos wiöe ka, s’wiöe ny wiöem, oder dy łoüt gingja ȧn zy bata. No ȧna dos mȧkja oü. Ȧn der... s’wiöe ju kȧ elektryśys ny ȧni s’wün kȧ, kȧ planśa ny, ȧzu wi yta, ok ołys fum bihła. No do łüzwer fun bihła ȧna zy, dy łoüt zunga. Ȧn dos wiöe, dos mȧkja wiöe nö ȧzu ny, ny ganc, no jung wiöe’s, s’wöst nö ołys ny, no ȧn diöt wiöe’s ufgyśrejwa: „Gorzkie żale przybywajcie – dwa razy”. Ȧzu, wiöe dos gyśrejwa, do cwe möł diöef’ȧ zyngja. Ȧna ejs ȧzu: „Gorzkie żale dwa razy!”. Uf dy gancy kjyh. Dy łoüt łahta oły, oder der orgȧnista, ȧ zos jyśter yr ołda kjyh mytum ryk kȧm ełter, bo ȧzu wiöe’s gyboüyt. Dar wiöe ȧbysła głüh, no do nom’ȧ ȧn’ȧ śpejłt weter, ȧn dy łoüt zunga wejder weter, oder, wi zy gingja fur kjyh, łahta zy nö. Fu dam „...dwa razy”. Zabawna historia o służącej Rozalia Hanusz z d. Nowak (1926–2009), 2009. No u nas tu była dziewczyna i miała dziecko, dziecko. A to dziecko nazywało się Kasia. Ale przy tym, przy tym gospodarzu, to musiała chodzić do szkoły, bo umiała czytać i pisać i pięknie śpiewać. Bardzo pięknie śpiewała. To było tam u Bilczewskiego. Jak tam była na górce na miedzy, jak pasła krowy, to słyszeliśmy ją, jak śpiewała tu na naszej miedzy. Ta dziewczyna, tak pięknie śpiewała. A my, za polskich czasów chodziliśmy każdą, każdą niedzielę na Gorzkie żale do kościoła. Kościół był pełny, bo to nie było... nie było ciepło, ale ludzie chodzili i się modlili. No i ta dziewczyna też. I nie było jeszcze prądu ani nie było żadnych plansz, jak teraz, tylko wszystko z książeczki. No to czytaliśmy z książeczek i ludzie śpiewali. A ta dziewczyna, nie była jeszcze tak całkiem, no młoda była, nie wiedziała jeszcze wszystkiego, no a tam było napisane „Gorzkie żale przybywajcie dwa razy”, Tak to było napisane, że trzeba dwa razy śpiewać. A ona zaśpiewała tak: „Gorzkie żale dwa razy!”. Na cały kościół. Wszyscy ludzie się zaśmiali, ale organista, on siedział 147 �148 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian kiedyś w starym kościele tyłem do ołtarza, bo tak było zbudowane. On był trochę głuchy, to wziął i grał dalej, a ludzie śpiewali znowu dalej, ale jak wychodzili z kościoła, to jeszcze się śmiali z tego „dwa razy”. [141] Łöstikjy gyśiht fum kolandgejn Linküś-Ruzła (1926–2009), 2009. Jyśter, wi der fiöer ging ym koland, no do füng’ȧ o cym Mözłer ym wynter ȧn’ȧ ent dö, by yns, dö, by ȧm grusa wjyt, dö wiöe cwencik miöergja fȧld, diöt os’ȧ inda. Ȧna jyśter gingja ju dy, dy büwa ȧzu ny y dy śül wi yta, ok zy, zy nöma ȧ, ȧ tüh ȧn ȧ kłengjeła ȧn zy gingja dy łoüt śiöeha. Do’ȧ śun kymt, der fiöer. Bo wen der fiöer kom, dos wiöe der fiöer, no dos wiöe, wo ny wiöe. No, cy yns kom oü ȧner, ȧ zyter kolega fu yn... fu mem brüder. No to kom’ȧ ȧn’ȧ błȧ… ȧ, ȧ maht yns dułyt ȧna... oder ȧ błȧ. Ȧn dy mama, di bröht runder, der dźjada maht ȧ zyty grusy dźjyź, wu zih brut bekt. Ȧn dy mama bröht di dźjyź runder, dos his dźjyź. Ȧna zy śöt diöt s’moł, do’s zih derwjemt, do wer kyna brut baka. Ȧn dos śtind gryhta byr tjyr ȧna dy tjyr wiöe fu, hot ȧ fanster, ȧ, ȧ… głyzera tjyr wiöe dos. Ȧn der büw wiöe nȧjgjerik ȧn’ȧ kükt, ȧ kükt nȧj, wi dar fiöer kom, ȧn der kjyhabytner zoh’ȧ. Ȧna nöhta der fiöer śtind uf, har gydöht der fiöer kymt y dy kyh, wułd’ȧ zih cöwa, fuł’ȧ [füł’ȧ] nȧj y dos moł! S’maht ok – „fu”! Der kjyhabytner zoh dos, dar łaht ȧzu ȧn der fiöer byśtenik fret’ȧ, fu wo’ȧ łaht. Wjyr wösta oü ny, fu wo’ȧ łaht. No oder ȧ nom zih nöhta, der kjyhabytner, ȧ ging ȧn der fiöer oü, wyt’ȧ jum dos underwȧgs hon fercyłt ȧn wjyr köma y dy kyh, no do łahtwer oü. (...) Cyjyśt łahtwer. Wi wer köma y dy kyh, oder nöhta hetwer bałd gygrynn, bo wer müsta ołys ufs noüy wejder ufroüma. Dy bet ejwercin, ołys, bo ejweron wiöe ȧ moł. Ȧ moł. Wesoła historia o kolędzie Rozalia Hanusz z d. Nowak (1926–2009), 2009. Kiedyś, jak ksiądz chodził po kolędzie, to zaczynał u Moslera, w zimie, i kończył tu koło nas, tu u dużego gospodarza, bo tu było dwadzieścia morgów pola, tam jadł zawsze. A kiedyś chłopcy nie chodzili tak do szkoły, jak teraz, tylko brali prześcieradło, dzwonek i chodzili straszyć ludzi. Że już ksiądz przychodzi. Bo jak ksiądz przychodził, to był ksiądz, no to było, co to nie było. No do nas też przyszedł jeden, taki kolega mojego brata. No to przyszedł i został, zrobił nam psoty, ale został. A mama, ona przyniosła na dół, dziadek robił taką dużą dzieżę, co się piecze chleb. I ona nasypała tam mąki, żeby się zagrzało, żebyśmy mogli upiec chleb. I to stało zaraz przy drzwiach i drzwi były z…, miały okno, to były szklane drzwi. I ten chłopiec był ciekawy i tak zerkał i zerkał do środka, jak ten ksiądz przyszedł, a kościelny go widział. I potem ksiądz �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian wstał, a on myślał, że ksiądz idzie do kuchni, chciał się cofnąć i wpadł do tej mąki. Zrobiło się tylko fu. Kościelny to widział i tak się śmiał, a ksiądz ciągle go pytał, z czego się śmieje. My też nie wiedzieliśmy, z czego się śmieje. No ale potem kościelny zabrał się i poszedł, i ksiądz też, na pewno mu to po drodze opowiedział. A my przyszliśmy do kuchni, to też się śmialiśmy. (...) Najpierw się śmialiśmy. Jak przyszliśmy do kuchni, ale potem to byśmy nawet płakali, bo musieliśmy wszystko na nowo znowu sprzątać. Przebierać łóżka, wszystko, bo wszędzie była sama mąka. Sama mąka. [142] Yhy fiöe śun ny ym rod Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), 2012. No, wi’h wiöe jyngjer, ging yh nö diöt, mytum rod fü’h. Oder yta fjet yh mih śun mytum rod. S’rod śtejt, oder yhy fjet mih ufzeca yta, bo’h kon ufum rod, wen yh ymfoł, to kon yh mih derśłön oü. Do gej’h cyfüs, oder dos ej cy wȧjt. Yhy gej śun njynt, y dy ander hyt, weter gej’h ju ny. Ufȧ Rynk ys’s mer śun śwjer gejn. No’h ho ju śun dy jün, ȧ yhy bej ȧjgykȧmȧt wi ȧ zyta ałd fad. Yhy, y mjyr wiöe dos ny, dos mah, jes mah. Ȧ, ȧ’tȧ ander: „Yhy kon dos ny”. Yh ferśtej dos ny, wi, wi kon’ȧ dos ny kyna? Wen yh wył, kon yh ołys. Ȧ wen yh ny wył, kon yh nist. Już nie jeżdżę na rowerze Elżbieta Mynarska z d. Balcarczyk (1921–2014), 2012. No jak byłam młodsza, to jeszcze tam chodziłam, jeździłam na rowerze. Ale teraz boję się już na rowerze. Rower stoi, ale ja się boję wsiąść, bo mogę, na rowerze jak się przewrócę, to mogę się zabić też. To chodzę na nogach, ale to jest za daleko, ja już nigdzie nie chodzę, do następnego domu, dalej nie chodzę. Na rynek już mi ciężko iść. No mam już lata, a jestem spracowana jak taki stary koń. Ja, mi to nic nie robiło, zrób to czy tamto. A ktoś inny, to „ja tego nie umiem”. Ja tego nie rozumiem, jak można tego nie umieć? Jak chcę, umiem wszystko. A jak nie chcę, to nie umiem nic. [143] Wi wer dy hyt mojyta Böba-Hȧla (1927–2018), 2014. Wjyr hota oü ȧ ołdy hyt. Oder der foter mojyt śun nöhta. No. Jyśter wün zyty hyta, zyty kliny fȧnstela wün dö, dö oü. Ojej, ołys ging śun, ołys ging śun, füng śun cy foła. 149 �150 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian S’ej güt, do dy baba, no mȧj, dy... śwygjermüter. Zos dy by [bym] uwa, wjemt zih ȧ ryk, ȧn dö (füł), ȧ zyter plaster fług der ro. Dos wiöe ȧ gyłyk, do zy diöt ny zos. Wȧsty’s, ołys ging śun ȧzu. Nöhta, wi’h dö kom, der foter mȧjner gryhta go zih cym, cym mojyn. Mojytwer oły, cydyjyśt ȧ hołwy śtuw, ȧ hołwy hyt, do wer hota, wu cy łejgja dö, ȧ nöhta gingwer wejder ufs nojy, ȧn wer köma wejder cyryk dö, y dy ander hełwt. Jak budowaliśmy dom Elżbieta Figwer z d. Rosner (1927–2018), 2014. My też mieliśmy stary dom. Ale ojciec już potem murował. No. Kiedyś były takie domy, takie małe okienka były tu, tu też. Ojej, wszystko już szło, wszystko już szło, już zaczynało się walić. Dobrze, że babka, no moja teściowa. Siedziała przy piecu, grzała sobie plecy i tu spadł, taki plaster ci spadł (z sufitu). To było szczęście, że ona tam nie siedziała. Wiesz, wszystko już tak szło. Potem, jak przyszłam, mój ojciec był zawsze od razu, że trzeba murować. Murowaliśmy wszys..., najpierw pół izby, pół domu, żebyśmy mieli gdzie leżeć, tu, a potem szliśmy do nowego, i wróciliśmy znowu tu, do drugiej połowy. [144] S’water śług y dy zoüł ȧn s’fad derśrok Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Yhy wa der wos ziöen: dos wiöe grod, wer hota wȧs cy fjyn. S’kymt cy ziöen, wi kon mȧ dos ziöen, s’łecty gytrȧd nöm wȧs. No myt cwü... ȧ fad hotwer jok, ȧn cwej wȧn. Ȧ wȧn [wiöen] wiöe rundercyłoda, no do wiöe dy mama, s’Rüźü ȧn der tȧta yr śoün, ȧn yhy wiöe kućeryn. No do śpung yh ȧj yn andyn wiöen, ȧn der tȧta ziöet ȧzu: „S’gywylk ej śun ny wȧjt, oder dy wyst nö fiöen hyndyn tȧjhja” – dos ej, wi’s zih s’gywend hȧst – „Hyndyn Tȧjhja”. „S’Hȧlüś ej diöt, to nejm ȧn rȧha myt, s’zȧjn diöt can bowa nö ȧna do der wat gryhta nama s’gynys. Nejm ȧ rȧha myt”. No do yhy zoct mih nejder, dö hösty s’łȧtsuł, ȧ gȧsuł, ȧn ȧ rȧha. No to zos yh ym wiöen. Ȧn s’gywylk kymt śun, hynder śoün wiöe śun s’gywylk. S’dunyt śun, oder s’wiöe śun nö wȧjt, kymt’s cy ziöen. Ȧn yhy bej grod, ym Ospik runder fiöe’h, dö ufum rȧja, gejt dy elektryk. Dy śiła. S’water śług cym Śmejd. Diöt wiöe s’water ȧn dos, dos fojer ym dröt fług diöh mȧj fad, yhy wiöe grod undyn dan dröta. S’fad derśrok ȧn s’füng cy śpryngja. Yhy łüs ȧ... rȧha, ȧ h’müst dy łȧtsułn hałda fest, bo s’fad śprung, no gapolym. Yh za mih ym, ym wiöen zyc yh, op der wiöen ny brit. Bo ȧ fojer wiöe. H’za mih ym, ȧn der rȧha śtełt zih uf ym... ym brat ȧna łater [łȧter], ej ȧ zyty, ej... kymt’s cy ziöen, wolne miejsce, yh wȧ nist ny. – Ȧ łöh, frȧj. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Ȧn der rȧha śtełt zih uf, wi yhy mih ymzoh, krigt yh mytum rȧha dö. No krigt yh dö, hot yh dö dö nöhta, no yhy wöst nist ny, wos, oder dy cyn tota mer wej ȧn błüt hot yh fuł. Ȧn yh hałd s’fad, bocum Pöłaśtȧjg uf dy hej śprung dos fad ȧzu. No diöt wiöe śun’s ȧbyselüćü beser, śun s’fad wiöe śtyłer, no do müst yh nama, h’hot ju nist ny, s’rykla, ȧna h’wułd mer dos, bo’h hot fuł błüt ym moüł. Ȧn yh fiöe bocum gywend. Ȧna h’gej, s’fad, wo śtejt ufum gywend, s’Hȧla łot śun, ȧn yhy gej yn tȧjh ȧna’h, wo mytum woser wułd yh dos oüsśwafa. Bo fuł błüt hot yh ym moüł. Ȧn der tȧta wöst fu dam, do s’water höt dö gyśłön, kom’ȧ śun ufs fȧld. Ȧn’ȧ ej śun ufum hejwuł derheja, ȧn yhy bej ym tȧjh dunda śun. Ȧn’ȧ rift mih ȧn’ȧ dret mer myter hand, do’h dos ny zuł maha, myt woser dö fum tȧjh śwafa, bo... der tȧta wiöe ȧbyselüćü... ym Ruta Kroüc byn drowa. (...) No to ziöet’ȧ mer ȧzu: „Wos hösty yta gymaht? Dos wiöe ju ny śejn woser fum tȧjh”. Oder wjyr koma yn ham, ufgyłod hotwer ołys, no s’wiöe fejł... s’wiöe kȧ fejł rȧn ny. Jak piorun uderzył w słup i przestraszył konia Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Coś ci opowiem, to było prawie, prawie mieliśmy pszenicę do wożenia. Przyjdzie powiedzieć, jak można to powiedzieć, ostatnie zboże po pszenicy. No dwoma... jednego konia mieliśmy tylko i dwa wozy. Jeden wóz był do rozładowania, no to była mama, Rózia i tata w stodole, a ja byłam woźnicą. No to zaprzągłam drugi wóz i tata powiedział tak: „Chmura jest już niedaleko, ale jeszcze zajedziesz za stawy”, to jest, tak się nazywało „stajanie za stawami”, „Halusia tam jest, to weź ze sobą grabie, tam jest jeszcze dziesięć babek, no i zaraz weźmiecie mierzwę. Weź grabie ze sobą”. No to ja siadłam, tu masz lejce, tu masz bat, a tu grabie. No to siedziałam w wozie. A chmura już przychodzi, za stodołą była już chmura. Grzmiało już, ale była jeszcze daleko, przyjdzie powiedzieć. A ja jestem prawie (akurat) w Ospiku, jadę na dół tu na miedzy, idzie elektryka. Siła. Piorun uderzył u Kowola. Tam był piorun i ten ogień na drutach leciał przez mojego konia, prawie byłam pod tymi drutami. Koń się wystraszył i zaczął skakać, no galopem. Ja się oglądam, na wozie siedzę, czy wóz się nie pali. Bo był jeden wielki ogień. Oglądam się, a grabie się postawiły... w deskach i drabinach jest takie, przyjdzie powiedzieć, wolne miejsce. Nie wiem... – Dziura, wolne. I te grabie się postawiły, jak ja się obejrzałam, to dostałam grabiami tu. No dostałam tu, potem tu miałam, no nie wiedziałam, co, ale zęby mnie bolały i miałam pełno krwi. A ja trzymam konia, aż do Pöłaśtȧjg (Ścieżka Polaków) na górę skakał tak. No tam było już trochę lepiej, koń już był spokojniejszy, to musiałam wziąć, nie miałam nic, sukienkę i chciałam to sobie, bo miałam pełno krwi w buzi. A ja jadę aż do stajania. I idę, koń, co stoi na stajaniu, Hala już ładuje, a ja idę do stawu i wodą chciałam to wypłukać. Bo miałam pełno krwi w buzi. A tata wiedział o tym, że piorun tu uderzył, przyszedł już na pole. I on już jest na górce na górze, a ja jestem już w stawie na dole. A on mnie woła i grozi mi ręką, żebym tego nie robiła, nie płukała tu wodą ze 151 �152 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian stawu, bo tata był trochę... przy Czerwonym Krzyżu był przy wojsku (...) No to powiedział mi tak: „Co teraz narobiłaś? To była niedobra woda ze stawu”. Ale przyszliśmy do domu, naładowane mieliśmy wszystko. No nie było, nie było dużo deszczu. [145] Yhy kund śejn zyngja Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Wȧsty wos, ufa friöeda, do mȧj łiwer foter, mȧj foter, yhy wiöe śun oüsgan, ziöet’ȧ mjyr inda: „Dü müst ben yns zyca, bo dü konst śejn zyngja”. Oder wjyr zunga pönyś. Bo, wȧsty, dy łoüt, gükja dy Wymysiöejyn, ȧ di łidła, dos zungwer, do zunga zy jok yr tancgrüp. Ȧna zu „Śłöf mȧj kyndła fest”, no to dos fylȧjht, wi wün kliny kyndyn: „Śłöf mȧj kyndła fest, s’kuma fremdy gest, s’kuma müma ȧna fetyn”. No dü kenst ju dos łidła. Ȧ mȧjner, har wiöe, no wi, wȧst, wi ȧ junger büw. No to... (ym koland). Zȧjt gybata, ny hot frejwuł Do wer dö śtejn undrum hejwuł Cy oüh müstwer oü ȧjtrata Ym dos hytła śnej cy knata S’mȧkja mytnama. Dos łjyt yhy ju ołys yr tancgrüp. No, bo wȧsty, wi dy Stanecka mih rüf y dy tancgrüp, no to nöhta zungwer diöt di łidła. Ho’h oü ȧbysła diöt gyłjyt. Zawsze umiałam ładnie śpiewać Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Wiesz co, na weselach, to mój kochany ojciec, ja byłam już mężatką, to mówił mi zawsze: „Musisz siedzieć koło nas, bo ty umiesz ładnie śpiewać”. Ale śpiewaliśmy po polsku. Bo wiesz, ci ludzie, chociaż Wilamowianie, a te piosenki co śpiewamy, to śpiewali już tylko w zespole. A tak „Śłöf mȧj kyndła fest”, no to to może jak były małe dzieci: „Śpij dziecko mocno, przychodzą obcy goście, przychodzą ciotki i wujkowie”. No ty znasz tą piosenkę. A mój mąż, on był, no wiesz, jako młody chłopak, no to (po kolędzie). Prosimy was, nie miejcie pretensji Że tu stoimy pod górką Do was musimy też wstąpić Wokół tego domku śnieg podeptać I dziewczynę wziąć ze sobą. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Tego wszystkiego uczyłam w zespole. No bo wiesz, jak Stanecka mnie zawołała do zespołu, to potem śpiewaliśmy tam piosenki. To sama też się tam nauczyłam. [146] At ym Bibiöewjec ȧn ufer wejz Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. No zy fełta oü hułc, ȧna nöhta müsta zy wejder zeca biöem, ȧn dö wiöe ȧ wejz, gingja oły, fu oła dan hyta, wu zy hota dan tȧl, gingja zy wejder dos he djera, ȧna nöhta mahta zy zyty hefła, ȧn zy tȧlta dos. No yta ej diöt łoüter... biöem zȧjn. Praca w Bibowcu i na łące Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. No walili też drzewa, a potem musieli znowu sadzić drzewa. A tu była łąka, to szli wszyscy z tych, z tych domów, co mieli część. Szli znowu suszyć to siano i potem robili takie kupki i to dzielili. No a teraz tam jest, same drzewa są. [147] Wi der kłop mulk dy ki Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Nȧ. Ȧ wiöe ȧ zyter güter kłop, do’ȧ... No h’müst’ȧ, yh fret’ȧ inda: „Kon yh gejn?”. Cym tanca ȧzu dos wiöe ny śłȧht, oder ym śłȧhsta wiöe’s, wi wer roüsfün uf ȧ woh. No to müst yh’ȧ fren: „Kon yh fiöen?” – „No fiöe, fiöe” – ȧ mȧj müter kom mȧlkja dy ki, bo’h hot cwü ki. Ȧna nöhta ziöet’ȧ mer, dy müter wiöd krank, zy kund mej ny kuma, bo zy hot dy henda ȧzu, do zy ny kon wośa myt, myt woser. Nöhta kom, dy kuzinka, dos Kliny Helka, ȧ mȧj kłop ging y dy at, ny? Ȧna ejs zułd kuma inda, bo har fü ym zejwa y dy at. Ejs zułd kuma mȧlkja ȧzu, wen der kłop ej dyham. Ȧ nöhta kom’s ȧbysła śpyter, ȧ mȧjner ziöet ȧzu: „Wȧsty wos, ny hȧs’s kuma, yhy wa gejn mȧlkja!”. Ȧn’ȧ ging yn śtoł mȧlkja, oder do, yhy wiöe śun oü jynt roüsgyfiöen, mytum... myter tancgrüp. Hot’ȧ dy myłih ny ym amper, jok ołys wiöe ufa höza. Ziöet’ȧ mer ȧzu, wi’h nöhta kom cyryk, ziöet’ȧ mer ȧzu: „Wȧsty wos? Dy myłih wiöe dy gancy ufa höza. Oder s’ander möł wiöe śun ȧbysła ym typa. Ȧ s’dryty möł wiöe śun güt”. Nöhta ziöet’ȧ: „Yhy wył dö nimanda. Yhy wa mer ufśtejn, ȧ h’wa gejn mȧlkja”. Oder ȧ wiöe ȧ zyter güty, do’ȧ mih ejweron łis. No ȧn wȧsty’s, ławtwer cyzoma drȧjȧnzymfcik jün ony cwej mönda. 153 �154 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Jak mój mąż doił krowy Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Nie. On był takim dobrym mężem, że... No musiałam go, pytałam go zawsze, „mogę iść?”. Na próby zespołu to nie było tak źle, ale najgorzej było, jak wyjeżdżaliśmy na tydzień. No to musiałam go pytać: „Mogę jechać?”. „No jedź, jedź”, a moja mama przychodziła doić krowy, bo miałam dwie krowy. A potem powiedział mi, mama zachorowała, nie mogła już przychodzić, bo miała takie ręce, że nie mogła ich myć wodą. Potem przyszła kuzynka, a mój mąż chodził do pracy, nie? A ona miała przychodzić zawsze, bo on jechał o siódmej do pracy. Ona miała przychodzić doić tak, żeby on był jeszcze w domu. A potem przyszła trochę później, a mój mąż powiedział: „Wiesz co, nie każ jej przychodzić, ja pójdę doić”. I poszedł doić do chlewa, ale to, ja już gdzieś pojechałam z zespołem. Miał mleko nie we wiadrze, tylko wszystko było na spodniach. Powiedział mi tak, jak potem wróciłam, powiedział mi tak: „Wiesz co? Całe mleko było na spodniach. Ale na drugi raz już było trochę we wiadrze. A za trzecim razem było już dobrze”. Potem powiedział: „Nie chcę tu nikogo, wstanę sobie, a pójdę doić”. Ale był taki dobry, że mnie wszędzie puścił. No i wiesz, przeżyliśmy razem siedemdziesiąt trzy lata bez dwóch miesięcy. [148] Yhy müst błȧjn byr müter ufer wjytśoft Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Wi’h wiöe... yhy wiöe śun oüsgan, oder ejer mulk yh oü, bo dy mȧkja... dy ki hüt yh ny, do hüt mȧj śwaster, s’Helka. Bo ejs wiöe, wȧsty’s, ȧ zyta, ȧbysła gryser, ȧbysła śtȧkjer mȧkja. Ejs mu... ejs hüt dy ki. Ȧ yhy ging wejder yn śtoł mȧlkja, ȧn dy müter ziöet ȧzu: „Wȧsty wos, gej dih ȧbysła łjyn nyn”. Ȧna ging yh cy ȧr zyta nö... ejs wönt hynterum [hynderum] Rynk, ging yh diöt, ȧbysła łjyt yh nyn. Ȧna yhy kund zjyr śejn nyn, ejs wiöe zjyr fruw, do yhy, no ȧ nöhta, wi, wi śun wiöe krig, ziöet dy müter: „Yta müsty błȧjn dyham, bo... yh ga mer kȧn röt”. Bo der foter, wȧsty, ȧ ging ny cyn drowa, jok ȧ łet zih hejn, no do wiöe’h śun dyham. Musiałam zostać przy matce na gospodarstwie Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Jak byłam, jak już wyszłam za mąż, ale wcześniej też doiłam, bo dziewczyny... krów nie pasłam, to pasła moja siostra, Helka. Bo ona była, wiesz, taka, trochę większą, trochę silniejszą dziewczyną. Ona doiła krowy. A ja szłam znowu do chlewa doić, �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian a mama powiedziała tak: „Wiesz co, idź się trochę nauczyć szyć”. No i poszłam do takiej jeszcze, ona mieszkała za rynkiem, poszłam się tam trochę uczyć szyć. I umiałam bardzo pięknie szyć, ona była bardzo zadowolona, że ja, no a potem, jak już była wojna, to mama powiedziała: „Teraz musisz zostać w domu, bo... nie daję sobie rady”. Bo ojciec, wiesz, nie poszedł do wojska, tylko się ukrył, to byłam już w domu. [149] Wi wer s’fłȧś nöm śwȧjnśłahta cytȧlta Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Cyderjyśt gö’h [go’h] dos yr müter, oba yr śwaster, ȧ wen zej wejder śłaht, to gön zy mer wejder cyryk. Hower dos ȧzu fertȧlt ȧbysła, ȧn s’łecty, no ny hefa, gingja y dy, yn bün runder. Y ȧr śysuł ȧna müsty dos maha, oba y ȧm tiöerba. Ȧna dos wiöe gy... gyłön ym bün. No diöt wiöe’s kołd. Jak dzieliliśmy mięso po świniobiciu Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Najpierw dawałam to (część) mamie, albo siostrze, a jak ona znowu biła, to znowu mi oddali. Tak to trochę podzieliliśmy, a resztę, no nie dużo, to szło do studni na dół. W misce i musisz to tak zrobić, albo w torbie. I to było spuszczone do studni. No tam było zimno. [150] Awys güt uf dy kroft Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. No do ufȧ mytag, apuł [arpułn] ȧna züp, oba awys myt kroüt, inda. Awys ȧn kroüt wiöe oły tag, ȧn awys maht hefa siłe. – Kroft No, kroft, konsty... awys wiöda inda gykoht. Oba myt kroüt, oba myt... ȧzu wün awys myt züp, myt pjyćkja, di zjyr fȧjn zȧjn. Awys müsty okoha, wen zy śun wȧh zȧjn, gysty pjyćkja. Bjyn, epuł [epułn], oba fłoüma oü. Ȧ nöhta kohsty dos myt dam myt, ȧ nöhta mahsty ȧjbri, myt śmolc ȧna mał gysty ȧbyselüćü, s’rejst ȧzu. Ny uf świöec, ok zu ȧbyselüćü, wi ȧ fyngjela gał ej. Nöht gisty woser y dos ȧn dy cytwiłyst dos, ȧn dy gist dos y dy züp nȧj, dos ej zyty güty züp, h’wa der ziöen, diöt zȧjn fłoüma, dö zȧjn epuł [epułn] ȧn awys, dos wiöe dy besty züp, wen zy bröhta ufs fȧld. Ȧzu, kymt’s cy ziöen, zis, zoüwer, ferśtejsty, ȧn by dam wün awys. 155 �156 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Groch dobry na siłę Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. No to na obiad ziemniaki i zupa, albo groch z kapustą. Zawsze. Groch i kapusta były codziennie, a groch robi dużo siły. No siły, możesz... groch zawsze był gotowany. Albo z kapustą, albo był taki groch z zupą, z pieczkami, to jest bardzo fajne. Groch musisz ugotować, jak już jest miękki, dajesz pieczki (suszone owoce). Gruszki, jabłka albo śliwki też. A potem gotujesz to z tym, a potem robisz ȧjbri (wkładkę), ze smalcem i dajesz troszeczkę mąki, tak się smaży. Nie na czarno, tylko tak troszeczkę, żeby był złoty jak pierścionek. A potem lejesz do tego wodę i to rozdrabniasz rogolką (mątewką) i wlewasz to do zupy, to jest taka dobra zupa. Powiem ci, tam są śliwki, tu są jabłka i groch, to była najlepsza zupa, jak to przynieśli na pole. Taka, przyjdzie powiedzieć, słodko-kwaśna, rozumiesz, i przy tym był groch. [151] Jyśter zösa oły ufa śymułn I: Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. H: Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2009. I: Y Wymysoü jyśter, wen zy osa bym tejś, bo zy hota ȧn grusa śymuł, ȧzu huh, ȧn zosa oły uf zyta śymułn uf, myt fjyn fisa. Ȧn do osa zy oły fu ȧr śysuł kroüt, fur andyn śysuł arpułn. H: Züp. I: Oba, oba züp. Ȧn wen imyd nȧjkom… do, wi ziöeta zy? – Śnȧjt der ȧbysła brut, ny? I: Nȧ, nȧ, nȧ. Oder… – Kumt, ast myt. I: Nȧ. Nöhta di, cy dam’ȧ kom, do ziöet: „Kumt, ast myt”. Ȧn dar, wo nȧjkom ziöet: „Ast ym Göts noma!”. Bo yhy ken dos, wi wer uf dy Granc gingja cyn Hȧdȧśikja. Diöt oswer inda fu ȧr śysuł, fu cwü śysułn, ny? No, wen dy müma wün fu Krök to mahta zy kanapkja. Kanapkja dos ej pönyś. – Śnytła. I: No śnytła oü ny, sendwić. Kiedyś wszyscy siedzieli na stołkach I: Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. H: Helena Rozner (Rosner) (1928–2015), 2009. I: W Wilamowicach kiedyś, jak jedli przy stole, bo mieli duży stołek i taki wysoki, i zawsze siedzieli wszyscy na takich stołkach, przy nogach. I jedli wszyscy z jednej miski kapustę, z drugiej ziemniaki. H: Zupę. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian I: Albo, albo zupę. A jak ktoś wchodził... to jak mówili? – Ukrójcie sobie trochę chleba, nie? I: Nie, nie, nie, ale... – Chodźcie jeść z nami. I: Nie. Potem ci, do których się przyszło, to mówili „chodźcie jeść z nami”. A ten, co wszedł, mówił: „jedzcie w imię Boga”. Bo ja to znam, jak chodziliśmy na Granicę do Hadasików. Tam zawsze jedliśmy z jednej miski, z dwóch misek, nie? No jak ciotki były z Krakowa, to robiły kanapki. Kanapkja to jest po polsku. – Śnytła. I: No śnytła też nie, sendwić. [152] Wi zy dy tehtyn fur nökweryn wułda nama ufȧ Üral Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2012. Ȧn mȧj... dö mȧj nökweryn, hot cwü oü, fo mej [fu mem], zu ołd wi yhy ȧna ȧny wiöe ełder. Wi zy łȧta, wi dy... wi dy złodzieje, bandyci. Wi diw. Ufer śtrös, ging zy cyr kjyh ȧn zy knit wejder fjy dam, wo’ȧ ging myt yns. Yyy... myt jyn, bo yhy wiöe diöt ny. Do bot’s’ȧ: „No łöźe gükja ȧny. Do nam śun ȧ tohter, oder dy ander łö mer!”. To hakt’ȧ’s. To gryht fług’s, ȧn dy noz cyjat’s’um. Zyty śürpeta, zyty nygüty łoüt wün dö. Jak córki sąsiadki miały zostać zabrane na Ural Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2012. A moja, tu moja sąsiadka, miała dwie (córki) też, z mojego, w tym wieku, co ja, a jedna była starsza. Jak je prowadzili, jak złodziei, bandytów. Jak złodziei. Na ulicy, to szła pod kościół i klękła przed tym, co z nami szedł. Yy... z nimi, bo ja tam nie byłam. To prosiła go: „No zostaw chociaż jedną. Weź już jedną córkę, ale drugą mi zostaw”. To ją kopnął. To zaraz się przewróciła i sobie nos rozbiła. Takie szurpety, tacy niedobrzy ludzie tu byli. [153] Der direktor fur śül höt Wymysiöejer mȧkja fjym Üral bywjet Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2012. Wjyr hota ȧ śiłer, kierownik. Kierownik... No zu wi ȧ śiłer, oder kierownik, wo’ȧ... – Direktor. 157 �158 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Dyrektor, no. Ȧn har kom ȧn’ȧ derfü zih, do zy łoüter kyndyn hon... Fjyca jür, funfca jür, zȧhca jür. Gingj’ȧ y dy gymȧn. Wi jer hot, zu höt’ȧ’ȧ ȧjgykuzt: „Jyr diw, jyr bandyta, dy kyndyn hoter gynuma? Wen jüh imyd höt gymaht yht cwyśa Doüća, do nam di, to ziöet yh nist, oder ny zyty kyndyn!”. No to nöht krigta zy ȧ, do cy cwe, drȧj mȧkja łisa zy, müsa zy, müsta zy yn ham kuma. Bo zy wün zu wi fo [fu] Ałca. Fo [fu] Ałca fün zy uf Rüs... na Ural. Oder yhy wȧ nist, op diöt ej imyd, to (gyśtiörwa). Jak dyrektor szkoły obronił wilamowskie dziewczęta przed wywózką na Ural Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2012. Mieliśmy nauczyciela, kierownika. Kierownik... no tak, jak nauczyciel, ale kierownik, co... – Dyrektor. Dyrektor, no. I on przyszedł i dowiedział się, że same dzieci wzięli. Czternaście lat, piętnaście lat, szesnaście lat. Poszedł do gminy. Jak on, jak on im tam nagadał: „Wy złodzieje, wy bandyci, dzieci żeście zabrali? Jak wam ktoś coś zrobił za Niemca, to weźcie tych, to nic nie mówię, ale takie dzieci”. No to potem wydostali ich, to po dwie, trzy dziewczyny wypuszczali, musiały, musiały przyjść do domu. Bo one były tak jak z Hałcnowa. Z Hałcnowa pojechały na Ural. Ale nie wiem, czy ktoś tam, to (zginął). [154] Wi zy mih ȧreśtjyta, koht dy mama kłejzła myt fłoüma Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2012. Ȧn mȧj mama koht fu... kłejzła myt fłoüma. Ȧn zy bot: „Łöt’s, ejs ej... ejs höt nö ny gasa s’mytagasa. Wen’s wyt kuma... wen’s wyt asa, wyt’s kuma ȧłȧn”. Ȧ dy mama mȧj wiöe gyśȧjter wi yhy, ȧ yhy wiöe ȧ duł nast nö. Ȧ zyta jung mȧkja, ny? Yhy füt mih, do zy wan dy mama nama mytum brüder ufȧ Ural. Yh ziöet: „Nȧ, yhy wa gejn, oder yhy ho ju nist nimanda ny gymaht, to wan zy...”. No ging yh. Wi’h ging, gryht yn kałer, yn rest śpjerta zy mih ȧj. Ȧn diöt wün śun drȧj łoüt: „Dü byst oü dö?” – „No, h’bej oü dö” – kuz yh. No, nöht wöst yh ołdyśt, ziöet yh mer, dy mama hot rȧht, ȧ yhy łis mih zu duł maha. Jak mnie aresztowali, to mama gotowała kluski ze śliwkami Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2012. A moja mama gotowała z... kluski ze śliwkami. I prosiła: „Zostawcie ją, ona jeszcze nie, ona jeszcze nie jadła obiadu. Jak przyjdzie... jak zje, to przyjdzie sama”. A mama była mądrzejsza niż ja, ja jeszcze byłam głupiutka. Taka młoda dziewczy- �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian na, nie? Ja się bałam, że oni wezmą mamę z bratem na Ural. Powiedziałam: „Nie, ja pójdę, ale ja nikomu nic złego nie zrobiłam, to nie zrobią...”. No poszłam. Jak poszłam, to zaraz do piwnicy, do aresztu, zamknęli mnie. I tam było już trzech ludzi: „Ty też tu jesteś?”. „No też tu jestem”, mówię. No, potem dopiero wiedziałam, powiedziałam sobie, mama miała rację, a ja się tak dałam ogłupić. [155] Wi dy Stanecka bowa y dy tancgrüp ȧjłot Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Wȧsty wos, dos wiöe ȧzu, zy höt ȧjgyłoda hefa bowa, fylȧjht wün funfcik, no dos ej ju ny ȧzu gynoü cy ziöen, oder hefa. Ȧna wer zȧjn kuma, cwełf bowa. Wȧsty’s, cwełf, ȧ di łecta wün ny kuma. Ȧna di cwełf bowa, no uf dos, uf dos jyśty... – Pröb. No. Ny pröb, jok... no, uf dy, ziöewer, uf dy pröb. Köma mejer bowa. Oder nöhta ufs jyśty tanca wüwer jok cwełf bowa. No ȧna mjyr hot dos gyfoła, no oder s’müst mih nö der kłop łön. Ȧ yhy hot ȧn güta kłopa, ȧn’ȧ ziöet: „Gej!”, ȧna tanct, tanct’ȧ, yh ho oü gan gytanct ȧn gyzunga. Yta kon yh śun ny, bo der hołc ej krank ȧna kon yh śun ny zyngja. Ȧna nöhta cwełf bowa, dos wȧs yh bocy hoüt, wyhja bowa wün: wiöe oü s’Rüźü fum Tiöma-Jȧśkja ȧna mejer, oder dos gejt dih ny o fylȧjht ȧzu. Ȧna wjyr wün uf ȧner, uf der ander pröb, uf der dryta, ȧn wjyr zȧjn gybłejn. Oły cwełf bowa wün, wjyr cuga zih śejn o, wi wiöe cym tanca. Ȧna... ȧ nöhta wȧsty’s, oder łang gingwer, cwełf bowa. Oder nöhta... ȧs, ȧny wiöd krank, ȧny wiöe yr śwang, y Oüswynca ys’s’er ny güt gymaht, ufer, śun, wi wer hon gytanct. Ȧn wjyr wösta ny, fyrym, ȧ ejs wiöe gröp. Ziöe’h der dos, wȧsty, wo dos ej. No yr śwange. No ȧ nöhta gingja aht bowa. Di gingja zjyr, zjyr łang, s’Matyśoćka, di kund zjyr śejn zyngja, s’Linküś-Rüźa, yhy kund oü, yhy tanct inda s’jyśty. Ȧna oły jün pocy dam jür, wu’h ho gyent cy tanca, tanct yh ino, inda za... inda s’jyśty. No, dy Stanecka ziöet: „Dü konst güt fjyn di bowa” – no to tanctwer. Jak Stanecka zaprosiła kobiety do zespołu Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Wiesz co, to było tak. Ona zaprosiła dużo kobiet, może było pięćdziesiąt, no tego się nie da dokładnie powiedzieć, ale dużo. I my przyszłyśmy, dwanaście kobiet. Wiesz, dwanaście, a ta reszta nie przyszła. I te dwanaście kobiet, no na to, na tą piewszą... – Próbę. Nie, nie próbę, tylko... no na... powiedzmy, że na próbę. Przyszło więcej kobiet. Ale potem na pierwszym tańczeniu byłyśmy tylko dwanaście kobiet. No i mi to 159 �160 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian się podobało, ale musiał mi jeszcze pozwolić mąż. A ja miałam dobrego męża, powiedział mi: „idź”, i tańczyłam, lubiłam też tańczyć i śpiewać. Teraz już nie mogę, bo mam chore gardło i nie mogę już śpiewać. I potem dwanaście kobiet, to wiem do dzisiaj, które kobiety były: była też Rózia od Tuma-Jaśka i więcej, ale to może cię tak nie interesuje. I my byłyśmy na jednej, na drugiej próbie, na trzeciej i tak zostałyśmy. Wszystkie dwanaście kobiet było, ładnie się ubierałyśmy, jak były występy. I... a potem, wiesz, ale długo chodziłyśmy dwanaście kobiet. Ale potem... jedna, jedna zachorowała, jedna była w ciąży, w Oświęcimiu na występie się jej zrobiło niedobrze, na..., jak już tańczyłyśmy. A my nie wiedziałyśmy czemu, a ona była w ciąży. Powiem ci, wiesz, wiesz co to jest, w ciąży. No a potem chodziło osiem kobiet. Te chodziły bardzo, bardzo długo. Matysioczka, ta umiała bardzo ładnie śpiewać, Rózka Linkusiowa, ja też umiałam, ja zawsze tańczyłam pierwsza. I wszystkie lata aż do tego roku, kiedy zakończyłam tańczenie, tańczyłam zawsze pierwsza. No Stanecka powiedziała: „Ty umiesz dobrze prowadzić te kobiety”, no to tańczyłyśmy. [156] Wi der krig oüsbroh, hüt yh dy ki Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Wifuł hot yh? Yhy hot ju cwełf jür, wi der krig ej oüsgyfoła. Do hüt yh dy ki, dö hynderum puś. Ȧn mȧj müter kom ȧn zy ziöet: „Ku myta kija, kum yn ham, bo s’ej krig!”. Ȧ cy wjyr wösta, wu dos ej krig? Ȧna y dyham wiöe, wu zy młócili, wu zy dröśa s’gytrȧd. Ȧ zyta... kjerot, to yh wȧ ny, wi dos hȧst. Ȧna uf ȧmöł hühtwer, s’fjet yhta. Ziöetwer: „Ȧ wos ej dos, ȧ wos ej dos?”. Dos hower ju s’jyśty möł gyhüt. „No, europlan” – ziöeta zy – „s’ej krig”. No to wi krig. Ȧna y cwe jür nöma zy śun, wułda, nöma zy śun ȧ foter cyn drowa. Bo zy ziöeta, do wjyr zȧjn fu Doüćłand, ny flymiśy łoüt. No to, ȧ der foter wułd ny gejn y dan krig, łet’ȧ zih hejn. No to wȧsty, wifuł yhy, wifuł yhy müst erława oły zaha. Wifuł möł myter müter fü... bo s’kom der nökwer ȧn’ȧ ziöet: „Wȧsty wos, hoüt wan zy, wan zy, hoüt wan kuma hefa policȧj, ȧn zy wan zihja di łoüt”. (...) No to yhy myter müter, yhy wiöe dy ełdsty, ziöet zy mer ȧzu: „Dü gej s’jyśty” – ȧn ȧ foter cugwer o wi ȧ bow, har ging der ander ȧn dy müter dy łecty. „Ȧ wen imand wyt kuma, to kek ȧzu: „Mȧryja, yhy ho mih ȧ, yhy ho mih, war ej dos, ȧ war ej dos?”. Ȧzu do der foter hjyt ȧn’ȧ gejt ȧbysła uf dy zȧjt. Uf Wymysdiöf. Dos wiöe oü der, der feter dö. Ȧna, s’wiöe zyta fryś he. Ȧna har zos gryhta y dar śoün. Y dam fryśa he. Wiöd’ȧ krank, ony ferśtand. Wejder dy müm, dy Zejma-müm, zej hot wejder bykantśoft mytum dökter fu, fur, fu Brejskja. Kom wejder der dökter, ȧn’ȧ ferśrȧw’um wejder... no, ferśidnikjy zaha. No ȧn, to wȧsty, wi dos wiöe. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Jak wybuchła wojna, pasłam krowy Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Ile miałam? Miałam dwanaście lat, jak wybuchła wojna. To pasłam krowy, tu za lasem. A moja mama przyszła i powiedziała: „Chodź z krowami, chodź do domu, bo jest wojna”. A czy my wiedzieliśmy, co to jest wojna? I w domu była, co młócili, co młócili zboże. Taki kierat, to nie wiem, jak to się nazywa. I naraz usłyszeliśmy, że coś jedzie. Powiedzieliśmy: „A co to jest, co to jest?”. Pierwszy raz to słyszeliśmy. „No, samolot”, mówili, „jest wojna”. No to jak wojna. I za dwa lata brali już, chcieli, wzięli już ojca na wojnę. Bo mówili, że jesteśmy z Niemiec, a nie Flamandami. No to, a ojciec nie chciał iść na tę wojnę, to się schował. No to wiesz, ile ja, ile ja musiałam przeżyć różnych rzeczy. Ile razy z mamą... bo przyszedł sąsiad i powiedział: „Wiesz co, bo dzisiaj będą, dzisiaj będą, dzisiaj przyjedzie dużo policji i będą szukać tych ludzi”. (...) No to ja z matką, ja byłam najstarsza, to powiedziała mi tak: „Ty idź pierwsza” i ojca ubrałyśmy jak kobietę, on szedł drugi, a matka ostatnia. „A jak ktoś będzie szedł, to krzycz tak, Maryjo, jak się zlękłam, jak się zlękłam, kto to jest, kto to jest?”. Tak, żeby ojciec usłyszał i żeby zszedł trochę na bok. Do Starej Wsi. To był też wujek tam. I, było takie świeże siano. I on siedział od razu w tej stodole. Na tym świeżym sianie. Zachorował, stracił rozum. Znowu ciotka, ciotka Zejmina, ona miała znowu taką znajomość z takim lekarzem z Brzeszcz. Przyjechał znowu ten lekarz, i przepisał mu znowu. No różne rzeczy. No to wiesz, jak to było. [157] Der gyfoła gyśwyster kymt ufȧ troüm Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Dy müter ziöet: „Mȧj Jȧśü, wu zo’h dih śtekja? Yhy ho śun ȧ kłopa, mü’h’ȧ hejnśtekja. Nö dejh”. Ȧn’ȧ fü, har hot kȧ fyngjyn. Ȧn’ȧ fü yn krig, y Stalingrad, oder [oba] y Leningrad, y dan cwü... Fuł’ȧ [füł’ȧ]. Har wiöe byr kyh, wȧsty, ȧ fü [füt] inda s’asa yn drowa. Nöhta kom’ȧ ym troüm cyr müter, ziöet’ȧ, ȧ mȧj müter ziöet’um ȧzu: „Jȧśü, Jȧśü, bysty kuma?”. Ȧ har ziöet: „Jȧśü, Jȧśü, Jȧśü, Jȧśü, oder dy höst mih ny hejngyśtekt. Yhy łejg ym rȧna fȧld underum rȧla”. Zöfuł kon yh der ziöen. No, ȧn’ȧ kom mej ny. Kuzyn, który zginął na wojnie, przyszedł na sen Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Matka powiedziała: „Mój Jasiu, gdzie cię mam schować? Mam już męża, muszę go schować. Jeszcze ciebie”. I pojechał, on nie miał palców. I pojechał na wojnę. 161 �162 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian W Stalingradzie albo w Leningradzie, w tych dwóch. Zginął. On był przy kuchni, wiesz, woził zawsze jedzenie tym żołnierzom. Potem przyszedł do mojej matki na sen, powiedział, a moja mama mu powiedziała tak: „Jasiu, Jasiu, przyszedłeś?”. A on odpowiedział: „Jasiu Jasiu, Jasiu Jasiu, ale mnie nie schowałaś. Leżę w szczerym polu pod miedzycką”. Tyle mogę ci powiedzieć. No i nigdy już nie wrócił. [158] Wi zy ȧ batłer ȧn ȧ mȧja śtełta Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Oü, frȧłih. Wen yh... yh wa der ziöen. Har wyt cy... dü wyst cy mjyr kuma, no ny? Yhy wył dih ny. „Yh wa der śun dos wȧjza, yh wa der śteła ȧn batłer. Yh wa der dos cykrigata” – no ny? Dos wiöe ȧzu na złość, ȧna mȧja, ȧ mȧja śtełt zih oü. Wen dü dih wyst ferwȧjwa, cy höst ȧ frȧj... [frȧjerka], ȧ mȧkja, dy wyst dih ferwȧjwa, no do śtełststy ȧ mȧja. Mȧj tȧta śtełt ȧ mȧja cym Biba-Jüza. Ȧ wułd zih diöt ferwȧjwa, oder diöt wiöe śun ȧ mȧkja fu w... dö, fum Płaćnik diöt. No do dy ełdyn wułda zjyr ny, no do nöhta ging’ȧ cym Tobyś, der tȧta, no do wiöe’ȧ diöt ny, oder ȧ mȧja śtełt’ȧ, ȧ wyt zih diöt ferwȧjwa, ȧ nöhta... der dźjada wułd ny, do diöt yhta wȧ... ȧ konflikt, diöt wiöe yhta. Jak stawiali dziada i maja Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. Też, pewnie. Opowiem ci... On przyjdzie... ty będziesz do mnie chodził, nie? Ja ciebie nie chcę. „Ja ci już pokażę, postawię ci dziada. Zrobię ci na złość”, no nie? To było tak na złość. A maja, maja się też stawia. Jak ty się będziesz żenił, czy masz dziewczynę, będziesz się żenił, to stawiasz maja. Mój tata stawiał maja u Biba-Józka. Chciał się tam ożenić, ale tam była już dziewczyna... stąd, od Płaćnika. No to rodzice za bardzo nie chcieli, no to potem tata poszedł do Tobysia, to już tam nie był. Ale maja postawił, że się tam ożeni. A potem... dziadek nie chciał, że tam był jakiś konflikt, coś było. [159] Faderśłȧjsa Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. Wi wjyr hota dö, c’yns, hefa śłyswer ganz. Do dy müsta, dy mȧkja kuma, ȧn dos füng ȧzu ym zȧhs nömytag, bocum noün c’öwyts śłyswer fadyn. No do wi wer śłysa fadyn, no do müst inda dy mama gan �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian nöhta cy asa. No do wiöe twiöeg ȧna puter, oba płoc gybaka. Ȧ wen ent ȧna wen wer śłysa ym zynwyt, no ny? Bo wer śłysa ju oły tag, kymt’s cy ziöen. Do ym zynwyt köma dy büwa, dy knȧht, knȧht, köma nöhta myter hȧrmeni [hȧrmoni], nöhta hefa dyhemd [byhend], derzȧnk inda ym zynwyt, wen dy mama wöst, do zy wan kuma, dy büwa myter hȧrmeni [hȧrmoni], go zy wingjer fadyn, do wer hefa dos dyhemd [byhend] śłȧjsa. Bo nöhta wawer tanca, ny? No do nöhta müsa dy tyś kuma wȧg ȧn dy brat, bo dy höst ju zöfuł ny śtil [śtiln]. Dos wiöe ȧ, kymt’s cy ziöen, uf ȧn śtül, ȧ nöht wiöe ȧ brat under gyzoct, do höst ju zöfuł ny, no bank wiöe, ȧ bank, ławka, bank. Miöehysmöł gydenk yh. – No ȧ bank, ȧ bȧnkla. Wiöd dos ołys nöhta ys hoüz gytriöen ȧn do dy śtuw łydik ej cym tanca. Pierzowiec Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. No my mieliśmy tu u nas, dużo gęsi szkubaliśmy. To musiały przyjść dziewczyny i to się tak zaczynało o szóstej wieczór, do dziewiątej wieczór szkubałyśmy pierze. No to jak szkubałyśmy pierze, to mama zawsze musiała dać coś do jedzenia. No to był ser i masło i placek upieczony. A jak się kończyło i jak szkubaliśmy w sobotę, nie? Bo szkubałyśmy codziennie, przyjdzie powiedzieć. To w sobotę przychodzili chłopcy, kawalerowie przychodzili potem z harmonią, potem szybko, wtedy zawsze w sobotę, jak mama wiedziała, że przyjdą chłopcy z harmonią, to dała mniej pierzy, żebyśmy szybko to uszkubały. Bo potem będziemy tańczyć, nie? No to potem stoły musiały zostać usunięte i deski, bo nie masz tyle krzeseł. To było, przyjdzie powiedzieć, na jednym krześle, a potem była podłożona deska, bo nie masz tylu, no ławka była, ławka. Czasem pamiętam. – No ławka. Wszystko to było potem wyniesione do sieni, żeby izba była pusta do tańczenia. [160] Der köh ufer friöed Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Ȧna wi yhy hot friöed, do der Siöejka-Jaküb, ȧ kłop, koht. Oder zy kohta ołys dyham, ȧ yn krȧćum gingja zy jok ȧzu uf cwü, drȧj śtunda ȧbysła tanca ȧna diöt, wen imand hot fu, wu maht friöed, to bröhta zy yn krȧćum, oder ȧbysła kanapki, wȧsty, nist wiöemys, nöhta gingja zy śun yn ham, ösa zy śun dyham. 163 �164 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Kucharz na weselu Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. A jak ja miałam wesele, do Sojka Jakub, mężczyzna gotował. Ale oni gotowali wszystko w domu, a do karczmy chodzili tylko tak na dwie godziny, trzy, trochę potańczyć. I tam, jak ktoś miał, z tych co robili wesele, to przynosili do karczmy coś albo trochę kanapek, wiesz, nic ciepłego. Potem szli już do domu, jedli w domu. [161] Der friöedaśmjyrgüst Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Ym möntag, dos wiöe der dryty tag. No to, oder wȧsty, wos... dos wün ołys di łoüt fur friöed. No to cuga zy zih o ȧzu, wi imand wułd. Ȧna fün zy mytum... dos wün piöer, piöer par [piöen] ȧn zy fün cy idum, cy idum gast ȧna diöt krigta zy ȧ fłoś myt brantwȧjn oba fylȧjht wȧjn, wu imynd [imyd] hot. Ȧna di nöma dos ołys nöhta uf dy friöed ȧna diöt hota zy ołys, wu ej gybłejn, ösa zy ȧna dan brantwȧjn trunka zy, dos, wu zy hon mytgybröht. Śmiergust weselny Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. W poniedziałek, to był trzeci dzień. No to, wiesz co, to byli wszystko ludzie z wesela. No to ubierali się, jak kto chciał. I jechali... było kilka par, kilka par i oni jeździli do każdego gościa weselnego i tam dostali flaszkę wódki albo może i wina, co kto miał. I ci wzięli to potem na wesele i tam mieli wszystko, co zostało. Jedli i tą wódkę pili, którą ze sobą przywieźli. [162] Zy wułda yn hund ny kłengln Płaćnik-Helka (gyb. 1922), 2022. No do zej hot fȧld. Dos fȧld Kalinowska, dö, wo höt, der Grabowski śtejt, dos fȧld wiöe bocym... Pöła... bocyr, pocȧr granc. No do... krepjyta dy hund ȧna zy wiöe kȧ kȧtöłyśy ny. No do wułd zy, do zy zuła kłengln, y dy hund. No oder dy łoüt wułda dos fȧld, �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian do zy gyt uf dy kjyh, no ny? Ȧna – „wi wer dos zuła maha?” – no to di wjytśoft, di wjyt, wo mejer by dam wün, by dar kjyh mejer, do: „Wawer dy głoka ȧjpaka, wen zy hoün, s’wyt ny gejn”. Nie będzie głośno. – Der kłang wyt ny gejn. No, s’wyt dos śtył łoüfa. No, „Widzicie, no dzwonimy, no dzwonią, no nie? No ale nie bije”. No. Oder s’fȧld go zy, ferśtejsty? No. Uf dy kjyh. Jak nie chcieli dzwonić dzwonami psom Helena Biba z d. Danek (ur. 1922), 2022. No to ona miała pole. To pole Kalinowskiej, tu, co ma, co Grabowski ma dom, to pole było aż do polskiej... aż do granicy. No to umarły jej psy i ona nie była katoliczką. No to chciała, żeby dzwonili psom (dzwonami). No ale ludzie chcieli to pole, żeby dała na kościół, no nie? No i „jak to mamy zrobić”, myśleli ci gospodarze, co więcej przy tym byli, przy tym kościele więcej, to „zapakujemy dzwony, że jak będą biły, to nie pójdzie”. Nie będzie głośno. – Dźwięk nie pójdzie. No, będzie cicho szło. No, „widzicie, no dzwonimy, no dzwonią, no nie? No ale nie bije”. No. Ale pole dała, rozumiesz? No. Na kościół. 165 �166 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Pieśni Dy łidyn [163] Fu ynzyn rȧjhja fȧldyn Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), 2009. (Fu ynzyn) rȧjhja fȧldyn Wo der Göt höt gygan Brengwjyr oüh hoüt dy giöewa Nör śun ferenta an Ȧn grusa kranc fu yjyn Wȧs, hower ȧna kün Ȧn błimła fuły śtyjyn Fu ynzyn wejza wün Wȧjł ynzer kłopa ata Ej ju ym łand kȧ nut Wo ej fu Göt gybata Fałt ju ym łand kȧ brut. Z naszych bogatych pól Elżbieta Matysiak z d. Rosner (1924–2014), 2009. (Z naszych) bogatych pól Które nam Bóg dał Przynosimy wam dzisiaj snopki Po zakończonych żniwach I duży wieniec z kłosów Pszenicy, owsa i żyta I pełne kwiaty stoją Gdzie były nasze miedze �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Tak długo, jak nasi mężczyźni pracują Nie ma w kraju biedy Co od Boga wyproszone To że nie brakuje w kraju chleba. [164] Wymysiöejer śejny mȧkja Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), 2009. Wymysiöejer śejny mȧkja Di kyna zih ju śejn brȧta Y dy kjyh gejn zy śejn ogycün Ym krȧćum śtejn zy ind byfür Dy pobütkla müsa glanca Do zy beser kyna tanca S’miöela mü ju zȧjn gyśłosa Do zy beser kyna pösa Ufum gyśtałtła śejny ruza Do zy beser kyna kuza Ufum hacła zyłwer kroücła Do zy s’giełd hon śtejn ym macła Mytum drüźba kumt ȧhynder Bo wer tanca wi der śynder Kumt mer ȧ drüźba byśenkja Do wer yns kyna bydenkja. Oder: Kuźe mȧkja, kuźe mȧkja Dü cy mjyr, dü cy mjyr Yh wył kuza, yh wył kuza Yh myt djyr, yh myt djyr Ynzer müter, ynzer müter Zoh yns cü, zoh yns cü Wi wer hüta, wi wer hüta Ynzer śejny ruty kü. 167 �Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian 168 Wilamowianki to piękne dziewczyny Elżbieta Matysiak z d. Rosner (1924–2014), 2009. Wilamowianki to piękne dziewczyny One umieją się ładnie wystroić Do kościoła chodzą pięknie ubrane A w karczmie stoją zawsze na przedzie Półbuty muszą się błyszczeć Żeby lepiej umiały tańczyć Buzia musi być zamknięta Żeby lepiej umiały całować Na gorsecie piękne róże Żeby lepiej mogły mówić Na serduszku srebrny krzyżyk Świadczący o tym, że mają pieniądze w miarce Chodźcie za drużbą Bo tańczymy jak diabli Chodźcie mojego drużbę poczęstować Żebyśmy mogli wytrzeźwieć. Ale: Przyjdź, dziewczyno, przyjdź Ty do mnie, ty do mnie Chcę mówić, chcę mówić Ja z tobą, ja z tobą Nasza matka, masza matka Nas widziała, nas widziała Gdyśmy paśli, gdyśmy paśli Naszą ładną rudą krowę. [165] O dü mȧj łiwy puterbow I: Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. H: Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), 2009. I: O dü mȧj łiwy puterbow, jupȧjdi, jupȧjda Wos mahsty diöt bym śof jupȧjdijȧda �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Yh woś dy puter ju śejn rȧn, jupȧjdijajupȧjda Ȧn tengl mer fu ȧm ufs ander bȧn, jupȧjdijȧda H: Dos kon nimyd ny. I: Dos kon nimyd, bo dos ho yhy ejwerłet fu dam byłcer łid. H: Ȧha, ufs wymysiöeryś. I: Ufs wymysiöeryś. O ty kochana maślarko I: Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. H: Helena Rozner (Rosner) z d. Figwer (1928–2015), 2009. I: O ty moja kochana maślarko, jupȧjdi, jupȧjda Co robisz tam przy szafliku? jupȧjdijȧda Myję masło, żeby było czyste, jupȧjdijajupȧjda I dreptam z jednej nogi na drugą, jupȧjdijȧda H: Tego nikt nie umie. I: Tego nikt nie umie, bo ja to przełożyłam z tej bielskiej piosenki. H: Aha, na wilamowski. I: Na wilamowski. [166] Zȧjt gybata, ny hot frejwuł Abda-Inga (1928–2016), 2009. Zȧjt gybata, ny hot frejwułn Do wer’üh śtejn undrum gejwuł Wjyr zȧjn ju śun jungy knȧhtła Ołys jungys mü rymłoüfa Ym dy Wȧjnahta Dü byst ȧ jungys knȧhtła. Prosimy was, nie miejcie pretensji (za kolędę dziękujemy) Ingeborg Matzner-Danek (1928–2016), 2009. Prosimy was, nie miejcie pretensji Że wam stoimy pod szczytem domu Jesteśmy już młodymi kawalerami 169 �170 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Starzy, młodzi muszą biegać W okresie bożonarodzeniowym Ty jesteś młodym kawalerem. [167] Mȧj mȧkja, ku cy mjyr Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), 2007. Mȧj mȧkja, ku cy mjyr Yh wył kuza myt djyr Nöht wawer yns pösa Dy müter wyt nist ny wysa. Moja dziewczyno, chodź do mnie Elżbieta Matysiak z d. Rosner (1924–2014), 2009. Moja dziewczyno, chodź do mnie Chcę z tobą mówić (chodzić do ciebie) Potem się pocałujemy Mama nie będzie nic wiedzieć. [168] Der ołdy Kesuł Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), 2007. Der ołdy Kesuł hot zih byzöfa Cym Hȧla-Mockja undys bejnła gykroha Dos wiöe ju ȧ zyter kalüś, dar wułd śłöfa mytum Hȧlüś Underum bejnła. Stary Kesuł Elżbieta Matysiak z d. Rosner (1924–2014), 2007. Stary Kesuł się upił Wlazł do u Hala-Mocka pod ławkę przy piecu To był taki gagatek, że chciał spać z Halusią Pod tą ławką. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [169] Ȧn śrejt weter Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), 2007. Ȧn śrejt weter, ȧn śrejt weter, yt błȧjwer śtejn Ȧn śrejt weter, ȧn śrejt weter, yt kynwer gejn Yt mah ȧ rod, zu past yns grod. Jeden krok w przód Elżbieta Matysiak z d. Rosner (1924–2014), 2007. Jeden krok w przód, teraz stoimy Jeden krok w przód, teraz idziemy Teraz zrób koło, tak nam pasuje. [170] Ny śyk mih ys pyśła Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), 2007. Ny śyk mih ys pyśła, nȧ! lȧlȧlȧlȧlȧ Biöemła feła wył yh ny, lȧlȧlȧlȧlȧ S’biöemła wje mih ju derśłön Wos wje nöht mȧj mȧkja ziöen, lȧlȧlȧ-lȧlȧlȧlȧlȧ. Nie posyłaj mnie do lasu Elżbieta Matysiak z d. Rosner (1924–2014), 2009. Nie posyłaj mnie do lasu, nie! lalalalala Drzewka walił nie będę, lalalalala Drzewko by mnie zabiło Co by potem powiedziała moja dziewczyna, lalala-lalalalala. [171] S’möndła śȧjnt Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), 2007. S’möndła śȧjnt, s’wjyft ȧn śȧjn S’rumpułt undyn brykja 171 �172 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Yh gydöht, yh gydöht Der Jȧśü kymt gyryta. Księżyc świeci Elżbieta Matysiak z d. Rosner (1924–2014), 2009. Księżyc świeci, rzuca blask Coś dudni pod mostami Ja myślałam, ja myślałam Że to Jasiu przyjeżdża na koniu. [172] Śpacerpolka Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), 2007. Śpacerpolka śejner tanc War’ȧ ny kon mytśpryngja Dar zuł zyca ufum bȧnkla Ȧn ym wynkl mytzyngja. Śpacerpolka Elżbieta Matysiak z d. Rosner (1924–2014), 2009. Śpacerpolka ładny taniec Kto go nie umie tańczyć Niech sobie siądzie na ławce I w kącie śpiewa razem z nami. [173] Śłöf mȧj kyndła fest Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Y dyham zungwer dos łidła, byn kyndyn wen wer wułda, do zy zuła śłöfa. Śłöf mȧj kyndła fest S’kuma fremdy gest S’kuma müma ȧna fetyn Brengja’m kyndła, nysła, epułn Śłöf mȧj kyndła fest �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian S’kuma fremdy gest Śłöf mȧj kyndła, śłöf S’wȧt ym gatła ȧ śöf Ojyś myt fjyr wȧjsa fisła Brengja’m kyndła, epuł, nysła Śłöf mȧj kyndła, śłöf S’wȧt ym gatła ȧ śöf. Śpij moje dziecko mocno Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. W domu śpiewaliśmy tą piosenkę, przy dzieciach, jak chcieliśmy, żeby spały. Śpij moje dziecko mocno Przychodzą obcy goście Przychodzą ciotki i wujkowie Przynoszą dziecku orzechy i jabłka Śpij moje dziecko mocno Przychodzą obcy goście Śpij moje dziecko śpij W ogródku pasie się owieczka Wasza z czterema białymi nóżkami Przynoszą dziecku jabłka i orzechy Śpij moje dziecko śpij W ogródku pasie się owieczka. [174] Diöt fum hejwuł Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Diöt fum hejwuł kymt mȧj Jȧśü śun gyryta, ryta Ejwer ynzer śweła, kliny hoüzła tryt’ȧ, tryt’ȧ Yh fur frȧjd, śpryng yh roüs, śpryng yh roüs, śpryng yh roüs H’łö dih śun fu mjyr ny roüs, łö dih śun ny roüs. 173 �174 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Tam z górki Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Tam z górki jedzie mój Jasiu konno Przez próg naszego małego domu wkracza Ja z radości wyskakuję Już cię nigdy ode mnie nie wypuszczę. [175] Zȧgja, nȧgja Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. Hü cyn uwa Hü cyn uwa! Zȧgja, nȧgja Küśü baka Mała, zaka S’ej kȧ mał S’ej njynt nist No, wȧsty, dos maht yh, wi mȧj kłop wiöe ȧzu krank. No to ida tag mahtwer dos, bo dos wiöe ȧzu ȧbysła, do’ȧ myta henda rjyt ȧn do’ȧ zih ȧbysła rjyt, bo ȧzu wułd’ȧ śun zyca. Wyliczanka „Zȧgja, nȧgja” Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Ciąć, zginać Słodycze piec Mąki, worki Nie ma mąki Nie ma nic Hü do pieca Hü do pieca! No wiesz, to robiłam, jak mój mąż był taki chory. To każdego dnia robiliśmy to, bo to było tak trochę, żeby ruszał rękami, żeby się trochę ruszał, bo tak, to już tylko chciał siedzieć. �Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian [176] S’wün ȧmöł cwü mykja Lüft-Nüśka (gyb. 1927), 2022. S’wün ȧmöł cwü mykja Ufum kjyhüf fłykja S’hot mih wunder, ejwerwunder Wi di mykja fłykja S’wün ȧmöł cwej hoza Ufum kjyhüf groza S’hot mih wunder, ejwerwunder Wi di hoza groza S’wün ȧmöł cwü fłigja Ufum kjyhüf wigja S’hot mih wunder, ejwerwunder Wi di fłigja wigja. Były raz dwa komary Anna Foks (Fox) z d. Nowak (ur. 1927), 2022. Były raz dwa komary Które na cmentarzu łatały Dziwiłem się, bardzo dziwiłem Jak komary łatają Były raz dwa zające Które na cmentarzu jadły trawę Dziwiłem się, bardzo dziwiłem Jak zające jedzą trawę Były raz dwie muchy Które na cmentarzu się kołysały Dziwiłem się, bardzo dziwiłem Jak muchy się kołysają. 175 �Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian 176 ZAKOŃCZENIE Publikacja powstała jako efekt projektu „Reawakening the Wymysorys language in Wilamowice, Poland”, finansowanego w ramach programu Language Revitalization Accelerator 2022–2023 przez amerykańską organizację Wikitongues, wspierającą rewitalizację i dokumentację zagrożonych języków. To w ramach tego projektu zrealizowano wszystkie nagrania datowane na rok 2022. Aby w publikacji – zarówno w jej wersji internetowej, jak i papierowej – znalazły się głosy jak największej liczby osób, korzystałem również z nagrań powstałych w ramach innych projektów, w tworzeniu których uczestniczyłem. W tym miejscu chciałbym podziękować: Dr. Alexowi Andrasonowi za udostępnienie nagrań, które powstały w ramach naszych badań nad wilamowską gramatyką. Są to wszystkie nagrania z 2009 r. Prof. Tomaszowi Wicherkiewiczowi za udostępnienie nagrań z jego projektu „Dziedzictwo językowe Rzeczypospolitej. Baza dokumentacji zagrożonych języków” (NPRH, 2011–2014). Były to nagrania z moją Babcią Heleną Rozner (Böba-Loüzkja), Elżbietą Mynarską (Siöeba-Siöeba) i Józefem Garą (Tołer), wszystkie z 2012 r. W ich powstaniu uczestniczyli: prof. Beata Mikołajczyk, prof. Alfred Majewicz, prof. Tomasz Wicherkiewicz i dr Marek Dolatowski. Dziekuję prof. Justynie Olko za udostępnienie nagrań z jej projektu „Endangered languages. Comprehensive models of language revitalization” (NPRH, 2013–2016). Są to wszystkie nagrania z 2014 r. W ich tworzeniu uczestniczył również dr Bartłomiej Chromik. Wszystkie inne nagrania powstały w ramach mojej pracy dokumentacyjnej prowadzonej od 2004 r.16 W tym miejscu chciałbym podziękować wszystkim Wilamowianom i Wilamowiankom, którzy poświęcili czas i energię, by wspomóc dokumentację językową, ale również mnie osobiście, długimi rozmowami i dobrym słowem. Większość z nich już nie żyje. Byli to: Franciszka Bilczewska fum Frycki (1913–2012), Kazimierz Grygierczyk fum Bjerünjok (1913–2010), Anna Danek fum Pejtela (1916–2015), Zofia Danek fum Stȧnćü (1917–2012), Anna Bilczewska fum Karol (1918–2012), Franciszek Mosler fum Mözłer (1918–2011), Helena Danek fum Kwaka (1919–2012), Anna Sznajder (Schneider) fum Taksła (1920–2012), Jan Biba fum Tiöma-Jȧśkja (1920–2011), Elżbieta Nowak fum Blaśany (1920–2012), Elżbieta Mynarska fum Siöeba-Siöeba (1921–2014), Elżbieta Korczowska fum Kesuł (1922–2015), Matylda Danek Część nagrań jest efektem pracy naukowej finansowanej przez Ministerstwo Nauki i Edukacji ze środków budżetowych na naukę w latach 2016–2022 jako projekt badawczy w ramach programu „Diamentowy Grant” pod nazwą „Góry, pagórki, przykryjcie nas – Wilamowianie wobec powojennych prześladowań”, afiliowany przy Wydziale „Artes Liberales” Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. 16 �Zakończenie (1922–2022), Anna Foks (Fox) fum Priöeriöek (1923–2011), Elżbieta Kacorzyk fum Bek-Bȧlcer (1923–2022), Elżbieta Bies fum Ćertok (1923–2014), Anna Zejma fum Lüft (1923–2010), Elżbieta Babiuch fum Poükner/Küpsok (1923–2010), Elżbieta Sznajder (Schneider) fum Taksła (1923–2020), Stanisław Szubert (Schubert) fum Śübert (1923–2016), Elżbieta Matysiak fum Hȧla-Mockja (1924–2014), Helena Gasidło fum Biöeźnjok (1924–2014), Anna Danek fum Küpsela (1924–2021), Józef Sznajder (Schneider) fum Pejter (1924–2013), Rozalia Kowalik fum Poüermin (1925–2016), Waleria Brzezina fum Cepok (1925–2013), Anna Schilder fum Psyk (1925–2017), Katarzyna Balcarczyk fum Karol (1925–2013), Jan Formas fum Kürek (1925–2015), Elżbieta Formas fum Mözłer (1926–2019), Katarzyna Nowak fum Tobyś (1926–2010), Emilia Mika fum Witła (1926–2022), Maria Nycz fum Wȧligüra (1926–2022), Stanisław Rak fum Raćek (1926–2014), Anna Mika fum Biöetuł (1927–2021), Anna Korczyk fum Kołodźej (1927–2015), Anna Janosz fum Hȧla-Frana-Jȧśkja (1927–2015), Helena Danek fum Małata (1927–2020), Elżbieta Figwer fum Böba (1927–2018), Elżbieta Gąsiorek fum Anta (1927–2021), Janina Tempińska fum Böba (1927–2021), Józef Janosz fum Łycki (1927–2014), Franciszek Biesik fum Pinder (1927–2016), Bronisława Pyka (1928–2017), Helena Nowak fum Holećkla (1928–2017), Ingeborg Matzner-Danek fum Abda (1928–2016), Helena Rozner (Rosner) fum Böba-Loüzkja (1928–2015), Stanisław Danek fum Poükner/Küpsok (1928–2015), Jan Balcarczyk fum Amerykon (1928–2013), Elżbieta Merta fum Hȧla-Frana-Jȧśkja (1929–2014), Emilia Biesik fum Raćek (1929–2013), Katarzyna Nowak fum Pejtela (1929–2019), Elżbieta Nycz fum Śleźok (1929–2007), Józef Gara fum Tołer (1929–2013), Eugenia Foks (Fox) fum Bröda (1930–2022), Elżbieta Koch fum Mjeta-Jȧś (1930–2013), Elżbieta Gandor fum Puś-Pejter (1930–2017), Hilda Kasperczyk fum Ćiöe (1930–2005), Emilia Zejma fum Mözłer (ur. 1930), Anna Biba fum Küćłik (1930–2009), Helena Foks (Fox) fum Fröst (1930–2020), Anna Kowalczyk fum Tobyś (1930–2022), Zofia Kozieł fum Śübert (1930–2016), Stanisław Kuczmierczyk fum Śymek (1930– 2019), Rozalia Danek fum Mjyra-Winca (1931–2021), Rozalia Węgrodzka fum Gȧda (ur. 1931), Elżbieta Nikiel fum Linküś (ur. 1931), Helena Gacek fum Pȧloż (1931–2020), Stanisław Zejma fum Zejma (1931–2015), Franciszek Danek fum Pȧća (1931–2020), Elżbieta Styskała fum Kaspela (1932–2017), Stefania Kuczmierczyk fum Ćiöe (ur. 1932), Anna Nowak fum Hȧla-Mockja (1932–2011), Emilia Danek fum Biöeźnjok (1933–2020), Kazimierz Foks (Fox) fum Baranła (1933–2020), Eugeniusz Zejma fum Mözłer (1934–2023), Anna Kuczmierczyk fum Zelbst (1934–2018), Anna Sznajder (Schneider) fum Gȧda (1934–2014), Józef Sznajder (Schneider) fum Hermon (1936–2022), Bernardyna Zbierowska fum Holećkla (1949–2021), Stanisław Merta fum Hȧla-Frana-Jȧśkja-Hȧla (1954–2011). Szczególne podziękowania kieruję do dwóch Wilamowianek – Heleny Bibowej (Płaćnik-Helka) i Anny Foksowej (Lüft-Nüśka), za to że poświęciły mi w 2022 r. wiele godzin i cierpliwie odpowiadały na nawet najdziwniejsze moje pytania. Gdyby nie ich zapał i poświęcenie, nie byłbym w stanie zrealizować tego i wielu innych projektów. 177 �178 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian DY ENDRYD Dy publikȧcyj ej ȧdśtanda fum „Reawakening the Wymysorys language in Wilamowice, Poland” projekt, gyfinansjyt fum Language Revitalization Accelerator 2022– 2023 program diöh dy amerykȧnyśy orgȧnizȧcyj Wikitongues, wo zy underśtyct dy rewitȧlizȧcyj ȧn dokumentȧcyj fun śpröha, wo zy zȧjn bydret fum oüsśtarwa. Y dam projekt ȧdśtinda oły ufśpejłnana ym 2022 jür. Do’s y di publikȧcyj (ym internet wi oü ym bihła) śtyma fu wi ym mȧsta łoüt kuma, at yh oü myta ufśpejłnana, wo zy zȧjn ȧdśtanda fun andyn projekta, wu’h zoüwer bej gywast. Y dam üt wje’h weła danka: Ym dr Andrason-Alex, do’ȧ go dy ufśpejłnana, wo wer zy cyzoma mahta, wi wer badȧta dy wymysiöeryśy gramatyk. Dos zȧjn oły ufśpejłnana fum 2009 jür. Ym profesiöer Wicherkiewicz-Tomasz, do’ȧ go dy ufśpejłnana fu zem projekt „Dziedzictwo językowe Rzeczypospolitej. Baza dokumentacji zagrożonych języków”, (NPRH, 2011–2014). Dos zȧjn dy ufśpejłnana myt mer Baba – Böba-Loüzkja-Helka, wi oü mytum Siöeba-Hȧla ȧn Tołer-Jüza, oły fum 2012 jür. Bym ufśpejła wün prof. Mikołajczyk-Beata, prof. Majewicz-Alfred, prof. Wicherkiewicz-Tomasz ȧn dr Dolatowski-Marek. Yhy dank yr profesiöeryn Olko-Justyna, do zy go dy ufśpejłnana fu jym projekt „Endangered languages. Comprehensive models of language revitalization” (NPRH, 2013–2016). Dos zȧjn oły ufśpejłnana fum 2014 jür. Myta hot oü cy tün der dökter Chromik-Biöetuł. Oły ander ufśpejłnana ho yhy gymaht oüz dokumentȧcyj, wo’h zy mah fum 2004 jür. Y dam üt wje’h weła y oła Wymysiöejeryna ȧn Wymysiöejyn danka, wo zy hon mer gyśankt jyr cȧjt ȧn kroft, do zy hüłfa byr dokumentȧcyj fur wymysiöeryśa śpröh ȧn oü y mjyr, myta łanga gykuza ȧn myt gütum wüt. Dy mȧsta föna ława śun mej ny. Dos wün: Frycki-Francka (1913–2012), Bjerünjok-Mjyra (1913–2010), Pejtela-Nüśka (1916–2015), Stȧnćü-Ziöeśka (1917–2012), Karol-Nüśa (1918–2012), MözłerFrana (1918–2011), Kwaka-Helka (1919–2012), Taksła-Nüśa (1920–2012), Tiöma-Jȧśkja-Jȧśki (1920–2011), Blaśany-Hȧla (1920–2012), Siöeba-Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014), Kesuł-Hȧla (1922–2015), Danek-Mȧtylda (1922–2022), PriöeriöekNüśa (1923–2011), Ćertok-Hȧla (1923–2014), Lüft-Nüśka (1923–2010), Poükner/ Küpsok-Hȧla (1923–2010), Taksła-Hȧla (1923–2020), Bek-Bȧlcer-Hȧla (1923– 2022) Śübert-Staha (1923–2016), Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014), BiöeźnjokHelka (1924–2014), Küpsela-Nüśa (1924–2021), Pejter-Jüza (1924–2013), �Dy endryd Poüermin-Ruzła (1925–2016), Cepok-Wȧlerka (1925–2013), Psyk-Nüśa (1925– 2017), Karol-Kȧśka (1925–2013), Kürek-Jȧśki (1925–2015), Mözłer-Hȧla (1926– 2019), Tobyś-Kȧśka (1926–2010), Witła-Milka (1926–2022), Wȧligüra-Mȧryśka (1926–2022), Raćek-Staha (1926–2014), Biöetuł-Nüśka (1927–2021), KołodźejNüśka (1927–2015), Hȧla-Frana-Jȧśkja (1927–2015), Małata-Helka (1927–2020), Böba-Hȧla (1927–2018), Anta-Hȧla (1927–2021), Böba-Janka (1927–2021), Łycki-Jüza (1927–2014), Pinder-Frana (1927–2016), Pyka-Bronka (1928–2017), Holećkla-Helka (1928–2017), Abda-Inga (1928–2016), Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015), Poükner/Küpsok-Staha (1928–2015), Amerykon-Jȧśki (1928–2013), Hȧla-Frana-Jȧśkja-Hȧla (1929–2014), Raćek-Milka (1929–2013), Pejtela-Kȧśka (1929–2019), Śleźok-Hȧla (1929–2007), Tołer-Jüza (1929–2013), Bröda-Genjü (1930–2022), Mjeta-Jȧś-Hȧla (1930–2013), Puś-Pejter-Hȧla (1930–2017), ĆiöeHilda (1930–2005), Mözłer-Milka (gyb. 1930), Küćłik-Nüśa (1930–2009), FröstHelka (1930–2020), Tobyś-Nüśa (1930–2022), Śübert-Ziöeśka (1930–2016), Śymek-Staha (1930–2019), Mjyra-Winca-Ruzła (1931–2021), Gȧda-Ruzła (gyb. 1931), Linküś-Hȧla (gyb. 1931), Pȧloż-Helka (1931–2020), Zejma-Staha (1931– 2015), Pȧća-Frana (1931–2020), Maksek/Kaspela-Hȧla (1932–2017), Ćiöe-Stefka (gyb. 1932), Hȧla-Mockja-Nüśka (1932–2011), Biöeźnjok-Milka (1933–2020), Baranła-Mjyra (1933–2020), Mözłer-Genek (1934–2023), Zelbst-Nüśka (1934– 2018), Gȧda-Nüśka (1934–2014), Hermon-Jüza (1936–2022), Holećkla-Beni (1949–2021), Hȧla-Frana-Jȧśkja-Hȧla-Staha (1954–2011). Ym hacta wje’h weła y cwü Wymysiöejeryna danka – ym Płaćnik-Helka ȧn ym Lüft-Nüśka, fjyr dos, do zy mer hon ym 2022 jür hefa śtunda gan ȧn do zy mer gydyłdik uf mȧj nawet wyndeliksta fröga hon cyrykgyziöet. Wen ny jyr łöst ȧn wyła fum śenkja, wje yh dan projekt, wi oü oły ander projekta ny kyna hon gymaht. 179 �180 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian ROZMÓWCZYNIE I ROZMÓWCY, KTÓRYCH WYPOWIEDZI ZNAJDUJĄ SIĘ W TEJ KSIĄŻCE DY KUZERYNA ȦN DY KUZYN, WO ZY Y DAM BIHŁA KUZA Anna Sznajder (Schneider) Taksła-Nüśa (1920–2012) Elżbieta Mynarska Siöeba-Hȧla (1921–2014) Fot. z cyfrowego archiwum Stowarzyszenia „Wilamowianie” Fot. Alfred Majewicz Helena Biba Płaćnik-Helka (ur. 1922) Elżbieta Kacorzyk Bek-Bȧlcer-Hȧla (1923–2022) Fot. Justyna Majerska-Sznajder Fot. Alex Andrason �Rozmówczynie i rozmówcy, których wypowiedzi znajdują się w tej książce Elżbieta Sznajder (Schneider) Taksła-Hȧla (1923–2020) Anna Zejma Lüft-Nüśka (1923–2010) Fot. Tymoteusz Król Fot. Tymoteusz Król Elżbieta Babiuch Küpsok/Poükner-Hȧla (1923–2010) Helena Gasidło Biöeźnjok-Helka (1924–2014) Fot. Alex Andrason Fot. Tymoteusz Król 181 �182 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Elżbieta Matysiak Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla (1924–2014) Stanisław Foks (Fox) Lüft-Staha (1926–2021) Fot. Alex Andrason Fot. Alfred Majewicz Rozalia Hanusz Linküś-Ruzła (1926–2009) Anna Foks (Fox) Lüft-Nüśka (ur. 1927) Fot. Alex Andrason Fot. Justyna Majerska �Rozmówczynie i rozmówcy, których wypowiedzi znajdują się w tej książce Elżbieta Figwer Böba-Hȧla (1927–2018) Ingeborg Matzner-Danek Abda-Inga (1928–2016) Fot. Tymoteusz Król Fot. Tymoteusz Król Helena Rozner (Rosner) Böba-Loüzkja-Helka (1928–2015) Helena Nowak Holećkla-Helka (1928–2017) Fot. Alfred Majewicz Fot. EDYTOR Rafał Klimkiewicz 183 �184 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Józef Gara Tołer-Jüza (1929–2013) Elżbieta Gandor Puś-Pejter-Hȧla (1930–2017) Fot. EDYTOR Rafał Klimkiewicz Fot. Tymoteusz Król Anna Kowalczyk Tobyś-Nuśka (1930–2022) Stanisław Zejma Zejma-Staha (1931–2015) Fot. Tymoteusz Król Fot. Tymoteusz Król �BIBLIOGRAFIA BIBLIOGRȦFYJ Ahearn, L. M. (2013). Antropologia lingwistyczna. Wprowadzenie. Kraków: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Andrason, A., Król, T. (2016). A grammar of Wymysorys. Duke: Duke University. Barciak, A. (red.) (2001). Wilamowice: Przyroda, historia, język, kultura oraz społeczeństwo miasta i gminy. Wilamowice: Urząd Gminy Wilamowice. Bartmiński, J. (2007). Językowe podstawy obrazu świata. Lublin: Wydawnictwo UMCS. Bogatyriew, P., Jakobson, R. (1975). Folklor jako swoista forma twórczości. W: P. Bogatyriew, Semiotyka kultury ludowej. Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 168–182. Borges, R. (2019). Rapid Automatized Picture Naming as a Proficiency Assessment for Endangered Language Contexts: Results from Wilamowice. Journal of Communication and Cultural Trends, 1, 1–25. Borges, R., Król, T. 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Studium o językach i tożsamościach w regionie lubuskim. Warszawa: Instytut Slawistyki PAN. Żak, A. (2017). Wpływ języka większości w procesie standaryzacji języka: przykład obecności polonizmów w materiałach edukacyjnych do nauki wilamowskiego. W: S. Cygan (red.), Język jako świadectwo kultury. Język. Kultura. Społeczeństwo. Kielce: Instytut Filologii Polskiej Uniwersytetu Jana Kochanowskiego w Kielcach, 269–277. Instrukcja otwierania filmów Należy zeskanować kod QR, a następnie po otwarciu strony Wikitongues kliknąć „Dropbox.mp4”. Wtedy nastąpi odtworzenie filmu. W razie problemów prosimy o kontakt na adres e-mailowy stow.wilamowianie@gmail.com. Instrukcyj fum łön fun filma Cyderjyśt diöef’ȧ ȧ QR-kod skȧnowȧn, ȧ nöhta wen dy „Wikitongues”-zȧjt ej śun ufgymaht, diöef’ȧ „Dropbox.mp4”, to wyt der film gejn. Wen’s ny wje głyngja, to śrȧjwt ufa e-mail stow.wilamowianie@gmail.com. �Spis treści TEMATYCZNY SPIS TREŚCI TEMATYŚER RȦJSTER Wymysoü ȧn Wymysiöejer Wilamowice i Wilamowianie Wymysoü ej ȧ śejny, kliny śtot��������������� 81 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto������� 81 Dy Wymysiöejyn kuma fum mjer����������� 51 Wilamowianie pochodzą znad morza����� 51 Ȧ Wymysiöejer tryft zȧj müter y Amsterdam����������������������������������� 52 Wilamowianin spotyka swoją matkę w Amsterdamie������������������������������� 52 Dy Wymysiöejer wün ander łoüt ����������� 53 Wilamowianie byli innymi ludźmi��������� 53 Uf Wymysoü diöft zih nimyd ny ferwȧjwa ����������������������������������� 53 Do Wilamowic nikt nie mógł się przyżenić ���������������������������������������� 54 Fyrym hȧsa zy Underum Puś ����������������� 82 Dlaczego jedna z dzielnic Wilamowic nazywa się Pod Lasem������������������� 83 Der Jüdaśtȧjg ȧn der Pöłaśtȧjg ��������������� 83 Jüdaśtȧjg i Pöłaśtȧjg (ścieżka Żydów i Polaków)��������������������������������������� 83 Wi zy dy ciglȧj boüta ���������������������������� 119 Jak budowano cegielnię ������������������������ 119 Der Bibiöewjec jyśter����������������������������� 83 O dawnym Bibowcu������������������������������� 84 Dy jyśta Wymysiöejyn wułda ny błȧjn y Wymysdiöf����������������������������������� 82 Pierwsi Wilamowianie nie chcieli zostać w Starej Wsi ����������������������� 82 Fyrym hȧsa zy cym Taksła�������������������� 119 Skąd wziął się przydomek Taksła���������� 120 Dy śül fjym krig wiöe śtreng ������������������ 98 Przedwojenna szkoła była rygorystyczna���������������������������������� 98 Dy Wymysiöejyn köma mejer wi zejwa hundyt jür y dam������������������������������ 54 Wilamowianie przybyli ponad siedemset lat temu��������������������������� 54 Dy Wymysiöejyn wün ander łoüt wi dy Ełcnyn������������������������������������ 55 Wilamowianie byli inni niż Hałcnowianie ���������������������������������� 55 Dy Ełcnyn ferhyndyn yn Wymysiöejyn��� � 56 Hałcnowianie przeszkadzają Wilamowianom�������������������������������� 56 Dy wymysiöeryśy śpröh Język wilamowski Dy śwygjermüter kuzt jok wymysiöeryś���������������������������������� 120 Teściowa mówiła tylko po wilamowsku������������������������������ 120 Dy jyśta Wymysiöejyn wün y Wymysdiöf������������������������������������ 82 Pierwsi Wilamowianie osiedlili się w Starej Wsi������������������������������������ 82 Nimand hot yns ny gan diöh dy śpröh ���� 57 Nikt nas nie lubił z powodu języka���������� 57 Dy śpröh wiöe ny derłiöet������������������������ 57 Język wilamowski był zakazany�������������� 57 Wo dy mama wje ziöen, wen zy fum grop wje ufśtejn ���������������������������� 121 Co powiedziałaby mama, jakby wstała z grobu ������������������������������������������ 121 Wi kon mȧ dy müterśpröh fergasa? ������ 122 Jak można zapomnieć matczyny język?�������������������������������������������� 122 Dy Siöeboka kuzta wymysiöeryś���������� 122 Soboki mówiły po wilamowsku������������ 123 Ȧ Wymysiöejeryn ziöet uf „hołdy-bołdy” o ������������������������������ 58 Jak jedna Wilamowianka odpowiedziała na „hołdy-bołdy” ���������������������������� 58 Wymysiöeryś ej ȧ śejny śpröh���������������� 123 Wilamowski to piękny język������������������ 123 Dy atyn łjyn zih wymysiöeryś �������������� 123 Robotnicy uczyli się wilamowskiego���� 124 189 �190 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Fyrym yh ho ogyfanga cy śrȧjwa wymysiöeryś���������������������������������� 125 Dlaczego zacząłem pisać po wilamowsku������������������������������ 125 Der śwygjerfoter wiöe ȧ Pöła, oder ȧ łjyt zih wymysiöeryś�������������������� 58 Mój teść był Polakiem, ale uczył się wilamowskiego�������������������������������� 59 Fyrym zih dy łoüt interesjyn myter wymysiöeryśa śpröh������������������������ 59 Dlaczego jest teraz takie zainteresowanie językiem wilamowskim������������������ 59 Der foter kund ny pönyś kuza���������������� 125 Ojciec nie umiał mówić po polsku�������� 126 Ym kynd wiöe’s ny derłiöet cy kuza wymysiöeryś���������������������������������� 126 Jak zabroniono dziecku mówić po wilamowsku������������������������������ 126 Wysty gryhta wymysiöeryś kuza? �������� 127 Zaczniesz mówić po wilamowsku? ������ 127 Ȧ briw wymysiöeryś gyśrejwa���������������� 60 List napisany po wilamowsku������������������ 60 Der kłop fu Błan ferśtind wymysiöeryś������ 78 Mąż z Bielan rozumiał po wilamowsku������ 79 Der Poüermin ziöet, wos ej nojys������������ 60 Pauermin mówił o nowinach ������������������ 60 Wen wer kuzta wymysiöeryś, müstwer śtröf coła������������������������������������������ 61 Za mówienie po wilamowsku trzeba było płacić kary������������������������������� 61 Di, wo ferśtinda, łahta������������������������������ 61 Ci, co rozumieli, śmiali się���������������������� 62 Dy kyndyn wün bejz, do wer kuzta wymysiöeryś���������������������������������� 128 Dzieci były złe, jak mówiliśmy po wilamowsku������������������������������ 128 Dy müter fur nökweryn kund ny pönyś��������������������������������������� 129 Matka sasiadki nie umiała mówić po polsku���������������������������������������� 129 Fyrym wiöd y Wymysoü dy pönyśy śpröh ȧjgyfüt������������������������������������ 99 Dlaczego w Wilamowicach wprowadzono język polski�������������� 99 Wymysiöejer kłȧdyn Wilamowskie stroje Yhy nyt śwjerery zaha �������������������������� 129 Szyłam cięższe rzeczy���������������������������� 129 Yhy nyt śejny lȧlka (tȧkla)�������������������� 130 Szyłam piękne lalki�������������������������������� 130 Wi dy Pöła ogycün gingja������������������������ 62 Stroje Polaków z okolicznych wsi ���������� 62 Wer hota myter śwaster zyty nymłikjy rek���������������������������������� 130 Miałyśmy z siostrą takie same spódniczki�������������������������������������� 131 Dy gywynłikja rek fur müter����������������� 131 Spódnice codzienne od matki��������������� 131 Dy baba hoüt zih ym bet����������������������� 100 Babcia czepiła się w łóżku������������������� 100 Dy bowa, wo gingja bocȧm end wymysiöeryś��������������������������������� 100 Kobiety, które do końca życia chodziły po wilamowsku ������������� 100 S’hemb ��������������������������������������������������118 Koszula��������������������������������������������������118 Dy śynsty traht uf Hȧlikjałȧjtnysdunyśtag����������������� 134 Najpiękniejszy strój był na Boże Ciało������������������������������� 134 Wi mȧ dy wymysiöejer fłȧk zo wośa����������������������������������������� 128 Jak prać wilamowskie stroje����������������� 128 Ȧ bow trüg koroln fu böśtan����������������� 101 Jedna kobieta nosiła korale z bursztynu����������������������������������� 101 Dy Wymysiöejyn zȧjn kuma yn kłȧdyn ��������������������������������������� 62 Wilamowianie przybyli w strojach��������� 63 Wi’h wymysiöejer blüza wüś��������������� 131 Jak prałam wilamowskie bluzki����������� 132 Dy śłȧhsta rek wün płesnerrök ȧn kȧljytarök��������������������������������� 132 Najgorsze (najmniej odświętne) były spódnice płesnerrök i kȧljytarök ������������������������������������ 132 S’kroücła fur müter�������������������������������� 133 Krzyżyk od matki���������������������������������� 133 �Tematyczny spis treści Ym jyśta zuntag gingja zy śyner ogycün ������������������������������������������ 133 W pierwszą niedzielę miesiąca ubierały się ładniej������������������������ 133 Wi zih ȧ Wymysiöejeryn fjym krig zułd ocin���������������������������������������� 101 Jak przedwojenne Wilamowianki się ubierały������������������������������������������ 102 Wosfer hemb jyśter wün������������������������ 103 O tym, jakie dawniej były koszule�������� 103 Nimyd hot zyty fłȧk, wi wjyr������������������ 63 Nikt nie miał takich strojów jak my�������� 63 Wi zy nöm krig hon ȧ ymertihła gyśtöła������ 63 Jak nam ukradli po wojnie najładniejszą odziewaczkę�������������� 63 Trȧdycyja Tradycje Der śmjyrgüst fjym krig�������������������������� 64 Śmiergust przed wojną���������������������������� 64 Jyśter gusa zy ym śmjyrgüst ny ȧzu wi yta �������������������������������������������� 103 Kiedyś nie lali po śmierguście tak mocno jak teraz������������������������ 104 Zy śtełta ufum dah ȧ wiöen cyzoma������ 104 Jak złożyli wóz na dachu ���������������������� 104 Wi zy ȧ batłer ȧn ȧ mȧja śtełta �������������� 162 Jak stawiali dziada i maja���������������������� 162 Ym śmjyrgüst kund’ȧ ny gejn, wi’ ȧ hot ahca jür���������������������������������� 104 Po śmierguście nie można było iść, jak się nie miało osiemnastu lat���� 104 Faderśłȧjsa���������������������������������������������� 162 Pierzowiec �������������������������������������������� 163 Wi zy uf dy friöed gingja fjym krig �������� 65 Jak szli na wesele przed wojną���������������� 65 Jyśter wiöe łöstikjer, wer śłysa dy fadyn ���������������������������������������� 105 Kiedyś było weselej, szkubałyśmy pierze��������������������������������������������� 105 Dy ślynćkja ufer friöed���������������������������� 65 Ślęczki na weselu������������������������������������ 65 Opyłys y Ałca������������������������������������������ 79 Odpust w Hałcnowie�������������������������������� 79 Der friöedaśmjyrgüst����������������������������� 164 Śmiergust weselny �������������������������������� 164 Der köh ufer friöed�������������������������������� 163 Kucharz na weselu �������������������������������� 164 Mȧj wymysiöejer friöed�������������������������� 93 Moje wilamowskie wesele���������������������� 93 Wi dy wymysiöejer Jüda fȧjyta sukkot������ 69 Jak wilamowscy Żydzi świętowali Sukkot���������������������������������������������� 70 Łidła Pieśni Yhy kund śejn zyngja���������������������������� 152 Zawsze umiałam ładnie śpiewać������������ 152 Fu ynzyn rȧjhja fȧldyn �������������������������� 166 Z naszych bogatych pól ������������������������ 166 Wymysiöejer śejny mȧkja���������������������� 167 Wilamowianki to piękne dziewczyny��� � 168 O dü mȧj łiwy puterbow������������������������ 168 O ty kochana maślarko�������������������������� 169 Zȧjt gybata, ny hot frejwuł�������������������� 169 Prosimy was, nie miejcie pretensji (za kolędę dziękujemy)������������������ 169 Ȧ müzykȧlyśy gyśwyster Hȧla-Mockja-Hȧla ������������������������ 135 Muzykalna kuzynka Hala-Mockja-Hala (Elżbieta Matysiak)������������������������ 135 Mȧj mȧkja, ku cy mjyr �������������������������� 170 Moja dziewczyno, chodź do mnie �������� 170 Der ołdy Kesuł �������������������������������������� 170 Stary Kesuł�������������������������������������������� 170 Ȧn śrejt weter���������������������������������������� 171 Jeden krok w przód�������������������������������� 171 Ny śyk mih ys pyśła������������������������������ 171 Nie posyłaj mnie do lasu������������������������ 171 S’möndła śȧjnt �������������������������������������� 171 Księżyc świeci �������������������������������������� 172 Śpacerpolka�������������������������������������������� 172 Śpacerpolka�������������������������������������������� 172 Śłöf mȧj kyndła fest ������������������������������ 172 Śpij moje dziecko mocno���������������������� 173 Diöt fum hejwuł ������������������������������������ 173 Tam z górki�������������������������������������������� 174 Zȧgja, nȧgja�������������������������������������������� 174 191 �192 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Wyliczanka „Zȧgja, nȧgja”������������������� 174 S’wün ȧmöł cwü mykja ����������������������� 175 Były raz dwa komary ��������������������������� 175 Ufer wjytśoft Na gospodarstwie Fjym krig go’s ny hefa kroüt y Wymysoü����������������������������������� 105 Przed wojną w Wilamowicach nie było dużo kapusty ����������������� 106 Wer müsta zih külȧn nöm apułzeca������� 135 Po zasadzeniu ziemniaków musieliśmy się kulać��������������������� 136 Oły śtunda wün gycyłt cyr at ��������������� 136 Wszystkie godziny pracy na gospodarstwie były policzone��������������������������������������� 136 Dy dinstłoüt ȧn atyn ufer wjytśoft fum foter����������������������������������������� 66 Służący i robotnicy na gospodarstwie ojca������������������������������������������������� 66 At ym Bibiöewjec ȧn ufer wejz ����������� 153 Praca w Bibowcu i na łące ������������������� 153 Wi wiöe s’Biba-Jew cytȧlt ��������������������� 84 Jak była podzielona Bibowa Rola����������� 84 Wi der kłop mulk dy ki������������������������� 153 Jak mój mąż doił krowy����������������������� 154 Yhy müst błȧjn byr müter ufer wjytśoft����������������������������������������� 154 Musiałam zostać przy matce na gospodarstwie ������������������������� 154 Dy śwoümła hon yta ny wos cy frasa����� 106 Jaskółki nie mają teraz co jeść ������������� 107 Wo wer byr müter zocta ������������������������111 Co sadziliśmy u mamy��������������������������111 Wi wer s’fłȧś nöm śwȧjnśłahta cytȧlta������������������������������������������� 155 Jak dzieliliśmy mięso po świniobiciu������������������������������� 155 Jyśter wiöe dy wjytśoft ganc andyśt����� 107 Kiedyś praca na gospodarstwie była całkiem inna��������������������������������� 107 Śwjery at ufer wjytśoft������������������������� 138 Ciężka praca na gospodarstwie������������� 138 Yta ej ȧ beser cȧjt wi jyśter������������������� 107 Teraz jest lepsza pogoda niż dawniej����������������������������������� 108 Wi’h myta myłihzaha uf dy Byłc fü ����������������������������������������� 139 Jak jeździłam z nabiałem do Bielska ��� 139 Dy ołda łoüt zöha jok fȧld��������������������� 137 Starzy ludzie widzieli tylko pole����������� 137 Der gymahty traktor����������������������������� 140 Robiony traktor������������������������������������� 140 Mjyr gyfuł dy at ym gatła��������������������� 140 Podobała mi się praca w ogródku (rozsadniku) ��������������������������������� 141 Gatła köst at ����������������������������������������� 142 Ogródek kosztuje dużo pracy��������������� 142 Wi’h wiöe jung, müst yh ata����������������� 142 Jak byłam młoda, musiałam pracować��������������������������������������� 142 Yhy maht ołys ym fȧld������������������������� 143 Robiłam wszystko w polu��������������������� 143 Wi der foter züht ȧ gyśpon������������������� 143 Jak ojciec szukał gyśpon (kogoś do sprzęgania się)������������� 143 Śiöehnikjys Straszydła Der büw mytum ruta hitła����������������������� 86 Chłopczyk z czerwonym kapelusikiem����������������������������������� 86 Der toüwuł höt ȧ feter gyfüt yn Świöeca Tȧjh����������������������������� 87 O tym, jak diabeł zwodził wujka do Czarnego Stawu������������������������� 87 Fum Ruzła, wo ziöet, do’s zih fu nist ny fjet��������������������������������������� 88 O Ruźle, co mówiła, że się niczego nie boi��������������������������������������������� 88 Handwerk ȧn handuł Rękodzieło i handel Wi zy dy kjywła y Błan mahta������������� 137 Jak robili kosze w Bielanach����������������� 137 Jyśter mahta zy cigln myta henda��������� 108 Kiedyś robiono cegły ręcznie��������������� 109 �Tematyczny spis treści Dy wawyn fün uf Win����������������������������� 89 Tkacze jeździli do Wiednia��������������������� 89 Dy śmyd łjyta zih y Win������������������������� 89 Kowale uczyli się w Wiedniu����������������� 90 Der teper cy nökwyś������������������������������� 90 Garncarz po sąsiedzku ��������������������������� 90 Dy tepyn fün myta typa ufȧ jümyt ��������� 91 Garncarze jeździli z garnkami na targ��������������������������������������������� 91 Mjyr gyfüł inda s’handułn, ȧ ny s’fȧld������������������������������������� 145 Mnie podobał się zawsze handel, a nie pole��������������������������������������� 146 Der foter handułt oüz knȧht ����������������� 146 Mój ojciec handlował jako kawaler ����� 146 Dy mama ging ufȧ jümyt myt yns����������� 90 Mama chodziła z nami na targ ��������������� 91 Dy cökela fjym krig ����������������������������� 108 Cukierki przed wojną��������������������������� 108 Ȧ łöstikjy kistiöeryj fu wymysiöejer handułłoüt��������������������������������������� 66 Humorystyczna historia o wilamowskich handlarzach������������������������������������� 67 S’Asa Jedzenie Wos zih os bocȧ mytag��������������������������112 Co się jadło przed południem����������������112 Pylyk ȧn woserpip����������������������������������114 Polewka i woserpip (pipa na wodzie)��� �114 Fanküh gybröht ufs fȧld ������������������������113 Jajecznica przynoszona na pole ������������113 Awys güt uf dy kroft����������������������������� 155 Groch dobry na siłę������������������������������� 156 S’Asa byr fȧldat ������������������������������������114 Jedzenie przy pracy w polu��������������������115 Śüsterpop wiöe ym zuntag ��������������������� 67 Śusterpop (jajecznica po wilamowsku) była w niedzielę ����������������������������� 67 Wjyr kohta oü ćjyrkja����������������������������116 Gotowaliśmy też zacierkę����������������������117 S’asa ufum opyłys y Wymysdiöf ����������� 68 Jedzenie na odpuście w Starej Wsi��������� 69 Ym besta wün gywjemty arpułn������������117 Najlepsze były zagrzane ziemniaki��������117 Ida tag ȧ śysuł kroüt ������������������������������117 Codziennie miska kapusty ��������������������118 Jyśter zösa oły ufa śymułn ������������������� 156 Kiedyś wszyscy siedzieli na stołkach ����������������������������������� 156 Gyśihtkistiöeryja Opowieści historyczne Zy wułda yn hund ny kłengln��������������� 164 Jak nie chcieli dzwonić dzwonami psom��������������������������������������������� 165 Wi dy Stanecka bowa y dy tancgrüp ȧjłot����������������������������������������������� 159 Jak Stanecka zaprosiła kobiety do zespołu ����������������������������������� 159 Wi der krig oüsbroh, hüt yh dy ki��������� 160 Jak wybuchła wojna, pasłam krowy����� 161 Ȧ bejzer, doüćer śiłer ��������������������� 79 Zły niemiecki nauczyciel ����������������������� 79 Der gyfoła gyśwyster kymt ufȧ troüm��������������������������������������������� 161 Kuzyn, który zginął na wojnie, przyszedł na sen��������������������������� 161 Der jyśty mȧj wymysiöeryś ������������������� 74 Świętowanie Pierwszego Maja po wilamowsku������������������������������� 75 Ȧ gyśȧjty Wymysiöejeryn bywjet koroln��������������������������������������������� 75 Sprytna Wilamowianka ratuje korale����� 76 Oüz ȧ jung mȧkja ym pikus ������������������� 76 Jako młoda dziewczyna w areszcie��������� 77 S’kynd bypiśt ȧ sowjetyśa drowa����������� 72 Dziecko obsikało radzieckiego żołnierza����������������������������������������� 72 Ȧ güter Rüsek hyłft ������������������������������� 72 „Dobry Rusek” pomaga ������������������������� 73 Dy Rüsa nama s’fad ������������������������������� 73 „Ruscy” biorą konia������������������������������� 73 Wi zy yns noma, dy Neuman-Mejł cy feleśa����������������������������������������������� 74 Jak nas wzięli do gaszenia młyna Neumanna��������������������������������������� 74 Der Edward Kennedy ej gyśtiörwa��������� 97 193 �194 Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Śmierć Edwarda Kennedy’ego��������������� 97 Wi zy mih ȧreśtjyta, koht dy mama kłejzła myt fłoüma ����������������������� 158 Jak mnie aresztowali, to mama gotowała kluski ze śliwkami��������� 158 Wi mih der pot fjyr hołwa liter brantwȧjn oüsgykoüft höt��������������� 70 Jak mnie putek (ojciec chrzestny) wykupił za pół litra wódki ������������� 71 Wi zy dy tehtyn fur nökweryn wułda nama ufȧ Üral��������������������� 157 Jak córki sąsiadki miały zostać zabrane na Ural����������������������������� 157 Der direktor fur śül höt Wymysiöejer mȧkja fjym Üral bywjet ��������������� 157 Jak dyrektor szkoły obronił wilamowskie dziewczęta przed wywózką na Ural ��������������� 158 Wi dy dinstmiöed nöm krig cüfełik ziöet, do wer hon ȧ śwȧjn gyśłaht������������������������������� 94 Jak służąca po wojnie przez przypadek się wygadała, że było u nas świniobicie������������������������������������� 94 Wi dy Rüsa ynzer hyt byśosa����������������� 95 Jak „Ruscy” ostrzeliwali nasz dom��������� 95 Wi zy ȧ śwöger nöma ys lager by Doüćłand����������������������������������������� 96 Jak szwagra zabrali do obozu za Niemca��������������������������������������� 96 Wi ȧ bykanter fum foter yn oüsgyzidlta Wymysiöejyn hüłf (ym 1956 jür) ��������������������������������� 96 Jak znajomy ojca pomógł wysiedlonym Wilamowianom (w 1956 r.)��������������������������������������� 96 Ławakistiöeryja Opowieści z życia Yhy fiöe śun ny ym rod������������������������� 149 Już nie jeżdżę na rowerze��������������������� 149 Wi wer dy hyt mojyta��������������������������� 149 Jak budowaliśmy dom��������������������������� 150 Wi yh mih łjyt śwyma bym mjer ����������� 85 Jak uczyłam się pływać nad morzem ����������������������������������� 85 Wi wer zih bym nökwer oüz kyndyn bawjȧta������������������������������������������� 85 Jak bawiliśmy się u sąsiada jako dzieci��������������������������������������� 85 Wo yh hoüt ho gymaht ��������������������������� 86 Co dziś robiłam��������������������������������������� 86 Mȧj koleżanka fur tancgrüp (Linküś-Ruzła)����������������������������� 134 Moja koleżanka Linkusiowa Ruzła������� 134 S’water śług y dy zoüł ȧn s’fad derśrok ����������������������������������������� 150 Jak piorun uderzył w słup i przestraszył konia����������������������� 151 Gest fu Belgjen��������������������������������������111 Goście z Belgii��������������������������������������111 Dy rȧz uf Win����������������������������������������� 92 Podróż do Wiednia��������������������������������� 92 Fyfikjy śtykla ufer frȧjyt������������������������� 93 Żarty podczas zalotów ��������������������������� 93 Dy at ufer köłagrüw ����������������������������� 143 Praca na kopalni����������������������������������� 144 Der dźjada gyt cy asa yr öema nökweryn ������������������������������������� 144 Jak dziadek dawał jeść biednej sąsiadce ��������������������������������������� 145 Yhy interesjyt mih jok myt at��������������� 145 Ja interesowałam się tylko pracą����������� 145 Wi zy s’wejtünikjy kürjyta������������������� 109 Jak leczyli bolące miejsca��������������������� 109 Dy śłykjermyłih kürjyt ȧ brüder����������� 109 Jak kwaśne mleko wyleczyło brata��������110 Kürjyn myt kwaka����������������������������������110 Leczenie kwakami (brukwią)����������������110 Łöstikjy gyśiht fu ȧr dinstmiöed����������� 147 Zabawna historia o służącej ����������������� 147 Ymcyg diöh dy at fum kłopa ����������������� 91 Przeprowadzki ze względu na pracę męża��������������������������������� 92 Łöstikjy gyśiht fum kolandgejn ����������� 148 Wesoła historia o kolędzie ������������������� 148 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 67 Z recenzji dr hab. Henryk Jaroszewicz Uniwersytet Wrocławski, Instytut Filologii Słowiańskiej Książka Tymoteusza Króla nie jest zwyczajnym zbiorem tekstów zapisanych podczas badań terenowych, w rzeczywistości bowiem stanowi swego rodzaju świadectwo pamięci zbiorowej Wilamowian, zawartej w ich języku. Tom ukazuje barwny, niejednorodny obraz świata utrwalony w materii językowej, ujawnia interpretacje rzeczywistości, sądy o świecie oraz społeczne przekonania użytkowników wymysiöeryś, których kres nadchodzi stopniowo wraz z przemijaniem pokoleń. Nie jest to jednak epitafium. Podjęta dokumentacja jest istotnym działaniem stanowiącym podstawę rewitalizacji wymierającego języka i zanikającej kultury. Warunkiem istnienia pamięci, a wraz z nią zachowania tożsamości małej grupy etnicznej, jest komunikacja, która pozwala na transmisję wzorów kultury i decyduje o określaniu granic tej grupy względem innych wspólnot. dr hab. Katarzyna Marcol Uniwersytet Śląski, Wydział Nauk o Kulturze Wymysoü ej ȧ śejny, kliny śtot. Gyśihta fu Wymysiöejyn yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian To bez wątpienia niezwykle wartościowa pozycja, która prócz walorów czysto naukowych pełni także bardzo ważną funkcję społeczną, dokumentując kształt skrajnie zagrożonego w swoim bycie języka. Nie ulega wątpliwości, że wnikliwe rejestrowanie języka wilamowskiego, pośrednio zaś dokumentowanie dorobku kulturowego Wilamowian, może podnieść skuteczność prowadzonych w jego obrębie działań rewitalizacyjnych. Nie trzeba zaś przekonywać, że wszystkie aktywności, których celem jest ochrona i zachowanie dla przyszłych pokoleń językowego bogactwa dzisiejszej Polski, są wyjątkowo cenne. Archiwum Etnograficzne Wymysoü ej ȧ śejny, kliny śtot. Gyśihta fu Wymysiöejyn yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Tymoteusz Król Tymoteusz Król � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Wymysoü ej ȧ śejny, kliny śtot. Gyśihta fu Wymysiöejyn yr wymysiöeryśa śpröh = Wilamowice to piękne, małe miasto. Wilamowskojęzyczne opowieści Wilamowian Description An account of the resource 194 strony : fotografie, ilustracje, portrety ; 24 cm Archiwum Etnograficzne, t. 67 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Król, Tymoteusz Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Polskie Towarzystwo Ludoznawcze Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2023 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PTL Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource pdf Language A language of the resource wilamowski, polski Type The nature or genre of the resource kisążka Subject The topic of the resource pamięć zbiorowa, grupy etniczne, folklor, mniejszość językowa, język wilamowski , Wilamowianie, Wilamowice (woj.śląskie) folklor grupy etniczne język język wilamowski mniejszość językowa pamięć zbiorowa Wilamowianie Wilamowice (woj.śląskie) https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/b4ed137be5658f2970fcb9d122094951.pdf 806b1fcd3a6a13735641cf0a81ef3ae5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5523 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2013 Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5138 Title A name given to the resource Río Grande - znikający punkt / Obywatelstwo na progu XXI wieku: konteksty prawne i kulturowe Description An account of the resource Obywatelstwo na progu XXI wieku: konteksty prawne i kulturowe, pod red.Macieja Ząbka, s.247-254 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Krysińska-Kałużna, Magdalena Language A language of the resource pol Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Biuro Krajowe UHCR Miedzynarodowe Centrum Dialogu Międzykulturowego i Międzyreligijnego UKSW Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text 17 MAGDALENA KRYSIŃSKA-KAŁUŻNA Uniwersytet Łódzki RÍO GRANDE – ZNIKAJĄCY PUNKT Problematyka obywatelstwa i uchodźstwa łączy się na wiele sposobów. W Ameryce Łacińskiej możemy mówić o sytuacjach, w których to nie brak obywatelstwa staje się podstawowym problemem, lecz obywatelstwo kraju, które – wbrew temu, co wiadomo o położeniu i losach żyjących w tym kraju ludzi – prawie uniemożliwia otrzymanie statusu uchodźcy. Taka sytuacja dotyczy uciekających przed wojną narkotykową Meksykanów, a w szczególności meksykańskich dziennikarzy. Drugą grupą ludzi, których losy przeplatają się ze starającymi się o azyl Meksykanami, są migranci z Ameryki Środkowej. I jedni, i drudzy nadziei na ratunek, poprawę życia, a często – na jego ocalenie, upatrują w przedostaniu się na drugi brzeg Río Grande. „Río Grande” jest nie tylko nazwą rzeki, lecz także metaforą. „Na północ od Río Grande” to dla ludzi z Ameryki Środkowej i Meksyku określenie miejsca, gdzie można – według ich nadziei i wyobrażeń – godnie żyć, a przede wszystkim – przeżyć. Żeby dobrze zrozumieć sytuację tych dwóch grup ludzi, mianowicie migrantów z Ameryki Środkowej oraz meksykańskich dziennikarzy, którzy starają się o status uchodźcy w Stanach Zjednoczonych, należy znać sytuację społeczno-polityczną w regionie. Pozwolę sobie krótko ją przypomnieć. Wojna narkotykowa i życie w Ameryce Środkowej W Meksyku od 2006 roku1 trwa tzw. wojna narkotykowa, która oficjalnie jest „wojną” z kartelami narkotykowymi. Od tego czasu, czyli przez ponad 6 lat, zginęło w niej ok. 90 tys. osób2. Niektóre źródła – powołując się na wypowiedź sekretarza obrony Stanów Zjednoczonych, Leona Panetty – po1 Data ta – rozpoczynająca kadencję prezydenta Meksyku Felipe Calderona (grudzień) – najczęściej podawana jest jako początek „wojny” z kartelami narkotykowymi, choć nie wszyscy się, co do tego zgadzają uważając, że „wojna” (dalej bez cudzysłowu) rozpoczęła się już wcześniej. 2 Zob. np. „Le Monde” z 23 sierpnia 2012: informacje http://www.adnpolitico. com/2012/2012/08/23/le-monde-en-mexico-el-conflicto-mas-mortifero-en-el-mundo [01.03.2013]. �Magdalena Krysińska-Kałużna 248 dają, że wojna narkotykowa w Meksyku pochłonęła już 150 tys. ofiar3. Wojna z kartelami przekształciła się w praktyce w zamach stanu, w którym władzę przejęło wojsko4. Zostało ono wysłane przez prezydenta Meksyku Felipe Calderona do zaprowadzenia porządku w kraju. Skutkiem tego jest zupełnie bezkarne terroryzowanie cywilów, a ostatnio także policji. Przy czym policja, podobnie jak i inne struktury władzy i administracji, od dawna oskarżana jest o korupcję i współpracę z kartelami, w tym współorganizowanie porwań, zabójstw i logistyczne wspieranie narcotraficantes5. Obecnie policja w niektórych regionach Meksyku (przede wszystkim na północy) skarży się na terroryzowanie jej przez wojsko (w tym na tortury i gwałty6). Bezradność policji wobec działań wojska pozwala wyobrazić sobie, w jakim położeniu znajdują się cywile, których prawa są łamane na masową skalę przez wszystkie strony narkotykowej wojny. W kraju działa siedem głównych karteli, które walczą między sobą o strefy wpływów i rynki zbytu (tzw. plazas). Jednym z nich jest kartel Zetas. Jest to organizacja przestępcza stworzona przez byłych żołnierzy z oddziałów specjalnych7, którzy wcześniej działali na zlecenie i na rzecz kartelu z Zatoki. Z czasem stali się odrębną strukturą przestępczą o szerokich koneksjach. Zetas znani są ze szczególnego okrucieństwa i bezwzględności. Uważa się, że to przestępcy z tego kartelu zamordowali w sierpniu 2010 r. siedemdziesięciu dwóch migrantów, w tym ludzi pochodzących z Ameryki Środkowej, którzy odmówili współpracy z tą organizacją. Zamordowani migranci byli jednymi z dziesiątków tysięcy osób, które każdego roku próbują przedostać się do Stanów Zjednoczonych przez MekZob. http://www.prensalibre.com/internacional/Muertos-guerra-Mexico-EE-UU_0_ 671333136.html [01.03.2013]. 4 Zob. np. Ch. B o w d e n, Mordercze Miasto. Meksykańskie lekcje umarłych, Zakrzewo 2010, w szczególności strony: 240, 136, 104, 102, 226. Na temat bezkarności meksykańskiego wojska zob. np. raport Amnesty International z 2004 roku Meksyk. Indiańskie kobiety i wojskowa niesprawiedliwość. 5 Rzeczniczka prezydenta Felipe Calderona, Alejandra de Sota Mirafuentes, w rozmowie z dziennikarzem, Edem Vulliamym, powiedziała: „Zaczynamy od operacji militarnej, ale dążymy do tego, by do końca kadencji stworzyć uczciwą i dobrze zorganizowaną policję federalną. Na początek wysyłamy do walki wojsko, bo nie możemy liczyć na policję miejską i stanową. W wielu miejscach policję kontrolują handlarze narkotyków. [...]. Wojsko pozostanie tam dopóty, dopóki będzie to konieczne”, E. Vu l l i a m y, Ameksyka. Wojna wzdłuż granicy, Wołowiec, 2012, s. 63. 6 Ch. B o w d e n, Mordercze Miasto..., dz. cyt., s. 136. 7 Były to oddziały GAFE (Grupo Aeromóvil de Fuerzas Especiales), jednostek wykorzystywanych m.in. do walki z przestępczością narkotykową. Zetas, tworząc przestępcze struktury, budują m.in. własną sieć telefonii komórkowej (w tym celu porywają inżynierów). Chętnych do wstąpienia do kartelu rekrutują m.in. wywieszając ogłoszenia albo działając na zasadzie franczyzy. 3 �Río Grande – znikający punkt 249 syk. Pochodzą głównie z państw Ameryki Środkowej: Hondurasu, Salwadoru, Gwatemali8. W tym regionie w latach osiemdziesiątych XX w. miały miejsce wojny domowe9. Konserwatywne reżimy, ich armie i paramilitarne bojówki wspierane były przez rządy USA. Wojny miały niezwykle krwawy i okrutny przebieg. W każdym z wymienionych powyżej krajów wojny pozostawiły trwały, wyniszczający struktury społeczne, ślad. Jest on widoczny na różnych poziomach. Przede wszystkim przejawia się w skali i formach przemocy. Salwador ma jeden z najwyższych na świecie wskaźników morderstw. Jedna trzecia mieszkańców tego kraju żyje poniżej granicy ubóstwa. Wszechobecne w życiu społecznym są gangi Maras 18 i Maras Salvatrucha, które ściągają haracze od każdego, kto ma choćby najmniejszy dochód. Niedawno zamknięty został szpital mieszczący się na obrzeżach stolicy Salwadoru, ponieważ gangsterzy zażądali płacenia haraczu od każdego pracownika grożąc, że w przeciwnym wypadku zaczną zabijać znajdujących się w nim ludzi. Liczbę członków Maras Salvatrucha w samej Ameryce Środkowej szacuje się na około 100 tys. osób10. W Salwadorze szczególnie zagrożeni są obrońcy praw człowieka i dziennikarze11. Poważnym problemem jest również narastająca przemoc wobec kobiet. Jak wynika z raportu Amnesty International, pomiędzy styczniem i październikiem 2011 zostało zamordowanych 477 kobiet i dziewcząt. Jest to o 244 więcej, niż w tym samym okresie w 2008 roku. Ogromna przemoc wobec kobiet panuje również w Hondurasie12 i Gwatemali. Republika Hondurasu, której populacja liczy ok. 8 milionów mieszkań8 Zob. np. http://www.elmundo.es/america/2010/08/26/noticias/1282827254.html [01.03.2013]. 9 Zob. np. A. G r u s z c z a k, Ameryka Środkowa, Warszawa 2007. 10 Gang powstał w Stanach Zjednoczonych jako odpowiedź Salwadorczyków – którzy uciekli do USA w związku z niezwykle brutalną wojną domową, w której wielu z nich brało aktywny udział – na zagrożenie ze strony innych gangów. Deportowani przez władze USA do Salwadoru i innych krajów Ameryki Środkowej stworzyli tam bardzo groźną organizację przestępczą zajmującą się handlem ludźmi, narkotykami, bronią, zabójstwami na zlecenie. Działają w wielu krajach poza granicami Ameryki Środkowej i Meksyku, przede wszystkim w USA. 11 Zobacz np. raport Amnesty International oznaczony jako: AMR 29/002/2011. 12 Donosi o tym np. raport Human Rights Watch. Jeden z opisanych przypadków dotyczy wydarzeń, które miały miejsce w San Pedro Sula w 2009 roku. Zeznań dwóch kobiet wysłuchali przedstawiciele Biura Wysokiego Komisarza NZ ds. Praw Człowieka (OHCHR) i Między-Amerykańskiej Komisji Praw Człowieka (IACHR). Jedna z nich została zgwałcona przez policjantów, druga opowiedziała o tym, jak została obnażona od pasa w dół i bita pałkami. IACHR potwierdził, że policjanci i wojskowi obmacują piersi i narządy płciowe kobiet w aresztach. Kilka osób oskarżyło funkcjonariuszy sił bezpieczeństwa o rozkładanie nóg kobiet siłą i dotykanie ich genitaliów policyjnymi pałkami (Human Rights Watch, After the Coup. Ongoing Violence, Intimidation, and Impunity in Honduras, 2010, s. 15). �Magdalena Krysińska-Kałużna 250 ców, w 2011 r. miała najwyższy współczynnik zabójstw na świecie13. Według Komitetu Rodzin Osób Zatrzymanych-Zaginionych w Hondurasie (Comité de Familiares Detenidos-Desaparecidos de Honduras, COFADEH), między 30 stycznia a 31 lipca 2010 r. miały miejsce dwadzieścia trzy zabójstwa motywowane politycznie, zamordowano ośmiu dziennikarzy, grożono śmiercią dziewięćdziesięciu dwóm osobom, w tym pięćdziesięciu dziewięciu obrońcom praw człowieka, a siedemdziesiąt sześć osób zastraszano i prześladowano14. Zabijani są między innymi członkowie Narodowego Frontu Ludowego Oporu (Frente Nacional de Resistencia Popular, FNRP)15. Ogromna przemoc, a także brak nadziei na poprawę sytuacji ekonomicznej powoduje, że wielu mieszkańców Ameryki Środkowej decyduje się podjąć próbę nielegalnego przedostania się do Stanów Zjednoczonych przez Meksyk. Migranci podróżują głównie tzw. pociągami śmierci, które nazywają bestias. Uniknięcie licznych niebezpieczeństw grożących im w Meksyku graniczy z cudem. Napadają na nich bandyci, przede wszystkim z gangu Maras Salvatrucha, którzy okradają, gwałcą, zabijają lub porywają swoje ofiary. Zagrożeniem są meksykańscy urzędnicy imigracyjnymi, którzy – oprócz tego, że odsyłają złapanych migrantów do kraju pochodzenia – również napadają i rabują. Policja umawia się z maszynistami, którzy zatrzymują pociągi w takich miejscach, w których łatwiej jest schwytać podróżujących na dachach ludzi i sprzedać ich kartelom narkotykowym. O kartelach, w tym wspomnianych już Zetas, można powiedzieć, że prowadzą porwania migrantów dla okupu w sposób masowy. Poza tym również ich torturują i zabijają. Część migrantów to kobiety i młode dziewczyny. Czasem w podróż zabierane są dzieci. Kobiety – wiedząc, jak duże jest prawdopodobieństwo, że w drodze zostaną zgwałcone – często przed wyjazdem poddają się sterylizacji. Jadąc na dachach pociągów i będąc zmuszeni do częstych ucieczek, zmiany pociągów, szybkiego przemieszczania się, migranci zabierają ze sobą minimalny bagaż. Marzną, są bardzo zmęczeni i głodni. W związku z tym wielu spada z pociągów, są przejeżdżani albo tracą kończyny16. Niektórzy trafiają do schronisk na terenie Meksyku. Jednak tam też nie są bezpieczni. Schroniska są napadane, a migranci porywani dla okupu. Amnesty International informuje Zob. np. http://www.wiadomosci24.pl/artykul/co_18_godzin_morduja_kobiete_w_hondurasie _przez _narkotyki [01.03.2013]. 14 Raport Human Rights Watch, After the Coup. Ongoing Violence..., dz. cyt., s. 46. 15 Tamże, s. 147. 16 Zob. np. Pociąg do Meksyku. Wywiad z Barbarą Prądzyńską, rozm. M. Krysińska-Kałużna, Le Monde diplomatique – edycja polska, listopad, 2012, wydanie internetowe, http://www. monde-diplomatique.pl/index.php?id=4_1 [01.03.2013]. 13 �Río Grande – znikający punkt 251 o przypadkach, gdy mieszkańców schronisk próbowali uprowadzić policjanci. Okolice schronisk powinny być – zgodnie z prawem meksykańskim – cały czas monitorowane przez policję, ale nie są. Zdarzają się napaści i podpalenia dokonywane przez okolicznych mieszkańców17. Jeśli migrantom uda się jakimś cudem dotrzeć do granicy ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi, muszą się przedostać na drugą stronę, co – pod wieloma względami – jest bardzo trudne i niebezpieczne. Po stronie amerykańskiej czekają na nich patrole straży granicznej i amerykańskich ochotników oraz gangi wymuszające okup. Część migrantów trafia do ośrodków dla zatrzymanych, czyli w praktyce – do więzień. Inną grupą ludzi, którzy – niejednokrotnie ratując w ten sposób życie – uciekają do Stanów Zjednoczonych, są meksykańscy dziennikarze. Wraz z obrońcami praw człowieka stanowią grupę ludzi żyjących w szczególnym stanie zagrożenia życia. W Meksyku ginie „średnio” jeden dziennikarz miesięcznie. Wiele gazet – w obawie o życie pracowników – zaprzestało podawania jakichkolwiek informacji na temat zdarzeń powiązanych z handlem narkotykami i korupcją władz. Inni pracują pomimo ogromnej presji i zagrożenia, jak na przykład pobity prawie na śmierć fotograf prasowy Jaime Murrieta, z Ciudad Juarez, nieustannie ryzykujący życiem dziennikarze z „El Diario” wydawanego w tym samym mieście, czy ich koledzy z Tijuany18. Niektórzy dziennikarze, ratując życie, decydują się na ucieczkę do Stanów Zjednoczonych. Część z nich prosi o przyznanie statusu uchodźcy. Po złożeniu takiego wniosku osadzani są w obiektach, które są zakładami karnymi. Sytuacja uchodźców i imigrantów w USA Każdego roku w Stanach Zjednoczonych zatrzymywanych jest w więzieniach i obiektach przypominających więzienia ok. 400 tys. osób, które podle17 Zob. np. http://www.amnesty.org/en/for-media/press-releases/mexico-urged-tacklediscrimination-against-migrants-and-indigenous-peoples-2012-02-14; http://www.amnesty. org/en/news/mexico-migrants-making-dangerous-journey-through-mexico-desperately-needsocks-2012-01-26; http://www.amnesty.org/en/for-media/press-releases/international-migrantsday-mexico-still-failing-protect-migrants-2011-12-15. 18 Zob. np. http://www.elmundo.es/america/2011/12/02/mexico/1322826902.html [01.03. 2013]; http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/10/16/mexico/1350344717_297600. html. Jednym z głośniejszych w 2012 r. zabójstw dziennikarzy było morderstwo Reginy Martínez, dziennikarki ze znanego z bezkompromisowych tekstów pisma „Proceso”. Kilka dni po jej śmierci zginęli – także w stanie Veracruz – trzej inni dziennikarze, fotoreporterzy Gabriel Huge, Guillermo Luna oraz Esteban Rodríguez. Byli oni kolegami z pracy Miguela Angela Lópeza Velasco i jego syna, Michaela Lópeza Solany, którzy zostali zamordowani 20 czerwca 2011 r. �Magdalena Krysińska-Kałużna 252 gają prawu imigracyjnemu obejmującemu starających się o status uchodźcy19. Instytucje, które są odpowiedzialne za sytuację i los zatrzymanych, to Wydział Bezpieczeństwa Wewnętrznego (Department of Homeland Security, DHS) oraz Straż Celna i Imigracyjna (Immigration and Customs Enforcement, ICE). W 2009 r. przedstawiciele tych instytucji potwierdzili, że obiekty, w których przebywają zatrzymani, mają charakter obiektów przeznaczonych dla zatrzymanych z powodu przestępstw kryminalnych. Organizacja Human Rights First (HRF) wykazała w swoim raporcie, że w wielu obiektach, w których kary odbywają przestępcy kryminalni, warunki są mniej restrykcyjne, niż w typowych ośrodkach dla imigrantów. DHS i ICE przyznały, że w rzeczywistości tak jest20. Ubiegający się o azyl i inni imigranci są nadal w przeważającej większości (ok. 86%) umieszczani w więzieniach i obiektach posiadających cechy więzień. Obiekty te są otoczone przez ogrodzenia zazwyczaj zwieńczone drutem kolczastym. Zatrzymani noszą uniformy i żyją w warunkach charakterystycznych dla zakładów karnych. Ich swoboda poruszania się oraz możliwość kontaktowania się z osobami z zewnątrz są bardzo ograniczone (odwiedzający są oddzieleni od bliskich przez bariery z pleksiglasu). Mają niewiele lub w ogóle nie mają zapewnionej prywatności w toaletach i pod prysznicami21. Dziesięć lat temu około 10% miejsc dla imigrantów znajdowało się w prywatnych obiektach. W tej chwili jest to około połowa miejsc dla blisko 400 tys. osób22. Podatnicy amerykańscy w 2012 r. zapłacili za utrzymanie imigrantów, przebywających w około 250 placówkach, 2 miliardy dolarów. Dzień pobytu zatrzymanego w takim miejscu nielegalnego imigranta kosztuje ok. 166 dolarów (w 2004 roku było to 80 dolarów). Trzy firmy, które zdominowały rynek – Corrections Corporation of America, The GEO Group, and Management and Training Corp., według Associated Press, wydały w ciągu ostatniej dekady przynajmniej 45 milionów dolarów na dotacje kampanijne oraz na lobbing na poziomie stanowym i federalnym. Dziesięć lat temu około 3300 imigrantów z zarzutami kryminalnymi było wysyłanych do prywatnych więzień na podstawie dwóch dziesięcioletnich kontraktów o wartości 760 milionów dolarów zawartych przez Raport Human Rights Watch, After the Coup. Ongoing Violence..., dz. cyt., s. 1. Human Rights First, Jails and Jumpsuits. Transforming the U.S. Immigration Detention System – A Two-Year Review, Waszyngton – Nowy Jork 2011, s. 1. 21 Tamże, s. iii. 22 Human Rights First podaje, że w 2010 było 363 tys. zatrzymanych imigrantów (tamże, s. iii), a Associated Press podawała w 2012 roku, że w najbliższych latach planowane jest zatrzymywanie rocznie 400 tys. osób (Associated Press, Private prison companies making big bucks on locking up undocumented immigrants, Thursday, August 2, 2012, http://www.nydailynews.com/ news/national/private-prison-companies-making-big-bucks-locking-undocumented-immigrantsarticle-1.1127465 [01.03.2013]). 19 20 �Río Grande – znikający punkt 253 Federalne Biuro Więziennictwa z jedną z prywatnych firm. Obecnie agencja – po zawarciu trzynastu kontraktów – płaci prywatnym firmom 5,1 miliarda na utrzymanie 23 tysięcy imigrantów z zarzutami kryminalnymi23. Prokuratorzy federalni, celem powstrzymania napływu imigrantów, oskarżają zatrzymanych o popełnienie przestępstwa polegającego na wielokrotnym przekraczaniu granicy bez dokumentów. Takie zarzuty zmuszają nielegalnych imigrantów do odbycia kary w więzieniach specjalnie dla nich zbudowanych24. Według Human Rights First umieszczanie osób starających się o status uchodźcy i imigrantów w obiektach mających charakter zakładów karnych jest niezgodne z zobowiązaniami USA: Konwencją dotyczącą statusu uchodźców z 1951 r. i jej Protokołem, jak również z Międzynarodowym Paktem Praw Obywatelskich i Politycznych25. Przypadek Emilio Gutierreza Emilio Gutierrez jest dziennikarzem, który od 2008 r. stara się o uzyskanie statusu uchodźcy w USA. Mieszkał na północy Meksyku. W 2005 r. naraził się armii meksykańskiej, opisując napad rabunkowy na hotel i restaurację, dokonany przez kilku żołnierzy. Po groźbach, które natychmiast po ukazaniu się tekstu otrzymał od generała meksykańskiego wojska, nie napisał już niczego, co mogłoby zagrozić jemu i jego rodzinie. Nie robił tego nawet po inwazji armii meksykańskiej na północ kraju w 2008 roku. Pomimo to, w 2008 r. był zastraszany przez wojsko. Wkrótce został uprzedzony przez znajomą, która miała romans z jednym z wojskowych, że żołnierze zamierzają go zabić. Natychmiast uciekł do USA z piętnastoletnim synem, którego sam wychowywał. Zaraz po przekroczeniu granicy on i syn zostali aresztowani, rozdzieleni i umieszczeni w prywatnych więzieniach. Dziennikarz spędził w więzieniu siedem miesięcy, syn – dwa i pół. Jak pisze Charles Bowden, gdyby Gutierrez wkroczył nielegalnie na teren USA i potem poprosił o azyl, zostałaby wyznaczona kaucja. Jednak, gdy potwierdził na granicy swoją tożsamość i status prawny, został umieszczony w więzieniu, ponieważ według Departamentu Bezpieczeństwa Narodowego nie udowodnił, że nie stanowi zagrożenia dla społeczeństwa26. W więzieniu – jak opowiadał Gutierrez – Meksykanie traktowani są najgorzej: Associated Press, Private prison companies making big bucks on locking up undocumented immigrants, Thursday, August 2, 2012, http://www.nydailynews.com/news/national/private-prison-companies-making-big-bucks-locking-undocumented-immigrants-article-1.1127465 [01.03.2013]. 24 Tamże. 25 Human Rights First, Jails and Jumpsuits..., dz. cyt., s. ii. 26 Ch. B o w d e n, Mordercze Miasto..., dz. cyt., s. 237. 23 �Magdalena Krysińska-Kałużna 254 „Prace w więzieniu wykonują Meksykanie i mieszkańcy Ameryki Środkowej. To ironia losu, nielegalni imigranci zostają aresztowani za pracę, a następnie wsadza się ich do więzienia i każe im pracować za darmo”27. Dziennikarz powtarzał, że wytrzymał pobyt w więzieniu ze względu na syna, o którego bardzo się bał. Emilio Gutierrez do tej pory nie otrzymał statusu uchodźcy, pomimo starań jego adwokata, wsparcia stowarzyszenia Meksykańscy Dziennikarze na Uchodźstwie i działań innych grup wsparcia. Charles Bowden pisze: „Żaden meksykański dziennikarz nigdy nie otrzymał azylu politycznego, ponieważ jeśli rząd Stanów Zjednoczonych uczciwie spojrzałby na fakty, musiałby przyznać, że Meksyk nie przestrzega praw człowieka. Jednocześnie USA znalazłyby się w kłopotach, jeśli miałyby wyjaśnić swoim obywatelom, jak można usprawiedliwić dawanie armii meksykańskiej 1,4 miliarda dolarów w ramach Planu Merida, który – co najśmieszniejsze – miał walczyć z narkotykami”28. Wnioski W USA średnio połowa wniosków o przyznanie statusu uchodźcy jest odrzucana. W El Paso jeden z sędziów orzekających odrzuca ok. 90% wniosków. Wśród nich są wnioski meksykańskich dziennikarzy, dla których powrót do ojczyzny oznacza śmierć. Rozpatrzenia wniosku oczekują w więzieniach, gdzie spotykają się z imigrantami z Ameryki Środkowej – którym udało się cudem przejechać Meksyk. Obydwie te grupy są poniżane i źle traktowane. Stany Zjednoczone mają wpływ na sytuację obydwóch grup w ich krajach – wspierając meksykańską armię, a w niedawnej przeszłości wspierając reżimy w Ameryce Środkowej, czy ostatecznie akceptując zamach stanu dokonany w Hondurasie w 2009 roku. USA są więc współodpowiedzialne za nasilenie przemocy zarówno w krajach Ameryki Środkowej, jak i w Meksyku. Kolejnym istotnym czynnikiem jest traktat o wolnym handlu (NAFTA), który pogłębił ubóstwo w krajach Ameryki Środkowej. Towary mogą swobodnie przekraczać granice, lecz nie mogą tego robić ludzie. Wszystkie te zjawiska wpływają na wzrost liczby imigrantów, w tym starających się o status uchodźcy w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Odpowiedzią jest budowa prywatnych więzień, na których zarabiają amerykańskie firmy, podobnie jak na Planie Merida zarabia amerykański przemysł zbrojeniowy. Río Grande przemieszcza się gdzie indziej – pytanie tylko, dokąd? 27 28 Tamże, s. 238. Tamże, s. 237. � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/322ead5018678417915aee84248e3b9d.pdf 6dd35185863b73c6c8909f630a1f9db5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5462 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource pamięć - aspekt antropologiczny narracje biograficzne Śląsk Cieszyński - narracje biograficzne pamięć spoleczna Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5079 Title A name given to the resource Pamięć społeczna i dziedzictwo kulturowe - II wojna światowa w śląskich narracjach biograficznych / Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego Description An account of the resource Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego; pod red. Haliny Rusek,Agnieszki Pieńczak i Jacka Szczyrbowskiego, s.196- 216 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kubica, Grażyna Language A language of the resource pol ang. cz. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Cieszynie Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Grażyna Kubica Uniwersytet Jagielloński Instytut Socjologii Pamięć społeczna i dziedzictwo kulturowe - II wojna światowa w śląskich narracjach biograficznych (wstępne wyniki badań prowadzonych w Ustroniu w 2009 roku) Jestem zwolenniczką refleksyjnego podejścia do własnych badań1, dlatego rozpocznę od zaprezentowania nie tylko swojego teoretycznego stanowiska, ale także pewnych istotnych fragmentów genealogii, które mogą mieć wpływ na prowadzony przeze mnie projekt. Jestem Ślązaczką Cieszyńską, pochodzę z Ustronia, urodziłam się w autochtonicznej rodzinie ewangelickiej, znam język śląski w jego cieszyńskiej odmianie i staram się go używać, gdy odwiedzam rodzinne strony. W czasie II wojny światowej zginęli w obozach koncentracyjnych obaj moi dziadkowie, Józef Kubica i Jan Błaszczyk, aresztowani na wiosnę 1940 roku w czasie akcji, która miała oczyścić z propolskich działaczy tereny wcielone do Rzeszy. Zmuszone okolicznościami wdowy podpisały niemiecką Volkslistę nr trzy (dla Ślązaków), wskutek czego ich synowie trafili do Wehrmachtu. Mieli dużo szczęścia, że przeżyli. W jednym ze swoich tekstów, pt. Milczenie i dominacja, zajmowałam się problemem przemilczeń w kontekście wielokulturowości2. Analizowałam tam przypadki 1 Zob. B. Sholte: Toward a Reflexive and Critical Anthropology. W: Reinventing Anthropology. Ed. D. Hymes. Ann Arbor 1999, s. 430-455. 2 Zob. G. Kubica: Milczenie i dominacja. Przemilczenia międzykulturowe w perspektywie socjologicznej i antropologicznej. W: Przemilczenia w relacjach międzykulturowych. Red. J. Goszczyńska, G. Szwat-Gyłybowa. Warszawa 2008, s. 95-109; G. Kubica: Śląskość i protestantyzm. Antropologiczne eseje o Śląsku Cieszyńskim, proza, fotografia. Kraków (w druku). �Grażyna Kubica: Pamięć społeczna i dziedzictwo kulturowe ... 197 pochodzące z mojego doświadczenia badawczego oraz osobistego. Jednym z nich było przemilczanie przez Ślązaków wojennej historii swych rodzin w kontaktach z obcymi3. Dawałam tam przykład mojego wuja, który służył w Wehrmachcie i który przemilczał ten epizod swej biografii przed żoną, nie będącą Ślązaczką. Ich synowie (mieszkający od lat w Kanadzie) dowiedzieli się o tym ode mnie już po śmierci obojga rodziców. Pod względem teoretycznym opieram się na koncepcji przemocy symbolicznej Pierre’a Bourdieu oraz teorii grup niemych Edwina Ardenera. Ten drugi autor twierdzi, że w danym społeczeństwie wiodącą rolę odgrywają modele świata generowane przez grupę dominującą. Ten dominujący model może utrudniać wolność wyrażania alternatywnych modeli przez grupy mniejszościowe lub nawet blokować ich tworzenie. A zatem grupa jest „niema”, ponieważ nie stanowi części dominującego systemu komunikacyjnego społeczeństwa, wyrażanego przez dominującą ideologię. W koncepcji Ardenera przemilczenia wiążą się z niewyartykułowaniem grup mniejszościowych4. Na gruncie socjologii problematykę dominacji badał m.in. Pierre Bourdieu. W jego ujęciu przemoc symboliczna to narzucanie znaczeń jako uprawomocnionych przy jednoczesnym ukrywaniu sił leżących u podstaw tego uprawomocnienia i narzucania. Podstawowymi mechanizmami dominacji kulturowej jest system prawny i edukacyjny. Narzucają one kulturę prawomocną wszystkim klasom (obywatelom), ale przyjmują ją jako swoją tylko dominanci, zaś przedstawiciele mniejszości dowiadują się w szkole, która kultura jest uprawomocniona przez państwo5. Zatem w istocie przemilczenia dokonywane przez mniejszość ugruntowują dominację większości. Innym pojęciem, które wymaga tutaj omówienia jest pamięć zbiorowa. Klasycznym dziełem dotyczącym tej problematyki są Społeczne ramy pamięci Maurice’a Halbwachsa. Autor twierdzi, że To właśnie w społeczeństwie człowiek normalnie nabywa wspomnienia, rozpoznaje je i lokalizuje. Policzmy wspomnienia wywołane w ciągu jednego dnia z okazji naszych bezpośrednich lub pośrednich kontaktów z innymi ludźmi. Zobaczymy, że najczęściej sięgamy do naszej pamięci jedynie po to, aby odpowiedzieć na zadawane przez innych pytania, lub na pytania, które, według naszego mniemania, mogliby nam postawić. (...) W takim właśnie rozumieniu istniałaby pamięć zbiorowa i społeczne ramy pamięci i tylko w miarę, jak nasza myśl indywidualna umieszcza się w tych ramach i bierze udział w tej pamięci, będzie zdolna do wspominania6. Zatem zbiorowości uzgadniają jak pamiętać, a zależy to od obecnego kontekstu, czyli od teraźniejszości. 3 Innymi przykładami było zatajanie przez ewangelików z diaspory (czyli spoza Śląska Cieszyńskiego) swego wyznania, czy przypadki skrywania swej tożsamości przez Żydów w okresie międzywojennym oraz gejów i lesbijek współcześnie. Zob. G. Kubica: Milczenie i dominacja. Przemilczenia międzykulturowe w perspektywie socjologicznej i antropologicznej. W: Przemilczenia w relacjach międzykulturowych. Red. J. Goszczyńska, G. Szwat-Gyłybowa. Warszawa 2008, s. 95-109. 4 Zob. S. Ardener: Introduction. W: Perceiving Women. Red. S. Ardener. London 1975, s. xii. 5 P. Bourdieu: Męska dominacja. Tłum. L. Kopciewicz. Warszawa 2004, s. 47. 6 M. Halbwachs: Społeczne ramy pamięci. Warszawa 1969, s. 4-5. �198 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Współcześnie na gruncie polskim pamięcią zbiorową zajmuje się wielu badaczy i badaczek, by wymienić socjologów: Barbarę Szacką, Andrzeja Szpocińskiego, Piotra Tadeusza Kwiatkowskiego, Lecha Nijakowskiego, a także antropologów: Katarzynę Kaniowską i Jacka Nowaka7. Dla moich poszukiwań przydatne jest pojęcie „wspólnoty pamięci” używane przez Lecha Nijakowskiego, który określił je następująco: „Jest to agregat osób (niekoniecznie grupa), które łączy określone doświadczenie biograficzne, nie zawsze o charakterze traumatycznym, oraz ich potomknów, którzy przejęli pamięć rodzinną”8. Autor rozważa w tym kontekście interesujący mnie tutaj szczególnie problem „dziadków w Wehrmachcie” na terenach wcielonych do niemieckiej Rzeszy. Na temat Ślązaków służących w niemieckim wojsku napisano już kilka prac historycznych i wspomnieniowych9, w regionalnych mediach problem ten czasami się pojawia10, na kanałach dokumentalnych można obejrzeć filmy na ten temat11, a ostatnio nawet przeczytać w ogólnopolskiej gazecie12, czy w internecie13. Jednak jak pisze Lech Nijakowski „Pamięć polskich Ślązaków nie była i nie jest jednak przez władze Rzeczpospolitej – trzeciej i ‘czwartej’ – uznawana”14, o czym według niego świadczy nieobjęcie przez byłego Prezydenta Lecha Kaczyńskiego patronatu nad obchodami 85 rocznicy przyłączenia Śląska do Polski. 7 Zob. m.in. B. Szacka: Czas przeszły, pamięć, mit. Warszawa 2006; A. Szpociński, P.T. Kwiatkowski: Przeszłość jako przedmiot przekazu. Warszawa 2006; P.T. Kwiatkowski: Przemiany pamięci zbiorowej społeczeństwa polskiego w okresie transformacji. Warszawa 2008; L.M. Nijakowski: Polska polityka pamięci, esej socjologiczny. Warszawa 2008; K. Kaniowska: Antropologia i problem pamięci. „Polska Sztuka Ludowa. Konteksty” 2003, nr 3-4, s. 57-66; J. Nowak: Mapy pamięci. Antropologia pamięci zbiorowej. Kraków (w druku). 8 L. M. Nijakowski: Polska polityka pamięci…, s. 145. 9 Zob. np. I. Sroka: Górnoślązacy w Wehrmachcie. W: Górny Śląsk i Górnoślązacy w II wojnie światowej. Red. W. Wrzesiński. Bytom 1997, s. 116-130; R. Kaczmarek: Górny Śląsk podczas drugiej wojny światowej. Między utopią niemieckiej wspólnoty narodowej a rzeczywistością okupacji na terenach wcielonych do Trzeciej Rzeszy. Katowice 2006; L. Olejnik: Zdrajcy narodu? Warszawa 2006; R. Hajduk: Pogmatwane drogi: Warszawa 1976; B. Fabiańska, W. Filipek: Rekruci. „Karta”. T. 10, s. 7-25; A. Lysko: Losy Górnoślązaków przymusowo wcielonych do Wehrmachtu. „Biuletyn IPN” 2004. T. 6-7, s. 64-79; J. Kisza: Z Cieszyna do Olsztyna. „Kartki Mazurskie. Biuletyn Mazurskiego Towarzystwa Ewangelickiego w Olsztynie”, 2006, nr 9 (39); P. Rakocz, J. Wódz: Jak się żyło i jak się żyje Ślązakowi na Śląsku. Katowice 1996; J. Wódz: Ślązaków problemy z samoidentyfikacją społeczną – socjologiczna i antropologiczna analiza jednego życiorysu. W: Eseje socjologiczne. Red. W. Jacher. Katowice 2001, s. 55-65. 10 Ukazywały się artykuły w „Dzienniku Zachodnim”, audycje w Radiu Katowice oraz programy w TVP Silesia (np. wywiad Szołtyska z Alojzym Lysko wyemitowany 7 maja 2010). 11 Oprócz przywoływanego już filmu „Kolumbowie w mundurach feldgrau”, wyprodukowano także film „Dzieci Wehrmachtu”, o poszukiwaniach grobu ojca przez Alojzego Lysko. 12 M. Redzisz: Najlepsza pogoda w całych Czechach. „Gazeta Wyborcza. Duży Format” 04.11.08 (biografie kilku Ślązaków z Jabłonkowa na Zaolziu); A. Klich: Został z nich Maras. „Gazeta Wyborcza” 14.01.2010 o filmie „Dzieci Wehrmachtu”. 13 Zob. strony: „W znienawidzonym mundurze. Losy Polaków przymusowo wcielonych do wojska niemieckiego w okresie II wojny światowej” (istnieje od 2008 roku) http://www. wehrmacht-polacy.pl A także: http://www.historycy.org/index.php?showtopic=1016&st=30 14 L. M. Nijakowski: Polska polityka pamięci…, s. 156. �Grażyna Kubica: Pamięć społeczna i dziedzictwo kulturowe ... 199 Jacek Nowak zauważa, że państwo narodowe ma ciągle monopol na interpretowanie przeszłości, ale dają się zauważyć ostatnio procesy reorganizacji pól pamięci. Z jednej strony dotyczy to zmarginalizowanych grup mniejszościowych, które starają się włączyć swoje narracje do dominującego dyskursu, a z drugiej – kosmopolityzacja pamięci zbiorowej. Ponadto pamięć jest traktowana jako podstawa tożsamości jednostek i społeczeństw, porządkuje ludzkie doświadczenia i pozwala na interpretacje rzeczywistości15. Jacek Nowak prowadził badania terenowe na Ukrainie i w południowo-wschodniej Polsce – tych doświadczeń dotyczy jego najnowsza książka. Postanowiliśmy razem przyjrzeć się problemowi pamięci zbiorowej Ślązaków dotyczącej II wojny światowej, a także sprawdzić czy mamy do czynienia ze zjawiskiem tzw. post-pamięci, czyli obecności w narracjach następnych generacji doświadczeń antenatów. Badania terenowe przeprowadziliśmy we wrześniu 2009 roku w Ustroniu razem z grupą studentów socjologii UJ. Zostali oni przez nas wcześniej przeszkoleni nie tylko pod względem warsztatowym i teoretycznym, ale także historycznym, w odniesieniu do lokalnego kontekstu. Służyły temu moje wykłady oraz spotkania z ekspertami16, oraz obserwacja uczestnicząca nabożeństwa w jednym z ustrońskich kościołów protestanckich. W ten sposób, mimo iż nie należeli do wspólnoty pamięci ze swymi rozmówcami, dysponowali wiedzą, która pomagała im nawiązać z nimi kontakt i rozumieć kontekst opowieści. Uzyskaliśmy ogółem ponad 70 wywiadów. Z rozmówcami pamiętającymi II wojnę światową z własnego doświadczenia prowadziliśmy narracyjne wywiady biograficzne według modelu Fritza Schützego17, czyli najpierw swobodna wypowiedź rozmówcy opisująca jego lub jej własne życie, następnie pytania doprecyzowujące zadawane przez badacza oraz zestaw pytań dotyczących interesujących nas spraw: Volkslisty, służby w Wehrmachcie, a także kwestii tożsamościowych. Z młodszymi rozmówcami prowadziliśmy wywiady pogłębione zawierające pytania o wojenną historię rodzin oraz zestaw kwestii tożsamościowych. Rozmowy zostały stranskrybowane i poddane wstępnej analizie. Prezentuję tutaj jedynie pewien aspekt problemu dotyczący sposobu prowadzenia narracji.Z wywiadów z najstarszymi rozmówcami wyłania się dramatyczny obraz ich własnych przeżyć podczas II wojny światowej oraz doświadczeń ich rodzin. Oddaję głos samym narratorom, aby opowiedzieli o tym własnym głosem18. Tutaj Niemcy zrobili taką [akcję, że] 80% brali dorosłych ludzi co mieli 21 lat i dawali do podpisania Volkslisty. Ci, co byli proniemieccy, to mieli pierwszą, drugą grupę, a trzecią dostali ci, co tutaj stale mieszkali. I to tak groźnie nie wyglądało [na początku]. Ale tak perfidnie zrobili, tak teraz analizuję, że na przykład podpisali rodzice, to dzieci do 21 roku życia dostawały powołanie do wojska, do Wehrmachtu. Początkowo, 15 J. Nowak: Mapy pamięci…, (w druku) 16 Spotkaliśmy się z: Lidią Szkaradnik, dyrektorką Muzeum Ustrońskiego, Małgorzatą Kiereś, dyrektorką Muzeum Beskidzkiego w Wiśle; Janem Olbrychtem, socjologiem i politykiem, obecnie euro-posłem; Wojsławem Suchtą – socjologiem i redaktorem „Gazety Ustrońskiej”; Andrzejem Drobikiem, młodym historykiem prowadzącym w Ustroniu badania historii mówionej. 17 Zob. K. Kazimierska: Wywiad narracyjny jako jedna z metod w badaniach biograficznych, „Przegląd Socjologiczny” 2004, nr 1. 18 Pominęłam powtórzenia, dygresje i mniej istotne wątki co zaznaczyłam nawiasem okrągłym (...). Dopisałam [w nawiasach kwadratowych] słowa, które pozwalają zrozumieć treść. �200 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví jak rozesłali te powołania, to strach zrobili. Dużo tutaj w okolicy było [ludzi] co nie podpisali [powołania]. Za tydzień byli w Oświęcimiu, a za miesiąc przyszło pismo, że nie żyją. Taki terror był. Ja potem w 42 roku zostałem powołany [do wojska], no to początkowo nas w Austrii przeszkolili. Insbruk w tych okolicach. A potem byłem na froncie wschodnim. Ja trzy lata byłem na froncie wschodnim na pierwszej linii. Jakie ja miałem szczęście, że nic mi się nie stało, bo przecież kojarzycie, jak ktoś podpadł, to go na front wschodni wysyłali. Bo tam było straszliwie niebezpiecznie. Potem do niewoli się dostałem i przez rok byłem na Uralu w obozie, chorowałem tam nawet na malarię19. Jak wojna wybuchła to miałam trzynaście lat. No. I to chodziłam zaroz do niemieckiej szkoły, czyli pięć klas zrobiłam polskich a szóstą niemiecką. (...) To ten jeden rok zrobiłam tej szkoły, niemieckiej i w grudniu miałam czternaście lat, bo jestem w grudniu urodzona, no to mnie zabrali Niemcy na przymusowe roboty. Wtedy się to nazywało Waldenburg. (...) U takiego bauera wielkiego byłam. (...) Oni strasznie dużo mieli pola i bydła. I jo tam byłam najmłodsza, (...). A jo na przykład musiałam ziemniaków naobierać i ogień robić i baniaki po mleku przywozić, a byłam taka malutka, czternaście lat. Strasznie tęskniłam tam za mamą. Płakałam okropnie. (...) Ja, moi rodzice mieli Volkslistę. Dlatego jo po roku czasu, jak ja u tego bauera byłam, dlatego mogłam jechać do domu. A ci którzy nie mieli Volkslisty to zostali. (...) [Brat starszy] był na robotach przymusowych, w jakiejś fabryce szkła. I stamtąd go zabrali prosto do wojska. Chyba tam był ze dwa lata i zginął. On pisoł taki list, gdzieś koło Francji to było. Jak Niemcy kajś gdzieś wylądowali i tam była straszna walka. To on tam zginął. (...) To ja potem po roku czasu wróciłam do domu, pomagałam mamie. Potem chodziłam do pracy do niemieckiej fabryki. Nawet w fabryce granatów pracowałam20. Była wojna i to wszystko zmieniło. Trzeba było później do niemieckiej szkoły chodzić, no a potem do wojska, no i dość burzliwe były te lata tak że, nie bardzo lubię to wspominać, ale to każdy przechodził. (...) Jak się wojna zaczęła, to byłem w harcerstwie przed wojną, tośmy mieli takie spotkanie w centrum Ustronia w strażnicy. To nas posegregowali, ci starsi szli do Górek, ci harcerze, niby bronić Górek, a ci młodsi tośmy zostali w domu, trzeba było pochować ten strój harcerski, wszystko do skrzyni i pod gruszkę. To tam dziadek pochował. W pierwszym dniu wojny to narobili rzeczy, że będą strzelać z Górek i będzie straszna wymiana tego [ognia], aż tam pod Czantorię [poszliśmy], myśmy tam spali (...) jedną noc. A jakeśmy wstali, patrzyli, to Niemcy już szli, nie było sensu uciekać,. Znaczy brat uciekł na wschód z kolegami jeszcze innymi. A ja zostałem przy mamusi, nie byłem przecież dorosły jeszcze aż tak, żeby uciekać. (...) Matka umiała po niemiecku, bo do austriackiej szkoły chodziła i z tej racji dostała Volkslistę numer dwa, a tak to [inni Ustroniacy] mieli trzy, albo by było „P” [czyli Polak]. Ona „dwa” dostała listę, a ja, bo byłem niepełnoletni, automatycznie dostałem „dwa”. Ale to pomogło bratu, który siedział w koncentraku w Dachau. Mój brat, zaraz go zamknęli w trzecim dniu wojny. Przyszło gestapo, wzięło mi brata. Siedział dwa lata tam, w Dachau. Zbierali wszystkich Polaków, bo oni do polskiej szkoły chodzili (...). No i to tak, ale później się to przydało, napisała mama do Hitlera przez adwokatów i zwolnili [brata] po dwóch latach. I tak to było, ten okropny rozdział. (...) Dostałem się do niewoli amerykańskiej z niemieckim wojskiem. (...) Tam w dużym obozie, gdzieś osiem tysięcy nas było. Przeżyłem tam dużo, dużo rzeczy nieprzyjemnych. No to jak przyjechałem, matka miała Volkslistę numer 2 to, to jeszcze rehabilitacja ją czekała, bo trzeba było się zrehabilitować21. No a później wybuchła wojna. Uciekałem aż do Tarnopola. (...) No a później przychodziłem spadki. (...) To my musieli dwa tygodnie ustępy myć, łazienki na gminie, za karę, że my uciekali. No, ale później my pracowali w Goleszowie, ale musiałem pojechać do Niemiec, bo nie miałem Volkslisty. I nie można było 19 Wywiad nr 1. 20 Wywiad nr 53. 21 Wywiad nr 21. �Grażyna Kubica: Pamięć społeczna i dziedzictwo kulturowe ... 201 pracować tam Polakom w cementowni. Pojechałem do tych Niemiec. Pracowałem w Brzegu u Kubana. (...) No i później tata podpisał Volkslistę w 42 roku na wiosnę i zaroz mnie wzięli do wojska. Bo tatę chcieli wysiedlać. Powiedzieli mu, że jak nie podpisze Volkslisty, to go wysiedlą. Do Niemiec wywiezą na roboty. Tata się boł no i podpisał tę Volkslistę. Jak mnie wzięli do wojska, to byłem w takiej austriackiej armii. Nazywała się „Schi-Jagerbrigade” – narciarska brygada. No w tej narciarskiej brygadzie byłem długo, długo, aż się złożyło, że chciałem uciec, no [ściszony głos]. No i uciekłem. No uciekłem i tak się ukrywałem, aż przyszła ta polsko armia. I później musiałem się zgłosić do polskiej armii, bo tam na zachodzie to się krzywo patrzyli na tych, że w niemieckiej armii byli22. Chodziłam do szkoły, już potem niemieckiej podczas wojny, no i w czterdziestym trzecim w lutym został mój ojciec zabrany do Oświęcimia, więc żyłyśmy dalej z matką. (...) [Ojciec był później] w MauthausenGusen, a zmarł w Linzu i tam jest pochowany. W czterdziestym piątym w maju. Akurat do wojny, do końca wojny dożył, ale dalej nie przeżył, za bardzo był zaawansowany stan chorobowy. Wiadomo, po obozie, to co można się było spodziewać23. Jeszcze w 39 roku ojciec opuścił dom i poszedł, ponieważ ewakuowano kuźnię. (...) [potem] pracy już w kuźni nie otrzymał, bo tutaj byli Niemcy. (...) Najpierw pracował w lesie ciężko, ja tam obiady nosiłam pod Czantorię a potem został zmuszony do wyjazdu [na roboty], bo było: albo wyjedzie, albo do obozu, bo mój ojciec był zdecydowanym socjalistą (...). Ojciec pojechał do Niemiec w Wittenberdze pracował pod Berlinem, spali w takich ogromnych salach jak Prażakówka, jeden obok drugiego na betonie. Był bardzo chory, ale to już później. Ja miałam 3 braci i jedną siostrę. Kiedy mój drugi z kolei brat nie ukończył nawet 18 lat, została mamusia wezwana do urzędu i po prostu podpisać musiała tą Volkslistę „do odwołania” [czyli nr 3], nie minął miesiąc i go zabrali. To był rok 42, pracował przez rok, to znaczy nie pracował tylko tak był folksdinst? czy jakoś tak to się nazywało. A później był na froncie jako tak zwane gebelgstjeger, umiał na nartach dobrze jeździć i tam w Tyrolu ćwiczył w Austrii, potem był we Włoszech, w Chorwacji, ale w wieku lat 20 zginął. I zaczęła się tragedia. Ojciec miał do matki pretensje, że ona podpisała [Volkslistę], a z kolei ona była tu bezradna, myśmy mieli [jako Polacy] wszystkie kartki [żywnościowe] obcięte, nie było masła, niczego na kartkach, nawet słodyczy. Ja z młodszym bratem zachorowałam na szkorbut. Ojciec, pamiętam jak przysyłał kiełbasę z konia, to jak myśmy się cieszyli że dostaliśmy kawałek tej kiełbasy! (...) Ojciec wrócił w 44 schorowany i dzięki tu takiemu panu doktorowi Śniegoniowi który uznał to, że on nie chciał już tam wracać, to dostał zaświadczenie, że musi się dalej leczyć i tak tata został24. Oprócz szkoły podstawowej, która wypadła na okres wojny, kończyłem niemiecką szkołę podstawową. (...) Mój ojciec przed wojną był w armii polskiej, skończył szkołę podoficerską. W stopniu kaprala wyszedł z wojska, brał udział w wojnie przeciwko Niemcom, później do niewoli się dostał i po 2 czy 3 latach go znowu wcielili do Wermachtu. (...) A znalazł się we Francji, i tam nawiał do partyzantki i do armii polskiej się dostał. (...) No różne te stosunki niemieckie były, była straszna dyscyplina. Myśmy mieli gospodarstwo, matka sama gospodarowała. No więc wszystko było wyliczone, trzeba było rozliczać się ze wszystkiego. Zboże zebrało się. Tak że wyliczyli ile na chleb, resztę trzeba było odstawić. Świniaka jak się ubiło, no to też wyliczyli według systemu kartkowego ile na pół roku, czy na jak długo, wystarczyło. A nawet żarna pozamykali żeby nie można było mielić sobie coś tam na chleb czy czy mąkę mieć. Separatory, maselnice to zamykali, to zaplombowali i to była plomba założona żeby nie można było sobie masła zrobić bo mleko trzeba było odstawiać. No to czasem zebrał ktoś tę śmietanę z góry no i jakieś troszkę masła mógł zrobić. 22 Wywiad nr 34. 23 Wywiad nr 52. 24 Wywiad nr 5. �202 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví (...) I były kontrole. Przychodził policjant od czasu do czasu i patrzył czy plomba nie zdjęta z maselnicy, z separatora czy żarna te, różne młynki ludzie mieli na wsiach czasem takie. A jak to było [naruszone] no to straszne kary były25. W czterdziestym Niemcy mnie wywieźli do Hanoweru [na roboty przymusowe] i tam to była fabryka akumulatorów. (...) To była paskudna robota. Bo to była taka duża hala, tam wkładało się te płyty do akumulatorów, (...) i tam wychodziły te jakieś złe [wyziewy], co szkodziło dla zdrowia. (...) tak potem z Urzędu Miejskiego tu w Ustroniu tam do dyrekcji, gdzie pracowałem, dali wiadomość, że mnie mają wysłać do domu podpisać Volkslistę. Ja tu przyjechałem, nie wiem, ile miałem tego urlopu, czy dwa, czy cztery dni. Volkslisty nie podpisałem, powiedziałem „Ja nie jestem [Niemcem]”, pisałem się Polakiem. Bo Ślązaków brali zaraz do wojska Niemcy. (...) Pojechałem [potem] do Berlina, bo tam byli też ustroniacy. (...) W Berlinie z początku zamiatałem baraki i potem robiłem na holtzplacu. (...) Mieszkaliśmy w barakach, blisko było do fabryki, może pięć-siedem minut. (...) W Berlinie też robiłem jako fizyczny z początku, a tam śmy dostawali lebensmittelkarte, czyli karty żywnościowe dla obcokrajowców i tam były papierosy. A my nie palili. Tak, ten jeden urzędnik (...) z tej firmy, gdzie pracowałem, to bardzo dużo palił papierosów, dobry człowiek to był – to przychodził zawsze, no i nam zawsze zapłacił [za te papierosy]. Robiłem jako pracownik fizyczny, a potem kolega mnie zdradził, ale na dobrze [ze śmiechem], zdradził: powiedział, że ja pracowałem w biurze w Polsce i obliczałem zarobki dla pracowników fizycznych. Tak, on [ten urzędnik] mnie wziął do biura. (...) Pracowała też tam ze mną Fraulein Kubasch. To była panna. Ona tam miała jakiegoś, zdaje się, amanta, a on poszedł do wojska. (...) Szykowna panna. Ale ja jako Polak się bałem [z nią bliżej poznać], że mnie rozstrzelają, bo tam w razie czego to rozstrzelali Polaków [co współżyli w Niemkami]26. [Przed wojną] skończyłem tylko jeden rok gimnazjum w Cieszynie. Nastąpiła wojna, wróciłem do domu. (...) Rodzina cała była polska, moi bracia starsi oczywiście nie wyrazili zgode na przyjęcie Volkslisty. (...) No a ja przez różne perturbacje wojenne dostałem się do Francji. We Francji byłem w wojsku polskim, tak zwane Polskie Siły Zbrojne na Zachodzie. [Najstarszy brat] musiał uciekać, bo jednocześnie związany był z AK, musiał uciekać przed aresztowaniem i dostał się do Guberni. I tam przebywał. Natomiast dwaj młodsi bracia: jeden został na gospodarstwie, po ojcu gospodarstwo przejął i miał spokój, no ktoś tam musiał robić, pracować żeby nie upadło [i produkowało żywność]. Drugi brat przeszedł na gospodarstwo również, siostry swojej, ponieważ jej mąż został powołany do wojska niemieckiego i zginął na froncie i też miał spokój, ponieważ ktoś tam też musiał prowadzić, [bo Niemcy] pilnowali, żeby ta żywność była pod dostatkiem, i pewne ulgi dla Polaków, ewentualnie były, jeżeli ktoś zajął się takim zawodem. (...) Perturbacje [ze mną] były takie, że moja mamusia w związku z tym, że została wdową [i miała] to gospodarstwo, a że dzieci pełnoletnie odeszły z domu to miała Volkslistę numer 3, czyli taką, jaką tutaj na Śląsku wszyscy otrzymywali, za wyjątkiem tych, którzy ewentualnie mieli tam jakieś koneksje niemieckie, czy coś, to ci dostali wyższą klasę, czyli drugą, bo jedynki tutaj chyba nie było. I w związku z czym synek [chłopiec] mając siedemnaście lat podlegał w dalszym ciągu pod tą Volkslistę swojej mamy, a tym chłopcem byłem ja. I w związku z czym mając niecałych osiemnaście lat ściągnięto mnie przymusowo do wojska niemieckiego. I przebyłem w nim dwa lata. Z kolei udało mi się przedostać do armii polskiej we Francji i tam byłem aż do tego 48 roku, kiedy wróciłem do kraju27. Przeżywało się okropnie, przecież bracia byli w wojsku. Mój brat miał 18 roków i już szedł do wojska, bo ojciec przyjął Volksliste, a mama nie [przyjęła], była Polka. Brat był małoletni i należał pod ojca, tak więc 25 Wywiad nr 12. 26 Wywiad nr 48. 27 Wywiad nr 18. �Grażyna Kubica: Pamięć społeczna i dziedzictwo kulturowe ... 203 też zawezwali go do wojska a on był wysoki bardzo przystojny synek no i oni brali takich do wojska jako [do kompanii honorowej], musiał był freinger, to taki, że się zgadza, że idzie do wojska dobrowolnie. (...) I on już wiedział, co to będzie. I powiedział, że nie weźmie pióra do ręki, nie podpisze co będą chcieć, (...) i powiedział: „nie idę do wojska bo mama by zgineła, że jeszcze jo był szeł freiliger do wojska a potem to mówili ze my świnie, nadali nam” (...) I oni nie wiedzieli, co z nim zrobić. I posłali go z powrotem do domu, i przyjechoł do Cieszyna, szczęśliwy taki. No ale tak. Był 3 miesiące w domu i zaś go wzięli z powrotem do wojska (...). No i on mówił, że ten front już był tu koło Katowic w tym miejscu jego wysłali w samym najbardzej wysuniętym froncie. I jego wysłali bo to miała być walka najbardziej ostra. Niemcy z Ruskimi. No i on widział, że nie przeżyje, bo te okopy były takie coraz bardziej, a on był najbardziej wysunięty na tego nieprzyjaciela. I mówił, że tak w nocy myślał, że niektórzy palili papierosy, no i mioł papierosy bo oni dostowali papierosy no i mówił że te naboje co mioł tu na ten atak nastąpić. To te naboje wyrzucił a te naboje naładował papierosami. Bo miał zamiar że będzie uciekoł do Rusów. Bo nie ma innego ratunku. No i mówił ze tak księżyc świecił a takie krzaki były no i tak się czołgoł i jak był gdzieś za krzakiem to zaś bardziej lecioł i tak dolecioł do tego frontu rosyjskiego. I mówi że jak skoczył do okopu rosyjskiego, i tak po rusku, bo on troche po rusku umioł, że on jest brat „nie strzelaj my są bracio”, no i tak go zrozumieli po rusku, i zostawili go i potem go wzieli i go odprowadzili na komende ruską, i on był rany czy coś i jak widział [jakiś żołnierz rosyjski] z tej złości, bo on był jeszcze w mundurze niemieckim i „jak mnie uderzył w twarz, to mi zaroz czopka spadła z głowy” a ten, co go prowadził to zaroz mówi; „nie wolno ci go bić to jest nasz brat” i tak się wyratował. A mówił, że ich szef, co był major jakiś, to był prawdziwym Niemcem, nie umioł po polsku. To go zastrzelili. I potem [brat] wrócił z tej niewoli, nie był długo czy coś. Na takiej robocie na dworcach tam coś robił. Aż my się dowiedzieli, i potem go zwolnili i przyszedł28. Przytaczam te narracje, aby pokazać jak różne były przeżycia najstarszych Ślązaków, jak bardzo dramatyczne, a także – w jaki sposób o nich opowiadają. Zebraliśmy jeszcze kilka innych wywiadów z osobami, które pamiętały wojnę z własnego doświadczenia. Narracje te były bardziej obszerne i bogatsze w szczegóły, ale trudno je w krótkim artykule przytoczyć w całości. Jedna z nich dotyczyła służby w niemieckich oddziałach pomocniczych przy kopaniu rowów, a pod koniec wojny krótkiego epizodu frontowego, który skończył się dezercją. Inny rozmówca służył w Wehrmachcie jako telegrafista. Jeden z naszych interlokutorów opowiadał o swej współpracy z partyzantami. Były też opowieści kobiece, mówiące o wojennej codzienności i utracie bliskich. W ostatnich latach opublikowano kilka autobiografii ustroniaków, w których autorzy wspominają swoje wojenne doświadczenia. Pierwszą taką książką były Wspomnienia z minionego wieku Jana Małysza29, który nie przyjął Volkslisty i był wywieziony na roboty do Niemiec. Paweł Małysz w swej autobiografii Życie pełne bożych cudów30 opisywał podobne doświadczenia swej wysiedlonej rodziny. Bogusław Heczko na kartach Rozmyślań w cieniu lipy31 opowiedział o losach swych bliskich: próbach matki uwolnienia brata z obozu koncentracyjnego, przyjęcia przez nią Volkslisty nr 2 oraz swej służby w Wehrmachcie jako sanitariusza. W „Kalendarzu Ustrońskim” ukazywały się kolejne wspomnienia: zapiski wojenne ks. Pawła Nikodema32, Józefa Balcara 28 29 30 31 32 Wywiad nr 58. J. Małysz: Wspomnienia z minionego wieku. Cieszyn 2001. P. Małysz: Życie pełne bożych cudów. Ustroń 2003. B. Heczko: Rozmyślania w cieniu lipy. Ustroń 2002. A. Dorda: Zapiski ks. Nikodema. „Kalendarz Ustroński 2002”, s. 58-63. �204 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví wspomnienia z robót przymusowych w Niemczech33; Ottona Windholza-Wineckiego o losach wojennych jego rodziny34; Adama Heczki, który był w Wehrmachcie w służbie wartowniczej (opowiadał również o swoich doświadczeniach w filmie dokumentalnym)35; oraz Ludwika Lipowczana o początkach wojny oraz o losach ustroniaków wcielonych do niemieckiego wojska (w internecie dostępna jest jego relacja ze służby w Wehrmachcie)36. Ważną pozycją jest książka o wojennych losach ks. Andrzeja Wantuły, w której zamieszczono jego opowiadania obozowe o doświadczeniach w Mauthausen-Gusen oraz listy do żony o służbie jako sanitariusza w Wehrmachcie37. Z kolei wiedzy na temat tułaczki wrześniowej oraz późniejszego życia w Ustroniu dostarczają wspomnienia Jana Wantuły38. Niedawno opublikowane dzienniki Jana Szczepańskiego relacjonują okres jego pracy przymusowej we Wrocławiu i Wiedniu39. Są to materiały powstałe bezpośrednio w okresie dziania się wydarzeń, które opisywały i dlatego nie zostały przeze mnie poddawane analizie, a służyły jedynie jako ilustracja. W moim archiwum posiadam nagrania wywiadów historii mówionej, które prowadziłam m.in ze Stanisławem Wantułą, zasłużonym rolnikiem i społecznikiem (synem Jana, a bratem Andrzeja). Pan Wantuła opowiadał o własnych doświadczeniach wojennych, a także przeżyciach swoich najbliższych. Razem z córką opracowałyśmy zbiór wojennej korespondencji i wspomnień dotyczący naszej własnej rodziny, gdzie znajdują się listy mojego dziadka, Józefa Kubicy, z obozu w Mauthausen-Gusen, z którego już nie wrócił, a także – ojca, Tadeusza Kubicy oraz jego brata Jana, z czasu ich służby w niemieckim wojsku40. Kilka transkrypcji wspomnień wojennych różnych osób znajduje się także w archiwum Muzeum Ustrońskiego41. Istnieją dwa całościowe opracowania historyczne dotyczące interesującego mnie okresu. Pierwszym z nich jest broszura Józefa Pilcha pt. Ustroń 1939-1945, której drugie wydanie (poprawione i rozszerzone) zostało opublikowane w 1978 roku, oraz rozdział monografii Ustronia autorstwa Krzysztofa Nowaka pt. Lata okupacji hitlerowskiej (1939-1945) z 2005 roku. 33 J. Balcar: Moja młodość w czasie okupacji. „Kalendarz Ustroński 2002”, s. 82-85. 34 G. Kubica: Opowieść o dwóch fiakrach. „Kalendarz Ustroński 2000”, s. 100-110 (pierwotnie reportaż ten ukazał się w „Rzeczpospolitej” z 17/18. 07. 1999). Biografię Ottona Windholza-Wineckiego pt. Kangur z Ustronia autorstwa jego żony, Krystyny opublikowało w tym roku Muzeum Ustrońskie. 35 A. Michałek: Adama Heczko wojenne wspomnienia. „Kalendarz Ustroński 2006”, s. 224229; wypowiedź w filmie dokumentalnym pt. Kolumbowie w kolorze feldgrau z 2000 roku, autorstwa Pawła Woldana i Włodzimierza Filipka. 36 L. Lipowczan: Z wojennych zapisków ustroniaka. „Kalendarz Ustroński 2002”, s. 48-51; Tenże: Przemilczany temat. „Kalendarz Ustroński 2007”, s. 92-95; Wspomnienia Ludwika Lipowczana W: http://www.wehrmacht-polacy.pl/relacja19.html 37 Losy wojenne ks. Andrzeja Wantuły. Red. B. Żyszkowska. Cieszyn 2005 (opowiadania Z doliny cienia śmierci były wcześniej opublikowane w Londynie w 1947 roku). 38 J. Wantuła: Tułaczka wrześniowa (fragment nieopublikowanego pamiętnika). „Kalendarz Ustroński 2010”, s. 182-189; J. Wantuła: Wspomnienia wojenne (1939-1945). W: Wybór źródeł do dziejów Ustronia. T. 2. Red. K. Nowak. Cieszyn-Ustroń 1998, s. 103-148. 39 J. Szczepański: Dzienniki z lat 1935-1945. Red. K.D. Kadłubiec. Ustroń 2009. 40 J. Heller, G. Kubica: Wojenne losy rodziny Kubiców z Ustronia, maszynopis. 41 W archiwum znajduje się relacja m.in. partyzanta Michała Gomoli. �Grażyna Kubica: Pamięć społeczna i dziedzictwo kulturowe ... 205 Zasługą pierwszego z autorów jest zestawienie listy ofiar okupacji hitlerowskiej (w tym także „obywateli polskich pochodzenia żydowskiego”) oraz więźniów politycznych, którzy przeżyli wojnę. Tekst broszury jest poświęcony głównie opisowi martyrologii ludności Ustronia oraz działalności partyzantów. Problem Volkslisty i Wehrmachtu jest jedynie wzmiankowany, choć należy to docenić, pamiętając o istniejącej wówczas cenzurze. Pilch zdobył się na także na następującą wypowiedź: Przedstawiając alfabetycznie sylwetki ofiar [okupacji hitlerowskiej], zdajemy sobie sprawę, że to tylko część tragedii jaka dotknęła naszą miejscowość. Ile cierpień, ile ofiar, ile łez kosztowała „Volkslista” tak zwanych „Volksdeutchów”, to jest mieszkańców, którzy przyjęli, a raczej zostali zmuszeni do przyjęcia listy narodowościowej, lub też jako młodociani otrzymali ją bez pytania za rodzicami, a zostali Polakami, trudno opisać i opowiedzieć. Stali się masą ludzi bez praw i przywilejów poza jednym: służenia Niemcom wytężoną pracą i służbą wojskową. Z powołanych, a właściwie przymusowo wcielonych do wojska niemieckiego około 110 obywateli Ustronia – według dotychczas zebranych danych – zginęło na frontach jako żołnierze 54 osób. Wielu z nich zginęło w czasie ucieczki „do wroga”, były wypadki rozstrzelania za dezercję, a nawet pierwszym otrzymanym nabojem popełniono samobójstwo. Sprawa ta wymaga osobnego opracowania. Czym innym była Volkslista w Generalnej Guberni, a czym innym na Śląsku i w naszym Ustroniu. Bez zrozumienia tej różnicy nie potrafimy pojąć rzeczywistości okupacyjnej w tak skomplikowanych warunkach, jakie zaistniały na Śląsku42. Przez lata PRL, a także i później, były to jedyne opublikowane słowa, które opisywały doświadczenia większości obywateli Ustronia. W opracowaniu Pilcha można znaleźć także ich wymiar statystyczny. W spisie powszechnym, który odbył się w Ustroniu 17 grudnia 1939 roku (nazywanym „palcówka”, gdyż na formularzu należało wykonać odcisk kciuka) kiedy na różne sposoby zniechęcano mieszkańców Ustronia do deklarowania polskości, rezultaty były następujące: 71% Ślązacy, 22% Polacy, 6% Niemcy. Później prowadzono akcję Volkslisty i zmuszano do jej przyjęcia. W kwietniu 1943 Polaków bez Volkslisty było już tylko 514 (na 6004 mieszkańców od 5 do 70 roku życia, czyli ok. 9%)43. Na całym Śląsku Cieszyńskim takich osób było w tym czasie prawie 40%44. Najwyraźniej lokalne władze w Ustroniu wykazywały się większą inicjatywą w nakłanianiu lokalnych mieszkańców do przyjęcia niemieckiej listy narodowościowej, a ci mieli dużo do stracenia jako właściciele gospodarstw. Pilch pisał, że sprawa Volkslisty i służby w Wehrmachcie „wymaga osobnego opracowania”, ale sam się tego zadania nie podjął. Niestety nie zrobił tego również Krzysztof Nowak w swoim rozdziale w monografii Ustronia. Autor dotarł do wielu cennych źródeł, obszernie cytuje wojenne wspomnienia Jana Wantuły, ale opisuje rzeczywistość okupacji w Ustroniu z polonocentrycznego punktu widzenia. Najlepiej to widać w następującym zdaniu: „Zdecydowana większość ‘Ślązaków’ wywodziła się oczywiście z ludności etnicznie polskiej”45. Zatem autor uważa, że tożsamość autochto42 J. Pilch: Ustroń 1939-1945 (przyczynek do dziejów ludności miasta w okresie wojny i okupacji). Ustroń 1978, s. 41-42. 43 Tamże, s. 12-13. 44 Zob. J. Bahlcke: Śląsk i Ślązacy. Warszawa 2001, s. 185. 45 K. Nowak: Lata okupacji hitlerowskiej (1939-1945). W: Ustroń 1305-2005. T. 1. Ustroń 2005, s. 446. �206 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví nicznej ludności da się określić „obiektywnie” jako polską etniczność, a ewentualne deklaracje śląskości można jedynie opatrzyć cudzysłowem. Jest to dość anachroniczne podejście do problemu, gdzie pojawiają się ukryte założenia i przed-sądy zamiast rzeczowej refleksji. Autor nie rozważa problemu Ustroniaków wcielanych do Wehrmachtu, a jedynie na samym końcu swego tekstu umieszcza poległych w niemieckim wojsku w „bilansie ofiar”: Według dostępnych informacji, w latach II wojny światowej (...) w sumie zginęło ponad 200 Ustroniaków, w tym ponad 70 narodowości żydowskiej. Wiadomo również, że z ponad 200 osób powołanych do wojska niemieckiego z Ustronia, Hermanic, Lipowca i Nierodzimia zginęła połowa, przede wszystkim na froncie wschodnim, we Włoszech i Francji46. A zatem w wojsku niemieckim straciło życie około 100 osób, co stanowi trzecią część wszystkich ofiar poniesionych przez ludność Ustronia i okolicznych wsi w czasie wojny i okupacji (z czego trzecią część stanowiła ludność żydowska). Współczesny historyk nie poświęca jednak poległym w Wehrmachcie żadnej uwagi poza samą konstatacją, że takie ofiary miały miejsce. Z materiału autobiograficznego (pochodzącego z naszych badań, ale także istniejących publikacji) można wysnuć kilka wstępnych wniosków na temat sposobu prowadzenia narracji. We wszystkich opowieściach dotyczących wojny pojawiają się struktury procesowe nazywane przez Schützego „trajektoriami”. Termin ten oznacza „ciągi zdarzeń biograficznych o strukturze sekwencyjnej, zdeterminowane przez czynniki zewnętrzne, niezależne od jednostki”47. Dobrze to ilustruje następujący fragment: „Była wojna i to wszystko zmieniło. Trzeba było później do niemieckiej szkoły chodzić, no a potem do wojska, no i dość burzliwe były te lata tak że, nie bardzo lubię to wspominać, ale to każdy przechodził”48. Nie we wszystkich narracjach pojawiają się całe sekwencje charakterystyczne dla trajektorii, ale wszechobecne jest poczucie utraty możliwości wpływania na własne życie. Pojawiają się także „przesłonięcia”, czyli „częściowe lub całkowite pominięcia czy też luki w relacji doświadczeń biograficznych”49. Dotyczą one przede wszystkim służby w Wehrmachcie. Najlepiej owo przesłonięcie widać w jednym z wywiadów, kiedy to rozmówca opowiadając o swoim życiu zupełnie pomija pobyt w niemieckim wojsku, a informacja o tym pojawia się dopiero pod wpływem pytań badaczy. Ale przesłonięcia pojawiają się także w narracjach nie ukrywających faktu wcielenia do Wehrmachtu. Na przykład: „A potem byłem na froncie wschodnim. Ja trzy lata byłem na froncie wschodnim na pierwszej linii. Jakie ja miałem szczęście, że nic mi się nie stało (...)”50. To jest wszystko co rozmówca mówi o swej służbie i co bardzo swą lakonicznością kontrastuje z innymi fragmentami opowieści. Podobne przesłonięcie 46 Tamże, s. 484. 47 M. Prawda: Biograficzne odtwarzanie rzeczywistości (O koncepcji badań biograficznych Fritza Schutze). „Studia Socjologiczne” 1989. T. 115, nr 4, s. 86. 48 Wywiad nr 21. 49 K. Kazimierska: Wywiad narracyjny jako jedna z metod w badaniach biograficznych, „Przegląd Socjologiczny” 2004, nr 1, s. 82. 50 Wywiad nr 1. �Grażyna Kubica: Pamięć społeczna i dziedzictwo kulturowe ... 207 można zauważyć i w innych narracjach, na przykład: „No w tej narciarskiej brygadzie byłem długo, długo, aż się złożyło, że chciałem uciec”51. Wojenne opowieści mojego ojca niemal zupełnie pomijały okres pobytu na Krecie kiedy służył w Wehrmachcie, natomiast były bardzo szczegółowe i anegdotyczne w odniesieniu do późniejszego pobytu w Palestynie w szkole junackiej armii Andersa. Najbardziej obszerne i bogate w szczegóły są opowieści dotyczące pobytu Ustroniaków na robotach przymusowych czy w obozach koncentracyjnych (zarówno samych rozmówców, jak i ich najbliższych), a także w niemieckim wojsku, ale bez udziału w walce (a jedynie w służbie medycznej, wartowniczej, pomocniczej, łączności). Obecny jest we wszystkich tych narracjach motyw cierpienia, choć wprost mówią o tym głównie kobiety: „Strasznie tęskniłam tam za mamą. Płakałam okropnie” (o robotach przymusowych); „Przeżywało się okropnie, przecież bracia byli w wojsku”. Wszyscy rozmówcy, bez względu na to czy ich rodziny podpisały Volkslistę czy nie, usprawiedliwiali decyzje o przyjęciu niemieckiej listy narodowościowej i uważali za uzasadnione sytuacją. Poniższa wypowiedź dobrze to ilustruje: No i [Niemcy] wymyślili tak zwane Volkslisty, listy narodowościowe, które można było albo podpisać albo zabrali gospodarstwo, albo na roboty wywieźli, albo do pracy, tak że ludzie byli w rozterce. (...) Ludzie Niemcami nie byli, jak napisał [na spisie, że jest] Polakiem no to wtedy [miał] problemy (...). No to wymyślili jeszcze Schlesier, że jest Ślązakiem. No to ludzie na to poszli, bo to ani Niemiec, ani Polak, będzie miał spokój do końca wojny. No ale Niemcy sobie nie przewidzieli, że tak dużo się opowie jako Ślązacy. [Potem] był dekret fuhrera Hitlera, no i tych Ślązaków uznali jako, że to są Niemcy. No i te Volkslisty, potem były: listy narodowe. Były pierwsza, druga, trzecia, czwarta. Pierwsza to był Reichsdeutsche czyli ci co z Niemiec pochodzili, byli rodowitymi Niemcami. Druga grupa to byli Volksdeutsche, (...) mieli jakieś tam korzenie, a trzecia grupa to byli ci wszyscy Ślązacy, którzy dostali grupę trzy (...) „do odwołania”. (...) Na podstawie tej Volkslisty dzieci musiały do szkoły chodzić, były porządki niemieckie, trzeba było ich przestrzegać i ludzie zdolni do służby wojskowej byli wcielani do Wehrmachtu52. Motywy podpisania Volkslisty były różne, np. obawa przed wywłaszczeniem, co było istotne szczególnie w przypadku właścicieli gospodarstw; próba uniknięcia wysłania na roboty przymusowe; czy chęć pomocy bliskim: mężowi lub synowi w obozie koncentracyjnym, czy areszcie. Żaden z naszych rozmówców nie uznawał podpisania Volkslisty za coś nagannego moralnie. Uważa się je za działanie wymuszone sytuacją i usprawiedliwione chęcią ochrony rodziny i jej majątku. Choć trzeba jednocześnie zauważyć, że strategia ta okazała się tak samo ryzykowna jak nieprzyjęcie Volkslisty, a może nawet bardziej (zginęła połowa wcielonych do Wehrmachtu). Z niemal powszechną dezaprobatą spotykała się natomiast działalność miejscowych partyzantów, których oskarżano o to, że ograbiali mieszkańców a także sprowadzali na nich niebezpieczeństwo, gdyż okupanci stosowali odpowiedzialność zbiorową. Tłumaczy to jeden z rozmówców: Jak jest ratusz, jak jest park, to tu jest pomnik tych Polaków co to [ich Niemcy] rozstrzelali, ale to jest największa głupota tych [partyzantów]. To już cały Ustroń i okolice, wszyscy podpisali te Volkslisty. (...) A było parę takich, co nie podpisze, bo on się czuje Polakiem, miejscowy Ustroniak, on nie podpisze Volkslisty. Do partyzantki [poszli]. (...) I co zrobili? Tacy chuligani po prostu. Bo chodzili nocami, kradli byle co 51 Wywiad nr 34. 52 Wywiad nr 12. �208 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví i w lesie siedzieli. Tu był policmajster, tam gdzie policja teraz. Starszy policjant (...) to był starszy chłop, tak pomalutku chodził, dość przy sobie taki. I napad zrobili na niego, ta ustrońska partyzantka. Napad, pobili go, broń mu zabrali. Co Niemcy mieli zrobić? Na postrach parę tych Polaków wystrzelali i do Oświęcimia [wysłali]53. Innym działaniem, które spotykało się ze zdecydowanie negatywną oceną naszych rozmówców było donosicielstwo. Dla tego typu działalności nie znajdowano wytłumaczenia. Trudnili się tym procederem, według naszych inretlokutorów, głównie Niemcy, lub „proniemieccy” mieszkańcy: „Dużo było tej zdrady takiej, z naszej strony, ze strony naszych ludzi”54. Zatem na infamię zasługiwały przede wszystkim czyny wymierzone przeciwko członkom własnej społeczności, zaś usprawiedliwiano wymuszone groźbami koncesje na rzecz okupanta, czyli podpisanie Volkslisty. Niepodpisanie jej nie uznawano za czyn chwalebny, czy patriotyczny, a raczej za inny sposób radzenia sobie z sytuacją. Ogólnie rzecz biorąc wszyscy rozmówcy ujmują własne doświadczenia wojenne, a także przeżycia swoich najbliższych w kategoriach trajektoryjnych, opowiadają o sobie jako o ofiarach tego czasu: zarówno ci, którzy stracili bliskich w obozach koncentracyjnych, czy niewolniczo pracowali na przymusowych robotach, jak i ci, którzy służyli w Wehrmachcie, czy postradali tam ojca czy brata. Często zresztą oba scenariusze dotyczyły tej samej rodziny. Wszystkie opowieści są narracjami ofiar. Jest jednak pewna różnica: cierpienie i śmierć Ślązaków służących w niemieckim wojsku są nieobecne w sferze publicznej, a pamięć zbiorowa przesłania tę część swego dziedzictwa. Pamięć grupy jest utrzymywana świadomym wysiłkiem jej członków i grupowymi instytucjami55. W przypadku Ślązaków Cieszyńskich (nie tylko ich zresztą) nie było przez lata ani świadomego wysiłku pamiętania ani grupowych instytucji. Wspólnota była pozbawiona autentycznej reprezentacji, która potrafiłaby „przetrawić” pamięć zbiorową, opowiedzieć doświadczenia i poddać interpretacji. Instytucje, które działały na tym terenie (głównie szkoły i podmioty polityczne), realizowały polską politykę pamięci historycznej z jej martyrologią i walką z okupantem. Za czasów PRL bohaterami byli partyzanci (szczególnie komuniści lub ludowcy) i ofiary hitlerowców w obozach koncentracyjnych, za III RP – członkowie AK i żołnierze Polskich Sił Zbrojnych na Zachodzie. Widomym tego przejawem są miejsca pamięci w przestrzeni publicznej. Najważniejszym punktem jest pomnik w sąsiedztwie ratusza wzniesiony w roku 1949 dla uczczenia „Pamięci tych, którzy polegli w obronie Polski podczas najazdu hitlerowskiego: złożyli życie w walce, zostali zamęczeni w więzieniach i obozach koncentracyjnych”. To przy nim kończą się obecnie wszelkie publiczne rutuały i składane są kwiaty56. Innymi miejscami pamięci są jeszcze pomniki: „Poległym partyzantom 1939-1945” z 1977 roku; kompozytora Jana Sztwiertni, który zginął w obozie koncenracyjnym, z 1995 roku; Jana Cholewy, bohaterskiego lotnika RAF, z 1997; 53 Wywiad nr 46. 54 Wywiad nr 28. 55 Zob. K. Nowak: Lata okupacji hitlerowskiej… 56 Zob. G. Kubica: Tradycja, krajobraz i nowa lokalność. Kulturowa historia tworzenia publicznych rytuałów w śląskiej społeczności. W: Tworzenie kultury. Tradycja jako wymiar zmian społecznych. Studia z dziedziny antropologii społecznej. Red. M. Lubaś, G. Kubica. Kraków 2008, s.125-167. �Grażyna Kubica: Pamięć społeczna i dziedzictwo kulturowe ... 209 oraz upamiętniający miejsce, gdzie znajdowała się synagoga, z 1997 roku. Ponadto są jeszcze tablice: pamięci mieszkańców Ustronia rozstrzelanych 9 listopada 1944 oraz Jana Szczepańskiego, znanego socjologa i polityka. W lokalnych publikacjach również dominowała narracja partyzancko-martyrologiczna (vide broszura Pilcha). Dopiero od końca lat 90. XX wieku zaczynają się pojawiać teksty o innej pamięci dzięki działalności Muzeum Ustrońskiego i Towarzystwa Miłośników Ustronia, a także odwadze kilku najstarszych mieszkańców, którzy starają się opowiedzieć swe wojenne doświadczenia i upublicznić te opowieści. W czasie naszych badań zapytalismy rozmówców czy nie należałoby jakoś upamiętnić Ustroniaków poległych w niemieckim wojsku. Dla wszystkich było to zaskakujące pytanie. Do tej pory w ogóle nie rozważali takiej ewentualności. Te ofiary były nieobecne w przestrzeni publicznej. Odpowiedzi były dość zróżnicowane, choć większość pozytywnie się odniosła do takiego pomysłu. Obawy budziło ewentualne upolitycznienie tego gestu i przyjęcie go przez innych. W tej części wywiadu najbardziej dał się zaobserwować tzw. efekt badacza: niektórzy studenci uzyskiwali tylko odpowiedzi pozytywne, a inni tylko negatywne. Zatem sposób zadania tego pytania mógł decydować o odpowiedziach, szczególnie, że nasi interlokutorzy nigdy się przedtem nie zastanawiali nad tym problemem. Do niedawna problem wojennych doświadczeń Ustroniaków (a szczególnie służba w niemieckim wojsku) był obecny tylko w przestrzeni prywatnej, jedynie w rodzinach i wśród najbliższych znajomych poruszano te tematy. Niektórzy przedstawiciele pokolenia urodzonego już po wojnie nie tylko dobrze znają okupacyjne przeżycia swych bliskich oraz ich historyczny kontekst, ale można w odniesieniu do nich mówić o istnieniu post-pamięci. Doświadczenia ojców i matek „żyją” dalej w pamięci dzieci, szczególnie poczucie krzywdy, straty najbliższych, cierpienia. Ale spotkaliśmy się i z takimi przypadkami kiedy syn, czy córka znali tylko ogólne fakty dotyczące wojennych losów ojca, a szczegółów dowiadywali się np. przy okazji odwiedzin kolegi z wojska, czy od dalszych krewnych. Najmłodsze pokolenie ma zupełnie znikomą wiedzę na ten temat. Nikt z kilkorga najmłodszych rozmówców (19-25 lat) nie wiedział, co to była Volkslista. Nawet jeżeli znali jakieś fakty dotyczące wojennych doświadczeń swej rodziny, nie potrafili ich umieścić w lokalnym kontekście historycznym, ponieważ go nie znają. W szkole uczą się historii polskiej martyrologii i do niej usiłują dopasować informacje, które im opowiedziano w gronie rodzinnym. Dobrze ten problem ilustruje następujący fragment rozmowy: B: A słyszałaś coś o Wermachcie? O sytuacji w Ustroniu związanej z Wermachtem? R: Nic nie słyszałam na ten temat. B: A słyszałaś coś o wcieleniach ludzi, którzy tu mieszkali, do wojska niemieckiego? R: Osobiście nie słyszałam nic takiego wśród bliskich, ale przypuszczam, że większość ludzi na tym terenie jeżeli miała słabą wolę i się nie czuła Polakiem to przystępowała właśnie. Problem jest taki, że ci byli-Polacy, którzy wyprowadzili się w czasie II wojny światowej do Niemiec, wracają właśnie. Mają siedemdziesiątkę lub osiemdziesiątkę i wspominają jak kiedyś mieszkali w Polsce i ta sytuacja zmusiła ich żeby wyjechać i czasem takie osoby można spotkać57. 57 Wywiad nr 56. �210 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Pamięć o wojnie była i ciągle jeszcze jest jednym z istotniejszych kryteriów odróżniania autochtonów, czyli ludzi „stela” od tych „nie-stela”, którzy osiedlili się w Cieszyńskiem po 1945 roku. Rodzinne opowieści Ślązaków zasadniczo różnią się od pamięci innych mieszkańców. Jednak narracje Ślązaków nie istniały w przestrzeni publicznej, nie można było nabyć o nich wiedzy uogólnionej i zinterpretowanej w kategoriach lokalnej społeczności. Kontekst rozumienia zdarzeń wojennych stanowiła wspólnota doświadczeń autochtonicznych mieszkańców. Oni je rozumieli, ponieważ wszyscy przeszli to samo. Ludzie „nie-stela” mieli inne doświadczenia i nie potrafili zrozumieć śląskiego kontekstu. W jednym z wywiadów, kóre przeprowadziłam przed kilkoma laty z osobą, która co prawda urodziła się na tym terenie, ale jej rodzina pochodziła skądinąd, usłyszałam następującą uwagę: Mój ojciec, będąc oficerem polskim do `45 roku, nigdy po wojnie nie chciał mieć do czynienia z tym bagnem związanym z lokalnymi zbowidowcami, bo brzydził się podawać rękę ludziom, którzy służyli w Wermachcie. Nasza rodzina była bardzo nękana po wojnie58. Wojenne historie Ślązaków nie były rozumiane przez innych, dlatego trudno się dziwić, że nie chcieli się nimi dzielić. Ludzi „stela”, Ślązaków Cieszyńskich, łączy wspólnota pamięci oraz język śląski (gwara), jednak znaczenie tych czynników nie jest przez autochtonicznych mieszkańców rozpoznane jako ważne, nie uważają oni, że należy kultywować to dziedzictwo. Najmłodsze pokolenie nie zna wojennych doświadczeń swoich przodków, ani ich historycznego kontekstu, rozumie śląski, ale się nim nie posługuje. Hegemonia polskiej kultury uwidacznia się tutaj najpełniej. Ślązacy Cieszyńscy czują swoją odrębność, ale uznają polską kulturę za normę i się na to godzą. Można w tym widzieć przejaw hegemonii kulturowej w rozumieniu Antonio Gramsciego, czyli wytwarzania sposobów myślenia i postrzegania oraz wykluczania alternatywnych wizji i dyskursów59, czy dominujący model świata, blokujący alternatywne modele z teorii grup niemych Edwina Ardenera. Dobrze opisuje tę sytuację także koncepcja Pierre’a Bourdieu przemocy symbolicznej. Ślązacy dowiadują się w szkole, która kultura jest uprawomocniona i się na to godzą. Jednak widać pewne oznaki podważania hegemonii. Dotyczy to przede wszystkim pamięci zbiorowej i pojawiania się śląskiej wersji wydarzeń II wojny światowej, w której Ślązacy byli ofiarami bez względu na okoliczności i własne decyzje. Jest to przejaw łamania monopolu państwa na kształtowanie pamięci historycznej przez zmarginalizowaną grupę mniejszościową. Na razie ma miejsce pojawianie się przemilczanych dotąd opowieści w lokalnej przestrzeni publicznej, co może zapoczątkować proces włączania śląskiej narracji do dominującego dyskursu. 58 Transkrypcja wywiadu przeprowadzonego w 1999 roku, w moim archiwum. 59 Zob. T.J.J. Lears:, The Concept of Cultural Hegemony: Problems and Possibilities, „The American Historical Review” 1985. T. 90, nr 3, s. 567-593. �Grażyna Kubica: Pamięć społeczna i dziedzictwo kulturowe ... 211 Bibliografia: Ardener S.: Introduction. W: Perceiving Women. Red. S. Ardener. London 1975 Bahlcke J.: Śląsk i Ślązacy. Warszawa 2001 Balcar J.: Moja młodość w czasie okupacji, „Kalendarz Ustroński 2002”, s. 82-85 Bourdieu P.: Męska dominacja. Tłum. L. Kopciewicz. Warszawa 2004 Dorda A.: Zapiski ks. Nikodema, „Kalendarz Ustroński 2002”, s. 58-63 Fabiańska B., Filipek. W.: Rekruci, „Karta”. T. 10, 1993, s. 7-27 Hajduk R.: Pogmatwane drogi. Warszawa 1976 Halbwachs M.: Społeczne ramy pamięci. Warszawa 1969 Heczko B.: Rozmyślania w cieniu lipy. Ustroń 2002 Heller J., Kubica G.: Wojenne losy rodziny Kubiców z Ustronia (maszynopis) Kaczmarek R.: Górny Śląsk podczas drugiej wojny światowej. Między utopią niemieckiej wspólnoty narodowej a rzeczywistością okupacji na terenach wcielonych do Trzeciej Rzeszy. Katowice 2006 Kaniowska K.: Antropologia i problem pamięci. „Polska Sztuka Ludowa. Konteksty” 2003, nr 3-4, s. 57-66 Kazimierska K.: Wywiad narracyjny jako jedna z metod w badaniach biograficznych, „Przegląd Socjologiczny” 2004, nr 1, s. 71-95 Kisza J.: Z Cieszyna do Olsztyna, „Kartki Mazurskie. Biuletyn Mazurskiego Towarzystwa Ewangelickiego w Olsztynie”, 2006, nr 9 (39), http://diec.mazurska.luteranie. pl/pl/biuletyn/MTE_2006_09_39.htm Klich A.: Został z nich maras, „Gazeta Wyborcza” 14.01.2010, http://wyborcza. pl/1,75515,7450538,Zostal_z_nich_maras.html Kubica G.: Milczenie i dominacja. Przemilczenia międzykulturowe w perspektywie socjologicznej i antropologicznej. W: Przemilczenia w relacjach międzykulturowych. Red. J. Goszczyńska, G. Szwat-Gyłybowa. Warszawa 2008, s. 95-109 Kubica G.: Opowieść o dwóch fiakrach, „Kalendarz Ustroński 2000”, s. 100-110 Kubica G.: Śląskość i protestantyzm. Antropologiczne eseje o Śląsku Cieszyńskim, proza, fotografia. Kraków (w druku) Kubica G.: Tradycja, krajobraz i nowa lokalność. Kulturowa historia tworzenia publicznych rytuałów w śląskiej społeczności. W: Tworzenie kultury. Tradycja jako wymiar zmian społecznych. Studia z dziedziny antropologii społecznej. Red. M. Lubaś, G. Kubica. Kraków 2008, s. 125-167 Kwiatkowski P.T.: Przemiany pamięci zbiorowej społeczeństwa polskiego w okresie transformacji. Warszawa 2008 Lears T.J.J.: The Concept of Cultural Hegemony: Problems and Possibilities, „The American Historical Review” 1985. T. 90, nr 3, s. 567-593 Lipowczan L.: Przemilczany temat, „Kalendarz Ustroński 2007”, s. 92-95 Lipowczan L.: Z wojennych zapisków ustroniaka, „Kalendarz Ustroński 2002”, s. 48-51 Losy wojenne ks. Andrzeja Wantuły. Red. B. Żyszkowska. Cieszyn 2005 Lysko A.: Losy Górnoślązaków przymusowo wcielonych do Wehrmachtu, „Biuletyn IPN” 2004. T. 6-7, s. 64-79 Małysz J.: Wspomnienia z minionego wieku. Cieszyn 2001 Małysz P.: Życie pełne bożych cudów. Ustroń 2003 Michałek A.: Adama Heczko wojenne wspomnienia, „Kalendarz Ustroński 2006”, s. 224-229 �Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví 212 Nijakowski L.M.: Polska polityka pamięci, esej socjologiczny. Warszawa 2008 Nowak K.: Lata okupacji hitlerowskiej (1939-1945). W: Ustroń 1305-2005. Praca zbiorowa. T. 1. Ustroń 2005, s. 437-487 Nowak J.: Mapy pamięci. Antropologia pamięci zbiorowej. Kraków (w druku) Olejnik L.: Zdrajcy narodu? Warszawa 2006 Pilch J.: Ustroń 1939-1945 (przyczynek do dziejów ludności miasta w okresie wojny i okupacji). Ustroń 1978 Prawda M.: Biograficzne odtwarzanie rzeczywistości (O koncepcji badań biograficznych Fritza Schutze), „Studia Socjologiczne” 1989. T. 115, nr 4 Rakocz P., Wódz J.: Jak się żyło i jak się żyje Ślązakowi na Śląsku. Katowice 1996 Redzisz M.: Najlepsza pogoda w całych Czechach, „Gazeta Wyborcza. Duży Format” 04.11.08,http://wyborcza.pl/1,76842,5874639,Najlepsza_pogoda_w_calych_Czechach.html Sholte B.: Toward a Reflexive and Critical Anthropology. W: Reinventing Anthropology. Ed. D. Hymes. Ann Arbor 1999, s. 430-455 Sroka I: Górnoślązacy w Wehrmachcie. W: Górny Śląsk i Górnoślązacy w II wojnie światowej. Red. W. Wrzesiński. Bytom 1997, s. 116-130 Szacka B.: Czas przeszły, pamięć, mit. Warszawa 2006 Szczepański J.: Dzienniki z lat 1935-1945. Red. K. D. Kadłubiec. Ustroń 2009 Szpociński B. A, Kwiatkowski P.T.: Przeszłość jako przedmiot przekazu. Warszawa 2006. Wantuła J.: Tułaczka wrześniowa (fragment nieopublikowanego pamiętnika), „Kalendarz Ustroński 2010”, s. 182-189 Wantuła J.: Wspomnienia wojenne (1939-1945). W: Wybór źródeł do dziejów Ustronia. T. 2. Red. K. Nowak. Cieszyn – Ustroń 1998, s. 103-148 Wódz J.: Ślązaków problemy z samoidentyfikacją społeczną – socjologiczna i antropologiczna analiza jednego życiorysu. W: Eseje socjologiczne. Red. W. Jacher. Katowice 2001, s. 55-65 Źródła internetowe: www.historycy.org/index.php?showtopic=1016&st=30 www.wehrmacht-polacy.pl Shrnutí Společenská paměť a kulturní dědictví – II. světová válka ve slezských biografických příbězích (předběžné výsledky výzkumu prováděných v Ustroni v roce 2009). Tento text obsahuje předběžné výsledky zkoumání společenské paměti na téma II. světové války prováděných v Ustroni na území Těšínského Slezska v září 2009. S respondenty z generace, která si období války pamatuje z vlastních zkušeností, byly provedeny biografické rozhovory, s respondenty z druhé a třetí generace podrobnější rozhovory. K analýze byly použity zveřejněné autobiografie a vzpomínkové články. �Grażyna Kubica: Pamięć społeczna i dziedzictwo kulturowe ... 213 Území Těšínského Slezska (a také i ostatní západní území II. Polské republiky) bylo zařazeno do německé Říše a platilo zde úplně jiné právo než v Generální gubernii. Slezané byli nuceni k podepisování německého občanství (Volkslisty), což následně způsobilo okamžitý nástup do Wehrmachtu. V Ustroni tak muselo nastoupit do německé armády kolem 200 osob, z kterých polovina zahynula. Tyto oběti nemají nikde svůj památník. Místa paměti uctívají pouze pozůstalí obětí, které zahynuly z německých rukou. Rozhovory občanů Ustroně o pobytech na nucených pracích, nebo v koncentračních táborech (které se zapisují do polských martyrologických vyprávění) jsou široké a bohaté na podrobnosti, obdobně jako nakonec i ty, týkající se služby ve Wehrmachtu, ale pouze na „bezpečných“ místech, jako je ostraha, zdravotnická služba nebo kopání zákopů. Aktivní účast v bezprostředním boji je zamlčována. Zajímal nás rovněž problém post-pamětí, to znamená přítomnosti zkušeností starší generace ve vyprávění potomků. Druhá generace má určité penzum vědomostí ohledně zážitků rodičů, ale třetí – ve velmi omezeném rozsahu. Obecně řečeno, neznají také ani kontext válečných událostí. Slezská skupinová paměť uchovává zejména tu část prožitků, která je v souladu s dominující polskou historickou pamětí. Je možno v tom vidět projev kulturní hegemonie v ponímaní Antonia Gramscia. Summary Social remembrance and cultural heritage – World War II in Silesian biographical narrations (preliminary results of the studies conducted in Ustroń in 2009) The text comprises preliminary results of the research into group remembrance concerning World War II, which was conducted in Ustroń (situated in Cieszyn Silesia) in September 2009. Biographical interviews were carried out with respondents who remember the war from experience and in-depth interviews – with respondents from the second or third generation. The analysis was also based on autobiographical publications and commemorative articles. Cieszyn Silesia (as the other Western territories of the II Republic of Poland) was incorporated into the German Reich and was subjected to different law than in the General Government. Silesians were often forced to signing the German nationality list, which resulted in the necessity to join the Wehrmacht. In Ustroń, about 200 people were taken to the German army, of which a half was killed. These casualties are not commemorated anywhere. Memorials remind only of those who were killed by Germans. The narrations of the residents of Ustroń, which focus on their forced labour or stays in concentration camps (they constitute a part of Polish martyrological tales), are extensive and rich with details. This also refers to the stories concerning the Wehrmacht service but in “safer” places such as the guard, medical service or at digging ditches. Active participation in war actions is left unsaid. The issue of post-remembrance (the presence of the older generation’s experience in the narration of their descendants) was also explored. The second generation has a certain knowledge of their parents past experiences; however, the third generation is familiarized with this experience to a very limited extent and in most cases they do not know the context of war events. Silesian group remembrance stores mostly this part of experience which “suits” the dominant Polish historical commemoration. This might be a symptom of cultural hegemony in Antonio Gramsci’s understanding. �� https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/6ef028267650577d57f024cae674d015.pdf 85d1934bb5d08b4266b628ce8e254e23 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:5470 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource Śląsk Cieszyński - dziedzictwo kulturowe Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:5087 Title A name given to the resource Obraz Śląska Cieszyńskiego na łamach "Płomyka"( 1917-1939) / Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego Description An account of the resource Dziedzictwo kulturowe jako klucz do tożsamości pogranicza polsko-czeskiego; pod red. Haliny Rusek,Agnieszki Pieńczak i Jacka Szczyrbowskiego, s.302-318 Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kucharska, Małgorzata Language A language of the resource pol ang. cz. Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Wydział Etnologii i Nauk o Edukacji Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Cieszynie Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Małgorzata Kucharska Uniwersytet Opolski Zespół Szkół Ogólnokształcących w Strzegomiu Obraz Śląska Cieszyńskiego na łamach „Płomyka”1 (1917-1939) „Płomyk” okresu międzywojennego był zdecydowanie najpoczytniejszym periodykiem adresowanym do czytelników w wieku „(…) od lat dziesięciu do piętnastu”2. Wychodząc pod auspicjami Związku Nauczycielstwa Polskiego, pełnił rolę służebną wobec szkoły, uzupełniając lub często wręcz zastępując, ówczesny brak podręczników. Docierał do różnych środowisk, stanowiąc cenne źródło informacji zarówno dla młodych czytelników, jak i dla dorosłych. Dogłębna analiza materiału rzeczowego czasopisma pozwala stwierdzić, iż na jego łamach mocno zaznaczyła swą obecność tematyka dotycząca historii, kultury oraz walorów krajobrazowych Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Różnorodnych wypowiedzi na wspomniany temat odnaleźć można w „Płomyku” wiele. Są to zarówno teksty znanych autorów, jak i wypowiedzi anonimowe czy skreślone ręką samych czytelników. Stanowią je materiały wyraźnie publicystyczne, drobne informacje, sprawozdania, korespondencja, przyczynki historyczne, notki biograficzne, programy radiowe, a także utwory o wyraźnie literackim charakterze. Barometrem nastrojów społecznych, dotyczących skomplikowanej sytuacji Śląska Cieszyńskiego są publikacje odnoszące się do rewindykacji terytorialnych i ich historycznych uzasadnień3. Potwierdza to np. marcowy numer „Płomyka” z 1919 roku, w którym S. Podhajna pisze o podłożu antagonizmów czesko-polskich i niemiecko-polskich, dotyczących Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Autorka rozwiewa mit demograficzny, pisząc m.in.: 1 „Płomyk” – najpopularniejsze ilustrowane czasopismo dla dzieci i młodzieży, wydawane w latach 1917-1939 oraz 1945-1991, w okresie międzywojennym adresowane głównie do dzieci ludu, proletariatu miejskiego i części mieszczaństwa. Pierwszym wydawcą był Związek Polskiego Nauczycielstwa Szkół Powszechnych, a od roku 1930 Związek Nauczycielstwa Polskiego. Por. J. Z. Białek: Literatura dla dzieci i młodzieży w latach 1918-1939. Warszawa 1979, s. 194. 2 Por. Płomykowe kroniki w wyborze. Lata 1922-1939. Wybór: M. Kochanowska. Warszawa 1984, s. 5. 3 Por. M. Kucharska: Tematyka śląska na łamach „Płomyka” (1917-1939), „Kwartalnik Opolski” 2004, nr 4, s. 137-153. �Małgorzata Kucharska: Obraz Śląska Cieszyńskiego na łamach „Płomyka” (1917-1939) 303 Mylą się jednak Czesi, kiedy mówią, że ich jest najwięcej: bowiem na każdą setkę mieszkańców Śląska Cieszyńskiego przypada 61 Polaków, 24 Czechów i 15 Niemców i Żydów, a niższy status społeczny rodowitych Ślązaków uzasadnia tym, iż ludność stanowią: (...) przeważnie włościanie ciemni, nieoświeceni, a szlachta, która by mogła była lud polski oświecać, wyginęła albo zniemczała zupełnie4. Wyrazem spontanicznych reakcji na przełomowy okres powstań i plebiscytowych rozstrzygnięć są artykuły A. Janowskiego: ujęta w formę paraboli odezwa do młodych Polaków o konieczności obrony zachodnich granic5 oraz artykuł wtajemniczający młodzież w trudne kwestie „z obszarów plebiscytowych”6: Czesi i Niemcy – pouczał autor młodych czytelników – próbują to biciem, to przekupstwem zyskiwać sobie głosy ludności plebiscytowej, nasze poglądy ślicznie wypowiedział Naczelnik Państwa do wycieczki ze Spisza: <<Głosujcie, jak wam sumienie nakazuje: jeżeli czujecie się Polakami, głosujcie za Polską, jeżeli nie czujecie po polsku, nic nam po was, idźcie tam, gdzie was serce ciągnie>>7. Dzięki rubryce To i owo czytelnicy mogli śledzić aktualia dotyczące sytuacji regionu, jak choćby stosunku Ligi Narodów do sprawy ustalenia granic8, ilości pieniędzy zebranych na akcje pomocowe dla Ślązaków. Na łamach magazynu zamieszczono też listy darczyńców. Redakcja „Płomyka” oferowała teksty dotyczące kultury i pejzażu śląskiego, m.in. Legendę o świętej Barbarze9, mówiącą o patronce górniczej braci i początkach chrześcijaństwa na Śląsku oraz impresje księdza Macoszki na temat beskidzkiego krajobrazu10. Z kolei M. Konopnicka w swych wierszach zapowiadała powstanie zbrojne ludu śląskiego, określanego tutaj mianem Łazarza (Już przyszedł czas) lub odzwierciedlała narastającą potrzebę identyfikacji narodowej oraz rozbudzania w młodym pokoleniu świadomej przynależności do śląskiego kręgu kulturowego (A jak Ciebie)11. Bieżące wydarzenia i sytuacje inspirowały M. Wysznacką, wypowiadającą się w literackiej formie na temat piastowskich korzeni Śląska, wyników traktatu pokojowego i zbliżającego się plebiscytu12. Charakterystyczne dla pisma było przenikanie się problematyki śląskiej i świątecznej. Motyw narodzin Jezusa zestawiono np. z odro4 S. Podhajna: O Śląsku, „Płomyk” 1919, nr 5, s. 84. 5 Aljan [A. Janowski]: Granice Polski, „Płomyk” 1919, nr 9, s. 167-170. 6 Aljan [A. Janowski]: Plebiscyt, „Płomyk” 1920, nr 9, s. 68. 7 Tamże, s. 70. 8 Por. To i owo. Dzieci na plebiscyt, „Płomyk” 1921, nr 3, s. 23; To i owo. Sprawa Śląska, „Płomyk” 1921, nr 13, s. 99; Ze świata. Podział Śląska, „Płomyk” 1921, nr 16, s. 134; [Anonim]: Uznanie granic wschodnich Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej przez mocarstwa europejskie, „Płomyk” 1923, nr 7, s. 76-77. 9 Por. Legenda o św. Barbarze według „Z biegiem Wisły”, „ Płomyk” 1919, nr 5, s. 85-86. 10 Por. Źródła Wisły według ks. Macoszki, „Płomyk” 1919, nr 5, s. 86-87. 11 M. Konopnicka: Już przyszedł czas..., „Płomyk” 1919, nr 5, s. 81 i 86; A jak Ciebie..., „Płomyk” 1919, nr 15, s. 281. 12 M. Wysznacka: Rocznice, „Płomyk” 1919, nr 15, s. 278. �304 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví dzeniem się regionu, natomiast trudną sytuację „bytową” świętej rodziny z ówczesną sytuacją tamtejszego ludu13. Interesujący nas problem stał się niezwykle aktualny w roku 1938. W związku z powrotem prastarej polskiej ziemi do Macierzy przybliżano młodym czytelnikom skomplikowaną historię regionu i wyraźnie eksponowano starania Polaków o zachowanie tożsamości narodowej: (…) ludność tej prastarej dzielnicy nie zgermanizowała się w trzywiekowej niewoli, zachowała swój język i swą odrębność narodową. Wspominano nastroje społeczne towarzyszące formowaniu się granic: Źle się czuli Polacy pod panowaniem czeskim. Ciężko było żyć synom wolnego narodu na tej ziemi swojej, od wieków swojej, a zakutej w więzy obcej przemocy14. Reakcją na nową sytuację było również natychmiastowe pojawienie się w „Płomyku” tekstów o charakterze apelatywnym. Kierowano za ich pośrednictwem prośby o pomoc dla rodaków zza Olzy. Proponowano organizowanie wiosennych wyjazdów na Śląsk Cieszyński, zaproszenie dzieci z Zaolzia do zwiedzania innych regionów kraju. Zachęcano do nawiązania korespondencji, wysyłania na Śląsk Cieszyński książek, fotografii, czy charakterystycznych dla różnych regionów drobiazgów, m.in. artystycznych wyrobów ludowych i lalek. „Płomyk” pośredniczył w przekazywaniu adresów i stał się katalizatorem wielu przedsięwzięć pomocowych. Na jego kartach zamieszczono adresy szkół znajdujących się na Śląsku Zaolziańskim15. Chwalono przy tym siłę duchową mieszkańców przywróconych ziem, wyrażając nieskrywaną radość z faktu, iż do Polski wraca: (…) ziemia śliczna i bogata, że wraca z nią razem dzielny lud, co tak nieugięcie marzył o wolności i tak ofiarnie krew za nią przelewał16. Już na początku lat 30. XX wieku dzieci z Cieszyna aktywnie uczestniczyły w akcjach organizowanych przez redakcję „Płomyka”. Pod kierunkiem nauczyciela A. Cienciały przygotowały dla rodaków zamieszkałych na obczyźnie album, stanowiący m.in. zbiór pięknych widoków i fotografii Cieszyna oraz okolic17, a dla koleżanek zza Olzy – lalki w strojach regionalnych18. O radości z powodu powrotu reszty Śląska Cieszyńskiego do Polski pisał W. Burek. Dowodząc polskości tych ziem, powoływał się na najstarsze dokumenty, a kreśląc rys historyczny regionu, chwalił postawę mieszkańców: Lud śląski, twardy i dzielny, nie zapomniał polskiej mowy i obyczaju. 13 14 15 16 17 18 [Anonim]: Kolęda górnośląska, „Płomyk” 1921, nr 20, s. 65. [Anonim]: Z dziejów Śląska Cieszyńskiego, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 7/8, s. 170. Por. Adresy, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 13, s. 282. [Anonim]: Pamiętamy o rówieśnikach zza Olzy, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 9, s. 178. L. Ron.: Albumy dla rodaków na obczyźnie, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 40/41, s. 972-973. Z. Charszewska: Gałgankowe lalki, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 13, s. 280-282. �Małgorzata Kucharska: Obraz Śląska Cieszyńskiego na łamach „Płomyka” (1917-1939) 305 Wspominał o organizowanych w całym kraju manifestacjach na rzecz powrotu Zaolzia, o wystąpieniu zbrojnym ludu śląskiego przeciw obcemu panowaniu i ofiarności młodzieży, na tle której wyróżnił postawę W. Regera - komendanta Związku Harcerstwa Polskiego w Cieszynie. Nakreślił sytuację panującą w oswobodzonym mieście i okolicach, konstatując: Wróciła do Polski piękna ziemia śląska i jej bohaterska ludność. Wygasł sąsiedzki spór, który przerodzi się w trwałą przyjaźń dwóch bratnich narodów19. Interesująca nas tematyka przenikała także do drobnych tekstów o charakterze informacyjnym. I tak w roku 1934 odnotowano, iż pod miejscowością Olza ustalono metę ósmego marszu „Szlakiem powstańców nad Odrę”20, a w 1938 zalecano czytelnikom przygotowującym obchody rocznicy odzyskania niepodległości wykorzystanie pieśni patriotycznych i żołnierskich znanego muzyka i pedagoga – K. Hławiczki21. O Wiśle, najpiękniejszej miejscowości uzdrowiskowej na Śląsku Cieszyńskim, ulubionym miejscu wypoczynku I. Mościckiego, opowiadali m.in. M. Owczarek oraz G. Morcinek. Pierwszy z nich krótko odniósł się do wydarzeń z roku 1938, a następnie skupiając uwagę na walorach turystycznych, opisał uroki górzystej okolicy Czarnej i Białej Wisełki, stylowy zameczek myśliwski i jego otoczenie22. Drugi doceniał walory krajobrazowe i turystyczne Beskidów, przypominając legendę górali śląskich, którzy na temat proweniencji owych gór mawiali: A Beskidy powstały z Boskiego uśmiechu. Są bowiem tak piękne, jak nic innego na świecie23. Sugestywnie Morcinek odmalował widok doliny, szum Wisełki oraz zapach beskidzkich lasów. Pisał o stosunku wiślańskich oraz istebniańskich górali do prezydenta, nazywanego przez nich „roztomiłym Gazdą”. Tekst dopełnił apelem o wsparcie finansowe na rzecz Funduszu Szkolnictwa Polskiego Zagranicą24. Obraz regionu wyłaniał się z kart monograficznego numeru „Płomyka” z 1926 roku25, w którym pisano m.in. o bogactwach naturalnych i postawach dzielnych mieszkańców Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Przypominano położenie geograficzne regionu, ukształtowanie terenu. Wiele uwagi poświęcono walorom turystycznym i historii dzielnicy przodującej niegdyś zamożnością i zaludnieniem, a nade wszystko siłą charakteru mieszkańców, którzy utrzymali, zachowali swą narodowość i nie zatracili ani języka, ani wiary ojców. Wymieniono nazwiska takich zasłużonych działaczy czy 19 W. Burek: Śląsk Zaolzański, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 10, s. 202. 20 [Anonim]: W 15-tą rocznicę pierwszego powstania śląskiego, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 3, s. 56. 21 W. Rodziewicz: Stańmy do wyścigu pracy przed dwudziestą rocznicą odzyskania niepodległości, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 6, s. 122-123. Chodzi o śpiewniki Karola Hławiczki: Leć pieśni w dal oraz I zanućmy pieśń wesoło. 22 M. Owczarek: Tam, gdzie Pan Prezydent odpoczywa, „Płomyk” 1939, nr 21, s. 456-457. 23 G. Morcinek: Najmilszy gazda w Wiśle, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 21, s. 222. 24 G. Morcinek: Z bliska i z daleka. O szkołę polską na obczyźnie, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 21, s. 225-226. 25 J. Prażmowski - kierownik Szkoły I w Wełnowcu, „Płomyk” 1926, nr 24, s. 369-376. �306 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví poetów śląskich, jak: J. Londzin, K. Miarka, P. Stalmach, kowal – J. Ligoń, ks. N. Bończyk, ks. K. Damroth, ks. Przywara, ks. Lubecki, ks. Gregor, E. Borys, ks. Skowroński, J. Kupiec, Jaroń i Kołodziej. W historii tego regionu edukowała dzieci i młodzież M. Iwanicka. Odnosząc się do opisu aktualnych nastrojów społecznych, wracała pamięcią do wydarzeń z 28 października 1918 roku i eksponowała dokonania wiernego pasterza Ślązaków – ks. J. Londzina. Losy młodego zecera złożyły się na fabułę opowiadania, dzięki któremu Iwanicka przypomniała historię „Gwiazdki Cieszyńskiej” oraz jej rolę w walce o zachowanie rodzimego języka i kultury. Podnosiła zasługi P. Stalmacha i A. Cienciały oraz wyjaśniała przyczyny nieudanej próby przeprowadzenia plebiscytu26. Nad nieszczęsną decyzją Krzywoustego i polityką jego syna Władysława, które sprawiły, iż „Śląsk wciśnięty między Niemcy i Czechy był odtąd na długie, długie wieki stracony”, ubolewał w swych historycznych reminiscencjach K. Konarski. Wartość tej dzielnicy określiła następująco: Kołodziej Piast, kiedy Polskę budował, różne krainy polskie, jak owe dzwona na kole, razem do kupy mocował. A wśród tych krain jedną z najpiękniejszych było dzwono śląskie27. W swych peregrynacjach A. Janowski rozwiewał wątpliwości młodych odbiorców, mylnie kojarzących Śląsk wyłącznie z lasem kominów i hukiem fabryk. Doceniał walory krajobrazowe i turystyczne Śląska Cieszyńskiego i wyrażał podziw wobec mówiącego śliczną polszczyzną ludu, którego silne wpływy obce nie potrafiły wynarodowić. Opisywał obronne zamczysko w Cieszynie, z którego nie zostało nic prócz wyniosłej wieży i okrągłej kaplicy, uznawanej za budynek bliźniaczy ze słynną kaplicą w skrzydle zamku na Wawelu. Podkreślał, że o ile wieża, wzniesiona wolą piastowskich książąt, stanowi dokument naszej potęgi w dorzeczu Odry i ważną pamiątkę świetnej przeszłości, o tyle dokumentem obecnej woli mocarstwowej w tej krainie jest zamek prezydenta w Wiśle28. „Oczy Ślązaków, skoro oderwą się od pracy, lubią na piękne rzeczy patrzeć”29 – czytamy w anonimowym artykule poświęconym sztuce ludowej. Pracowitości i poczucia estetyki tamtejszego ludu dowodzą – jak zapewniano – stojące przy drogach figury, krzyże, rzeźby przedstawiające Chrystusa frasobliwego – dzieła rąk wiejskich „świątkarzy”, potrafiących wyrzeźbić ul w kształcie świętego apostoła, przystroić szafę pięknymi gzymsami albo malowaniem, wykonać czerpaki (ponoć od podhalańskich ładniejsze), ozdobić „ryzowaniem” ławy i stołki, wykonać obrazy na szkle czy pakowne, „malowaniami kwietnymi” przystrojone skrzynie i piękny przyodziewek, który opisano dokładnie w „Płomyku” z 1934 roku, zwracając uwagę, iż (…) Ślązaczka spod Skoczowa, czy Strumienia, w świąteczny dzień siedem spódnic kładzie i jeszcze zapaskę jedwabną. Stroju tego dopełnia rodzaj gorsetu <<broszlik>>30. 26 27 28 29 30 M. Iwanicka: W walce o piastowską ziemię, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 13, s. 386-391. K. Konarski: Co się kiedyś na Śląsku działo, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 10, s. 216. Aljan [A. Janowski]: Wieża Piastowska w Cieszynie, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 10, s. 219-220. Anonim: Sztuka ludowa na Śląsku, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 10, s. 220. Tamże, s. 221. �Małgorzata Kucharska: Obraz Śląska Cieszyńskiego na łamach „Płomyka” (1917-1939) 307 Obraz Śląska odzwierciedlał też G. Morcinek, autor tekstów o charakterze publicystycznym, wśród których na szczególną uwagę zasługuje obszerna peregrynacja pisarza Od Połomu po Odrę31, stanowiąca pochwałę tamtejszego krajobrazu i będąca wyrazem radości z odzyskania zaolziańskiej części Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Odnajdziemy w niej opisy znanych miejsc oraz polskich szkół. Podziwia również gościnność i przywiązanie mieszkańców do polskości. W iście reportażową relację z wędrówki wtapia Morcinek opowieści o legendarnym wężu Złotogłowcu, utopcach i jaroszkach. Prezentuje Jabłonków, hutniczy Trzyniec oraz największą na Śląsku czytelnię dla dzieci. Odbywa też modlitewną pielgrzymkę do Cierlicka, gdzie polegli Żwirko i Wigura. Dociera do starego piastowskiego Frysztatu, odwiedza rodzinną Karwinę oraz Bogumin. Przeszedłszy cały region, znajduje jedynie garstkę czeskich dzieci, a wszędzie słyszy polską mowę i rozpoznaje radujące się wolnością serca. Pod tekstem wymieniono nazwiska kilku artystów – malarzy i grafików ze Śląska Cieszyńskiego, m.in. J. Kidonia, J. Wałacha z Istebnej, G. Firlę z Orłowej, do najzdolniejszych zaliczając P. Stellera z Beskidów Śląskich, autora nagradzanych w Polsce i za granicą drzeworytów sławiących Śląsk, jego przyrodę, kopalnie, huty i ludzi, co potwierdzono wzbogacając tekst o reprodukcje drzeworytów z tzw. „Teki Śląskiej”. W artykule Książki pisane „od serca”32 wymieniono nazwiska zasłużonych artystów (J. Lompa, J. Ligoń, K. Miarka, J. Kupiec, K. Damroth, czy autor pięknych poematów o Beskidzie Śląskim, jego życiu, garncarzach, rzeźbiarzach i świątkarzach – E. Zegadłowicz). Zamieszczono też biografię G. Morcinka, informacje o jego utworach oraz wyjątek Z niemieckiej szkoły33. W innym numerze zapowiadano publikację opowieści, której początek będzie nosił tytuł Uśmiech na drodze34. Zamieszczono biogram skreślony ręką samego Morcinka. Swe pisarskie credo zawarł artysta w słowach: W swych książkach piszę o Śląsku, o górnikach i o szkole, bo jestem Ślązakiem, byłem górnikiem, a obecnie jestem nauczycielem w szkole powszechnej35. We Wspomnieniu opowiadał o odwadze, jaką odznaczał się, gdy w chwili ukończenia Szkoły Powszechnej domagał się wydania świadectwa w języku polskim. Opowiadał o swej pracy, inkrustując tekst zasłyszanymi od górników opowieściami o Skarbniku. Z wdzięcznością wspominał pana Tomosza, wozacza i bibliotekarza, który zaszczepił w nim miłość do książek (głównie Sienkiewicza i Kraszewskiego), inspirował do pisania. Wyjaśniał, jak należy rozumieć legendy36. G. Morcinek podnosił też w „Płomyku” zasługi ks. J. Londzina, który w chwili ważnej: (...) zwołuje zgromadzenia, budzi lud swój z narodowego uśpienia, mówi mu o jego słusznych prawach, uczy, jak się ich można domagać, zakłada towarzystwa polskie, pisze książki, redaguje najstarsze pismo polskie na Śląsku <<Gwiazdkę Cieszyńską>>37. 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 G. Morcinek: Od Połomu po Odrę, „Płomyk” 1939, nr 21, s. 461-464. [Anonim]: Książki pisane „od serca”, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 10, s. 218. G. Morcinek: Z niemieckiej szkoły. W: Wyrąbany chodnik, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 10, s. 217-218. Por. Z bliska i z daleka. Pan Morcinek i „Płomyk”, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 13, s. 291. G. Morcinek: Gustaw Morcinek, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 29, s. 770. Tenże: Wspomnienie, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 29, s. 771-773. Tenże: O wielkim Ślązaku, „Płomyk” 1929, nr 38, s. 892-893. �308 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Podkreślał jego zasługi w organizowaniu polskich szkół, zakładaniu burs, współpracy z mecenasem A. Osuchowskim, walce o prawa ludu śląskiego. W „Płomyku” zamieszczano utwory, które wyszły spod pióra Morcinka, m.in.: Jezuskową pierzynkę (legendę o świętej rodzinie i bajkowej proweniencji śniegu), Przecież tam są ludzie, Wyrąbany chodnik i W zadymionym słońcu. Redakcja zalecała lekturę Historii węgla Morcinka, a w jednym z numerów podano też adres zamieszkania pisarza38. Bogatej tradycji ludowej Śląska dowodzi żartobliwe opowiadanie o zabawie w Judasza39 oraz utwór Narodziny serca40, którego akcja rozgrywa się m.in. na Buczu. Czterotygodniowy pobyt harcerzy w Beskidach Śląskich staje się oto prawdziwą szkołą życia i sprawdzianem postaw etycznych, a opis przygód stanowi pretekst do prezentacji pochwały uroków beskidzkiego krajobrazu, opisu strojów ludowych, gadek i wierzeń. W trakcie kilkudniowej wycieczki młodzież poznaje okolicę, zdobywa sympatię górczan, zgłębia historię regionu i słucha opowieści o zbójniku Ondraszku oraz innych śląskich „bojek”. Zalety ludu śląskiego (pracowitość, pobożność, przywiązanie do ziemi i ojczystej mowy) eksponowała też B. Rodziewiczówna41. Do ciekawych i oryginalnych tradycji zaliczyła m.in.: zwyczaj chodzenia z „marzanką”, obchód „latka”, „maik”, palenie ognisk w czasie Zielonych Świąt, oprowadzanie „niedźwiedzia”, urządzanie w Wielki Czwartek „dyngusa” albo „śmigusa”, lanie ołowiu na Świętego Andrzeja, obchody święta Trzech Króli, czy zachowany w pewnej miejscowości zwyczaj wróżenia z igieł. Wspominała o wyjątkowym szacunku wobec chleba, konieczności hojnego obdarzania biednych w czasie Bożego Narodzenia, zwyczajach związanych z Niedzielą Palmową, kulcie św. Barbary oraz krążących między górnikami legendach, podaniach, przesądach i zabobonach. Malowniczemu urokowi Śląska Cieszyńskiego uległa I.W. Kosmowska42, która poświeciła obszerny artykuł opisowi źródeł Wisły, inkrustując go fragmentami legend. Głosiła pochwałę walecznego i stroskanego o chleb powszedni ludu. W baśniowym stylu nakreśliła historię owej piastowskiej ziemi. Pisała o działających na jej mieszkańców wpływach niemieckich i czeskich, a wyróżniając góralską osadę Jabłonków, przez którą przepływała istna wędrówka narodów, przytoczyła fragment starej góralskiej piosenki: W Jabłonkowej som Jackowie, rozumiejom w obcej mowie, bo wandrujom z Węgrem, Turkiem śli na śańce z Brandeburkiem. 38 G. Morcinek: Jezuskowa pierzynka, „Płomyk” 1931, nr 16/17, s. 367-368; Przecież tam są ludzie, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 25, s. 776-779; Wyrąbany chodnik, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 24, s. 95-96; W zadymionym słońcu, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 15, s. 405-406; Por. Poczytajmy sobie, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 24, s. 109; Listy od redakcji, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 7, s. 194 39 G. Morcinek: Judasz, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 30/31, s. 946-950. 40 Tenże: Narodziny serca, „Płomyk” 1931, od nr 1, s. 11-14 do 1932, nr 21, s. 502-504. 41 B. Rodziewiczówna: Obyczaje i zwyczaje ludu śląskiego, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 13, s. 391-393. 42 I. W. Kosmowska: Na Śląsku Cieszyńskim, „Płomyk” 1930, nr 35, s. 801-808. �Małgorzata Kucharska: Obraz Śląska Cieszyńskiego na łamach „Płomyka” (1917-1939) 309 Pisała o dumnych i radosnych Ślązakach, których mowa stanowi wierne echo odległych czasów, a odwieczny strój podobny jest (choć bogatszy i piękniejszy) do zakopiańskiego. Wspominała o zamku królującym nad włościami hrabiego Larisza oraz historii Kultyczki i następstwach odkrycia przez niego głębokiego pokładu węgla. Tłumaczyła przyczyny roszczeń Czechów do Śląska Cieszyńskiego. Podnosiła znaczenie związku „Siła”, pod auspicjami którego wydawano pismo „Oświata” oraz 44 stowarzyszeń śpiewaczych. Miłość młodzieży do tej ziemi potwierdzała jej zaangażowaniem w akcje naprawiania górskich szlaków, regulowania rwących potoków i budowania schronisk (jak na Stoczku). Prezentowała dane na temat liczby mieszkańców zaolziańskiej części Śląska (na 560 000 ludności polskiej było tylko 126 338 Czechów). Opisywała malownicze położenie Cieszyna i wieżę zamkową. Przypomniała dzieciom legendę o założycielach grodu i powstaniu Studni Brackiej. Tolerancji mieszkańców dowodziła w słowach: Katolicy i protestanci żyją w zgodzie obok siebie, pracując w instytucjach dobra ogólnego. W dzień świąteczny, po nabożeństwach, wspólnie udają się na rynek, gdzie wzniesiono dom ludowy43. Ubolewała nad sytuacją mieszkańców podzielonego Cieszyna, tłumacząc ich materialne problemy odcięciem od fabryk i ogrodów. Za starania o zachowanie polskości chwaliła patriotów (J. Cienciałę i P. Stalmacha), redakcję „Gwiazdki Cieszyńskiej” i stowarzyszenie „Znicz”. Wspominała wiec ludowy, który odbył się w 1869 roku we wsi Sibicy pod Cieszynem w proteście przeciwko niemieckiemu uciskowi. Tematyka związana ze Śląskiem Cieszyńskim znalazła się w kręgu zainteresowań S. Dmochowskiego, J. Urwicza, W. Malickiej, A. Lorka i wielu innych. Pierwszy uczynił bohaterami literackiej personifikacji parę „bohaterskich”, solidnych butów, które powstały na Śląsku Cieszyńskim44. Dla drugiego osią konstrukcyjną stylizowanego na śląską gwarę opowiadania stało się spotkanie górnika Kubaloka ze Skarbnikiem, który ratuje go przed tragiczną śmiercią w kopalni, nagradzając za pracowitość, pobożność i udział w walkach o Cieszyn. Dzięki Skarbnikowi Kubalok spotyka legendarne zjawy oraz hufiec rycerzy poległych pod Legnicą. Razem podziwiają kontury Beskidów, światła hut trzynieckich i podzielony kordonem granicznym Cieszyn45. Śląsk Cieszyński wymieniany jest jako miejsce śmierci polskich lotników Żwirki i Wigury, których uroczystości pogrzebowe stanowią temat opowiadania Antka – narratora i jednocześnie uczestnika wydarzeń46, a w miejscu, gdzie „śliczna Wisła na Śląsku wytrysła” rozgrywa się akcja reklamowanej w „Płomyku” książeczki M. Konopnickiej W domu i w świecie47. Jako apologeta beskidzkiego krajobrazu dał się poznać A. Bruski, zachęcający odbiorców do wędrówek po górach i dolinie Istebnej48, z którą związany był również J. Wałach – autor ilustracji do wierszy: A. Świrszczyńskiej, Z. Krzepkowskiej oraz H. Ceysingerówny49. 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 Tamże, s. 807. S. Dmochowski: Historia pary butów, „Płomyk” 1928, nr 12, s. 273-275. J. Urwicz: Hufiec nad Olzą, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 13, s. 393-396. M. Iwanicka: Testament Żwirki i Wigury, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 12, s. 354-357. Por. O książkach, „Płomyk” 1931, nr 32, s. 748. A. Bruski: Beskid, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 3, s. 66-67. Ilustracje J. Wałacha do wiersza A. Świrszczyńskiej: Życzymy Ci wszystkie zdrowia, „Pło- �310 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Okruchy wiedzy o Śląsku Cieszyńskim przenikały do obrazków scenicznych – propozycji repertuarowych skierowanych do amatorskich teatrzyków dla dzieci i młodzieży. I tak dzieci dziękujące za wyzwolenie całego śląskiego ludu odnajdziemy w obrazku wydrukowanym z okazji imienin marszałka E. Rydza-Śmigłego50 i utworze W. Malickiej, wzbogaconym cennymi uwagami na temat kostiumów wzorowanych na autentycznych regionalnych strojach51. U źródeł Wisły rozpoczyna się podróż będąca osnową obrazka A. Kitschman52, a z wnętrza chaty śląskiej rozlega się pocieszna śpiewka córki Kłaptoczy, w żartobliwym tonie opowiadającej o tym, jak się Kędziora z cieszynianką „ożynił”: Powiedział mi wczora chłopiec, że nie umiem chleba dopiec, Cieszyn, Opawa, Frydek, Morawa. chleba dopiec53. Alegoria Śląska jest jedną z centralnych postaci obrazka historycznego J. Duszyńskiej (Król Łokietek)54. Tym samym zabiegiem posłużyła się też M. Bogusławska, kreując postaci Czarnej i Białej Wisełki – bohaterek utworu zawierającego wyraźne aluzje do rewindykacji terytorialnych. W objaśnieniach podpowiadano, jakie stroje regionalne mają przygotować dzieci do odegrania ról i zamieszczono ilustrację55. Na Śląsku Cieszyńskim rozwijał się skauting. Udział drużyn z tego regionu w pierwszym w Polsce Narodowym Zlocie Harcerstwa odnotowała M. Przyborowska, a A. Kamiński chwalił dwóch harcerzy z Cieszyna, przybyłych pieszo na zlot zorganizowany pod Poznaniem. Zapowiadano również międzynarodowy zjazd harcerzy, który odbędzie się na Śląsku Cieszyńskim w 1932 roku, a w którym udział zadeklarował generał Robert Baden-Povell56. myk” 1933, nr 28, s. 634, 636. Ilustracje na s. 635, 637; do wierszy Heleny Ceysingerówny: „Polały się łzy me czyste, rzęsiste… Na moją młodość górną i chmurną”, „Płomyk” 1933, nr 25, s. 564-567. 50 J. B. Ciżyński: Panu Marszałkowi wszyscy winszujemy dzieci z całej Polski z serc swych pieśń niesiemy, „Płomyk” 1939, nr 27, s. 608-613. 51 W. Malicka: Fartuszek Marysi, „Płomyk” 1930, nr 23, s. 529-530; nr 24, s. 552; nr 25, s. 579-581; M. Ch.: Opis kostiumów oraz nuty do obrazka scenicznego „Fartuszek Marysi”, „Płomyk” 1930, nr 26, s. 607. 52 A. Kitschman: Od Beskidów do Bałtyku. Podróż z flisakiem od gór do morza, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 8, s. 214-226. 53 [Anonim]: U Kłaptoczy, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 8, s. 211. 54 J. Duszyńska: Król Łokietek, „Płomyk” 1931, nr 4, s. 92-93; nr 5, s. 117-118. 55 M. Bogusławska: W pałacu króla Bałtyku, „Płomyk” 1926, nr 32, s. 487-490; nr 33, s. 509511; nr 34, s. 525-528; M. Gerson-Dąbrowska: Objaśnienia do obrazka scenicznego „W pałacu króla Bałtyku”, „Płomyk” 1926, nr 38, wewnętrzna strona przedniej i tylnej okładki. 56 M. Przyborowska: Pierwszy w Polsce Narodowy Zlot Harcerstwa, „Płomyk” 1924, nr 1, s. 3-5. Odbywał się on od 3 do 9 lipca 1924 roku pod Warszawą; A. Kamiński: Zlot harcerzy, „Płomyk” 29, nr 1, s. 4-9. Zorganizowany w lipcu 1929 roku; Z bliska i z daleka. Baden-Povell przyjeżdża do Polski, „Płomyk” 1932, nr 31, s. 727. �Małgorzata Kucharska: Obraz Śląska Cieszyńskiego na łamach „Płomyka” (1917-1939) 311 W czasopiśmie zamieszczano aktualia i ciekawostki dotyczące regionu. Informowano m.in. o skutkach mrozów57, pisano o powodzi z października 193058, odnotowano udział dzieci śląskich w konkursie, na który nadesłano również „lalki Ślązaczki”59. Informowano o adresach szkół zawodowych i proponowanych tam kierunkach kształcenia60; przed okresem wakacyjnym podawano wykaz szkolnych schronisk młodzieżowych, określając stan ich wyposażenia61. Zamieszczano również dane statystyczne (na temat liczby ludności miejskiej62 oraz przyrostu naturalnego63). Jedną z form upowszechniania wiedzy na temat interesującego nas regionu była bogata korespondencja. Wynika z niej, że „Płomyk” docierał do dzieci z Cieszyna, Skoczowa, Morawskiej Ostrawy, Ustronia, Białej, Bielska, Karwina, Goleszowa, Pruchnej, Międzybrodzia Bialskiego, Orłowej, Jabłonkowa, Kawiny, Frysztatu, Bystrzycy nad Olzą, Straconki i wielu innych. Redakcja na różne sposoby okazywała zainteresowanie życiem czytelników, którzy dzielili się m.in. obawami na temat losów ich „małej ojczyzny”, prezentowali piękno swych rodzinnych miejscowości, pisali o przymusie nauki w czeskich szkołach, planach wyjazdu do Polski, akcji pomocowych na rzecz ubogich oraz sierot po poległych, zbiórki na Gdynię, rozwoju teatrzyków amatorskich64. Dzieci ze Skoczowa nadesłały sprawozdanie i zdjęcie z wycieczki na wzgórze Skoczowskie („Kaplicówkę”)65. W jednym z listów opisano zwyczaj chodzenia z „goiczkiem”, wzbogacając go zdjęciem dziewczynek z Ustronia oraz tekstem piosenki66, w innym omówiono zwyczaj obchodzenia 6 grudnia67. Wydrukowano rysunki T. Kubalskiego oraz interpretację piosenki Nad Olzą, uzupełnioną rozważaniami na temat: piękna Istebnej, bogactw naturalnych, ekonomicznych przyczyn napływu Czechów i Niemców oraz ich wpływu na wynaradawianie Polaków, dokonań poety J. Kubisza, efektów budowy polskich szkół oraz zmian w postawie ludu, tłumaczonych słowami przypominającymi biblijną przypowieść: Ziarenka rzucone przez Stalmacha, ks. Świeżego, ks. Londzina i doktora Michejdę zaczęły kiełkować68. 57 Por. Z bliska i z daleka. Wilki na Śląsku Cieszyńskim, „Płomyk” 1929, nr 26, s. 608. 58 Por. Z bliska i z daleka. Powódź na Śląsku, „Płomyk” 1930, nr 12, s. 286. 59 Por. „Płomyk” 1937, nr 8, s. 252. 60 Por. „Płomyk” 1929, nr 39, s. 917-918; nr 41, s. 970. Por. Szkoły zawodowe dla dziewcząt. Adresy Szkół Zawodowych Żeńskich, „Płomyk” 1929, nr 39, s. 917-918. Por. Adresy Szkół Zawodowych Męskich, „Płomyk” 1929, nr 41, s. 970. 61 Por. Wykaz szkolnych schronisk noclegowych i schroniska górskie, „Płomyk” 1928, nr 40, wewnętrzne strony przedniej i tylnej okładki. 62 T. Radlińska: O Polsce, „Płomyk” 1922, nr 9, s. 98-102. 63 Por. Z bliska i z daleka. Jak rozrasta się naród Polski?, „Płomyk” 1922, nr 10, s. 113. 64 Por. Listy od redakcji, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 19, s. 599; 1929, nr 42, wewnętrzna strona przedniej okładki; 1926, nr 36, wewnętrzna strona tylnej okładki; 1931, nr 6, wewnętrzna strona tylnej okładki. 65 Por. Gmina w Szkole Powszechnej w Skoczowie: Co u nas słychać, „Płomyk” 1928, nr 11, wewnętrzna i zewnętrzna strona okładki. 66 Uczniowie kl. III Szkoły Powszechnej w Ustroniu: Gaiczek, „Płomyk” 1926, nr 38, s. 580-581. 67 P. Duda - ucz. kl. III wydz. w Skoczowie: Co u nas słychać, „Płomyk” 31, nr 22, s. 510-511. 68 S. Zahrajówna: Piosenka ludowa „Nad Olzą”, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 36, s. 964-965. �312 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Za cenne uznała redakcja zamieszczenie w „Płomyku” m.in.: recenzji książki G. Morcinka Ludzie są dobrzy69, w której czytelniczka ze Skoczowa wyjaśniała genezę utworu; sprawozdań z przebiegu zorganizowanych w Morawskiej Ostrawie obchodów rocznicy dziesięciolecia niepodległości Polski70, czy informacji o pogrzebie, jaki wyprawił Cieszyn poecie, dzielnemu obywatelowi i żołnierzowi – śp. por. J. Łyskowi71. Uczennica szkoły we Frysztacie wypowiadała się na temat trudnej sytuacji młodzieży polskiej na Śląsku czechosłowackim, tak w sferze życia rodzinnego, jak i szkolnego. Akcentowała znaczenie miesięcznika „Nasze Pisemko”, licznych drużyn harcerskich (m.in. „Sokół”, „Siły”) i innych związków72. Śląsk Cieszyński rozsławiał znany cieszynian, autor ilustracji muzycznych – W. Macura, który zasłynął jako autor oprawy muzycznej do audycji czy słuchowisk H. Nowocieniowej, J. Porazińskiej, B. Hertza, E. Szelburg-Zarembiny, M. Modrakowskiej, W. Tatarkiewicz, L. Krzemienieckiej, M. Konopnickiej i wielu innych. W „Płomykowym” nekrologu tego wielkiego przyjaciela dzieci, przypomniano jego biografię, dokonania, zamieszczono zdjęcie, tłumacząc, iż: W tej tęsknocie do ziemi rodzinnej zbierał artysta ludowe pieśni śląskie i innych uczył te pieśni kochać. Jego pamięci poświęcono audycję, wzbogaconą piosenkami i tańcami opracowanymi przez samego artystę73. O tym, iż radio służyło pochwale krajobrazu, tradycji i historii Śląska Cieszyńskiego świadczą tytuły m.in. takich programów, jak Byliśmy na Baraniej Górze czy Radiowa wycieczka na Baranią Górę, Gronie nase, gronie, hej! (z cyklu Cudze chwalicie, swego nie znacie), Kilof bije, węgiel pryska, W malowanej skrzyni, Na Zielonym Śląsku, Pieśni i tańce śląskie74. Radiowe „wycieczki” do źródeł Czarnej i Białej Wisełki, starego Cieszyna i zamku prezydenta w Wiśle, urozmaicone prześlicznymi pieśniami górali beskidzkich, prowadzili m.in. H. Ładosz, A. Janowski, K. Ćwierk i G. Morcinek. Wiedzę o regionie upowszechniały „Kukiełki śląskie” (Śląskiem na przełaj) i Teatr Wyobraźni, w którym nadano m.in. słuchowiska Z. KossakSzczuckiej. Obraz Śląska Cieszyńskiego wyłaniający się z kart przedwojennego „Płomyka” zachwyca swą różnorodnością. Podejmowana na łamach pisma problematyka budziła wiele emocji, przenikała nie tylko do publicystyki, ale stanowiła też wdzięczne, choć 69 S. Farużanka, ucz. kl. VII SZ II w Skoczowie: „Ludzie są dobrzy”, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 36, s. 972-974. 70 Por. W. Machowska: Co u nas słychać, „Płomyk” 1929, nr 25, s. 585. Uroczystość odbyła się 28 listopada 1928 roku. Czytelniczka dołączyła do listu fotografię ostatniego żywego obrazu zaprezentowanego podczas uroczystości. 71 Por. Listy od redakcji, „Płomyk” 1930, nr 26, dodatkowe kartki z przodu czasopisma. 72 E. Zagórska - uczennica IV kl. Szkoły Wydziałowej we Frysztacie: Dzieci Polskie w Czechosłowacji, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 23, s. 279. 73 H. Ł. [H. Ładosz]: Zgon artysty-muzyka, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 14, s. 390; Nasze radio, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 16/17, s. 465. 74 Por. Radio program, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 2, s. 37; nr 5, s. 99; Nasze radio, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 4, s. 105-106; H. Ładosz: Kilof bije, węgiel pryska, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 8, s. 218; Nasze radio, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 9, s. 254; nr 40, s. 538; „Płomyk” 1938, nr 38, s. 1176; „Płomyk” 1937, nr 11, s. 349; nr 13, s. 414. �Małgorzata Kucharska: Obraz Śląska Cieszyńskiego na łamach „Płomyka” (1917-1939) 313 trudne tworzywo literackie. Współpracownicy magazynu, jakimi byli także czytelnicy, na bieżąco śledzili losy regionu, na różne sposoby dając wyraz swego zainteresowania jego historią, kulturą i malowniczym położeniem, a nade wszystko zaletami jej mieszkańców. Bibliografia: [Anonim]: Kolęda górnośląska, „Płomyk” 1921, nr 20, s. 65 [Anonim]: Książki pisane „od serca”, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 10, s. 218 [Anonim]: Pamiętamy o rówieśnikach zza Olzy, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 9, s. 178 [Anonim]: Sztuka ludowa na Śląsku, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 10, s. 220-221 [Anonim]: U Kłaptoczy, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 8, s. 209-214 [Anonim]: Uznanie granic wschodnich Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej przez mocarstwa europejskie, „Płomyk” 1923, nr 7, s. 76-77 [Anonim]: W 15-tą rocznicę pierwszego powstania śląskiego, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 3, s. 56 [Anonim]: Z dziejów Śląska Cieszyńskiego, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 7/8, s. 170 Adresy Szkół Zawodowych Męskich, „Płomyk” 1929, nr 41, s. 970 Adresy, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 13, s. 282 Białek J. Z.: Literatura dla dzieci i młodzieży w latach 1918-1939. Warszawa 1979 Bogusławska M.: W pałacu króla Bałtyku, „Płomyk” 1926, nr 32, s. 487-490; nr 33, s. 509-511; nr 34, s. 525-528 Bruski A.: Beskid, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 3, s. 66-67 Burek W.: Śląsk Zaolzański, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 10, s. 202 Ch. M.: Opis kostiumów oraz nuty do obrazka scenicznego „Fartuszek Marysi”, „Płomyk” 1930, nr 26, s. 607 Charszewska Z.: Gałgankowe lalki, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 13, s. 280-282 Ciżyński J. B.: Panu Marszałkowi wszyscy winszujemy dzieci z całej Polski z serc swych pieśń niesiemy, „Płomyk” 1939, nr 27, s. 608-613 Dmochowski S.: Historia pary butów, „Płomyk” 1928, nr 12, s. 273-275 Duda P.: Co u nas słychać, „Płomyk” 31, nr 22, s. 510-511 Duszyńska J.: Król Łokietek, „Płomyk” 1931, nr 4, s. 92-93; nr 5, s. 117-118 Farużanka S.: „Ludzie są dobrzy”, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 36, s. 972-974 Gerson-Dąbrowska M.: Objaśnienia do obrazka scenicznego „W pałacu króla Bałtyku”, „Płomyk” 1926, nr 38, wewnętrzna strona przedniej i tylnej okładki Gmina w Szkole Powszechnej w Skoczowie: Co u nas słychać, „Płomyk” 1928, nr 11, wewnętrzna i zewnętrzna strona okładki Iwanicka M.: Testament Żwirki i Wigury, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 12, s. 354-357 Iwanicka M.: W walce o piastowską ziemię, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 13, s. 386-391 Janowski A.: Granice Polski, „Płomyk” 1919, nr 9, s. 167-170 Janowski A.: Plebiscyt, „Płomyk” 1920, nr 9, s. 68 Janowski A.: Wieża Piastowska w Cieszynie, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 10, s. 219-220 Kamiński A.: Zlot harcerzy, „Płomyk” 29, nr 1, s. 4-9 Kitschman A.: Od Beskidów do Bałtyku. Podróż z flisakiem od gór do morza, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 8, s. 214-226 Konarski K.: Co się kiedyś na Śląsku działo, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 10, s. 216-217 Konopnicka M.: A jak Ciebie..., „Płomyk” 1919, nr 15, s. 281 �314 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví Konopnicka M.: Już przyszedł czas..., „Płomyk” 1919, nr 5, s. 81 i 86 Kosmowska I.W.: Na Śląsku Cieszyńskim, „Płomyk” 1930, nr 35, s. 801-808 Kucharska M.: Tematyka śląska na łamach „Płomyka” (1917-1939), „Kwartalnik Opolski” 2004, nr 4, s. 137-153 Legenda o św. Barbarze według „Z biegiem Wisły”, „ Płomyk” 1919, nr 5, s. 85-86 Listy od redakcji, „Płomyk” 1926, nr 36, wewnętrzna strona tylnej okładki Listy od redakcji, „Płomyk” 1929, nr 42, wewnętrzna strona przedniej okładki Listy od redakcji, „Płomyk” 1930, nr 26, dodatkowe kartki z przodu czasopisma Listy od redakcji, „Płomyk” 1931, nr 6, wewnętrzna strona tylnej okładki Listy od redakcji, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 7, s. 194 Listy od redakcji, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 19, s. 599 Ładosz H.: Kilof bije, węgiel pryska, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 8, s. 218 Ładosz H.: Zgon artysty-muzyka, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 14, s. 390 Machowska W.: Co u nas słychać, „Płomyk” 1929, nr 25, s. 585 Malicka W: Fartuszek Marysi, „Płomyk” 1930, nr 23, s. 529-530; nr 24, s. 552; nr 25, s. 579-581 Morcinek G.: Gustaw Morcinek, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 29, s. 770 Morcinek G.: Jezuskowa pierzynka, „Płomyk” 1931, nr 16/17, s. 367-368 Morcinek G.: Judasz, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 30/31, s. 946-950 Morcinek G.: Najmilszy gazda w Wiśle, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 21, s. 222-224 Morcinek G.: Narodziny serca, „Płomyk” 1931, od nr 1, s. 11-14 do 1932, nr 21, s. 502-504 Morcinek G.: O wielkim Ślązaku, „Płomyk” 1929, nr 38, s. 892-893 Morcinek G.: Od Połomu po Odrę, „Płomyk” 1939, nr 21, s. 461-464 Morcinek G.: Przecież tam są ludzie, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 25, s. 776-779 Morcinek G.: Wspomnienie, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 29, s. 771-773 Morcinek G.: Wyrąbany chodnik, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 24, s. 95-96 Morcinek G.: Z bliska i z daleka. O szkołę polską na obczyźnie, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 21, s. 225-226 Morcinek G.: Z niemieckiej szkoły. W: Wyrąbany chodnik, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 10, s. 217-218 Morcinek M.: W zadymionym słońcu, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 15, s. 405-406 Nasze radio, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 16/17, s. 46 Nasze radio, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 4, s. 105-106 Nasze radio, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 40, s. 538 Nasze radio, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 9, s. 25 Owczarek M.: Tam, gdzie Pan Prezydent odpoczywa, „Płomyk” 1939, nr 21, s. 456-457 „Płomyk” 1929, nr 39, s. 917-918 „Płomyk” 1929, nr 41, s. 970 „Płomyk” 1937, nr 8, s. 252 Płomykowe kroniki w wyborze. Lata 1922-1939. Wybór: M. Kochanowska. Warszawa 1984 Poczytajmy sobie, „Płomyk” 1936, nr 24, s. 109 Podhajna S.: O Śląsku, „Płomyk” 1919, nr 5, s. 84 Prażmowski J.: Śląsk, „Płomyk” 1926, nr 24, s. 369-376 Przyborowska M.: Pierwszy w Polsce Narodowy Zlot Harcerstwa, „Płomyk” 1924, nr 1, s. 3-5 �Małgorzata Kucharska: Obraz Śląska Cieszyńskiego na łamach „Płomyka” (1917-1939) 315 Radio program, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 2, s. 37 Radio program, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 5, s. 99 Radlińska T.: O Polsce, „Płomyk” 1922, nr 9, s. 98-102 Rodziewicz W.: Stańmy do wyścigu pracy przed dwudziestą rocznicą odzyskania niepodległości, „Płomyk” 1938, nr 6, s. 122-123 Rodziewiczówna B.: Obyczaje i zwyczaje ludu śląskiego, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 13, s. 391-393 Ron. L.: Albumy dla rodaków na obczyźnie, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 40/41, s. 972-973 Szkoły Zawodowe dla dziewcząt. Adresy Szkół Zawodowych Żeńskich, „Płomyk” 1929, nr 39, s. 917-918 To i owo. Dzieci na plebiscyt, „Płomyk” 1921, nr 3, s. 23 To i owo. Sprawa Śląska, „Płomyk” 1921, nr 13, s. 99 Uczniowie kl. III Szkoły Powszechnej w Ustroniu: Gaiczek, „Płomyk” 1926, nr 38, s. 580-581 Urwicz J.: Hufiec nad Olzą, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 13, s. 393-396 Wykaz szkolnych schronisk noclegowych i schroniska górskie, „Płomyk” 1928, nr 40, wewnętrzne strony przedniej i tylnej okładki Wysznacka M.: Rocznice, „Płomyk” 1919, nr 15, s. 278 Z bliska i z daleka. Powódź na Śląsku, „Płomyk” 1930, nr 12, s. 286 Z bliska i z daleka. Pan Morcinek i „Płomyk”, „Płomyk” 1934, nr 13, s. 291 Z bliska i z daleka. Baden-Povell przyjeżdża do Polski, „Płomyk” 1932, nr 31, s. 727 Z bliska i z daleka. Jak rozrasta się naród Polski?, „Płomyk” 1922, nr 10, s. 113 Z bliska i z daleka. Wilki na Śląsku Cieszyńskim, „Płomyk” 1929, nr 26, s. 608 Zagórska E.: Dzieci Polskie w Czechosłowacji, „Płomyk” 1935, nr 23, s. 279 Zahrajówna S.: Piosenka ludowa „Nad Olzą”, „Płomyk” 1937, nr 36, s. 964-965 Ze świata. Podział Śląska, „Płomyk” 1921, nr 16, s. 134 Źródła Wisły według ks. Macoszki, „Płomyk” 1919, nr 5, s. 86-87 Shrnutí Obraz Těšínského Slezska na stránkách časopisu „Płomyk“ (1947 – 1939) Redakce časopisu „Płomyk“, v meziválečném období dvaceti let nejpopulárnějšího časopisu pro děti a mládež, mnoho pozornosti věnovala propagování vědomostí týkajících se tématiky Těšínského Slezska. V období obrody polské státnosti uvedený časopis nahrazoval absenci školních učebnic, ale byl také cenným zdrojem informací pro dospělé, proto také, mezi jeho funkce v době obrozování se nového státu, byla zapsána potřeba šíření ideje regionalismu, a „Płomykové“ výpravy do různých zákoutí Polska se týkaly taktéž Těšínského Slezska. Toto téma bylo probíráno na stránkách uvedeného časopisu v různých literárních a publicistických formách. Tvořily je výpovědi známých autorů, ale také texty podepsané pseudonymy anebo kryptonymy. Jednalo se o články, relace, informační nóty, prózu, poetické výtvory, scénické obrázky, zprávy, reportáže, legendy, oznámení týkající se rozhlasových programů, ale také korespondence čtenářů magazínu, a dokonce i zajímavosti. Po věcné stránce materiál zahrnuje mezi jinými publikace týkající se revindikace územní, kultury a slezské krajiny, běžných událostí, skautského hnutí anebo života ve školách. Zvýšený nárůst zájmu o turistickokrajinné hodnoty, kulturu, zvyky, víru anebo dějiny regiónu na stránkách časopisu byl zazna- �316 Dziedzictwo kulturowe • Kulturní dědictví menán ve dvacátých a třicátých letech. Výsledkem toho byla monografická vydání „Płomyka“, věnovaná lidem, kteří se velmi zasloužili o Těšínské Slezsko a osobitostí tohoto regiónu. Mezi autory, kteří se této, pro nás zajímavé problematice věnovali, mezi jinými patří: Gustaw Morcinek, Stanisława Podhajna, Aleksander Janowski, Józef Włodarski, Irena Wanda Kosmowska, Aleksander Kamiński, Henryk Ładosz, Julia Duszyńska, Wanda Malicka, Kazimierz Konarski, Maria Gerson-Dąbrowska a celá řada jiných. Bohatý literární a publicistický materiál byl obohacen grafickou úpravou magazínu: fotografiemi, reprodukcemi prací známých autorů (mezi jinými Jana Wałacha, Pawła Stellera) anebo ilustracemi (např. autorů z řad obyvatel tohoto regionu). Summary The image of Cieszyn Silesia in the pages of “Płomyk” (1917-1939) The editors of “Płomyk”, the most popular magazine for children and youth in the interwar times, paid a lot of attention to promoting the knowledge of Cieszyn Silesia. In the period of reconstruction of the Polish state, the magazine was a substitute for lacking school course books and a precious source of information for adults. Therefore, the formula of the magazine, which came into being along with the rebirth of the state, included the need for spreading the idea of regionalism and “Płomyk” trips to different parts of Poland also comprised Zaolzie. The subject of Zaolzie was undertaken in the magazine in various literary and press forms. These were statements of famous authors or texts written under pen names and they included such forms as: articles, reports, information notes, literary fiction, poems, short stage forms, reportages, legends, announcements of radio programmes, readers’ correspondence, or even merely interesting facts and hot news. The subject matter comprises, among other things, publications concerning the territorial regaining, Silesian culture and landscape, current issues, the skauting, or school life. The interest in the tourist and scenic values, culture, customs, beliefs or history of the region increased in the magazine in the twenties and thirties. This was manifested in monographic issues of “Płomyk” which praised the achievements of people associated with Cieszyn Silesia and specificity of the region. The authors who explored the issues which are focused on in this study were: Gustaw Morcinek, Stanisława Podhajna, Aleksander Janowski, Józef Włodarski, Irena Wanda Kosmowska, Aleksander Kamiński, Henryk Ładosz, Julia Duszyńska, Wanda Malicka, Kazimierz Konarski, Maria Gerson-Dąbrowska, and many others. Valuable literary and press material was enriched with the graphic layout of the magazine – with photographs and reproductions of the works of famous artists (e.g. Jan Wałach or Paweł Steller), as well as illustrations (often made by the inhabitants of the region). � https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/cc60753bec48fb3442f3680e639f2563.pdf 92eb05a7b59fbfb7b8532aed11d1db62 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:6652 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2017 Subject The topic of the resource Antropologia współczesności Drogi - aspekt społeczny Drogi- aspekt antropologiczny Rozwój społeczny Polska - sytuacja goszpodarcza Migracje - Polska Mobilność - aspekt antropologiczny Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:6220 Title A name given to the resource Ruchome modernizacje Description An account of the resource redakcja Przemysław Wielgosz, Stefan Zgliczyński; 232 s. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Kuligowski, Waldemar Stanisz, Agata Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Wydawniczy "Książka i Prasa" Type The nature or genre of the resource książka Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text �Ruchome modernizacje �Waldemar Kuligowski i Agata Stanisz Ruchome modernizacje Między Autostradą Wolności a „starą dwójką” biblioteka Le Monde diplomatique www.monde­‍‑diplomatique.pl Instytut Wydawniczy Książka i Prasa Warszawa 2017 �Spis treści Redakcja: Przemysław Wielgosz Stefan Zgliczyński Recenzenci: dr hab. prof. UAM Jacek Schmidt dr hab. Beata Kowalska Badacze: Katarzyna Andrzejkowicz, Adam Dąbrowski, Karolina Echaust, Joanna Janiszewska, Agata Kochaniewicz, Izabela Kołbon, Łukasz Kordys, Łukasz Krokoszyński, Ewa Krygiel, Joanna Książek, Waldemar Kuligowski, Krystyna Lewińska, Marta Machowska, Piotr Małczyński, Dawid Niemier, Piotr Nisztuk, Michał Orlik, Katarzyna Przepiera, Marta Rudnicka, Robert Rydzewski, Adriana Siebers, Agata Stanisz, Zbigniew Szmyt, Bartosz Tyrcha, Żaneta Wechterowicz Fotografie: Mariusz Forecki / www. forecki.pl Reportaże: Mateusz Chłystun, Filip Frąckowski, Joanna Janiszewska, Robert Rydzewski, Anna Szamotuła, Wanda Wasilewska, Słowo wstępne / O projekcie 15 / 7 Autostrada: historia i mit A2: święto modernizacji / / 39 61 DK92: przepływy i przemieszczenia / Realizacja i edycja dźwięku: Krzysztof Jankowski DK92: pobocza, infrastruktury, ludzie Transkrypcje rozmów: Aleksandra Chudziak, Karolina Echaust, Michał Rajchemba, Łukasz Śledziecki DK92: nowa bieda Asystentki projektu: Mariola Kuligowska, Aleksandra Reczuch DK92: nowa przedsiębiorczość Projekt okładki i skład: Krzysztof Ignasiak / www. bekarty.pl Książka została sfinansowana ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki w ramach grantu badawczego NCN Opus 5 219856 „Ruchome modernizacje. Wpływ autostrady A2 na lokalne krajobrazy kulturowe” Wydaniu książki patronują: Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UAM w Poznaniu oraz PIX.HOUSE / miejsce dla fotografii / www.pix.house / 83 / 181 / Łącznik A2 – DK92: Torzym / 205 227 Mobilność, polityka, lokalność / Appendix 1: między A2 a DK92 287 / 311 Appendix 2: lokalne krajobrazy dźwiękowe Zakończenie / 149 / 371 383 © Instytut Wydawniczy „Książka i Prasa”, Warszawa 2017 Moving modernizations. Between Highway of Freedom and the „old two”. Summary / 393 ISBN 978-83-65304-57-5 Bibliografia Instytut Wydawniczy Książka i Prasa ul. Twarda 60, 00­‍‑818 Warszawa tel. 22­‍‑624­‍‑17­‍‑27 redakcja@iwkip.org www.iwkip.org www.monde­‍‑diplomatique.pl / 403 Noty biograficzne / 435 �Słowo wstępne Książka ta jest próbą sportretowania zdarzeń, miejsc i ludzi. A także usytuowanych za nimi, czasem niewidocznych, emocji i ekonomii. Głównym aktorem wszystkich pomieszczonych tutaj opisów jest autostrada A2. Betonowy pas otoczony rowami, ekranami dźwiękoszczelnymi i wysokim płotem. Z przyległymi parkingami, miejscami obsługi, punktami poboru opłat. Z przecinającymi go mostami, wiaduktami i estakadami. Z sygnalizacją świetlną. Swoim hałasem, zanieczyszczeniami i zasadami. Autostrada jako obiekt materialny, ale przede wszystkim współmieszkaniec lokalnego świata ludzi oraz zwierząt na pograniczu Wielkopolski i Lubuskiego. Towarzyszy jej „stara dwójka”, droga krajowa nr 92, będąca przed uruchomieniem autostrady najważniejszym i najtłoczniejszym kanałem komunikacji lądowej z Wielkopolski i Polski środkowej do Niemiec. Ujednolicony infrastrukturalnie krajobraz A2 i przydrożna spontaniczność DK92 to dwa skrajne bieguny sceny, na której odbywały się lokalne warianty „ruchomych modernizacji”. To tam właśnie przez ponad trzy lata prowadziliśmy badania w ramach projektu „Ruchome modernizacje. Wpływ autostrady A2 na lokalne krajobrazy kulturowe”1. Najczęściej rozmawialiśmy z ludźmi. Nie wszystko, co istnieje i co ważne, da się jednak wypowiedzieć. Dlatego obserwowaliśmy też ruch samochodowy, przyglądaliśmy się klientom przydrożnych barów i moteli, czytaliśmy ogłoszenia naklejane na przystankach i słupach, zarchiwizowaliśmy tysiące stron internetowych, zeskanowaliśmy raporty policji i straży pożarnej, studiowaliśmy kroniki prywatne i urzędowe w bibliotekach, urzędach administracji, nadleśnictwach. 1 Badania sfinansowane przez Narodowe Centrum Nauki w ramach grantu „Ruchome modernizacje. Wpływ autostrady A2 na lokalne krajobrazy kulturowe” NCN OPUS (nr 218958). 7 �Mieszkaliśmy przy autostradzie. Z uwagi na fakt, że teren naszych badań rozciągał się na długości około 100 km, przemieszczaliśmy się z miejsca na miejsce. W strefie kojarzonej z nowoczesną mobilnością wcale nie było to łatwe, zmuszając nas i naszych współpracowników do korzystania z rowerów, taksówek, autostopu, życzliwości poznanych osób, a nawet chodzenia pieszo po niebezpiecznych poboczach. Staraliśmy się pracować w duchu etnografii wielomiejscowej i mobilnej, podążając za ludźmi, przedmiotami i problemami. Wielokrotne powroty do odwiedzanych już wcześniej miejsc sprawiły, że możemy także mówić w tym przypadku o badaniach w trybie jo-jo fieldwork. Bazując na danych zebranych przy wykorzystaniu całego chyba wachlarza akceptowanych dzisiaj technik badawczych antropologii, chcemy w tej książce przedstawić portrety miejsc, ludzi i procesów, które – naszym zdaniem – są opowieścią o kolejnej fazie modernizowania Polski, ale również o władzy, ekonomii, lokalnej przedsiębiorczości, prywatyzacji, dawnej i nowej infrastrukturze, rozczarowaniu i traumie. Zaryzykuję nawet tezę, że kulturowa historia projektowania, budowy, uruchomienia i użytkowania A2 – pierwszej prywatnej polskiej autostrady – może być traktowana jako metafora Polski pierwszych dekad nowego wieku, Polski schizofrenicznie rozdartej między mirażami „Autostrady Wolności” i „Autostrady Pamięci”. Oczywiście, wspomniane portrety można malować różnymi technikami, zwłaszcza gdy idzie o portret zbiorowy, a dodatkowo tworzony w specyficznym krajobrazie kulturowym, charakteryzującym się nadmiarem obiektów należących do tzw. architektury perswazji. Wyrazistym przykładem owej architektury jest nie tyle sama autostrada (zbudowana dzięki najwyższym kwotom pożyczek przeznaczonym na jakikolwiek projekt infrastrukturalny w Polsce), co spełniająca wcześniej jej funkcje droga krajowa nr 92, główny korytarz komunikacyjny z Wielkopolski i Warszawy do Niemiec, a przy okazji szczególna, wielokilometrowa aleja handlowo-usługowa. To tam o uwagę kierowców i innych użytkowników drogi zaciekle walczą obwieszone neonami nocne kluby, hotel w kształcie ogromnej piramidy (największej w Polsce), okolone sztucznymi palmami 8 stacje benzynowe, plastikowe podobizny dinozaurów, przydrożny ogród zoologiczny z wybiegiem dla strusi, gigantyczna statua Jezusa Chrystusa Króla Wszechświata (największa na świecie w momencie oddania), dziesiątki krzykliwych bilbordów, setki wymyślnych szyldów… To tam właśnie możliwe jest zjedzenie śniadania w „Nevadzie”, przejechanie przez „Las Vegas”, by do obiadu zasiąść już w „Colorado” (po pokonaniu drogi z Poźrzadła do Trzciela). Miał rację Clifford Geertz, pisząc, że „Antropolog nie ma do czynienia z jedną historią ani z jedną biografią, lecz z istną gmatwaniną różnorakich historii i z całym mnóstwem pojedynczych biografii (…). Tym, co jesteśmy w stanie stworzyć są (…) pisane ex post relacje dotyczące powiązań pomiędzy rozmaitymi sprawami, jakie się kiedyś zdarzyły: mozolnie konstruowane z rozmaitych części modele, powstające już po fakcie” (Geertz 2010: 10). Na symbolicznej trasie miedzy newadą a kolorado zetknęliśmy się z dziesiątkami głosów, które nie sumują się w jedną, jednolitą i najbardziej adekwatną opowieść o modernizowaniu Polski przez autostradę i konsekwencjach tego procesu. Mozolnie próbowaliśmy jednak konstruować pewne narracje, zawsze ex post, ale również jednocześnie „przed faktem”, bo opisana w tej pracy materia jest żywa, zmienna i z pewnością nie osiągnęła swojego ostatecznego kształtu ani nie wyjawiła wszystkich znaczeń. Jak gdzie indziej przekonywał ten sam Geertz: „zgodny z rzeczywistością obraz jakiegoś niewyraźnego przedmiotu jest niewyraźny, a nie wyraźny. Lepiej malować morze jak Turner, niż zrobić z niego krowę Constable’a” (Geertz 2005: 212). Dopowiedzmy: przywołani przez amerykańskiego antropologa William Turner i John Constable są przedstawicielami zgoła odmiennych form przedstawiania. Wszelako ich artystyczna, a także ideowa, odmienność, może posłużyć jako analogia naszych dylematów. Turner uchodzi obecnie za prekursora impresjonizmu, autora pejzaży utrzymanych w stylu romantycznym. Starał się malować wprost z natury, dążąc do tworzenia „portretów krajobrazu”. Chciał uwolnić się od gorsetu mitologicznego, historycznego czy biblijnego kostiumu i malować krajobraz sam w sobie. Tytuły, takie jak „Burza śnieżna”, „Deszcz, para, szybkość”, „Księżyc w nowiu”, „Rybak na 9 �morzu” czy „Jacht zbliżający się do brzegu” dobrze oddają tematykę prac tego artysty. Ceniony za niezrównane posługiwanie się światłem, Turner uchodzi obecnie za mistrza w przedstawianiu żywiołów – poświęcona jego twórczości wystawa w krakowskim Muzeum Narodowym w 2012 r. nosiła wymowny tytuł „Malarz żywiołów”. Constable także był pejzażystą, także praktykował malowanie z natury, ale zaliczany jest do grona zwolenników „realizmu melancholijnego”. Nie podróżował, nigdy nie zdarzyło mu się opuścić Anglii. Jego obrazy opiewają rustykalne pejzaże rodzinnego hrabstwa Suffolk, a sam artysta uważany jest za piewcę angielskiej wsi. „Ogród warzywny Gordinga Constable’a”, „Staw nieopodal Branch Hill”, „Pejzaż z wozem”, „Młyn we Flatford” – by poprzestać na wymienieniu kilku charakterystycznych tytułów – są obrazami pełnymi ciepłego światła, pastelowych barw, spokojnej kompozycji. Wieś Constable’a jawi się jako miejsce szczęścia, ukojenia i harmonii; ani domy mieszkalne, ani nawet wieże katedry w Salisbury nie funkcjonują jako coś obcego w doskonale spójnym krajobrazie, tym bardziej, że pod katedralnymi murami, najspokojniej w świecie, pasą się dorodne krowy2. Jakkolwiek Constable urodził się zaledwie rok później od Turnera, a daty śmierci obu malarzy nie dzieli więcej niż 14 lat, różnice w ich malarskim ujmowaniu rzeczywistości urosły do symbolicznych. Constable stał się ucieleśnieniem kojącej nostalgii, Turner natomiast wyrazicielem emocji, które mają poruszać i gorączkować. Przywołałem nazwiska tych twórców, by dzięki nim zasygnalizować problemy, a nawet dylematy, przed jakimi staliśmy my sami. Czy więcej w tej pracy (a może w samych autorach?) Constable’a czy Turnera? Zapewne sięgaliśmy po idiomy bliskie im obu, ze świadomością, że ani gorączkowość, ani uspokojenie nie są skrajnymi punktami naszych opisów. Ważne, by czytelnicy mieli świadomość naszych rozterek. Aby nie dać się zamknąć w gorsecie jednego sposobu portretowania, postanowiliśmy w rezultacie nie tylko sięgać po różne tonacje, 2 10 Oczywiście, w wypadku Constable’a także mamy do czynienia ze świadomym kształtowaniem fikcji. Wychwycił to celnie poeta Charles Tomlinson w wierszu poświęconym twórczości tego malarza: „Iluzja musi nieustannie/Nas przekonywać, bo inaczej zniknie/I odsłoni to, co tak niepewnie skrywa” (Tomlinson 2016: 135). ale po prostu pisać osobno, kierując się własnym widzeniem i czuciem badanych spraw. Pociąga to za sobą określone konsekwencje. Z jednej strony mamy nadzieję, że dzięki takiemu zabiegowi kulturowa biografia A2 okaże się bardziej wielogłosowa, różnorodna i pełniejsza. Pozbyliśmy się bowiem dyscyplinującego głosu i perspektywy pojedynczego autorytetu. Z drugiej strony, nasz przekaz jest zapewne mniej wyrazisty i jednoznaczny. Nie idzie nam przy tym, wyjaśniam od razu, o formułowanie jakiegoś nowego wariantu „wiedzy słabej” Gianni’ego Vattimo (2003), jakkolwiek poruszanie się po śladach wiodących w różnych kierunkach jest doświadczeniem nam bliskim, a po zakończeniu badań, wręcz się narzucającym. Czytelnikom należy się w tym kontekście jeszcze jedno wyjaśnienie: identyfikatorem pisanych osobno części książki jest coś tak standardowego, jak używany przez nas rodzaj gramatyczny – w inny sposób nie znakowaliśmy tekstu. Jak wspomniałem, punktem wyjścia naszych badań, ich pretekstem, polem i odniesieniem była autostrada A2, której ostatni odcinek oddano do użytku w dniu 1 grudnia 2011 r. Celebrowane wówczas przez inwestorów i władze centralne „święto modernizacji” – w ramach którego powstał specjalny utwór na orkiestrę pod tytułem „Fanfary dla A2” – nie było jednak ani powszechne, ani przez wszystkich akceptowane. Szybko okazało się, że infrastruktura nie rozwiązuje najbardziej palących problemów społeczności lokalnych, takich jak bezrobocie czy brak perspektyw, tym bardziej dojmujący, że odczuwany w bezpośredniej bliskości wielkiej inwestycji. Znamienny przy tym jest fakt, że autostrada częściej była przedmiotem rozpoznań artystycznych niż naukowych. To zresztą raczej tendencja ogólna, niż partykularnie polska. Dość przypomnieć kamień milowy elektronicznego minimalizmu w muzyce, jakim stała się płyta zainspirowana długimi podróżami po niemieckich autostradach. To oczywiście „Autobahn” zespołu Kraftwerk. Ralf Hütter, jeden z liderów grupy, wspominał: „Wykorzystaliśmy dźwięki samochodów, klakson, proste melodie i warkot silnika. Dostrajanie zawieszenia i ciśnienia w oponach, jazdę po asfalcie, ten dźwięk, kiedy koła wchodzą na namalowane pasy. To jest dźwiękowa poezja” (1001 albumów muzycznych, 2003: 318). Jeśli idzie o A2 to powstała 11 �już o niej piosenka disco-polo (The Saturn Band), film artystyczny (Anna Raczyński), seria fotografii (Mateusz Skóra), regionalista z Frankfurtu nad Odrą organizuje wycieczki śladami pierwszych nazistowskich inwestycji w pasie jej przebiegu, a tłumacz Filip Łobodziński w taki sposób spolszczył hit Boba Dylana, że oryginalna „Highway 61 Revisited” stała się piosenką pod tytułem „Autostrada A2 na nowo” (Dylan 2017: 14-15). O ile jednak artyści reprezentujący różnorodne dyscypliny dostrzegli sensotwórczy potencjał autostrady, o tyle naukowcy pozostawali zasadniczo obojętni – nie licząc grup archeologów, którzy prowadzili pośpieszne badania wykopaliskowe, poprzedzając użycie ciężkiego sprzętu budowlanego. Trudno jednoznacznie wytłumaczyć to zjawisko, bowiem pojawienie się autostrady nie tylko radykalnie zmieniło krajobraz środowiskowy, ale musiało także przynieść – co przeczuwaliśmy – równie ważne zmiany w egzystencji społeczności, którym przyszło z autostradą (czasem dzięki niej, a czasem wbrew) żyć. Coś musi być wszelako na rzeczy, o czym przekonuje pewna włoska publikacja. Otóż w 2009 r. opublikowano tam poważną, etnologiczną pracę poświęconą Piemontowi. Tom zatytułowany Riti e cicli festivi nella comunità francoprovenzale di Giaglione in Valle Susa (2009) napisany został przez siedmioro autorów, którzy przedmiotem swoich szczegółowych badań uczynili wyróżnione w tytule miejsca, czyli piemoncką wieś i najdłuższą włoską dolinę. Etnolodzy skupili się w swoich poczynaniach na miejscowych świętach, chłopskim dziedzictwie kulturowym i złożoności współczesnej społeczności lokalnej. Zgodnie z hasłami umieszczonymi na okładce, praca Riti e cicli festivi… miała szeroki zasięg: „kultura i tradycja”, „drogi”, „domy”, „rękodzieło”, „język”, „historia”, „środowisko”, „sztuka”, „ludzie”, „ikonografia”, „toponomastyka”, obejmujący wszystkie bodaj aspekty lokalnej kultury. W rezultacie, ani jednego słowa nie poświęcono czemuś, co w widoczny i radykalny sposób miało przekształcić krajobraz doliny, wyraźnie wpływając także na jej krajobraz kulturowy. Mowa o nowej linii kolejowej, zaprojektowanej jako odcinek trasy Turyn-Lyon, a w przyszłości mającej połączyć Rzym z Paryżem. Z perspektywy 12 rządowych planistów była to inwestycja strategiczna, scalająca Włochy z Francją i resztą Europy. Powstanie ekspresowego połączenia kolejowego wiązało się z koniecznością wydrążenia ponad 80 km tuneli i nieodwracalną transformacją środowiska naturalnego. Nie godzili się na to piemonccy górale. W latach 90. dolina Susa stała się miejscem bezprecedensowego protestu, wspieranego przez intelektualistów, ekspertów, działaczy społecznych, antyglobalistów i ekologów, przybierając postać symbolu sprzeciwu wobec działań nastawionych przede wszystkim na odgórnie projektowany „rozwój”. Na znak poparcia dla protestujących, opuszczono nawet flagę olimpijską w czasie zimowych igrzysk w Turynie w 2006 r.3 Wszystkie te zdarzenia zostały wszelako pominięte przez badaczy, którzy postanowili lokalną społeczność, jej kulturę i historię powiązać z zachowaniami o charakterze tradycyjnym i ceremonialnym (np. w formie tańca z mieczem). Mam nadzieję, że dzięki tej książce nie da się już zarzucić humanistom obojętności na zjawiska, które w totalny, wielopoziomowy i nagły sposób wpływają na życie jednostek i grup. Rzecz jasna, powstanie tej pracy nie byłoby możliwe bez naszych współpracowników: zarówno tych kontraktowych, jak i bezinteresownych. Jedni z nich pomagali nam zbierać informacje, drudzy z kolei postanowili się nimi dzielić. Antropologia jest dyscypliną współpracowniczą, o czym badania autostradowe przekonały nas dobitnie. Wszystkim Wam bardzo dziękujemy, sprawiliście, że nasza praca była fascynująca; my natomiast chcemy teraz sprawić, by okazała się również potrzebna. Za całą resztę – a zatem za przedstawione tutaj interpretacje, wyjaśnienia, domysły i intuicje – biorą odpowiedzialność autorzy. 3 Obecnie przyjmuje się, że wspólna włosko-francuska inwestycja zostanie zrealizowana do roku 2028-2029, a jej koszt wyliczono na kilkanaście miliardów euro (z czego 40% pokryje Unia Europejska). Mimo wieloletnich protestów decyzję w tej sprawie podpisali w 2016 r. prezydent Francji François Hollande oraz premier Włoch Matteo Renzi. 13 �O projekcie Każda inwestycja, która jest nieskończona prowadzi do takiego myślenia, że co będzie dalej, co będzie jeszcze, chcemy więcej.1 Burmistrz Torzymia Projekt: inspiracje Niniejsza książka bazuje na antropologicznym projekcie badawczym pt. „Ruchome modernizacje. Wpływ autostrady A2 na lokalne krajobrazy kulturowe” sfinansowanym przez Narodowe Centrum Nauki i realizowanym w latach 2014-2016 w Instytucie Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UAM w Poznaniu2. W badaniach oraz innych działaniach wspierających projekt zaangażowane były 33 osoby3, którym w tym miejscu chcielibyśmy podziękować za pomoc 1 2 3 Cytat pochodzi z reportażu radiowego autorstwa Doroty Zryń-Hrobaczewskiej i Justyny Rapickiej pt. „Torzymski łącznik”. Reportaż wyemitowano w Radio Zachód w kwietniu 2015 r. Opowiada o efektach starań o budowę zjazdu z autostrady A2 w gminie Torzym oraz o wpływie tej batalii na integrację mieszkańców. Zob. www. zachod.pl/radio-zachod/audycje/wedrowki-z-mikrofonem/torzymski-lacznik/ (data dostępu 12.01.2017). Projekt został sfinansowany w ramach programu Opus 5 (NCN Opus 218958). Jego pomysłodawcami są: prof. Waldemar Kuligowski (kierownik projektu) oraz dr Agata Stanisz (główny wykonawca). Projekt został oceniony bardzo wysoko i znalazł się na trzecim miejscu wśród pozostałych zgłoszonych w panelu HS3 (Wiedza o przeszłości: historia, archeologia, etnologia, antropologia kulturowa), którym przyznano dofinansowanie. Wśród wspomnianych 33 osób znaleźli się doktoranci, doktorzy, absolwenci oraz studenci etnologii, a także dziennikarze radiowi i inni, którzy prowadzili badania kwerendowe, archiwalne i kartograficzne, etnograficzne – pilotażowe i pogłębione, wykonywali transkrypcje wywiadów, zajmowali się fieldrecordingiem i dokumentacją fotograficzną, zrealizowali reportaże radiowe oraz współorganizowali 15 �w przeprowadzeniu kilku etapów badań wielomiejscowych i mobilnych. Samodzielnie nie bylibyśmy w stanie zrealizować głównych metodologicznych postulatów tego projektu. Tym bardziej więc jesteśmy radzi, że znalazło się aż tyle osób zafascynowanych kulturowym i społecznym wymiarem dróg – autostrady A2 oraz drogi krajowej nr 92. Zanim jednak przejdziemy do opowieści o tych drogach – opowieści snutych nie tylko przez nas, z naukowej perspektywy, ale przede wszystkim przez naszych licznych rozmówców a więc mieszkańców miejscowości położonych wzdłuż autostrady A2 i drogi krajowej 92 na odcinku pomiędzy Poznaniem a Świeckiem – uważamy, że sam projekt wymaga bardziej szczegółowego omówienia. Chcemy, by Czytelnicy poznali nasze inspiracje i doświadczenia: aby mieli możliwość zapoznania się z teoretycznymi i metodologicznymi fundamentami projektu, mogli prześledzić ich zastosowanie, proces weryfikacji naszych wcześniejszych wyobrażeń o badanym terenie oraz by wiedzieli, iż w trakcie badań musieliśmy dostosowywać nasze działania do terenowych sytuacji i nieprzewidzianych wydarzeń oraz podążać za narracjami osób, które spotykaliśmy. Chcielibyśmy również wyjaśnić, że książka ta ma charakter polifoniczny i to z kilku istotnych i dopełniających się powodów. Po pierwsze, opiera się na wiedzy terenowej gromadzonej przez różnych badaczy, którzy mimo iż bazowali na tych samych metodologiach i dyspozycjach badawczych, to w efekcie ich obserwacje okazały się niejednorodne, podobnie jak dostarczane przez nich etnograficzne opisy. Po drugie, wspomniana wiedza terenowa była generowana w myśl założeń etnografii wielomiejscowej (Marcus 1995: 95-117), dzięki którym interesujące nas zjawiska obserwowaliśmy konferencje naukowe. Byli to: Katarzyna Andrzejkowicz, Mateusz Chłystun, Aleksandra Chudziak, Adam Dąbrowski, Karolina Echaust, Mariusz Forecki, Filip Frąckowski, Joanna Janiszewska, Krzysztof Jankowski, Agata Kochaniewicz, Izabela Kołbon, Łukasz Kordys, Łukasz Krokoszyński, Ewa Krygiel, Joanna Książak, Mariola Kuligowska, Krystyna Lewińska, Marta Machowska, Piotr Małczyński, Dawid Niemier, Piotr Nisztuk, Michał Orlik, Katarzyna Przepiera, Michał Rajchemba, Aleksandra Reczuch, Marta Rudnicka, Robert Rydzewski, Adriana Siebers, Anna Szamotuła, Zbigniew Szmyt, Łukasz Śledziecki, Bartosz Tyrcha, Wanda Wasilewska, Żaneta Wechterowicz. 16 z wielu perspektyw przestrzennych, ekonomicznych i społecznych. Po trzecie, proces badawczy przebiegał wieloetapowo, z użyciem różnych technik badawczych, a nasi rozmówcy zajmując różne pozycje w strukturze społecznej, posługiwali się odmiennymi od siebie dyskursami i okazali się przyjmować różnorodne strategie działań wobec przemian społeczno-ekonomicznych, wywołanych otwarciem pod koniec 2011 r. nowego odcinka autostrady A2. Po czwarte, w trakcie trwania naszych badań staraliśmy się informować o ich wynikach – i całym procesie modernizowania przez autostradę – także odbiorców innych niż akademiccy. Stąd nasze prace publicystyczne (Kuligowski 2015; 2016b), stąd także obecność w tej książce dwóch stylów narracji: naukowego i popularnego. Stosowanie tego drugiego wynika właśnie z chęci takiego sprawozdawania z naszych badań, by były one czytelne dla tych osób – naszych rozmówców, współpracowników, gospodarzy, przewodników – które zechcą się z nimi zapoznać. Po piąte wreszcie: książka napisana została przez dwie osoby, mężczyznę i kobietę. Postanowiliśmy połączyć pisane osobno partie tekstu w jedną narrację bez siłowego ujednolicania. Dlatego czytelnik zetknie się z dwoma rodzajami gramatycznymi, ale także – co nieuniknione, ale także wzbogacające – z dwoma spojrzeniami na rzeczywistość. Jeśli polifonia w etnografii nie jest tylko narracyjną utopią (Clifford 2000), to zastosowany przez nas styl opowiadania może być argumentem na rzecz jej zasadności. Inspiracje dla projektu można określić jako przede wszystkim terenowe. Pojawiły się wraz z wcześniejszymi prowadzonymi przez nas badaniami etnograficznymi, które mniej lub bardziej przypadkowo skierowały nas na trasy „starej dwójki”4 oraz nowej autostrady A2. Nie od rzeczy będzie jednak powiedzieć, że jednym z impulsów dla naszej pracy były tzw. archeologiczne badania ratownicze, prowadzone na przebiegu A2. W pewnym momencie uświadomiliśmy sobie dzięki nim, że pojawienie się obiektu materialnego w postaci autostrady nie może być wyłącznie pretekstem do badań przeszłości – pas autostrady, zjazdy, płoty, parkingi są wszak nowymi elementami życia, myślenia i działania współcześnie żyjących tam 4 „Stara dwójka” to powszechnie stosowana i przyjęta nazwa Drogi Krajowej 92. Będziemy jej używać – już bez cudzysłowu – także w naszej książce. 17 �ludzi. O ile jednak upomniano się o dokumentację śladów przeszłości, o tyle teraźniejsze stany kultury pozostały bezpańskie. Postanowiliśmy ten dziwny stan zmienić. Doskonale pamiętam moje pierwsze podróże tymi drogami, ponieważ to właśnie one stały się bodźcami dla bardziej pogłębionego zainteresowania tzw. road studies. Drogę krajową nr 92 miałam okazję przemierzyć na odcinku pomiędzy przejściem granicznym w Świecku a Poznaniem w sierpniu 2011 r. Wracałam wówczas z badań terenowych, które do dziś prowadzę wśród kierowców tirów zatrudnionych w międzynarodowych firmach transportowych w Europie Zachodniej5. Nie znałam wcześniej tej trasy, a moje szczególne wyczulenie, zwłaszcza na jej organizacyjny i wizualny wymiar, był efektem dopiero co zakończonych badań. Przez blisko miesiąc wraz z moim kluczowym informatorem – kierowcą tira – przemierzałam zachodnioeuropejskie autostrady, głównie na terenie Danii, Niemiec, Belgii i Francji. Nigdy wcześniej nie miałam okazji, by w ten sposób podróżować. Właściwie był to mój pierwszy tak intensywny kontakt z wielkimi infrastrukturami drogowymi, jakimi są autostrady i drogi ekspresowe. Przyznaję, że zachwyciła mnie i zafrapowała ich regularność, uporządkowanie, uniwersalność. Zachodnioeuropejski krajobraz autostradowy wydał mi się niezwykle czysty, dobrze zaprojektowany, cechujący się schludną i zminimalizowaną przydrożnością. To krajobraz zupełnie odmienny od tego, co zastałam jadąc starą dwójką – upstrzoną bilbordami, odręcznymi napisami na murach domów, spłowiałymi szyldami reklamowymi, przydrożną architekturą sakralną. Droga ta meandrowała, jechało się nią bardzo powoli, jej nawierzchnia była w fatalnym stanie, poruszało się po niej sporo samochodów, zarówno ciężarowych, jak i osobowych. Szczególną uwagę przykuwały jednak jej pobocza – zaskakująca liczba i różnorodność 5 18 W latach 2011-2015 zrealizowałam mikroprojekty dofinansowane z grantów badawczych w ramach Rozwoju Młodej Kadry w Instytucie Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UAM w Poznaniu – „Branża mobilności: między reżimem logistyki a wykonawstwem” (2015), „Transnacjonalność w drodze. Badania pilotażowe w środowisku polskich kierowców ciężarówek dalekobieżnych na terenie Europy Zachodniej” (2012), „Kultura w drodze: translokalność i mobilność kierowców ciężarówek dalekobieżnych” (2011). stacji benzynowych, budynki klubów nocnych, przydrożne zoo, egzotyczne nazwy centrów obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego („Nevada”, „Las Vegas”, Port 2000), parkingowa piramida Horusa w Poźrzadle, pstrokate bary, motele i restauracje o dziwacznych nazwach i wyglądzie, sporo sklepów spożywczych, skupów palet, zniszczone przystanki autobusowe, mieszkańcy mijanych miejscowości cisnący się na wąziutkich chodnikach, wprawiani w kołysanie podmuchami przejeżdżających tirów, prostytutki stojące przy leśnych ścieżkach, majacząca w oddali świebodzińska figura Chrystusa Króla, a przede wszystkim feeria różnego rodzaju tablic ogłoszeniowych, znaków, szyldów i to nie tylko w języku polskim, lecz także, co wydaje się paradoksalne, tutaj na pograniczu polsko-niemieckim, w języku rosyjskim. Wówczas tego nie rozumiałam, a starą dwójkę odbierałam jako swoiście egzotyczną, jako dziwną drogę, wizualnie fascynującą, której kiedyś, przy innej okazji chciałabym się bliżej przyjrzeć. Rok później w lipcu 2012 r., w takich samych okolicznościach, wracałam już biegnącą niemal równolegle do DK92, otwartą w grudniu 2011 r., A2. Był to dopiero drugi miesiąc obowiązywania opłat za przejazd tą drogą, dlatego okazał się on zgoła odmienny nie tylko od tego sprzed roku, ale od wszystkich moich dotychczasowych podróży europejskimi autostradami. W tamtym czasie A2 pomiędzy Świeckiem a Poznaniem jawiła się wyjątkowo. Ta, jeszcze niezwykle świeża i idealna, płatna droga charakteryzowała się pustką – na 170-kilometrowym odcinku ciągnącym się od polsko-niemieckiej granicy do Poznania minęłam jedynie kilkanaście samochodów. Wrażenie ciszy i opustoszenia potęgowała dodatkowo ciemność nocy. Te inspiracje mają przede wszystkim wymiar wizualny. Prócz nich jednak chcemy wspomnieć o dwóch innych. Pierwsza z nich to badania Waldemara Kuligowskiego dotyczące dyskursów wokół figury Chrystusa Króla Wszechświata ze Świebodzina, położonego przy DK92. Pozornie, największy (w pewnym momencie) na świecie monument Chrystusa to obiekt nade wszystko wizualny, jednak zarówno jego rozmiary, jak i peryferyjne położenie oraz przypisywane mu znaczenia uruchomiły dwa opozycyjne względem siebie dyskursy, 19 �stające się istotniejszym niż wizualność polem analizy (Kuligowski 2014a: 137-148). W okresie 2010-2011 świebodziński monument był przedmiotem naszych obserwacji – z pomocą studentów przeprowadziliśmy także szereg rozmów, pytając polskich i zagranicznych przyjezdnych o powody wizyty w Świebodzinie. Znaczący w niniejszym kontekście jest fakt traktowania świebodzińskiej figury głównie jako specyficznej atrakcji turystycznej, o tyle dostępnej, że położonej blisko drogi krajowej, ale także ekspresowej S3, linii kolejowej oraz autostrady A2. Rozłożone ramiona Chrystusa, w zamierzeniu lokalnego księdza-pomysłodawcy monumentu, miały być widoczne właśnie dla użytkowników tych dróg, przypominając im o duchowym wymiarze życia i celu innym niż tylko ten, który wskazuje GPS. Z perspektywy badacza natomiast, nie sposób nie zaliczyć budowy tego gigantycznego pomnika do repertuaru środków mających rewitalizować peryferyjne miasto (Kuligowski 2011). Jeszcze innym impulsem okazały się badania, jakie prowadziłam na terenie gminy Kuślin dla Muzeum Rolnictwa i Przemysłu Rolno-Spożywczego w Szreniawie6. Gmina ta stanowi doskonały przykład ilustrujący proces fragmentaryzacji przestrzeni spowodowanej budową autostrady (Gurrutxaga, Saura 2013: 157-164; Jaeger i in. 2007; Kramer-Schadt i in. 2014: 711-723; Serranoa i in. 2002: 113-123). A2 przecięła teren tej gminy na pół ingerując nie tylko w jej krajobraz, ale także w sposoby jego doświadczania przez mieszkańców. Proces ten znakomicie ujawnił się w realizowanych przeze mnie badaniach, w trakcie których zajmowałam się zbieraniem m.in. lokalnych nazw toponimicznych. To właśnie one odzwierciedlają zmiany przestrzenne i społeczne, jakie zaszyły po otwarciu nowego odcinka autostrady (Stanisz 2015c). Do tych inspiracji z pewnością należy dodać zaobserwowaną przez nas intensyfikację nierzadko sprzecznych ze sobą dyskursów – medialnych, politycznych oraz ekonomicznych – dotyczących 6 20 Był to projekt realizowany w latach 2012-2015, sfinansowany ze środków Narodowego Programu Rozwoju Humanistyki, Ministerstwa Nauki i Szkolnictwa Wyższego pt. Atlas niematerialnego dziedzictwa kulturowego wsi wielkopolskiej (nr 11H11026580). W jego ramach prowadziłam badania na terenie wszystkich gmin wchodzących w skład powiatu nowotomyskiego (gminy: Kuślin, Lwówek, Miedzichowo, Nowy Tomyśl, Opalenica, Zbąszyń). rozbudowy infrastruktury drogowej w Polsce, jaka nastąpiła zwłaszcza w przeddzień mających się odbyć w naszym kraju Mistrzostw Europy w Piłce Nożnej w roku 2012 (np. Autostrada A2 to podporządkowanie Polski Niemcom! 2011; Autostrada jak tanie chińskie majtki po pierwszym praniu 2011; Czauderna 2012; Gąsior 2012; Głombicki 2012; Grzeszak 2012; Majak 2012a, 2012b; Szczęch 2012; Wachnik 2012a;). W ogólnopolskich, ale i lokalnych mediach, przeważał jednak dyskurs podkreślający symboliczną wagę otwarcia nowego odcinka autostrady A2. Pojawiały się m.in. hasła o przekraczaniu bariery polskich kompleksów i niemożności, realizacji polskich marzeń o bliskim kontakcie ze światem zachodnim, finalnym wjeździe do Europy, zwieńczeniu ważnego etapu transformacji czy „końcu” modernizowania Polski (np. 106 km nowej autostra‑ dy prosto do Europy 2011). Wszystko to zadecydowało o naszym coraz większym zainteresowaniu nie tyle samą autostradą A2, co konsekwencjami jej budowy dla społeczności lokalnych zamieszkujących jej pobocza – miejscowości położone bezpośrednio przy DK92, która do grudnia 2011 r. stanowiła najważniejszy korytarz tranzytowy łączący Zachód ze Wschodem. Projekt: antropologia modernizacji poprzez autostradę Zasadniczym celem projektu stał się opis, interpretacja i ocena procesu modernizacji związanej z budową autostrady A2 w kontekście Polski lokalnej. Przyjęliśmy, iż polska modernizacja nie jest procesem zakończonym (por. Sztompka 1999: 65-68) oraz że w momencie, w którym projekt tworzyliśmy, jej ważnym etapem stała się rozbudowa wielkiej infrastruktury drogowej, mająca zaświadczać o pełnej transformacji Polski w kraj nowoczesny i zachodnioeuropejski. Niemniej jednak uznaliśmy, iż nie wystarczy przyjrzeć się zideologizowanej i upolitycznionej medialnej narracji, bowiem modernizacja wywołana przez budowę autostrady A2 wytworzyła zarówno nowe formy przedsiębiorczości, jak i nowe formy ubóstwa. Tym, co od początku stanowiło dla nas najistotniejsze pole badawcze, były 21 �oddolne praktyki ekonomiczne podejmowane w lokalnych społecznościach, których zbadanie miało nam pomóc w uchwyceniu rzadko dostrzeganych mechanizmów i skutków modernizacji. Ponieważ kluczowym pojęciem stała się dla nas właśnie modernizacja, którą rozumiemy tutaj jako procesy społeczno-ekonomiczne zachodzące w kontekście budowy, rozbudowy i witalizacji infrastruktury drogowej, to metaforycznie ujmujemy je jako „ruchome modernizacje” lub też doprecyzowujemy jako „modernizację poprzez autostradę”. Jednym z podstawowych pytań, jakie postawiliśmy było pytanie o dynamikę spotkania „wielkiej” modernizacji z „małą”, a zatem modernizacji będącej prorozwojową praktyką państwową oraz upolitycznioną ideologią z modernizacją dziejącą się na poziomie życia codziennego, z jej praktycznymi efektami, obieranymi strategiami adaptacji do lokalnych możliwości – przestrzennych i ekonomicznych, a także z uwzględnieniem dyspozycji określonych aktorów społecznych oraz przebiegu i rezultatów oddolnego lobbingu. Hasło modernizacji w Polsce nierozerwalnie łączy się z planowaniem oraz faktyczną rozbudową infrastruktury (transportowej, technicznej i społecznej), której rozwój należy rozpatrywać nie tylko w kontekście ekonomicznym, ale także politycznym, ideologicznym i wreszcie społecznym. Wszędzie tam, gdzie pojawia się potrzeba (realna bądź nie) budowy, rozbudowy lub witalizacji – w naszym przypadku interesującej nas infrastruktury drogowej – niezależnie od tego, czy mamy do czynienia z projektami rządowymi, powiatowymi czy gminnymi – w użyciu zawsze znajdzie się pojęcie modernizacji. Mówi się wówczas o tym, że „rusza modernizacja”, podkreśla się, „że będzie gruntowna, że oto ma nastąpić rozwój poprzez modernizację, przebudowa będzie polegać na modernizacji czy że w końcu doczekaliśmy się modernizacji”7. Warto 7 22 Medialnych doniesień na temat modernizowania polskich dróg (od krajowych po gminne) jest wiele. Ukazują się one zarówno w prasie ogólnopolskiej i lokalnej, jak i na portalach internetowych – powiatowych i gminnych oraz w lokalnych wiadomościach telewizyjnych. By podać kilka przykładów: Autostrada A2: moder‑ nizacja w okolicach Świecka 2009; Modernizacja najstarszego odcinka A4 2013; Modernizacja sieci dróg powiatowych w obrębie Autostrady A2 2013; Na A4 znów postoisz. Rusza modernizacja dwóch węzłów 2015. jednak odnotować, iż ideologiczny nacisk kładziony na rozbudowę i modernizację polskiej infrastruktury drogowej jeszcze w 2015 r. nie przystawał do jej stanu faktycznego. Przykładowo w rankingu Komisji Europejskiej z listopada 2015 r. wskazywano, iż polski transport ze względu na jakość, wykonanie i bezpieczeństwo infrastruktury drogowej znajduje się na przedostatnim miejscu wśród krajów UE (ostatnie miejsce zajmuje Rumunia)8. Modernizacja to także słowo-klucz chętnie i często stosowane w lokalnych planach rozwojowych. Na wsiach, w małych miasteczkach modernizuje się wszystko, co powiązane z przestrzenią publiczną i służyć ma ogółowi: oświetlenie, szkoły, przedszkola, budynki, place zabaw, świetlice, strefy rekreacyjno-towarzyskie, kościoły, przystanki, targowiska, łącza internetowe, plaże miejskie, komendy policyjne itd. Najczęściej te małe, lokalne modernizacje są ściśle powiązane z wielkimi modernizacjami. To właśnie tych powiązań dotyczy niniejsza książka. Sądzimy, że na naukowym poziomie, omawiany projekt od początku posiadał walor innowacyjny i oryginalny. W Polsce brakuje antropologicznych badań opartych na głębokiej etnograficznej pracy terenowej, które dotyczyłyby infrastruktury, zwłaszcza budowy autostrad i dróg ekspresowych jako przykładów krajobrazów kulturowych kształtujących się w kontekście lokalnej modernizacji. Żywiliśmy więc nadzieję, iż nasze badania mogą wypełnić tę lukę i przyczynią się do lepszego zrozumienia modernizacji poprzez autostradę oraz zainicjują w polskich naukach społecznych pogłębione prace badawcze w nurcie road studies. Niemniej warto odnotować moment, w którym nastąpiła, jak się nam wydaje chwilowa, intensyfikacja zainteresowania polską modernizacją 8 W przygotowanym przez KE zestawieniu wykorzystano dane m.in. Eurostatu, Europejskiej Agencji Środowiska czy Światowego Forum Ekonomicznego. Porównano w nim wyniki państw członkowskich w 29 kategoriach związanych z transportem. Zob. Raport o jakości transportu w krajach UE. Miejsce Polski? W tyle 2015, www. rmf24.pl/fakty/polska/news-raport-o-jakosci-transportu-w-krajach-ue-miejscepolski-w-ty,nId,1925801#utm_source=paste&utm_medium=paste&utm_campaign=firefox (data dostępu 14.01.2017); Unijna tabela wyników – poprawa w sekto‑ rze transportu państw członkowskich. Komunikat prasowy Komisji Europejskiej, 20 listopada 2015 r., europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-15-6117_pl.pdf (data dostępu 14.01.2017). 23 �– głównie z perspektywy socjologicznej i ekonomicznej. Dobrym przykładem jest ekspercka dyskusja opublikowana latem 2013 r. na łamach czasopisma społeczno-kulturalnego „Więź” zatytułowana Wielka Polska nowoczesna. Dyskusję zainicjowała redakcja „Więzi” zwracając się do kilku ekspertów z pytaniem o to, w jaki sposób Polska powinna zdefiniować cele modernizacji w perspektywie unijnego budżetu na lata 2014-20209. Podjęcie tego tematu w roku 2013 należy uznać za o tyle ważne, że w Polsce właśnie kończył się okres wydatkowania środków strukturalnych UE przyznanych w latach 2007-2013. Wzmocnieniu uległy także negatywne komentarze odnośnie wielkich inwestycji (w większości infrastrukturalnych) powiązanych z organizacją przez Polskę Euro 2012. W efekcie powstał pakiet eksperckich narracji o jakości potransformacyjnych procesów modernizacji w Polsce z próbą wskazania na konieczność zmiany ich rozumienia i definiowania. Tym, co wydaje się w tej dyskusji zbieżne z naszym rozumieniem „problemu” polskiej modernizacji, jest zwrócenie uwagi na tendencję do pomijania jej prospołecznego aspektu, a zatem jej zbyt wąska koncepcja (Rogaczewska 2013; Wołodźko 2013), „do cna materialna i technokratyczna” (Rogaczewska 2013), przez decydentów i polityków sprowadzana wyłącznie do rozbudowy infrastruktury, w tym budowy autostrad (Kucharczyk 2013). Jednakże z antropologicznego punktu widzenia dla pełniejszego zrozumienia polskiej modernizacji, istotne jest, by odnotować swoiste przeniesienia materialistycznie definiowanej modernizacji na poziom jej potocznego rozumienia przez ogół polskiego społeczeństwa. W praktyce to powszechne pojmowanie modernizacji jest ambiwalentne, a towarzyszące jej procesom zbiorowe emocje rozciągają się od fatalizmu po euforię. 9 24 Redakcja „Więzi” przeprowadziła ankietę wśród ekspertów reprezentujących polskie think tanki – niezależne ośrodki analityczne (organizacje non profit, redakcje pism opiniotwórczych, komórki analityczne w strukturach instytucji publicznych). Wśród ekspertów znaleźli się Jerzy Hausner – współtwórca Małopolskiej Szkoły Administracji Publicznej, Jacek Kucharczyk reprezentujący Instytut Spraw Publicznych, Maria Rogaczewska z Zespołu Projektów Społecznych UW, Andrzej Sadowski z Centrum Adama Smitha, Michał Sutowski z Instytutu Studiów Zaawansowanych oraz Krzysztof Wołodźko redaktor pisma „Nowy Obywatel”. Tym bardziej, z badawczego punktu widzenia, ciekawym przykładem modernizowania poprzez autostradę jest odcinek autostrady A2 Świecko-Nowy Tomyśl. Inwestycja ta wywołała wiele różnych konsekwencji – ekonomicznych, kulturowych, społecznych – transformujących lokalne krajobrazy kulturowe. To ostatnie pojęcie jest szczególnie silnym, afektywnym elementem współtworzącym poczucie przynależności i identyfikacji (Lovell 1998). Ważną kategorią staje się tym samym „topofilia” (Tuan 1990). Sugeruje ona, by lokalne otoczenie pojmować także jako źródło poczucia piękna, przyjemności i bezpieczeństwa. Ma ono bowiem nie tylko wymiar funkcjonalny, ale i symboliczny, na który składają się relacje między ludźmi a miejscami, obejmujące zachowania, wartości, opinie. Pojawienie się autostrady w niewielkich miastach i wsiach zmusiło mieszkańców do ustosunkowania się wobec tego novum, zarówno symbolicznie, jak i funkcjonalnie. Duma, radość, poczucie satysfakcji kształtują postawę topofilii; niechęć, niezgoda, obojętność skutkują natomiast postawą topofobii. Założyliśmy, na podstawie wstępnych badań kartograficznych oraz wizji lokalnych z użyciem metody antropologii wizualnej, iż obszar ten został dotknięty przez znaczącą transformację jakościową. Wyraźne zmiany zaszły na terenie gmin, przez które przeprowadzono autostradę A2, a które leżą w strefie drogi krajowej nr 92. Miejscowości leżące przy tej drodze tranzytowej, czerpiące z ruchu samochodowego różnego typu profity, za sprawą autostrady zostały „odsunięte” od głównego nurtu tego przepływu. W mikroskali dokonała się tam „trauma wielkiej zmiany” (Sztompka 2000), polegająca na doświadczeniu nieoczekiwanej degradacji o charakterze zewnętrznym, niezawinionym (z punktu widzenia tzw. zwykłych mieszkańców) i szybkim. Wywołane przez „traumę” procesy mają charakter procesualny, a także bardzo niejednoznaczny. Rozpoznanie tych procesów – ich kierunki, logiki, przejawy i znaczenia – jest jednak istotne dla zrozumienia obecnej kondycji kultury i gospodarki. Zbadanie polskiej modernizacji początku XXI w. – modernizacji na poboczu autostrady – stało się głównym naukowym wyzwaniem projektu. 25 �Projekt: miejsca i odcinki Prace badawcze w miejscowościach położonych między autostradą A2 a DK92 na odcinku pomiędzy Świeckiem a Nowym Tomyślem prowadziliśmy właściwie już od końca roku 2012 r. Rozpoczęły się one od bardzo wstępnej kwerendy terenowej zrealizowanej jeszcze w trakcie tworzenia projektu, wizji lokalnych i badań pilotażowych zrealizowanych w 2014 r., a były kontynuowane w formie badań etnograficznych – stacjonarnych, pogłębionych i wielomiejscowych w 2015 r. Ostatnie działania badawcze podjęliśmy w roku 2016 w trakcie stacjonarnych i mobilnych badań uzupełniających oraz nagrywania etnograficznych audioreportaży. Teren oraz sposób prowadzenia badań wyłoniliśmy w oparciu o mobilne, powtarzalne wizje lokalne oraz kwerendy kartograficzne i internetowe. Na ich podstawie stworzyliśmy raport, który posłużył nam jako baza projektu (Stanisz 2014a). Po wstępnym zaznajomieniu się z terenem (były to kilkukrotne przejazdy starą dwójką), szczegółowej analizie map satelitarnych i topograficznych oraz zebranych przez nas materiałów wizualnych, wyodrębniliśmy 5 głównych odcinków badawczych, wokół których skupiać się miały nasze dalsze działania. Odcinki te zlokalizowane są wzdłuż DK92 i usytuowane w różnej odległości do autostrady A2 – od 0,5 km do 7 km. Na terenie niektórych z nich znajdują się zjazdy z autostrady10. Wybrane do badań odcinki zlokalizowane są na terenie 2 województw – wielkopolskiego i lubuskiego, 4 powiatów (nowotomyski, międzyrzecki, świebodziński, sulęciński), 7 gmin (Miedzichowo, Trzciel, Szczaniec, Świebodzin, Lubrza, Łagów oraz Torzym). W efekcie teren badań objąć miał 23 miejscowości, z których każdą przecina DK9211. W praktyce, w myśl paradygmatu 10 Zjazdy z autostrady znajdują się na obrzeżach miasteczek: Trzciel (4 km od jego centrum) oraz Torzym (1,2 km od jego centrum). 11 Odcinek I: Bolewice, Bolewicko, Sępolno, Miedzichowo, Stary Folwark (woj. wielkopolskie, pow. Nowy Tomyśl, gm. Miedzichowo). Odcinek II: Trzciel, Jasieniec, Bieleń, Lutol Suchy, Brójce (woj. lubuskie, pow. Międzyrzecz, gm. Trzciel). Odcinek III: Myszęcin (woj. lubuskie, pow. Świebodzin, gm. Szczaniec), Wityń, Rzeczyca, Wilkowo (woj. lubuskie, pow. Świebodzin, gm. Świebodzin). Odcinek IV: Mostki, Janisławiec (woj. lubuskie, pow. Świebodzin, gm. Lubrza), Stok, Gronów, Poźrzadło 26 nowych mobilności, podążaliśmy albo za naszymi rozmówcami, albo sytuacjami i wydarzeniami. Konsekwencją było powiększenie terenu badań o miejscowości położone wzdłuż drogi ekspresowej S3 – pomiędzy Jordanowem a Rosinem12, miejscowości stanowiące siedziby poszczególnych gmin13 oraz inne, które choć bardziej oddalane zarówno od DK92 jak i A2, to istotne dla wewnętrznych, lokalnych powiązań społecznych14. Teren został również rozszerzony o odcinek DK92 pomiędzy Poznaniem a Pniewami, głównie ze względu na obserwowany przez nas dynamiczny rozwój strefy magazynowej w jego obrębie. Częściowo uwzględniliśmy też, wcześniej zignorowany w projekcie, teren przygraniczny15. Geograficznie pierwotnie zakładany teren badań miał się rozciągać pomiędzy wsią Bolewice na wschodzie a wsią Boczów na zachodzie i liczyć 90 km długości. W rzeczywistości objął 170-kilometrową trasę łączącą polsko-niemiecką granicę w Słubicach z Poznaniem. Niemniej jednak, najbardziej intensywne badania terenowe zrealizowaliśmy w obrębie wspomnianych 5 odcinków, w skład których wchodzą miejscowości zróżnicowane pod względem liczby mieszkańców (od 22-tysięcznego Świebodzina po kilkunastoosobowy Janisławiec), struktury społecznej, zaplecza 12 13 14 15 (woj. lubuskie, pow. Świebodzin, gm. Łagów). Odcinek V: Torzym, Koryta, Pniów, Boczów (woj. lubuskie, pow. Sulęcin, gm. Torzym). Droga ekspresowa S3 okazała się znacząca w kontekście Świebodzina już w trakcie badań pilotażowych. Przecina ona prostopadle zarówno DK92 jak i A2. Badania zrealizowaliśmy w miejscowościach położonych wzdłuż S3 na jej 20-kilometrowym odcinku oraz w strefie, biegnącej do niej równolegle starej trójki. Teren ten rozciąga się pomiędzy Jordanowem na północy, gdzie splatają się ze sobą S3 oraz A2 i znajduje się zjazd autostradowy, a Rosinem na południu. Pomiędzy nimi zlokalizowane są wsi: Lubinicko, Grodziszcze, Witosław oraz Rusinów. Budowa S3 na odcinku Międzyrzecz-Sulechów oraz oddanie do użytku węzła Jordanowo w maju 2013 roku wywołało podobne konsekwencje społeczno-ekonomiczne jak otwarcie nowego odcinka autostrady A2. Zob. www.issuu.com/agatamaria/docs/wizja_lokalna._notatki_terenowe._ag (data dostępu 15.01.2017). W ten sposób do badanych przez nas miejscowości włączyliśmy: Przełazy oddalone o 6 km od Mostek, Kownaty leżące 4 km na północ od zjazdu z autostrady w Torzymiu, Garbicz zlokalizowany pomiędzy Torzymiem a Boczowem oraz Sulęcin oddalony o 16 km od Torzymia. W badaniach uzupełniających uwzględniliśmy przygraniczne Świecko oraz Słubice, a także oddalony 20 km od przejścia granicznego Rzepin. 27 �instytucjonalno-kulturalnego oraz jakości publicznej infrastruktury. Mimo tych różnic wspólna dla każdej z nich pozostaje specyficzna przydrożna estetyka oraz ekonomia. Krajobraz tych, w większości niewielkich wsi, to charakterystyczne miejsca obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego i turystycznego (motele, hotele, stacje benzynowe, bary, restauracje, kluby nocne), punkty i zakłady usługowe, których działalność oscyluje wokół automobilności (skupy palet, ciągników siodłowych lub/i naczep, miejsca napraw nawigacji i CB radia, wulkanizacje, stacje naprawcze, myjnie samochodowe), magazyny bądź bazy spedycyjno-logistyczne. Wizualności tej niemal wcale nie da się kojarzyć z tradycyjnie rozumianą wiejskością. Dodatkowo w okresie, w którym prowadziliśmy badania począwszy od naszych pierwszych wyjazdów terenowych pod koniec 2012 r., wizualność ta podlegała przemianom – z krajobrazu większości miejscowości zaczęły znikać małe lokalne sklepiki, niewielkie stacje benzynowe, przydrożne bary, a nawet motele i hotele. Zaczęło się za to pojawiać coraz więcej wielkoformatowych ogłoszeń o sprzedaży nieruchomości, zakończono budowę nowych centrów obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego (np. w Stoku czy Janisławcu), otwarto popularne w całej Polsce dyskonty spożywcze. Na pierwszy rzut oka wyraźne, lecz odmienne jakościowo, okazały się zmiany zachodzące w miejscowościach, na terenie których znajdują się zjazdy autostradowe (Trzciel, Torzym). Byliśmy świadkami modernizacji DK92 w Torzymiu, a także innych pomniejszych dróg gminnych i powiatowych, powstawania i otwarcia małych supermarketów, nowych stacji benzynowych, budowy nowych domów jednorodzinnych na obrzeżach niektórych miejscowości, rozbudowy infrastruktury rowerowej na terenach leśnych, procesu zanikania komunikacji publicznej wraz z degradacją przystanków autobusowych, zmian w natężeniu ruchu samochodowego DK92 (głównie osobowego oraz autokarowego). Od samego początku było jasne, iż pod wpływem otwarcia nowego odcinka autostrady oraz innych globalnych procesów politycznych i ekonomicznych badany obszar dotknięty został przez znaczące, lecz różne transformacje. Miejscowości do niedawna leżące przy głównej drodze tranzytowej łączącej Zachód ze Wschodem, 28 czerpiące korzyści z ruchu samochodowego, na skutek modernizacji poprzez rozbudowę infrastruktury dla mobilności oraz odroczone skutki potransformacyjne, zmuszone zostały do wynalezienia nowych strategii ekonomicznych oraz rewaloryzacji z jednej strony lokalności, z drugiej podejścia do idei przepływu. Wywołana przez te zmiany „trauma”, oraz teoretyczny wzrost potencjału mobilności sprowokowany „obecnością” A2 zadecydowały o tym, że procesy społeczno-ekonomiczne, które mieliśmy okazję obserwować przez blisko 4 lata, należy traktować jako niejednoznaczne – rządzące nimi reżimy, dyskursy i ich przejawy, a także sposoby wartościowania, doświadczania i wykorzystywania modernizacji okazały się ważne dla zrozumienia obecnej kondycji kultury społecznej i gospodarczej w Polsce lokalnej (Kuligowski, Stanisz 2015: 175-194). Poza miejscowościami położonymi wzdłuż starej dwójki terenem przeprowadzonych badań była także sama autostrada A2. Obserwowaliśmy Punkty Poboru Opłat w Gołuskach i Tarnawie, Miejsca Obsługi Pasażerów – tzw. MOP-y Konarzewo, Sędzinek-Zalesie, Wytomyśl-Kozielaski, Chociszewo-Rogoziniec, Walewice-Koryta, Gnilec-Sosna, Obwody Utrzymania Autostrady (OUA Bolewice, Biały Mur w Myszęcinie oraz Ilanka w Torzymiu). Miejscami, które odwiedziliśmy i dokumentowaliśmy były także tereny leśne rozciągające się między DK92 a autostradą A2, niezabudowane „zaplecza” poszczególnych miejscowości, autostradowe przejścia dla zwierząt oraz wewnętrzne drogi przyautostradowe. Teren badań pod względem dominujących narracji na temat autostrady A2 oraz kondycji społeczno-ekonomicznej dość wyraźnie dzieli się na dwie strefy: można je określić jako strefę nowej biedy (odcinki badawcze od I do III) oraz strefę nowej przedsiębiorczości (odcinki badawcze IV-V). Strefy te wyłoniły się w trakcie prowadzonych przez nas badań zupełnie przypadkowo, kiedy opracowywaliśmy logistykę dla grupowych badań pilotażowych. Po prostu dokonaliśmy podziału terenu na pół wzdłuż drogi ekspresowej S3. Jednakże te dwie połówki, które początkowo określaliśmy jako część „bliżej granicy” lub „zachodnią” oraz część „bliżej Poznania” lub „wschodnią” okazały się opozycyjne. Osobiście koordynowałam i prowadziłam badania w części zachodniej między Świebodzinem 29 �a Boczowem – teren ten reprezentuje nową przedsiębiorczość i nierzadko euforyczność względem idei modernizacji poprzez autostradę. Waldemarowi Kuligowskiemu przypadła w udziale część wschodnia położona między Bolewicami a Myszęcinem – strefa nowej biedy i fatalizmu (Kuligowski, Stanisz 2015: 175-194). Projekt: metodologie Wspomnieliśmy już, że w dorobku polskiej etnografii, etnologii i antropologii kulturowej nie było dotąd osobnych, systematycznych badań poświęconych krajobrazowi kulturowemu autostrady. Specyfika przedmiotów badań projektu wymagała zatem sięgnięcia nie tylko po narzędzia i koncepcje sformułowane przez badaczy „traumy wielkiej zmiany” w Polsce, ale także po idee wypracowane w ramach road studies. Nurt ten skupia się na badaniach „krajobrazów w ruchu”, czyli przepływu ludzi, towarów, znaczeń itp. w przestrzeniach współczesnych systemów komunikacyjnych (dróg, autostrad, ale także parkingów, stacji paliw, myjni samochodowych, moteli, barów itp.) (Erikson, Snead, Darling 2009). Obejmuje też różne typy krajobrazów kulturowych: od wiejskich dróg, zintegrowanych z krajobrazem, po gigantyczne węzły komunikacyjne i autostrady z ich inwazyjną i monumentalną infrastrukturą. Najbardziej znaczące są tutaj relacje między „nieruchomym” krajobrazem lokalności a mobilnością zdarzeń drogowych (Merriman 2007). Ten nurt analiz, aktywnie rozwijany w USA, Wielkiej Brytanii czy Francji, w Polsce jest niemal nieznany. Najbardziej adekwatną koncepcją badań jest w tym świetle „antropologia wielomiejscowa”. Przyjęta przez nas wielomiejscowość zakładała przeprowadzenie badań kilkuetapowych, w obrębie wcześniej wymienionych odcinków, przy udziale wielu badaczy oraz w zróżnicowanych środowiskach (mobilnie, stacjonarnie, symultanicznie i wahadłowo). W rezultacie zastosowania takiego podejścia zamierzaliśmy stworzyć serię studiów przypadków, dostarczającą jakościowo zaawansowanego, „gęstego” i ulokalnionego materiału. 30 Nasze podstawowe założenia metodologiczne odwołują się jednak nie tylko do metodologii etnografii wielomiejscowej (Marcus 1995: 95-117), zrywającej z tradycyjną konwencją prowadzenia badań etnograficznych zlokalizowanych w jednym miejscu, bowiem odwołujemy się również do paradygmatu nowych mobilności. Jakkolwiek na poziomie projektowania badań nie posłużyliśmy się pojęciem mobilności, pojawiło się ono w obserwowanym przez nas terenie niejako mimochodem (Stanisz 2015b: 213-226). Przedmiot naszych badań nie był ani jednorodny, ani też pojedynczy – nie była nim wyłącznie autostrada, droga krajowa, mała modernizacja czy strategie ekonomiczne lokalnych społeczności. Szybko okazało się, że prowadzimy badania w warunkach nieustannego ruchu. Przez „nasz” teren nieustannie przepływali, w różnych kierunkach i celach, używając różnych środków transportu, różni aktorzy społeczni: kierowcy tirów i busów, robotnicy drogowi, emigranci zarobkowi, przedstawiciele handlowi i turyści. W ruchu znajdowaliśmy się także my – badacze terenowi – przemieszczając się pomiędzy miejscowościami położonymi wzdłuż starej dwójki własnymi samochodami, autostopem, pociągami, autobusami, rowerami, pieszo. Ten obserwowany i doświadczany przez nas przepływ nie mógł być zamknięty w jednomiejscowej ramie. Wymagał on oczywiście kontekstualizowania, ponieważ wpływa na to, co lokalne, ale równie konieczne okazało się nieustanne porównywanie. W efekcie zakładany przez nas niedokończony proces modernizacji wywołany otwarciem odcinka A2 pomiędzy Świeckiem a Nowym Tomyślem był przez nas analizowany jako zakorzeniony w przestrzeni wielomiejscowej oraz w zróżnicowanych praktykach społecznych wielu podmiotów. Esencją założeń etnografii wielomiejscowej i mobilnej jest podążanie za ludźmi, połączeniami i skojarzeniami (Falzon 2009). Pojęcie etnografii mobilnej po raz pierwszy pojawiło się w pracy The new mobilities paradigm Mimi Sheller i Johna Urry’ego (2006). Metodologia ta jest rozwijana w oparciu o tradycyjne metody etnograficzne, które w przypadku badań prowadzonych w ruchu, a zatem w wielu miejscach, są w charakterystyczny sposób kombinowane – obok siebie najczęściej idą obserwacja, metody audiowizualne 31 �i wywiady (od nieustrukturyzowanych po biograficzne i narracyjne). Najistotniejszym założeniem tej metodologii jest podążanie badacza za ludźmi, które w zależności od rodzaju ich mobilności jest sezonowe, cykliczne bądź objazdowe. W tym sensie przypomina tzw. shadowing, obejmując cały wachlarz sposobów poruszania się za i wraz z ludźmi – od spacerowania po wielkoskalowe przemieszczanie się w obrębie aglomeracji miejskich, pomiędzy miastami czy przemieszczanie transgraniczne różnego rodzaju systemami transportu (Czarniawska 2007). Mobilna etnografia jest ściśle powiązana z wyłaniającą się w latach 80. XX w. metodologią etnografii wielomiejscowej, która ostatecznie podważyła tradycyjne, tj. konkretnie zlokalizowane geograficznie, rozumienie terenu w etnografii. Uogólniając założenie wielomiejscowości podejście to oznacza, że badacz może prowadzić badania w różnych lokalizacjach etnograficznych (Marcus 1995: 95-117). Była to odpowiedź na zapotrzebowanie studiów migracyjnych początkowo koncentrujących się na konsekwencjach przemieszczania się ludzi, zarówno w miejscach ich pochodzenia, jak i tych docelowych. Idea wielomiejscowości to poszukiwanie sposobów wyjaśnienia przepływu kulturowych znaczeń, rzeczy i tożsamości, które nie mogą być dłużej tłumaczone poprzez badania w jednym miejscu (Marcus 1998: 80). Jakkolwiek podejście to i tak polega na analizowaniu przestrzennej mobilności w oparciu o reprodukcję tradycyjnych i zlokalizowanych metod (etnograf bada kilka miejsc, a potem przeprowadza analizy porównawcze), to zawartość procesu przemieszczania i przepływu pomiędzy dwoma punktami pozostaje nieznana (Cresswell 2006: 2). Oczywiście, etnografia zawsze zakładała, że badacz gdzieś wyrusza (niezależnie od tego, czy będzie to wyprawa na drugi koniec świata czy do sąsiedniej dzielnicy miasta, które sam badacz stale zamieszkuje) i koncentruje się na lokalnym kontekście przez długi okres. Można więc rzec, iż tradycyjnie badania etnograficzne mogą być postrzegane jako niemobilne i zakorzenione podejście, tkwiące w specyfice kontekstu czy w pojedynczym lokalnym miejscu (Adey 2010: 70). Sama mobilność przez długi czas, znajdując się zresztą na obrzeżach akademickiego zainteresowania, była konceptualizowana jako 32 produkt relacji oraz działań społecznych. Jej rozumienie uległo zmianie wraz ze sformułowaniem paradygmatu nowej mobilności, który umieścił ruch i przepływ wśród najważniejszych praktyk społecznych, a w konsekwencji w centrum debat akademickich. Miejsce, terytorium i zakorzenienie nie stanowią już jedynych pól badawczych dla badań społecznych. Ten nowy trend spowodował, że etnografia została zmuszona do zaadaptowania mobilnych metod badań, choć oczywiście nie zastąpią one całkowicie tych tradycyjnych. Mobilność jako nieunikniona praktyka społeczna warunkuje metodę etnografii mobilnej, zarówno ontologicznie, hermeneutycznie, jak i epistemologicznie. Według Sheller i Urry’ego istnieje kilka wyłaniających się form mobilnej etnografii, które wymagają uczestnictwa we wzorach ruchu w trakcie badań (Sheller, Urry 2006: 217). Urry w książce Mobility wyjaśnia, że mobilna etnografia może wymagać podróżowania z ludźmi ze względu na to, iż jest to jedyna forma doznania ich sposobu życia. Poprzez współobecność i zanurzenie badacz porusza się w taki sposób, w jaki poruszają się ludzie, których bada – po drodze oczywiście przeprowadza się wywiady, stosuje obserwację oraz wszelkie inne techniki badawcze. Jest to więc forma uczestnictwa i przede wszystkim doświadczenia określonych wzorów ruchu (Czarniawska 2007; Urry 2007: 40). W naszym rozumieniu metodologia ta pozwala na nową translację tradycyjnej obserwacji uczestniczącej w kontekście mobilności. Oznacza to, że pracą etnografa nie ma być wyłącznie obserwacja tego, co się dzieje, lecz przede wszystkim doświadczanie i odczuwanie z uwzględnieniem wielozmysłowej partycypacji – powinna zatem uprawomocniać także pozawizualne wymiary rzeczywistości, czyli tekstury, zapachy, dźwięki oraz wszelkiego rodzaju wrażenia motoryczne. Podobne podejście można odnaleźć w książce Mobile methods Moniki Büscher, Urry’ego i Katian Witchger (2011). Opisują oni nowe możliwości w badaniach zjawisk o charakterze mobilnym, które zawarte są w doświadczeniach zmysłowych, emocjonalnych, kinestetycznych, przelotnych i niekoniecznie przyczynowo-skutkowych. Jest to zatem rodzaj dochodzenia w ruchu, podążanie wzdłuż, shadowing, „etnograficzny stalking”, uczestnicząca interwencja, które pozwalają na stawianie pytań o to, co się zmienia, 33 �co pozostaje takie samo, o konfigurację i rekonfigurację przedmiotów, przestrzeni, ludzi oraz informacji (Büscher i in. 2011: 1-13; por. Fincham i in. 2010: 5). Przyjęte przez nas metodologie pozwoliły nam zaprojektować badania etnograficzne jako serię porównań i odniesień, w których narodowe i międzynarodowe modernizacje zderzają się ze sobą oraz stają się integralną częścią symultanicznych oraz paralelnych sytuacji lokalnych. Wielkie modernizacje nie są ani monolityczne, ani też zewnętrzne wobec tego, co lokalne. W efekcie zastosowania etnografii wielomiejscowej i mobilnej w ruch zostaliśmy wprawieni nie tylko my – badacze – ale także techniki badań, analizy i interpretacji; sprowokowało to proces nieustannego porównywania, powracania, powtarzania, weryfikowania i krzyżowania danych. Wierzymy, że był to najbardziej adekwatny sposób na zbadanie współczesnych zjawisk społecznych w odniesieniu do efektów budowy autostrady. Poruszanie się z miejsca na miejsce, „robienie etnografii w ruchu” w wielomiejscowym terenie wydało nam się najbardziej słuszne. Projekt: metody Zrealizowane przez nas badania zaprojektowaliśmy jako wieloetapowe. Użyliśmy metod porównawczych, które pozwoliły nam na ukazanie wielu różnych oddolnych perspektyw. Wszystkie analizy, interpretacje oraz teoretyczne twierdzenia bazują na dwóch rodzajach danych. Po pierwsze, są to źródła zastane, takie jak: literatura regionalistyczna, oficjalne dokumenty samorządowe, raporty i dyrektywy, ustawy i uchwały związane z infrastrukturą drogową (publikowane przez Komisję Europejską, Ministerstwo Infrastruktury i Budownictwa, GDDKiA, urzędy wojewódzkie, starostwa powiatowe i samorządy), artykuły prasowe, treści internetowe (blogi, fanpage’e, portale urzędów gmin), opracowania statystyczne, mapy topograficzne i satelitarne, archiwalne materiały audiowizualne (fotografie, filmy wideo, reportaże radiowe, informacje telewizyjne). Po drugie wykorzystaliśmy źródła wywołane, które określamy 34 mianem wiedzy terenowej: są to wszelkiego rodzaju materiały zebrane przez nas oraz wszystkich badaczy terenowych w trakcie wizji lokalnych, badań pilotażowych oraz pogłębionych przy użyciu metody obserwacji, wywiadów etnograficznych, etnografii wizualnej oraz audioetnografii. Badania, które zrealizowaliśmy w ramach projektu miały więc charakter zarówno etnograficzny, czyli były ugruntowane w terenie, jak i analityczny oraz ewaluacyjny. Nasze działania objęły kolejno: – badania kartograficzne, których celem było zebranie informacji na temat zmian krajobrazowych, jakie zaszły na interesującym nas terenie; nabranie kompetencji w zakresie wiedzy na temat rozplanowania przestrzennego poszczególnych miejscowości (kompetencje te miały usprawnić późniejsze badania terenowe); nabycie wstępnej orientacji w terenie, tak by poznać realne odległości i kierunki; – badania archiwalno-internetowe realizowane w oparciu o źródła zastane – literaturę regionalistyczną, powiatowe i gminne portale internetowe, raporty statystyczne czy wykazy działalności gospodarczych. Badania stanowiły podstawę dla wizji lokalnych oraz zespołowych badań pilotażowych. Ich celem było zgromadzenie szczegółowych informacji na temat przemian demograficznych, struktury społecznej, funkcjonowania samorządów, istniejącej infrastruktury technicznej, kulturalno-oświatowej i technicznej, aktywności lokalnych organizacji samorządowych, oddolnych działań obywatelskich, planowanych inwestycji czy specyfiki miejscowej przedsiębiorczości etc.; – wizje lokalne przeprowadzone wiosną 2014 r., które wiązały się z kilkoma wizytami w siedzibach poszczególnych gmin. Ich celami były spotkania z włodarzami gmin, nawiązanie kontaktów z innymi lokalnymi autorytetami i aktywistami, weryfikacja podstawowych informacji o poszczególnych miejscowościach, na temat planów inwestycyjnych, przeprowadzenie kwerend w lokalnych bibliotekach oraz zebranie wstępnego materiału wizualnego (Stanisz 2014b); – badania autostradowe – prowadzone jako powtarzalne i mobilne w latach 2014-2016 w formie przejazdów autostradą A2 na trasie 35 �– – – – Poznań-Świecko, Świecko-Poznań. W ich ramach przeprowadzaliśmy obserwacje w Punktach Poboru Opłat oraz Miejscach Obsługi Podróżnych; zespołowe mobilne badania pilotażowe, które zostały zrealizowane we wrześniu 2014 r. przez dwie 8-osobowe grupy badawcze w obrębie 5 odcinków badawczych we wszystkich wchodzących w ich skład miejscowościach. W badania te byli zaangażowani doktoranci oraz studenci IEiAK UAM w Poznaniu. Zostały zaprojektowane w ten sposób, by obie grupy prowadziły badania symultanicznie (począwszy od Boczowa oraz Bolewic) przemieszczając się co 3-4 dni do wyznaczonych baz badawczych, z których badacze codziennie wyruszali w teren. Ich zadaniem było prowadzenie nieustrukturyzowanych wywiadów etnograficznych oraz zebranie materiałów audiowizualnych; pogłębione badania stacjonarne i mobilne zrealizowane od wiosny do jesieni 2015 r. przez 9 badaczy w oparciu o tematy wyłonione w trakcie pilotażu. Główną metodą badawczą była obserwacja uczestnicząca uzupełniana rozmowami z mieszkańcami miejscowości położonymi wzdłuż DK92. Każdy z badaczy spędził w terenie jeden miesiąc – niektórzy z nich zmieniali miejsce tymczasowego zamieszkania, inni pozostawali w jednej lokalizacji jak np. w Mostkach czy Torzymiu; badania audioetnograficzne zakładające aplikację metody dziennikarskiej w oparciu o założenia antropologii dźwięków i akustemologię. W ich rezultacie w roku 2016 powstało 5 etnograficznych reportaży radiowych, których tematy wyłoniliśmy na podstawie badań pogłębionych. Reportaże stanowią integralną część niniejszej książki i mają służyć jako alternatywny sposób prezentacji wiedzy terenowej; badania uzupełniające przeprowadzone w 2015 i 2016 r. Pierwsze z nich miały charakter mobilny i zostały zrealizowane wzdłuż DK92 na odcinku między Poznaniem a Pniewami, a zatem na terenie miejscowości których dotąd nie obserwowaliśmy. Uzupełnienie badań o obserwacje tego fragmentu starej dwójki wiązało się ze zmianami, jakie zaszły na tym terenie – rozwój strefy magazynowej, pojawienie się nowych barów przydrożnych oraz 36 nowych firm spedycyjnych. Drugie badania uzupełniające przeprowadziliśmy w Porcie 2000 w Mostkach, koncentrując się wyłącznie na grupie społeczno-zawodowej, jaką stanowią kierowcy ciągników siodłowych. Na każdym etapie badań ugruntowanych w terenie docieraliśmy do przedstawicieli różnych środowisk: do reprezentantów lokalnych autorytetów i aktywistów (prowadziliśmy rozmowy z samorządowcami, osobami zaangażowanymi w działalność organizacji pozarządowych, policjantami, strażakami, księżmi, leśnikami, nauczycielami, pracownikami bibliotek, ośrodków kultury, przedstawicielkami kół gospodyń wiejskich, obecnymi i byłymi sołtysami i sołtyskami), lokalnych przedsiębiorców (hotelarzy, właścicieli barów, klubów nocnych, sklepów, parkingów, skupów palet, myjni samochodowych, osób prowadzących różnego rodzaju usługi, w tym trudniących się przydrożną sprzedażą krasnali ogrodowych, płodów rolnych i leśnych) i ich pracowników (od kierowników stacji benzynowych po osoby prowadzące toalety publiczne), dalej do osób zatrudnionych w Obwodach Utrzymania Autostrady, pracujących w Punktach Poboru Opłat, do robotników drogowych, kierowców ciężarówek i busów, emigrantów zarobkowych, turystów i wreszcie do „zwykłych” mieszkańców poszczególnych miejscowości. Podsumowując – zastosowanie różnych metod i technik badawczych (obserwacji uczestniczącej i nieuczestniczącej, jawnej i niejawnej, nieustrukturyzowanych wywiadów i swobodnych rozmów, fieldrecordingu i fotografii) pozwoliło nam na: – obserwację bezpośrednich i pośrednich powiązań między otwarciem w 2011 r. autostrady A2 na odcinku Świecko-Nowy Tomyśl a społeczno-kulturowymi zmianami zachodzącymi w miejscowościach położonych przy DK92, zwłaszcza w kontekście szeroko rozumianego krajobrazu kulturowego; – identyfikację dynamiki oddolnych strategii ekonomicznych przedsiębranych przez lokalne społeczności; – ujawnienie wewnętrznych powiązań i sprzężeń miedzy narodowymi i międzynarodowymi ideologiami rozwojowymi 37 �i modernizacyjnymi a działaniami (administracyjnymi, inwestycyjnymi, lobbingowymi) samorządów lokalnych; – analizę wpływu polskiego dyskursu modernizacyjnego ostatnich lat oraz „orientacji na Zachód” na dyskursy lokalnych autorytetów, przedsiębiorców oraz tzw. zwykłych mieszkańców; wyłonienie narracji o modernizacji ulokalnionej z wielu perspektyw: lokalnych autorytetów, przedsiębiorców, mieszkańców, turystów oraz innych grup społecznych stale przepływających przez badany przez nas teren (np. kierowców ciągników siodłowych, emigrantów, robotników drogowych). – uchwycenie korelacji między modernizacją technokratyczną a społeczną, a także przemian struktur przestrzennych oraz sposobów ich doświadczania przez mieszkańców modernizowanych obszarów. Autostrada: historia i mit Nazwa autostrada wywodzi się z języka włoskiego, w którym połączenie „auto” i „strada” oznacza „drogę samochodową”. W innych językach znajdziemy mniej lub bardziej zbliżone odpowiedniki tego słowa: po niemiecku – autobahn; po francusku – autoroute; po angielsku – expressway, throughway, thruway, parkway, freeway, superhighway, motorway; po rosyjsku – автомагистрал; po czesku – dálnice; po słowacku – diaľnica; po baskijsku – autobidea. Termin autostrada – jakkolwiek po włosku oznaczający po prostu „drogę samochodową” – nie odnosi się oczywiście do wszystkich typów dróg, użytkowanych w transporcie lądowym. Trasy autostrad prowadzi się tak, by wyeliminować ostre zakręty, ich profil podłużny pozbawiony jest ostrych spadków i podjazdów. Każda jezdnia autostrady musi być wyposażona w co najmniej dwa pasma ruchu, oddzielne dla każdego kierunku, szeroki pas awaryjny, a także bezkolizyjne skrzyżowania oraz wjazdy i zjazdy. Autostrady są drogami pierwszej klasy technicznej i obsługują głównie ruch tranzytowy. Ich nawierzchnia może być bitumiczna (elastyczna) bądź betonowa (sztywna). Konieczne są bariery przeciwolśnieniowe między pasmami ruchu, duże i czytelne oznakowania, oświetlenie w miejscach niebezpiecznych, bariery ochronne i ogrodzenia, ekrany akustyczne i miejsca obsługi podróżnych. Wszystkie te parametry mają służyć jednemu nadrzędnemu celowi – szybkiemu przejazdowi aut. Idea budowy drogi pozwalającej na szybkie przemieszczanie się bez ryzyka wypadków, początkowo lokowana była w sferze społecznych i technologicznych marzeń czy nieomal utopii. Jeszcze w 1934 r., Ritchie Calder, szkocki dziennikarz i działacz społeczny, w profetycznym tonie pisał: „W ciągu najbliższych trzydziestu 39 �lat nasze główne drogi przyjmą postać autostrad, a błyskawiczne samochody będą zespolone z niemi tak harmonijnie, jak kolejowe pociągi z szynami. Pospolici kierowcy i ich samochody zostaną z nich usunięci; nie będzie też na nich konnego lub pieszego ruchu; dostęp z dróg bocznych będzie odcięty (…). Będziemy przebywać 600 km autostrady w mniej niż w 4 godziny” (Calder 1936: 134-135). Można powiedzieć, że kulturowa genealogia autostrady zaplata się z programami realizacji dwóch ważnych, zachodnich mitów: wolności i mobilności. Pierwszy z tych mitów okazał się na tyle trwały i wpływowy, że autostrada A2, która połączyła Warszawę z zachodnią granicą Polski w czerwcu 2014 r. oficjalnie nazwana została właśnie „Autostradą Wolności”1. Mit mobilności natomiast – jako określona wizja świata, społeczeństwa, jednostek i ich wolności – powstawał synchronicznie z pierwszymi autostradami. Porządek mobilności jest wszak porządkiem kapitalizmu, uprzestrzenniającym stosunki społeczne i wyrażającym się poprzez hasła w rodzaju: „rusz się – a twoje problemy znikną” (Borja, Courty, Ramadier 2015: 5). Za europejskiego ojca-założyciela autostrad uważa się włoskiego inżyniera Piero Puricelli’ego. W styczniu 1922 r., w przygotowanym przez niego dokumencie, po raz pierwszy użyto terminu „autostrada” (Greco, Ragazzi 2005: 122). Dokument ten przedstawiał korzyści płynące z szybkiego przemieszczania się ludzi oraz towarów drogami zbudowanymi w linii prostej, bez zakrętów i innych barier. Wizja Puricelli’ego zyskała uznanie: w marcu 1923 r., w oficjalnej uroczystości inaugurującej projekt budowlany wziął udział sam Benito Mussolini. Fakt ten wyraźnie wskazuje na to, że pierwsza europejska autostrada była postrzegana jako przedsięwzięcie na 1 40 Po niemieckiej stronie „Autostrada Wolności” nosi miano „Autobahn der Freiheit”. Informuje o tym pięć tablic (na odcinku Frankfurt-Poczdam); w Polsce natomiast pełnią tę funkcję 24 tablice (na 580-kilometrowym odcinku Świecko-Warszawa). Należy jednak zaznaczyć, że identyczna nazwa bynajmniej nie odnosi się w tym przypadku do tych samych wydarzeń. W Polsce chodzi o rocznicę wolnych wyborów z 4 czerwca 1989 r., zapoczątkowujących transformację ustrojową w całym tzw. Bloku Wschodnim. W Niemczech z kolei idzie o rocznicę masowych demonstracji z Lipska (9 października 1989), postrzeganych jako bezpośredni impuls prowadzący do zburzenia muru berlińskiego i reunifikacji Niemiec (A12 wird zur „Autobahn der Freiheit”). wskroś polityczne, stając się emblematem ideologii określanej jako „technologiczny nacjonalizm” (Moraglio 2017). Po oficjalnej fecie, 21 września 1924 r. zaczęły się prace przy 85-kilometrowym odcinku „autostrady jezior” Mediolan-Varese (Koziarski 2004: 33). Budowę ukończono w ciągu 20 miesięcy. Była to jedyna w ówczesnej Europie droga pozbawiona skrzyżowań. Tym samym rozpoczął się nowy etap w historii infrastruktury drogowej (Vahrenkamp 2012: 125), a sam Puricelli zyskał miano „père de l’autoroute” (Schipper 2008: 104). Bardzo szybko inżynierska, innowacyjna koncepcja Puricelli’ego została przechwycona przez reżim Benito Mussoliniego. Faszystowski przywódca zakładał, że prace przy autostradach przyczynią się do ożywienia gospodarczego całego kraju, zwiększą jego prestiż międzynarodowy, a także zredukują stopę bezrobocia. Dla realizacji planów połączenia najważniejszych miast północy Włoch założono państwowe przedsiębiorstwo Autostrade SpA. Powołanie tej spółki było jednym z pierwszych aktów administracyjnych rządu Mussoliniego. W chwili przystąpienia do wojny, Włochy miały już prawie 500 km betonowych autostrad. Innym europejskim pionierem w budowie autostrad były Niemcy. Ze ściśle historycznego punktu widzenia w tym kraju koncepcja budowy autostrady narodziła się wcześniej niż we Włoszech w pracowni „père de l’autoroute”. Towarzystwo automobilistów Automobile Verkhers und Ubungs Strasse (AVUS) już w 1909 r. sformułowało pomysł budowy bezkolizyjnej drogi z separacją ruchu w dwóch przeciwnych kierunkach (Koziarski 2004: 13-14). Pionierski pomysł doczekał się częściowej realizacji. We wrześniu 1921 r. oddano 10-kilometrowy odcinek drogi wylotowej z Berlina w kierunku zachodnim. Zbudowano ją na piaszczystych, porośniętym wrzosami, terenach dzielnicy Grünewald. Podczas I wojny światowej do prac przy budowie tej drogi wykorzystywano krótko rosyjskich jeńców wojennych (Berend 2008: 108). Palma pierwszeństwa w europejskiej historii budowy autostrad należy zatem do Niemiec, jakkolwiek w sposób kompleksowy po raz pierwszy zrealizowana została na terenie Włoch. 41 �Inicjatywa AVUS była tylko preludium do podjęcia przez Niemcy robót na wielką skalę. Rządowy program ich budowy został opracowany przez socjaldemokratyczny rząd Friedricha Eberta. Pierwszym spektakularnym efektem tego programu stało się oddanie do użytku 6 sierpnia 1932 r. 20-kilometrowego odcinka autostrady, łączącego Kolonię z Bonn. Droga ta jest użytkowana do dzisiaj, stając się przy okazji pretekstem do artystycznych interpretacji (o czym później). Program budowy sieci autostrad uznany został następnie za jeden z priorytetów nazistowskiego rządu Adolfa Hitlera, który postanowił konsekwentnie iść tropem wyznaczonym przez Mussoliniego. Budowa autostrad ponownie stała się kluczowym elementem modernizacyjnym i antyrecesyjnym. Zakładano, że ich budowa powinna przynieść istotne korzyści militarne (możliwość szybkiego przemieszczania wojsk), a także wymierne korzyści społeczne (przede wszystkim umasowienie motoryzacji oraz zredukowanie stopy bezrobocia). W latach 1933-1934 Niemcy przystąpiły do realizacji szeroko zakrojonego programu stworzenia nowoczesnej infrastruktury drogowej: różnej długości autostrady powstawały w prowincjach zachodnich, na terenie Prus Wschodnich i Śląska. Corocznie niemiecka sieć Reichsautobahn powiększała się o kilkaset km (Vahrenkamp 2010: 1). W Prusach Wschodnich podjęto prace w trzech miejscach, dążąc do stworzenia autostradowego połączenia Królewca i Elbląga z Gdańskiem. Budowa tej trasy, liczącej niemal 100 km, rozbiła się w o status Gdańska jako wolnego miasta (Koziarski 2004: 47). Żądanie przeprowadzenia eksterytorialnej autostrady Berlin-Królewiec przez należące do Polski Pomorze stało się treścią ultimatum Hitlera z października 1938 r. (obejmowało ono także włączenie do III Rzeszy Gdańska i faktyczne sprowadzenie Polski do roli państwa wasalnego). Akt ten miał ogromne znaczenie, zmienił bowiem dotychczasowe działania infrastrukturalne w stricte polityczne, a w konsekwencji także militarne – stał się bowiem jedną z przyczyn prowadzących ostatecznie do wybuchu II wojny światowej (Żerko 1998). Do wybuchu II wojny światowej zdecydowanym liderem budowy autostrad w Europie były Niemcy; w istocie, powstała tam pierwsza 42 na świecie sieć autostrad. W roku 1939 liczyła ona łącznie około 3 tys. km (Vahrenkamp 2010: 1). Dla porównania, w faszystowskich Włoszech zbudowano przed 1939 rokiem 474 km autostrad (Koziarski 2004: 34), a w Holandii – gdzie nowoczesną infrastrukturę drogową zaczęto budować w 1933 r. – nieco ponad 100 km (Koziarski 2004: 93). Jak wspomniałem, inwestycje autostradowe i związane z nimi programy subwencji rządowych wpisywano w przedsięwzięcia o charakterze modernizacyjnym (na poziomie krajowym) i rewitalizacyjnym (na poziomie lokalnym). Motyw wspólnej pracy2 dla ojczyzny, wizerunek Hitlera z łopatą i szczęśliwej niemieckiej rodziny podróżującej autostradą stały się ważnymi elementami nazistowskiej propagandy. Nico Voigtländer i Hans-Joachim Voth (2004) przekonują, że projekt Autobahn – oraz idea „zmotoryzowania” Niemiec dzięki tanim i dostępnym samochodom – pozwolił Hitlerowi na zmarginalizowanie znaczenia opozycji i w konsekwencji przyczyniły się do jego zwycięstwa w narodowym referendum w 1934 r., oddającym mu pełnię władzy. Na tle europejskim, o którym była dotąd mowa, znacząco inaczej wygląda geneza budowy autostrad na terenie Stanów Zjednoczonych. Można powiedzieć, że miejsce i funkcje reżimów politycznych Europy zajęły w USA reżimy ekonomiczne. Punktem wyjścia są w tym wypadku wielkie projekty budowy kolei transkontynentalnej. W 1869 r. miało miejsce otwarcie pierwszej z nich, w roku 1883 ukończoną drugą. Szybko między oboma liniami narodziła się konkurencyjna walka cenowa, w rezultacie której podróż znad Atlantyku nad Pacyfik stała się tania i dostępna (skutkując swoistą „premią przesiedleńczą” dla osadników). Koniunktura kolejowa nie trwała jednak zbyt długo. Kres położyło jej pojawienie się Forda T, samochodu o prostej konstrukcji, produkowanego przez Ford Motor Company w latach 1908-1927. Cena tego samochodu malała z roku na rok, a jego całkowita sprzedaż wyniosła 15 mln sztuk. 2 Jakkolwiek Hitler zapowiadał, że przy budowie autostrad znajdzie zatrudnienie 600 tys. Niemców, to w szczytowym okresie udało się do nich zaangażować tylko 125 tys. osób. Te dane należy jednak postrzegać w szerszym kontekście: o ile w 1933 r. w Niemczech pozbawionych pracy było 6 mln ludzi, o tyle w 1935 r. znacznie mniej, bo już 2,5 mln (Voigtländer, Voth 2004: 8). 43 �Zarządy kolei próbowały się bronić przed ekspansją ruchu drogowego. Zwiększano komfort podróży (spalinowozy o aerodynamicznych kształtach, wagony ze stali nierdzewnej, prędkości przewyższające 160 km/h, wagony z panoramicznymi „kopułami” albo piętrowe z galeriami3), inwestując ogromne kwoty dla zatrzymania pasażerów. Dodatkowym problemem dla kolei okazała się ponadto szybki rozwój transportu ciężarowego, a także lotów krajowych i spedycji rurociągami). W latach 60. XX w. nastąpił przełom: liczba pasażerów kolei spadła o 48%, rósł ich deficyt, zamykano też kolejne linie lokalne, średnio 1,5 tys. km rocznie. Subsydia państwowe coraz wyraźniej kierowano na inwestycje drogowe związane z transportem drogowym. Jednoznacznym symptomem zmiany ekonomicznego i infrastrukturalnego kursu Stanów Zjednoczonych stał się akt prawny „Federal Aid Highway Act”, podpisany przez prezydenta Dwighta Eisenhowera w 1956 r. Akt ten powoływał do życia National System of Interstate and Defense Highways. Eisenhower nazwany został w związku z tym – analogicznie do Puricelli’ego we Włoszech – „Father of the Interstate System”. Co ciekawe, jako dowódca sił alianckich w Europie Północno-Zachodniej, późniejszy prezydent USA kontrolował także sieć autostrad podbitych Niemiec. To doświadczenie uświadomiło mu militarne i spedycyjne wartości bezkolizyjnych dróg szybkiego ruchu (Snyder 2006). Zapoczątkowany w 1956 r. program budowy autostrad „międzystanowych i obronnych” oficjalnie zakończony został w 1991 r. Oddano wówczas do użytku wszystkie pierwotnie zaplanowane połączenia (z wyjątkiem niesławnej przerwy w autostradzie I-95 w stanie New Jersey i odcinków, których budowa została zaniechana). Całkowita długość amerykańskiej sieci autostrad w 2013 r. wynosiła 47 856 mil, czyli ponad 77 tys. km (Office of Highway Po‑ licy Information 2014). 3 44 W maju 1914 r. nowatorskim wagonem pulmanowskim podróżował Ishi, ostatni przedstawiciel kalifornijskiego plemienia Yahi, który dożył swoich dni w kalifornijskim Muzeum Antropologii. Wagon był wyposażony w podnoszone i obracane łóżka, lampki w ścianie, dzwonek, osobną umywalkę z klozetem. „Ishi wybrał górne łóżko, wchodzenie po drabince i górna pozycja były dla niego bardziej interesujące i egzotyczne od innych urządzeń” (Kroeber 1978: 173). Okres powojenny w Europie charakteryzował się stałym powiększaniem się sieci autostradowych. Przodowały w tym względzie kraje pionierskie, o których była już mowa: Niemcy, Holandia i Włochy. Na przełomie lat 50. i 60. do tworzenia własnych sieci przystąpiły rządy Belgii, Francji, Wielkiej Brytanii, Austrii i Szwajcarii. W latach kolejnych dołączyły do nich Hiszpania, Portugalia, Luksemburg, Grecja, Dania, Finlandia, Szwecja, Norwegia i Irlandia (Koziarski 2004: 21). Decyzje władz motywowane były tym samymi względami: zwiększającą się liczbą użytkowanych samochodów i rosnącym udziałem transportu drogowego w przewozach zarówno osób, jak i towarów. Mobilność jako idea, wzmocniona przez kapitalistyczną potrzebę szybkiej spedycji, w drugiej połowie XX w. skutkowała myśleniem w kategoriach rozbudowywania infrastruktury drogowej, w tym także autostradowej. Warto zauważyć coś jeszcze: budowa sieci autostradowych miała być remedium nie tylko na zatykające się drogi, rosnącą liczbę aut i potężniejący ruch transportowy, ale także tragicznie wysoki poziom wypadków drogowych. Tylko w Wielkiej Brytanii w 1931 r. na drogach zginęło ponad 7 tys. osób (czyli statystycznie 20 osób dziennie!), a użytkowano wtedy 2,3 mln pojazdów (The Original Highway Code 2008: 6). Obecnie na brytyjskich drogach porusza się ponad 30 milionów aut, ale liczba wypadków drogowych, w porównaniu z latami 30., spadła o połowę. Rozwiązaniem mającym minimalizować ryzyko poruszania się po drogach było wydanie w marcu 1931 r. pierwszego „Kodeksu drogowego”, promowanego jako „zbiór dobrych obyczajów przestrzeganych przez uprzejmych i rozważnych ludzi” (The Original Highway Code 2008: 6). Ten bardzo ciekawy dokument – zasadnie dający się dzisiaj czytać w kategoriach elementu „procesu cywilizacji” Norberta Eliasa (2011a; 2011b), tyle że przesuniętego do nowoczesności – zawierał rozdziały poświęcone kierowcom aut i motocykli, ale także pieszym, woźnicom, jeźdźcom oraz „osobom prowadzącym inne zwierzęta”. Piąte wydanie brytyjskiego Highway Code z 1959 r. po raz pierwszy obejmowało także instrukcje dotyczące bezpiecznego poruszania się po autostradzie. Było to uzasadnione, bowiem rok wcześniej otwarto pionierski odcinek Preston Bypass, w 1960 r. uruchomiono 45 �natomiast pierwszy odcinek autostrady M1. Nie istniały wówczas jakiekolwiek ograniczenia prędkości dla pojazdów jeżdżących autostradą. Bardzo szybko okazało się to błędnym rozwiązaniem i po serii gigantycznych karamboli w gęstej mgle, już w 1965 r. ograniczono dopuszczalną prędkość do 70 mil na godzinę (The Original Highway Code 2008: 91). Nowoczesny „proces cywilizacji”, dotyczący kierowców, a szczególnie użytkowników dróg, postępował w ten sposób naprzód. Dynamiczny rozrost europejskich sieci autostradowych należy także lokować w kontekście ekonomicznym. Hartmut Kaelble w Społecznej historii Europy w następujący sposób puentował lata 50. i 60.: „Europejskie społeczeństwo przemysłowe przeżywało swój ostatni szczytowy okres (…). W tym czasie nastało społeczeństwo masowej konsumpcji, a wraz z nią era samochodu i telewizji” (Kaelble 2010: 308). Podkreślić należy przy tym, że w krajach dawnego Bloku Wschodniego procesy te, a więc także szybka budowa nowoczesnej infrastruktury drogowej, występowały w mniejszym natężeniu. Faworyzowany przemysł ciężki potrzebował raczej przewozu ładunków masowych, obsługiwanych przez linie kolejowe. Autostrady zaczęto włączać do planów inwestycyjnych dopiero na przełomie lat 60. i 70., a realizowano je później, często tylko w części i bardzo długo. W konsekwencji, nie tworzyły one systemów, nie były też połączone z sieciami autostrad Europy Zachodniej. W znaczący sposób zmieniały się zasady finansowania inwestycji autostradowych. Do początku lat 60. w Europie dominował państwowy patronat: w Niemczech, Holandii, Belgii i Wielkiej Brytanii budowa i utrzymanie systemów drogowych były finansowane niemal wyłącznie ze środków budżetu państwa. W kolejnej dekadzie we Francji, Hiszpanii, Włoszech i Portugalii wprowadzono tzw. model użytkownika. Polegał on na refinansowaniu inwestycji oraz finansowaniu eksploatacji, które bazowało na środkach pozyskanych z opłat. Przy czym wielkość opłat pobieranych za korzystanie z autostrad uzależniona była albo od wielkości samochodu albo od długości przejechanego odcinka (Koziarski 2004: 25). Lata 90. przyniosły kolejne zmiany i nowe regulacje. Dotychczasowe rozwiązania okazały się coraz mniej skuteczne w obliczu 46 kryzysu budżetów publicznych i jednoczesnego ciągłego wzrostu natężenia ruchu drogowego. Sięgnięto zatem po dwa modele: Public-Private Partnership (PPP) oraz Built-Operate-Transfer (BOT). Inwestycje, które powstają w ramach tych dwu modeli refinansuje się z opłat drogowych. Zakłada się w tych przypadkach współpracę między jednostkami administracji publicznej (rządowej oraz samorządowej) i podmiotami prywatnymi. Współpraca taka opiera się na długoterminowych umowach, a prywatyzacji ulega jedynie sfera działań gospodarczych, w wypadku autostrad obejmująca ich finansowanie, budowę, eksploatację i utrzymanie. Natomiast kwestie dostępności usług i ich poziomu pozostają w gestii władz publicznych. Jakkolwiek oba modele mieszczą się w polu koncesjonowania, to istnieją między nimi pewne różnice. Formuła „zbuduj-eksploatuj-przekaż” (BOT) dotyczy raczej pojedynczych inwestycji, a nie całych sieci. Refinansowanie inwestycji częściej przeprowadza się też ze środków publicznych niż opłat nakładanych na użytkowników. W tym kontekście wymowna jest globalna dynamika sięgania po drugi model, czyli partnerstwo publiczno-prywatne (PPP). O ile w 1997 r. świadomie stosowano go w pięciu krajach (Wielka Brytania, Austria, Australia, Japonia, RPA), o tyle w 2010 r. rozwiązania tego rodzaju obecne były w większości państw świata (Raport o partnerstwie publiczno-prywatnym w Polsce 2013: 13). Domeną stosowania PPP na świecie jest edukacja, jednak najwyższa wartość realizowanych projektów dotyczy infrastruktury drogowej (Raport o partnerstwie publiczno-prywatnym w Polsce 2013: 31). Autostrada A2 powstała właśnie na zasadach modelu partnerstwa publiczno-prywatnego. 30 października 2000 r. – po długotrwałych negocjacjach – spółka Autostrada Wielkopolska S.A. podpisała umowę zamknięcia finansowego Umowy Koncesyjnej. W myśl jej postanowień, autostrada A2 Świecko-Nowy Tomyśl-Konin stała się drogą koncesjonowaną, powstałą ze środków niepublicznych, pochodzących m.in. od Credit Lyonaise i Commerzbanku. Skarb Państwa natomiast udzielił gwarancji pożyczkowych (Koziarski 2004: 141). Należy dodać, że Autostrada Wielkopolska 47 �S. A. była pionierskim w Polsce podmiotem niepublicznym zaangażowanym w budowę infrastruktury autostradowej. Oczywiście, autostrada nie jest tylko obiektem materialnym, czy elementem programów politycznych i strategii ekonomicznych. Upowszechnienie się tego typu dróg stało się faktem kulturowym, który wyraża się w czymś więcej niż liczba aut czy wielkość przewozu. Widać bowiem wyraźnie, że autostrada stała się także czymś na kształt toposu, a może nawet mitu w znaczeniu, które nadał temu terminowi Roland Barthes (2000). Znaczące jest, w jaki sposób francuski semiolog opisywał auto: „Myślę, że samochód jest dzisiaj wystarczająco dokładnym odpowiednikiem wielkich gotyckich katedr (…) wielkim tworem epoki powstałym w namiętnej wyobraźni nieznanych artystów, prowadzonym w marzeniach, jeśli nie na jawie, przez cały naród, który przywłaszcza sobie pod jego postacią przedmiot całkowicie magiczny” (Barthes 2000: 190)4. „Magiczność” samochodu miała brać się z jego „nowości” i „doskonałości” o raczej nadprzyrodzonym rodowodzie. Takie atrybuty auta, jak prędkość, aerodynamiczność i komfort zostały przez jego „publiczność” nie tylko przyjęte, ale także powitane z entuzjazmem. Który następnie szybko przemienił się w postawę dostosowania i użyteczności – „Trzeba się do tego przyzwyczaić” (Barthes 2000: 192). Można powiedzieć, że w tym spuentowanym przez Barthesa procesie – od zachwytu do utylitaryzmu – zawiera się także najbardziej popularna postawa wobec autostrady. Wprowadzana jako wspaniała nowinka inżynierska, będąca przy okazji lekiem na bezrobocie, kryzys ekonomiczny i zapchane szlaki komunikacyjne, ostatecznie stawała się przedmiotem użytku, do którego zalet i wad należało się po prostu przyzwyczaić. Co jednak wcale nie oznaczało zniknięcia „magicznych” atrybutów, które autostradzie są przypisywane. Najsłynniejszą autostradą, biorąc pod uwagę liczbę nawiązań i odwołań, jest amerykańska U.S. Road 61, powszechnie znana jako „The Blues Highway”. Przebiega ona przez deltę Missisipi oraz miasto Memphis, co ściśle łączy ją z historią muzyki (a także polityki) amerykańskiej. Przy tej autostradzie wychowywał się mianowicie 4 48 Pamiętajmy, że za emfazą Barthesa krył się także bardzo prozaiczny powód: badacz napisał cytowany tekst na zamówienie producenta aut firmy Citroën. Elvis Presley, w usytuowanym przy niej motelu zastrzelono w 1968 r. Martina Luthera Kinga, Jr. Jej nazwa bardzo często pojawiała się w tekstach piosenek bluesowych, wykonywanych choćby przez Freda McDowella czy Jamesa „Son” Thomasa. Najbardziej znanym odniesieniem do niej pozostaje z pewnością płyta Boba Dylana z 1965 r. zatytułowana „Highway 61 Revisited” (z utworem „Like a Rolling Stone”, wielki przebojem wykonywanym w kolejnych dekadach przez wielu wykonawców). O tytułowej autostradzie opowiada jedna z pierwszych rockowych piosenek w dorobku tego artysty. „Highway 61” jest ciągiem surrealnych obrazów, a o samej autostradzie mówią w tej piosence Bóg, bezdomny, hazardzista, złodziej; w rezultacie staje się ona uniwersalnym punktem odniesienia, zarówno dla spraw doczesnych, jak i nadprzyrodzonych. Całość rozpoczyna się od poruszającego zdania: „Zabij dla mnie syna – Bóg do Abrahama rzekł”. Przypomnę, że trwała wojna w Wietnamie, zatem przywołana fraza zasadnie da się odczytywać jako wyraz „konfliktu pokoleń i silnego impulsu antyautorytarnego” (Jarniewicz 2016: 174). Gdy po latach na kampusie Uniwersytetu w Princeton postawiono pomnik poświęcony pamięci studenckich działaczy antywojennych, przedstawiał on współczesnego Abrahama z nożem w ręku i skrępowanego młodzieńca, czekającego aż zostanie złożony w ofierze ojcu (Jarniewicz 2016: 174-175). Należy dodać, że „Highway 61 Revisited” jest jedną z najważniejszych płyt Dylana: powstała ona jako wyraz buntu zarówno wobec establishmentu i kultury klasy średniej, jak i fanów muzyka, którzy nie chcieli zaakceptować jego pracy z zespołem rockowym używającym elektrycznych instrumentów. Znaczenie obecnej w tytule autostrady w tym wypadku bliskie było wolności, swobody jednostki, możliwości wykroczenia poza społeczne normy i ograniczenia5. Nie bez znaczenia w tym kontekście jest fakt, że jedna z najbardziej cenionych biografii Dylana autorstwa Howarda Sounesa nosi tytuł Autostradą do sławy (Sounes 2008). 5 Gwoli ścisłości dodajmy, że motyw autostrady pojawiał się także w innych utworach Dylana. Przykładem „It’s All Over Now, Baby Blue” z płyty Bringing It All Back Home wydanej w 1965 r. z frazą: „Autostrada jest dla hazardzistów, lepiej instynktem się kieruj” (Bob Dylan 1991: 54). 49 �Artystyczne skojarzenia związane z autostradą nie wyczerpują się oczywiście w idiomie wolności, reprezentowanym przez tekst Dylana i amerykańskie piosenki bluesowe. W 1973 r. w Stanach Zjednoczonych ukazała się powieść Autostrada (Expressway) autorstwa Howarda Northa (1977). Pod pseudonimem skrywał się popularny autor Elleston Trevor, znany głównie jako twórca powieści szpiegowskich (z postacią Quillera). Akcja Autostrady rozgrywa się w ciągu trzech upalnych dni weekendu łączącego się ze świętem narodowym USA, 4 Lipca. Z Nowego Jorku do ośrodków wypoczynkowych w New Jersey nad Atlantykiem wyjeżdżają ponad 3 mln ludzi. Na wielopasmowej autostradzie tworzą się wielomilowe korki, dochodzi do kolizji i morderstw. Płynności i bezpieczeństwa ruchu pilnuje policja drogowa, wyposażona w najnowsze środki łączności, helikoptery i komputery. Autostradowy tłok, jazda zderzak w zderzak i wysoka temperatura są tłem dla wielowątkowej fabuły. North opowiada zazębiające się historie, prezentując osoby pochodzące z różnych klas, grup wiekowych i zawodowych. Autostrada jest w jego powieści synonimem środowiska życia nowoczesnego człowieka. W istocie przypomina metropolię: jest pełna ludzi i maszyn, ruchu i hałasu. Podobnie jak metropolia, autostrada łączy przypadkowe osoby i nieoczekiwanie krzyżuje ich losy. Ogniskuje też wszystkie elementy życia: śmierć, miłość, konflikty, radość. Wydaje się, że North mógłby umieścić swoich bohaterów – ich zachowania, emocje, wypowiedzi – w innych miejscach: na osiedlu mieszkaniowym, w wieżowcu albo na dużym miejskim placu. Wybrał jednak autostradę jako metaforę ich wszystkich. Autostrada ma w jego powieści status naturalnego Lebenswelt czyli swoistego „świata życia”, w którym zwyczajna codzienność krzyżuje się z marzeniami. Za Edmundem Husserlem można przyjąć, że autostrada jest u Northa „wielkim teatrem różnych obiektów, umieszczonych w czasie i przestrzeni, które wiążą się z postrzegającymi je podmiotami, będąc bazą dla podzielanego przez ludzi doświadczenia” (Husserl 1970: 142). Rok później, w 1974 r., na rynku muzycznym ukazała się płyta niemieckiego zespołu Kraftwerk. Czwarty studyjny album zespołu zatytułowano Autobahn. Inaczej niż poprzednie płyty, Autobahn 50 nie zawierał wyłącznie muzyki elektronicznej, obok syntezatorów wykorzystano bowiem także brzmienie skrzypiec, fletu, pianina i gitary. Tytułowy utwór opisuje przemieszczanie się po autostradzie A 555 Kolonia-Bonn, której początki sięgają, jak zaznaczyłem wcześniej, 1932 r. Tekst tego utworu jest raczej prosty: „Wir fahr’n fahr’n fahr’n auf der Autobahn Vor uns liegt ein weites Tal Die Sonne scheint mit Glitzerstrahl Die Fahrbahn ist ein graues Band Weisse Streifen, gruener Rand Jetzt schalten wir ja das Radio an Aus dem Lautsprecher klingt es dann: Wir fah’rn auf der Autobahn”6. Kraftwerk to klasyczny przedstawiciel muzyki elektronicznej, który spopularyzował ten gatunek najpierw w Niemczech, a potem w Europie; dzisiaj uchodzą za pionierów techno i synth popu (Buckley 2013). W latach 70. minimalistyczne brzmienie zespołu miało charakter brzmieniowej i estetycznej rewolucji. Właśnie dzięki kompozycji „Autobahn” muzycy Kraftwerk zyskali sławę muzycznych wizjonerów. Porzuciwszy instrumenty akustyczne na rzecz syntezatorów i automatów perkusyjnych, inspirowali się ekspresjonizmem i futuryzmem. Celem tej „multimedialnej grupy artystycznej” stało się badanie związków między człowiekiem a technologią. W tym wypadku reprezentowaną przez autostradę. Monotonia jazdy autostradą stała się bazą dla kompozycji muzycznej. Powtarzalność „białych linii” na jezdni koresponduje z powtarzalnością fraz muzycznych. Brzmienie instrumentów kojarzy się z pracą silnika i odgłosem mijanych samochodów. Całości dopełnia przetworzony głos człowieka. Niemiecka grupa zbudowała w ten sposób wizję autostrady jako rzeczywistości technologicznej, sztucznej, oderwanej od innych społecznych środowisk i praktyk. O ile przywołana wyżej powieść Northa przekonuje, że autostrada 6 W wolnym tłumaczeniu: „Jedziemy autostradą/Przed nami szeroka dolina/Słońce razi promieniami/Pas drogi jest szarym szlakiem/Białe linie, zielona krawędź/ Włączamy radio/Słychać głos spikera:/Jedziemy autostradą”. 51 �stała się formą życia nowoczesnego człowieka, o tyle utwór Kraftwerk kładzie nacisk na specyficzne cechy autostrady jako kwintesencji rewolucji technologicznej i logistycznej. Różnica w obu wizjach polega na tym, że dla Northa autostrada nie wyróżnia się już niczym spośród innych elementów nowoczesnej cywilizacji, osmotycznie do nich przylega i „pasuje”. Kraftwerk z kolei uwypukla odmienność autostrady jako obiektu, który wywołuje określone emocje i zachowania. W obu jednak przypadkach autostrada jest „miejscem” życia i kultury, gdzie spotykają się ludzie, świeci słońce i gra radio. Autostrada traktowana jako tekst kultury funkcjonowała – co miały pokazać wybrane przykłady – jako wehikuł różnych sensów. Stając się inspiracją dla artystów, przekształcała się jednocześnie z czysto materialnego obiektu, należącego do technologicznego pnia cywilizacji, w symboliczny element kultury, przestrzeń życia, w której pewne wartości i emocje ulegają wyostrzeniu. Nie należy przy tym zapominać o jednym: autostrada mogła ulegać artystycznym odczytaniom i przekształceniom tylko w tych miejscach, gdzie istniała (USA, Niemcy). W polskich warunkach proces oswajania autostrady i definiowania jej jako tekstu kultury musiał być przesunięty o wiele lat. W dodatku, kiedy już mógł się rozpocząć, przyjął specyficzny kształt, przefiltrowany przez idiom disco-polo: „Nie ma jak to na wsi rankiem, wali gnojem i rumiankiem cały tydzień krowy świnie chłopu nigdy to nie minie jest zmęczony obłocony kręci wiejskie farmazony chodzi wciąż nie ogolony spieszy się do swojej żony tańcz tańcz ty dasz radę na wsi kładą autostradę wkładaj rolki zdejmuj buty i jedziemy na zakupy”. 52 Przytoczona wyżej piosenka nosi tytuł „Autobana” i jest częścią repertuaru zespołu The Saturn Band. Utwór zdobył popularność po tym, jak został zaprezentowany wiosną 2014 r. podczas kolejnej edycji telewizyjnego talent show „Must be the music”. The Saturn Band to dwuosobowy zespół ze Zbąszynia w powiecie nowotomyskim. Znany lokalnie dzięki występom w klubach i restauracjach. Oficjalna wizytówka kapeli informuje: „W skład instrumentów wchodzą m.in. trąbka, akordeon, keyboard oraz perkusja. The Saturn Band jest zespołem bardzo uniwersalnym, pragnącym zadowolić każdego klienta, spełnić jego wymagania. Oferujemy Państwu nasze usługi na imprezach i uroczystościach takich jak: wesela, bale sylwestrowe i karnawałowe, studniówki, zabawy, bankiety, imprezy okolicznościowe, a także festyny. Posiadamy bardzo szeroki i doborowy repertuar dostosowany do każdego przedziału wiekowego, który obejmuje utwory biesiadne (z uwzględnieniem najstarszych uczestników imprezy), tzw. przeboje „wiecznie młode” dla 40-latków, a także najnowsze hity z list przebojów – śpiewane również w języku angielskim”7. Amatorskie muzykowanie łączy się, jak widać, z profesjonalnym podejściem do kwestii promocji i tworzenia wizerunku wykonawcy, który „zadowoli każdego klienta”. Na początek zauważmy, że tytuł piosenki to wyraźny germanizm. Słowo „autobana” odnosi się oczywiście do niemieckiego „autobahn”. Forma „autobana” zaliczana jest do grupy regionalizmów śląskich (również jako „autoban”), stąd możliwe i poprawne są wyrażenia, takie jak „wjeżdżać na autobana” lub „wytorbić się na autobanie”8. Co ciekawe, hasło „Autobana” znajdziemy także w śląskojęzycznej wersji Wikipedii. Regionalizm ten pojawił się również w piosence śląskiej grupy kabaretowej Rak „Autobana numer cwai”. Jest to satyryczna opowieść o Erichu, który wyemigrował do Niemiec w poszukiwaniu lepszego życia. Przemieszczając się wielokrotnie między Niemcami a Polską, nabrał w końcu wątpliwości, gdzie naprawdę mieszka: „w aucie, na autobanie?”. Piosenkę spaja 7 8 Cytat ze strony: www.agencjaluxart.com/the-saturn-band (data dostępu: 16.08.2016). Patrz hasło „Autobana” w Wikisłowniku: www.pl.wiktionary.org/wiki/autobana (data dostępu 16.08.2016). 53 �powtarzany refren, zaczynający się od frazy: „Autobanom numer cwai, richtong Doutschland, bo tam raj...” Zacytowana wyżej piosenka The Saturn Band zawiera zestaw spetryfikowanych, ale intensywnie emocjonalnie zabarwionych motywów. „Wieś” jest w niej śmierdząca, pełna świń i krów, a zamieszkujący ją „chłop” to indywiduum raczej odrażające: „obłocone”, „nie ogolone” i „zmęczone”. Z drugiej strony, jest przecież, wyraźny o poranku, zapach ziół, a także rozbijający skorupę nieciekawej codzienności fakt: „we wsi kładą autostradę”. Wydarzenie to nabiera w ramach tego tekstu znamion czegoś przełomowego, pozwalającego na wyrwanie się z dotychczasowej sytuacji, „włożenie rolek” (topos mobilności) i „pojechanie na zakupy” (topos mobilności i konsumpcji). Nie należy przy tym popadać w łatwą drwinę z tego przekazu – w 2011 r. dziennikarz zbąszyńskiego portalu internetowego nie miał wątpliwości, że „Powstanie autostrady oraz węzła pomiędzy Zbąszyniem a Trzcielem można określić inwestycją stulecia” (Rzepa 2011). „Autobana” oddaje zatem atmosferę podniosłości i przełomu, która udzielała się nie tylko muzykom. Nie popełnię w tym kontekście błędu przyjmując, że piosenka The Saturn Band da się odczytywać jako wyraz myślenia potocznego, mającego zresztą silne umocowanie, obecne przecież także w lokalnych mediach. Myślenie potoczne syntetyzuje fragmenty różnych dyskursów, godzi to, co w innych warunkach sprzeczne, sublimuje sprzeczności i konflikty (Hołówka 1986). Jest to możliwe dzięki temu, że potoczność bazuje na stereotypach oraz wyobrażeniowych fantazmatach i jako taka „wyznacza standardy postrzegania i konceptualizowania świata” (Kowalski 2004: 104). Myślenie potoczne – odnoszone do zajmującego nas tutaj zjawiska uruchomienia autostrady – wyrażone w piosence „Autobana” kojarzy je z czymś zdecydowanie pozytywnym. To, że „na wsi kładą autostradę” oznacza rzeczywistą zmianę, wyrwanie z marazmu i „gnoju”, przejście do stanu, w którym można wygodnie i szybko udać się na zakupy, oddać tańcowi i być pewnym, że dzięki temu już w każdej sytuacji „dasz sobie radę”. Prosta, discopolowa rymowanka jawi się ostatecznie jako optymistyczny hymn na część autostrady 54 i modernizacji, oddolny pean pochwalny, spontaniczna ekspresja radości z powodu otwarcia drzwi do nowej, lepszej rzeczywistości. Autostrada jako topos muzyczny i filmowy to z pewnością temat na osobne opracowanie. W tym miejscu chciałem tylko zasygnalizować istnienie wielu znaczeń, jakie zyskuje ona w optyce tych dziedzin twórczości. Znaczenia w istotny sposób ulegają transformacjom, zależnym od miejsca i czasu, w których zostają ustanowione. To, co dla Dylana i Kraftwerk było elementem zastanej i znaturalizowanej już rzeczywistości, dla muzyków z The Saturn Band jest przyczynkiem do opowieści o wielkiej zmianie i początku lepszego życia. Na zakończenie tego wątku chciałbym jeszcze wspomnieć o filmie Kyle’a Smitha z 2013 r. Obraz zatytułowany Blue Highway jest bowiem świetnym podsumowaniem funkcjonowania autostrady w imaginarium współczesnego kina. W filmie pojawia się zbiór charakterystycznych atrybutów zawiązanych z jazdą autostradą, takie jak radio (znane z piosenek bluesowych i utworu Kraftwerk), poszukiwanie przygody, wątek podróży na „Zachód”. Sama autostrada natomiast staje się przede wszystkim drogą do miejsc, w których kręcono popularne filmy (Blue Velvet, The Searchers, Waiting for Guffman). Tym samym, autostrada przekształciła się w integralną część pop-kulturowego mitu. Za bardzo interesujące w kontekście zajmującego mnie tutaj mitu i przekształcania autostrady w tekst kultury należy uznać pojawienie się na polskim rynku czytelniczym dwóch książek. Obie traktują o drodze, ale więcej je dzieli niż upodobnia. Siódemkę i Drogę 816 sygnują dwaj różni autorzy, ale w istocie mamy do czynienia z dwoma stylami pisania i postrzegania drogi, z dwoma sposobami podróżowania i myślenia. W tym sensie można obie książki uznać za literackie modele namysłu, badania i interpretowania rzeczywistości związanej we współczesną infrastrukturą drogową. Siódemka to powieść dziennikarza i prozaika Ziemowita Szczerka (2014). Pierwszego listopada Paweł, dziennikarz internetowego pisma, wyrusza swoim oplem vectra z Krakowa do Warszawy. Symboliczny jest dzień początkowy tej podróży, ale także jej przebieg. Bohater jedzie bowiem tytułową „siódemką”, czyli drogą krajową 55 �numer 7, która biegnie z Żukowa koło Gdańska, przez Warszawę do Chyżnego na granicy ze Słowacją. W powieści jest to jednak coś znacznie więcej: „szos polskich królowa” i „kręgosłup polskiego państwa”, „rozcinający ziemię, z której ta Polska wypływała, które są jej esencją, które nadają jej kształt i ton, bo to rzeczywistość przy Siódemce nadaje ton reszcie kraju” (Szczerek 2014: 23). Fikcyjna opowieść została przez autora potraktowana jako pretekst do opisu przydrogowej realności społecznej, a nade wszystko estetycznej. Jego bohater obserwuje rozpadający się „krajobraz kulturowy” pełen „szyldozy”, płotów odlanych z betonu, z wybojami, chaszczami, polbrukiem i sajdingiem, reklamami i krzyżami powypadkowymi. W żarliwej i jadowitej analizie Szczerka jest to kwintesencja współczesnej Polski. Perspektywa drogi krajowej numer 7 pozwala na wniknięcie w sam środek polskości: i tej wstydliwej, ukrytej, peryferyjnej, i tej budowanej specjalnie na pokaz, dofinansowanej i poddanej rewitalizacji. W obu przypadkach, jak twierdzi Szczerek, efekt jest podobny: „Jedziesz – co prawda – nową autostradą albo wyremontowaną drogą, ale nie bardzo masz się gdzie przy niej zatrzymać, bo miasteczka już dawno straciły swoją formę, bo nikt jej nie pilnował, i stały się przypadkową zbieraniną zabudowań, wybudowań, dobudówek, przybudówek, nadbudówek, zabudówek, budówek. Knajp po małych miasteczkach albo nie ma, albo są mordownie, albo pizzerie Verona bez klimatu, za to z wielkim zdjęciem Krzywej Wieży w Pizie (…). W centrach nie bardzo jest po co się zatrzymywać, bo albo sypią się w kurwę, albo ich rewitalizacja przypomina zły sen (…). I nie ma przestrzeni wspólnej, nie ma społeczeństwa, zdechło i umarło” (Szczerek 2014: 51-52). Perspektywa Drogi 816 (Książek 2015) jest radykalnie inna. Jej autor, Michał Książek, wybiera peryferyjną, najbardziej na wschód wysuniętą arterię Polski. To właśnie droga numer 816, zwana często „Nadbużanką”. Potencjalnie znajduje w ten sposób doskonały temat na ironiczną krytykę rzeczywistości kulturowej, na pewno nie mniej pociągający niż siódemka Szczerka. Leśnik i kulturoznawca (chyba w tej kolejności należy podawać kompetencje Książka) wybiera jednak odmienną optykę. Po pierwsze, wyrusza w drogę 56 pieszo. Osiemset szesnastką przejdzie od Hrubieszowa do Terespola, a potem dalej – aż do Hajnówki. Najpierw wędruje w lutym, podróż domykając latem, już z pomocą autostopu. Po drugie, Książka interesuje droga i jej otoczenie w literalnym sensie. Wędrując pieszo, z plecakiem i lornetką – budząc w mijanych ludziach raczej zaniepokojenie niż ciekawość – skupia się przede wszystkim na obserwowaniu przyrody, jakże bujnej na poboczach, w rowach, zaroślach i pośród konarów drzew. „Ciepłolubna roślinność pontyjska, murawy kserotermiczne i wiśnie za dwa złote. Kościół, synagoga, cerkiew. Sasanka otwarta, łyszczec baldachogronowy i aster gawędka. Tysiąc mieszkańców, kopalnia kredy, góra Uszeście” (Książek 2015: 149) – oto przykładowy raport autora. Jego książka składa się z takich właśnie krótkich zapisków, zwykle każdej odwiedzanej miejscowości poświęcony jest jeden z nich. Książek sypia na trawie, w starych stodołach, czasem „u ludzi”. Rozmawia z nimi, ale nie nachalnie. Tropi lokalną przeszłość, która wyjawia mu swoje sekrety raczej dzięki wiedzy botanicznej autora niż zwierzeniom rozmówców: „odtwarzanie starych miejsc – zagród, dworów, jest możliwe dzięki roślinom, które w przeciwieństwie do ludzi nie porzuciły obejścia. Bez czarny i pokrzywy lubią azot, często więc rosną tam gdzie stały kurniki albo obórki. Fuksje i malwy (…) zdradzają dawny ogródek. Winorośl mogła piąć się po ścianie (…). Kalina koralowa i lilak pospolity zajmowały miejsce pod oknami (…). Podbiał może świadczyć o pożarze” (Książek 2015: 127). Jak wspomniałem, przywołane tutaj opowieści, jakkolwiek zbudowane dzięki drogom i podróżom, więcej dzieli niż łączy. Szczerek bowiem mija to, co opisuje, podczas gdy Książek zatrzymuje się; ten pierwszy przyjmuje perspektywę krajową, ten drugi zdecydowanie lokalną; autor Siódemki wybiera styl aktualnej krytyki społecznej, natomiast autor Drogi 816 kreśli wizję podróży medytacyjnej. Szczerek demonstruje namiętność polityczną, w najmniejszym z kolei stopniu nie zajmuje się przyrodą, Książek zaś rozkłada akcenty dokładnie odwrotnie. Wreszcie: jeden z nich pędzi autem, drugi porusza się pieszo. Dzięki tym skrajnie różnym optykom czytelnik – zwłaszcza ten zainteresowany infrastrukturą drogową 57 �– zyskuje wiedzę o odmiennych sposobach myślenia i przemieszczania się. Oczywiście, ani powieść Szczerka, ani subiektywna opowieść Książka nie należy do zbioru naukowych relacji. Nie w tym jednak rzecz: ich znaczenie polega właśnie na ukazaniu, niejako „w działaniu”, różnych strategii gromadzenia informacji i różnych trybów ich artykułowania. Dla badacza kultury są to sprawy doniosłej wagi. Inną interesującą w tym kontekście narrację stworzył Wojciech Orliński, dziennikarz związany z „Gazetą Wyborczą”, mający na swoim koncie swoisty przewodnik po pop-kulturze amerykańskiej, zatytułowany Route 66 nie istnieje (Orliński 2012). Tym razem Orliński postanowił przejechać samochodem autostradą A4, jak napisał, „pierwszą z ‘dużych’ polskich autostrad ukończoną w całości – od granicy do granicy” (Orliński 2016: 16). To trasa zawarta między słupkami o numerach O (granica polsko-niemiecka) i 669 (granica polsko-ukraińska). Mówiąc inaczej, Orliński postanowił przemierzyć autostradę od węzła Krzyżowa na zachodzie do miejscowości Korczowa na wschodzie. Już na wstępie swojego reportażu zauważył, że autostrada A4 należy do międzynarodowego szlaku E40, łączącego Calais we Francji z Ridderem (kiedyś Leninogorsk) w Kazachstanie, co sprawia, że licząca ponad 8 tys. km trasa jest najdłuższą drogą Europy. Nie ma w tym reportażu wypowiedzi spotykanych po drodze osób. Orliński bazuje na swoich doświadczeniach, zebranej wiedzy („jestem maniakiem infrastruktury”) i osobistej pamięci, związanej z przejazdami niektórymi odcinkami w latach 90. Z tej perspektywy, autor zwraca uwagę na istnienie podobnego szlaku między Brugią a Samarkandą już w starożytności. Jednocześnie podkreśla, że niemal zawsze szlak ten był przecięty: albo trudno przekraczalną granicą, albo toczącą się wojną. Obecnie wzdłuż tej drogi przemieszcza się front wojny na Ukrainie. „Zdaje się, że lata 1992-2014 były unikalną epoką, w której ten szlak był w całości przejezdny”, zauważa (Orliński 2016: 17). Kilka akapitów Orliński poświęca także nazistowskiemu planowi Vernichtung durch Arbeit, czyli „wyniszczania pracą”. W ten sposób powstały bowiem pewne odcinki dzisiejszej A4, zwłaszcza w okolicach Opola i łączące Zgorzelec 58 z Bolesławcem. Prace przy ich budowie kontynuowano aż do 1942 r. Ta droga jest zatem, jak podkreśla, „wielkim cmentarzem”, a cierpienie ofiar „powinien upamiętniać jakiś przydrożny pomnik”. Dziennikarz wychwytuje także momenty, w których przekraczając rozbiorowe bądź przedwojenne granice, wkracza na kolejne odcinki autostrady: z czasów PRL, III Rzeczpospolitej, a nawet rządów Platformy Obywatelskiej (na wschód od węzła Bieżanów). Rozleglejsze warstwy pamięci autora dotyczą zdarzeń doświadczanych przez niego osobiście. Orliński pamięta korki drogowe, fatalną infrastrukturę przydrożną, długie godziny, jakie należało zaplanować na przejazd odcinka, którego przemierzenia dzisiaj moglibyśmy nawet nie zauważyć. Jakkolwiek irytują go wszędobylskie ekrany akustyczne („absurdalne przepisy, każące stawiać ekrany przed byle stodołą”) czy chaos dotyczący pikietażu, czyli kolejności słupków kilometrowych na scalonych dzisiaj, a osobnych niegdyś trasach, to jest on admiratorem autostrad i nowego porządku komunikacyjnego. Otwarcie pisze o konieczności zmiany stereotypowego myślenia na temat podróżowania polskimi drogami. Samochodowa jazda przez „dziki kraj, zdominowany przez gipsowe krasnale, bilbordy (…), tirówki i zajazdy o pretensjonalnych nazwach typu Las Vegas” (Orliński 2016: 18), jest, jego zdaniem, rzeczywistością minioną, przynależną do porządku przeszłości, a co więcej, adekwatnie już i wystarczająco krytycznie opisaną, choćby przez Ziemowita Szczerka. „Stary odruch trzeba dziś zastąpić nowym. Lepiej wzgardliwie minąć obskurne toalety na autostradach niemieckich czy czeskich, żeby dotrzeć do komfortowych polskich kafelków i ciepłej wody w kranie”, deklaruje reportażysta (Orliński 2016: 16). W świetle przywołanych w tym rozdziale literackich narracji, opowieść Orlińskiego jest najjaskrawiej wpisana w dyskurs modernizacyjny. Dziennikarz opowiada o modernizacyjnym sukcesie współczesnej Polski, jako przykład wskazując właśnie autostradę. Zauważmy tutaj, że szydercze utyskiwania cytowanego wyżej Szczerka (a także medytacyjne skupienia Książka) wiązały się z drogami o innym statusie, krajową i wojewódzką. Na ich tle autostrada jawi się jako wielki modernizacyjny skok, namacalny dowód do 59 �zapomnienia o wstydliwej przeszłości. Długość autostrady A4, fakt przemieszczania się na osi wschód-zachód oraz mijanie kolejnych historycznych granic sprawiają, że podróżowanie tym szlakiem można uznać, w duchu Orlińskiego, za cywilizacyjny, mentalny i kulturowy analogon podróżowania słynną amerykańską Route 66. A2: święto modernizacji Powojenna Polska była krajem zniszczonym, ze zdewastowaną infrastrukturą i praktycznie pozbawionym autostrad. Istniejące ich fragmenty były częścią zbudowanych wcześniej odcinków równoleżnikowych. W większości były to inwestycje prowadzone przez III Rzeszę na terenach włączonych do państwa polskiego w 1945 r. Z jednej strony była to tzw. Berlinka, obejmująca odcinki Kołbaskowo-Łęczyca oraz Elbląg-Grzechotki, liczącą łącznie nieco ponad 100 km. Z drugiej strony chodzi o dwukrotnie dłuższą autostradę „śląską”, na odcinkach Olszyna-Brzeg oraz Ujazd-Zabrze. Skala rodzimych przedsięwzięć była znacznie skromniejsza: prace podjęte tuż przed wybuchem wojny pozwoliły na oddanie 20-kilometrowego odcinka drogi krajowej nr 5 między Warlubiem a Osiekiem, w województwie małopolskim. Poważne prace autostradowe podjęto dopiero w latach 70., bazując na planach przygotowanych przez Krakowskie Biuro Projektów Dróg i Mostów (Koziarski 2004: 122). Budowa nowoczesnej infrastruktury autostradowej stała się jednym z priorytetów rządu Edwarda Gierka (1970-1980). Ambitne plany ulegały jednak stopniowej redukcji, w wyniku której przebiegi poszczególnych magistral – południowej i centralnej – ograniczono do kilku odcinków. Ostatecznie i te plany przekroczyły możliwości ówczesnej gospodarki. Gierkowska modernizacja autostradowa ostatecznie sprowadziła się do dwóch elementów: „gierkówki” oraz „olimpijki”. W związku z priorytetowym potraktowaniem Igrzysk Olimpijskich w Moskwie w 1980 r. rozpoczęto prace nad autostradą Września-Konin (ukończone dopiero w 1989 r.), poza tym powstały tylko rozproszone krótkie odcinki (np. Gdynia Chylonia-Pruszcz Gdański, Szczecin Dąbie-Goleniów). Wcześniej, w październiku 1976 r. 61 �z wielką pompą otwarto tzw. gierkówkę, czyli liczącą prawie 300 km drogę szybkiego ruchu Warszawa-Katowice. Oddana przed terminem, na całej długości wyposażona w dwie jezdnie, z obwodnicami większości miast (poza Częstochową), uchodziła za symbol modernizacji Polski lat 70. (choć połączenie z Katowicami ukończono dopiero w 1984 r.). Lata 80. były w zakresie rozwoju infrastruktury drogowej czasem zastoju. Do użytku oddawano jedynie bardzo krótkie odcinki autostrad: Kraków-węzeł Chrzanów, Chrzanów-Byczyna, Balice-stopień wodny „Kościuszko”, Przylesie-Prądy, w sumie liczące mniej niż 100 km (Koziarski 2004: 123). Należy jednak zwrócić uwagę na fakt, że wiele ówczesnych decyzji ma swoje konsekwencje do dzisiaj. Premierem rządu w latach 1985-1988 był Zbigniew Messner, obejmujący to stanowisko po Wojciechu Jaruzelskim. Wykształcony ekonomista miał zrealizować „drugi etap reformy”, w tym także zatwierdzony w 1985 r. plan budowy autostrad i dróg ekspresowych. Plan ten z niewielkimi zmianami obowiązywał także po zmianie ustrojowej. Pozostała po nim także specyficzna, techniczna terminologia. Jej przykładem jest MOP, czyli Miejsce Obsługi Podróżnych. Wyróżnia się obecnie trzy klasy MOP-ów: wypoczynkową (parking, sanitariaty, oświetlenie), wypoczynkowo-usługową (dodatkowo stacja paliw, obiekty gastronomiczne, handlowe, informacja turystyczna) oraz wypoczynkową i usługową (obejmującą również miejsca noclegowe). Drugim przykładem są PPO, Punkty Poboru Opłat. Zarówno MOP-y, jak i PPO określa się nazwami najbliższych na planach miejscowości (przy A2 od zachodu mamy MOP-y Sosna, Gnilec, Koryta, Walewice, Romanówek, Zagaje, Rogoziniec, Chociszewo). Nie stosuje się na razie, znanego z Europy zachodniej, systemu numerycznego, w ramach którego każdemu zjazdowi z autostrady odpowiada kolejny numer. Przełomem w dziejach rozwoju infrastruktury autostradowej w Polsce stała się transformacja ustrojowa, zapoczątkowana w 1989 r. Kompleksowy plan budowy autostrad został przyjęty przez rząd Hanny Suchockiej w lipcu 1993 r. Fakt ten poprzedziło przyjęcie przez Sejm RP uchwały zakładającej, że autostrady w Polsce będą płatne i budowane w systemie koncesyjnym BOT (o którym była 62 mowa w rozdziale pierwszym). Budżet państwa w tej sytuacji był gwarantem modernizacji odcinków już istniejących, dokończenia rozpoczętych oraz wykupu całości ziemi pod planowane autostrady. W 1995 r. powstała Agencja Budowy i Eksploatacji Autostrad (ABiEA), rządowa agencja mająca zajmować się wykupem gruntów, wyborem koncesjonariuszy i nadzorem nad całym procesem budowy autostrad w Polsce. Brakowało jednak prywatnych inwestorów dysponujących odpowiednimi środkami do podjęcia się kosztownych inwestycji drogowych; wkrótce okazało się też, że płatny odcinek autostrady A4 Kraków-Katowice nie gwarantuje opłacalności inwestorowi (Koziarski 2004: 124). Wspomniany odcinek autostrady A4 jest pierwszą wybudowaną w Polsce płatną autostradą, powstałą w ramach partnerstwa publiczno-prywatnego. Koncesję na przystosowanie istniejących dróg do wymogów płatnej autostrady w 1997 r. otrzymała, na okres 30 lat, firma Stalexport Autostrada Małopolska S.A. Rozpoczęcie poboru opłat nastąpiło 3 kwietnia 2000 r. (Bezpieczna droga do nowoczesności 2011: 10), co wypada uznać za ważną cezurę w historii polskiej infrastruktury. Piętrzące się problemy zmusiły rząd do kolejnych decyzji. W ramach planu „Infrastruktura – klucz do rozwoju” w 2002 r. opracowano nowy program budowy autostrad, powołano także Główną Dyrekcję Dróg Krajowych i Autostrad (GDDKiA). Nowe plany tworzono w oparciu o możliwości związane z funduszami pochodzącymi z Unii Europejskiej. W tym samym roku zaczął także obowiązywać na terenie całego kraju system opłat winietowych za użytkowanie dróg krajowych przez przedsiębiorców zajmujących się transportem drogowym (Koziarski 2004: 126). Wprowadzenie tego systemu miało dwojaką funkcję: uzyskane środki miały zasilić budżet budowy autostrad, dodatkowo zaś konieczność ich wnoszenia miała zahamować „ucieczkę” kierowców z autostrad płatnych na równoległe drogi regionalne. Do przezwyciężenia pozostało jednak coś jeszcze: projektowe dziedzictwo PRL-u, zwłaszcza dotyczące przestrzennego rozplanowania polskich autostrad. W wielu wypadkach przebieg autostrad lokowano w centrach aglomeracji, np. plany gierkowskie zakładały, że A2 zwieńczy swój bieg w Warszawie, w Alejach Jerozolimskich. 63 �Część z tych planów zdołano skorygować, niektóre jednak pozostały w formie pierwotnej. W konsekwencji A4 biegnie dzisiaj serpentynami przez cały masyw Góry Świętej Anny (podobne rozwiązania znamy z Austrii i Niemiec), ulokowano tam nawet MOP o odpowiedniej nazwie. Jest to bardzo niebezpieczny odcinek autostrady, bowiem dochodzi na nim do wypadków trzy razy częściej niż na innych odcinkach (Autostrada A4 2010). Miejsce to budziło jednak emocje także z innego powodu, stało się bowiem symbolem sprzeciwu ekologów wobec budowy autostrad w Polsce. Gdy plany przeprowadzenia A4 przez masyw Góry Świętej Anny okazały się oficjalnym programem rządowym, spotkały się one z silnym, zorganizowanym sprzeciwem. Powstała szeroka koalicja organizacji ekologicznych, obejmująca wiele podmiotów: Kampanie anty-autostradowe z Krakowa, Łodzi i Opola, Pracownię na Rzecz Wszystkich Istot, Instytut na Rzecz Ekorozwoju, Towarzystwo Naukowe Prawa Ochrony Środowiska, Towarzystwo Ekologiczne „Ziemia Przede Wszystkim” oraz Polski Klub Ekologiczny (Raport: Autostrady 1997). Skonfederowane organizacje ekologiczne podjęły bardzo aktywne formy oporu. W dyskursie sprzeciwu uwypuklono trzy elementy: (1) fakt, że autostrada miała przebiegać przez park krajobrazowy „Góra Świętej Anny”, obejmujący masyw wygasłego wulkanu, z gatunkami wpisanymi do Polskiej Czerwonej Księgi (suseł moręgowany, len austriacki) oraz rezerwat geologiczny; (2) kulturowe walory miejsca, będącego ośrodkiem kultu jeszcze w czasach przedchrześcijańskich; (3) historyczne tło, związane z realizacją planów stworzonych jeszcze przez inżynierów Hitlera, który zamierzał obok autostrady wznieść pomnik-mauzoleum Deutsches Freikorps (Wyszyński 1996: 12). Należy zauważyć, że w kampanii sprzeciwu sięgnięto po perswazyjne argumenty: ekologiczne, odwołujące się do ochrony dziedzictwa historycznego oraz patriotyczne. Pisanie listów do urzędników, publikowanie materiałów prasowych („Autostrady – autostraty”), wydawanie specjalnych publikacji („Autostrady – drogie drogo do… nikąd”), specjalne serie koszulek z nadrukami, wlepki, wreszcie „akcja bezpośrednia” na Górze Świętej Anny uczyniły z tego protestu jedną z najważniejszych obywatelskich form oporu wobec budowy autostrad w Polsce. W 1998 r. 64 przez ponad miesiąc pół tysiąca aktywistów blokowało działania ekipy budowlanej. Kres tej akcji przyniosła interwencja wynajętej przez inwestora firmy ochroniarskiej. Ostatecznie, protest nie przyniósł efektu w spodziewanej przez ekologów zmiany przebiegu A4. Już w 1996 r. dokonano bowiem wyłączenia pasa autostrady z obszaru parku, w wyniku czego obszar Parku Krajobrazowego Góra Świętej Anny dzieli się obecnie na część południową i północną. Wspominam o tych znanych wydarzeniach, chcąc podkreślić zmianę społecznych nastrojów. Akcja bezpośrednia na Górze Świętej Anny nie była bowiem odosobniona. Przeciw budowie autostrad protestowano także w Łodzi i Poznaniu. W tym ostatnim, sprzeciw budził plan poprowadzenia A2 przez główne miejskie ujęcie wody na Dębinie. Opór ekologów wzbudziły ponadto plany związane z lubuskim odcinkiem A2, zakładające przecięcie jej przebiegiem Łagowskiego Parku Krajobrazowego (obecnie to Łagowsko-Sulęciński Park Krajobrazowy), co zakończyło się zmianą statusu formalno-prawnego jego terenu (Kotas 1997: 29). Bardzo znamienne jest, że inwestycjom autostradowym podjętym po roku 2000 nie towarzyszyły już gwałtowne akty sprzeciwu. Z jednej strony, dyskurs modernizacyjny uległ zapewne normalizacji i „oswojeniu”, z drugiej natomiast ewentualne wątpliwości ekologów sublimowano budową przejść dla zwierząt, systemów odwadniających, ekranów akustycznych i organizowaniem tzw. konsultacji społecznych. Oczywiście, w opisie powstawania polskiej sieci autostrad najbardziej interesuje mnie jeden jej element, czyli autostrada A2. Jak wspomniałem, w szczątkowej postaci zaczęła ona powstawać na przełomie lat 70. i 80. (chodzi o odcinek Września-Konin). W 2003 r. przebieg A2 znacząco wydłużył się dzięki oddaniu do użytku odcinka Września-Poznań Krzesiny (oraz obwodnicy Poznania na trasie Krzesiny-Komorniki). Kluczowym wydarzeniem dla A2 stało się ogłoszenie przez (ABiEA) międzynarodowego przetargu na sfinansowanie, wybudowanie i eksploatację płatnej autostrady Świecko-Stryków, o łącznej długości 364 km (Koziarski 2004: 141). Postępowanie przetargowe rozstrzygnięto 1 lutego 1997 r.: komisja powołana przez ministra transportu i gospodarki morskiej wybrała ofertę spółki Autostrada Wielkopolska S.A (AWSA). W myśl 65 �podjętych postanowień, firma ta miała zrealizować budowę odcinka A2 Świecko-Nowy Tomyśl-Poznań na zasadach koncesyjnych. Trzeba w tym miejscu chwilę uwagi poświęcić aspektom prawym i finansowym tego przedsięwzięcia. W 1993 r. zarejestrowano sądownie spółkę Autostrada Wielkopolska SA założoną dla wybudowania i eksploatacji pierwszej polskiej autostrady płatnej ze Świecka do Konina. Inicjatorami założenia spółki byli biznesmen Jan Kulczyk i Andrzej Patalas, do 1981 r. dyrektor Dyrekcji Okręgowej Dróg Publicznych w Poznaniu. W gronie założycieli spółki znalazły się m.in. Kulczyk Holding, towarzystwo ubezpieczeniowe Warta, Wielkopolski Bank Kredytowy oraz Imex-Bis, związany z Patalasem. W 1997 r. ważnym udziałowcem spółki stały się Polskie Sieci Elektroenergetyczne. Celem AWSA było wybudowanie i eksploatacja pierwszej w Polsce prywatnej autostrady. Jak możemy dzisiaj przeczytać na stronie Autostrady Wielkopolskiej, „106 km odcinek autostrady A2 Świecko-Nowy Tomyśl to największy projekt infrastrukturalny w Europie realizowany w systemie Partnerstwa Publiczno-Prywatnego”1. W tym przypadku mamy do czynienia z wydarzeniem o charakterze bezprecedensowym, kluczowym dla procesu prywatyzowania gospodarki i przestrzeni publicznej, a także myślenia w kategoriach systemu liberalnego kapitalizmu. Tym samym budowa A2 staje się jednym z ognisk transformacji ustrojowo-ekonomicznej. Początkowo AWSA miała wybudować i eksploatować odcinek o długości 360 km (Świecko-Stryków), a koncesja obejmowała okres 30 lat. Z powodu braku wystarczających środków na podjęcie budowy – a także obaw związanych z rentownością eksploatacji – firma Kulczyka nie podejmowała jednak prac. W konsekwencji, w latach 1998-1999 pierwotną umowę koncesyjną z rządem uzupełniono o cztery aneksy. W myśl ich postanowień cofnięto koncesję na odcinek Konin-Stryków (wcześniej z koncesjonowania wyłączono ponadto 13-kilometrową obwodnicę Poznania, sfinansowaną dzięki grantowi Phare), a dwie pozostałe koncesje, czyli Konin-Nowy Tomyśl oraz Nowy Tomyśl-Świecko, wydłużono na okres 40 lat (Budowa i eksploatacja autostrady płatnej A2 z Nowego Tomyśla do 1 66 Cytat ze strony www.autostrada-a2.pl (data dostępu: 03.08.2016). Świecka – studium przypadku 2011). Ostatecznie zatem, koncesjonowaniu podlega 255-kilometrowy odcinek, który po wygaśnięciu umowy w 2037 r. zostanie bezpłatnie przekazany na własność Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Grunt pod autostradą wciąż pozostaje własnością Skarbu Państwa, a spółka odprowadza za jego użytkowanie opłatę dzierżawną. Cały projekt finansowany był z trzech źródeł: (1) polskich i zagranicznych kredytów bankowych – 26% całkowitych kosztów realizacji; (2) środków własnych koncesjonariusza – 12%; (3) kredytu udzielonego przez Europejski Bank Inwestycyjny – 62%. Miliard euro od EBI było najwyższą kwotą przeznaczoną przez tą instytucję na jakikolwiek projekt infrastrukturalny w Polsce (Bu‑ dowa i eksploatacja autostrady płatnej A2 z Nowego Tomyśla do Świecka – studium przypadku 2011). Co więcej, spółka uzyskała gwarancje państwa na pożyczkę w wysokości 267 mln euro. Była to największa gwarancja udzielona przez polski rząd prywatnemu przedsięwzięciu (Matys 2000). Sam Kulczyk tak tłumaczył dziennikarzowi ten finansowy mariaż: „Autostrady to prywatny projekt dla państwa. Autostrada na całym świecie jest czymś, co powinno robić państwo. (…) Nie traktuję tego w kategoriach największego interesu, ale jako wyzwanie społeczne. Państwo jest beneficjentem, nie my” (Matys 2000). Skala opisywanego tutaj przedsięwzięcia miała nie tylko wyjątkowy wymiar finansowy, ale także inżynieryjny i technologiczny. AWSA jako pierwsza w Polsce zleciła badania wykonalności projektu (feasibility study – Koziarski 2004: 141). Odcinek Świecko-Nowy Tomyśl miał stać się ponadto najdłuższym w Polsce odcinkiem autostrady o nawierzchni betonowej z wyeksponowanym kruszywem (Budowa i eksploatacja autostrady płatnej A2 z Nowego Tomyśla do Świecka – studium przypadku 2011). Podkreślając nowatorstwo oraz skalę ekonomiczną i inżynieryjną przedsięwzięcia związanego z budową A2, miałem na uwadze nie tylko jego skutki infrastrukturalne. Jakkolwiek włączenie Polski do sieci autostrad europejskich – A2 jako element trasy E30 z Cork w Irlandii do Omska w Rosji – i stworzenie dogodnego kanału komunikacyjnego między Berlinem a Poznaniem, a dalej Warszawą, to rzecz niezwykle istotna. Gigantyczne pieniądze, długotrwałe 67 �negocjacje z kolejnymi rządami, zaangażowanie zagranicznych instytucji bankowych i firm, a także postać Jana Kulczyka wywoływały bowiem także konkretne efekty społeczne. Gremia eksperckie nie były zgodne co do oceny przedsięwzięć sygnowanych przez Kulczyka, w tym także logiki finansowania budowy autostrady A2. Zwraca się choćby uwagę na konieczność spłaty po 20 latach od podpisania umowy gwarantowanej przez państwo pożyczki. Wraz z odsetkami będzie to kwota rzędu 700-800 mln euro. Ewentualne problemy z jej spłatą, ostatecznie obciążą skarb państwa (Matys 2000). Działalnością biznesową Kulczyka „żyło” ponadto wielu obywateli. W związku z jej rozmachem i pobudzającymi wyobraźnię kwotami, pojawiło się wiele plotek i podejrzeń, dotyczących domniemanych malwersacji, przekupstwa i wyprowadzenia ogromnych pieniędzy ze Skarbu Państwa. Ich personifikacją stał się Jan Kulczyk. Pochodzący z Poznania biznesmen był jednym z najaktywniejszych polskich przedsiębiorców na arenie międzynarodowej, od 2002 r. sukcesywnie wskazywany przez „Forbes” jako najbogatszy Polak. Z drugiej strony łączono go z przypadkami nieuczciwych prywatyzacji i działaniem na styku biznesu i polityki, co nawet przywołany „Forbes” skłoniło do uznania go „za niejednoznaczny symbol (…) pewnej ery w dziejach polskiego biznesu” (Gawęda 2015). Prowadzone przez nas badania na temat skutków budowy autostrady A2 dla osób wcześniej związanych z drogą krajową 92 – o czym szerzej w kolejnych rozdziałach – ujawniły głęboką awersję wobec osoby Kulczyka. Jest to istotne o tyle, że jego postać stała się niejako symbolem powstawania autostrady A2, jej ikoną. Znamiennie brzmią sformułowania zawarte we wspomnieniu, opublikowanym w rok po nagłej śmierci Kulczyka, a podpisane przez „Zarząd i pracowników Autostrady Wielkopolskiej SA”: „Odszedł największy polski przedsiębiorca działający globalnie (…) odegrał ważną rolę w transformacji polskiej gospodarki (…) To dzięki Jego wizji, osobistemu zaangażowaniu i uporowi, od lat setki tysięcy polskich kierowców może korzystać z pierwszej koncesyjnej autostrady łączącej Polskę z Europą. W dniu otwarcia odcinka autostrady do granicy z Niemcami, mówił, że dzięki temu projektowi połączył 68 Stryków z Lizboną (…) Dr Jan Kluczyk stworzył największe działające globalnie polskie imperium biznesowe XX wieku.”2 Mamy w tym tekście wyraźne tropy. Po pierwsze, wskazanie na niezwykłość postaci biznesmena, jego nieprzeciętną rolę zarówno w skali krajowej, jak i międzynarodowej. Po drugie natomiast, podkreśla się nieodzowność Kulczyka, jego „wizji, zaangażowania i uporu” w zakończonym powodzeniem projekcie budowy autostrady A2, która nie tylko usatysfakcjonowała „setki tysięcy kierowców”, ale też „połączyła Stryków z Lizboną”, a zatem scaliła polską prowincję z europejskim centrum. Budowany w taki sposób publiczny wizerunek Kulczyka – także po jego śmierci – podsycał społeczne zainteresowanie i kontrowersje. Zjawisko to wykazuje pewne elementy wspólne z mechanizmem „kozła ofiarnego”, opisanym przez René Girarda (1987). Doświadczana przez wiele osób trauma, związana z uruchomieniem autostrady A2 i marginalizacją DK92, wymagała znalezienia winnego tej sytuacji: sprawcy i animatora zmian, które naruszyły znaturalizowany stan istniejący. Owym winowajcą nie mogła stać się autostrada, będąca wszak bytem sztucznym, nieożywionym, a w związku z tym nie wywołującym emocjonalnie podbudowanych ocen i stereotypów. Żywym, budzącym emocje (i bardzo bogatym) kozłem ofiarnym stał się w tej sytuacji główny prywatny inwestor A2. Stan odczuwalnego kryzysu i dezintegracji doprowadził do wielu form słownej agresji wobec Kulczyka. Narzekania na bezwzględnego „kapitalistę”, bogacza skupionego tylko na własnym zysku i oskarżenia o korupcję to główne elementy tej dyskredytującej narracji. Charakterystyczna jest w tym kontekście opinia właściciela hotelu w Brójcach (wyrażona jeszcze przed śmiercią biznesmena): „Cały ten kryzys jest winą Kulczyka, to on blokuje budowę zjazdów. Bo czy jemu zależy na tym? Nie. Kulczyk bierze pieniądze za przejazd autostradą, za grunt dla firm działających przy A2 i procent od ich obrotu (…) A miejscowi urzędnicy siedzą u niego w kieszeni.” Hotelarz z Rzeczycy był podobnego zdania, twierdząc, że Kulczyk celowo blokuje budowę zjazdów z autostrady – postrzeganych jako 2 Wspomnieniowy nekrolog został wydrukowany w „Gazecie Wyborczej” i „Głosie Wielkopolskim” 29 lipca 2016 r. 69 �szansa na wyście z marazmu i dopływ spodziewanych klientów – bowiem dzięki temu więcej pieniędzy wpływa do jego kieszeni. Co więcej, grunty, na których powstały zjazdy, zostały wcześniej kupione wyłącznie dzięki łapówkom, ostatecznie trafiającym do biznesmena, który przecież znał plany ich budowy. Wiele podobnych wypowiedzi znaleźć można także na stronach internetowych. Co znamienne, w tym dyskredytującym dyskursie nie pojawiał się wątek obcego (domniemanego czy też realnego) pochodzenia etnicznego bądź narodowego Kulczyka, co jest tak istotne w Girardowskiej logice „kozła ofiarnego”. Najważniejsza – i najbardziej stygmatyzująca – była jego bardzo wysoka pozycja społeczna i niemal legendarny majątek. To one zajęły miejsca i przejęły funkcje obcego pochodzenia. Można powiedzieć, że w tym przypadku „trauma wielkiej zmiany” (Sztompka 2000) wyraziła się poprzez specyficznie pojmowaną świadomość różnic klasowych. Omawiając prawne, ekonomiczne i społeczne okoliczności towarzyszące powstawaniu A2, nie sposób pominąć przeszłości starszej niż lata po 1989 r. W rozdziale pierwszym przypominałem program budowy autostrad lansowany i realizowany przez III Rzeszę. Chciałbym teraz do tego wątku powrócić. Jak bowiem wspomniałem wyżej, na terenach okupowanych przez Niemcy – a zwłaszcza w zachodniej i północnej Polsce – trwanie wojny nie zahamowało infrastrukturalnych ambicji Hitlera. Z chwilą utworzenia na części okupowanych ziem polskich Kraju Warty, niemieccy planiści postanowili go połączyć z istniejącą już w Niemczech siecią autostrad. Korporacja Reichsautobahn zakończyła opracowywanie stosownych planów na początku 1940 r. Zakładały one scalenie autostrady łączącej Berlin i Frankfurt nad Odrą (oddanej do użytku w 1937 r.) z Poznaniem, a docelowo także Łodzią, Warszawą i Mińskiem. Obok połączeń autostradowych z Gdańskiem i Krakowem, uznano ten odcinek za szczególnie ważny „ze względów wojennych” (Zeller 2007: 75). Przeprowadzone wówczas prace obejmowały przede wszystkim przygotowanie gruntu na wyznaczonych odcinkach, a także budowę kluczowych mostów i zjazdów. Roboty wstrzymano ostatecznie w 1943 r., gdy wojska nazistowskie zostały zatrzymane na froncie 70 wschodnim. Początkowo autostradę budowała niemiecka młodzież, potem pośpiesznie kierowana do walk na froncie wschodnim. Jej miejsce zajęli robotnicy przymusowi. Była to głównie ludność żydowska, przywożona z największego w Kraju Warty getta w Łodzi. Później dołączyli do nich także jeńcy wojenni różnych narodowości. W rejonie planowanego przebiegu autostrady powstało w ten sposób ponad 20 obozów pracy przymusowej (Ziółkowska 2005), określanych ogólnie jako Reichsautobahnlager (RAB Lager). Ich sieć była na tyle gęsta, na ile wymuszała to skala robót: poczynając od zachodu – Rzepin, Bielice, Pniów, Torzym, Poźrzadło, Jezioro Łagowskie, Żelechów, Lubrza, Jordanowo, Brójce, Rogoziniec, Przychodzko, Bolewice, Wąsowo, Turkowo, Okusz, Cieśle, Gołuski, Żabikowo, Luboń, Starołęka, Krzesiny. Szacuje się, że do obozów RAB deportowano łącznie ponad 10 tys. Żydów. Robotników zmuszano do prostych, ale wyczerpujących fizycznie prac: musieli karczować drzewa, sypać wały ziemne, układać tory kolejki wąskotorowej, budować fundamenty, usuwać czarnoziem z pasa przebiegu autostrady. Warunki pracy i życia w obozach były wyniszczające. W jednym tylko obozie Brätz (obecnie Brójce) życie straciło około 2 tys. ludzi. Po zakończeniu projektu budowy autostrady, pozostali przy życiu robotnicy w większości trafili do obozów zagłady (Mnichowski 1978)3. Nazistowski projekt autostrady Berlin-Frankfurt nad Odrą-Poznań stawia nas przed frapującym paradoksem. Okazuje się mianowicie, że potransformacyjna budowa autostrady A2 – pod inną nazwą, prowadzona przez inne państwo i powodowana innymi celami – ma swoje źródła w planach III Rzeszy. Inaczej mówiąc, A2 została zainicjowana jako projekt totalitarny. Był to element agresywnej polityki, mający wspierać militarne plany szybkiego przemieszczania wojsk, ludzi i towarów, pociągający za sobą tworzenie karnych obozów oraz eksterminację przymusowych robotników. 3 Instytut Pamięci Narodowej prowadzi obecnie śledztwo w sprawie eksterminacji przez funkcjonariuszy III Rzeszy Niemieckiej w latach 1939-1942 w obozie Kreuzsee koło Rzepina (Reppen) żydowskich robotników przymusowych, pracujących przy budowie autostrady Berlin-Świecko. Chodzi o przestępstwo określone w art. 1 pkt 1 dekretu z dnia 31 sierpnia 1944 r. o wymiarze kary dla faszystowsko-hitlerowskich zbrodniarzy winnych zabójstw i znęcania się nad ludnością cywilną i jeńcami. 71 �Najbardziej bodaj niezwykle jest to, że zaprojektowany przez Reichsautobahn przebieg autostrady Frankfurt nad Odrą-Poznań zachował się przez kolejne dekady. W lokalnym krajobrazie pozostały wyraźne ślady tamtych działań, przede wszystkim w postaci pasa ziemi, nie objętego ani działalnością rolniczą ani gospodarką leśną. W wielu miejscach tego pasa zachowały się także elementy przygotowywanej przez planistów III Rzeszy infrastruktury: betonowe przęsła mostów, filary, wsporniki, wały ziemne i nasypy. Szczególnie wiele takich elementów przetrwało na terenie województwa lubuskiego. Są to choćby nasypy nad Jeziorem Łagowskim, nasypy i filary w okolicach Brójec, ale także wały na obszarze miasta Poznania czy fundamenty pod wiadukt w Luboniu (Kolbuszewska 2003). Na marginesie należy dodać, że podobnie wyglądała sytuacja w przypadku autostrady A4. Dziennikarz Marcin Rogoziński, specjalizujący się w tematyce polsko-niemieckiej, w 2008 r. pisał: „W Brójcach dziwna budowla znajdowała się tuż przy ‘starej’ A2 i wyglądała niczym przęsło zerwanego mostu, prowadzącego donikąd. Koło Rzepina wielki, szary blok był w stanie udźwignąć wiadukt, lecz służył za cokół reklamie klubu nocnego. W Pniowie betonowe ściany udzielały azylu amatorom tanich win. Niektóre z tych dziwnych tworów architektury można było zobaczyć do niedawna z okien pociągu do Berlina. Przed rokiem znikły, a wraz z nimi ślady po pierwszym etapie budowy autostrady Rzeszy” (Rogoziński 2013). Ten specyficzny typ materialnego dziedzictwa III Rzeszy dopiero w ostatnich latach stał się przedmiotem badań historyków i archiwistów4, a także zainteresowania mieszkańców. Jednym z nich jest Matthias Diefenbach, krajoznawca z Frankfurtu nad Odrą, „Wessi”, ożeniony z Polką. Zdając sobie sprawę z ubóstwa archiwalnych danych dotyczących RAB Lager i budowy autostrady przez nazistów, na własną rękę próbuje rekonstruować przeszłość. Tym bardziej, że jej ślady były szybko zacierane przez aktualnie prowadzone prace: „W ciągu jednego roku i dwóch zim wykonano zakrojone na 4 72 W Żabikowie koło Poznania od 1979 r. działa Muzeum Martyrologiczne. Jedna ze stałych wystaw tego muzeum nosi tytuł „Reichsautobahnlager. Obóz pracy przymusowej dla Żydów 1941-1943”. ogromną skalę prace związane z budową mostów i roboty ziemne”, Diefenbach nie krył swojego zdziwienia (Rogoziński 2013). W okresie bezpośrednio poprzedzającym prace przy budowie A2 organizowano wycieczki śladami prac zaprojektowanych jeszcze przez inżynierów Hitlera. Miała je w swojej ofercie firma turystyczna HeimatReise z Frankfurtu nad Odrą. Jak dowiadujemy się z oficjalnych dokumentów, HeimatReise specjalizuje się w trzech obszarach: (1) podróże byłych mieszkańców lub ich potomków do Obwodu Kaliningradzkiego; (2) „kulturalno-historyczne” wycieczki po województwie lubuskim, które „posiada trudną historię”; (3) oprowadzanie po Słubicach i Frankfurcie nad Odrą (HeimatReise 2010). Oferta „wycieczki krajoznawczej” pod nazwą „Wzdłuż trasy autostrady z okresu Trzeciej Rzeszy (Reichsautobahn)” obejmowała 12 km spaceru oraz obiad w cenie 80 złotych za całość. Istniała także możliwość przejazdu trasy wycieczki autokarem. Wszystko miało rozpoczynać się przed dworcem kolejowym we Frankfurcie nad Odrą, a następnie zaplanowano przystanki w różnych miejscach między Frankfurtem, Rzepinem, Torzymiem i Łagowem. Organizator zapowiadał: „W trakcie wycieczki poznamy przebieg autostrady, obejrzymy ruiny mostów mających łączyć jej poszczególne odcinki i zmiany w krajobrazie, odwiedzimy miejsca zapomnianych obozów pracy oraz poznamy tło tej w dużym stopniu nieznanej budowy” (Wzdłuż trasy autostrady z okresu Trzeciej Rzeszy [Reichsautobahn] 2009). W charakterystyczny sposób sformułowano ponadto ideową bazę wycieczki: „Od kilku lat znowu planowana jest budowa autostrady Frankfurt nad Odrą-Poznań, mająca przebiegać tą trasą, co autostrada zaprojektowana w latach 30. XX w. Ma ona powstać najpóźniej do rozpoczęcia Euro 2012. Jeszcze w tym roku ma się rozpocząć przebudowa historycznych pozostałości, ruin i śladów po dawnej autostradzie, której planowanie rozpoczęto w 1937, a budowę – w 1941 r.” (Wzdłuż trasy autostrady z okresu Trzeciej Rzeszy [Reichsautobahn] 2009). Uczestniczący w wycieczce Rogoziński wspomina5, że jej pierwszym punktem była frankfurcka dzielnica Güldendorf i poszukiwanie 5 Informacje uzyskane dzięki prywatnej korespondencji w lipcu 2016 r. 73 �śladów po znajdującym się tam podczas II wojny światowej obozie dla robotników przymusowych. Potem zatrzymywano się wszędzie tam, gdzie możliwe do zauważenia były pozostałości nazistowskich prac autostradowych: w okolicach Rzepina, Pniowa i Torzymia. Na fotografiach dokumentujących to zdarzenie widać niewielką grupę uczestników – moim zdaniem inicjatywa Diefenbacha zasługuje jednak na uwagę, stanowiąc ciekawy przykład zainteresowania materialnym dziedzictwem przeszłości, tym razem w postaci infrastrukturalnych elementów budowy nazistowskiej autostrady. Na tym jednak nie wyczerpują się echa przeszłości. Krajobraz lokalny bowiem w jeszcze jeden sposób przechował pamięć o projekcie Reichsautobahn. Należy pamiętać, że ekspansja militarna III Rzeszy – i towarzyszące jej ekspansja infrastrukturalna – traktowane były w kategoriach cywilizacyjnych. Autostradą prowadzącą na wschód mieli przemieszczać się nie tylko ludzie (w tym wojsko) i towary (broń i aprowizacja), ale również „cywilizacja” i niesiony przez nią „postęp”. Tym samym, akt tworzenia autostrady stawał się elementem ekspansji kulturowej III Rzeszy, wyrażającej się w postaci kształtowania pożądanego krajobrazu. Zakładano, że podróżujący gotową już autostradą będą spoglądać na typowo „germańskie” krajobrazy, dlatego zakładano specjalne kultury leśne. Składały się na nie młodniki określonych gatunków drzew, takich jak dęby, buki i klony. Symbolicznie wiązane z germańskością, wyselekcjonowane gatunki drzew miały rosnąć wzdłuż zaprojektowanej drogi i zastąpić dominujące wcześniej sosny i brzozy. Proces kształtowaniu krajobrazu zgodnie z „duchem narodu” miał swoje źródła we wpływowych poglądach Friedricha Ratzela. Określający się jako „antropogeograf ”, Ratzel był promotorem i twórcą stanowiska determinizmu geograficznego. Dowodził, że można wykazać łączność między danym regionem a zamieszkującymi go ludźmi i ich kulturą. W kulturze tej miałyby bowiem odbijać się cechy lokalnego krajobrazu, z drugiej strony natomiast mieszkańcy danego regionu mieliby kształtować ów krajobraz w zgodzie z własną duchowością. Ekspresją tych założeń jest opus magnum Ratzela, czyli trzytomowe Völkerkunde (Ratzel 1895-1901). Każdy z opisywanych ludów jest tam przypisany konkretnemu regionowi, 74 izomorfizm ludu i miejsca uważany jest za naturalny. Ratzel przekonywał ponadto, że nie istnieje coś takiego jak „wyłącznie czysty krajobraz naturalny” (Naturlandschaft), czego przykładem był dla niego choćby krajobraz niemiecki. Dobitnie przekonuje o tym już okładka pracy Deutschland. Einführung in die Heimatkunde, ukazująca sielski górski krajobraz, z błękitnym okiem jeziora i takimż nieboskłonem (Ratzel 1907). Przyautostradowe germańskie dęby miały w myśl tej logiki, adekwatnie oddawać kluczowe wartości niemieckiego ducha. Koncepcje Ratzela przyczyniły się do ukształtowania XX-wiecznego rozumienia pojęcia Heimat, a potem także jego pochodnych, takich jak Heimatkunstbewegung („ruch sztuki ojczyźnianej”), Heimatschutz („ochrona ojczyzny”) i Heimatmalarei („malarstwa ojczyźnianego”). Najważniejszym jednak pojęciem z warsztatu Ratzela okazał się Lebensraum. Koncepcja „przestrzeni życiowej” zakładała konieczność i naturalność ekspansji państwa silniejszego na terytorium państwa słabszego. Ekspansja ta wiązała się także z „misją cywilizacyjną”. Jak wskazują komentatorzy, Lebensraum to najlepiej znana XX-wieczna polityczna koncepcja pochodząca z Niemiec (Smith 1980: 51). Przejęta przez władze III Rzeszy służyła jako uzasadnienie dla ekspansji na wschód, a następnie do szeroko zakrojonych akcji osadniczych ludności niemieckiej na terenach Polski i Ukrainy. W podobny sposób kontekstualizuje infrastrukturalną ekspansję III Rzeszy Thomas Zeller. Jego zdaniem, budowa autostrady jest elementem „historii środowiskowej” (Zeller 2007: 22), związanej w tym partykularnym przypadku z Ratzelowską ideą Heimatschutz, czyli ochroną ojczyzny. Innym kontekstem dla tego elementu „historii środowiskowej” jest również koncepcja „narodowych ideologii krajobrazu” (Short 1991). Żaden naród nie jest bowiem wyłącznie wyobrażoną wspólnotą ludzi, ale wymaga także zakorzenienia w konkretnym geograficznym miejscu i w wyobrażonym pejzażu. Zwykle jest to tzw. krajobraz naturalny oraz rustykalny, oba mające deponować walor nieskażoności. W myśl tej reguły synonimem Irlandii jest jej zachodnie wybrzeże (Nash 1993: 86-112), Holandia kojarzy się z polderami i siecią rowów nawadniających, a Rosja z niekończącym 75 �się brzozowym lasem. Badacze mówią o „narodowych ideologiach krajobrazu” podkreślając, że nacjonalistyczne wizje zawsze lokują się w przestrzeniach wiejskich, od romantyzmu kojarzonych z odwiecznością i swojskością. Taki krajobraz jest partnerem narodowej historii i służy podtrzymywaniu narodowo zorientowanej topofilii (Tuan 1990), dzięki której przestrzeń ojczyzny jest źródłem poczucia piękna, dumy i bezpieczeństwa i miłości. W przypadku projektowanej przez planistów III Rzeszy przestrzeni przyautostradowej, pejzaż pełen swojskich i naturalnych gatunków drzew miał wprost ewokować Tuanowską topofilię. Postrzeganie autostrady A2 w kontekście historycznym, „historii środowiskowej” oraz „narodowych ideologii krajobrazu” pozwala wpisać ją w rozumienie proponowane przez Arjuna Appaduraia w eseju „How histories make geographies: circulation and context in a global perspective” (Appadurai 2013). Badacz podkreśla w nim wagę historii w kształtowaniu tego, co potocznie nazywane jest geografią. „Pejzaże przestrzenne” (spatial landscapes) są w jego ujęciu wielopoziomowe, obejmują bowiem geografie narodowe, komercyjne, religijne i ekologiczne – a także wiele innych – lecz wszystkie łączy to, że są historycznie wytwarzane. W procesie owego wytwarzania biorą udział liczni „historyczni sprawcy”: instytucje, osoby, władze (Appadurai 2013: 66). Konsekwencją tworzenia geografii przez historie jest „produkcja lokalności” bądź „produkcja lokalnej subiektywności”, jak gdzie indziej określił to Appadurai (1996). Nie mam wątpliwości, że badana przez nas autostrada, traktowana jako obiekt materialny – jezdnie, płoty, parkingi, szlabany, stacje paliw – oraz symboliczny – projekt nazistowski, narzędzie modernizacji, „budowa Kulczyka” – wytwarza silne „lokalne subiektywności”. W tym wypadku nie mamy do czynienia z historią jednokierunkową i jednobiegunową, przeciwnie, poszczególne zdarzenia, instytucje, osoby i władze, kształtujące historię A2 od lat 40. XX do drugiej dekady XXI w. wykreowały serię zerwań, redefinicji oraz nieciągłości. Autostrada na pograniczu Wielkopolski i lubuskiego ma wciąż przypisany status obcości i czegoś zewnętrznego. Pociąga to za sobą znaczące skutki, o których będziemy mówić w kolejnych rozdziałach. 76 Powróćmy do czasów II wojny światowej. W podsumowaniu nazistowskiego dyskursu towarzyszącego planom, a potem budowie autostrady do Poznania, należy uwypuklić trzy elementy. Po pierwsze, inwestycja infrastrukturalna miała być impulsem dla ekonomicznego rozwoju i zmniejszenia stopy bezrobocia. Po drugie, duże przedsięwzięcie budowlano-inżynierskie realizowało ideę ekspansji symbolicznej III Rzeszy, rozumianej jako misja cywilizacyjna, prowadzona w kraju autostrad pozbawionym. Po trzecie, widoczne są w tych planach wyraźne elementy ideologizowania krajobrazu i kształtowania go w zgodzie z duchem narodu i koncepcją Lebensraum. W tym planie autostrada staje się częścią znacznie większej całości. Nie jest to tylko kolejna budowa ani ambitny zamysł inżynierski, mamy raczej do czynienia z ideologiami postępu, zmiany, modernizacji i ekspansji równocześnie. Bardzo znamienny jest fakt, że po półwieczu budowie autostrady w Polsce ponownie towarzyszyły niektóre z wymienionych tutaj ideologii. Budowę autostrad w Polsce należy zatem ujmować jako projekt na wskroś modernizacyjny, zapoczątkowany (w paradoksalny i dramatyczny sposób) już podczas II wojny światowej, ostatecznie jednak zdefiniowany po transformacji 1989 r. Każda z odsłon tej historii ma swoje osobne znaczenia, wymiary i miejsca w pamięci społecznej. Najważniejsza jest dla mnie oczywiście odsłona ostatnia. Jej bliskość historyczna nie przekłada się wszelako automatycznie na łatwość w opisie i interpretacji. Dlaczego? O ile bowiem transformacja ustrojowa i społeczna Polski po roku 1989 stała się już przedmiotem wielostronnych i wieloaspektowych analiz, o tyle obecności w ich ramach autostrad – a zwłaszcza konsekwencji ich powstania dla lokalnych krajobrazów ekonomiczno-kulturowych – nie uczyniono dotąd tematem systematycznych badań. Kluczowe daty historii autostrady A2 to: 27 października 2004 r., kiedy oddano do użytku 50-kilometowy odcinek Nowy Tomyśl-Komorniki oraz 1 grudnia 2011 r., gdy uruchomiono odcinek Nowy Tomyśl-Świecko, łącząc w ten sposób Poznań z granicą polsko-niemiecką. Przemiany wywołane przez budowę i uruchomienie autostrady nie były tak spektakularne, jak te znane z początku lat 90. (rosnące bezrobocie, likwidacja Państwowych 77 �Gospodarstw Rolnych, pośpieszna prywatyzacja). Zachodziły one w odmiennych warunkach społeczno-ekonomicznych, niejako w cieniu innych wielkich procesów ekonomiczno-społeczno-kulturowych, dotycząc przy okazji relatywnie niewielkich obszarów. Nie należy jednak owych zmian bagatelizować. Na własny użytek, określiłem kompleks tych zmian jako „modernizowanie przez autostradę” (Kuligowski, Stanisz 2015). W przypadku autostrady A2 modernizowanie owo miało wymiar regionalny, krajowy oraz europejski. Jak wspomniałem, inwestycja ta miała włączyć Polskę do sieci autostrad europejskich, scalić „Stryków z Lizboną”. Przy okazji zakładano także powstanie dogodnego kanału komunikacyjnego między Berlinem a Poznaniem i dalej Warszawą. Rozwój infrastruktury miał ostatecznie „włączyć” Polskę do (wspólnej) Europy, jak utrzymywano w dominującym dyskursie władz. Prace przy budowie autostrady A2, rozpoczęte w 2001 r. i trwające 10 lat, były przez kolejne rządy traktowane bardzo prestiżowo. Jeszcze w 2004 r. kolejny odcinek A2 fetowano specjalną uroczystością. Do jej prowadzenia zaangażowano kierowcę rajdowego Krzysztofa Hołowczyca, a pracownicy AWSA i NCC, firmy wykonawczej, przy akompaniamencie motywu muzycznego z filmu „Gwiezdne wojny” i sztucznych ogniach, oblewali się szampanem niczym rajdowcy (Bojarski 2011). Na imprezie nie było ani ówczesnego premiera Marka Belki, ani Jana Kulczyka. W 2011 r. na węźle Trzciel było już zupełnie inaczej. Na uroczystość otwarcia odcinka Nowy Tomyśl-Świecko zaproszono pół tysiąca gości, w tym trzech prezydentów: Bronisława Komorowskiego, Aleksandra Kwaśniewskiego i Lecha Wałęsę. Pojawili się ponadto premier Brandenburgii Matthias Platzeck, marszałkowie województw wielkopolskiego i lubuskiego, wicemarszałek sejmu Cezary Grabarczyk oraz Jan Kulczyk. Nagrodzony Oscarem Jan A.P. Kaczmarek skomponował na tę okazję specjalny utwór, zatytułowany „Fanfary dla A2”, odegrany na miejscu przez 40-osobową orkiestrę. Prezydent Komorowski stwierdził w swoim przemówieniu: „To dobry i szczęśliwy dzień. Wszyscy to czujemy, że jesteśmy bliżej realizacji polskich marzeń o bliskim kontakcie ze światem zachodnim. 78 (…) Wiele lat musiało upłynąć od pomysłu do realizacji, ale jak już się zaczęło, to nowy odcinek autostrady powstał w dwa lata, co może być powodem dumy i zadowolenia. Warto pamiętać, że przekraczamy w ten sposób bariery kompleksów i niemożności, które ciążyły nam przez tyle lat. (…) To sukces całej Polski. Całej Polsce dziękuję i gratuluję. Trzeba pamiętać, że jesteśmy tylko ogniwem w łańcuchu polskich marzeń, dokonań i sukcesów. A sprawy polskie idą w dobrą stronę. Tu widać nawet, że nie tylko idą, ale coraz lepiej jadą.” Kulczyk dodał natomiast, że „o ile 1 maja 2004 r. Polska weszła do Europy, to 1 grudnia 2011 r., wjechała do Europy” (Raz, że najnowo‑ cześniejsza autostrada w Polsce, A2, że betonowa 2011). Ostatni odcinek autostrady A2 budowany przez AWSA pierwotnie miał być oddany do użytku trzy tygodnie przed rozpoczęciem Mistrzostw Europy w Piłce Nożnej w 2012 r.6 Jest to niezwykle istotne, gdyż w okresie przed tą wielką imprezą sportową dyskurs modernizacyjny uległ wyraźnemu nasileniu. Dominowała w nim figura „końca” modernizowania Polski, przede wszystkim w wymiarze infrastruktury. Symboliczne znaczenie miały w tym kontekście inwestycje związane właśnie z budową autostrad. Oddawanie ich kolejnych odcinków fetowano jako święto modernizacji, a sama autostrada funkcjonowała na kilku poziomach: jako infrastruktura dla mobilności; jako system mobilności; jako medium mobilności (Normark 2006a). Uruchamianie kolejnych odcinków autostrad miało być także impulsem do rozwoju ekonomicznego i społecznego regionów, gdzie je budowano. Budowę autostrady lokowano ponadto w obrębie ideologii mobilności, łączącej w sobie „postęp, 6 Fakt ten nabiera nowego znaczenia w kontekście „użytku”, jaki z autostrady zaczęli robić pseudokibice futbolowi w połowie 2016 r. Autostrada stała się mianowicie miejscem tzw. „ustawek”: w ich wyniku zniszczono auta fanom Unii Oświęcim (czerwiec 2016 r., A4 na wysokości Mysłowic). Policja informowała ponadto o innych „ustawkach”: fanów Arki Gdynia i Lechii Gdańsk (styczeń 2017 r., A1 koło Tczewa, węzeł Swarożyn) oraz Legii Warszawa z kibicami niezidentyfikowanego klubu (styczeń 2017 r., A1 Kamieńsk, niedaleko Piotrkowa Trybunalskiego). Kolejna ustaw‑ ka na autostradzie, www.tvn24.pl/wiadomosci-z-kraju,3/kolejna-ustawka-pseudokibicow,711043.html (data dostępu: 30.01.2017), Bójka kibiców na autostradzie A4, www.dziennikzachodni.pl/wiadomosci/myslowice/a/bojka-kibicow-na-autostradziea4-siekiery-rozbite-samochody-policja-szuka-swiadkow-wideo,10079116/ (data dostępu: 30.01.2017). 79 �nowoczesność, ekonomię rynku, globalizację, wielość dróg, przebytych km” (Borja, Courty, Ramadier 2015: 5). Warto zauważyć, że tak kształtowana i promowana polityka infrastrukturalna spotkała się z rozpoznanymi oczekiwaniami społecznymi. Według badania PBS DGA, przeprowadzonych w połowie 2012 r., aż 75% Polaków postrzegało inwestycje drogowe jako priorytet na najbliższych 10 lat (Komu potrzebne są autostrady?). Bardzo wymowne są w tym kontekście wyniki regionalnego plebiscytu. Oto w 2014 r. wielkopolska redakcja „Gazety Wyborczej”, ogłosiła konkurs na najważniejsze wydarzenia ostatniego ćwierćwiecza (okres 1989-2014). Pierwsze miejsce w głosowaniu czytelników zajęło uruchomienie autostrady A2, wyprzedzając choćby wizytę Jana Pawła II czy kolejne edycje festiwalu teatralnego Malta. „Gazeta Wyborcza” komentowała ten wybór następująco: „Poznań jest wreszcie zintegrowany z Europą”; „Autostrada daje nam szczególne poczucie bycia między Wschodem a Zachodem”, dodawał lokalny politolog; „Autostrada ma wielkie znaczenie dla biznesu”, stwierdził ponadto jeden z poznańskich przedsiębiorców (Mazur 2014: 1). Święto modernizacji – tym wystawniejsze, że budowane w oparciu o rekordowe w sensie finansowym partnerstwo publiczno-prywatne oraz gigantyczne sumy pożyczek – ma jednak także swój mniej optymistyczny rewers. A2, jak i inne polskie autostrady, jest drogą płatną, ceny paliw są w towarzyszących jej stacjach również znacząco wyższe niż gdzie indziej. Tworzy to barierę ekonomiczną, wykluczającą z dostępu do nowoczesnej infrastruktury. „Nie jeżdżę autostradą, bo jest za droga”, słyszałem nieraz podczas badań; opinię taką wypowiadali zresztą także kierowcy z zagranicy. Warto w tym kontekście przywołać wymowne słowa Matthew Arnolda (cytowanego przez Raymonda Williamsa): „Wolność to bardzo dobry koń pod wierzch, o ile ma się dokąd jechać” (Williams 1958: 118). Nie ma zbyt wiele powodów, które nie pozwalałyby na to, by wielkiego przedsięwzięcia infrastrukturalnego pod hasłem „A2” nie zaliczyć w poczet praktyk właściwych dla państwa neoliberalnego, zwłaszcza w kategoriach zaproponowanych przez Davida Harvey’a (2016). Przekonuje on, że fundamentalną misją takiego państwa jest tworzenie „korzystnego klimatu” dla biznesu, czyli dla 80 optymalizacji kapitału. Stąd polityka wspierająca różne typy biznesu, stąd ułatwienia (ulgi podatkowe) i stymulowanie jego ekspansji, czego przejawem jest choćby organizowanie potrzebnej mu infrastruktury, finansowanej ze środków publicznych. Wszystkie tego typu działania osłania się przy tym retoryką sprzyjania innowacyjności i rozwojowi. Nieodzownym elementem tworzenia państwa neoliberalnego jest w tym ujęciu prywatyzacja sektorów uprzednio zarządzanych przez państwo. Zdecydowanie faworyzuje się zaś spółki publiczno-prywatne, „w których sektor publiczny ponosi całe ryzyko, a sektor przedsiębiorstw zgarnia cały zysk” (Harvey 2016: 37). W przebiegu polskiej transformacji po 1989 r. z łatwością da się wskazać procesy tożsame z tymi, jakie charakteryzują zarządzanie państwem neoliberalnym – jakkolwiek uciekaliby od tego określenia politycy, ekonomiści, badacze społeczni czy publicyści. Ważnym ogniwem logiki neoliberalnej stała się także budowa A2 i działalność spółki Autostrada Wielkopolska. Oddam jeszcze raz głos Harvey’owi: „Preferowaną formą zarządzania jest ‘partnerstwo publiczno-prywatne’, w którym państwo i siły wielkiego biznesu ściśle współpracują, koordynując działania w sposób sprzyjający akumulacji kapitału. W rezultacie ci, którzy mają podlegać regulacji, sami określają zasady tej regulacji, podczas gdy ‘publiczne’ procesy decyzyjne stają się coraz mniej przejrzyste” (Harvey 2016: 39-40). Potraktowanie A2 jako jednej z lokalnych przestrzeni globalnego, neoliberalnego w swej istocie kapitalizmu nakazuje krytyczne przyjrzenie się świętu modernizacji. Nie wszyscy zostali bowiem na to święto zaproszeni (i to dosłownie), nie wszyscy także uważali, że w ogóle jest co świętować. �DK92: przepływy i przemieszczenia A jednak, to nadal jest jakby takie międzynarodowe połączenie, bo jesteśmy jakby takim przelotem. Mieszkanka Bolewic To jest dla nas dwuznaczne, bo z jednej strony utrudnia życie – jest ten ruch, hałas, ale z drugiej strony daje utrzymanie. Mieszkaniec Koryt Ja tę drogę dobrze znam, bo mam od podwórza. Mieszkaniec Miedzichowa Etnografia lokalności a mobilność Tworząc projekt „Ruchome modernizacje” z pewnością byliśmy zainspirowani metodologiami zarówno etnografii mobilnej jak i wielomiejscowej. Niemniej nasze początkowe założenia teoretyczne nie uwzględniały ani koncepcji mobilności, ani przepływu w tym sensie, iż nie odwoływaliśmy się do żadnych konkretnych ustaleń teoretycznych w tym zakresie oraz nie podjęliśmy się jednoznacznego zdefiniowania tych pojęć. Ponieważ jednak obserwowaliśmy te fragmenty rzeczywistości, które roboczo określiliśmy jako ruchome i znajdujące się w ruchu, prędzej czy później musieliśmy podjąć decyzję o sposobie operacyjnego dookreślenia kategorii mobilności oraz przepływu. Za najbardziej użyteczny uznaliśmy paradygmat nowych mobilności (Sheller, Urry 2006: 207-226; Elliot, Norum, Salazar 2017). Tu jednak chcemy podkreślić, że nasze rozumienie powyższych zjawisk wynika w dużej mierze wprost z naszej antropologicznej praxis i wyłaniającego się w trakcie badań terenowych materiału empirycznego. W konsekwencji, choć 83 �w wielu miejscach odwołujemy się do wspomnianych idei nowych mobilności, to staramy się nie usztywniać tych podstawowych dla studiów nad mobilnością oraz road studies kategorii, pozostawiając je raczej ambiwalentnymi, to jest takimi, jakimi jawiły się w terenie. Rygorystyczne trzymanie się teorii w naszym przypadku okazało się nie tyle niewystarczające, co trudne do zastosowania wobec wiedzy terenowej uzyskanej w trakcie wielopoziomowo zlokalizowanych i mikroskalowych badań etnograficznych. Innymi słowy, użycie przez nas kategorii mobilności i przepływu należy traktować jako intuicyjne. Ujęliśmy je w domyśle, jako wręcz oczywiste w projekcie, którego przedmiotem badań stały się ekonomiczne oraz społeczne rekonfiguracje zachodzące w przydrożnych społecznościach. Prowadzone przez nas prace badawcze począwszy od wstępnej „kwerendy terenowej”, zrealizowanej jeszcze w trakcie tworzenia projektu, przez badania pilotażowe, na systematycznie odbywających się wizjach lokalnych, wielomiejscowych, pogłębionych i uzupełniających badaniach terenowych kończąc, były procesem odkrywania kolejnych warstw przydrożnych rzeczywistości i coraz intensywniej zdradzały znaczenie ruchu. Sytuacja, gdy badania etnograficzne przyjmują formę wielomiejscową i mobilną, ale ukierunkowane są na lokalność o specyficznym geograficznym położeniu, tj. wzdłuż i jednocześnie na poboczu infrastruktur, które decydują o mobilności lub jej braku, jest dość problematyczna. Ruch, w tym wypadku potraktowany domyślnie przy zastosowaniu perspektywy mikrocodzienności okazał się dalece bardziej złożony, różnorodny i nieprzewidywalny, a jego kierunki, przyczyny i implikacje zniuansowane nawet w kontekście poszczególnych miejscowości. Przy stale utrzymywanym metodycznym przybliżeniu stosowane przez nas założenia teoretyczne zaczęły ulegać rozmyciu. Paradygmatyczna koncepcja mobilności okazała się problematyczna w wypadku badania konkretnych rzeczywistości, na które choć składają się bezbrzeżne strefy ciągłego przepływu, to w ujęciu oddolnym pozostają relatywnie niemobilne, stałe i lokalne. Inaczej mówiąc prezentowana przez nas etnografia jest etnografią o lokalności poprzez mobilność i przepływy. 84 Doświadczanie znaczących zmian w zakresie przepływu dóbr, informacji oraz zasobów ludzkich współcześnie wydaje się zjawiskiem o charakterze uniwersalnym. Zmiany te odnoszą się przede wszystkim do szybkości i efektywności procesów przemieszczania się. Jednak generują także nowe wymiary ruchu, które ujawniają struktury nierówności i hierarchie władzy, a także społeczne i kulturowe powiązania z systemami logistyk oraz reżimów, wedle których mobilność jest zarządzana. Nauki społeczne przez długi czas definiowały to pojęcie w terminach wyłącznie pozytywnego ruchu (Salazar 2010: 53), ale z perspektywy antropologicznej mobilność, to nie tylko zjawisko polegające na przemieszczaniu się rzeczy, ludzi i koncepcji, lecz także kolejny konstrukt kulturowy, konsekwencja wielu różnych reżimów logistyki właściwie wszystkiego (Stanisz 2015d: 73-86; Baker 2016: 152-170) oraz towarzyszącej jej ideologii elastyczności wymaganej przez globalny system kapitalistyczny (zob. Salazar, Schiller 2014). Odzwierciedleniem tego jest naszym zdaniem akademicka tendencja do paradygmatyzacji mobilności, której od początku chcieliśmy uniknąć. Sama mobilność długo znajdując się z resztą na obrzeżach naukowego zainteresowania, była konceptualizowana jako produkt relacji oraz działań społecznych. Jej rozumienie uległo zmianie wraz ze sformułowaniem wspomnianego przez nas paradygmatu nowych mobilności, który umieścił ruch i przepływ wśród najważniejszych praktyk społecznych, a w konsekwencji w centrum debat akademickich1. Miejsce, terytorium i zakorzenienie przestały być 1 Literatura z zakresu studiów nad mobilnością jest dziś niezwykle bogata, zwłaszcza jeśli wziąć pod uwagę ich interdyscyplinarny charakter. Zagadnieniem mobilności zajmują się nie tylko antropolodzy, lecz także geografowie, historycy, socjolodzy czy urbaniści. W kontekście przeprowadzonych badań bliskie są nam rozważania antropologa Marca Augé, który rozwinął koncepcję nie-miejsc, czyli m.in. przestrzeni autostrad i parkingów (Augé 1995), geografów Colina Divalla i Georga Revilla na temat procesów wytwarzania reprezentacji idei transportu (Divall, Revill 2005: 99-111), Petera Merriama przyglądającego się z perspektywy historyczno-geograficzno-antropologicznej angielskiej autostradzie M1 (Merriam 2007), Daniela Normarka zajmującego się przyautostradowymi parkingami w Europie Zachodniej (Normark 2006b: 241-252), Dimitrisa Dalakoglou badającego fenomen albańskich autostrad (Dalakoglou 2010: 132-149, 2012: 571-586; 2017; Dalakoglou, Harvey 2012: 459-465; Dalakoglou, Harvey 2014) czy w końcu Johna Urry’ego zainteresowanego m.in. przestrzennymi oraz materialnymi aspektami mobilności (Urry 2010, 2012a). 85 �jedynymi polami eksploracji w badaniach społecznych. Ten nowy trend spowodował, że etnografia została zmuszona do zaadaptowania mobilnych metod badań, choć oczywiście nie są one w stanie całkowicie zastąpić tych tradycyjnych (Sheller, Urry 2006: 207-226). Postępujący od lat 90. XX w. zwrot ku mobilności należy odczytywać jako reakcję badaczy społecznych na nie tyle ogólny wzrost poziomu przepływu, co raczej intensyfikujące się praktyki nowych form mobilności, niekoniecznie związanych wyłącznie z jej fizycznym bądź geograficznym aspektem. Wyłaniający się nowy „mobilny paradygmat” oznaczał nowe sposoby wyjaśniania zjawisk, nowe teorie, pojęcia i koncepcje, w tym wypadku na temat tego, jak i dlaczego mobilność znajduje się w centrum konstelacji władzy, jak wpływa na procesy wytwarzania hierarchii i struktur społecznych, tożsamości i mikrogeografii dnia codziennego (Cresswell 2011: 551). To konceptualne przesunięcie należy również odczytywać z perspektywy metodologicznej – dotąd bowiem stosowane w naukach społecznych narzędzia teoretyczne i metodologie miały statyczny charakter. W konsekwencji oznaczało to ignorowanie lub trywializowanie ruchu, ale wobec zachodzących zmian statyczne opisy stały się nieadekwatne lub niepełne. Teoria mobilności powstała więc jako krytyka dotychczasowej orientacji ku sedentaryzmowi i deterioryzacji (Castells 2008; Clifford 1992: 96-116; 1997; Friedman 2002: 21-36; Marcus 1995: 95–117; Sheller, Urry 2006: 207-226). Do paradygmatu nowych mobilności, w naszym przypadku atrakcyjnego przede wszystkim na poziomie metodologicznym, podchodzimy jednak krytycznie. Uważamy bowiem, iż w dużej mierze jest to podejście reifikujące czy wręcz fetyszyzujące zjawisko mobilności przyznając jej status ogólnej i niepodważalnej zasady nowoczesności (np. Hannam, Sheller, Urry 2006: 1-22). Przytłacza także abstrakcyjnym i nieempirycznym dyskursem przepływu, a refleksję nad mobilnością w naukach społecznych charakteryzuje pewien schematyzm. Wyjaśnieniom podlega nie tylko sam ruch, lecz także jego efekty i implikacje w szerszych kontekstach życia społeczno-kulturowego, a mobilność, przepływ, ruchliwość oraz szybkość i efektywność dystrybucji wszystkiego (Kaufmann, Bergman, Joye 2004: 745-756) mają stanowić swoistego rodzaju ramy 86 pozwalające na domknięcie adekwatnych opisów i interpretacji współczesności. Mimo naszych wątpliwości co do totalności teorii mobilności i przepływu, dały nam one możliwość śledzenia i wyjaśniania zmieniających się konstelacji i konfiguracji nie tylko mobilnych, lecz także, co dla nas niezwykle istotne, stałych elementów tworzących przydrożne społeczności. Dostrzeżenie tego, iż ruch oraz przepływ zależą od różnorodnych form stabilności, materialnego wymiaru życia społeczno-kulturowego, a nawet spowolnienia (Bissell 2007: 277-298; Bissell, Fuller 2010; Creswell 2012: 645-653; Salazar, Smart 2011: iix;), powoduje, że „nowe mobilności” to narzędzie pozwalające na opis dynamicznej sieci relacji łączących lokalność z globalnością, mobilność z niemobilnością i zastojem, płynność ze stabilnością. Wszystkie formy ruchu są współzależne od różnorodnych czasoprzestrzennych stałości i są z nimi ściśle powiązane. Uważamy, że dopiero takie ujęcie mobilności, która nie jest w opozycji do bezruchu i lokalności, mogło uczynić je cennym w kontekście przeprowadzonych przez nas badań etnograficznych. Niemal każda przydrożna, konkretnie zlokalizowana miejscowość, którą odwiedzaliśmy, udowadnia z jednej strony, że ruch i przepływ są faktem, z drugiej zaś, że obserwowane w ich obrębie różnorodne przepływy nie mogłyby być zrozumiane bez odwołania się do lokalności, a także że w większości wypadków nie zawsze są tym, co pozostawałoby w gestii aktorów społecznych. Ponadto nasze początkowe problemy z kategorią mobilności w dużej mierze wynikały z metodologii projektu zakładającej wprawienie w ruch samych badaczy. Celem tej swoistej mobilizacji była realizacja badań, jako serii ujęć z różnych perspektyw. Zwłaszcza zaś chodziło nam o zestawienie ze sobą interakcji między ideologiami modernizacyjnymi a ich realizacją na poziomie lokalnym. Modernizacje związane z rozwojem infrastruktury dla mobilności nie tyle okazały się warunkowane lokalnymi sytuacjami, co raczej restrukturyzowały lokalność na poziomie mikropolityki, oddolnych ekonomii czy codziennych reakcji i co oczywiste – narracji i dyskursów. Etnografia wielomiejscowa wymagała potraktowania terenu jako przestrzennie rozproszonego, poprzez który badacze poruszali się 87 �w sposób dosłowny, przemieszczając się z jednego miejsca do drugiego, korzystając z różnorodnych drogowych środków transportu oraz podążając wzdłuż lokalnych ścieżek, wykorzystywanych przez przemieszczające się różnorodne grupy ludzi. W metodach tych jednak wiele zjawisk okazało się niezauważalnie umykać. Dynamiki przepływu nie da się zaobserwować, gdy jest się tylko i wyłącznie jego częścią. W którymś momencie należy się zatrzymać i z perspektywy przydrożnej spojrzeć na lokalne konsekwencje przepływu. Istotne, jak się wydaje, jest również wyważenie interpretacji mobilności między jej globalnymi i lokalnymi kontekstami. W warunkach przepływu kontekstów jest wiele. W naszym przypadku zmuszeni byliśmy nieustannie zestawić ze sobą modernizacyjne dyskursy wyrażane w procesach rozwoju i podtrzymania infrastruktur drogowych z globalnymi trendami i nieprzewidywalnymi bieżącymi sytuacjami polityczno-ekonomicznymi czy też zewnętrzne regulacje prawne z ich lokalnymi, w tym samorządowymi, realizacjami. Uznaliśmy też, że musimy pozostawać wyczulonymi na oddolne wykonawstwo mobilności, ponieważ zawsze jest ono zakorzenione w określonych systemach znaczeń i wartości. Problematyczność kategorii mobilności, z którą się borykaliśmy mogliśmy rozwiązać przez jej krytyczne ujęcie, ponieważ tylko wówczas mogliśmy się pokusić o obnażenie złożonych praktyk, które kreują przedmioty i procesy mobilności. Ich odkrycie pozwoliło nam dostrzec i zrozumieć alternatywne i oddolne sposoby na radzenie sobie z reżimami przepływu. Od trasy e8 po dk92, czyli „nasza stara dwójka” Droga krajowa nr 92, przy której bezpośrednio położone są obserwowane przez nas miejscowości, stanowiła główny temat rozmów, jakie przeprowadziliśmy z kilkuset osobami. Byli to mieszkańcy zajmujący różne miejsca w strukturze społecznej, włodarze gmin, miasteczek i wsi, lokalni aktywiści, przedsiębiorcy prowadzący przydrożne bary, sklepy spożywcze, stragany z najczęściej tylko 88 pozornie lokalnymi produktami, stacje benzynowe i parkingi, motele i hotele, przedsiębiorcy trudniący się wszelkiego rodzaju usługami skierowanymi do zróżnicowanych użytkowników infrastruktur drogowych, pracownicy zatrudniani przez tych przedsiębiorców, dalej z kierowcami czy to ciężarówek dalekobieżnych czy to busów transportujących wschodnio- i środkowoeuropejskich emigrantów zarobkowych do krajów Europy Zachodniej, turystami, prostytutkami pracującymi na poboczach oraz na terenie większych centrów obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego, inżynierami i robotnikami drogowymi, różnego szczebla pracownikami zatrudnianymi przez Autostradę Wielkopolską itd. Mimo iż naszym najbardziej bezpośrednim celem było dotarcie do opinii oraz lokalnych historii powiązanych z faktem otwarcia w 2011 r. nowego odcinka autostrady A2, opowieści o „starej dwójce” zdecydowanie dominowały ujawniając donośne znaczenie tej drogi dla lokalnych społeczności. Przepływ tą drogą, nie autostradą A2, okazał się najistotniejszy. „Stara dwójka” to nie tylko wyrazisty infrastrukturalny i krajobrazowy element odwiedzonych przez nas wsi i małych miasteczek, lecz także coś, co z jednej strony decyduje o dynamice lokalnej ekonomii, relacjach społecznych oraz komforcie i jakości życia codziennego, z drugiej ujawnia mobilności i przepływy, nad którymi mieszkańcy nie mają żadnej władzy i nie mogą ich kontrolować. Pierwszym najbardziej widocznym i oczywistym rodzajem przepływu jest po prostu ruch drogowy. Podstawowym źródłem informacji o jego natężeniu są w Polsce Generalne Pomiary Ruchu, a uzyskane na ich podstawie dane są wykorzystywane przez państwową administrację drogową w celu zarządzania, utrzymania i planowania rozwoju sieci drogowej. Dane te używane są również do analiz środowiskowych i ekonomicznych, których wyniki decydują o realizacjach modernizacyjnych. Pierwsze pomiary ruchu w Polsce koncentrowały się w miastach, gdzie liczono ruch na głównych traktach miejskich w okresach wzmożonej aktywności ludności, takich jak zjazdy sejmików, targi czy odpusty. Regularne pomiary ruchu miejskiego zaczęto organizować w okresie międzywojennym ub. w., a pierwsze pozamiejskie badanie przeprowadzono w 1926 r. Badania te straciły rację bytu w okresie wojennym, by zostać wznowionymi 89 �w 1954 r.2 Współcześnie badania te realizowane są w odstępie pięcioletnim. Z perspektywy projektu „Ruchome modernizacje” warto odwołać się do dwóch ostatnich pomiarów z 2010 oraz 2015 r. W roku 2010 dzisiejsza droga krajowa 92 była jeszcze oznaczona numerem 2. W rezultacie oddawania do użytku kolejnych etapów autostrady A2, poprzednie fragmenty DK 2 równoległe do niej oznaczano jako droga krajowa nr 92, a na badanym przez nas odcinku zabiegu tego dokonano 30 listopada 2011 r., w przeddzień oficjalnego oddania do użytku autostrady. Tego roku na odcinku, wzdłuż którego zlokalizowane są odwiedzane przez nas miejscowości, dobowo przejeżdżało ponad 17 tys. pojazdów silnikowych, w tym 7,5 tys. ciężarówek wraz z przyczepami. W roku 2015, a więc cztery lata po otwarciu autostrady A2 pomiędzy Świeckiem a Nowym Tomyślem, drogą krajową nr 92 przejechało ponad 8,2 tys. pojazdów silnikowych w ciągu doby, w tym blisko 3,5 tys. ciężarówek z przyczepami3. Zmiany w przepływie pojazdów są więc statystycznie znamienne i z pewnością „stara dwójka” utraciła dotychczasowy status najważniejszej drogi tranzytowej pomiędzy wschodnią a zachodnią granicą Polski4. Przytaczamy te dane, ponieważ w wielu wypowiedziach naszych rozmówców wciąż powtarzała się narracja o niezmienności natężenia ruchu drogowego na 92 po okresie, gdy za przejazd autostradą A2 zaczęły obowiązywać opłaty. No dla nas to ta autostrada praktycznie, że nic nam nie dała. Bo tu jest świat Poznań-Świecko, nie? No i tutaj zobacz pani ile tych tirów tu jedzie! [Mieszkaniec Bolewic] 2 3 4 90 Generalny Pomiar Ruchu w roku 2010: www.gddkia.gov.pl/pl/1231/generalny-pomiar-ruchu (data dostępu 20.03.2017). Por. Ludewicz M. (2012) Handlarze ze „starej” drogi nr 2 znów żyją nadzieją, „Głos Wielkopolski” 18 maja 2012, www.gloswielkopolski.pl/artykul/577431,handlarze-ze-starej-drogi-nr-2-znow-zyja-nadziejazdjecia,id,t.html data dostępu 20.03.2017). Generalny Pomiar Ruchu w roku 2015: www.gddkia.gov.pl/pl/2551/GPR-2015 (data dostępu 20.03.2017). Warto dla porównania przytoczyć dane odnoszące się do pomiaru ruchu autostradą A2 na odcinku Świecko-Nowy Tomyśl. W roku 2015 dobowo przejeżdżało nią średnio ponad 17 tys. pojazdów, w tym 5 tys. ciągników siodłowych z naczepami. Zob. www.gddkia.gov.pl/pl/2551/GPR-2015 (data dostępu 20.03.2017). Mimo że powstała autostrada – ciut, może się nieco zmniejszył ten ruch, ale on jest nadal intensywny, bardzo intensywny… [Właściciel restauracji z Bolewic] Ta autostrada to jest wielka pomyłka, przecież Ruskie, Litwini, wszystkie pchają się tędy. [Mieszkaniec Chociszewa] Do czasu kiedy nie wprowadzono płatności na autostradzie ludzie byli zadowoleni, a teraz powiem brzydko – szlag nas trafia. Bo jest bzdura. To wszystko, cały transport ciężki idzie tędy. W Bolewicach wyjeżdżają na rondzie i pędzą do granicy tędy. [Mieszkaniec Brójec] Ruch był mniejszy, o wiele mniejszy, bo tam była autostrada bezpłatna. Wiadomo – wprowadzili opłaty, z powrotem wróciło tutaj to samo. [Pracownica sklepu w Trzcielu] W nocy jak nieraz jedzie, to do zwariowania, człowiek się zerwał i nie wiedział, czy pali się czy wali się. Jak tak czterech przejechało, to ludzie, można było zwariować naprawdę! Człowiek stanął w nocnej koszuli… Ruskie i Anglicy, Szwaby jakie tylko… [Mieszkanka Brójec] Zagęszczony przepływ drogą krajową nr 92 jest w dużej mierze wyobrażony, a jego odczuwanie i znaczenie subiektywne. Różnie był opisywany przez mieszkańców, których domy położone są bezpośrednio przy trasie, przez tych, którzy zamieszkują obrzeża miejscowości z dala od ruchu drogowego; przez drobnych przedsiębiorców zajmujących się obsługą transportu dalekobieżnego – towarowego bądź pasażerskiego; osoby, które dojeżdżają do pracy poza miejsce zamieszkania; tych, którzy stracili w wypadkach drogowych bliskich czy ukochane zwierzęta; robotników drogowych, policjantów, strażaków; przydrożnych handlarzy. Wzmożony ruch, hałas, nieustający przepływ zwłaszcza tirów w narracjach naszych rozmówców często były prezentowane jako coś istniejącego od zawsze i nie tracącego na intensywności. Tymczasem przepływ dzisiejszą DK92 na dobre zainicjowany został wraz z wejściem Polski do Unii Europejskiej oraz otwarciem granic w związku z wstąpieniem w 2007 r. do strefy Schengen. 91 �Powiem tak… Jak otworzyli granice trzy dni, dzień i noc, dzień i noc kolejka była na drodze, dzień i noc, dosłownie, dzień i noc samochody jechały za granicę. Tak, że non-stop, ot było. No, jak otworzyli granicę, jak żeśmy weszli do Unii, nie? To wtedy taki był duży boom, bo to i Niemcy do nas przyjeżdżali i Polacy wyjeżdżali tam, nie? Tak, że non-stop sznurek był, ale dzień i noc. Później się już uspokoiło i tak jest, moim zdaniem bez przerwy, tak samo jest. [Przedsiębiorczyni z Torzymia] Historia DK92 niemal nie funkcjonuje w świadomości mieszkańców jej okolic i o dawnych czasach wspominali nieliczni: Ruch jest nie do porównania, nie? Kiedyś w nocy, to żeś mógł tańcować na dwójce, nie? Ale to już są cywilizacyjne zmiany związane z tym, że w rodzinie są po trzy samochody i nie jeździmy już trabantami, nie? Klamoty coraz to szybsze i tak... jest jak jest. [Myśliwy od 30 lat polujący w okolicach Bolewicka] Kiedyś ani samochodu, ani PKS-u. Nie było tak, bo jak myśmy przyjechali, to nie była dwupasmówka, szosa taka wąska. Nie było ruchu, bo to tylko same gospodarze byli, to konika i wozik i to był ruch. [Mieszkaniec Pniowa] Jakich czasów ten cały ruch w ogóle sięga? Pamiętam za chłopaka, to tu była taka zwykła asfaltówka, to my tu w piłkę na ulicy grali. Od czasu do czasu tylko jakiś żuk przejeżdżał, to wtedy ktoś krzyczał „żuk jedzie!” i schodzili. Musiało się jakoś po okrągłym stole zacząć, że tak jeździli. Teraz jak się chce wyjechać od siebie to nie można, bo jeden za drugim ciągną. [Pracownik Portu 2000 w Mostkach] Ta droga, jak ja pamiętam, to ona nie była taka. Był asfalt po Niemcach, tyko że wąski. Boczny ten piasek był, ale to w pięćdziesiątym chyba już pierwszym roku zaczęli poszerzać, zrobili tego… Drzewa wycięli, poszerzyli i teraz dobrze się jeździ. A przedtem była wąska droga. [Mieszkaniec Koryt] Dawniej, to praktycznie żaden samochód tu nie jechał powiem szczerze, bo niemiecka granica była zamknięta, a tylko tam były samochody. A na wsi, to dopiero może w 1975 albo gdzieś w tych granicach chyba, to pierwsza Syrenka tu się pojawiła, no to, o czym my mówimy, nie? [Mieszkanka Mostek] 92 W latach 1962-1985 dzisiejsza droga krajowa nr 92, nakładająca się na przebieg międzynarodowego szlaku prowadzącego od Paryża, przez przejście graniczne w Świecku z NRD do przejścia granicznego w Terespolu z ZSRR, była oznaczona jako E85. Na przełomie lat 70. i 80. ub. w. wdrożono nowy system numeracji i jej następcą stała się trasa E30, o niemal identycznym przebiegu, jednak wydłużona i obejmująca zasięgiem Irlandię, Białoruś i europejską część Rosji. W 1985 r. Polska przyjęła nowy system numeracji dróg krajowych, a trasy europejskie otrzymały numery krajowe używane zamiennie z międzynarodowymi. Trasa E30 otrzymała numer 2. Pod względem ideologicznym dzieje DK92, dawnej E8, przypominają pompatyczne, modernizacyjne dyskursy tworzone wokół budowy oraz otwarcia nowego odcinka autostrady A2. Trasa ta zyskała na szczególnym znaczeniu zwłaszcza w połowie lat 70. w związku z mającym się odbyć VII Zjazdem PZPR. Wśród dokumentów ilustrujących ideologię modernizacyjną okresu PRL bezpośrednio powiązanych z interesującą nas tu drogą, znajduje się m.in. materiał filmowy Wytwórni Filmów Dokumentalnych wydany jako 45 odcinek Polskiej Kroniki Filmowej z 1975 r. o znamiennym tytule Przed VII Zjazdem PZPR. Aby Polska rosła w siłę... W trzeciej minucie tej propagandowej prezentacji pojawia się sielankowy obraz ruchu samochodowego na zmodernizowanej E8. Towarzyszy mu krótka narracja: „Aby sprostać potrzebom, musimy w transport inwestować: dużo, szybko, efektywnie. I nie tylko na kolei. Na miarę jutra podjęliśmy w tym pięcioleciu budowę dróg szybkiego ruchu. Ciężkie maszyny drogowe zastępują pracę tysięcy ludzi”6. Postęp gospodarczy, jaki zachodził w Polsce w pierwszej połowie lat 70. ub. w. był faktyczny. Składały się na to liczne i pomyślane z rozmachem inwestycje przemysłowe i socjalne, zakupione za granicą 5 6 Bieżący system oznaczeń tras europejskich został wprowadzony w 1975 r. na podstawie Umowy europejskiej o głównych drogach ruchu międzynarodowego zawartej w Genewie 15 listopada. Jego wprowadzanie w życie rozpoczęto w pierwszej połowie lat 80. Zob. Umowa Europejska o głównych drogach ruchu międzynaro‑ dowego (AGR), sporządzona w Genewie dnia 15 listopada 1975 r., (Dz. U. z dnia 11 marca 1985 r.), www.web.archive.org/web/20070929000720/www.park.pl/prawo/1980-1990/du198500100035.html (data dostępu 17.05.2017). Polska Kronika Filmowa 45/75 A, www.repozytorium.fn.org.pl/?q=pl/node/10114 (data dostępu 12.04.2017). 93 �licencje nowych technologii oraz wzrost produkcji i oferowanie dóbr konsumpcyjnych, a jednym z elementów wzmacnianych ideologię nowego stylu życia była budowa nowoczesnej infrastruktury drogowej (zob. Pawlak, Wójtowicz 2009: 121-124). W związku z tym peerelowska hierarchia ogłosiła w trakcie VII Zjazdu PZPR, że Polska wkracza „w etap budowy rozwiniętego społeczeństwa socjalistycznego”7. Ideologiczne znaczenie trasy E8 udowadnia spotkanie Edwarda Gierka z budowniczymi E8 w Poznaniu, udokumentowane również przez Polską Kronikę Filmową8. Poznańskim inżynierom drogowym zaangażowanym w budowę dzisiejszej DK92 wręczano nawet specjalne brązowe medale mające upamiętniać ten pronarodowy projekt9. O trasie E8 jako drodze przyszłości pisano także w niewielkim artykule na łamach czasopisma „Młody Technik” z 1974 r. O jej nowoczesności miały zaświadczać: dwupasmowość umożliwiająca bezkolizyjne poruszanie się samochodów „zdążających z jednego końca Polski na drugi”, przebieg w pobliżu miast, oświetlenie jasnymi lampami, większa przelotowość, kuliste, futurystyczne w formie słupki z aparatami telefonicznymi, których można było użyć w awaryjnych sytuacjach, estetyka zajazdów wybudowanych wzdłuż trasy w jednym stylu, różniących się jedynie nazwami, prowadzonych przez Gminne Spółdzielnie i oferujących nie tylko jedzenie, lecz także w razie potrzeby umożliwiających skorzystanie z części hotelowej10. Również w połowie lat 70. Wojewódzki Ośrodek Informacji Turystycznej w Poznaniu wydał specjalną ulotkę pt. Trasą E-8 przez 7 8 grudnia 1975 r. VII Zjazd PZPR, więcej na www.nowahistoria.interia.pl/kartka-z-kalendarza/news-8-grudnia-1975-r-vii-zjazd-pzpr,nId,2317711#utm_source=paste&utm_medium=paste&utm_campaign=firefox (data dostępu 10.05.2017). 8 Jest to sekwencja Kroniki XXX-lecia. Poznańskie, Polska Kronika Filmowa 75/07A, 1975, www.kronikarp.pl/szukaj,53715,tag-691983,strona-9 (data dostępu 10.05.2017). 9 Medale te można do dziś nabyć w sklepach internetowych, m.in. na Allegro. Na ich rewersie znajduje się następujący napis: „W XXX ROCZNICĘ PROJEKTANTOM I BUDOWNICZYM ZDMiZ-WZDP-WZDiU POZNAŃ”. 10 Mowa tu o zajazdach-gościńcach „Otwarte Wrota” w Sępolnie, „Hajduczek” w Pniewach, „Podbipięta” w Iwnie, „U Kmiecia” w Wilcznej oraz „Zerwikaptur” w Dąbrowicach. 94 Wielkopolskę, w której to opisane zostały ważniejsze miejscowości położone pomiędzy Świeckiem a Warszawą. Autorzy ulotki podkreślają międzynarodowość, nowoczesność oraz narodowe znaczenie trasy wiodącej z Paryża do Moskwy: „Trasę tą przebywa duża część turystów zagranicznych z Zachodniej Europy do Polski, tędy jadą tranzytem turyści do Związku Radzieckiego, tędy też na odcinku od Pniew prowadzi najkrótszy szlak łączący Gorzów, Szczecin i Zachodnie Wybrzeże z centrum kraju (…) W roku 1974 oddano do eksploatacji pierwszy odcinek zmodernizowanej Trasy E-8, z Poznania do Wrześni, jednej z najnowocześniejszych w Polsce” (Trasą E-8 po Wielkopolsce: 1). Ulotka jest turystyczna w swoim charakterze, dlatego skupia się na atrakcyjności krajobrazowej trasy zwłaszcza na odcinku od Świecka do Lwówka, „dalej krajobraz jest mniej ciekawy” (Trasą E-8 po Wielkopolsce: 1). Na trasie tej wskazano na liczne walory estetyczne wielu miejscowości, które objęliśmy naszymi badaniami. Można w niej znaleźć informacje na temat Świecka, Rzepina, Torzymia, Poźrzadła, Gronowa, Mostek, Wilkowa, Świebodzina, Brójec, Lutola Suchego, Trzciela, Miedzichowa, Sępolna oraz innych położonych między Pniewami a Poznaniem. Wspomina się też o przydrożnych parkingach, czynnych niemal całą dobę stacjach benzynowych i wygodnych gościńcach. E8 miała być prezentem dla społeczeństwa na XXX-lecie Polski Ludowej, ale jej budowa opierała się także na czynie społecznym, m.in. realizowanym przez mieszkańców Wielkopolski. „To z inicjatywy KW PZPR w Poznaniu środowisko budownictwa drogowo-inżynieryjnego podjęło zadanie budowy E8 jako zadanie ponadplanowe, jako czyn wielkopolskich drogowców dla uczczenia 30-lecia Polski Ludowej” (za: Nosal 2015). Trasa ta zyskiwała wciąż nowe określenia, stając się raz „trasą warszawską”, a innym razem „eurostradą” – przykładem PRL-owskiego infrastrukturalnego sukcesu z jej „zieloną falą” w sygnalizacji świetlnej, bezkolizyjnymi węzłami czy przejściami podziemnymi. Dziś nazywana bywa przez mieszkańców miejscowości położonych wzdłuż niej nie tylko „naszą starą dwójką”, „naszą autostradą” ale także „drogą śmierci”. Miano to DK92 zawdzięcza dużej liczbie wypadków i kolizji, o których opowiadała większość naszych rozmówców. Za jeden z najbardziej 95 �kultowych wręcz wypadków na tej trasie uznaje się wypadek Bronisława Geremka w 2008 r. na wysokości miejscowości Lubień kilka kilometrów od Miedzichowa. to skrót oznaczający „kurwy, krasnale i koleiny” (zob. Żarnoch-Chudzińska 2011; Koźlenko 2013)13. K3 pojawiło się też w odniesieniu do miejscowości Miedzichowo: Ten odcinek tu z Miedzichowa do Poznania, on tu nazywany był drogą śmierci, tu m.in. Geremek, on tu rozbił się! No i tego tam, mieliśmy wypadków śmiertelnych bardzo dużo! Ten łuk tam potem zrobili, tak więc na tym odcinku tutaj 5-kilometrowym mieliśmy wypadków bardzo dużo! W tej chwili wypadki trzeba powiedzieć, o ileś tam procent! Znaczny procent! Już nawet jakieś wypadki są kolizyjne, natomiast śmiertelnych coraz mniej! To tak przedtem tych śmiertelnych.... części tych krzyży już nie ma, ale przedtem ta droga była zasłana dosyć tam tymi postawionymi krzyżami. [Mieszkaniec Miedzichowa] 13 Notabene w roku 2012 ukazała się płyta „Nasza dobra klasa” autorstwa satyryka i piosenkarza Krzysztofa Daukszewicza, na której znajduje się utwór zatytułowany „Droga do granicy”. Tekst tej piosenki inspirowany jest rozmową z byłym kierowcą tira, którego piosenkarz spotkał na parkingu pod Gorzowem Wielkopolskim. Kierowca w rozmowie tej wspominał o tzw. K4, czyli o koleinach, kurwach, karłach i krasnalach, decydujących o specyfice polskich dróg. Nie da się też nie powiązać tego utworu z procesami związanymi z wejściem Polski do UE, otwarciem granic oraz wzmożonym przepływie międzynarodowym. Kupiłem nowe auto, żeby wreszcie ruszyć w Polskę, bo w starym odwiedziłem już, co było koło domu blisko ale przez radio mówią, że nad morzem ciągle pada a w górach w środku lata, tego roku, lodowisko Postanowiłem wiec wyjechać, ruszyć w Europę bo ni paszportu nie potrzeba teraz ani żadnej wizy Wystarczy dowód osobisty, śpiwór w bagażniku a reszta jak to mówią starzy kumple, ryzyk-fizyk. Może tu jeszcze wrócę lub nie wrócę tutaj wcale żegnajcie koleiny, kurwy, karły i krasnale Po drodze wyprzedzają mnie furiaci na szlifierkach ich motocykle wyją na najwyższych już obrotach lecz to ich życie, ich wiatr w oczy czasem jedna chwilka Ja nie wiem co mnie bardziej kręci Wersal czy robota Kierowcy na postoju mówią: – Koleś olej Danię bo w kraju tym nie cierpią dzisiaj czarnych i Polaków więc pies ich ganiał, trzeba mieć swój jakiś własny honor Niech sami grzebią w kiblach albo stoją na zmywaku Jednak za najbardziej spektakularne uznawane są wypadki powodowane przez zasypiających lub nietrzeźwych kierowców ciągników siodłowych11 – niekoniecznie śmiertelne, częściej skutkujące rozsypaniem się lub rozpierzchnięciem przewożonego ładunku (np. żywy inwentarz, mięso, kawa, kwiaty), który bywa szabrowany przez miejscowych. I tak np. jesienią 2016 r. w okolicach Świebodzina doszło do wypadku, w czasie którego załadowana wieprzowiną ciężarówka została przewrócona na bok. Przy okazji akcji ratunkowej mięso musiało zostać usunięte z naczepy na zewnątrz, a jego zabezpieczenie zlecono jego właścicielowi, czego nie uczynił. W konsekwencji dzień później policja otrzymała zgłoszenie, że w miejscu wypadku odbywa się handel żywnością. Był to dokładnie ten towar, który jechał w rozbitej ciężarówce12. Faktycznie jednak wypadki na całej długości tej drogi stanowią 1,7% ich ogółu na wszystkich drogach krajowych w Polsce (Wypadki drogowe w Polsce 2016: 20-22). „Nasza stara dwójka” do niedawna nazywana była również K3. Jest to określenie slangowe stosowane głównie przez cyklicznie przemierzających tę trasę kierowców ciężarówek oraz policjantów; 11 Zob. Trasa śmierci, „Newsweek Polska” 12.03.2006, www.newsweek.pl/polska/trasasmierci,14912,1,1.html (dostęp 10.03.2017). 12 Zob. www.40ton.net/drodze-nr-92-mozna-bylo-kupic-mieso-rozbitej-naczepyniestety-nadawalo-sie-spozycia/ (data dostępu 19.05.2017) oraz materiał filmowy lokalnej stacji telewizyjnej Świebodzin TV: www.swiebodzin.tv/wiadomosci /358,przydrozny-handel (data dostępu 19.05.2017). 96 97 �Tutaj ta miejscowość była nazywana kiedyś Krainą Trzech Ka.... przepraszam za cytat, ale tak to się nazywało: kurwy, krasnale i koleiny. To była miejscowość trzech ka! I tak jak to z opowieści wiem, jak ciężarówka się wywróciła się z kawą na przykład, to zanim przyjechała straż pożarna, to tubylcy żyli ze sprzedaży kawy przez następne półtora roku. Także koczowniczy tryb życia gdzieś w rdzeniach, w korzeniach został! I ta chęć przedsiębiorczości to jest minimalna, tak? Najlepiej wziąć, a czy dostanę coś... Jest też problem społeczny tzw. patologii społecznej, tak? Bo tutaj po lasach mieszka dużo ludzi gdzie z tej krainy trzech ka dużo spuścizny zostało, bo to nie wszystko było legalne... No, przeróżne rzeczy się tutaj działy, przeróżne! Ale widzę zmiany w Miedzichowie. Widzę zmiany kultury osobistej ludzi. Czy ona jest powierzchowna, czy głęboka, to nie ma w tym momencie jakiegoś większego znaczenia! Ważne, że jest. A jak już się dokonała jakaś zmiana, to już jest proces ewolucyjny! W jakim kierunku on pójdzie? No, nie wiadomo! My nie mamy wpływu na to co się dzieje od góry. A ludzie uczą się bardzo szybko! [Artysta i przedsiębiorca z Miedzichowa] Może tu jeszcze wrócę lub nie wrócę tutaj wcale żegnajcie koleiny, kurwy, karły i krasnale A na poboczach stoją bardzo chętne skoroświtki i pokazują napalonym co im mogą zrobić w minut kilka A za zakrętem misie przyczajone w srebrnej Vectrze za swoje marne pensje chcą się wyżyć na mobilkach. I już granica, nikt nie węszy nikt tu już nie wrzeszczy Minęły czasy tych pajaców z dawnego NRD-owa Teraz już tylko w moim aucie gaz do dechy – Cześć upierdliwy kraju co się topisz w głupich słowach Może tu jeszcze wrócę lub nie wrócę tutaj wcale żegnajcie koleiny, kurwy, karły i krasnale. 98 Nazwa K3 ugruntowana jest w do niedawna najbardziej wyrazistych cechach DK92, lecz aktualnie nie ma już uzasadnienia i w obiegu znajduje się wyjątkowo rzadko. Trzy zjawiska: kurwy, krasnale i koleiny znajdują się w zaniku. Przydrożna prostytucja oczywiście nadal funkcjonuje14, jednak po pierwsze w ostatnich latach w dużej mierze została zredukowana poprzez skuteczne działania policji karzącej prostytutki, zwane „grzybiarkami”, „leśnymi ssakami” bądź „jagodziankami”, mandatami za zaśmiecanie lasów (por. Woźniak 2016), po drugie przeniosła się na tereny parkingów oraz większych centrów obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego np. w Mostkach, Poźrzadle czy Boczowie. Na trasie DK92 znajdują się też co najmniej dwa kluby nocne – w Korytach i Mostkach. Pracujące w nich prostytutki nazywane są z kolei przez mieszkańców tych miejscowości „naszymi/miłymi paniami/dziewczynami”. Ale tu gdzieś od roku jest spokój. Przedtem tu chyba były Bułgarki, nie? Przyjeżdżały, czy, czy... ale od roku już ich nie ma. No, ale to wiadomo, jedzie się np. w stronę Słubic, to też widać. Na każdym CPN-ie stoją. Ale od roku czasu, bo tak tutaj Bułgarki stały, ale od roku czasu ich nie ma. Po prostu policja... One gdzieś tu koczują, bo te gachy ich, ja na nich mówię gachy, bo to ja widzę nieraz, bo one przychodziły sobie tu do sklepu nieraz kosmetyki fajne kupić, taką chemię kupywały do tego, nie? No, jedzenie kupywały, nie? One naprawdę pieniądze zostawiały, no pieniądz z nimi był (…) bo one sobie kupywały i picie, no wszystko. Wszystko, co było możliwe, nie? No, tylko mówię, jak takich gachów ich widzę, to takie capy… o Jezu, ja to nie mogę normalnie. Przerypane miały kobity. No, nie raz, to one przyszły tak, ale bały się, nie chciały mówić. No, te dziady, co one im robiły, no szkoda mi było tych dziewczyn! No, naprawdę szkoda mi ich było. Dawno ich nie widziałam, a było tych dziewczyn trochę. A to mówię, policja jak zaczęła w zeszłym roku ich sprawdzać i od tej pory ich właściwie tutaj nie ma. [Pracownica sklepu w Trzcielu] Jeszcze kiedyś był tutaj taki boom na takie panie, które nazywaliśmy grzybiarki (…) tego już nie ma. I całe szczęście, bo to taki głupi trochę wizerunek był. Niech sobie będą domy publiczne, bo 14 Patrz mapa czynnej prostytucji przydrożnej: www.gdziestoja.pl/wojewodztwo/4/ lubuskie/ (dostęp 10.02.2017). 99 �każdy, każdy, uważam, że każdy biznes to jest biznes. Jeżeli ktoś chce, to co mi do tego. Jeżeli ktoś chce pracować swoją pupą, to niech sobie pracuje... no! [Przedsiębiorca z Jasieńca] No tutaj zaraz, zaraz za tym, no! Za tym naszym już zakrętem, na Trzciel, za [hotelem] „Wiktorią”, o tam dalej już stały przecież wszędzie. Straszne było, strasznie ich dużo rzeczywiście było. To najgorzej było kiedy się jechało nawet z dziećmi, albo coś, a one wszędzie przy trasach stały i wiadomo jak ubrane, nie? Wstyd normalnie! [Pracownica sklepu w Brójcach] Z pewnością zanikowi ulega od co najmniej dekady handel krasnalami oraz innymi figurami ogrodowymi, którego nie da się bezpośrednio powiązać z otwarciem nowego odcinka autostrady i odpływem na nią części tranzytu osobowego i turystycznego. Handel ten kwitł przede wszystkim w latach 90., by systematycznie słabnąć wraz z początkiem nowego millenium (por. Ludewicz 2012; Koźlenko 2013). Zanik handlu krasnalami należy wyjaśniać szerzej, przede wszystkim nasyceniem tego typu produktami rynku zachodniego, zwłaszcza niemieckiego, ubożeniem społeczeństwa rosyjskiego, które jeszcze do niedawna stanowiło główną siłę nabywczą ozdób ogrodowych, a także zmianami w modach i wzorach konsumpcji: Każdy ma swój marketing i wie, co jest dla niego najlepsze. Dobrze jeżeli tak jest. Gorzej jak ktoś robi biznes, a totalnie nie kuma bazy i narzeka. Zmienia się, no zmienia się, zmieniają się. No, ile można sprzedawać krasnali?! [Przedsiębiorca z Jasieńca] Ja Polaków nie nazywam biznesmenami, to gady są... Nie potrafili się znaleźć w odpowiednim miejscu, w odpowiednim czasie, z odpowiednią ofertą. I tyle i koniec. [Mieszkaniec Brójec] Obecnie też jakość techniczna DK92 na badanym przez nas odcinku systematycznie ulega poprawie, a trasa ta znajduje się właściwie w permanentnym procesie modernizacji. Wymienić tu można choćby budowę sygnalizacji świetlnej w Bolewicach czy Sękowie w 2008 r., doznakowanie łuków poziomych, utworzenie azylów przy przejściach dla pieszych bądź szkołach, np. w Trzcielu i Boczowie w 2009 r.15, remont obwodnicy Świebodzina w 2010 r., remont 15 www.gddkia.gov.pl/pl/a/6882/droga-krajowa-nr-2 (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 100 nawierzchni w Pniowie i Torzymiu w 2011 r.16, czy wreszcie ostatnia modernizacja trasy na odcinku pomiędzy Boczowem a Torzymiem realizowana w latach 2014-201517. Trasa między, powiedzmy od Trzciela tutaj do Świecka, to jest no, dobra dróżka, no! [Kierowca tira pauzujący na parkingu w Boczowie] Niemniej w narracjach naszych rozmówców postrzeganie jakości oraz bezpieczeństwa DK92 wyraźne było zróżnicowane, uzależnione od doświadczeń codzienności. Uogólniając jednak mieszkańcy poszczególnych miejscowości, choć świadomi niebanalnej roli, jaką odgrywa ta trasa dla lokalnej ekonomii, często na nią narzekali. Jednym z typowych przykładów może być historia mieszkanki Mostek, której dom znajduje się zaraz przy drodze: Czekaliśmy bardzo długo, fakt, że w tej chwili oni tę drogę utrzymują w stanie dobrym, przedtem to były, żadna była, bo te pieniądze, jakie były, takie były. To znaczy przed unijnymi pieniędzmi, o tak bym powiedziała, bo w tej chwili to chyba ze środków unijnych. Dom, to trzeba było po prostu rok rocznie odnawiać. Prowadziłam wojny z Dyrekcją Dróg, bo to wszystko pękało. Okna są trzeci raz wymienione. Sól, to wszystko spływa, tiry jadą i jest dla nas takim wielkim uciążeniem, że naprawę, kto nie mieszka przy drodze, to nie ma nawet pojęcia. Prosiłam, żeby jakieś ekrany… Zrobiliśmy nową elewację, no szkoda jej, no od razu jechał tir, jak chlapnął, to… Były momenty, że było otwarte okno, jak deszcz padał i nie było tu odprowadzenia, teraz jest, jeszcze po moim wojowaniu zrobili tak, wycięli tu w asfalcie, że ta woda troszeczkę odchodzi. Ale to wcale nie rozwiązuje problemu. A przedtem to do domu, po prostu jak chlupnął, to kałuża wpadała. Raz, że jest tu tak niebezpiecznie, że wypadków masa. A po drugie, no uciążliwie mieszkać. Ani okna otworzyć, ani nic, bo jak się otworzy okno, to już się telewizora nie słyszy. No i budynki niszczeją, przede wszystkim to, to jest najgorsze. No i spaliny, ołów, to wszystko wpływa na nasze zdrowie. Wszystko wpływa, no ale co mamy zrobić? Już ile razy, już zrobili tych wysepek, niby to… No 16 www.lubuskie.pl/uploads/pliki/Biuro_prasowe/Informacja%20o%20inwestycjach%20drogowych.pdf (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 17 www.gddkia.gov.pl/pl/a/14321/Remont-drogi-krajowej-nr-92-w-Torzymiu (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 101 �pisałam pisma, o Jezus, nawet, więc tak mi odpisali, że będą się przyglądać. O! nawet jedno pismo mam. O! „Dyrekcja Dróg Krajowych i Autostrad w Zielonej Górze. W nawiązaniu do pisma…” I to jest 2006 rok… że… „będzie prowadziła obserwacje w działaniach kanalizacji deszczowej odprowadzającej wodę z nawierzchni podczas opadu deszczu. O postępie i sposobie rozwiązania problemu poinformujemy oddzielnym pismem.” O takie było odbijanie! Więc zrobili, wycięli taki kawałeczek tego asfaltu, żeby ta woda szła. To są źle studzienki rozłożone, ciągle podwyższają, ciągle podwyższają… Jest utrudnienie dla nas tu wzdłuż ulicy. Z kim by pani nie rozmawiała, wszyscy to potwierdzą. Mamy dość. Naprawdę mamy dosyć. Raz niebezpieczeństwo dzieci, pomimo że to światło jest. „Stara dwójka” z jej charakterystycznym krajobrazem, dynamiką, relacją wobec nowej, potężnej infrastruktury dla mobilności jaką jest autostrada A2, jest trasą obdarzaną ogromnym zainteresowaniem i sentymentem m.in. wśród dziennikarzy i artystów. Jest bohaterką onirycznego filmu Na trasie Poznań-Świecko, autorstwa Anny Raczyński18, felietonu „Stara dwójka” – moja droga ucieczki lub startu Agaty Źrałko (2014b), opublikowanym w zielonogórskim wydaniu „Gazety Wyborczej”19, czy reportażu radiowego Droga cu‑ dów Rafała Regulskiego i Marcina Wesołowskiego, wyemitowanego w Polskim Radio Merkury20. 18 Na trasie Poznań-Świecko/On the road between Poznań-Świecko (2013), reż. A. Raczynski, www.vimeo.com/76995618 (data dostępu 12.04.2017). 19 Felieton napisany z okazji plebiscytu „Nasze 25-lecie” ogłoszonego przez „Gazetę Wyborczą” z okazji 25-lecia transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce, którego celem było wskazanie najważniejszych wydarzeń i procesów, które uformowały na nowo Zieloną Górę, Gorzów i region, a także ludzi, którzy mieli największy wpływ na przemianę. 20 Reportaż wyemitowano w 2008 r. i jest zainspirowany przystąpieniem polski do układu z Schengen. Autorzy reportażu reklamują go w następujący sposób: „Koleiny i burdele, krasnale, miód, grzyby i prostytutki. Wiklinowe kosze, przydrożne krzyże, kolorowa Nevada, sztuczne palmy w Las Vegas i cofanie liczników przez całą dobę. Polski blichtr i kicz, polska droga i setki tysięcy TIR-ów. Obejrzeliśmy tę drogę dokładnie. E30, czyli po polsku – dwójka, to kwintesencja polskiej tandety. Tandety, którą tak chętnie kupują”, www.stary.radiomerkury.pl/index.php?art=24596 (dostęp 20.05.2017). 102 Bez wątpienia DK92 podziela z nowym odcinkiem autostrady A2 ideologiczną i dyskursywną historię, która jednak dla tej pierwszej kończy się symboliczną degradacją – odebraniem jej statusu drogi składającej się na sieć dróg europejskich. Znamiennym jest także nasz sposób postrzegania tych dwóch dróg: autostrady A2 jako reprezentantki wielkiej infrastruktury i nowoczesności, DK92 jako po prostu trasy, krajówki obciążonej negatywnym efektem transformacji systemowej, globalnych przemian politycznych i ekonomicznych oraz aktualnie podejmowanych przedsięwzięć modernizacyjnych. Jeśli odczytamy mobilność jako konstruowaną w procesach historycznych oraz społecznych, to natychmiast zauważymy, iż jest ona ściśle powiązana z budową i rozwojem infrastruktury, będącej wyrazem politycznych intencji integracji europejskiej, z której jak wyżej wspomnieliśmy DK92 została wyłączona. Teoretycznie infrastruktury mobilności przekraczają to co lokalne, obejmując autostrady, drogi ekspresowe oraz drogi krajowe tworzące sieć dróg o charakterze międzynarodowym. Rozwój tych sieci usprawnia i przyspiesza transport, a wobec tego dzięki niemu możliwe są szybkie połączenia pomiędzy postnarodowymi makroregionami w Europie (McNeill 2004: 134). Drogi i autostrady stanowią obecnie jeden z istotniejszych krajobrazów narodowych, o czym rozprawia m.in. Pete Merriman w książce pt. Driving spaces: a cultural-historical geography of England’s M1 motorway (2007). Istotność rozwoju infrastruktury drogowej warto jednak rozpatrywać w kontekście procesu integracji europejskiej rozpoczętym w XX w. (Schipper 2008; Van der Vleuten, Kaijser 2006). Jej najlepszym przykładem jest tzw. E-ro‑ ad system, czyli system dróg europejskich rozwinięty przez United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) w celu umożliwienia mobilności transgranicznej. System został zaprojektowany już w latach 40. XX w., ale w pełni został zreorganizowany w 1975 r., w czasie gdy badany przez nas odcinek DK92 został oddany do użytku. Budowa i rozbudowa infrastruktury (tj. budowa mostów, autostrad, wiaduktów, tuneli, kładzenie torów etc.), to czynienie z terytorium Europy dynamicznej przestrzeni dla zwiększającego swoją intensywność przepływu. Innymi słowy, infrastruktura tylko 103 �z pozoru jest statyczna – z jej ujednoliconym krajobrazem, na który składają się dzięki stosowaniu tych samych technologii podobne elementy oraz rozwiązania od architektonicznych przez ergonomiczne. To właśnie ta monstrualna przestrzennie konstrukcja prowokuje, konstytuuje i kanalizuje ruch. Paul Virilio w Open sky (1997) pisze, że rozwój olbrzymich infrastruktur mobilności eliminuje topograficzne wyobrażenie krajobrazu jako czegoś, co jest tworzone z terytorialnych i lokalnych znaczników, które zawsze odgrywały istotną rolę w tworzeniu tożsamości narodowych. W opozycji do tych procesów tylko pozornie należałoby rozpatrywać DK92. Mimo jej silnego wpływu na lokalność, jej lokalne doświadczanie i społeczne znaczenia, to jednak przepływający nią różnorodni ludzie i rozmaite rzeczy decydują także o jej ponadnarodowości. Przepływy (trans)lokalne i tranzyt Wsie oraz miasteczka położone wzdłuż DK92 między Nowym Tomyślem a Świeckiem to miejsca intensywnego ruchu. Jest to masowy przepływ różnego rodzaju towarów wiezionych w naczepach dalekobieżnych ciężarówek, przepływ emigrantów zarobkowych i turystów, oraz codzienna mikromobilność mieszkańców. Każdy rodzaj tego ruchu, jego wykonawstwo, kierunki oraz intensywność warunkują ekonomiczną kondycję obserwowanych przez nas przydrożnych społeczności. Miejsca ich codziennego życia to nakładające się na siebie strefy złożonych przepływów: tranzytowego i międzynarodowego, lokalnego – zarówno publicznego jak i prywatnego, turystycznego i migracyjnego – zewnętrznego i wewnętrznego, a także przepływu rozmaitych kapitałów oraz rzeczy. Przepływy te „dzieją się” z jednej strony w warunkach lokalności, rozumianej jako zaktowiczenie i peryferyjność, z drugiej transgraniczności, która decyduje o kulturowych, społecznych i ekonomicznych fluktuacjach. Innymi słowy, w tym przypadku siłą rzeczy teren badań musiał posiadać charakter wielomiejscowy i translokalny. Koncepcje lokalności oraz miejsca powiązane są z symbolicznymi i praktycznymi działaniami ludzi, którzy je kreują, podtrzymują ich 104 trwanie i nadają im społeczno-kulturową wartość. Są więc kategoriami wyłaniającymi się poprzez praxis. W teoriach antropologicznych miejsce bywa analizowane jako: a) lokalizacja (location), która odnosi się do przestrzennej dystrybucji socjoekonomicznych działań, b) przywiązanie do miejsca (sense of place) oraz c) miejsce akcji (locale), w którym ludzie działają w określony sposób (Rodman 1992: 640-656). Miejsca są więc uwikłane w sieci o charakterze przestrzennym tworząc ramy dla działań i sprawczości. Naszym zdaniem w odniesieniu do wiedzy terenowej, jaka wyłoniła się dzięki przeprowadzonym przez nas badaniom, należy zwrócić się ku pojęciu translokalności. Jest to kategoria, która pojawia się w rozważaniach wiodących antropologów społecznych, takich jak Ajrun Appadurai (2005) czy Ulf Hannerz (1988: 235-256; 2003: 201-216). Jednak w ich rozumieniu translokalność jest sposobem konstytuowania społeczno-kulturowych przestrzeni mobilności, wymiejscowienia czy deterioryzacji. Używają tego pojęcia w celu uchwycenia sensu płynnych granic oraz nowoczesnych tożsamości oraz skupiają się na procesach makroskalowych, w pewnym sensie ignorując fakt, że mobilność zawsze jest w pewien sposób zlokalizowana oraz zawsze posiada określony kontekst. Z tej przyczyny bliżej nam do koncepcji George’a Marcusa, który pisze o etnografii wielomiejscowej, współcześnie koniecznej, ponieważ każda praktyka społeczno-kulturowa jest konstruowana przez ludzi działających w różnych miejscach i sytuacjach (Marcus 1995). Marcus definiuje translokalność jako całość analiz i jednocześnie sieć miejsc, w której pomiędzy tymi miejscami lokują się pogłębione badania etnograficzne. Jest to podejście zgodne z koncepcją Michaela P. Smitha również opisującego translokalność w odniesieniu do badań małoskalowych i długoterminowych (Smith 2011: 181-199). Ruch na DK92 opisujemy w kategorii przepływu, który rozumiemy jako przemieszczenie się w czasie z jednego miejsca do kolejnego, bycie w ruchu oraz mechanizmy jego podtrzymywania. Nie jest więc dla nas jedynie transportem, transmisją namacalnych form ze ściśle określonymi znaczeniami, lecz raczej niekończącą się serią przekształceń w czasie i przestrzeni, czymś, co kształtuje i rozmywa znaczenia, granice oraz formy kulturowe (por. Appadurai 1990: 105 �1-24; Hannerz 2000). Warto też zwrócić uwagę na relatywność szybkości zawierającej się w przepływie, który jest przecież cykliczny, sezonowy oraz regulowany wciąż zmieniającym się reżimami logistyki. Oznacza to, że przepływy zawsze podlegają jakiejś kontroli i regulacji odbywając się wedle ustalonych zasad, w określonych warunkach społeczno-kulturowych, politycznych i gospodarczych. Nim zidentyfikujemy najważniejsze naszym zdaniem grupy ludzi oraz rzeczy przepływających DK92 chcielibyśmy dookreślić ogólny charakter ruchu na tej drodze. „Stara dwójka” co najmniej do początku XXI w. słynęła z przepływu nielegalnych towarów, który aktualnie stracił na znaczeniu. Z ekonomicznego punktu widzenia nie ma już większego sensu ani nielegalny handel tytoniem i alkoholem, ani zajumanymi ubraniami czy kosmetykami. Są to te dobra, do których wszyscy mamy dziś swobodny dostęp. Beata Bielecka w artykule Kie‑ dyś był tu raj dla przemytników, dziwek i złodziei, opublikowanym w 2015 r. na łamach „Gazety Lubuskiej”, relacjonuje: „Most na Odrze łączący Słubice i Frankfurt to dziś spokojne miejsce, gdzie można spotkać głównie mieszkańców obu miast idących spacerkiem do sąsiadów. Nikt już dziś, tak jak w latach 90., nie łamie barierek, przy których dokonywano kontroli granicznej, żeby nielegalnie przekroczyć granicę ukradzionym gdzieś na Zachodzie samochodem. Nikt nie rzuca z mostu sztang z papierosami (zmusiło to Niemców do zbudowania wysokich na kilka metrów zapór, które powodowały, że przechodzień czuł się jak w klatce)” (Bielecka 2015). Przestępczość przygraniczna nie jest jedynie fenomenem na granicy polsko-niemieckiej. Podobne problemy towarzyszą wielu obszarom pogranicza, choć każdy teren ma swoje cechy szczególne. Przy czym istotne są tutaj zarówno rodzaje przestępstw, jak i specyfika regionu. Na granicy polsko-niemieckiej problem przestępczości zmieniał się przez lata. Przeobrażenia ustrojowe i zmiany na granicach państwa polskiego spowodowały, że w początkach lat 90. nastąpił znaczny wzrost przestępczości granicznej. Jednym z najczęstszych rodzajów przestępstw popełnianych na granicy, obok nielegalnej migracji, była przestępczość gospodarcza wprawiająca w ruch głównie towary akcyzowe, samochody oraz narkotyki. Według niemal wyszeptanych, wypowiedzianych w tajemnicy przez 106 naszych rozmówców informacji przemyt na badanym terenie odbywał się bardzo często na „zamówienie” – zwłaszcza jeśli chodzi o samochody oraz zajmowały się nim zarówno pojedyncze osoby, jak i zorganizowane grupy przestępcze. Choć po włączeniu Polski do strefy Schengen nastąpił wzrost przepływu kradzionych samochodów i ciężarówek (zwłaszcza z Niemiec do krajów za wschodnią granicę Polski) oraz zintensyfikował się przepływ narkotyków, to na tle statystyk z lat 90. dane pokazują spadkową tendencję przemytu. Z pewnością dziś nie zdarzają się już przeszukania polskich klientów w niemieckich supermarketach, zniknęły także bandy przemytnicze, które swoje bazy wypadowe miały tuż przy granicy po polskiej stronie (Łada 2014: 5-20). Jak powiedział jeden z naszych rozmówców: „Dziki przygraniczny kapitalizm odszedł do lamusa”. Przepływ dzisiejszą DK92 bez wątpienia zawsze znajdował się pod wpływem przemian politycznych, a na jego najbardziej aktualną dynamikę najwyraźniej wpłynęło wejście Polski do UE, globalny kryzys ekonomiczny z 2008 r. oraz konflikt ukraińsko-rosyjski toczący się od 2014 r. I tak w następstwie przystąpienia Polski do UE otwarcie zachodnioeuropejskich rynków pracy spowodowało nie napływ ludzi z zewnątrz, tylko mobilizację Polaków i ich emigrację zarobkową, dla miejscowości położonych wzdłuż DK92 o tyle specyficzną, że głównie sezonową i wahadłową. No, połowy wioski nie ma. Niemcy, Holandia, Anglia, Norwegia… Tu całymi rodzinami w sumie wyjeżdżali. Stąd pojechały dwie siostry, jedna wdowa z czwórką dzieci, druga mężatka do męża z trzema chłopakami. To już ładnych kilka lat temu, następne tam rodzeństwo pojechało, jeden z żoną i z synem, drugi kawaler, tam się żeni, ale tu przyjedzie kiedyś mieszkać. [Mieszkaniec Chociszewa] Początkowy boom na przepływ turystów, klientów zainteresowanych lokalnymi dobrami, systematyczny rozwój polskiej polityki transportowej znacząco zintensyfikował ruch tą drogą, która jednak wraz z kryzysem ekonomicznym znalazła się w regresie. Wielu naszych rozmówców, zwłaszcza przedsiębiorców – tych, których biznesy przetrwały ze względu na ich umiejętność przebranżawiania się czy w efekcie prowadzenia wielu firm na raz, wskazywało, że to 107 �ogólnopolskie, a nawet globalne fluktuacje ekonomiczne są temu regresowi winne. Mówili, że to nie autostrada A2 miała wpływ na upadające stacje benzynowe, przydrożne bary, hotele czy restauracje. Uważają, że regres już był, a otwarcie nowego odcinka autostrady, jedynie „wykończyło” niektóre lokalne działalności gospodarcze. Jednocześnie wierzą w potencjał tkwiący w A2. Ogólny, lokalny kryzys, nową biedę, o której pisze Waldemar Kuligowski w jednym z rozdziałów tej książki, trzeba by rozpatrzyć również w kontekście zwiększającego się nadzoru nad przepływem oraz zmianami technologicznymi. Przykładem niech będzie nielegalny handel paliwem, który zasilał nie tylko lokalne kieszenie, ale również przemierzających DK92 wschodnioeuropjeskich kierowców ciężarówek. Dziś, choć gdzieniegdzie mogliśmy obserwować ten proceder, jest on nieporównywalnie rzadszy ze względu na stosowanie przez przewoźników elektronicznych czujników poziomu paliwa. Wszystko upadło. Cały handel upadł. Podatki nas zjadają. Podatek, a szczególnie ZUS. Nie jest dobrze, nie jest dobrze! Polityka jest do luftu. Żeby się ta polityka zmieniła. [Przedsiębiorczyni z Sępolna] Przepływ DK92 nigdy też nie odbywał się jednostajnie i z tym samym natężeniem, podlegając sezonowości i specyficznej rytmice. Z etnograficznego punktu widzenia, zwłaszcza tranzyt, można by nawet rozpatrywać jako regulowany cyklicznością roku obrzędowego – ruch na DK92 zamiera w święta kościelne i narodowe. Posiada też charakter przerywany przez wzgląd na ogólnoeuropejskie regulacje czasu pracy i jazdy kierowców ciągników siodłowych. Przepływ tranzytowy znajduje się więc poza kontrolą i sprawczością mieszkańców, wpływając na jakość ich codziennego życia. Lokalna ekonomia to nie jedynie przydrożne przedsiębiorstwa dostosowujące się lub nie do zmieniających się warunków gospodarczych, politycznych i społecznych, to także fakt tego, iż stanowienie miejscowości tranzytowej, jest kosztochłonne. Innymi słowy codzienny przepływ nie tylko współkształtuje wielozmysłowo doświadczany krajobraz wsi i miasteczek położonych wzdłuż DK92, ale również eksploatuje ich przestrzeń. Staje się odpowiedzialny za rozjeżdżanie dróg gminnych, 108 uszkodzenia budynków, ulicznych balustrad, wysepek azylowych, chodników i krawężników. Uogólniając, przepływy DK92 są niejednorodne w swoich charakterze i można mówić o co najmniej trzech ich rodzajach – o przepływie lokalnym, translokalnym oraz tranzycie. I tak obserwowaliśmy migracje wewnętrzne czyli przemieszczanie się mieszkańców małych osad i wsi, zlokalizowanych w głębi poszczególnych gmin do miejscowości położonych bliżej DK92 i autostrady A2, zwiększające tym samym szansę przeprowadzających się ludzi i ich rodzin na lepszy dostęp do rynku pracy, edukacji czy usług publicznych; dalej migracje reprezentantów klasy średniej, decydujących się na życie na wsi, a zatem napływ tzw. nowych osadników z większych miast z terenu województwa lubuskiego i wielkopolskiego, dla których gminy przecięte autostradą stały się atrakcyjne ze względu na możliwość szybkiego przemieszczania się. Ponadto oczywiste jest codzienne poruszanie się do i z pracy21, do i ze szkoły, którym służy jeszcze komunikacja publiczna. Codzienna mobilność obejmuje też przemieszczanie się w celach konsumpcyjnych – na zakupy, do miejsc rozrywki takich jak baseny, kina oraz do placówek kulturalno-oświatowych, których oferta wykracza poza tę zagwarantowaną lokalnie. 21 Chodzi tu o przepływ mieszkańców do i z pracy poza miejscem ich zamieszkania. Wiele osób jest zatrudnionych w dużych zakładach produkcyjnych o globalnym zasięgu. Są to m.in.: Molex w Sulęcinie, ale także Phoenix Contact Wielkopolska wytwarzająca złącza elektrotechniczne, Aesculap Chifa należąca do międzynarodowego koncernu B. Braun Melsungen AG. produkująca narzędzia medyczne w Nowym Tomyślu, SECO/WARWICK Europe S.A. – światowy lider w produkcji pieców przemysłowych oraz urządzeń do obróbki cieplnej, Recaro produkująca fotele samolotowe w Świebodzinie, Ikea w Zbąszynku, Steinhpol w Rzepinie – firma zajmująca się produkcją mebli tapicerowanych. Ponad to są to polskie przedsiębiorstwa, takie jak: działająca od 1945 r. Okręgowa Spółdzielnia Mleczarska TOP-TOMYŚL w Nowym Tomyślu, Sprick Rowery rocznie produkująca ponad 300 tys. jednośladów, Eldrob S.A. Lubuskie Zakłady Drobiarskie w Świebodzinie, Mercord – producent odzieży ochronnej w Świebodzinie. Wiele osób znajduje także zatrudnienie w supermarketach (Tesco, Biedronka, Lidl, Netto, Intermarché, Dino, Mrówka, NeoNet, MediaExpert) zlokalizowanych w miastach, a także w Obwodach Utrzymania Autostrady Ilanka w Torzymiu, Bolewice oraz Biały Mur w Myszęcinie. Pojedyncze osoby dojeżdżają również do pracy do Słubic, Poznania czy Zielonej Góry. 109 �Przepływy lokalne Społeczna ruchliwość mieszkańców poszczególnych miejscowości jest jednak wysoka tylko z pozoru, a rzeczywisty potencjał mobilności przesłania ich położenie względem wielkich infrastruktur dla mobilności oraz całodobowego wzmożonego ruchu samochodowego. Badany przez nas teren boryka się z licznymi problemami społeczno-ekonomicznymi wygenerowanymi przez transformację ustrojową w 1989 r., kiedy to parcelacji uległy PGR-y. Większość miejscowości wchodzących w skład badanych przez nas gmin, objęta była tą formą socjalistycznej własności ziemskiej. Wiele z nich nadal nie ma dostępu do internetu, gazociągu czy kanalizacji, a dojazd do nich bywa utrudniony na skutek priorytetowo traktowanych dróg bezpośrednio łączących się z autostradą oraz DK92. Mamy tu więc do czynienia z kolejną warstwą zjawiska mobilności, tj. z jej nierówną i zhierarchizowaną „dystrybucją”. Wymienione wyżej procesy przemieszczania się mają wymiar codzienny i oczywisty, same w sobie nie są stanowią jeszcze o szczególności przepływu obserwowanego na DK92. O jego specyfice decyduje przede wszystkim tranzyt towarowy oraz emigracyjny. DK92 to nieprzerwany strumień ciągników siodłowych, ciężarówek i lawet, także busów wiozących do krajów Europy Zachodniej emigrantów zarobkowych z Polski, Ukrainy, Litwy czy Białorusi, busów transportujących bagaże tych, którzy zdecydowali się na podróż samolotem oraz ogromne ilości paczek, w których kryją się materialne dobra zaświadczające o transnarodowych więziach rodzinnych. Przepływ lokalny odbywa się przede wszystkim przy udziale mieszkańców badanych przez nas miejscowości, którzy na co dzień poruszają się nie tylko DK92, ale drogami gminnymi, powiatowymi i wojewódzkimi, składającymi się na ogólną sieć połączeń drogowych w obrębie województwa lubelskiego i wielkopolskiego. Poruszają się także, w razie potrzeby, tylko lokalnie znanymi objazdami, zwłaszcza w czasie robót drogowych lub poważniejszych wypadków samochodowych czy awarii ciężarówek dalekobieżnych. Przykładem może być „leśna obwodnica” w Torzymiu, omijająca 110 remontowaną w latach 2014-2015 na całym odcinku tego miasteczka DK92. Prace modernizacyjne tej trasy wymagały wprowadzenia ruchu wahadłowego, który powodował momentami kilometrowe korki, co znacząco wpływało na codzienną mikromobilność mieszkańców Torzymia. Sytuacja ta została jednak przewidziana i na czas remontu DK92 powstał objazd, zwany przez miejscowych bypassem. Była to utwardzona wcześniej leśna droga ciągnąca się północnymi obrzeżami miasteczka. Do jej powstania przyczyniła się gmina dostarczając materiał do utwardzenia, wcześniej pozyskany bezpłatnie od Autostrady Wielopolskiej (był to gruz powstały w czasie budowy autostrady) oraz główny wykonawca robót na DK92 firma Eurovia, która wykonała utwardzenie. Interesujący wydaje się również fakt, że na podobnej zasadzie jak leśna obwodnica była w tamtym czasie wykorzystywana także A2. Wiele osób wracających do domów z kierunku od granicy polsko-niemieckiej chcąc uniknąć korków powodowanych remontem wybierało płatny odcinek autostrady. Codzienny przepływ mieszkańców tam i z powrotem wzdłuż starej dwójki powodowany jest sprawami oczywistymi: siecią powiązań pokrewieństwa, wspominaną wcześniej potrzebą dojechania do pracy, szkoły, sklepów, ośrodków opieki zdrowotnej czy urzędów. To, co pozostaje charakterystyczne dla tego terenu to postępująca redukcja komunikacji publicznej: Wszyscy muszą mieć samochód. Do Świebodzina jest dosyć sporo. Jest taki prywatny [autobus], ale w stronę Międzyrzecza i Trzciela prawie żadnego. Gdzieś jechać do lekarza, czy jakieś te, to trzeba kombinować. [Ekspedientka w sklepie w Brójcach] W ogóle jesteśmy odcięci, nasza wioska to jest odcięta od świata. Torzym jeszcze ma pociąg, pociągi. Sulęcin, autobusy, a my to już środkowa wioska, taka sobie. Dwa autobusy na krzyż i to wszystko. [Mieszkaniec Koryt] Rodziny mają po kilka samochodów, mieszkańcy przydrożnych miejscowości rzadko poruszają się pieszo czy rowerami – DK92 jest niebezpieczna, brakuje przy niej infrastruktury dla pieszych 111 �i rowerzystów22. Połączenia autobusowe realizowane przez przewoźników z Zielonej Góry, Gorzowa Wielkopolskiego powszechnie są uznawane za fatalne ze względu na ich niepraktyczny dzienny rozkład jazdy, a także twierdzi się, iż są odpowiedzialne za demobilizację seniorów, którzy często nie posiadają prawa jazdy i samochodów i są zależni od transportu prywatnego, odpłatnie najmowanego np. u sąsiadów. Niemniej redukcja lokalnych połączeń autobusowych związana jest z ogólnymi zmianami demograficznymi oraz zmianami w systemie szkolnictwa. Dziś dzieci i młodzież dowożona jest do szkół podstawowych oraz gimnazjów szkolnymi autobusami i w większości przypadków nie musi korzystać z tzw. pekaesów. Te, które jeździły rano wiozły np. do miasta tylko dwie osoby. Wiadomo, że nikomu to się nie opłacało. Coraz więcej osób jeździ samochodami, więc autobusy są puste. [Mieszkanka Pniowa] Jednym ze specyficznych dla zachodniej części badanego przez nas odcinka DK92 jest autobusowy przepływ pracowników sulęcińskiej filii amerykańskiej firmy Molex, produkującej złącza elektroniczne i elektryczne. Transport zagwarantowany przez tę korporację o globalnym zasięgu nie jest jednak transportem zakładowym – to dostosowany do ustalonego systemu zmianowego tzw. pekaes, którym do i z pracy przemieszczają się pracownicy Moltexu, traktowani priorytetowo oraz niekiedy młodzież dojeżdżająca do szkół średnich w Sulęcinie. – I ile mniej więcej osób w tym Molexie pracuje? Pan tak wozi to może się orientować. – Na pierwszej zmianie miałem 25 osób, teraz też gdzieś koło 20 było (…) Teraz to się ustabilizowało, kiedyś była bardzo duża rotacja, pokombinowali, przyjmowali ludzi, zwalniali i przyjmowali nowych, bo do nowych mieli dotacje, prawda, i takie kombinacje odchodziły (…) Codziennie rano pierwszą zmianę zawożę, później 12:20 do Sulęcina, z Sulęcina do Torzymia i zabieram drugą 22 Do wyjątków należy sieć szlaków rowerowych między Trzcielem a Miedzichowem. Są to jednakowoż szlaki turystyczne, z których trudno skorzystać na zasadzie alternatywnej trasy komunikacyjnej. Zob. www.miedzichowo.pl/szlaki-turystyczne. html (data dostępu 10.05.2017). 112 zmianę znowu wkoło i teraz zabiorę tych z pierwszej zmiany i odwiozę do domu. – A oprócz tego normalni ludzie, tak jak ja też jeżdżą, tak? – Też jeżdżą, też zdarza się. O, teraz właśnie młodzież z miesięcznymi idzie do nas. – Czyli uczniów pan też zabiera, to też na jakieś miesięczne bilety? – I rano to dwie osoby jeżdżą do innej firmy, a tak to wszystko do Molexu. To jest typowo pod Molex zrobiony autobus, linia… – Acha, czyli to jest tutaj konkretnie pracowniczy? – To nie jest pracowniczy, ale przystosowany do godzin pracy (…) Są jakieś powiązania, oni mają tańsze bilety miesięczne, coś tego, takie rzeczy, no nie? Ale ogólnie to jest normalnie linia, dlatego mogłem pani sprzedać bilet, bo to jest normalnie linia. [Kierowca autobusu] Ponieważ naszymi badaniami objęliśmy miejscowości zlokalizowane w większości w województwie lubuskim, to w kontekście mobilności zawodowej warto wspomnieć, iż Lubuskie należy do regionów średnio uprzemysłowionych, a charakterystyczną cechą gospodarki tego regionu jest obecność zakładów przemysłowych różnej wielkości, wśród których dominują podmioty małe i średnie. W produkcji przemysłowej duże znaczenie mają: produkcja pojazdów samochodowych, przyczep i naczep, produkcja wyrobów z drewna, korka, słomy i wikliny, produkcja artykułów spożywczych. Według raportu Europejskiego Portalu Mobilności Zawodowej „EURES” w końcu 2015 r. w województwie lubuskim działało ponad 700 podmiotów z udziałem kapitału zagranicznego (w tym 74 z nich z kapitałem przekraczającym 1 mln dolarów). Stopa bezrobocia na koniec grudnia 2015 r. kształtowała się na poziomie 10,6%. W powiatach, które objęliśmy badaniami odnotowano następującą stopę bezrobocia: międzyrzeckim – 15,8%, sulęcińskim – 12%, świebodzińskim – 9,2%23. Dane statystyczne GUS zebrane w kwartalnie przeprowadzanym Badaniu Aktywności Ekonomicznej Ludności (BAEL) 23 Informacje na temat rynku pracy. Lubuskie (2015), www.ec.europa.eu/eures/main. jsp?catId=2793&acro=lmi&mode=&recordLang=pl&lang=pl&parentId=&country Id=PL&regionId=PL4 (data dostępu 02.02.2017). 113 �praktycznie nie wykazują różnic w poziomie bezrobocia kobiet i mężczyzn (kształtuje się on na poziomie około 6%)24. Ponieważ jednak są to dane odnoszące się do ogólnego rynku pracy w Lubuskiem, to nie do końca odzwierciedlają specyfikę mobilności zawodowej mieszkańców przydrożnych miejscowości zlokalizowanych wzdłuż DK92. W sposób oczywisty lokalny rynek pracy związany jest z obsługą szeroko rozumianego transportu zarówno w jego towarowym jak i osobowym wymiarze. Prace, które można podjąć na badanym przez nas terenie lokują się w takich branżach jak handel, hotelarstwo, gastronomia oraz inne usługi im towarzyszące. Przydrożny rynek pracy jest więc zgenderyzowany oferując zatrudnienie przede wszystkim kobietom, które pracują między innymi w motelach i hotelach jako recepcjonistki, sprzątaczki czy menedżerki, w restauracjach i barach – głównie jako kucharki, barmanki i kelnerki, w sklepach, na stacjach benzynowych głównie jako kasjerki. Ponadto, to kobiety są zatrudniane we wcześniej wymienionych zakładach produkcyjnych ze względu na stereotypowe pojmowanie ich potencjalnych umiejętności związanych głównie ze zręcznością. Jest zatrudnienie dla jakiejś grupy osób z okolic, bo część pracuje też na autostradzie, ale z drugiej strony ta 92 też tutaj nas utrzymuje, bo grono ludzi, więcej kobiet, pracuje po hotelach, restauracjach, stacjach. I Sulęcin, co tam są te kabelki. Jakiegoś potężnego zakładu nie ma. To jest wszystko rozdrobnione. Większość ludzi to te stacje, bary. Tu jest Poźrzadło Nevada, koło Boczowa jest dużo stacji, między Torzymiem a Boczowem jest zagęszczenie tych stacji, hoteli. Dużo ludzi pracuje, jeżeli chodzi o kobiety, to w kabelkach, część dojeżdża. Trochę ludzi w budownictwie, małe firmy budowlane, a większość to jakieś bary, hotele, takie autohofy. [Mieszkaniec Koryt] Lokalna mobilność to także mobilność biznesów, małych i średnich firm, które wędrują z rąk do rąk, najczęściej w obrębie całych rodzin. Jest to strategia, dzięki której przedsiębiorstwa w złej kondycji finansowej zyskują ciągłość w postaci nowej firmy, której 24 Badanie Aktywności Ekonomicznej Ludności (BAEL) (2015), www.stat.gov.pl/informacja-o-badaniach-ankietowych/badanie-aktywnosci-ekonomicznej-ludnosci-bael/ (data dostępu 02.02.2017). 114 odsprzedawana jest marka oraz przede wszystkim środki trwałe, wyposażenie i inne towary. Nierzadko małe firmy bywają zamykane pod koniec obowiązywania preferencyjnych składek Zakładu Ubezpieczeń Społecznych. Przepływ tego rodzaju obserwowaliśmy w terenie bazując jednak na wcześniejszych kwerendach działalności gospodarczych rejestrowanych na badanych przez nas terenach po 1989 r. Żeśmy zmieniali trzy razy, bo tak było, żeby nie wejść w danym momencie w kasę, trzeba było zmienić właściciela. Bo tak, brakowało mojej żonie pół roku do emerytury i teraz przejąłem ja na siebie, pół roku, nie. I w tym pół roku musieliśmy z powrotem odwrócić na małżonkę ze względu na to, że ja przekraczałem w pół roku to przekroczenie te 30 tys. tam obrotowe. I trzeba było szybko zmieniać. No, ale mamy córkę, która tam też po studiach jest, była na praktykach w urzędzie, w ZUS-ach. [Przedsiębiorca z Koryt] Mobilnymi z pewnością można nazwać także przedsiębiorstwa wielomiejscowe, prężnie działające i nabierające ponadlokalnego charakteru. Wśród nich najczęściej znajdują się splatające się ze sobą rodzinne firmy. Przykładem zrodzonego lokalnie przedsiębiorstwa, którego kapitał można określić jako wielomiejscowy, jest Grupa Port 200025 – firma założona w 1998 r. przez zielonogórską rodzinę, dziś w posiadaniu sieci jest pięć stacji partnerskich pod szyldami największych marek w Polsce i świecie trasie A3, S3 oraz na trasach krajowych nr 92 (Mostki i Boczów) oraz 22, obecnie zaś inwestująca w nowe centrum obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego przy węźle autostrady A2 w Torzymiu. Pytałem o to, skąd jest (…) Powiedziałem, że jestem ciekawy, czy to lokalna inicjatywa itd. Z Zielonej Góry są, odpowiada wreszcie z uśmiechem. Tylko jeździli tą drogą do pracy i mąż pomyślał, że taki interes by się przydał. I sami własnymi siłami, jako interes rodzinny, rozkręcili. Gdyby nie to, to byłoby tu dalej tylko ściernisko (…) Zaczyna od tego, że „oczywiście” A2 wpływa niekorzystnie na ich interes, bo jest zmniejszony ruch. Różne mieli lata, ale teraz zdecydowanie jest mniej przyjeżdżających i to najbardziej bezpośrednio jest związane z autostradą. W jej ocenie przy okazji 25 Zob. www.port2000.pl/ (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 115 �tej rozmowy, zostali głównie tirowcy, wyobraża sobie, że autokary i osobówki głównie jeżdżą autostradą. Na przykład, w związku z tą modernizacją, mniejsze punkty, albo „prawie wszystkie” do 55 kilometra od Poznania, jaka to miejscowość, nie pamięta – odcinka „wyginęli”. Tylko tutaj, na tym odcinku bliżej granicy się ostali – i to głównie więksi. Mimo to, Portowi udało się przetrwać. Oni już i tak wkładają w to wszystko i starają się o tych kierowców dbać i zapewnić im wszystko czego mogą potrzebować. Zdarzają się w związku z tym nawet tacy, którzy zjeżdżają z A2 na ten odcinek, np. w Jordanowie, bo tutaj w Porcie mają te wszystkie usługi i to miejsce, które znają. Ale mówi, że modernizacja w postaci A2 ma też pozytywne strony, bo była potrzebna i odciążyła te miejscowości po drodze, bo wcześniej na drodze sunął niekończący się sznur ciężarowców. Więc są plusy i minusy oczywiście. Przy okazji ogólnej oceny ich obecnej sytuacji względem A2 i ogólnie stanu biznesu, dodaje, że wiadomo, że zawsze są jakieś utrudnienia, „kłody pod nogi”. Na przykład niedawno, w tamtym roku, organizowano przedłużające się, niezorganizowane remonty na 92, w kilku miejscach naraz, blokujące jeszcze dodatkowo przejazd, ograniczające i tak zmniejszony już ruch. Inny problem, to pojawienie się jakichś wzmianek na temat tego, żeby wprowadzić opłaty również za przejazd 92, co byłoby dla Portu wielkim ciosem, bo skoro trzeba płacić za drogę, to wybór będzie oczywiście padał na drogę, którą się przynajmniej szybko i łatwiej jeździ. Władze powinni się nimi tutaj, i innymi takimi przedsiębiorcami lokalnymi interesować, oferować ulgi, bo przecież gdyby nie oni, to nie byłoby tu nic. To oni własnym kosztem i wysiłkiem stworzyli to miejsce, które teraz płaci wysokie podatki, do tego zusy, itd. Już nie wspominając o miejscach pracy. Nie podkreślała sama tego tematu, nie wykorzystywała do budowania ich obrazu przede mną, ale też mówiła, że po PRL miejsca pracy padły, więc ich interes jest też dla okolicy pod tym względem korzystny. Autostrada nie pozwala tym lokalnym na prowadzenie biznesu, bo wszystkie miejsca wzdłuż niej są własnością tych, którzy są właścicielami autostrady. Nie powinno się pozwolić na taką monopolizację. Dużo zjazdów z autostrady w okolicy nie ma. Są najwyżej „techniczne,” jak mówi. Ale zjazdy i tak nie rozwiązałyby jej zdaniem problemu (wszystkich), bo korzystaliby tylko ci, którzy są najbliżej. A wszyscy powinni być uwzględnieni, kiedy stwarza się 116 takie programy modernizacyjne jak autostrada. Nie powinna być zamknięta i niedostępna dla przedsiębiorców z terenów, przez które przebiega. Tymczasem oni sami, właściciele Portu, zaczynają myśleć o inwestycjach gdzieś indziej, bo boją się tych potencjalnych zmian. Mimo że jest wolniej, to jakoś funkcjonują, ale jeżeli sytuacja będzie się dalej zmieniać, to muszą być zabezpieczeni. Próbują znaleźć inne inwestycje. Mają np. jedno miejsce na S3. [Fragment notatek z rozmowy ze współzałożycielką Portu 2000 autorstwa Łukasza Krokoszyńskiego, 08.07.2015] W lokalnym przepływie znajdują się także małe mobilne biznesy. Jest to handel obwoźny, czyli mobilna sprzedaż chemii z Niemiec, dywanów, sezonowej odzieży i obuwia, kur niosek, która na chwilę zatrzymuje się w poszczególnych miejscowościach – pod upadłymi sklepami, na placach lub pod kościołami. Ten rodzaj działalności to również mobilne piekarnie, sklepy spożywcze i lodziarnie, a także sezonowy handel przydrożny. W 1989 zacząłem ja sam, zacząłem od chlebka tak, później coraz lepiej, coraz lepiej, coraz lepiej. Później taki kolega mnie narzucił, że jest w Gorzowie auto dosyć ciekawe na handel obwoźny. Pojechałem na taką licytację i ten, co tam stoi, to żem kupił te auto, wylicytowaliśmy jakoś – z kolegami moimi, którzy kiedyś pracowali w zaopatrzeniu. I tak zaczęliśmy tym jeździć jak to się zaczęło już tego, tak coraz więcej tych ludzi, coraz więcej. Były bardzo dobre czasy, były bardzo dobre czasy w handlu wtenczas. Można się było bardzo szybko dorobić, nie było tych przepisów takich jeszcze jak dzisiaj, tych, tych różnych, wie pani, kontroli. No, sanepidową przechodziło się lekko. No, a później zaczęło się. Już zaczęli się czepiać. No i to już było, już coraz gorzej. To pojechaliśmy, w interes żeśmy weszli z synem, żeśmy ściągnęli te auto z Holandii. I ściągnęliśmy te auto i tak już zaczęło się, nie, już chłodnia i zamrażarki, wszystko chodziło, że jak się odłączy od prądu, to 10 godzin w terenie działa mi z baterii. I to przeszło sanepid, przeszło wszystkie te wymogi i tak jeździmy sobie (…) No najwięcej to akcyza, urząd, nie, i sanepid. Ale sanepid to tak praktycznie chyba dwa lata jakoś dali spokój, no bo do czego się czepić mają. Jak jest tam w miarę, ja nie mówię, że jest na 100%, na 100% w żadnym sklepie nie ma, zawsze coś się znajdzie. Ale nie, bo który jest samochód w ruchu, 117 �wiadomo coś przesunie się, coś się tego. Druga rzecz, że to jest samoobsługa, samoobsługa. Tu wchodzą ludzie i każdy sobie wybiera, nie, idzie z koszykiem do kasy i już, nie. Oczywiście jak we wszystkich marketach kradną, to normalne. I łapie się też, ale co zrobić. A nieraz jak chcą, to nieraz ktoś powie „panie, a może pan to przywieźć?, No dobra, no to ja przywiozę”. Jak ktoś zamówi coś takiego, co nie mam a potrzebuję, to ja mu tam przywiozę, nie ma problemów, nie? No te babcie akurat mają dobrze, jak ktoś pod dom podjedzie. Ci ludzie, co nie mają, po prostu są, nie mają pojazdów, są w wieku starszym, dla tych ludzi, to nic lepszego nie trzeba. Oni zadowoleni, oni, ja nie wiem, ja bym też chciał, żeby ktoś jeździł później jak ja będę, żeby później tak zatrąbił. [Właściciel mobilnego sklepu „U Broni” z Koryt] Sprzedaż przydrożna powszechnie kojarzy się z nie do końca legalną działalnością, jednak polskie prawo wyraźnie wskazuje, iż osoba, która chce sprzedawać towary na części pasa drogowego, musi liczyć się z tym, że konieczne będzie uzyskanie różnego rodzaju zezwoleń i poniesienie opłat, których wysokość zależy od zajmowanego obszaru i czasu jego wykorzystania. Decyzję administracyjną w tym zakresie wydaje zarządca drogi. Za handel bez zezwolenia lub zaaranżowany w sposób utrudniający ruch drogowy grożą grzywny od 20 zł do 5 tys. zł lub kara nagany26. Ten rodzaj aktywności ekonomicznej jeszcze do niedawna stanowił o estetycznej specyfice DK92. Dziś podejmowany jest coraz rzadziej, głównie jako efekt zmian we wzorach konsumpcji i odpływie dotychczasowych klientów, zarówno zagranicznych jak i polskich. Małe straganiki na poboczach drogi, w zatoczkach leśnych, na skrzyżowaniach czy na chodnikach kojarzą się jako lokalne i swojskie, a także mają stanowić dowód na ekonomiczną zaradność mieszkańców przydrożnych miejscowości. Tymczasem rzeczywistość przy DK92 bywa zupełnie inna, bowiem zarówno sprzedawcy jak i sprzedawane na straganach produkty z lokalnością nie mają nic wspólnego. Sprzedawcami na tymczasowych straganach, np. z runem leśnym czy sezonowymi 26 Zob. Handel przydrożny. Co grozi za handlowanie bez zezwolenia?, www.infor.pl/ prawo/wykroczenia/charakterystyka-wykroczen/291014,Co-grozi-za-handlowaniebez-zezwolenia.html (data dostępu 17.04.2017). 118 owocami, ale także utrzymywanych permanentnie jak np. punkty sprzedaży ozdób ogrodowych, często okazują się albo pracownikami zatrudnianymi sezonowo, albo są to osoby pochodzące z innych regionów Polski niż Lubuskie czy Wielkopolska. Jestem tu już trzeci rok... Znaczy ja to po prostu wyprzedaję po prostu komuś. Ja u kogoś tu pracuję (…) Trzy lata temu, jak jeszcze nie była otwarta autostrada, była częstotliwość ruchu i sprzedaż była dość dobra. Dlatego tutaj był punkt czynny dzień i noc. Teraz jestem tylko sam i tylko w dzień. Ile można po prostu wyprzedać... także mówię... tu czasem nawet jedna osoba nie utrzyma się z tego (…) No tej wikliny to już jest końcówka. Nie ściąga się już po prostu towaru świeżego, no po prostu co jeszcze zostało i dlatego jest. Obniża się ceny, 25% obrotu taniej... W tej chwili jeśli kupują to Polacy i ze wschodu bardziej. I jak ja tutaj jestem trzy miesiące to może miałem tutaj czterech Niemców. W tej chwili to się już po prostu zmieniło. Wtedy, tyle co wiem, że była sprzedaż dość ładna, a teraz tak jak mówię – jedna osoba się nie utrzyma z tego wszystkiego. Ewentualnie trzeba kupić sam sobie towar, daną ilość, swój narzut i to wtedy próbować wyżyć (…) Ja jestem z Dolnego Śląska. 300 km stąd – z Kotliny Kłodzkiej. Ja tutaj nie mieszkam. Ja tylko tutaj przyjechałem sobie na wakacje. Mieszkam u tej Pani, co ma to właśnie. Rancho Colorado i no, to jest tej pani… To znaczy... wszystko się po prostu zaczęło od miodu już kilka lat wcześniej. Po prostu dowoził jej miód kolega, nie? I tak jak dowoził ten miód, to jak potem szukała jak to się mówi na sezon... no i tak polecił mnie kumpel, no i tak zostało... wakacje mam. Tylko ja mówię... kiedyś to było przyjemne z pożytecznym, a teraz to tak jest cienko. [Sprzedawca miodu i ozdób ogrodowych w Bolewicku] Niekoniecznie osoba sprzedająca grzyby przy drodze jest też osobą, która je zbierała: Ja tu jestem 6 lat (…) Wcześniej 7 lat krasnale (…) – od 1993 do 2000 (…) Miody i grzyby… Ja kupuję je... ja tylko biorę od kogoś. Od kogoś, po prostu z jednego miejsca już biorę kilka lat, z pieczątką, nie z marketu, jak grzyby – to mają atest. Mają z tyłu – jest grzyboznawca. Ja, tego, tych rzeczy pilnuję. Ja nie jestem w stanie nazbierać tam 10-20, czy tam 15 kilogramów grzybów... Po prostu osoba, która nazbiera nie idzie do skupu, tylko przychodzi tutaj, a ja 119 �daję więcej jak na skupie (…) Do południa przynoszą. Idzie o 5.00, a 10.00-11.00 przyniesie. Bo ja już np. o 5.00, czy o 3.00 po południu nie wezmę, bo co? Przecież ja chcę świeży towar! Jak ja przyjadę o 9.00, się rozstawię, to on za godzinę już jest (…) Najlepiej idzie w sobotę, niedzielę. Jeszcze do interesu nie dołożyłem (…) Osobówka zjedzie i jeszcze sobie odpocznie, zapali papierosa i jeszcze pójdzie się załatwi do lasu (…) No, kiedyś jak było, tego, stara A2 to ja byłem pierwszy. A tutaj np. kilka lat temu, kiedy nie było autostrady, to odtąd do Miedzichowa było 12-15 ludzi. Pojedziecie normalnie do Miedzichowa – nie ma nikogo. Są dalej krasnale przy drodze na Miedzichowo, czy tam przy CPN-ie i dalej, tam z przodu jest jakiś blaszaczek, który ma trochę krasnali, trochę miodu, trochę tego, i więcej nie ma! Ja jestem jeden! (…) No, ja mam tu wszystkie dookoła skupy opanowane. Wszystkich znam, bo ja handlując krasnalami też handlowałem kurką, szparagiem czy jagodą. Ja tutaj robię już 20 lat... A dokładnie krasnale już 23, bo krasnale otworzyliśmy w 1992 r. [Handlarz grzybami w Bolewicach] Budowa autostrady A2 przyczyniła się także do zmiany tras i ścieżek pokonywanych przez te grupy ludzi, których praca bezpośrednio powiązana jest lasami. Pojawienie się tej wielkiej infrastruktury dla mobilności zadecydowała o tym, że zbieracze runa leśnego, myśliwi oraz leśniczy musieli zmienić swoje zwyczaje związane z przemieszczaniem się. Z praktycznego punktu widzenia najpierw, dla leśników no to jest przedzielenie nadleśnictwa tak naprawdę na pół, i to nie jest tak jak stara trasa, gdzie można ją przekroczyć w każdym miejscu i to jest jakby… to nie stanowi problemu większego, ale w momencie tutaj autostrada wiadomo to się łączy z ogrodzeniami i tylko jakieś konkretne miejsca gdzie można przejechać. Leśniczy, leśniczowie mają utrudnienie w dostępie do swojego lasu, tak że wiadomo muszą objeżdżać. Wiadomo, że to dłużej zajmuje czasu, no. [Inżynier nadzoru w nadleśnictwie Torzym] Tu konsekwencje budowy autostrady są najbardziej widoczne, ale jej przebieg nie był zaskoczeniem dla mieszkańców. Jej historia sięga przecież lat 40. XX w., a ślady „hitlerowskiej” autostrady pozostały i były oddolnie wyróżnianym elementem lokalnego krajobrazu. 120 Tutaj miejscowa ludność była jakby historycznie przyzwyczajona do pewnych spraw, ponieważ tutaj w okresie wojennym Hitler postanowił, że będzie tu biegła droga... autostrada Berlin-Moskwa i dokładnie na tym... w tym miejscu prowadził prace ziemne, których nie zakończył. Tam pracowali jacyś... jakieś obozy żydowskie, których pracowników później wymordowano, także no... ten pomysł był tutaj powiedzmy sobie nienowy. [Pracownik nadleśnictwa w Bolewicach] Oczywiście skutkiem inwestycji jest jego fragmentacja, ale w żadnym miejscu A2 nie rozpruwa badanych przez nas miejscowości na pół i skomunikowanie pofragmentowanych gmin jest na tyle dobre, że mieszkańcy mogą się relatywnie swobodnie przemieszczać korzystając np. z przejść pod wiaduktami. Dla regularnych mieszkańców ingerencja w krajobraz na skutek modernizacji poprzez autostradę nie ma więc większego znaczenia i z naszych obserwacji wynika, że wyraźnie mało korzystają z zasobów leśnych. Tych dróg publicznych w tych lasach jest dosyć gęsta sieć. To są oczywiście…, bo jak ktoś słyszy droga publiczna, to myśli sobie to chociaż asfalt, ale to często są jakieś stare bruki, taki już nawet, nawet że tak powiem zabytkowe, bo to są ponad 100-letnie drogi, albo po prostu drogi gruntowe, które mają status dróg publicznych czy to gminnych czy powiatowych, i w tych miejscach część tych dróg została utrzymana. Tak więc powstały jakieś podziemne przejazdy albo nadziemne. [Inżynier nadzoru w Nadleśnictwie Torzym] Jeśli chodzi o zwierzęta leśne to początkowo budowa A2 wpłynęła na ich mobilność, ograniczyła dotychczasowy dostęp do pożywienia czy możliwość ukrycia się. W efekcie zwiększyła się liczba przypadków niszczenia przez zwierzęta leśne upraw rolnych oraz ich udziału w kolizji na drogach. Tylko ci ekolodzy i zieloni, oni uważają, że zwierzyna jest tak głupia, że jak im się przetnie drogę, to ona zgłupieje i zdechnie z głodu, bo już sobie nie poradzi. Taka jak mądra jest zwierzyna, to nawet człowiek nie jest mądry. A wiadomo, że ekolodzy, to oni walczą o pieniądze i wymyślają cuda. Bo są porobione przejścia podziemne, są porobione tunele dla jeży, dla żab, dla ślimaków, no są, są. Jest 121 �siatka, że nie przejdzie tam, tylko musi iść tak daleko, aż trafi na ten tunel, nie? Zwierzyna sobie radzi. [Myśliwy z 30-letnim stażem] Interesujące rozwiązanie na fragmentację przestrzeni lasów rozciągających się pomiędzy autostradą A2 a DK92 oraz w ich okolicach znaleźli lokalni zbieracze runa leśnego, którzy by szybciej przedostać się z jednej strony drogi na drugą korzystają z podziemnych przejść dla mniejszych zwierząt. Pod autostradą w wielu miejscach są takie mniejsze tunele. To są najczęściej z takiej jakby ryflowanej blachy zrobione (…) Jak ja przechodzę to muszę być zgięty prawie w pół żeby przejść, to są takie przejścia dla płazów. Człowiek się tam zmieści tak, tak, tak… Niektórzy grzybiarze się tamtędy pchają na druga stronę. [Inżynier nadzoru w nadleśnictwie Torzym] Z tych przejść dla zwierzyny nie powinno się korzystać, ale jeśli jest na tyle dostępne, no to trudno, nie stoi tam żaden strażnik, nikt nie pilnuje, żeby kogoś tam zatrzymywać na siłę, to nie o to chodzi. Jak jest przejście, rowem dla płazów czy dla drobnej zwierzyny, to nikt tam się nie będzie czołgał, żeby przechodzić z jednej strony na drugą. [Zastępca nadleśniczego w Świebodzinie] Pozyskiwaniem runa leśnego, zwłaszcza grzybów nie zajmują się wyłącznie miejscowi. Do lubuskich lasów przyjeżdżają grzybiarze z całej Polski, a budowa nowego odcinka autostrady A2 jawi się dla nich korzystnie: Najwyżej daje możliwość szybszego dojazdu, bo grzybiarze przyjeżdżali tu i z Wrocławia i z Poznania, także szybciej przyjadą, szybciej odjadą. Więcej czasu mogą poświęcić na grzyby! Miałem niedawno nawet telefon od takiego obywatela, który był bardzo niezadowolony, że aż tyle samochodów stoi na drogach leśnych. Ruch jest bardziej związany z intensywnością wysypu grzybów, a niżeli z… chociaż też może... z tymi drogami dojazdowymi. Bo to zawsze, jeżeli jest łatwiejszy dojazd to więcej osób dojedzie, bo samochodem, bo to, bo tamto. [Pracownik nadleśnictwa w Bolewicach] Jednak według jednego z pracowników Nadleśnictwa w Świebodzinie autostrada miała mniejszy wpływ na mobilność na grzybiarzy niż na gospodarkę leśną czy rolnictwo. 122 Dla rolnika w tym momencie, jeśli odcięli mu pole, do którego przejeżdżał z jednej części na drugą i jedzie kilka kilometrów, to tak można mnożyć po prostu. Mnożyć, mnożyć te konieczne wydłużenia czasu lokalnych jazd. W ramach, w ramach przejazdu takiego krajowego nazwijmy to, to się skraca. Ale lokalnie, lokalnie autostrada spowodowała wydłużenie, wydłużenie przejazdów I to właśnie przez gospodarkę leśną, wywóz drewna dla firm transportowych itd., to się wszystko, wszystko tutaj nakłada, no nie? Też mamy duży odcinek, można powiedzieć, że na terenie nadleśnictwa, oprócz zjazdu w Jordanowie, to następny jest dopiero zjazd w Torzymiu. Mogłoby być gęściej te zjazdy, chociaż z drugiej strony jak gdzieś jedzie się w świat i się wie, że 20 km ta miejscowość docelowa jest od zjazdu z autostrady, to się wydaje, że to jest idealnie, nie, że tutaj gęściej nie musi być. Przepływy translokalne Przepływ translokalny w naszym rozumieniu to wciąż następujące, otwarte i nielinearne procesy przemieszczania się, które generują zróżnicowane i nie dające się uniknąć złożone relacje łączące różne miejsca oraz ludzi. Jest efektem znajdujących się w nieustannym ruchu zarówno rzeczy oraz osób jak i informacji oraz wartości. Przepływ ten skutkuje silnymi i kontekstowymi powiązaniami wykraczającymi poza lokalność. Powiązania te mogą być przy tym rozmaite: ekonomiczne, polityczne, społeczne, subiektywne i emocjonalne. To, co w przepływie translokalnym dla nas najistotniejsze, to to, iż nie pozostaje bez wyraźnego wpływu na lokalność przydrożnych miejscowości, które przecina DK92. Mowa tu m.in. o wahadłowym poruszaniu się tą trasą lokalnych ludzi poza granice Polski, przede wszystkim w związku z pracą. Jest to nie tylko sezonowa migracja zarobkowa najczęściej do Niemiec czy Holandii, ale także dojeżdżanie do zakładów pracy zlokalizowanych na terenie Brandenburgii, zwłaszcza w okolicach Berlina. Wielu mieszkańców wsi i miasteczek położonych w bliższych granicy polsko-niemieckiej punktach badawczych dojeżdża do pracy codziennie, inni wracają na weekendy, jeszcze inni wówczas, gdy otrzymają wypłaty. Firmy, w których 123 �pracują nasi rozmówcy zajmują się m.in. wysyłkową sprzedażą odzieży i butów27, sortowaniem śmieci recyklingowych, paczek kurierskich. To także masarnie czy ubojnie kurczaków. Dla pracowników tych podberlińskich firm typowe jest wspólne, codzienne dojeżdżanie do pracy przy użyciu jednego samochodu osobowego, dzięki czemu obniżeniu ulegają koszty transportu. Rozmówczyni ma ponad 50 lat, męża, który zajmuje się małorolnictwem oraz trójkę dzieci: syna, który uczy się w gimnazjum, córkę na rencie oraz córkę, która wyszła za mąż. Rozmówczyni nie pochodzi z Mostek ale z pobliskich Przełazów. Wiedziałam, że jej przypadek jest interesujący, ponieważ już w pierwszych jej słowach pojawiła się kwestia emigracji zarobkowej. Określiła się jako osoba, która załapała się na zmiany ekonomiczne jakie zaszły pod wpływem otwarcia autostrady – jest ofiarą okresu, w którym przez pół roku A2 była za darmo. Spowodowało to niemal całkowity zanik tranzytu, który w konsekwencji doprowadził do zwolnień pracowników centrów obsługujących ludzi transportu. Rozmówczyni pracowała w kuchni w barze w Centrum Las Vegas. Akurat ona została zwolniona. Potem po pół roku, kiedy A2 stała się płatna pojawiła się możliwość powrotu do pracy, ale już na innych zasadach – w grę zaczęły wchodzić wyłącznie umowy zlecenia i o dzieło, co nieszczególnie interesowało rozmówczynię. Jak stwierdziła „mam już tyle lat, że nie mogę sobie na coś takiego pozwolić”. W konsekwencji podjęła decyzję o emigracji zarobkowej. Najpierw były to prace sezonowe przy zbiorach, obecnie zaś rozmówczyni pracuje w trybie wahadłowym w firmie zajmującej się produkcją wyrobów mięsnych. Podkreśliła, że nie jest to ubojnia. Pracę znalazła dzięki konotacjom rodzinnym. Uważa, że korzystanie z ofert pośredników pracy jest bez sensu, ponieważ 27 Mowa tu o podberlińskich magazynów niemieckiej firmy Zalando, która w roku 2012 została oskarżona o nierówne traktowanie i wyzysk Polskich pracowników. W lipcu 2012 r. niemiecka telewizja ZDF wyemitowała reportaż o centrum logistycznym działającym dla Zalando, w którym pokazano, że pracownicy niektórych działów, przyjeżdżający do pracy z Polski nawet z odległości około 200 km, są objęci zakazem siadania. Zob. Im Zalando-Lager ist den Arbeitern Sitzen verboten (2012), www.golem.de/news/zdf-zoom-im-zalando-lager-ist-den-arbeitern-sitzen-verboten-1207-93501.html (data dostępu 20.05.2017) oraz dokument ZDF pt. Zalando - wie seine Mitarbeiter ausgebeutet werden!, www.youtube.com/ watch?v=qOh88oH4TZs (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 124 pośrednicy oszukują rodaków. Do pracy dojeżdża razem trzema koleżankami – składają się na transport. Z roboty wróciła wczoraj, stąd nie bardzo chciała dłużej rozmawiać. Byłam świadkiem tego jak otrzymała telefon od jednej z koleżanek, współemigrantek w sprawie tego, kto kogo zabiera. Rozmówczyni powiedziała, że z Mostek w rzeczonej firmie pracuje 5 osób. Co do długości wyjazdów – jest różnie. Są osoby, które mogą pracować dłużej, inne krócej – jak ona. Wraca chyba ze względu na chore dziecko. Stwierdziła, że generalnie wraca się jak się dostaje wypłatę. Mówiła o tym, że lokalnie nie ma pracodawców, którzy zapewniali by godną pracę, stąd wielu ludzi decyduje się na emigrację. Do Mostek wedle jej słów wróciły dwie rodziny, ale jest to związane z nieatrakcyjnością terenu. [Fragment notatki z rozmowy z mieszkanką Mostek autorstwa Agaty Stanisz, 15.09.2014] Podobnej cykliczności podlega praca kierowców ciężarówek dalekobieżnych, którzy zatrudnieni są w firmach przewozowych trudniących się transportem na terenie całej Polski i częściej krajów zachodnioeuropejskich. Podejmują oni pracę w różnych systemach zmianowych i bywają w trasie od jednego tygodnia do czterech. W systemie jedno-dwutygodniowym pracuje mąż jednej z naszych rozmówczyń z Torzymia, która od niedawna prowadzi niewielki punkt sprzedaży odzieży używanej: Obecnie jest zatrudniony średniej wielkości firmie spedycyjnej, której baza znajduje się kilkadziesiąt kilometrów od Torzymia. Mąż pracuje w systemie 1-2 tygodniowym, często wraca na weekendy. Zjeżdża w piątek w nocy, w sobotę jeszcze musi jechać do Gorzowa, żeby załatwić papierkową robotę. Jedzie w trasę z niedzieli na poniedziałek. Czasem zostaje w trasie na dwa tygodnie. Kiedyś pracował u innego przewoźnika i wówczas jeździł przez 4 tygodnie, ale jak raz musiał zostać na 6 tygodni zażądałam, aby zmienił firmę – co zrobił. Życie z tirowcem, to życie w pędzie: wróci w nocy w piątek, od razu ubrania do prania, w sobotę zakupy, przygotowywanie jedzenia na trasę, wygospodarowanie czasu dla siebie, żeby z dzieciakami pobyć, jedzie się do jednych, drugich rodziców, czasem trzeba coś w domu porobić i mija. Wszystko w pędzie. Kiedy nie ma męża, też żyję w pędzie, bo muszę wszystko ogarniać sama – robię sobie listy, tego co mam zrobić, wieszam 125 �na lodówce i odhaczam. Odkąd mąż jeździ śpię z telefonem w ręce, dopiero jak zjeżdża do domu, telefon odkładam na bok. O translokalności można także mówić w przypadku biznesmenów od lat podróżujących drogą DK92, głównie z sentymentu i przyzwyczajenia, zasilających jeszcze budżety podupadających hoteli, barów i restauracji: Może ktoś jeszcze w wakacje, na przykład 1-2 ludzi, przyjedzie z sentymentu? Czy z zagranicy? Ale też już coraz mniej. Ci starsi to już mówię, są za starzy, pewnie już samochodami nie jeżdżą, a ci młodzi już nie znają. Ale jeszcze się tam coś trafi, że ktoś przyjedzie i może dla tych ludzi, co z sentymentu przyjeżdżają, a jest ich na prawdę jednostki, już nie dziesiątki. Jednostki. [Właścicielka Zajadu Otwarte Wrota w Sępolnie] To także regularnie, co roku przyjeżdżający myśliwi z Francji, Holandii, Niemiec i innych regionów Polski; coraz rzadziej wschodnioniemieccy klienci klubów nocnych, których zanik to efekt procesu wyludniania się miast w Brandenburgii po 1990 r. (por. Jurkowska 2013: 163-177). Wraz z systematycznym odpływem ludności brandenburskiej do zachodnich landów oraz starzeniem się pozostałej kluby nocne utraciły dotychczasowych klientów i większości przypadków rację bytu. Tym samym ich nieobecność odbija się na tych mieszkańcach, którzy do tej pory dorywczo trudnili się transportem prostytutek do klientów oraz klientów do klubów nocnych. Wypadli też klienci niemieccy, którzy przyjeżdżali w te okolice na dziwki do licznych klubów nocnych. Większość z nich padło, Alibi ledwo przędzie. W Korytach są ponoć tylko trzy panienki – Rumunki. Nie ma klientów, a jeśli zdarzają się to jest problem z obsługą – przyjedzie 7 klientów, a są 3 dziwki tylko, więc po imprezie. [Menadżer jednego z hoteli w Torzymiu] Translokalnemu przemieszczaniu się podlegają również inżynierowie i robotnicy drogowi. Modernizacja infrastruktury drogowej czy to w postaci budowy autostrady A2 czy rozpoczętego późnym latem 2014 r. remontu nawierzchni DK92 pomiędzy Boczowem a Torzymiem wiązała się z napływem robotników mobilizujących 126 lokalną ekonomię, która musiała odpowiedzieć na zapotrzebowanie na dodatkowe miejsca noclegowe czy zwiększenie się grupy klientów branży gastronomicznej. We wszystkich tych działaniach modernizacyjnych brali udział pracownicy pozalokalni pochodzący praktycznie z całego kraju zatrudniani przez międzynarodowe, globalne firmy takie jak Strabag czy Erovia. W konsekwencji prócz już istniejących hoteli i moteli, w miejscowościach położonych wzdłuż DK92 powstawały tymczasowe pensjonaty. Tutaj my mieliśmy duży ruch. W jednym i drugim hotelu. Oni stąd byli wywożeni na różne odcinki autostrady. [Pracownik Ośrodka szkoleniowo-wypoczynkowego w Trzcielu] W końcowej fazie mieliśmy tutaj firmę z Kłodzka, ale to już naprawdę w końcowej fazie. I jeszcze jakąś firmę, ale nie pamiętam. Nie pamiętam już nazwy, ani skąd oni byli. Gdzieś chyba zza Konina. [Gospodarz w Gościńcu Pod Dębem w Jasieńcu] No, ludziom było dobrze jak była budowa, tym okolicznym, bardzo dobrze było. Bo i wynajem jakichś tam mieszkań, domków. [Właściciel klubu nocnego Alibi w Korytach] Na obecności robotników drogowych skorzystali też lokalni przedsiębiorcy działający w branży gastronomicznej: Karmimy autostradę, karmimy Eurovię, karmimy szpital w Torzymiu, policję. Wszystkich. Mamy tanie obiady i dobre. Pomysł się zrodził, jak się zaczęła budować autostrada, bo na początku z kolegą karmiliśmy autostradę. Woziliśmy co dzień ponad 300 obiadów. A on ma restaurację, ja przeszedłem, zrobiłem coś takiego na mniejszą skalę, już dla siebie samego. W restauracji około 2-3 lat się robi, żeby przekonać klienta, zrobić jakąś markę, a ja po 2 miesiącach już nie potrzebowałem. Tylko, że inaczej, jesteśmy znani w rejonie jako rodzina gotująca. Mam to z siostrą, moja druga siostra gotuje, a od jutra wchodzimy na Węgrzyn jeszcze. Tam mamy kantynę, ale na zasadzie, że poszczególne pory roku mamy, gdzie są poligony. 1,2 tys. ludzi na poligonie i otwieramy kantynę (…) Do mnie firmy dzwonią, teraz z Tych przyjechała firma, będzie przez 2 miesiące robić autostradę, naprawiać i zadzwonili, wykupują sobie obiady u mnie dla pracowników. Tutaj budują stację 127 �Orlena u góry, też firma z Tych, czy tamtych rejonów, tak samo u nas je…” [Właściciel firmy cateringowej w Torzymiu] W oczach większości naszych rozmówców tymczasowa możliwość zarobienia dodatkowych pieniędzy na przepływie pracowników firm budowalnych jest jednym z najbardziej pozytywnych skutków modernizacji infrastruktury drogowej28. Niemniej ponieważ przepływ ten nie ma charakteru stałego i następuje raczej falami oraz obecnie już ze znacznie mniejszą częstotliwością i intensywnością niż w okresie budowy autostrady A2, to czują się zawiedzeni. Jednocześnie trudno odpowiedzieć na pytanie czy pojawiają się firmy ze względu na autostradę, czy może i bez niej by się pojawiały. Ludzie mogą czuć się zawiedzeni, bo budowa autostrady rzeczywiście dawała kasę w sposób bezpośredni – ludzie pracujący przy niej musieli gdzieś spać, musieli coś jeść i musieli kupować, ale to się skończyło. Zjawienie się dużej firmy zawsze prowokuje pojawienie się kolejnych, mniejszych, np. niezbędnych do obsługi tej większej. Lokalni narzekają, bo skończyły się szybkie i namacalne efekty związane z budową autostrady. Obwiniają autostradę za niepowodzenia ekonomiczne, które nie mają z autostradą wiele lub nic wspólnego. [Mistrz organizacji ruchu drogowego pracujący w jednym z OUA] Budowy A2 a także remont DK92 okazały się wprawiać w ruch szczególnego rodzaju rzeczy takie jak drobny sprzęt (np. agregaty), paliwo, piasek, gruz czy inne materiały budowlane. Ich przepływ przy tym nie zawsze jest legalny29. 28 Pojedynczy mieszkańcy badanych przez nas miejscowości w trakcie budowy autostrady A2 dorabiali także zapewniając transport archeologom pracującym przy wykopaliskach lub też byli przez nich zatrudniani do wykonywania prostych prac, takich jak oczyszczanie znalezisk. 29 Place budów autostradowych często są narażone na kradzieże i budowa A2 nie należy w tym względzie do wyjątków. Przy czym zaznaczamy, że wykonawcami tych nielegalnych i sprzecznych z prawem działań są często sami pracownicy. Por. Ukradli paliwo i maszynę z terenu budowy (2011), www.lubuskie.onet. pl/ukradli-paliwo-i-maszyne-z-terenu-budowy/fq3s7 (data dostępu 10.04.2017); Kolejne kradzieże z placu budowy autostrady (2012), www.wirtualnyzgierz.pl/ aktualnosci/2408,2012,kolejne-kradzieze-z-placu-budowy-autostrady (data dostępu 10.04.2017); Plaga kradzieży na budowach autostrad (2012), www.polskieradio. 128 Ponadto geograficzna bliskość badanego przez nas terenu przyczynia się do przepływu i napływu cudzoziemców (np. Ukraińców, Bułgarów, Turków), którzy wynajmują pokoje w miejscowościach takich jak Torzym czy Boczów i dojeżdżają do pracy do Niemiec. Są oni jednak niewidoczni w przestrzeni publicznej, a ich obecność pozostaje ukryta. To także translokalny przepływ polskich emigrantów z lat 80. i wczesnych 90. Są to osoby na stałe mieszkające za granicą – w Niemczech lub Holandii, które po uzyskaniu odpowiedniego statusu majątkowego mogły sobie pozwolić na zakup domów letniskowych na terenie krajobrazowo najbardziej atrakcyjnych miejscowości, takich jak np. Przełazy w gm. Mostki czy Garbicz w gm. Torzym. Miejscowi określają ich jako polskich Niemców. Do najciekawszej grupy translokalnej należą alokowani na wschód funkcjonariusze celni zatrudniani w straży granicznej, urzędach oraz izbach celnych. Ze względów logistycznych byli oni mieszkańcami miejscowości położonych najbliżej granicy polsko-niemieckiej. Po zniesieniu kontroli granicznej i otwarciu granic po wejściu do Unii Europejskiej, byli przenoszeni na uszczelnianą granicę wschodnią począwszy od roku 2004. Wielu z nich nie zdecydowało się na przeprowadzkę wraz z rodzinami, pozostawiając je na miejscu. Sytuacja ta wytwarza charakterystyczne dla translokalności powiązania społeczne, ekonomiczne i emocjonalne. Także rzeczy sprzedawane jako lokalne produkty mogą być rozumiane jako translokalne – często nie są wytwarzane na miejscu. Dotyczy to przy tym tak charakterystycznych dla przydrożnego handlu krasnali ogrodowych, wyrobów z wikliny, grzybów, sezonowych owoców i warzyw czy miodów, w które lokalni przedsiębiorcy zaopatrują się w hurtowaniach spoza województw lubuskiego czy wielkopolskiego. Chyba najbardziej znamienitym przykładem są wyroby wiklinowe. Hurtowo i przeważnie za granicę sprzedaję. Przedtem się woziło. Ja mam stałych i mnie nie potrzeba. Ja tu nie muszę mieć reklamy, ja nie muszę nic mieć! (…) Sprowadzam z rzeszowskiego. Z tamtych stron. Sprowadzam i tutaj i tylko ja mam... Byli też miejscowi, ale już się wykruszyło. Młodzi nie chcą robić, a starzy już wykrupl/5/3/Artykul/595302,Plaga-kradziezy-na-budowach-autostrad (data dostępu 10.04.2017). 129 �szają się (…) Plantacje za drogie, opryski za drogie, robocizna za droga i ludzie nie sadzą (…) A koszyki, leżaki, gotowe wszystko to stamtąd jest. Bo stamtąd są tańsze. Tu są drogie wyroby. [Przedsiębiorczyni z Bolewicka] Jeżeli my tu grzyba nie załatwimy, to my grzyba załatwimy z Polski, załóżmy ze Strzelec Opolskich. [Przydrożny handlarz z Bolewic] Rzeczy lokalne są także eksportowane lub wprawiane w ruch przez przepływających DK92 turystów. Dawniej odbiorcami przydrożnie sprzedawanych produktów byli klienci niemieccy, dziś już tylko hurtownicy z Rosji i Ukrainy lub w przypadku produktów sprzedawanych przez wyżej cytowaną przedsiębiorczynię z Niemiec i Holandii: Rynek uległ nasyceniu, teraz wschód kupuje i wywozi. Czasy, w którym zajeżdżały wycieczki z Ruskimi się też skończyły, nie stać ich. [Przedsiębiorca z Miedzichowa] Najlepszy biznes to jak Mur Berliński był zniesiony. Niemcy brały co szło... nie patrzyli! A w tej chwili to już każdy Niemiec się liczy z każdym centem. Ale na początku to ja powiem co było: Niemcy brali jak ja mówię... jakbyście owinęli w złotko gówienko, to też by kupiły! No, nie było rzeczy, której by Niemcy u nas nie kupowały! Wszystko od nas brały! Jak głupie wszystko wykupywało! A teraz już koniec! Pieniądze im się skończyły i nędza! [Przedsiębiorczyni z Bolewicka] Odbiorcami lokalnych płodów leśnych są stali klienci, ale dzisiaj rzadko kupuje się, „ot tak przy drodze”. Niezależnie od tego, czy są to grzyby świeże, suszone, zaprawiane, czy szparagi, czereśnie lub borówka amerykańska coraz częściej są one kupowane „na telefon” („się zamawia, się zbiera”). Charakterystyczne jest również przemieszanie towarów w punktach przydrożnych, w których handlarze próbują, przez wzgląd na kryzys, sprzedawać obok siebie krasnale i bociany ogrodowe, dewocjonalia i wiklinowe krzesła, miody, świeże owoce i grzyby. Stali klienci najczęściej kupują najwięcej, przyjezdni „o ile po jednym”, Niemcy zatrzymają się po miód, a kierowcy ciężarówek po „grzybki do wódeczki”. 130 Mobilne rzeczy od zawsze miały wpływ na miejscową ekonomię. Przykładem może być niewielka wieś Koryta, w której do połowy lat 90. funkcjonowało kilka sklepów z odzieżą sprowadzaną z Łodzi. PGR-y zostały zlikwidowane i zaproponował później GS dzierżawę budynku, bo nie chcieli likwidować. Tak przejęliśmy z żoną i początkowo prowadziliśmy odzież, bo było w Korytach takie małe Eldorado z odzieżą. Było chyba z 5 sklepów odzieżowych. Przyjeżdżali ludzie z różnych stron. Ciuchy były z Polski, z Łodzi, z Warszawy z tych bazarów, no i później przerobiliśmy na spożywkę, bo tam był przy drodze sklep spożywczy, ale tam później zamknęli zrobili ciuch na całości, my zrobiliśmy spożywkę. Te sklepy koło jakieś 7-8 lat prosperowały, a później już rynek zaczął się wypełniać towarami wszędzie i zaczęli likwidować stopniowo, bo już coraz mniej ludzi przyjeżdżało. [Właściciel sklepu spożywczego w Korytach] Z kolei przez Boczów od wielu lat przepływają rzeczy używane sprowadzane z Niemiec. Miejscem, w którym rzeczy te tymczasowo „stacjonują” jest sklep Lamus. Historia powstania tego przedsiębiorstwa w sięga końca lat 80., kiedy na skutek transformacji ustrojowej możliwa stała się adaptacja byłych magazynów GS. Dziś firma składa się z 11 pawilonów, w których znajdują się niezliczone ilości przedmiotów sprowadzanych są głównie z Niemiec, Holandii, Belgii jak i Francji: „Lamus to także miejsce, które ma swój niepowtarzalny klimat, jakiego nie znajdziesz w żadnym innym powszechnie dostępnym sklepie. Każdy klient odwiedzający Boczów znajdzie tu coś dla siebie i nie zawsze są to rzeczy materialne. Jedni przyjeżdzają po to, by dokonać konkretnych zakupów, a inni by w świecie przedmiotów z duszą odetchnąć od natłoku spraw codziennych. Warto dodać że Lamus liczy sobie wielu klientów zagranicznych. Wszyscy Nasi klienci to ludzie wyjątkowi, reprezentujący różne zawody i różne zainteresowania. W ciągu ponad 20-letniej działalności firmy LAMUS pomiędzy kadrą pracowniczą a klientami, wytworzyła się specyficzna więź. Nasi klienci nawet będąc przejazdem w Boczowie nie wyobrażają sobie nie odwiedzić naszej firmy”30. 30 Ze strony internetowej firmy: www.lamusboczow.cba.pl/historia-lamusa.html (data dostępu 17.05.2017). 131 �Lamus to ma szrot, mówię szrot, rzeczy przywożone z Niemiec. Pełno tam tego jest. Nawet szczoteczki do zębów. Z Niemiec, ja tam też chodzę, tam czasem sobie zobaczę tak raz-dwa razy do roku, nie. No, ale tam ludzie też pracują, nie? Muszą umyć to wszystko czy lodówki, pralki, tam dobre rzeczy ma, nie? [Właściciel motelu w Boczowie] U nas największym biznesmenem w Boczowie jest pan z Lamusa. To jest tam, taki największy biznesmen. To na początku było takie, że on kupił to, zaczął remontować, coś tam, coś tam. Na początku miał tylko jeden ten domek, później tam coś przywiózł z tych Niemiec, coś tam ludzie kupili. I to się zaczęło podobać. On nawet teraz, miesiąc temu, w lipcu kupił ziemię kolejną pod kolejny barak, jakieś coś tam. Jesteśmy obładowani tutaj jego tymi wszystkimi rzeczami. Jak przywozi coś z Niemiec to jest pełno wszystkiego. Gratów, jakichś tam pierdół i w ogóle. I on to wszystko wystawiał, nie, jakieś doniczki, szkła, pobite szyby. Tam się zdarzało, bo oni mają taką firmę z Niemcami podpisaną, że ktoś umiera w Niemczech, jakiś starszy pan. On nie ma tego komu przepisać, nikt tam, nie ma rodziny. Wpada ta firma, zbiera wszystko z domu i przywozi tu. Nawet tak się zdarzyło kiedyś mi, że ja tam poszłam jakieś sobie, coś jakieś talerzyki czy coś oglądać. I tak jak wiesz, jak zostawili tam jedzenie na stole, to tak to przywieźli. Właśnie o to chodzi, że to nie jest tak, że oni jadą, mają jakąś tam firmę i oni to zbierają, sobie takie fajne antyki i oni to przywożą tu i sprzedają. Nie. Tam wchodzi firma, zabiera wszystko co z chałupy tam, wszystko, no wszystko. Pampersy, majtki – jest wszystko. [Sołtyska Boczowa] W kontekście translokalności miejscowych przedsiębiorstw na zaznaczeniu zyskuje także wieś Mostki w gm. Lubrza, w której to funkcjonuje, m.in. istniejąca od dekady polska filia ukraińskiego koncernu produkującego baseny przeznaczone głównie na rynek niemiecki: Firma istnieje od paru lat, a właścicielem nie jest Polak. A kto? Ukrainiec. Nie ma go tutaj. Pracuje u nas 4 Polaków, jeden z Mostek, dwóch ze Świebodzina, i jeden skądś. Inni nie chcą, bo jak już skończą szkoły, to nie chcą w takim czymś pracować. Do tego załoga składa się z 7 albo 8 Ukraińców (…) Szukali miejsca, które by było blisko granicy z Niemcami, i tutaj znaleźli taką halę, przy 132 92, ale nie sprzedają tym, co przejeżdżają. Większość przez internet i zdecydowana większość produktu podróżuje do Niemiec, gdzie dowożą je ich własne samochody dostawcze (…) Sprzedajemy teraz halę, bo sąsiadka narzekała. Nie, hałas, to smród jej przeszkadzał: zapach żywic, z których wyrabia się te baseny. Nie, wcale nie znaczy to, że firma będzie zamykana. Przeciwnie, że będzie się rozrastać. Znaleźli już inne miejsce w drugiej części Mostek. [Pracownik firmy Pooldream z Mostek] Przez badany przez nas teren przepływają również określone marki sklepów czy koncernów paliwowych. I tak wzdłuż DK92 nie da się nie zauważyć obecności supermarketów Biedronka, należących do portugalskiego konsorcjum Jeronimo Martins, francuskiego Carrefour czy reprezentujących polskie sieci handlowe sklepów Dino, Lewiatan, Chata Polska czy budowlana Mrówka. Kwestia pojawiania się tzw. sieciówek była przez naszych rozmówców ujmowana ambiwalentnie, bowiem z jednej strony odpowiedzialne są za ostateczny upadek małych, lokalnych sklepików, z drugiej zaś odpowiadają na zapotrzebowanie współczesnego klienta, który oczekuje odpowieniej różnorodności produktów, a także ich dostępności. Ponadto sklepy te poszerzyły lokalny rynek pracy dając zatrudnienie na stanowiskach różnego szczebla. Pośrednio też doprowadziły do zmian w codziennej mikromobilności mieszkańców dotąd udający się na zakupy niemal wyłącznie do większych miast takich jak: Świebodzin, Zielona Góra, Gorzów Wielkopolski, Sulęcin, Słubice, Frankfurt nad Odrą, a nawet Poznań. Likwidacja miejscowych sklepików spożywczo-monopolowych to nie tylko kwestia „sieciówek”, ale także problem przedsiębiorców związany z nieumiejętnością dostosowania się do zmieniających się oczekiwań potencjalnych klientów. Nierzadko oferowały produkty zbyt drogie, mało zróżnicowane lub nieświeże. Natomiast w momencie, kiedy jest Biedronka, kiedy jest Dino, to z jednej strony jest to jest fajnie jechać do sklepu, szybko kupić, zrobić zakupy i mieć ten towar. Z drugiej… czy to wykończyło? Trudno mi powiedzieć, bo to by trzeba było jednak zobaczyć jak one sobie radziły wcześniej. Bo ja myślę, że ten kryzys małych sklepików zaczął się wcześniej, to jest bardzo, to jest takie kółko zamknięte. One przestały mieć atrakcyjny towar, ludzie przestali 133 �przychodzić do tych, był towar czasami przeterminowany, reklamacje, bo i takie, takie mieliśmy sytuacje. A jednocześnie, no na okrągło kupowanie tego, jest jeden serek, tak, no to nie jest fajne. [Mieszkanka Torzymia] Tranzyty i zastoje Przepływy tranzytowe dotyczą głównie kierowców ciężarówek dalekobieżnych oraz przewożonych przez nich towarów, polskich i wschodnioeuropejskich emigrantów zarobkowych zmierzających do zachodnich krajów Unii Europejskich, turystów i wielu kategorii rzeczy począwszy od aut sprowadzonych z Niemiec, ukraińskiego paliwa, przez podlegające wymianie waluty, na emigranckich bagażach kończąc. Codzienność kierowców bardzo często usytuowana jest w przestrzeniach, które z antropologicznego punktu widzenia można określić jako Augéowskie nie-miejsca (Augé 1995). Przebywanie w tego typu przestrzeniach nie tylko generuje swoiste doświadczenia rozciągające się od percepcyjnej intensywności doznań wielozmysłowych, lecz także stawia pod znakiem zapytania oczywistość mobilności i ruchu, które przypisywane są podmiotom odpowiedzialnym za transport oraz mającym ucieleśniać szybkość i przepływ. Innymi rodzajami nie-miejsc, które kanalizują oraz konstytuują specyfikę tranzytu kierowców ciągników siodłowych są przestrzenie charakterystyczne dla infrastruktury mobilności – wszelkiego rodzaju drogi (w tym autostrady i drogi krajowe), centra obsługi transportu, parkingi, pobocza i obrzeża zarówno wielkich miast, mniejszych miasteczek, a nawet wsi (por. Normark 2006b: 241-252). Intensywność tranzytu ciągników siodłowych, a więc normy pracy kierowców, reguluje Rozporządzenie (WE) nr 561/2006 Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady z dnia 15 marca 2006 r. w sprawie harmonizacji niektórych przepisów socjalnych odnoszących się do transportu drogowego31. Praca tej grupy zawodowej zawsze realizowana jest według uregulowanego prawnie grafika, teoretycznie nie dając 31 www.copernic-avocats.pl/publikacje-artykuly/2006-03-15-Rozporzadzenie-561-2006.pdf (dostęp 10.02.2015). 134 żadnych możliwości wyjścia poza określane ramy czasowe. Czas pracy oraz jazdy kierowców (obojętnie czy w wymiarze dobowym czy tygodniowym) jest złożony. Prawo określa możliwość pracy do 90 godzin w ciągu dwóch tygodni, o ile nie zostanie przekroczone 56 godzin w pierwszym tygodniu (oznacza to, że jeśli kierowcy przejadą 56 godzin w danym tygodniu, w kolejnym czas ich pracy może wynosić maksymalnie 34 godziny). W konsekwencji dzienny czas prowadzenia od zakończenia jednego dziennego okresu odpoczynku do rozpoczęcia następnego lub pomiędzy dziennym okresem odpoczynku a tygodniowym nie może przekroczyć 9 godzin, choć zezwala się na jego przedłużenie do nie więcej niż 10 godzin nie częściej niż dwa razy w tygodniu. Po 4,5 godzinach prowadzenia musi nastąpić obowiązkowa przerwa oznaczająca okres, w którym kierowca nie może prowadzić pojazdu ani wykonywać żadnej innej pracy. Musi być wykorzystana wyłącznie do wypoczynku i wynosić co najmniej 45 minut32. Do tego dochodzi regulacja dziennego okresu odpoczynku, w którym kierowca może swobodnie dysponować swoim czasem i obejmuje regularny lub skrócony dzienny okres odpoczynku. Pierwszy z nich oznacza nieprzerwany odpoczynek trwający co najmniej 11 godzin, drugi zaś odpoczynek 9-godzinny, ale krótszy niż 11 godzin. Podobnie wygląda regulacja odpoczynku tygodniowego, który musi się rozpocząć nie później niż po zakończeniu sześciu okresów 24-godzinnych licząc od końca poprzedniego tygodniowego okresu odpoczynku. Regularny tygodniowy okres odpoczynku powinien trwać co najmniej 45 godzin. W przypadku jego skrócenia należy go jednak skompensować równoważnym odpoczynkiem wykorzystanym jednorazowo przed końcem trzeciego tygodnia następującego po danym tygodniu. Odpoczynek wykorzystywany jako rekompensata za skrócony tygodniowy okres odpoczynku wykorzystuje się łącznie z innym okresem odpoczynku trwającym co najmniej 9 godzin. Kierowca musi wykręcić pauzę, musi pospać sobie. Kręcą pauzy, śpią, idą do baru, zjedzą, tankują. [Pracownik stacji paliw w Janisławcu] 32 Alternatywnie kierowca może wykorzystać przerwę długości co najmniej 15 minut, po której nastąpi przerwa długości co najmniej 30 minut, rozłożone w czasie w taki sposób, aby zachować zgodność z przepisami. 135 �Jednocześnie rozporządzenie to nie definiuje ani miejsca takiego odpoczynku, ani jego sposobu. Norma ta określa jedynie, że odpowiednio wyposażona kabina pozwala na tzw. odbiór odpoczynku. Kierowcy realizujący przewozy drogowe, poruszający się autostradą A2 nierzadko mają problem ze znalezieniem odpowiedniego miejsca postoju w celu realizacji obowiązkowych przerw. W szczególności zaś w okresach „weekendowych” bądź przed świętami państwowymi kiedy to zagęszczenie pojazdów na autostradowych parkingach jest bardzo duże. Na odcinku autostrady A2 pomiędzy Poznaniem a Świeckiem, po jej obu stronach funkcjonuje 6 Miejsc Obsługi Pasażerów (tzw. MOP-y), w tym 3 z nich posiada infrastrukturę zapewniającą względny komfort odpoczynku (są to MOP-y II i III kategorii)33. Liczba miejsc parkingowych na autostradowych MOP-ach, a także niedostatek pożądanych przez kierowców udogodnień kierują ich przepływ wprost na DK92, przy której znajduje się aż 29 punktów parkingowych, w tym 9 z nich to wyspecjalizowane w kompleksowej obsłudze transportu towarowego. Zlokalizowane są pomiędzy Janisławcem a Boczowem34. 33 Miejsce Obsługi Podróżnych (MOP) to teren wydzielony w pasie drogowym (w bliskim sąsiedztwie drogi), wyposażony w parking oraz w infrastrukturę zapewniającą komfort i odpoczynek podróżnym. MOP-y w Polsce dzielimy są na trzy kategorie: MOP kategorii I – o funkcji wypoczynkowej, wyposażony w stanowiska postojowe (parking), jezdnie manewrowe, urządzenia wypoczynkowe, sanitarne i oświetlenie; dopuszcza się wyposażenie w obiekty małej gastronomii; MOP kategorii II – o funkcji wypoczynkowo-usługowej, wyposażony w obiekty, o których mowa w pkt 1, oraz w stację paliw, stanowiska obsługi pojazdów, obiekty gastronomiczno-handlowe, punkty informacji turystycznej, MOP kategorii III – o funkcji wypoczynkowej i usługowej, wyposażony w obiekty, o których mowa w pkt 2, obiekty noclegowe oraz inne obiekty handlowo-usługowe w zależności od potrzeb. (zob. www.gddkia.gov. pl/pl/a/9174/coraz-wiecej-miejsc-obslugi-podroznych-coraz-wieksze-wplywy-zdzierzawy (data dostępu 20.05.2017). Jadąc z kierunku Świecka są to MOP-y: GnilecSosna zaraz przed samą granicą polsko-niemiecką, Walewice-Koryta, ChociszewoRogoziniec, Wytomyśl-Kozielaski, Zalesie-Sędzinko oraz Dopiewiec-Konarzewo. Trzy z nich to właściwie jedynie miejsca parkingowe zaopatrzone w toaletę, punkt poboru wody oraz automat z napojami, pozostałe są bardziej komfortowe dając kierowcą możliwość skorzystania z barów czy restauracji, prysznica, sklepu, bankomatu, wymiany waluty; na nich znajdują się także stacje benzynowe. 34 Owe 29 punktów parkingowych posiada zróżnicowaną infrastrukturę, poruszając się z kierunku Poznań – Świecko punkty te znajdują się w następujących miejscowościach: obrzeża Poznania na ul. Dąbrowskiego, Tarnowo Podgórne przy Hotelu 500, Piersko, Sękowo, Chełmno, Pniewy (dwa parkingi), Berdychowo, Paproć, Sępolno, 136 Jadą tędy, no z tego względu, że mogą paliwo, że mogą coś zjeść po drodze, europalety mogą sprzedać... No i są takie coś jak te domy uciechy i oni, oni z tego korzystają. A na autostradzie tego nie ma – nie sprzedadzą paliwa, ani nic. Dlatego jemu lepiej zjechać, sprzedać, zjeść dobrze. A tam musi ze swojej kieszeni i jeszcze nic nie sprzeda. [Mieszkanka Brójec] Wiadomo, jakieś tutaj bary, które są przy takiej drodze... niektóre ciężarówki nie zjeżdżają, nie? Polscy kierowcy zjeżdżają, bo wiadomo, bo im pasuje jedzenie, bo tu im pasuje parking, bo tu sobie umyją samochód, bo tu sobie zaparkują... są tacy co oszczędzają czas, a są i tacy co oszczędzają pieniądze, nie? Bo jednak za autostradę trzeba płacić, nie? [Pracownik stacji paliw w Bolewicku] Niemcy nie jeżdżą do Polski i dalej. Ruscy jadą 92-ką ze względu na jedzenie, bo jest lepsze niż u nich. [Polski kierowca jadący w kierunku Francji] Pracuję już ponad połowę życia i jestem zadowolony, że jeżdżę teraz tędy, bo tu jedzenie jest lepsze, przypomina bardziej domowe, a nie takie, jak jest w Niemczech, z półproduktów. W Niemczech są hot-dogi i tyle, i tak samo jest na tej waszej autostradzie teraz. Powinno być więcej zjazdów z autostrady. [Kierowca białoruski] W kontekście przepływu kierowców ciężarówek zakładaliśmy szczególny potencjał ukutego przez Marca Augé pojęcia nie-miejsca. Wedle oryginalnej koncepcji nie-miejsce jest opozycyjne względem „miejsc antropologicznych”, które rozumieć należy jako przestrzenie lokalne, istotne dla poczucia przynależności i funkcjonowania mechanizmów tożsamościowych, np. tworzonych w oparciu o pamięć zbiorową. Innymi słowy miejsca antropologiczne są historycznie zdefiniowane, określone czasoprzestrzennie i ich zawartość tworzy niezbędne dla głębszych relacji społecznych punkty odniesienia. Augé twierdzi, że miejsca tego rodzaju są coraz częściej wykluczane przez nowo wyłaniające się w kontekście wzmożonej mobilności supernowoczesne krajobrazy. Flagowymi przykładami takich przestrzeni są Miedzichowo, Trzciel, Lutol Suchy, Brójce, Świebodzin, Wilkowo, Janisławiec, Mostki (Las Vegas), Mostki (Port 2000), Stok, Gronów, Poźdzadło (Nevada Center), obrzeża Torzymia, Torzym-Kolonia Poręby, Pniów, Boczów (4 punkty). Zob. www. autostradypolska.pl/ (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 137 �dla Augé supermarkety, lotniska, wielkie hotele, autostrady, miejsca przed ekranami telewizorów, terminale komputerowe, a także cała komputerowa sieć internetu. Idąc dalej, przez swoje właściwości estetyczne czy funkcyjną standaryzację mają one eliminować poczucie linearności czasu, a więc generować taki rodzaj relacji między ludźmi, które pozbawione są lokalności czy „tubylczości” (Augé 1995: 75-115).). Bez wątpienia kierowcy przebywają w przestrzeniach nie mających charakteru antropologicznego, w których relacje międzyludzkie są temporalne, a ich jedyny kontekst stanowi bycie w ruchu. Najbardziej typowymi nie-miejscami są przede wszystkim parkingi – od wielkich w obrębie centrów obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego, przez usytuowane przy stacjach benzynowych, po niewielkie, kilkustanowiskowe przy barach, sklepach bądź motelach. Pomimo ustaleń Marca Augé bycie w tych przestrzeniach, a właściwie ich czasowe zamieszkiwanie, niekoniecznie musi skutkować poczuciem zawieszenia czasoprzestrzennego oraz znajdowania się jednocześnie wszędzie i nigdzie. Nie zawsze jest tak, że przestrzenie określane jako nie-miejsca uniemożliwiają nawiązanie relacji z tym co lokalne czy podejmowanie aktywności posiadających jakieś znaczenia społeczne. W rzeczywistości w odniesieniu do środowiska kierowców ciężarówek, z którymi mieliśmy okazję rozmawiać i przebywać, kategoria nie-miejsca staje się wybitnie niejednoznaczna. Po pierwsze, to na parkingach dokonywane są próby zawłaszczania przestrzeni, przejawiają się więzi transnacjonalne, manifestowane są przynależności narodowe, a czas w ujęciu całościowym (w relacji do trybu pracy) nabiera charakteru cyklicznego. Po drugie, parkingi ujawniają specyfikę dynamiki przepływu kapitału opartą na relacjach i interakcjach pomiędzy wieloma systemami produkcji oraz logistyki, zawsze znajdującymi się pod wpływem globalnych polityk i ekonomii. Po trzecie wreszcie, ilustrują wpisujące się w mobilność zastój i spowolnienie. Tranzyt towarowy DK92 to przede wszystkim przepływ ciężarówek z Rosji, Białorusi, Litwy, Łotwy, Ukrainy oraz Polski. Nasi rozmówcy – mieszkańcy miejscowości położonych przy tej trasie wielokrotnie powtarzali, że „tędy jedzie cały Wschód”, choć jego obecność na poziomie lokalnym sprowadza się do miejsc parkingowych. 138 Każdy goni. Czas to pieniądz, każdy chce jak najszybciej dojechać, tym bardziej, że kierowcy ciężarówek, jak oni i tak na czas i pauza (…) Jeśli chodzi o samochody dostawcze, ciężarowe, to 80% jeździ po starej drodze, w związku z tym, że pracodawcy, jednak każdy liczy pieniążki. Na starej drodze nie musi płacić, natomiast na autostradzie musi płacić. Jeżeli ma dostawę na zachód, na czas, terminowo, wtedy goni po autostradzie. Jeżeli mu się nie spieszy, to jadą starą drogą. Przede wszystkim to Litwini, Białorusini, Ukraińcy, Rosjanie. Przede wszystkim, jak mówią jadą „na Germanię”, lecą też dalej, na Hiszpanię. W tej chwili nie jest tak, jak kiedyś, że wyjeżdżał z ładunkiem z domu, jechał w miejsce X i wracał z powrotem. Nie, teraz jest tak: jedzie, rozładowuje i czeka za telefonem od szefa, czy dyspozytora i on mu mówi „jedziesz nie do domu, tylko z Hisz‑ panii nawet na Anglię, załadujesz się, z ładunkiem jedziesz na Wło‑ chy”. W ten sposób teraz robią. Kierowcy potrafią po 2-3 miesiące nie wracać do domu. Jadą do Niemiec, do Francji, Anglii, Hiszpanii, wszystko, co łączy się tutaj z tym, na Austrię, Szwajcarię… Wszystko wożą, czasami rzeczy, że nie można wierzyć, że włożą do samochodów ciężarowych. Dokładnie wszystko. Tu, jak widzicie Litwini jadą, lawety z samochodami starymi, nowymi, używanymi, porozbijanymi, prosto z fabryki. Natomiast też wożą rzeczy, które ciągną z zachodu do siebie, na Litwę. Na przykład Litwin tam jedzie z ładunkiem na Polskę, rozładuje w Polsce, z Polski wraca do siebie do domu na pusto. U nas jedni kręcą pauzy krótkie, inni długie. Przede wszystkim teraz się trochę zmieniło, bo latem był zakaz ciężarówek ruchu w piątek, sobotę, tzn. nie całe dnie, ale w niedzielę od 8 do 22 był zakaz ruchu ciężarówek, samochodów powyżej 12 ton. Tylko te mogły się poruszać, które wiozły żywność, paliwo, czy produkty łatwo psujące się. Np. żywiec jak ktoś woził, kury, kaczki, gęsi, świniaki, bydlaki. A i zatrzymują się. [Pracownik stacji paliw w Pniowe] Wiemy już, że zatrzymują się na w takich parkingach jak Port 2000 czy Las Vegas w Mostkach, Nevada Center w Poźrzadle czy Shell w Boczowie, głównie ze względu na komfort. To miejsca, w których mogą zrobić zakupy, wykąpać się, wyprać ubrania, zjeść domowy obiad, naprawić awarie CB-radia, skorzystać z myjni czy bezprzewodowego internetu. Jednak to nie jedyna przyczyna, dla której kierowcy przepływają DK92. To nie tylko wygoda czy sentyment zmuszają kierowców do pauzowania na parkingach wzdłuż tej trasy. 139 �Niejednokrotnie wymaga tego polityka firm przewozowych, w których kierowcy są zatrudnieni. Firmy te dla oszczędności nakazują wybierać drogi nieodpłatne, tankować paliwo wyłącznie na określonych stacjach benzynowych, myć ciągniki siodłowe i naczepy w myjniach, z którymi podpisują umowy lojalnościowe. W efekcie wielu kierowców posługuje się kartami flotowymi, które znajdują się w ofercie każdego koncernu paliwowego. Karty te umożliwiają bezgotówkowe tankowanie paliw lub zakup usług na wybranych stacjach objętych programem flotowym. Dodatkowo umowy lojalnościowe wzbogacane są o gratisy dla kierowców w postaci znaczących zniżek na jedzenie czy darmowej kawy. My przede wszystkim, mamy swoich stałych klientów, którzy jeżdżą od lat i są przywiązani do danej stacji i na tym się opieramy (…) Nawet przy autostradzie jakby chciał zatankować auto to ceny paliw są dużo wyższe niż tutaj. Ja myślę, że każda stacja ma takich swoich stałych klientów. W większości, jeżeli można powiedzieć samochody ciężarowe, to są to stali klienci, którzy już kilka razy albo kilkanaście razy tutaj byli. Na początku była sama stacja, myjnia już była, i powoli później cała reszta była jakoś sukcesywnie. Teraz mamy parking na około 250 tirów. Największy ruch myślę, że jest na weekendy… oni, przede wszystkim są zakazy weekendowe, jeszcze były wszędzie na wakacje, teraz w niedzielę też są zakazy więc oni muszą gdzieś stać, nie mogą się poruszać tymi ciężarowymi autami, więc stoją wtedy. Praktycznie wszystkie parkingi tutaj w okolicy są oblegane jak najbliżej granicy. Jednak chcą dojechać ustawić się i czekać na to kiedy będą mogli wyjeżdżać. Ogólnie Shell ma to do siebie, że moim zdaniem ma bardzo dużo klientów ze wschodu, jeżeli chodzi o auta ciężarowe. Każdy kierowca ma kartę flotową, tak, czyli kartę Shella, on nie zatankuje na BP choćby chciał. Nie zatankuje na Orlenie choćby chciał, więc to jest tak – oni mają kartę i oni muszą, on musi znaleźć sobie Shella czy w Torzymiu czy na Świecku, bo nie będzie miał czym zapłacić na BP. [Kierownik administracyjny stacji paliw w Boczowie] W zasadzie na każdej stacji kierowcy mają bony, czy talony, czy gratisy i mogą sobie zakupić za tą wartość. Czym więcej zatankujesz, tym większą wartość dostaje bon. Kupuje sobie na sklepie, 140 może iść na restaurację za wartość bonu coś kupić. [Pracownik stacji paliw w Pniowe] Przepływ kierowców ze wschodu odciska piętno na lokalności przede wszystkim w warstwie językowej badanego terenu. Wspominaliśmy już, że wiele reklam i ogłoszeń, które wpisują się w przydrożny krajobraz DK92 jest zapisanych cyrylicą; parkingi, bary i stacje benzynowe rozbrzmiewają językiem rosyjskim i ukraińskim. W językach tych reklamują się przez CB radio mniejsze i większe bary, w każdym motelu i zajeździe dostępne są rosyjskojęzyczne kanały telewizyjne. Niemniej świat parkingowy jest hermetyczny i niezwykle rzadko zdarza się, by kierowcy udawali się do centrów miejscowości. Dzieje się to niekiedy i raczej wyjątkowo, gdy uczestniczą w festynach czy meczach lokalnych drużyn piłkarskich. Jeśli kierowcy są z lokalnością powiązani inaczej niż przez fakt cyklicznego pauzowania na wybranych parkingach, to będą to romantyczne relacje z miejscowymi kobietami, często pracującymi w przydrożnej branży gastronomicznej czy hotelarskiej. Przykładem może być kierowca Sasza z zachodniej Ukrainy, który jest w „związku” z kilkoma kobietami żyjącymi i pracującymi w miejscowościach położonych przy zazwyczaj pokonywanych przez niego trasach: Mógłbym wydać te 20-30 euro na ładną prostytutkę na parkingu, ale z jakiegoś powodu wolę nieco mniej zgrabne dziewczyny… może z jakimś brzuszkiem, może z krótszymi nogami. One na mnie czekają. Na prezenty dla nich wydam więcej, 60-80 euro. Sam nie wiem, dlaczego to robię. Przecież one mają i innych facetów (...) jakoś przyjemniej jest jak wiesz, że one czekają tam na ciebie i twoje prezenty (…) choć nie gotują i wiesz, że chcą tylko jednego... Motyw nieustannie jadących tirów wciąż powtarzał się w narracjach naszych rozmówców i ich przepływ uznajemy za najbardziej charakterystyczny element lokalnego krajobrazu. Mówiono wciąż, że tiry wciąż jadą i jadą, powodują wypadki, robią podmuchy, które nie pozwalają spokojnie przemieszczać się chodnikami, robią hałas, który zmusza do zamykania okien i zgłaśniania telewizorów, niszczą drogę, to jest robią koleiny, zatrzymują się nie tam gdzie trzeba, mają awarie na środku drogi i powodują korki. Opowieści 141 �o samych kierowcach jednak brakuje, ponieważ lokalni ludzie nie mają z nimi do czynienia. Parkingi raczej nie są przeznaczone dla ogółu mieszkańców, choć do wyjątków z pewnością należy zaliczyć centrum obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego Port 2000 w Mostkach i mieszczące się w jego obrębie mini-zoo, które w weekendy, zwłaszcza w niedziele odwiedzane jest przez okoliczne rodziny z małymi dziećmi. Stacje paliw nierzadko też są miejscami rozrywki dla miejscowej młodzieży, gdy stają się jedynymi miejscami gdzie w nocy można nabyć alkohol, a przydrożne bary oferują możliwość gry na automatach. Przepływ tranzytowy możliwy do obserwacji na parkingach dotyczy również emigrantów zarobkowych przewożonych przez tzw. busiarzy. Emigranci ci pochodzą praktycznie z całego kraju i nierzadko trasę DK92 pokonują także busy ukraińskie, białoruskie czy litewskie. Przewóz osób busami jest w Polsce jedną z dynamiczniej rozwijających się działalności gospodarczych po wejściu Polski do UE i jej przystąpieniu do strefy Schengen, kiedy to dla Polaków otworzyły się zachodnioeuropejskie rynki pracy. Z pasażerskiego transportu drogowego korzystają przede wszystkim emigranci sezonowi i wahadłowi przez wzgląd na jego niższy koszt, możliwość przewiezienia większej ilości bagaży, a także na specyficzny dla tej usługi system podwożenia klientów pod wskazany adres. Emigranckie busy poruszają się przede wszystkim autostradami, jednak ich obecność na DK92 nie jest przypadkowa. Przydrożne stacje paliw, restauracje i zajazdy oferują firmom przewozowym umowy lojalnościowe, dzięki którym kierowy busów korzystają z rabatów sięgających od 50% do 90% dostarczając w zamian dodatkowych klientów w postaci przewożonych emigrantów. Miejscem, w którym tranzyt busów jest najbardziej widoczny jest „Zajazd Chrobry” w Torzymiu. U mnie zatrzymuje się tutaj dużo busów, nie? To nie chcę panu skłamać, ale tygodniowo to, co u mnie się przewija, co wyjeżdża na zachód, ale oni jeżdżą do pracy, wracają i tak dalej. Nie wiem, tu się przewija jakieś tygodniowo może z półtora tysiąca osób w jedną stronę, w drugą stronę co jadą. Jadą tam, pracują, wracają. Jedni wożą i przywożą tych ludzi. W ten sposób. Taka rotacja. Lecą tutaj 142 na Niemcy, Belgię, Holandię. Jest bardzo dużo ludzi, bardzo dużo wyjeżdża. [Właściciel „Zajazdu Chrobry” w Torzymiu] Ten torzymski zajazd posiada wyjątkową lokalizację względem autostrady A2 znajdując się około 1,5 km od jej zjazdu, na skrzyżowaniu DK92 z DW 138. W ten sposób busy z emigrantami zatrzymują się w tym miejscu zarówno jadąc w kierunku zachodu jak i wchodu. „Zajazd Chrobry” niejako żegna i wita polskich obywateli pracujących sezonowo na terenie całej Europy Zachodniej. Jest to ostatnie miejsce przed granicą polsko-niemiecką i pierwsze miejsce zaraz za nią, gdzie można relatywnie tanio spożyć prawdziwy polski posiłek. To w tym miejscu emigranci wracający do domów w okresie świątecznym zaopatrują się w kilogramy pierogów z kapustą i grzybami czy wędliny wyrabiane tradycyjnymi metodami. Klient „Zajazdu” zmienił się. Obecnie głównymi klientami są busiarze i ich pasażerowie. Busiarze zawsze się tu zatrzymywali, ale od 3-4 lat jest ich znacznie więcej. Początkowo byli to stali klienci, których dobrze znają kelnerki. Wrowadziliśmy w Zajeździe system lojalnościowy – najpierw w żaden sposób nierejestrowany polegający na tym, że kierowca busa dostaje jedzenie za darmo (wszystko z menu), a drugi kierowca 50%. Jednak kierowcy zaczęli to wykorzystywać, np. ci jadący na pusto. Podobnie z emigrantami. Nie da się tego w tej chwili opanować, bo tych busów i kierowców jest bardzo dużo. Początkowo kelnerki znały wszystkich kierowców, w tej chwili jest to niemożliwe. Wprowadziłam karty lojalnościowe, co w niektórych kierowcach wzbudza oburzenie, że muszą je pokazywać. Jest to niezrozumiałe. Nigdzie przy 92 nie ma takiego systemu lojalnościowego – maksymalna zniżka dla kierowców to 60%. [Kierowniczka „Zajazdu Chrobry”] Na niewielkim parkingu przez Zajazdem często mają miejsce przesiadki z jednego busa do drugiego, a także przeładunki i załadunki drobnych towarów, paczek czy bagaży tych osób, które wybrały drogę lotniczą, ale ich rzeczy, ze względu na oszczędność, podążają drogą lądową, busami. Wzdłuż DK92 istnieje oczywiście więcej takich miejsc oczekiwania i przystanków, na chwilę hamując tranzyt. Są to parking na obwodnicy Świebodzina, która trasą 143 �S3 prowadzi bezpośrednio do zjazdu z A2 w Jordanowie czy Port 2000 w Mostkach. Starą dwójką coraz rzadziej przepływają turyści zarówno ci zagraniczni (niemieccy zwani „zagraniczniakami” oraz rosyjskojęzyczni zwani „ruskimi” niezależnie od tego czy są to Rosjanie, Ukraińcy czy Białorusini) jak i polscy (wycieczki szkolne, wycieczki seniorów, w tym organizowanych np. przez Koła Gospodyń Wiejskich, pielgrzymki do Świebodzina i figury Chrystusa Króla oraz Sanktuarium Miłosierdzia Bożego). Przyczyny odpływu turystów są złożone, a jego konsekwencje najbardziej znamienne dla badanego przez nas terenu. Niemal całkowity zanik przepływu autokarów turystycznych stanowi bezpośrednią przyczynę upadku wielu przydrożnych restauracji, moteli i hoteli położonych wzdłuż DK92. Autokary nie tylko jadą autostradą A2, ale także częściowo utraciły rację bytu i redukcja tranzytu autokarowego powodowana jest zmianami we wzorach podróżowania. Szybciej, bezpieczniej, wygodniej i taniej jest podróżować drogą lotniczą. Proces jego zaniku rozpoczął się w roku 2004, kiedy w Polsce pojawiła się oferta tanich linii lotniczych obsługiwanych przez przewoźników niskobudżetowych (low cost) oferujących usługi przewozu lotniczego osób po cenach niższych niż tradycyjne linie lotnicze. Rynek tanich przelotów w Europie na dobre rozwinął się w 2000 r., ale pierwszymi firmami oferującymi taką usługą są od 1991 r. Ryanair oraz od 1995 EasyJet (Gross, Schröder 2007). Skoro jadą DK92 to znaczy, że chcą zaoszczędzić. Tym bardziej nie będą wydawać na cokolwiek przy tej drodze. Nie będą się zatrzymywać w barach, na stacjach. Ponadto nie ma potrzeby na zatrzymywanie się. Jednak mamy do czynienia z przyspieszeniem, dziś szybko się jedzie, bezpieczniej się jedzie, zmieniła się technologia przemieszczania się, więc hotelarstwo przydrożne przestaje być potrzebne. Przemieszczenie się od wschodniej granicy do zachodniej to nie jest jakaś gigantyczna odległość, więc rozmówców po chuj mi hotel? [Menedżer jednego z przydrożnych hoteli] Jednakże upadanie hoteli, moteli, barów dawniej obsługujących turystykę dalekobieżną, to nie tylko kwestia zmian „technologii przemieszczania się”. Proces ten należy wiązać z brakiem konstruktywnych strategii restrukturyzacji i modernizacji przedsiębiorstw 144 działających w branży hotelarskiej i gastronomicznej, które byłyby praktyczną odpowiedzią na oczekiwania współczesnego turysty-konsumenta. Charakterystyczny jest brak zorientowania na konkretny target, który przecież jest zróżnicowany – oczekiwania turystów polskich, niemieckich czy rosyjskich są odmienne. Jeden z naszych rozmówców zmiany w mentalności i praktykach potencjalnych klientów określił jako „cywilizowanie się konsumenta”, który chce bezproblemowego dostępu do internetu, wyremontowanych toalet, miejsc przeznaczonych dla małych dzieci czy dietetycznej kuchni. Tymczasem na badanym terenie dość opornie następują zmiany w jakości tych usług lub mają one nadto rozproszony charakter chcąc jednocześnie obsługiwać turystów zagranicznych, korporacje na wyjazdach integracyjnych, konferencje, czy lokalne uroczystości rodzinne. Turystów było u nas kiedyś bardzo dużo, na ulicy to w ogóle, czy w barze. To się jedno z drugim wiąże, nie ma ludzi, nie ma biznesu, nie ma baru... [Właścicielka sklepu w Trzcielu] Uważam, że autostrada to nie jest to bezpośrednia przyczyna, że ci goście tu przyjeżdżają czy nie. To jest kwestia... to jest kwestia naszego marketingu, miejsca, polecenia. I to jest chyba istotne... najbardziej chyba istotne, bo autostrada, no co? Ktoś śmiga, jedzie dalej, tyle! [Właściciel gościńca w Jasieńcu] Autokary… one powypadały wcześniej. No, niech już nie zganiają nie wiadomo ile na autostradę! O, już dawno padło… to już dużo wcześniej padało. Jakoś tak słabo, słabo, słabo. Wszystko od zarządzającego zależy, co nie? [Sprzedawczyni w sklepie w Brójcach] Tranzyt turystyczny spowalnia przede wszystkim w zachodniej części badanego przez nas terenu a zjawisko to powodowe jest raczej geografią, przygranicznym położeniem takich miejscowości jak Torzym czy Boczów. W miejscowościach tych w porównaniu do tych już poza granicami Polski niższe są ceny za noclegi, jedzenie, alkohol czy papierosy. Tu w kontekście mobilności związanej z turystyką interesujący jest Torzym. Stanowi on bowiem strefę przejściową dla zorganizowanych grup polskich i niemieckich turystów, którzy zwiedzają Berlin oraz korzystają z parku rozrywki i wypoczynku 145 �„Tropical Island” w Krausnick. Wiele zorganizowanych wycieczek w celu obniżenia kosztów zatrzymuje się na noc właśnie w torzymskich motelach, w których korzystają także z cateringu oraz dodatkowych rozrywek, np. w postaci wieczorków integracyjnych. Tworzy to specyficzną tymczasową wahadłowość – turyści w ciągu dnia odpływają, po to by wrócić wieczorem. Jeśli jeszcze turyści zatrzymują się na nocleg, bo albo dlatego, że jest to połowa drogi, albo że jest to baza wypadowa. [Właściciel jednego z hoteli w Torzymiu] Warto także wspomnieć o toczącym się od 2014 r. konflikcie ukraińsko-rosyjskim, który negatywnie odbija się na przydrożnej branży hotelarskiej, ostatnio utrzymującej się głównie z turystów rosyjskich. Po pierwsze konflikt ten powoduje ubożenie się społeczeństwa rosyjskiego, po drugie wzrost negatywnych reakcji na obywateli Federacji Rosyjskiej. Wydarzenia takie jak wywieszenie we wrześniu 2014 r. na drzwiach jednej z sopockich restauracji kartki z napisem „Nie obsługujemy Rosjan” sprawiło, iż rosyjscy turyści boją się zatrzymywać w polskich restauracjach z obawy przed napiętnowaniem. Każdy rodzaj opisanego powyżej tranzytu doznaje na badanym terenie przestoju, pauzy, ulega spowolnieniu w zajazdach, barach, na parkingach, motelach, hotelach. Zjawisko bezruchu współdefiniuje mobilność kierowców, emigrantów zarobkowych oraz turystów, to swoiste pauzowanie stanowi nie tylko immanentną cechę przypływu tych grup ludzi, ale również dalekobieżnego transportu drogowego w ogóle. Wobec wyobrażenia bezruchu, spowolnienia oraz zastoju jako opozycyjnych względem prędkości przepływu napędzającego globalny światowy kapitał przykład badanych przez nas przydrożnych miejscowości pokazuje, jak bardzo dla lokalnej gospodarki staje się zastój i spowolnienie. David Bissell i Gillian Fuller w edytowanej przez nich książce pt. Stillness in a Mobile World (2010) dekonstruują prostą z pozoru dychotomię między bezruchem oraz zastojem wywołującymi bezwład i chaos a mobilnością oraz przepływem generującymi akumulację kapitału i napędzającymi gospodarkę. W odniesieniu do systemów 146 zarządzania przepływem ludzi i dóbr bezruch i związane z nim czekanie oraz przerwy nie mogą być rozpatrywane jako zdemobilizowane bycie w świecie. Owo czekanie i zastój to nie jedynie zwolnienie rytmu przepływu oraz opozycja szybkości i bycia w ruchu, lecz początek trwania czegoś, co ma się wydarzyć oraz konieczność zachowania płynności i elastyczności tranzytu. Pauzowanie i oczekiwanie tylko z pozoru są zjawiskami braku wyraźnej aktywności. Na pewno nie z perspektywy mieszkańców miejscowości położonych wzdłuż DK92, dla których przerwy w tranzycie przynoszą wymierne korzyści ekonomiczne. Każda przestrzeń stanowiąca część infrastruktury ruchu i przepływu jest przestrzenią spowolnienia. Bezruch jest formą antycypacji oraz formą kontraktu pomiędzy oczekującymi i pauzującymi, a tym co ma nadejść (zob. Cresswell 2012: 645–653). Jest więc swoistego rodzaju produktywnym środkiem na dotarcie do czegoś, co ma swój cel. Obietnica, że wydarzy się to, na co się czeka definiuje bezruch i zastój (Bissell 2007: 277-298). �DK92: pobocza, infrastruktury, ludzie Pomiędzy Boczowem a Świebodzinem, wrzesień 2014, fot. Mariusz Forecki �150 151 �152 153 �154 155 �156 157 �158 159 �160 161 �162 163 �164 165 �166 167 �168 169 �170 171 �172 173 �174 175 �176 177 �178 179 �DK92: nowa bieda Rozległy, kiedyś całkowicie wybrukowany, rynek dzisiaj nazywa się Placem Wiosny Ludów. To centrum Brójec. Są tutaj wszystkie najważniejsze sklepy: przemysłowy, rzeźnicki, spożywczy ABC, kwiaciarnia oferująca też nasiona, księgarnia ze zniczami, punkt apteczny. Między pokrzywioną wiatą przystanku autobusowego a nową kostką kiosku Ruchu czasem rozkłada się stragan warzywno-owocowy, czasem z tanią odzieżą. Na wysokich schodach przed domami siadują rodziny, sąsiedzi, znajomi. Przy ABC swoje miejsce mają amatorzy pitego na powietrzu alkoholu. Bywa, że realizują swoją pasję od rana. Na uliczkach przylegających do rynku zachował się dawny układ urbanistyczny. Zabudowa jest zwarta, gdzieniegdzie pod tablicami z nazwami ulic widać jeszcze litery gotyckiego pisma. Ruch na uliczkach jest niewielki, ale szum aut słychać niemal bez przerwy. To oddalona o kilkaset metrów od rynku droga krajowa numer 92. Dla Brójec prawie wszystko się na niej kończy i wszystko zaczyna. Dawne rzemieślnicze miasteczko, po II wojnie zdegradowane do statusu wsi, jest otoczone krajówką niczym ramieniem. O śmiertelnych wypadkach na tej drodze opowiadać może każdy. Zwłaszcza o owianym złą sławą „zakręcie latających trupów”. Zakręt niby nie nadzwyczajny, droga płaska, ale auta się roztrzaskiwały, a ludzie ginęli. Teraz stoi tam fotoradar na słupie i wymusza zmniejszenie prędkości. Jest lepiej. Co ciekawe, oddalona o zaledwie 3 kilometry nitka autostrady A2 nie skłania do wylewnych rozmów. Pięciu mężczyzn pije piwo pod sklepem. Siedzą na ławce, mają akurat przerwę w pracach 181 �remontowych: „Tutaj jest pizda, cipa i gówno – mówi jeden z nich – Autostrada ani niczego nam nie dała ani nie zabrała. Dla naszych Brójec to bez znaczenia. Nie ma pracy, nie ma nic. Kiła i mogiła.” Pracował kiedyś w Irlandii i Niemczech. Gdy musiał wrócić na pogrzeb matki, chciał znowu od razu wyjeżdżać. „Bo tu się źle żyje. Nawet przy drodze nie ma już niczego, żadnych usług.” Opowieści o emigracji zarobkowej słyszy się bardzo często, można odnieść wrażenie, że co druga rodzina ma krewnych zarabiających pieniądze w Anglii, Irlandii, Norwegii. Z usadowionego na brójeckim rynku przystanku autobusy odjeżdżają trzy razy, dojechać można tylko do Trzciela i Międzyrzecza. Głównie jednak w „dni nauki szkolnej”, w wakacje to już właściwie nigdzie. Więc albo ma się samochód i prawo jazdy, albo jest się zdanym na Brójce. To ostatnie brzmi niemal jak wyrok, ale miejscowi tak właśnie postrzegają swoje usytuowanie. Jest to tym wyraźniejsze, że do lepszego miejsca wcale nie jest daleko: „Jak się dostałem do kliniki do Poznania, jak wszedłem na oddział, to myślałem, że w innym kraju jestem. Nie żartuję. Wyszedłem ze szpitala w Gorzowie, to dom wariatów. A tam normalnie. Poznańskie to jest inny kraj już, podsumowuje swoje doświadczenia jeden z mieszkańców – Wielkopolski do tego bajzlu lubuskiego nie porównujcie. To jest koniec świata.” Te radyklane opinie nie są odosobnione. W podobny sposób postrzega różnicę między regionami pani z brójeckiej księgarni: „Ten nasz rejon jest niby blisko granicy, zachód Polski, świadomy, nie taki ciemnogród, jak tam, gdzieś dalej na Wschodzie. Ale rynku pracy nie ma. A wystarczy do Wielkopolski wjechać, to się zmienia wszystko. Tam od razu inaczej. Tam się rozwija jakoś wszystko. Inaczej się gospodarzą.” Siwa sprzedawczyni z kiosku ma na ten temat wyrobioną opinię: „Młodzi ludzie tutaj żyją z dnia na dzień. Niczym się nie interesują. Nawet polityką. Jak szli do wyborów, czy ostatnio do referendum, to nawet nie wiedzieli, w jakiej sprawie.” Ostatni komentarz był odpowiedzią na moje pytanie o tygodnik „Polityka”: „Panie, tutaj nikt jej nie kupuje, to ja nie zamawiam.” Niedawno działał jeszcze w Brójcach tzw. klub, czyli przydrożny domu publiczny. Zajmował piętrowy, pomalowany na szaro klocek, otoczony wysokim płotem. 182 Teraz z tarasu zwisa płachta z wielkimi czarnym napisem „Sprzedam lub wynajmę” (i numerem telefonu)1. Raczej negatywnie postrzega obecną sytuację także najemca lokalnego Lewiatana, oddalonego od rynku o nieco ponad kilometr, wciąż jednak blisko ramienia DK92. „Ja nie widzę zbyt dużej różnicy po wybudowaniu A2. Kiedyś było więcej prostytutek, ale i tak rzadko je widziałem, bo rano, jak jechałem tu z Trzciela, to nie stały przy drodze.” Z jego perspektywy, ruch w sklepie jest taki, jaki był, czyli za mały. Podkreśla, że uruchomienia A2 nie miało „żadnego wpływu” na funkcjonowanie jego sklepu. Nie orientuje się też, jak działają przydrożne bary i restauracje, bo po prostu z nich nie korzysta. Ma jednak żal do inwestora i „Kulczyka”, że nie zaprosili mieszkańców na otwarcie autostrady: „Nawet burmistrza tam nie było!” Inny mieszkaniec Brójec miał do powiedzenie nieco więcej, jakkolwiek jego poglądy nie odbiegały od krytycyzmu pomieszanego z fatalizmem. Był akurat pod lekkim wpływem alkoholu: „Napiłem się dzisiaj, bo można – wyjaśniał (była sobota) – Poza tym zmarł mój kolega.” Jak twierdził, przez 7 lat pracował przy pracach wykopaliskowych poprzedzających budowę autostrady. Pracował jako pomoc fizyczna, ale zdarzało im się „wykopywać różnego rodzaju wytwory kultury łużyckiej”. Te „dzbanki i pierścienie” wysyłano potem do Poznania do Muzeum Archeologicznego. „Grosze płacili, ale robota jakaś była. Dużo ludzi stąd pracowało przy tym, ale się skończyło.” Najgorsze, jego zdaniem, jest to, że w Brójcach nic się nie dzieje. Owo „dzianie się” odnosi do kwestii zatrudnienia: „Nie ma pracy, młodzi uciekają. Jak nie było autostrady, to ruch był większy i wszystko przy drodze prosperowało.” Teraz ruch na DK92 jest taki sam, jak wcześniej, ale „interesy przydrożne siadły”. Podobnie, jak najemca Lewiatana, jako widoczny symptom kryzysu postrzega zniknięcie prostytutek. Jak deklaruje, „bułgarki” nawet kiedyś 1 Gdy pojawiłem się tam po raz pierwszy, we wrześniu 2014 r., „klub” zdawał się jeszcze funkcjonować, o czym zaświadczała biała kartka umieszczona na bramie (nad nią tablica „Uwaga! Zły pies”) o treści (pisownia oryginalna): „Przepraszamy nie ma nikogo proszę dzwonić pod numer…. Closs ples call…. Закрыте пажалуства званиц…” 183 �u siebie nocował: „Było spokojnie, nawet jak przychodzili po nie alfonsi. Proboszcz i sołtys wyklęli mnie za to.” Impulsu do zmiany sytuacji upatruje w budowie zjazdu z autostrady. Utrzymuje zresztą, że taki zjazd planowano w pobliski Myszęcinie (6 km z Brójec). „Jakaś pani” kupiła nawet ziemię na obszarze tego potencjalnego zjazdu, ale teraz leży ona odłogiem i nikt nie chce jej kupić. Mężczyzna dodaje, że według „odgórnych” ustaleń, zjazd z autostrady w pobliżu Brójec powstanie, ale nie prędzej niż w 2025 r. Wieszająca pranie w ogrodzie przed domem, 40-letnia kobieta była bardzo skora do rozmowy. I do narzekań, jak się później okazało. „Autostrada zabrała pracę. Ci kierowcy, co zostawiali pieniądze przy drodze krajowej, teraz jeżdżą autostradą – przekonywała – Na krajówce ciągle ruch, ale to same ciężarówki. Oni się nie zatrzymują u nas, a jak śpią, to tylko w swoich kabinach. Kiedyś była tak dobrze, teraz nie ma nic.” Wcześniej kobieta pracowała przez 3 lata w pobliskim hotelu „Victoria”. Zwolniono ją jednak kilka miesięcy wcześniej, bo „nie było co robić”. Pamięta jednak inne, lepsze czasy, gdy w tym samym hotelu na jednej zmianie pracowały aż trzy kobiety. Teraz, co prawda, ma inną pracę, ale wcześniejsza, w hotelu, była lepsza. „Autostrada zepsuła wszystko.” Zrozumiałe jest, że inną perspektywę, wynikającą z pełnionych obowiązków, ma sołtys Brójec. Energiczna, ponad 60-letnia kobieta jest aktywnym urzędnikiem. W swoim biurze przyjmuje petentów potrzebujących rady w kwestiach podatkowych czy zaciągnięcia pożyczek albo zwyczajnej rozmowy. Jej opinia nie pokrywa się z cytowanymi wyżej narzekaniami „Tutejsi ludzie często są pasywni. Rada sołecka się stara, ale napotyka na mur, bo ludzie nie wyciągają rąk i czekają aż ktoś zrobi wszystko za nich. Tak samo jest w temacie pracy: jak ktoś chce pracować to pracę znajdzie.” Jako pozytywne przykłady aktywności wskazuje festyny przykościelne, coroczne dożynki, konkursy zarządów okolicznych wsi. Potwierdzeniem jej słów są wiszące na ścianach dyplomy i wyróżnienia, a także pyszniące się na półce puchary, niektóre przyznane za zwycięstwa w takich niestandardowych kategoriach, jak rzut trampkiem do kosza czy slalom z miotłą. Ostatnio, dodaje, miało miejsce „spotkanie 184 Brójec w Brójcach”, na które przybyli mieszkańcy Brójec Łódzkich (powiat łódzki-wschodni). Integrację dwóch wsi o podobnych nazwach anonsował nawet popularny prezenter Maciej Orłoś w telewizyjnym „Teleexpresie”. Pani sołtys lojalnie przyznaje, że wiele lokalnych wydarzeń to inicjatywa proboszcza miejscowej parafii, osoby bardzo obrotnej i mającej liczne kontakty. Zarządzający brójecką parafią jest faktycznie zaangażowany w życie lokalnej społeczności. Dostrzega także skutki otwarcia A2, polegające choćby na tym, że zmniejszyła się liczba wypadków drogowych. Z własnego doświadczenia kapłana pamięta ponadto, że przejście na drugą stronę drogi krajowej z konduktem pogrzebowym do znajdującego się tam cmentarza, wymagało czekania na lukę w sznurze aut, czasem nawet 15 minut. Teraz to się raczej nie zdarza. Pozostałe sprawy nie przedstawiają się jednak tak pozytywnie: „Taką konkretną rzeczą, która się zmieniła jest to, że 20 osób zatrudnionych w gastronomii i w hotelach straciło pracę. Te panie są na bezrobociu w tej chwili. Z tej miejscowości.” Jeśli idzie o ocenę sytuacji Brójec sprzed i po uruchomieniu autostrady A2, pani sołtys nie odbiega od współziomków: „Nic się nie zmieniło od wybudowania autostrady, nam się żyje tak, jak się żyło.” Młodzi ludzie chcą z Brójec wyjechać, a starzy zostają, bo już im niewiele potrzeba. Narzeka, że w okresie poprzedzającym otwarcie A2 nie rozmawiano na ten temat na zebraniach wiejskich. Mówiło się jedynie o mającym powstać w okolicy zjeździe z autostrady, co miało pozytywnie wpłynąć na sytuację w Brójcach. „Niektórzy nastawili się na zysk z budowy i poinwestowali w ziemię, której teraz nie mogą się pozbyć”, komentuje. Pamięta, że kiedyś w okolicy były tu jakieś „bunkry”, pozostałości nazistowskiej budowy, które nazywano „Biały mur” (dzisiaj w pobliżu funkcjonuje Obwód Utrzymania Autostrady „Biały Mur”) „Gdy policja kogoś ścigała, to jak się ukrył w tych bunkrach, to mogli go miesiąc szukać i by nie znaleźli.” Jej dalsze uwagi mają już znacznie bardziej krytyczny wydźwięk. Pani sołtys zauważa, że mocno zmalał ruch osobowy na DK92, za to nadal jeździ tą trasą mnóstwo tirów. „Biznesy przydrożne popadały: hotel Victoria tutaj, hotel Sen w Myszęcinie i Klara. Hotel Pan Tadeusz w Rzeczycy również się chyli ku upadkowi. Generalnie 185 �wszystko przy drodze pada, nawet tutejsza stacja benzynowa.” Z konfidencjonalnym uśmiechem stwierdza jedynie, że „w lesie to tu były różne rzeczy”, odnosząc się w ten sposób – dość powszechny na badanym przez nas terenie – do niegdysiejszych aktów prostytucji i przemytu. Rozmowa dotycząca autostrady nie mogła pominąć tematu wypadków. Pani sołtys przyznała, że kumulowały się one na wysokości dwóch brójeckich hoteli: „Victorii” i „Marii”. Poinformowała także, że walczy o wybudowanie dla mieszkańców kładki nad wciąż ruchliwą i niebezpieczną DK92. Niestety, dostaje odmowne pisma od krajowego zarządu dróg i autostrad. Jak już wspomniałem, ostatni odcinek autostrady A2, ze Świecka w Lubuskiem do Nowego Tomyśla w Wielkopolsce, oddano do użytku pierwszego grudnia 2011 r. Było to o pół roku wcześniej niż zakładał przyjęty terminarz robót. Dodatkowym atutem stała się wiadomość, że przez sześć pierwszych miesięcy podróż tym odcinkiem będzie darmowa. W rezultacie tysiące ludzi z Pomorza, Kujaw i Wielkopolski wybrały się na samochodowe wycieczki do Niemiec. Przeprowadzone badania – wspólny sondaż AWSA i „Gazety Wyborczej” z października 2012 r. – przekonywały o szerokiej akceptacji i entuzjazmie dla nowej autostrady. We wspomnianym sondażu 73% Poznaniaków uważało, że dzięki A2 Polska zyskała szybkie i bezpieczne połączenie z Europą, 31% przy planowaniu urlopu brało pod uwagę oferty niemieckich lotnisk i biur podróży, a 25% zaczęło dzięki niej korzystać z oferty turystycznej Berlina oraz innych miast europejskich (A2 do Świecka w ocenie Pozna‑ niaków 2012). Wyrazistym kontrastem w stosunku do tych postaw jest „język biadolenia i narzekania” (Buchowski 1996: 60), z jakim stykałem się wielokrotnie podczas badań. Miał rację Michał Buchowski, że język/dyskurs ten utwierdza podzielane poglądy, stając się czymś na kształt potocznego perpetuum mobile. W skład tego języka wchodzą różne komponenty, tworzące swoiste continuum: od agresywnego i oskarżycielskiego narzekania (Cały ten kryzys jest winą Kul‑ czyka), po fatalistyczne biadolenie (Bo tu się źle żyje). Należy zaznaczyć, że bazą tego języka nie jest spójna identyfikacja polityczna, ale 186 raczej podzielane doświadczenie wielkiej zmiany, poczucie braku sprawstwa i nagłe wytrącenie z oswojonej normalności. Ogólnopolskie media pokazywały uśmiechniętych podróżnych, ganiąc jednocześnie kierowców nie potrafiących stosować się do obowiązujących na autostradzie przepisów ruchu drogowego. Wydarzyło się jednak coś jeszcze, coś o czym nie mówiły pozytywne postawy wobec A2, „zaświadczane” przez opinię mieszkańców Poznania, traktujących ją czysto użytkowo, w kategoriach nowoczesnego udogodnienia i wsparcia w praktykach konsumenckich. Oto droga krajowa 92, potocznie nazywana „dwójką”, główny wcześniej korytarz komunikacyjny na zachód, stereotypowo słynący z przydrożnej sprzedaży krasnali, stojących po lasach tirówek czy pokątnej sprzedaży paliwa, stała się nagle drogą peryferyjną. Stara „dwójka” to legenda. Ciągnęła się od Warszawy do Rzepina na granicy. Dla jednych była korytarzem na zachód, to nią wyprawiali się tam handlarze, gastarbeiterzy, przemytnicy. Dla innych stanowiła koszmar, kojarzący się z korkami, oszalałymi kierowcami tirów, śmiertelnymi wypadkami. Ich symbolem była choćby śmierć Bronisława Geremka, w lipcu 2008 r. Na DK92 w pobliżu miejscowości Lubień (gmina Miedzichowo), około 10 kilometrów od zjazdu z nieukończonej wtedy autostrady A2, prowadzony przez byłego ministra spaw zagranicznych i wybitnego polityka mercedes, zjechał na przeciwny pas jezdni, zderzając się czołowo z samochodem dostawczym. Dla wielu ludzi żyjących na jej skraju, „dwójka” była natomiast miejscem pracy. W przydrożnym barze, restauracji, punkcie sprzedaży małej architektury, hotelu, motelu, warsztacie samochodowym, stacji paliw. Albo po prostu na skrawku pobocza, skąd sprzedawało się grzyby, jagody, szparagi. „Dwójka” żywiła, karmiła, pozwalała niektórym na stworzenie małych fortun. Złote czasy skończyły się nagle, jednego dnia, owego pierwszego grudnia. „Przed otwarciem autostrady jeździło tędy 40 tys. samochodów dziennie! – opowiada o tym jeden z restauratorów – Dosłownie zderzak w zderzak. A potem budzę się rano i słyszę straszną ciszę.” Inny dodaje: „Kiedyś czekało się pół godziny, żeby przejechać na drugą stronę. A tu nagle można stanąć na środku 92 i nic się nie dzieje!” 187 �Podawane przez naszych rozmówców liczby są raczej przesadzone; to zresztą częsty przypadek, z jakim spotykaliśmy się w terenie. Jeden z rozmówców z Miedzichowa twierdził, że „tiry jeżdżą tam bez przerwy, przeszkadzają i hałasują”. Na podstawie ponawianych, 3-godzinnych obserwacji tej miejscowości, mogę stwierdzić, że w ciągu 60 minut pojawia się tam co najwyżej kilka tirów. Wrażenie nadmiaru dużych i hałaśliwych samochodów pozostaje jednak faktem społecznym. Również według Generalnej Dyrekcji Dróg Krajowych i Autostrad w okresie przed otwarciem autostrady drogę 92 pokonywało dziennie niespełna 8 tys. (w tym około 1,7 tys. samochodów ciężarowych z przyczepą2), a nie 40 tys. aut, jak podawali właściciele restauracji. Bez względu na te rozbieżności, skala zmiany, jak się dokonała, była naprawdę ogromna. Jak mantra w opowieściach o otwarciu autostrady pojawia się bowiem wspomnienie „wielkiej” albo „strasznej” „ciszy”. Ukończenie budowy ostatniej nitki autostrady A2 oficjalnie, jak już pisałem, przedstawiano jako wielkie wydarzenie, mające napędzać lokalne ekonomie. Swoje oczekiwania związane z uruchomieniem autostrady miały też lokalne władze. Pamięta je dobrze choćby sołtys Bolewic: „Mieszkańcy mieli wtedy takie przekonanie, że jak zbudują autostradę, to przyjdą inwestorzy. Z Poznania, czy z gdzieś dalej, że ta gmina ożyje. No ale niestety, nie wyszło.” Owszem, około 10 mieszkańców Bolewic znalazło zatrudnienie w obwodach utrzymania autostrady. Gmina otrzymała także od inwestora kruszywo z przeznaczeniem na naprawę dróg gminnych. Subiektywnie, zdaniem sołtysa, poprawiło się także bezpieczeństwo na DK92, przebiegającej przez środek Bolewic, oddaliła się jednocześnie szansa na budowę obwodnicy. Oczekiwania były jednak znacznie większe. Podobnie, jak w Miedzichowie. „Oj, były duże oczekiwania! W naszych dokumentach planistycznych, w strategiach, ujmowano jako mocne strony gminy właśnie bliskość autostrady”, wyjaśnia sekretarz gminy. Zakładano, że powstaną bazy logistyczne, warsztaty 2 Dane na podstawie ponawianego co 5 lat przez Krajową Dyrekcję Dróg Krajowych i Autostrad Generalnego Pomiaru Ruchu (2010 r., punkt pomiarowy Bolewicko-Lwówek). Dane dostępne na stronie: www.gddkia.gov.pl/pl/987/gpr-2010 (data dostępu: 10.09.2016). 188 samochodowe, że rozwiną się usługi. Prywatni przedsiębiorcy masowo zwracali się do urzędów z wnioskami o zwolnienia podatkowe, chcąc przyciągnąć dzięki temu nowych klientów. Urzędnicy liczyli na remonty dróg lokalnych, budowę potrzebnych obwodnic. Autostrada miała podnieść atrakcyjność terenów, które wcześniej były raczej zapomniane. „Pod względem infrastruktury gospodarczej od dwóch czy trzech lat nie dostrzegamy żadnych istotnych zmian w powstawaniu nowych podmiotów gospodarczych, które by mogły oprzeć swoją działalność na ruchu tranzytowym”, kwituje urzędnik z Miedzichowa. Zastępca burmistrza Trzciela nie wypada na tym tle oryginalnie. Zauważa zmianę w strukturze ruchu samochodowego, polegającą na tym, że zmniejszył się ruch aut osobowych, liczba tirów pozostała z kolei na stałym poziomie. Podkreśla poza tym brak dodatkowych, infrastrukturalnych inwestycji. „Na tej zmianie zyskały tylko dwa centra parkingowe dla tirów”, puentuje. Widomym i często wymienianym znakiem skutkiem „modernizacji przez autostradę” są przydrożne prostytutki. A raczej ich brak. „Panie, przed otwarciem autostrady tylko na 10 kilometrach trasy z Rzepina do Boczowa stało ich 14 – wspomina stary taksówkarz – Teraz jedna, może dwie.” Kierowca pamięta klienta, który długo nie mógł się zdecydować na wybór żadnej z dziewczyn, każąc się wozić w tę i z powrotem przez godzinę. A jak już wreszcie jedną wybrał, to wrócił szybciutko, już po paru minutach. Ludzie, którzy wynajmowali im kwatery, pamiętają te dziewczyny jako ciche, czyste i sympatyczne. W większości określano je jako „bułgarki” (także „ssaki leśne”, „automaty do lodów”), powtarzając stereotypowa wiedzę na temat ich pochodzenia. Oczywiście, nikt im nie sprawdzał dokumentów. Prostytutki stały kiedyś przed każdym prawie motelem czy zajazdem. Przydrożny sprzedawca z Trzciela stwierdza, że z całej grupy „bułgarek” obecnie została tylko jedna. Pracownik zajazdu „Otwarte Wrota” w Sępolnie zauważa, że kiedyś na przyległym parkingu kręciło się wiele prostytutek. Gdy jednak niemal cały ruch tranzytowy przeniósł się na darmową A2, wszystkie zniknęły. Podobnie w „klubie” w Brójcach. „W dzień to tam nigdy nikt nie stał, samochody 189 �podjeżdżały w nocy – opowiada sprzedawczyni z tamtejszej księgarni – A te panie chodziły po Brójcach, je się znało. Zakupy robiły, jedna z dzieckiem. Bardzo przyjemne były, rozmawiały normalnie, dzień dobry i nic strasznego nie było z nimi.” I stamtąd jednak „sympatyczne” panie zniknęły, a budynek „klubu”, jak wspomniałem, wystawiono na sprzedaż. „Super dziewuchy to były. Ale to się skończyło. Tego nie ma. Ale mówiąc szczerze, to takiemu szarakowi jak ja, czy kto inny, to nikomu nie przeszkadzało”, wyrokuje jeden z mieszkańców Brójec. Można w tym miejscu sformułować pewną generalizację. Z jednej strony, usłyszeliśmy wiele opowieści o przygodach klientów z prostytutkami, o miejscach ich pracy, podglądaniu je w lesie przez dzieci i nastolatków, także o niepisanych umowach z miejscową policją. Opowiadaniom tym towarzyszyły zwyczajowo mrugnięcia, znaczące uśmiechy i pochrząkiwania. Pikantny temat zachęcał do dzielenia się informacjami i skracaniu dystansu między rozmówcami. Z drugiej strony, obecność i nieobecność prostytutek zaczęto traktować jako poważny marker zmian. Ich brak stawał się namacalnym dowodem na regres, na odpłynięcie klientów i pieniędzy, przekształcając się w jedną z metafor „modernizacji przez autostradę”. Wspomniana wcześniej figura „wielkiej ciszy” to inna metafora tego samego procesu. Funkcjonuje ona zarazem jako wstęp do rozpisanej na wiele głosów opowieści o kryzysie, jaki przyniosło otwarcie A2. Oczywiście, lokalni przedsiębiorcy znali plany rządu, spodziewali się mniejszej liczby klientów i spadku swoich dochodów. Ich rachuby były jednak zbyt optymistyczne. Gdy wszedłem do restauracji „Pan Tadeusz” w Rzeczycy, kucharka na mój widok zakrzyknęła: „O Boże, klient!” Po czym od razu poinformowała, że nie ma pieczeni ani golonki. Jej miejsce pracy znajduje się w rozległym, piętrowym budynku, z białymi kolumnami podtrzymującymi taras wieńczący wejście. Wewnątrz trofea myśliwskie, drewniane rzeźby, obrazy na ścianach, stylizowane meble. Wrażenie wykwintności i polor szlacheckiego dworku. Po uruchomieniu A2 „Pan Tadeusz” trwa jedynie dzięki zatrzymującym się tam kierowcom z Litwy i smakoszom, którzy zaglądają czasem w poszukiwaniu smacznego, zdaniem właścicieli, tatara. 190 Właściciel „Pana Tadeusza” szacuje, że jego obroty spadły o 80%. „Stało się to z godziny na godzinę. Gości mamy tak teraz mało, że musiałem pozwalniać ludzi.” Dobrze pamięta też pierwszy – dla niego feralny – dzień funkcjonowania darmowej autostrady, gdy stanął na środku DK92 i rozglądał się na wszystkie strony, wyglądając samochodów. Jego zdaniem, gwoździem do trumny przydrożnych interesów jest jednak brak zjazdów z A2. „Jeden jest w Trzcielu, drugi w Torzymiu. To nas zabija. Komu się chce przejechać tyle kilometrów, żeby do nas trafić?”, pyta. „Kiedyś do mojej restauracji ustawiały się kolejki – opowiada właściciel hotelu „Maria” z Brójec – Zatrudniałem prawie 30 osób, dzisiaj zostały 4, w tym ja i moja żona. Ale komu teraz chce się zjeżdżać z autostrady żeby zjeść coś dobrego?” Jego biznes znajduje się tuż przy DK92, nieopodal „zakrętu latających trupów”. Restauracyjny taras wychodzi bezpośrednio na trasę i parking. Pokoje hotelowe znajdują się w dwóch połączonych budynkach – rozbudowa jest pamiątką po latach prosperity, długo przed uruchomieniem A2. Nazwa hotelu pochodzi od imienia żony jego właściciela. Właściciel „Marii” zaczął w 1991 r., w trzy osoby. Szybko zjednał sobie klientów, w godzinach szczytu, między szesnastą a dwudziestą chętni, by skorzystać z restauracji ustawiali się przed drzwiami. Opowiada o tym z dumą, ale i smutkiem. „Potem była makabra”, zauważa. Hotelarz jest dobrze zorientowany w kulisach budowy A2 i wielu lokalnych sprawach: to wieloletni radny i społeczny aktywista. W 2014 r. brał udział w spotkaniu z przedstawicielami AWSA i wojewodą lubuskim, na którym zwracał uwagę na zbyt wysoko wybudowany przepust wodny przy autostradzie. Jest on przyczyną podtopień działek rolniczych, a także fundamentów jego hotelu, co ponoć przed powstaniem A2 się nie zdarzało. Ostatnio wspierał także prace porządkowe na zaniedbanym XVII-wiecznym cmentarzu ewangelickim, znajdującym się po drugiej stronie DK92. Dzisiaj jest to nie tylko miejsce spoczynku, ale także malowniczy park z tablicami edukacyjnymi poświęconym występującym tam gatunkom ptaków i roślin (lelek kozodój, dzierzba gąsiorek, orlik pospolity). Właściciel „Marii” pamięta prosperitę na DK92. Wielokrotnie obserwował, że w czasie, gdy autokarowi turyści jedli w jego restauracji 191 �obiad, kierowcy udawali się do pobliskiego baru – prowadzonego przez niejakiego „Szaszę” – aby kupić tańsze paliwo. „Szasza” i jego nieodległy bar zniknęli, ale do dzisiaj wspomina się, że specjalizował się w nielegalnym kupnie i sprzedaży paliwa. Jedni kierowcy je u niego „spuszczali”, inni wlewali do swoich aut. Poza tym, „Szasza” handlował także produktami spożywczymi, np. kiełbasą i smalcem. Jako osoba przewidująca, zakładał, że otwarcie A2 zmniejszy ruch na drodze krajowej. Szacował, jak mówi, spadek obrotów o 50% – okazało się, że sięgnął on 90%. „Pozostali u nas klienci ze Wschodu – Rosja, Litwa, Białoruś. Jadą na wycieczki do Brukseli, Paryża, Berlina, a tutaj zostają na noc.” Jest to możliwe dzięki kontaktom nawiązanym i utrzymanym przed laty, szukanie klienta dzisiaj byłoby znacznie trudniejsze. Poza tym trafiają się pojedynczy kierowcy, także głównie zza wschodniej granicy. Większość z nich wybiera jednak ogromne centra obsługi, położone już dalej na zachód. Gdy trafi się zaprzyjaźniony estoński chór, można liczyć na darmowy mini koncert po kolacji. Ale poza tym jest coraz gorzej. „Nikt o nas nie pamięta – dopowiada brójecki hotelarz – Autostrada to wielkie pieniądze, my ich nie mamy, więc rząd jest głuchy.” Na co? Przede wszystkim na wnioski dotyczące budowy nowych zjazdów, mogących umożliwić łatwe i szybkie dotarcie do lokalnych restauracji i hotelików, takich jak „Maria”. Po drugiej stronie DK92, bliżej niesławnego „zakrętu latających trupów”, znajduje się inny brójecki hotel. Duży, rozłożysty kompleks kryty jest spadzistym dachem, który chroni pokoje dla 70 osób. Jasny, z tarasem i wielką salą taneczną, otoczonym zielenią. Inny niż przydrożny standard. Obok ulokowano stację paliw. Na pierwszy rzut oka „Victoria” zdaje się być zaprzeczeniem opinii o regresie i „wielkiej traumie”. Pierwsze sygnały o mylnym wrażeniu wysyła dziewczyna, pracująca na sąsiadującej z „Victorią” stacji paliw. „Ruch jest mały, klientów prawie nie ma. Tirowcy to tyle, że śpią na parkingu – rozkłada ręce – W weekendy to nawet nie przychodzi kucharka, bo to się nie opłaca.” A jeśli komuś zachce się jeść? „Ja mogę tylko odgrzać zamrożoną zupę.” Ruch na stacji rzeczywiście okazuje się być znikomy. Na towarach osiadł kurz, zielsko w wielu miejscach przerasta przez asfalt. 192 W hotelu także dziwna cisza i bezruch. Parking pusty, okna odbijają niebo, drzwi zamknięte. Po naciśnięciu na guzik, okazuje się, że „Victorii” pilnuje starszy mężczyzna, ojciec właściciela. Przygłuchy, więc nie zawsze słyszy dźwięk dzwonka. „Ludzie dzisiaj są biedni, nie stać ich na hotele – tłumaczy, ściszając tranzystor nastawiony na Radio Maryja – Przestrzegałem syna przed tą budową. Nadchodził już światowy kryzys, u nas było złodziejskie uwłaszczenie. A potem jeszcze zbudowali autostradę. To się nie mogło powieść.” „Victoria” narodziła się z dość niezwykłego pomysłu. To nie miał być kolejny motelik dla kierowców. Chodziło o stworzenie miejsca rozrywki dla lokalnej społeczności, z naciskiem na osoby powyżej 40. roku życia. W istniejącym już wcześniej hotelu powstała więc sala bankietowa wyposażona w dobry sprzęt nagłaśniający i system oświetleniowy. Na ścianach położono tapety w wyszukane wzory i zaplanowano organizację cyklicznych imprez. Miało się powieść, bo przecież w okolicy, jak przekonywano, mieszka „dużo kulturalnych obywateli”, a inne, nastawione na podobną działalność obiekty są dopiero w Zielonej Górze, Gorzowie i Poznaniu. Właściciel spoglądał szeroko: „W promieniu 20 km mieszka tutaj sto kilkadziesiąt tysięcy ludzi: Międzyrzecz, Babimost, Szczaniec, Świebodzin, Trzciel, nawet do Sulechowa moglibyśmy sięgnąć.” „Impuls do zabawy” okazał się jednak słaby. Co więcej, średni utarg ze stolika nie przekraczał 50 złotych, bo klienci „robili podkład” przed wyjściem z domów. Szybko okazało się, że niekonwencjonalny pomysł trafił w próżnię. Dodatkowo trzeba było jeszcze dbać o część hotelową. Dla osiągnięcia rentowności potrzebne byłoby systematyczne obłożenie, niestety wycieczkowe autokary podjeżdżały nieregularnie (głównie z Litwy i Łotwy). Dzisiaj pojedynczy goście gonią echo na długich korytarzach. Zdesperowany właściciel próbował już sprzedać hotel, ale nie ma chętnych. Ostatnim pomysłem na przetrwanie jest przerobienie hotelu na dom spokojnej starości, nastawiony na klientów z Niemiec. Z tym wiąże się jednak konieczność przeprowadzenia poważnego remontu: poszerzanie otworów wejściowych, przeróbki w łazienkach, budowa windy. Sala bankietowa mogłaby służyć za salę do ćwiczeń i rekreacji. Ale skąd wziąć na to pieniądze? 193 �„Ludzie którzy jechali do Niemiec sprzedać jakiś tam towar, wracali tutaj i zasilali markami tą trasę. Ona żyła dzień i noc. Tu kiedyś było Eldorado – podsumowuje właściciel „Victorii” – W tej chwili duże korporacje, autostrada, czy sieciowe CPN-y przejmują to i przejmą do końca, prędzej czy później.” Pod Torzymiem, na stoisku z wyrobami gipsowymi i wikliną, pusto, jak w „Victorii”. Niemcy już się nimi znudzili, a przejezdnych ze Wschodu nie ma tak wielu. „Dla nich, im bardziej coś się świeci, im bardziej jest jaskrawe, tym ładniejsze i lepsze – stwierdza sprzedawca – Ale są biedniejsi od Niemców.” Obok rzeczywiście jaskrawych krasnali, sarenek i goryli leży też atrapa granatów i portret Putina o złowrogim wyrazie. „Takie czasy” – mówi. „Kiedyś interes szedł wszystkim. Od Poznania dotąd było 47 takich punktów. My byliśmy 48. Teraz są 3” – komentuje właściciel przydrożnego stoiska z Miedzichowa. W sprzedaży są rzeźby z betonu, dużo wzorów włoskich, także malowane krasnale z żywicy, używanej do budowy łodzi. Do tego wyroby z wikliny, drewna, skóry. Pytany o obroty, zdecydowanie odpowiada, że nie jest tak dobrze, jak 20 lat temu, „kiedy za cokolwiek się człowiek chwycił, to wychodziło.” Za brak klientów i dochodu wini autostradę, ale także częściowe zablokowanie ruchu ze wschodu ze względu na wojnę na Ukrainie. Twierdzi, że są dni, podczas których przy jego sklepie nie zatrzymuje się ani jedna osoba. „Dzisiaj jesteś pierwszy”, kwituje. Na zegarku godzina czternasta. Znając skłonność do przesady w podawaniu danych liczbowych dotyczących natężenia ruchu na DK92, postanowiliśmy sprawdzić, czy narzekania na brak klientów i w tym wypadku nie są wyolbrzymione. Ponawiane obserwacje potwierdzają jednak, że liczba zjeżdżających do punktu klientów jest znikoma, to średnio kilka osób dziennie. Determinacja sprzedawców jest jednak tak duża, że pracują również w niedziele i święta (np. w Boże Ciało). Według jednego z postronnych rozmówców działalność ta – raczej nieopłacalna – prowadzona jest jedynie po to, by zapewnić systematyczne wpłacanie składek emerytalnych. Dwa z opisanych wyżej stoisk przetrwały przede wszystkim dzięki temu, że stoją na gruncie odziedziczonym po przodkach, nie wymagającym więc płacenia za dzierżawę. 194 Osobnym zagadnieniem jest pytanie o to, jak radzą sobie osoby, które zmuszone zostały do likwidacji tego typu punktów. Wiadomo na ten temat niewiele, nasi rozmówcy najczęściej nie orientowali się w tej kwestii. Z nielicznych, fragmentarycznych danych można wywnioskować, że sytuacja jest zróżnicowana. Wiele osób wykorzystała możliwość przejścia na emeryturę, znamy przypadek „przekwalifikowania się” na jubilerstwo i zatrudnienie w firmie córki, a także zajęcie się prowadzeniem zorientowanego agroturystycznie hotelu („Rancho Colorado”). W wielu miejscach przy DK92 widać stare, nieaktualne szyldy po upadłych punktach usługowych. Niektóre z nich w języku niemieckim, np. „Pilze, trocken, Marinade” (grzyby, susz i marynata). Na poboczach walają się też pozostałości pawilonów, ławek, stolików, drewnianych albo wiklinowych ogrodzeń. Czasem towarzyszą im ogłoszenia o chęci sprzedaży gruntu – „Tanio”. Niektóre z owych szyldów wciąż jednak anonsują istniejącą usługę czy sprzedaż. W Lutolu Suchym nadal drobną sprzedażą zajmuje się starsza kobieta. W ofercie ma bogaty wybór przetworów, wyeksponowanych na specjalnym stojaku: wiele gatunków grzybów, jagody, ogórki, paprykę, kompoty owocowe. Z rozrzewnieniem wspomina wizytę dziennikarzy niemieckiej telewizji, tym milej, że zostawili jej za rozmowę drobną sumę pieniędzy. Mieszka tuż obok, schodzi zatem do swojego stoiska, gdy pojawia się klient. Ale jest ich coraz mniej. Zyski ze sprzedaży traktuje zatem wyłącznie jako uzupełnienie świadczeń emerytalnych. Poza autostradą, skarży się na sąsiadów, którzy podobno systematycznie sprowadzają na nią kontrole, a w konsekwencji – konieczność płacenia mandatów. Z całą pewnością należy do rudymentów dawnego zjawiska. „Jak otwarli granice, pod koniec lat 80., kto co miał, to sprzedawał. Jeden z drugim szli sobie nazbierać grzybów i na drogę z nimi! Sprzedali, znowu do lasu i mieli na nalewkę albo i na co innego. Wszyscy handlowali przy drodze. Dzieciaki po szkole chodziły do lasu zbierać grzyby, jagody i też sprzedawały”, wspomina 60-letnia mieszkanka Miedzichowa. Pamięta, że bez przerwy jeździły tiry z zagranicznymi rejestracjami: niemieckimi, belgijskimi, holenderskimi. „Potem jakoś tak samoczynnie... Autostrada jak powstała, to już ruch zamarł.” 195 �Jednym z niezwykle istotnych – chociaż już pozaekonomicznych, a raczej kulturowych – powodów regresu wywołanego przez otwarcie A2 był emocjonalny stosunek do autostrady. Wbrew oficjalnej retoryce władz centralnych i głównego inwestora, emocje lokalnych społeczności wobec A2 bliższe były Tuanowskiej topofobii (Tuan 1990) niż entuzjazmowi. Na postawie tej zaważyło kilka czynników. Pierwszym z nich była specyficznie rozumiana „eksterytorialność” nowej autostrady (Kochaniewicz i in. 2016). Eksterytorialność jest pojęciem z zakresu prawa międzynarodowego, oznaczającym wyłączenie spod jurysdykcji państwa miejscowego pewnego obszaru jego terytorium. Nie chcąc wikłać się tutaj w prawnicze detale, poprzestanę na takim ogólnym stwierdzeniu, tym bardziej, że przywołane pojęcie pełni raczej rolę symbolu. Należy jednak zaznaczyć, że podczas naszych badań słowo to także się pojawiało, a rozumiane było właśnie w taki uproszczony, niemalże potoczny sposób. Właścicielem najbardziej nas interesującego odcinka autostrady A2 jest, jak już zaznaczałem, Autostrada Wielkopolska II SA. Przeprowadzone przez nas rozmowy i zyskane dzięki nim opinie, każą stwierdzić, że spółka wykreowała coś na kształt eksterytorialnego obszaru, na którym gospodaruje według własnych reguł. Przy tym nie chodzi wyłącznie o zapisane w umowie z rządem prawo do dzierżawy w ramach 40-letniej koncesji (obowiązującej do 2037 r.). Idzie raczej o demonstrowany społecznie sposób zarządzania ową koncesją. Najjaskrawszym dla większości naszych rozmówców wyrazem odseparowania się koncesjonariusza od lokalnej społeczności były, opisywane już, uroczystości z okazji otwarcia ostatniego odcinka A2. „Wybitni Polacy uświetnili uroczystość otwarcia autostrady A2”, entuzjazmowała się „Nasza Wielkopolska”, internetowy miesięcznik Ruchu Regionalnego Wielkopolan3. Byłoby rzeczywiście wspaniale, gdyby tylko uwzględniono oczekiwania lokalnej społeczności, która wyrażała spontaniczną chęć uczestniczenia w tym wielkim święcie modernizacji. Tymczasem teren uroczystości został w promieniu 3 „Nasza Wielkopolska”, nr 120, maj 2013, www.nasza-wielkopolska.eu/old/archiwum/120/120.pdf (data dostępu: 24.11.2014). 196 kilkuset metrów od węzła Trzciel zabezpieczony szczelnie przez ochroniarzy, którzy nie dopuszczali nikogo „z zewnątrz”. Okoliczni mieszkańcy mogli tylko z daleka popatrzeć na czubki namiotów i wsłuchać się w dźwięki grającej orkiestry. Wielokrotnie powracał żal z powodu takich okoliczności święta, tak samo obecny w rozmowach z przedstawicielami lokalnych władz, jak i zwykłych mieszkańców. Jednoznacznie ocenił to zdarzenie radny Rady Gminnej w Trzcielu: „Jako Rada Miasta nie odczuliśmy tego zaproszenia. Działo się to jakby na terytorium eksterytorialnym, na terytorium autostrady.” Wrażenie eksterytorialności ma także swój drugi wymiar. Obszar autostrady odcina się od krajobrazu bardzo konkretną granicą, wyznaczaną przez wysoki, metalowy płot. Ten niedostrzegany zwykle element drogowej infrastruktury był głównym aktorem historii, która wydarzyła się w Chociszewie. Dla mieszkańców niewielkiej, pustoszejącej wsi wybudowany w odległości kilkuset metrów McDonald’s stanowił nie lada atrakcję. Tym większą, że urozmaiconą o wydzieloną strefę kawiarnianą McCafe oraz pokój zabaw dla najmłodszych, Gym&Fun. W istocie w lokalnym krajobrazie pojawiły się nawet dwie restauracje tej globalnej sieci, po obu stronach autostrady, współtworząc Miejsce Obsługi Podróżnych. Należy dodać, że są to jedyne restauracje tej marki w okolicy; McDonald’sa nie ma w pobliskim Świebodzinie, a najbliższy znajduje się dopiero w Zielonej Górze (ponad 50 km od Chociszewa). Nie ulega wątpliwości, że wraz z autostradą do Chociszewian zawitała także wizytówka „wielkiego świata”, przestrzeni rozrywki i konsumpcji, jakiej wcześniej nie mogli doświadczyć w tak bliski sposób. Tym boleśniejsze zapewne okazało się doświadczenie jej eksterytorialności. McDonald’s i cały teren MOP-u są bowiem ogrodzone płotem, i to w kilku miejscach podwójnym. Jest ponadto brama, ale ciągle zamknięta. Jako MOP przestrzeń ta jest wyłączona z użytku okolicznych mieszkańców. Uprawnionymi do przebywania na jej terenie są – poza pracownikami – tylko osoby podróżujące autostradą. Miejscowa młodzież, najbardziej bodaj zainteresowana dostaniem się do środka, zmuszona była przeskakiwać 197 �przez ogrodzenie. Czasem pomagał pracujący akurat na zmianie znajomy; wtedy, po uprzednim umówieniu się, można było ukradkiem wejść przez bramę. Starsi ludzie przez płot jednak nie przeskoczą. Co więcej, spotkaliśmy też komentarze sugerujące, że „ktoś” z wewnątrz autostrady smaruje górną część płotu zużytym olejem samochodowym. Miała to być forma walki z „intruzami z zewnątrz”. Jeden z mieszkańców Chociszewa mówi, że mieszkańcy chcieliby w niedzielę rowerem chociaż do okienka podjechać, złożyć zamówienie i odjechać. Najmłodsi z kolei chcieliby pójść z rodzicami do „pokoju zabaw Gym&Fun”, miejsca, które nie ma odpowiednika na wsi. Na dialog jednak nie liczą. Na niewiele liczą obecnie także przedstawiciele lokalnych władz samorządowych. Oczekiwania wójtów i sołtysów w fazie planowania budowy A2 wiązały się z ciążącą na nich odpowiedzialnością, wynikającą choćby z zaleceń Prezydenta RP: „zadania organów władzy w jednostkach samorządu terytorialnego każdego szczebla samorządu są bardzo odpowiedzialne, a od ich efektywnej i profesjonalnej realizacji zależy komfort życia mieszkańców danego regionu4”. Tę odpowiedzialność, zgodnie z Ustawą o samorządzie gminnym z dnia 8 marca 1990 r., biorą na siebie władze samorządowe, a także organy administracji samorządowej oraz rządowej na terenie województwa. Nadzieje na pozytywne zmiany podsycały dodatkowo, obecne także w Polsce, dyskursy rozwojowe. Każda inicjatywa, każda nowość, nawet każde przedsięwzięcie infrastrukturalne ma w ich myśl prowadzić do „rozwoju”, który postrzegany jest nie tylko jako środek, ale i cel sam w sobie (Cowen, Shenton 1995: 28). Niestety, projekty mające prowadzić do oczekiwanych pozytywnych zmian, często są rozwojowe tylko z nazwy. Dla wielu naszych rozmówców tak stało się właśnie wraz z otwarciem A2. Wprawdzie część mieszkańców znalazła zatrudnienie przy obsłudze już funkcjonującej autostrady, ale jest ich niewielu. Jak podsumował, śmiejąc się, jeden z rozmówców: „Potencjał to tutaj jest i zawsze był. Każda kolejna władza miała pełne usta potencjału. No jakoś do tej pory nic z tego nie wyniknęło.” 4 Cytat ze strony www.prezydent.pl (data dostępu: 30.11.2014). 198 Fetowane przez władze centralne oraz głównego inwestora święto modernizacji okazało się – w kontekście przywołanych w tym rozdziale przykładów – fetą klasy rządzącej i elity finansowej. „Modernizowanie przez autostradę” ujawniło z kolei złożoność procesów transformacyjnych na każdym poziomie: finansowym, społecznym i kulturowym. Aktualna antropologiczna debata dotycząca modernizacji i nowoczesności (Kuligowski 2012) stara się pochwycić wieloaspektowość i nieciągłość tego typu procesów. Zgadzamy się, że praktyki dotąd pomijane i lekceważone – takie, jak „rytuały wycofania” i „spektakle przegranych transformacji” (Sulima 2003), „zrzędzenie” (Kędziorek 1996), „biadolenie” (Buchowski 1996) – są konstytutywnymi elementami modernizacji, a nie tylko jej kalekim rewersem. Akceptujemy stwierdzenie, że nie było i nie ma jednej „właściwej” (np. zgodnej z dyskursami rozwojowymi) transformacji, lecz stanowi ona niejednorodny efekt przemian instytucjonalnych i oddolnych (Giza-Poleszczuk, Marody, Rychard 2000). Ponadto, sprawczość i podmiotowość w obliczu nagłej zmiany warunków życia i pracy może przybierać różne formy, takie jak doraźne rzemiosło, półlegalny handel, zbieractwo odpadów lub płodów natury (Rakowski 2009), spontaniczne usługi, wynajem ziemi i budynków itp. Większość z nich nie jest postrzegana jako elementy procesów modernizacyjnych. Należy także zauważyć, że nie zamierzamy wpisywać się tutaj w dyskurs tranzytywny, nawiązujący do przemian wywołanych rozpadem Bloku Wschodniego. Dzieje się tak z dwóch zasadniczych przyczyn. Po pierwsze, badane przez nas procesy jedynie w pośredni i nieoczywisty sposób nawiązują do wydarzeń zapoczątkowanych przed ponad ćwierćwieczem. Co więcej, dość szybko odrzucono sugestię jakoby transformację roku 1989 dało się sensownie postrzegać jako jednorodny i uniwersalny proces: „Transformacja środkowo-wschodniej Europy, zapoczątkowana w 1989 r., przebiega w radykalnie różnych kierunkach w poszczególnych krajach naszego regionu”, zauważał w przedmowie do obszernego tomu poświęconego jej analizom János Brendel (1999: 9). Po drugie, nie ma powodu, by odwoływać się do opisowych i interpretacyjnych ram transformacji, gdyż badane przez nas obszary zmieniały się 199 �bezustannie, w każdej dekadzie; w tym kontekście „modernizowanie przez autostradę” jest tylko kolejną odsłoną przemian o charakterze społecznym, kulturowymi ekonomicznym. Stąd osadzenie tych uwag w ramach długotrwałych procesów modernizacyjnych, symbolicznie ujmowanych w pierwszych dwóch dekadach XXI w. jako „doganianie Europy”. Wychylające się bez przerwy wahadło zmian – które w efektownym skrócie można ująć jako przechodzenie od „represyjnej tolerancji” do „opresyjnej wolności” (Gorlach, Saręga 1991) – można wyraźnie dostrzec także na badanym przez nas obszarze. Przed otwarciem autostrady A2 niemal cały lokalny sektor handlowo-usługowy był ulokowany przy najważniejszym drogowym korytarzu z centrum Polski do Europy zachodniej, czyli przy drodze krajowej nr 92. Wachlarz tych usług był szeroki: bary, restauracje, motele, hotele, kluby nocne, stacje paliw, parkingi, warsztaty samochodowe, myjnie dla aut, sklepy wielobranżowe, sezonowa sprzedaż runa leśnego, sprzedaż elementów małej architektury. Gigantyczny transfer aut ciężarowych, osobowych oraz autobusów zapewniał stały dopływ klientów i pieniędzy. Klientelę tego sektora stanowili zarówno polscy użytkownicy drogi, jak i osoby pochodzące z wielu krajów Europy zachodniej, środkowej oraz wschodniej. Znaczącym elementem lokalnego krajobrazu były także praktyki nielegalne: prostytucja, handel kradzionym paliwem, przemyt towarów i ludzi. Stały i intensywny ruch na DK92 pociągał za sobą zarówno przepływ pieniędzy, jak i przestępstw, a także wysoki poziom wypadków drogowych. Stan taki traktowano jednak jako „normalny”. Nie ulega wątpliwości, że otwarcie autostrady A2 – przebiegającej w bezpośredniej bliskości DK92 – było dla lokalnych społeczności zerwaniem z oswojoną „normalnością”. Zerwanie to miało rozliczne konsekwencje. Jedną z nich stało się negatywne nastawienie do autostrady traktowanej w kategoriach czegoś obcego, postrzeganego jako obiekt „eksterytorialny”. Trudno jest oszacować zasięg i intensywność tej postawy, nie można wszak w tym względzie oprzeć się na danych ilościowych. Powracające jednak w prowadzonych przez nas rozmowach wątki – „nie korzystam z autostrady”, „autostrada nic nam nie dała”, „płoty”, „hałas” – pozwalają 200 stwierdzić istnienie takiej emocjonalnej dyspozycji, funkcjonującej jako fakt społeczny. Innym skutkiem uruchomienia A2 szybko okazało się zmniejszenie transferu ludzi oraz aut na drodze krajowej. O skali tej zmiany świadczy fakt, że w pierwszym roku funkcjonowania A2 od granicy z Niemcami do Poznania, przejechały nią 4 mln pojazdów. Niebagatelny wpływ na masowe przeniesienie się tego ruchu miała decyzja o udostępnieniu odcinka Świecko-Nowy Tomyśl bez opłat (w okresie od 1 grudnia 2011 r. do 21 maja 2012). Z danych Generalnej Dyrekcji Dróg Krajowych i Autostrad wynika z kolei, że w marcu 2012 r. dobowy ruch na DK92 sięgał poziomu 3,5 tys. tys. samochodów, czyli był niemal trzykrotnie mniej niż w listopadzie 2011 r., przed otwarciem darmowego odcinka autostrady (Ludewicz 2012). Autostrada nie tylko przejęła dużą część ruchu samochodowego. Wykluczyła jednocześnie mieszkańców regionu z partycypacji w czerpaniu z niego zysków. Infrastruktura usługowa przy autostradzie sprowadziła się bowiem do istnienia stacji paliw i restauracji, należących do wielkich koncernów (i niedostępnych dla najbliższych nawet sąsiadów). Drobny handel i usługi pozostały za ogradzającym autostradę płotem. Nasze badania pokazują, że uruchomienie zachodniej części A2 wywołało wiele różnych konsekwencji, nie mieszczących się ani w modernizacyjnym dyskursie władzy, ani wspierających ją mediów. Negatywne zjawiska najsilniej zaznaczyły się w miejscowościach leżących przy DK92, dawnej drodze tranzytowej, a obecnie zdegradowanych i „odsuniętych”. Nie można mieć wątpliwości, że złota era przydrożnego handlu elementami małej architektury (z betonu, gipsu, plastiku itp.) minęła. W tym sensie DK92 nie powróci do swojej dawnej, wspominanej z nostalgię postaci. Zadecydowały o tym zarówno czynniki ekonomiczne, jak i kulturowe: (1) odpływ samochodów osobowych i autobusów wycieczkowych na A2 (właściciela punktu oraz pilota wycieczek często wiązał rodzaj nieformalnej umowy opartej na obopólnych korzyściach); (2) ograniczenia dotyczące wagi bagażu własnego kierowców tirów; (3) nasycenie rynku towarami tego typu i zmiana gustów estetycznych; (4) spadek zaufania do wyrobów sprzedawanych „przy 201 �drodze”; (5) wprowadzenie akcyzy na papierosy, w sytuacji, gdy większość tego rodzaju punktów handlowych bazowała na handlu papierosami przywożonymi ze wschodu. Wyliczone tutaj czynniki zmiany można, rzecz jasna, odnosić nie tylko do sektora drobnego, przydrożnego handlu, ale także – w pewnej mierze – do sektora gastronomicznego i hotelarskiego. Jak wspomniałem, nie ma jednej, poprawnej formy modernizacji (także „poprzez autostradę”), ludzka podmiotowość i sprawczość mają wiele obliczy, a społeczna pamięć i oczekiwania wobec teraźniejszości mogą zaskakiwać. Przekonałem się o tym, rozmawiając przy płocie posesji, przylegającej do DK92. Starsza pani, mieszkająca w tamtym miejscu od lat, widziała niejedno. Straszne wypadki, zabitych ludzi, krew. „Kiedyś panie to prawie codziennie – kręci głową – Było więcej wypadków, niż teraz, było. Ale teraz nie ma nic. Nie ma ruchu, nie ma pieniędzy.” Ta krótka konstatacja – powstała w oparciu o jak najbardziej „empiryczne” obserwacje dokonywane przez lata z perspektywy własnego podwórka – odsyła do znacznie szerszego pola problemów. Pisał o nich Arjun Appadurai, wskazując na złożoność „nowej, globalnej ekonomii kulturowej” (Appadurai 2005: 51). Hindusko-amerykański antropolog uczulał w tak zarysowanym kontekście na zjawisko „dysjunkcji”, czyli rozchodzenia się dróg ekonomii, polityki i kultury. Co to znaczy? Dysjunkcja unieważnia – albo marginalizuje – stosowane wcześniej modele wyjaśniania, wyrażane w parach opozycji: centrum-peryferie, wypychanie-przyciąganie, nadwyżki-deficyty oraz konsumenci-producenci. W badaniach kulturowych konsekwencji budowy i uruchomienia A2 przekłada się to na przekonanie o rozchodzeniu się trzech ważnych dyskursów: rozwojowego (ekonomia), modernizacyjnego (polityka) i traumy wielkiej zmiany (kultura). Nie sumują się one w jedną homogeniczną całość, wypowiadane są z odmiennych poziomów hierarchii społecznej, budowane w oparciu o rozbieżne przesłanki, służą także rozmaitym celom. Autostrada otwarta 1 grudnia 2011 r. nie jest tylko przejawem triumfującej modernizacji ani pogłębiających się nierówności społecznych. Odwołując się do uwag Appaduraia można powiedzieć więcej: A2 nie reprodukuje systemu 202 centrum-peryferie, ale również go nie unieważnia; w tym samym czasie generuje procesy wypychania, jak i przyciągania; u różnych aktorów ekonomicznych powoduje pojawienie się nadwyżek, jak i deficytów, w niejednoznacznym zresztą rytmie (kogo uznać za głównego beneficjenta tej gigantycznej inwestycji?); w znacznym stopniu zaburza również, gdzie indziej być może przejrzysty, podział na tych, co konsumują i tych, co produkują, wzmacniając w zamian znaczenie sektora usługowego. W rozdziale poświęconym „nowej biedzie” można, ponownie za Appaduraiem, powiedzieć na pewno tyle: „Bieda oznacza wiele rzeczy, wszystkie z nich złe. To materialna deprywacja oraz desperacja. To brak ochrony i godności. To narażenie na ryzyko i wysokie koszty wątpliwego komfortu. To zmaterializowana nierówność. To pomniejszanie ofiar owej nierówności. To także sytuacja dotycząca zbyt wielu osób na całym świecie, nawet jeśli relatywna liczba tych, którzy wydostali się z najgorszej formy ubóstwa, rośnie” (Appadurai 2013: 185). Tego faktu żadna wizja transformacji ani dysjunkcji nie jest w stanie zasłonić. To jest rzeczywistość wywołana „modernizowaniem przez autostradę”; ale nie jedyna, o czym w następnym rozdziale. �DK92: nowa przedsiębiorczość Miejsce pracy pana Felka wygląda tak: pod drzewem stoi stolik ze skrzynką pełną szparagów, przy nim fotelik turystyczny. Po drugiej stronie drogi jest samochód z resztą towaru. Dzięki temu można obsługiwać kierowców po obu stronach DK92. Dodatkowo dwa szyldy w języku polskim i niemieckim („Szparagi/Spargel”, „Frische, bilig”, czyli świeże i tanie). W przeddzień Bożego Ciała pojawia się także tablica z napisem „dzisiaj taniej”. Towarzyszy temu domowej roboty znak „P”, „dla bezpieczeństwa”, jak wyjaśnia sprzedawca. Do pracy potrzebne są ponadto korki w uszach, tłumiące męczący drogowy hałas. Trasa między Starym Folwarkiem a Miedzichowem do cichych nie należy. Tak oznaczone miejsce handlu jest dobrze widoczne. Pytamy więc o kwestię legalności. „Policja mnie nie goni. Przecież wiedzą, że trzeba z czegoś żyć”, mówi sprzedawca. Potem okazuje się jednak, że pomaga nie tylko bezinteresowna przychylność policji, ale też okoliczności zawodowe. Sprzedawca pracował kiedyś w lokalnym oddziale wojewódzkiego zarządu dróg (zwolniony w trakcie redukcji) i podczas jakiejś wizyty policji dogadał się, że przecież „starego drogowca nie będą karać”. Teraz znajomy, i uświadomiony, policjant wręcz macha mu przejeżdżając obok. Pan Felek zajmuje się sprzedażą i uprawą szparagów od 30 lat. Dzieci go za to przeklinają, bo najpiękniejsze miesiące „na to idą”. Najpiękniejsze, czyli maj i czerwiec. Nawet w czasie handlowania, gdy zdarzą się dni bez deszczu, musi iść na pobliskie pole, żeby podlać uprawy. Na skraju tego pola stoją kukły, mające odstraszyć dziki i sarny, które przechodząc przez zagony, rozsypują ziemię i odsłaniają szparagi. 205 �Mieszkańcy wspominają, że w latach 70. i 80. zaczęło powstawać lokalne „zagłębie szparagowe”. Pędy tego warzywa wożono wtedy nawet do hotelu Bazar w Poznaniu, gdzie uchodziły za rarytas. Wiele osób uprawia dzisiaj małe poletka, traktując zbiory jako uzupełnienie domowego jadłospisu. „Kiedyś to był dobry interes, ludzie się podorabiali na tym, jak jeszcze handel przygraniczny kwitł. Z tych upraw i tonę naraz zabierał samochód za jednym razem. Jechał z Niemiec, wieczorem załadował tonę, na drugi dzień już był po następną”, opowiada starsza kobieta z Miedzichowa. I zaraz dodaje, że to była ciężka praca. Szparagi sadzi się na płaskim terenie, w „rajach” jak objaśnia, za pomocą germanizmu mówiąc o „rzędach”. „Rosną jak choinki”. Potem trzeba te łodygi poobcinać i obsypać ziemią. Zbierać można dopiero po trzech latach. Wszystko ręcznie – zbierało się ręcznie, myło, cięło na kawałki, sortowało. „Teraz to już się nie opłaca – ocenia – Zostało dwóch, trzech plantatorów.” Dane mieszkanki Miedzichowo mogą nie być dokładne: według oficjalnych statystyk na terenie jej gminy uprawa szparagów zajmuje areał 40 hektarów1 (w całym kraju to 1,7 tys. hektarów). Warzywo znano lokalnie już przed II wojną światową i wysyłano wówczas do Berlina. Nie myli się jednak mieszkanka Miedzichowo, oceniając, że obecnie staje się zajęciem coraz mniej powszechnym. Rzeczywiście, uprawa szparagów była niegdyś na badanym przez nas terenach popularna i dochodowa. A jednym z najbardziej znanych plantatorów, ekspertem wypowiadającym się w prasie, był właśnie pan Felek (poprawniej byłoby napisać, ze względu na jego wiek, Feliks). Gleba szóstej klasy, gliniasto-piaskowa i umiarkowanie wilgotna doskonale nadaje się do tego typu upraw. Każdy hektar swojej plantacji musiał najpierw wzbogacić obornikiem. W sumie nawiózł 80 ton naturalnego nawozu. Potem glebę odkwasił, by wreszcie po dwóch latach móc nasadzić „karpy”. Czyli kłącza, z których następnie wyrastają „choinki” asparagusa. Asparagus officinalis jest warzywem z rodziny liliowatych, należy do najstarszych uprawianych przez człowieka roślin jadalnych. W Polsce szparagi znano co najmniej od połowy XVIII w., wspomina o nich Adam Mickiewicz w Panu Tadeuszu: „po chłodniku szły raki, kurczęta, szparagi” 1 Dane ze strony internetowej: www.powiatnowotomyski.pl (data dostępu: 04.08.2016). 206 (Halbański 1986: 180). Szparag to przy tym roślina bardzo kapryśna i delikatna. Rok po roku należy ją nawozić, często odchwaszczać, zapewniać odpowiednią wilgotność. Zbiór przeznaczonych do sprzedaży i konsumpcji pędów odbywa się przez kilka tygodni. To gorący czas, kluczowy dla powodzenia całorocznej inwestycji. Wiosenny wzrost zależy od temperatury powietrza. Trzeba stale kontrolować, na jakiej głębokości są wypustki, czyli pędy trafiające potem na stoły. Gdy są już wysoko, a ziemia zaczyna pękać, usypuje się charakterystyczne wały i czeka jeszcze dwa tygodnie. Na początku lat 90. w rejonie Miedzichowa i Trzciela trwał w najlepsze szparagowy boom. Mnożyły się kilkuhektarowe plantacje. Zbyt na warzywa zapewniała początkowo nowotomyska Spółdzielnia Ogrodnicza. Szybko jednak pojawili się prywatni pośrednicy, oferujący wyższe ceny skupu. Cenowa bitwa doprowadziła najpierw do upadku państwowej firmy, potem zniknęli także pośrednicy. Kolejnym etapem szparagowego boomu stała się sprzedaż bazarowa. Ostatnia dekada okazała się schyłkowa dla tej branży. Pan Felek zaś jest jednym z ostatnich, którzy nadal uprawiają i sprzedają szparagi przy DK92. Jako osoba pracująca bezpośrednio przy drodze krajowej, ma wiele czasu na jej obserwację i formułowanie wniosków. „Tiry ze wschodu jadą na początku tygodnia w kierunku Niemiec. Wracają w czwartek, piątek. W weekend jest mniejszy ruch tirów, bo Niemcy ich nie wpuszczają, albo nie zawsze wpuszczają. Jest za to więcej osobówek, zwłaszcza tych lekarzy, co mają swoje domy w okolicy. Ci zjeżdżają już w piątek po południu, a wracają do Poznania w niedzielę wieczorem.” Z drogi krajowej nadal korzystają np. kierowcy aut z przyczepami kempingowymi. Turyści chcą bowiem zobaczyć coś więcej niż monotonne pobocza autostrady. „A2 zabrała białe kołnierzyki w osobówkach”, zauważą, mając na myśli dobrze sytuowanych kierowców. Z jego obserwacji wynika ponadto, że liczba wypadków na DK92 się zmniejszyła. Nadal jednak można zauważyć ryzykowne zachowania kierowców, aż „włos się jeży na głowie”. Zdaniem pana Felka „kobiety są najgorsze”, bo się podczas prowadzenia samochodu czeszą, malują, telefonują. A kierowcy tirów non stop z telefonami 207 �przy uchu. W dodatku jedzą i palą. Przekonuje, że większość wypadków spowodowana jest właśnie rozmowami przez telefon, a policja czasem znajduje „w wypadkowym telefonie” niezakończone połączenie. Na poprawę bezpieczeństwa ma wpływ także to, że coraz mniej jest bardzo starych samochodów, „składanych z pięciu niemieckich”, przywiezionych w częściach z zachodu, zaostrzyły się ponadto przepisy drogowe, a kierowcy obawiają się mandatów i punktów karnych. Mimo alternatywy w postaci autostrady, ciągle jednak zdarzają się klienci, którzy zjeżdżają w Nowym Tomyślu z A2, jadą do niego po szparagi i wracają autostradę w Trzcielu. Wśród tych stałych klientów są Poznaniacy. Ci zawsze się targują. „Mówią, że teraz w Poznaniu szparagi są tańsze. Proszę wtedy, żeby kupili w Poznaniu… U mnie mają od ręki i świeże.” Akurat ma przy sobie kilka kilogramów warzyw. Deklaruje, że będzie siedział przy drodze tak długo, aż je sprzeda. Wieczorem pana Felka na stoisku nie ma. Nasze badania przekonują, że sprzedaż szparagów odbywa się obecnie także w miejscach dość nieoczekiwanych. Pani Danuta pracuje na miedzichowskiej poczcie od 30 lat. Jedna z jej córek jest nauczycielką, druga studiuje ogrodnictwo. Jej rodzina nadal zajmuje się uprawą szparagów, mają dwa hektary. Podobnie, jak inni podkreśla, że praca przy ich uprawie i zbiorach jest ciężka. W dodatku trudno o znalezienie ludzi do tej pracy. Zarabiają u niej dziewięć złotych za godzinę, czyli sporo. Ale „ich nie goni”, wie przecież, że trzeba się schylać, że piach w nosie i w zębach i albo słońce, albo deszcz, a jeszcze muchy wlatują do ust. Jak się później okazuje, „nie goni ich”, bo pracownicy okazują się być członkami rodziny: „Tak czy siak trzeba wszystkim płacić, bo to nie taka po prostu pomoc, a zarobek.” Przy zbiorze pracują najpierw rano między szóstą a siódmą, potem przed wieczorem, żeby szparag nie zdążył sfioletowieć. Pani Danuta przyznaje, że mają „swojego” odbiorcę, który szparagi zawozi do Gubinka przy granicy. To ponad 100 km. Tam ma stoisko, gdzie sprzedaje je Niemcom („chyba po dwa euro pęczek”). Nie sprzedają szparagów przy drodze, bo przestało się opłacać. Od niedawna jednak pracownica poczty sprzedaje pędy w miejscu 208 pracy, czyli na poczcie właśnie. Tak się składa, że potwierdzeniem jej słów jest nowa klientka. W średnim wieku, bardzo zadbana, w designerskich okularach. Podczas rozmowy wyjaśnia powody swojej wizyty. Pochodzi z oddalonej o kilkanaście kilometrów wsi Silna, pod Pszczewem. Od wielu lat kupowała szparagi w Trzcielu od tamtejszego plantatora. Z powodu suszy, musiał jednak zrezygnować z uprawy i zaorać pole. Dlatego szuka teraz równie dobrego towaru. Muszą to być szparagi pierwszego gatunku, równe, ani za chude, ani za grube. Bo zabierze je do Niemiec, gdzie będzie robić obiad dla 20 osób. I jak co roku muszą być na tym obiedzie szparagi. Dla pewności dopytuje, ile lat ma plantacja pani Danuty. Z satysfakcją przyjmuje informację, że 9. Zadowolona, zamawia 30 kilogramów. Odbiór za trzy dni, w sobotę. Pani Danuta – tak samo, jak przywołany wcześniej pan Felek – jest przykładem drobnej przedsiębiorczości, poszukiwania nowych rozwiązań w obliczu zmieniających się okoliczności, elastycznego dopasowywania się do realiów wywołanych „modernizacją przez autostradę”. Jej aktywność nie sprowadza się do biernego akceptowania zastanego stanu rzeczy, ale przyjmują formę pomysłowej sprawczości. Nawet jeśli skala realizowanych przez nich innowacji nie jest znacząca, to na tle dominującego regresu zasługuje na uwagę. Tak się przy okazji składa, że pani Danuta zaangażowana jest w przemysł wikliniarski, kolejną, „tradycyjną” wizytówkę regionu. To interesujące, że w okolicach Miedzichowa i Nowego Tomyśla początki uprawy wikliny zbiegają się z pierwszymi plantacjami szparagów, datując się na początek XX w. O dobrej jakości uzyskiwanych tam pędów wierzbowych świadczy fakt, że były one chętnie kupowane przez rzemieślników z Bawarii, uchodzących za ekspertów w tej dziedzinie. Równolegle rozwijał się przemysł plecionkarski, a pierwsza wystawa wyrobów wikliniarskich odbyła się w Nowym Tomyślu w 1937 r. Okresem hossy dla tego przemysłu były lata 70. (Maciołek 2004: 19). Wiklina była najpopularniejszym na terenie całej Polski surowcem plecionkarskim. Stosowano ją od dawna, o czym poświadczają wykopaliska archeologiczne (Biskupin, Międzyrzecz). Występowała dość powszechnie w stanie dzikim, zwykle na terenach 209 �nadrzecznych, a jej największe skupiska znajdowały się nad Wartą, Obrą, Prosną i Notecią (Podlewski 1960: 475-476). W artykule z „Gazety Poznańskiej” z 1972 r. gorąco zachęcano do podejmowania produkcji: ceny skupu zwiększyły się o 30%, zwiększono kwoty pożyczek dla plantatorów, a „coraz śmielsze propozycje wyrobów z wikliny znajdują nabywców w Stanach Zjednoczonych, Szwecji, Norwegii, Anglii, NRF, Włoszech, Grecji, Szwajcarii, Holandii i Danii”, przynosząc tak potrzebne dewizy. W ich pozyskiwaniu wyróżniało się pozytywnie Poznańskie Przedsiębiorstwo Wikliniarsko-Trzciniarskie Przemysłu Terenowego. Dziennikarz puentował: „Powiat nowotomyski był pierwszym, gdzie założono plantacje wikliny. Ma możliwości dalszego ich rozszerzania. Warunki zostały stworzone”2. Głębokie zmiany przyniosła transformacja 1989 r.: zlikwidowano państwowe przedsiębiorstwo „Wiklina Polska”, a prywatni wytwórcy musieli na własną rękę szukać odbiorców. Wiklinę zbiera się jesienią. Gotowana w żelaznych kotłach, zyskuje czerwony kolor. Dla uzyskania białej, pędy zbiera się w styczniu i lutym, żeby do wiosny nie zdążyła wyschnąć. Potem następuje moczarkowanie: pędy wkłada się do wody, żeby puściły korzenie i listki, potem oczyszcza się z kory, odsłaniając pożądaną biel. Jest to zajęcie wymagające wprawy i doświadczenia, trzeba szybko reagować na zmiany atmosferyczne i umieć robić wiele rzeczy „z wyczuciem”. Wiklinę sadzi się ręcznie, „trzy sztoby/flance na stopę”, jak wyjaśnia pani Danuta. Sadzonki uzyskuje się natomiast z pociętych, ukorzenionych już witek. Jak szparag, jest to roślina wymagająca. „Wiklinę trzeba opryskiwać przeciwko szkodnikom, jeśli ktoś to zaniedba, to jest wtedy do dupy, bo łamie się podczas plecenia”, wyjaśnia pani Danuta. Ostatnio doszły jeszcze do tego kłopoty z bobrami. Rośnie ich populacja, pojawia się coraz więcej budowanych przez nie tam, które powodują zalania. Ponadto, bobry „tną” wiklinę, a że są gatunkiem chronionym, „nikt nie chce do nich strzelać”. P.P.H.U. „Albert” w Zachodzku zajmuje się sprzedażą gotowych wyrobów wikliniarskich. Hala magazynowa, jakkolwiek ma ponad tysiąc metrów kwadratowych, nie rzuca się w oczy. Wzroku nie 2 Opłaca się uprawiać. Dewizy za wiklinę, „Gazeta Poznańska”, 1972 (skan artykułu w archiwum autorów). 210 przyciągają sugestywne reklamy. Na skromnej stronie internetowej można przeczytać: „W magazynie znajdziecie Państwo 1000 wzorów wyrobów wiklinowych, w zależności od zamówień lakierowanych, malowanych, obszytych folią lub materiałem. Wykonujemy zamówienia według wzorów dostarczonych przez klientów. Prowadzimy obecnie współpracę z firmami na terenie Francji, Niemiec, Belgii, Czech, Słowacji oraz Holandii. Na życzenie dostarczamy towar do klienta. Kontakt w języku angielskim, francuskim, niemiecki i polskim. Zapraszamy!”3. Informacje podano także w wersji francusko-, anglo- i niemieckojęzycznej. W rzeczonym magazynie rzeczywiście piętrzą się stosy rozmaitych koszy, koszyków, krzeseł, foteli, stolików, donic, wieszaków, nosideł dla psów i kotów. Wygląda na to, że lokalna tradycja plecionkarska jednak całkiem nie zamarła. Właścicielka wyjaśnia jednak szybko, że sprowadza gotowy towar z Rzeszowa. Sama wiklina jest, co prawda, stąd, ale wytwarza się z niej przedmioty na sprzedaż już gdzie indziej. „Miejscowi nie chcą pracować. A tam biorą tylko dwa złote za godzinę pracy plus materiał. Razem pracują wielodzietne rodziny: mama zrobi dno, dziecko po szkole pałąk, dziadek resztę i kosz gotowy.” Tutaj takie stawki są zbyt niskie. Ale chodzi, jej zdaniem, nie tylko o pieniądze: „To w ogóle jest czarna dziura, gdzie nic się nie udaje – pozwala sobie na uwagi ogólniejsze – Jak ktoś ma 2,5 tys. zapomogi na 5 dzieci (rozmowa odbywała się przed wprowadzeniem programu 500+), to nie będzie pracował. Młodzi uciekają, bo nie widzą perspektyw. Gdy otwierali nową dyskotekę w Trzcielu, to od razu przyszła ekipa z innej wsi, była bijatyka i lokal zamknięto. Już nawet sklepy działają tylko do 16.” Halę dzierżawi do dwóch lat. W pierwszym roku opłatę za wynajem miała rozłożoną na raty, teraz już nie. Dlatego jest ciężko. Towar wysyła głównie do Francji, a Francuzi to bardzo wybredni klienci. „Kosze na drewno do kominka muszą być w środku wyłożone flanelą, żeby sobie palców nie pokaleczyli”, macha ręką. Francuski kierunek eksportu lokalnej wikliny podyktowany jest sytuacją życiową. Mężem właścicielki jest bowiem Francuz, poznany na lokalnej dyskotece. 3 Cytat ze strony internetowej: www.nored.pl/index.php?w=firma (data dostępu: 04.08.2016). 211 �Interesujący jest wątek relacji ze wspomnianym „Rzeszowem”. Powracał on w wielu rozmowach. W istocie chodzi zapewne o Rudnik nad Sanem, szczycący się sięgającymi XIX w. tradycjami wikliniarskimi. „Przemysł wikliniarski obecnie daje zajęcie i utrzymanie około 900 rodzinom. Na terenie gminy funkcjonuje ponad 35 hurtowni z wikliną, ponadto działa ok. 50 mniejszych podmiotów zajmujących się handlem tymi artykułami”, można przeczytać na oficjalnej stronie Rudnik nad Sanem4. Miasto konsekwentnie reklamuje się jako „Polska stolica wikliny”, a przed siedzibą urzędu miejskiego, podobnie jak w Nowym Tomyślu, można podziwiać wyroby miejscowych rzemieślników. Oba ośrodki konkurują ze sobą, nie tylko na poziomie wizerunkowym. To także rywalizacja na polu ekonomicznym, sprowadzająca się do tego, że w województwie podkarpackim akceptuje się stawki wynagrodzenia odrzucane jako zbyt niskie w województwie lubuskim i wielkopolskim. Stąd sytuacja, w której wiklinowy surowiec uzyskuje się w jednym miejscu, natomiast przerabia go na wyroby do sprzedaży w innym. Pan Wojciech z Miedzichowa, plecionkarz z kilkunastoletnim stażem, ma na ten temat swoje zdanie: „Kiedyś wiklinę brali z Rzeszowa na plecenie i tam to przerabiali, bo to biedne tereny są. Ale w ogóle coraz mniej się sprzedaje, bo ile można tego do domu kupić? A kiedyś, jak się zatrzymał zaprzyjaźniony autobus, to Niemcy jak leci.” Wcześniej pracował w fermie drobiu, obecnie jest na emeryturze. Pleceniem wikliny próbuje sobie dorabiać. Narzeka jednak na coraz trudniejszy zbyt. Sam sprzedaje swoje wyroby w pobliskiej hurtowni wikliny, „to mnie ratuje”. Własne wyroby przechowuje w dwóch garażach, blisko bloku, w którym mieszka. Poza raczej typowymi koszykami jest tam coś przypominającego bocianie gniazdo, wykańczone brzeziną. Zamówiła to klientka, ale ostatecznie nie kupiła, bo się rozmyśliła. Gdy pan Wojciech porównuje ceny wikliny, robocizny i np. gotowego koszyka, to widzi, że coraz mniej się to opłaca. Nie jest to pierwszy wiklinowy „kryzys”. Pan Mieczysław, brat pani Danuty z poczty, potrafi owe kryzysy precyzyjnie wskazać. Jego zdaniem były to lata: 1968, 1974 i lata 90. (zauważmy, że 4 Patrz oficjalna strona Urzędu Gminy i Miasta Rudnik nad Sanem: www.rudnik.pl (data dostępu: 05.08.2016). 212 środkowy kryzys niemal pokrywa się z cytowanym wyżej artykułem prasowym z 1972 r., utrzymanym w jakże optymistycznym dla plantatorów tonie). „Zawsze jednak jakoś interes odbijał.” Rodzina pamięta, że w latach 60. zdesperowani brakiem zbytu plantatorzy masowo palili wiklinę, ale ich ojciec postanowił ją przechować. Można to robić przez kilka lat, „jeść nie woła”. Po dwóch latach, gdy koniunktura powróciła, zarobił duże pieniądze, bo właściwie nie miał konkurencji. Do kryzysu lat 90. przyczynić się miała, jak twierdzi pan Mieczysław, intensyfikacja upraw i przerobu wikliny na wchodzie Polski. Konkurencja doprowadziła do obniżenia cen, aż poza granicę opłacalności. Pan Mieczysław razem ze szwagrem i kuzynem uprawiają jednak wspólnie 30-hektarową w sumie plantację wikliny. We wsi Prądówka, gdzie mieszka, istnieje też od 2005 r. ich Firma Usługowo-Handlowa „Wiklina”. Jak sobie radzą ze zbytem? Wytwarzają rzeczy raczej praktyczne, a nie ozdobne, które rzeczywiście „się przejadły”. Są to np. maty z nieokorowanej wikliny, bardzo grube i wytrzymałe, które można wykorzystać choćby jako podkłady do umocnienia dróg gruntowych lub innych. Jakkolwiek w gospodarstwie pana Mieczysława znajduje się maszyna do korowania wikliny (a także moczarka, suszarka, kocioł), korowania zaniechał, skupiając się wyłącznie na wyrobach z nieokorowanej wikliny. Odbiorcy takiego asortymentu są głównie w Niemczech. „Ale nie jest łatwo”, mówi, pokazując przygotowane do transportu maty i zalegający stos gotowego towaru, na który nie ma już odbiorcy, bo „kontrakt się skończył”. Być może nadzieją na zmianę będą inne zastosowanie. Wiklina jest bowiem, jak twierdzi, dobrym źródłem energii odnawialnej. Używa się do tego specjalnej wikliny, tzw. energetycznej, która ma bardzo duży przyrost roczny, sięgający ponad 2,5 metra. Pytany o przyszłość coraz mniej opłacalnego zajęcia, pan Mieczysław pomrukuje. Potem jednak pokazuje nowy opryskiwacz. Lepszy, bo nie będzie wjeżdżał i niszczył pola, tylko opryska od razu 50 metrów plantacji. A chemiczne opryski są konieczne, w przeciwnym razie szybko pojawiają się szkodniki i atakują zdrowe uprawy. Inwestycja w nowy sprzęt przekonuje – lepiej niż słowne deklaracje – że w tej rodzinie nadal poważnie myśli się o uprawie wikliny. 213 �Poszukuje się przy okazji nowych form jej wykorzystania, nie tylko dla coraz wymyślniejszych wzorów, ale również w charakterze potencjalnego paliwa dla energii odnawialnej. Odbyte rozmowy i spotkania każą wspomnieć o jeszcze jednej okoliczności. Otóż rodzina pani Danuty i pana Mieczysława wypracowała specyficzny stosunek do pracy z wikliną i szparagami nie tylko ze względów, które dałoby się zaliczyć do ekonomicznych. Często wyrażali szacunek dla zmarłego ojca. Musiała to być postać wyrazista, pełna aktywności i otwarta na nowe doświadczenia. To on na własną rękę w 1967 r. podciągnął do domu prąd. Gdy kupił telewizor, cała wieś schodziła się na oglądanie popularnych programów, aż „w pokoju nie było gdzie siedzieć”. Kolejne wprowadzane przez niego innowacje to pierwsza w Prądówce łazienka. Kiedy został sołtysem, w domu założono telefon. Mam wrażenie, że wiele w postawie członków tej rodziny wynika właśnie z jakiejś wewnętrznej odpowiedzialności wobec spuścizny ojca. Nie tylko tej materialnej, ale też wyrażającej się w stosunku do świata, w aktywności, w duchu przedsiębiorczości. Felietonowym symbolem tej międzypokoleniowej relacji mógłby być rosnący na podwórku olbrzymi, prawie 500-letni dąb. Poratowany ostatnio przez dendrologa. I trwający nadal. Należy w tym kontekście uwypuklić pewne inicjatywy władz lokalnych, związane z wikliniarską tradycją regionu. Myślę o „Szlaku wiklinowym”. Funkcjonuje on jako oficjalna atrakcja gminy Miedzichowo. Szlak obejmuje pięć punktów, będących jednocześnie adresami lokalnych hodowców i producentów wikliny. Wśród nich jest zarówno wspomniana wyżej firma „Albert” z Zachodzka, jak i gospodarstwo pana Mieczysława z Prądówki. W folderze turystycznym można przeczytać, że przemysłowa odmiana wikliny (wierzba amerykańska) w przemyślny sposób została przywieziona do Europy w 1885 r. przez mieszkańca nieodległego Trzciela! To jego przedsiębiorczość dała początek lokalnym tradycjom plantatorskim, nie tylko w regionie, ale także w wymiarze kontynentalnym, bowiem 70% wszystkich europejskich upraw wikliny dotyczy właśnie tej odmiany. Co ciekawe, w podobny sposób o pochodzeniu wikliny w regionie opowiadali nam także jej producenci. Należy 214 dodać, że w ramach działań akcji promocyjnej „Szlaku wiklinowego”: „Zamontowano 15 drogowskazów oraz zaktualizowano mapkę (turystyczną – przyp. W. K.). Całość operacji wyniosła 10 307,40 zł, z czego kwota 6704,00 zł. stanowi dofinansowanie w ramach działania 413 „Wdrażanie lokalnych strategii rozwoju” – mały projekt Programu Rozwoju Obszarów Wiejskich na lata 2007-2013”5. Marzeniem wójta gminy, zapisanym także oficjalnie w dokumencie pod nazwą „Strategia rozwoju gminy Miedzichowo na lata 20152020”, jest coś większego niż pojedynczy szlak. Z przejęciem opowiadał nam o pomyśle utworzenia w Miedzichowie zupełnie nowej „wioski tematycznej”. Miałaby ona być poświęcona miejscowym tradycjom wikliniarskim (to nic oryginalnego), ale także jeszcze starszym tradycjom związanym z wytopem miedzi. Rzeczywiście, Miedzichowo (dawna niemiecka nazwa Kupferhammer, „Kuźnia miedzi”) było wsią, w której rozwijało się hutnictwo. Funkcjonowała tam kuźnica miedzi i żelaza zwana Kopernym Młynem. Działała jeszcze w 1859 r. Młyny napędzane były wodą, a metale wytapiano z rudy darniowej. Wszystkie drogi prowadzące do tego miejsca utwardzone były szlaką, czyli pozostałościami po wytopie. Do dzisiaj zachowały się pozostałości dawnego stawu młyńskiego (Goldman 1912). Niezbędna w tym procesie była ruda darniowa, skała osadowa powstająca na torfowiskach. Dla pozyskania z niej miedzi budowano dymarki. W tych kamiennych piecach wytapiano metale przy użyciu węgla drzewnego. „Pięknie byłoby odbudować te stare dymarki. Hasło reklamowe jest proste: Miedź i Miedzichowo!”, snuje plany wójt. Nie wiadomo, ile z tych planów uda się zrealizować i czy budowa wioski tematycznej zadziała jak turystyczny magnes. We wspomnianym dokumencie, definiującym strategiczne cele gminy, zapisano punkt zakładający budowę „skansenu Dymarki Miedzichowskie”. W jego ramach miałyby powstać scena, biesiadnik oraz inne potrzebne wyposażenie. Rozważając szansę tej inicjatywy warto zwrócić uwagę na tak zwany skansen górniczo-hutniczy „Dymarki kaczawskie”, funkcjonujący obecnie w okolicach Złotoryi. W 2000 r. członkowie lokalnego Towarzystwa Tradycji 5 Cytat ze strony: www.miedzichowo.pl/szlak-wiklinowy.html (data dostępu: 12.08.2016). 215 �Górniczych zaczęli organizować pokazy dawnych rzemiosł (kontynuując tradycję zainicjowaną jeszcze w 1967 r.). Obywatelska aktywność stała się następnie podwaliną dla powstania w 2011 r. Centrum Kulturowo-Archeologicznego, zaprojektowanego w formie ścieżki dydaktycznej (piece, huta, sztolnia, kopalnia, szybik, kamieniołom, karczma, izba tradycji). Poza konwencjonalną ofertą dla szkół (pomocna jest baza noclegowa), sztandarowym wydarzeniem promocyjnym jest doroczne święto „Dymarek”, z ulicznym korowodem, pokazami rzemiosł, występami muzycznymi, stoiskami twórców ludowych. Miedzichowo nie ma ani tak długiej tradycji hutnictwa, ani tak rozbudowanego zaplecza. Być może jednak, połączenie atrakcyjnie eksponowanego wikliniarstwa i wytopu miedzi miałoby walor nowości i oryginalności. Przy projektowaniu tego typu oferty, należy także pamiętać o łączeniu dydaktyki z rozrywką (edutainment – Kuligowski 2013; Kuligowski 2014b) oraz nastawieniu współczesnego odbiorcy na iwenty wielozmysłowe (Szlendak 2010). Oczywiście, najbardziej interesują mnie w tym rozdziale te przykłady nowej – wywołanej przez uruchomienie autostrady A2 – przedsiębiorczości, które są przejawem działań pojedynczych, oddolnych, a nie takie, które mieszczą się w polu kompetencji władz samorządowych. Pozostawiam zatem wątek planów strategicznych gminy, a przejdę do przykładów, które są raczej realizacją strategii dostosowania i innowacji na poziomie pojedynczych podmiotów. Oczywiście, praktyki adaptacji do zmieniających się warunków są silnie zdeterminowane przez pozycję społeczną jednostki i związane z tym kompetencje kulturowe. Elementami tych praktyk są m.in. „wszelkie sposoby na omijanie prawa czy wykorzystywanie luk w przepisach dla realizacji własnych interesów” (Buchowski 1996: 17). Nasze badania pokazują jednak, że o ile tego typu strategie były dość powszechne przy DK92 w latach tuż po 1989 r., o tyle obecnie są w zdecydowanej defensywie. Z taką właśnie strategią dostosowania i innowacji spotykamy się w barze „Pod sosną”. Usytuowany na skraju Brójec, oparty o sosnowy las, znajduje się niedaleko opisywanych w poprzednim rozdziale hoteli „Maria” i „Victoria”. Bardzo jednak jest od nich różny, nie 216 tylko ze względu na rozmiar: buraczkowo-czerwony budynek kryje blacha, a z boku okala mały ogródek dla klientów. Jego atutem jest na pewno łatwo dostępne miejsce postojowe – wystarczy po prostu przy szyldzie „Bar. Kurczak z rożna” i wykrzywionej latarni zjechać z DK92, by zaparkować tuż przed jego drzwiami. „Pod Sosną” istnieje od 1997 r., w oficjalnych dokumentach zarejestrowany jako „ruchoma placówka gastronomiczna”, z kategorią „restauracja fast-food” oraz „restauracja z potrawami narodowymi”. Mimo administracyjnych przyporządkowań („ruchoma placówka”), działa od lat w tym samym miejscu. Czy rzeczywiście serwuje „potrawy narodowe”? To trudne pytanie, które wymagałoby analizy z zakresu tradycji kulinarnych, które jednak opierają się jednoznacznym demarkacjom narodowym (Burszta, Kuligowski 2005: 88-123). Wiadomo, że na początku największą popularnością cieszyły się kiełbaski w cenie 6 złotych, w tym bułka i porcja musztardy. Obecnie prym wiedzie z kolei kurczak z rożna. Trudno uwierzyć, że ten niepozorny i mało atrakcyjny wizualnie na tle hotelowej konkurencji bar może być ulubionym miejscem postoju kierowców. A jednak. Pracująca tam od 10 lat kobieta potrafi tych kierowców wymieniać po imieniu. Gdy wchodzą do baru, rozpoznaje ich twarze, razem z nimi ogląda rodzinne fotografie, dzięki czemu widzi, jak szybko rosną ich dzieci. Rozmawiają o wszystkim, wystarczy kilka minut. I tak przez cały rok. Prawie „Najgorzej jest od grudnia do stycznia. Mało ludzi. Ale nawet rano w Wigilię są klienci, zatrzymują się na schabowego. Polacy, Rosjanie, nawet kierowcy z Anglii”, opowiada. Kiedyś na noc „Pod Sosną” zatrzymywały się również tiry, „nie było takiej kontroli tachografów”. Przyjeżdżali też „Bułgarzy” z „dziewczynkami”, zwykle w parach. Zachowywali się normalnie, jak inni klienci. Gorsza od nich była polska prostytutka, która rok temu kręciła się przy barze przez cały tydzień. Była wyzywająca, zaczepiała kierowców, a na zwróconą sobie uwagę, odpowiedziała, że „każdy może spacerować”. Zdarzyło się i tak, że jeden ze stałych klientów przyjął kiedyś prostytutkę u siebie w aucie, obok baru. Gdy jednak zastukano w szybę, grzecznie odjechał. Brzmi to jak paradoks, ale kobieta jak najpoważniej stwierdza, że nigdy nie bała się 217 �klientów, nawet najróżniejszych. Za to, gdy musiała kiedyś w nocy wyjść do magazynu za barem i spojrzała w czarny las, zamarła i znieruchomiała. Lęk budziła „Pod Sosną” także „wielka cisza”, echo uruchomienia A2: „Najgorsze były pierwsze miesiące po otwarciu autostrady. W styczniu i lutym zastanawialiśmy się nawet, czy nie zamknąć interesu. Ale teraz jest już trochę lepiej – wspomina właścicielka – Zresztą ruch na krajówce robi się znowu coraz większy6. Ludzie nie chcą płacić za autostradę.” Prowadzące bar małżeństwo pochodzi z Mazur. Pracują w nim oboje, do pomocy zatrudniają jeszcze dwie panie. Jest to ich jedyne źródło dochodu. Pytanie o powody powodzenia baru „Pod Sosną” każą odwołać się do dwóch poziomów: kulinarnego i społecznego. Zacznę od tego pierwszego: bar serwuje bardzo proste dania. Jak pisałem, są to kiełbaski i kurczaki. Jedno i drugie na ciepło, z zasilanego gazem grilla, który przyjemnie ogrzewa małe, schludne wnętrze. Dodatkowym atutem jest to, że dania są szybko podawane. Można zamówić do nich kawę, herbatę, zimne napoje, ale także popularne słodycze i papierosy. Samemu można dozować sól, pieprz, Maggi, cukier. Oferta nie jest bogata, ale dobrze przemyślana, odpowiadająca doraźnym potrzebom wielu kierowców. Przystępne są także ceny, niezwykle istotny motywator dla klientów. Również klientów miejscowych: „Jak nie masz obiadu, to idziesz tutaj kurczaczka kupić za 20 złotych i naprawdę rewelacja!”, zachwala jeden z mieszkańców Brójec. Tanie, proste, a jednak atrakcyjne menu udało się połączyć ze specyficzną atmosferą. Na drugim, społecznym poziomie „Pod Sosną” jest nie tylko miejscem nie zobowiązującym, gdzie można pojawić się w klapkach, podkoszulku albo ubraniu roboczym (jakkolwiek barmanka nosi fartuch). To także przestrzeń nie 6 Warto w kontekście tej wypowiedzi powrócić do kwestii natężenia ruchu. Jedna z kluczowych obietnic oficjalnie powtarzanych przed otwarciem A2 – że to na nią przeniesie się główny ciężar ruch z drogi krajowej – teraz wygląda na naiwność. I nie chodzi tylko o kierowców i firmy przewozowe, które z oszczędności wybierają tańszy tranzyt. W ostatnich 4 lat w Polsce co miesiąc przybywało prawie 300 firm przewozowych oraz ponad pół tysiąca ciężarówek. Nie malał także napływ aut z zagranicy (Popiel 2014: 70). Więc nawet jeśli autostrada przejęła jakąś część tego ruchu, to rozwój sektora przewozów międzynarodowych na nowo zapełnił starą „dwójkę”. 218 anonimowa, gdzie rozpoznaje się stałych klientów i pamięta o ich upodobaniach. Tego rodzaju zorientowanie oferty i atmosfery baru okazało się trafne. Użytkownicy DK92 zaakceptowali to miejsce, nie skazując go na zniknięcie. Innym przykładem innowacyjnej strategii są działania podjęte przez właścicielkę baru „Słoneczko” w Starym Folwarku, przy drodze między Trzcielem a Miedzichowem. Jego właścicielka przyznaje, że plany budowy autostrady znane były lokalnym przedsiębiorcom na długo przed ich urzeczywistnieniem, był zatem czas, by zastanowić się nad nadchodzącymi w związku z tym zmianami. Pani Joanna, właścicielka „Słoneczka”, absolwentka szkoły handlowej, początkowo, od 1992 r., zajmowała się przydrożną sprzedażą figur ogrodowych. Po kilku latach zdecydowała się jednak na zmianę branży, uruchamiając mały bar. Historia „Słoneczka” na dobre rozpoczyna się w 1996 r., gdy został on rozbudowany, a w jednym z pomieszczeń ulokowano smażalnię ryb. Ryby stały się specjalnością zakładu, a wybór ten szybko okazał się biznesowym sukcesem. Do „chatki Baby Jagi” – jak utarło się mówić – klienci zaglądali często i chętnie. W roku 2003 lokal ponownie powiększono, rozbudowując salę konsumpcyjną i nowoczesną smażalnię z piecami gazowymi, elektrycznymi patelniami oraz przemysłowymi pochłaniaczami. Mimo dużego zainteresowania, pani Joanna poszukiwała nie tylko klientów podróżujących DK92, ale zwróciła się także ku lokalnej społeczności. W obliczu rychłego otwarcia A2, było to posunięcie strategiczne. Niemal w tym samym czasie, gdy uruchomiono odcinek Świecko-Nowy Tomyśl bar „Słoneczko” rozbudował się po raz kolejny. Tym razem wzbogacił się o drugą, dużą salę konsumpcyjną oraz dwie toalety przystosowane dla osób niepełnosprawnych. „Pomysł był mojego syna i synowej – tłumaczy pani Joanna – Ja jestem wdową, ale próbuję to jakoś sama wszystko… No to jest moje życie”. Ta inwestycja – wsparta przez pozyskane środki unijne – była już otwarcie nastawiona na klientów lokalnych. Nowa duża sala pozwoliła bowiem na organizowanie przyjęć okolicznościowych: chrzcin, komunii, 18. urodzin, wesel, styp, czasami szkoleń. Mimo że okoliczna konkurencja w tym względzie właściwie przestała 219 �istnieć (tymczasem bowiem zakończyło działalność kilka pobliskich punktów gastronomicznych), czas tuż po otwarciu ostatniego, przez pół roku darmowego, odcinka A2 był trudny. W „Słoneczku” powtórzyła się historia opowiadana już przez innych przedsiębiorców. „Ruch na trasie bardzo się zmniejszył. Ale jeszcze jak nie było tutaj autostrady, to wydawało się, że w okresie zimowym już nie damy rady. Pieniądze przekładało się z miejsca na miejsce: za co najpierw zapłacić ZUS, pracownikom…” Elastyczność w poszukiwaniu klientów oraz formatowaniu oferty przyniosła ostatecznie pozytywny skutek. Obecnie w „Słoneczku” pracuje, wraz z właścicielką, pięć osób, a na stronie internetowej bar reklamuje się hasłem; „Najsmaczniejsze ryby w drodze do Świecka”7. W menu znajdziemy zróżnicowaną ofertę ryb, zarówno słodkowodnych (karp, pstrąg, sandacz), jak i morskich (halibut, dorsz, miruna, łosoś, sola, sandacz, miętus). Ich cena, za sto gramów, nie przekracza 10 złotych. Ryby pozyskiwane są dwóch źródeł: z hurtowni z Świebodzinie oraz z pobliskich stawów hodowlanych. Bar sprzedaje ponadto kilka rodzajów pierogów, zup (węgierska, pomidorowa, grochowa, flaki wołowe), dania mięsne (golonka pieczona, kurczak z rożna, smażona kiełbasa śląska z cebulką, bigos domowy), zestawy (kotlet schabowy, ziemniaki opiekane lub frytki, zestaw surówek; zawijaniec drobiowy, ziemniaki lub frytki, zestaw surówek), a oprócz tego dodatki (ryż, pieczywo) oraz wybór napojów gorących (kawa, herbata, barszcz, bulion). Cena żadnego dania głównego nie przekracza 20 złotych. Oczywiście, sukces przedsięwzięcia pani Joanny nie bazuje tylko na atrakcyjności cen. Jego filarem są także jakość podawanych potraw, używanie szklanych naczyń, metalowych sztućców, wrażenie czystości i schludności, a więc walory wcale nie tak powszechne w przydrogowej rzeczywistości gastronomicznej. W ciepłych miesiącach bar powiększa się jeszcze o przestrzeń zewnętrzną, którą tworzą drewniane altany, otoczone donicami z kwiatami. Podobnie, jak w przypadku opisywanego wyżej „Pod Sosną” i tutaj atutem jest na pewno pojemny parking, na który bardzo łatwo można zjechać z drogi krajowej. 7 www.barsloneczko.pl/ (data dostępu: 05.01.2017). 220 Właścicielka „Słoneczka” z dumą podkreśla, że ma stałych klientów, którzy dla możliwości stołowania się w jej barze, zjeżdżają z autostrady w Trzcielu, by powrócić na nią kolejnym zjazdem w Nowym Tomyślu. Celnym pomysłem okazało się ponadto przyjmowanie zamówień telefonicznych. Miałem okazję obserwować, jak kelnerka na wolnym stoliku pod oknem ustawiła dwa parujące gorącem dania obiadowe, zawinięte w chusteczki zestawy sztućców oraz napoje. Po chwili pod bar zajechał dostawczy samochód, a do zastawionego stołu zasiedli dwaj panowie. Po 10 minutach uiścili rachunek, serdecznie pożegnali się z barmanką, pomachali i odjechali w swoją drogę. „Mamy nawet CB radio – opowiada pani Joanna – Grzecznie próbowałam sobie nieraz na tym 19 kanale zapraszać kierowców na obiadek czy kolację. No, a kierowcy się odzywają nieraz, że proszę panią, koleżanko, to już nie są te czasy, co kiedyś. Zarabiamy bardzo mało, sytuacja wiadomo, jaka jest w Polsce.” Pomysłem kluczowym okazało się jednak zwrócenie ku potrzebom społeczności lokalnej. Organizacja przyjęć zapewnia dopływ gotówki, ruch przy barze i zainteresowanie lokalem, który przestał być uzależniony wyłącznie od kaprysów przejezdnych i zmian pogody. Obecnie, „Słoneczko” funkcjonuje od 8.00 do 21.00 (w zimie) lub 22.00 (latem). Jest jednym z coraz mniej licznych przykładów lokalnej przedsiębiorczości ulokowanej przy DK92, która przetrwała – i to z powodzeniem – uruchomienie autostrady A2. Kolejne części składowe kompleksu barowego, pochodzące z początku lat 90., drugiej połowy tamtej dekady, początku XXI w., wreszcie z roku 2011, są świadectwami elastyczności myślenia jego właścicielki, umiejętności dostosowywania się do zmiennych warunków, a także daru przewidywania kierunku i skali nadchodzących zmian. Rodzinne przedsięwzięcie nie ma jednak, o paradoksie, pewnej przyszłości. Pytana o to, kto przejmie kierowanie baru, pani Joanna rozkłada ręce: „Nie ma kto tego przejąć. Syn już się wykształcił i ma super pracę… Nie wiem, może wnuki: wnuczka ma 3 lata, a wnuk 10 lat…” Podobne elementy myślenia o przedsiębiorczości znajdziemy także w przypadku gospodarstwa agroturystycznego „Rancho Colorado”. 221 �Znajduje się ono pod Trzcielem, w otoczeniu lasów i stawów hodowlanych, a dojazd zapewnia jedna gruntowa droga. Właścicielka gospodarstwa, pani Anna, nie narzeka jednak na brak klientów, zwłaszcza w okresie świąt Bożego Narodzenia, kiedy ma komplet. Ten sukces jest jednak efektem wielu lat doświadczeń oraz elastyczności. Pani Anna zarejestrowała działalność gospodarczą w 1993 r. Jak wielu innych przedsiębiorczych mężczyzn i kobiet, zajęła się wtedy przydrożnym handlem. Jak sama mówi, „załapała się na złoty okres, kiedy wszyscy zarabiali”. Sprzyjający wysokim zyskom klimat skończył się jednak już pod koniec dekady. Dodatkowym impulsem do myślenia o zmianie sposobu zarobkowania stały się informacje o planach zakończenia budowy A2. Pani Anna skorzystała wtedy z atutu, jakim był zbudowany w 1999 r. dom – zaczęła go mianowicie otaczać infrastrukturą spełniającą wymogi agroturystyki. Wspierając się kredytami bankowymi i środkami pozyskanymi dzięki grantom unijnym, w 2005 r. uruchomiła „Rancho Colorado”. Obecnie jest to kompleks, w skład którego wchodzą wolnostojące domki oraz budynek hotelowy (pokoje z łazienkami, TV, WiFi), mogące przyjąć jednorazowo 80 gości. Atrakcją są zwierzęta: psy, koty, kozy, króliki oraz konie, które można wynająć pod wierzch. „Rancho Colorado” nie leży w bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie ani DK92, ani A2, ale pomiędzy przebiegiem obu tych dróg. Stanowi jednak ciekawy przykład szukania alternatywnych rozwiązań w sektorze turystyczno-hotelarskim. Pani Anna specjalizuje się nie tylko w przyjmowaniu klientów indywidualnych – jak o okresie świątecznym – ale organizuje szkolenia, „zielone szkoły”, a także wesela. Nie od rzeczy będzie dopowiedzieć, że podczas realizacji badań pilotażowych, zatrzymałem się tam z grupą studentów. Na zakończenie tej części, chciałbym zaprezentować jeszcze jeden przykład. To Zajazd „U Sosny”, ulokowany w Torzymiu, niedaleko rzeczki Ilanki, 700 metrów od przebiegu trasy DK92 i półtora kilometra od lokalnego zjazdu na autostradę A2. Rodzice obecnej właścicielki, pani Moniki, na początku lat 90. zaczęli od wynajmowania we własnym domu pokoi dla „dewizowych” myśliwych. W roku 2001 podjęli ryzyko i postanowili swoją działalność rozszerzyć, ale też unormować, otwierając mały hotelik. Budowa była 222 kredytowana, udało się jednak tak prowadzić działalność, że pierwotne założenie – jak w przypadku opisywanych wcześniej hoteli „Maria” w Brójcach czy baru „Słoneczko” w Nowym Folwarku – było w kolejnych latach powiększane. Obecnie zajazd oferuje 30 pokoi, salę restauracyjną, saunę, pojemny parking, a także rowery do wynajęcia (pięć złotych za godzinę). W początkowym okresie, nie istniała żadna wypracowana strategia prowadzenia hotelu. Mąż właścicielki – były zawodowy żołnierz, mający na koncie służbę za granicą i pracę w Brukseli – twierdzi, że uruchomienie autostrady, a zwłaszcza budowa pobliskiego zjazdu, pomogły w prowadzeniu przez nich działalności. Oczywiście, także „U Sosny” odczuli efekt udostępnienia A2 za darmo w okresie grudzień 2011 – maj 2012. Szybko podjęli jednak środki zaradcze. Jednym z nich okazało się umieszczenie oferty na popularnym portalu bloking.com. Szczegółowy opis miejsca, hotelu, cen i lokalnych atrakcji dostępny jest dzięki temu portalowi w ponad 40 językach (m.in. angielski, rosyjski, niemiecki, hiszpański, czeski). W 10-stopniowej skali ocen, jaką stosuje Booking.com, zajazd utrzymuje dość wysoką ocenę 8,2, a powtarzające się komentarze klientów podkreślają takie cechy, jak „cisza”, „spokój”, „czysto”, „blisko granicy”, „świetna baza wypadowa na 1-dniowe podróże do Poczdamu, Berlina, a także na tzw. Ostwall czyli zespół fortyfikacji wojskowych”. Dzięki temu w zajeździe pojawiają się klienci indywidualni z wielu krajów – najczęściej z Niemiec i Białorusi („z sąsiadami trzeba dobrze żyć”) – a niektórzy z nich potem powracają. Znaczącą grupą są osoby zainteresowane skorzystaniem z oferty Tropical Island, niemieckiego parku rozrywki, do którego autostradą można dojechać z Torzymia w półtorej godziny. Funkcjonowanie zajazdu na Booking ma także inne konsekwencje: pracownicy podkreślają, że „klientowi trzeba czapkować, bo liczą się jego opinie”. Drugą strategią rozwojową „U Sosny” stało się nastawienie na przyjmowanie grup wycieczkowych. Zwykle są to turyści z Litwy, Ukrainy i Białorusi, podróżujący do miast zachodniej Europy. Pojawiają się w zajeździe późnym wieczorem, zjadają zamówiony posiłek, a następnie drugi, wcześnie rano. „Chcą się najeść”, mówią pani z obsługi, więc serwują gościom na śniadanie wędlinę, ser, 223 �dżem, chleb, parówki, kawę, herbatę. Niezbędna ponadto okazała się elastyczność: organizacja „zielonych szkół”, a także niewielkich okolicznościowych przyjęć w sali głównej, która może pomieścić 40 osób. Właściciele wyznaczyli sobie dwa priorytety: z jednej strony chcą utrzymać umiarkowaną cenę noclegu (obecnie to 60 złotych od osoby), bo zdają sobie sprawę z atrakcyjności i istotności tego elementu ich oferty. Z drugiej natomiast, chcieliby podnieść standard zajazdu i oznaczyć go dwoma gwiazdkami w pięciostopniowej kategoryzacji, jaka obowiązuje w Polsce. Według obowiązujących standardów oznaczałoby to, że zajazd u „U Sosny” jest prostym hotelem średniej klasy o funkcjonalnych pokojach wyposażonych w łazienkę, telefon, telewizor, śniadanie wliczone w cenę noclegu i inne pomniejsze cechy (na podstawie Rozporządzenia Ministra Sportu i Turystyki z dn. 16.11.2011). Priorytet związany z podniesieniem standardu zajazdu należy do rzadkich przypadków w badanym przez nas obszarze, w większości przypadków właściciele hoteli, moteli i zajazdów mówią bowiem o „walce o przetrwanie” ich przedsięwzięć, nie zaś o chęci doskonalenia oferty. W tym sensie „U Sosny” jest wyjątkiem. Przedstawione w tym rozdziale przykłady przekonują, że modernizacja ulokalniona, zachodząca w skali małych miejscowości i wsi, w regionach traktowanych jako peryferyjne, zrodziła nie tylko „nową biedę”. Innym jej efektem jest bowiem także nowa przedsiębiorczość (Tarkowska 2000). Być może bary „Pod Sosną” i „Słoneczko”, zajazd „U Sosny”, uprawa i sprzedaż szparagów, lokalne wikliniarstwo i gminne plany utworzenia „wioski tematycznej” nie są przedsięwzięciami o dużej skali ani wyróżniającym je poziomie innowacyjności. Nie zawsze mogą ponadto okazać się skuteczne w wymiarze długookresowym. Stanowią jednak przejaw oddolnej (wyjąwszy plany gminy), nowej przedsiębiorczości, podejmowanej w obliczu nowych warunków wywołanych „modernizowaniem przez autostradę”. Przedsiębiorczość ta wymaga aktywnego wykorzystywania nowych narzędzi technologicznych – strony internetowe, międzynarodowe portale dla podróżnych – elastycznego nastawienia na realizację potrzeb społeczności lokalnych, a także otwarcia na kontakt ze 224 zróżnicowaną narodowo i etnicznie klientelą, która w różnych celach przepływa przez A2 i DK92. Wydaje się, że te trzy umiejętności (pomijając w tym miejscu determinację poszczególnych osób i inne dodatkowe, ale raczej przypadkowe okoliczności) zadecydowały o tym, co można określić jako nową przedsiębiorczość w warunkach wyznaczonych „modernizowaniem przez autostradę”. Ciśnie się na papier określenie „kapitał przedsiębiorczości”, zainspirowane oczywiście terminologią zaproponowaną przez Pierre’a Bourdieu. Gdyby z takiej perspektywy spojrzeć na opisywane przypadki, okazałoby się – poza czynnikami wskazanymi w poprzednim akapicie – że jego składową jest także gender. W nazbyt licznych przypadkach, by dało się je zlekceważyć jako incydenty, podmiotem przedsiębiorczości są kobiety. W różnym wieku, z odmiennym kapitałem edukacyjnym, społecznym i materialnym. To one podejmowały decyzje o przebranżawianiu się, o zmianie strategii biznesowych w obliczu spodziewanej zmiany, kojarzonej z otwarciem ostatniego odcinka A2, one pozyskiwały środki unijne, skutecznie występowały o kredyty bankowe. Nie należy zapominać o tym, że w ten właśnie sposób rekrystalizuje się i redefiniuje przydrogowa infrastruktura. Historycznie rzecz ujmując, pojęcie infrastruktury odnosiło się przede wszystkim do dróg i systemów nawadniających, jednak wraz z rozwojem nowoczesnych rozwiązań transportowych i komunikacyjnych, a także w wyniku rewolucji technologicznej, rozumienie tego pojęcia uległo zmianie. Obecnie więc przyjmuje się, że infrastruktura odnosi się do tych „ułatwień i usług, które są konieczne do (płynnego) funkcjonowania państwa bądź organizacji (…) Obejmuje ona systemy transportu i komunikacji, systemy wodne i energetyczne, a także instytucje publiczne, takie jak szkoły i szpitale” (Jackson, Edwards, Bowker, Knobel 2007). Co ważne, dla rozwoju infrastruktury, zwłaszcza lokalnej, konieczne jest to, by jej systemy były połączone, przystosowane do konkretnych wymogów lokalności oraz zestandaryzowane (Korpela 2016: 114). Mam wrażenie, że wymienione przez Mari Korpelę własności odpowiadają temu, jak prywatną infrastrukturę tworzą oddolnie i rozwijają lokalni przedsiębiorcy. Połączenie z wielkimi systemami (międzynarodowa autostrada, 225 �droga krajowa, portale internetowe), dostosowanie do lokalnych wymogów (urządzanie przyjęć, „zielonych szkół”, szkoleń itp.) oraz standaryzacja (dążenie do uzyskania wyższych standardów, mogących równać się z zachodnimi) są wszak kluczowymi posunięciami, umożliwiającymi, uruchamiającymi nową przedsiębiorczość. Oczywiście, nową przedsiębiorczość można traktować także inaczej, mniej optymistycznie, bo w kategoriach aktywności wymuszonej przez struktury zewnętrzne. Sprawczość rzemieślników, sprzedawców, plantatorów i właścicieli barów jawi się wówczas głównie jako pochodna zewnętrznych sił władzy i ekonomii. Mielibyśmy tutaj sytuację rozpoznaną już przez badaczy operujących w polu ekonomii kulturowej, którzy pytali: „Jak można uznawać rzeczywistość, siłę i władzę struktury społecznej, a zarazem przypisywać jednostce swego rodzaju sprawczość, czyli pewną zdolność do autonomicznych decyzji?” (Wilk, Cliggett 2001: 130). W takim ujęciu, wobec struktury – sił władzy i ekonomii – wszystko wydaje się już ustalone i „naddeterminowane”. Jednak zachowania jednostek okazują się często nieprzewidywalne i niezdeterminowane. Małe punkty usługowe, drobne plantacje i niewielkie hoteliki są w stanie sukcesywnie funkcjonować w starciu z gigantycznymi inwestycjami koncernów i zmienioną w konsekwencji logiką działania. Potwierdzałoby się tym samym, przywołane w rozdziale o „nowej biedzie” przekonanie Appaduraia o dysjunkcji ekonomii, polityki i kultury. Tyle że tym razem rozbieżność ta nie przynosi cierpkich owoców. Łącznik A2 – DK92: Torzym1 Spośród wszystkich miejscowości znajdujących się na trasie DK92 do jednych z bardziej interesujących należy miasteczko Torzym – typowo przydrożne i wyraźnie tranzytowe. Położone jest na terenie powiatu sulęcińskiego w województwie lubuskim i pełni funkcję miasta gminnego. Jego powierzchnia obejmuje 9,11 km² i zamieszkuje je 2,5 tys. osób2. Lokalność Torzymia na pierwszy rzut oka może wydawać się nieciekawa. Charakteryzuje go ciągły przepływ, przez co błędnie może być ujęte jako miejsce „mało antropologicze”, a więc idealne do rozpatrywania go w kategorii Augé’owskiego nie-miejsca (Augé 1995). Architektonicznie Torzym nie różni się znacząco od pozostałych miejscowości, które przecina DK92 na odcinku między Nowym Tomyślem a Świeckiem. Większość budynków mieszkalnych i gospodarczych na terenie gminy i miasta wybudowano w okresie przed II wojną światową. Jest to przeważnie budownictwo jedno lub dwurodzinne, jednokondygnacyjne. Od końca lat 70. nastąpił 1 2 Pojęcie „łącznika” zapożyczamy z reportażu radiowego pt. Torzymski łącznik autorstwa reporterek Radia Zachód Doroty Zyń-Horbaczewskiej i Justyny Rapickiej z 2015 r. Reportaż przedstawia efekty walki o zjazd z autostrady A2 w gminie Torzym oraz wpływ tej społecznej batalii na integrację mieszkańców. Bohaterami reportażu są m.in.: burmistrz miasta i gminy Torzym Ryszard Stanulewicz, przewodniczący Rady Miejskiej w Torzymiu Zbigniew Wołoncewicz, dyrektorka Gminnej Biblioteki Publicznej w Torzymiu Łucja Zasada, prezes Stowarzyszenia „Integracja Pokoleń” w Torzymiu Danuta Matusiak oraz mieszkańcy gminy Torzym. Zob. www.zachod. pl/radio-zachod/audycje/wedrowki-z-mikrofonem/torzymski-lacznik/ (data dostępu 30.05.2017). Dane Głównego Urzędu Statystycznego – Ludność. Stan i struktura ludności oraz ruch naturalny w przekroju terytorialnym. Stan w dniu 31 XII 2016 r. (2017), Warszawa: Główny Urząd Statystyczny, s. 112. www.stat.gov.pl/obszary-tematyczne/ ludnosc/ludnosc/ludnosc-stan-i-struktura-oraz-ruch-naturalny-w-przekrojuterytorialnym-stan-w-dniu-31-12-2016-r-,6,21.html (data dostępu 30.05.2017). 227 �znaczny postęp w budownictwie mieszkalnym na bazie realizowanego budownictwa spółdzielczego i zakładowego – wówczas w Torzymiu zaczęły powstawać blokowiska. Torzym był kiedyś miastem. Po wojnie został spalony, dość doszczętnie zniszczony i utracił te prawa miejskie. Do 1994 r. była to wieś i nie miał praw miejskich. Jest tu pseudo rynek, były ratusz, ale dla mnie zawsze mentalnie będzie to miastem. Jednak ma ten status miasta. Nie mam nic przeciwko wsi, bardzo lubię ciszę, spokój. Teraz droga jest remontowana, to jest dość duże zamieszanie. Torzym bardzo ucierpiał, dlatego nie ma tego miejskiego wyglądu. Chociaż te uliczki brukowe są, kamieniczki są. I są te wszystkie placyki pod kościołem. Tu wszędzie były budynki za czasów II wojny światowej. To wszystko zostało zniszczone, z czasem rozebrane czy rozkradzione. Tu był piękny ratusz, tu gdzie jest ten plac, który pojechał do Warszawy na odbudowę. Jakoś ważne jest to dla mnie to miasto Torzym. Przyszła stolica Polski. Jest grupa ludzi, którzy traktują to miasto bardzo poważnie jak dom rodzinny. Toronto. Rozrywek nie ma za bardzo. Duża część korzysta z Orlika, sportowo jest skatepark3 obok Orlika. To jest tak jakby kompleks. W planach są jeszcze hala sportowa, ale plany planami, zobaczymy jak to wyjdzie. Życie kulturalne jest jakieś. [Młody pracownik Torzymskiego Ośrodka Kultury] Pierwsza pisemna wzmianka o tej miejscowości to informacja o grodzie noszącym nazwę Sternberg z 1300 r., ale prawa miejskie zostały mu nadane dopiero w 1375 r. Od mniej więcej XVI w. ziemia torzymska cieszyła się złą sławą ze względu na często zdarzające się tam napady raubritterów (rycerzy-zbójników) na kupców i podróżników (Pankow 2002). Leżący na uboczu szlaków handlowych Torzym nigdy nie zyskał większego znaczenia jako ośrodek handlowy. Od XV do XVIII w. znajdował się w posiadaniu rodziny von Winningów. W latach 1759-1762 okupowały go wojska rosyjskie. W 1870 r. uzyskał połączenie kolejowe na linii Frankfurt – Poznań. Pomimo to nie rozwinął się znacznie, za to po I wojnie światowej 3 Otwarcie skateparku odbyło się w czerwcu 2012 r. Zob. Wiśniewska K. (2012) Jak promować małe miasto? 22 czerwca 2012, www.kingawisniewska.natemat. pl/20239,jak-promowac-male-miasto (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 228 stał się popularną miejscowością sanatoryjną. W latach 1940-1942 funkcjonował na jego terenie niemiecki obóz pracy przymusowej, w którym więziono w nim około 300 Żydów zmuszanych do pracy przy budowie autostrady, której podwaliny częściowo wykorzystano współcześnie przy budowie A2. Pod koniec wojny miasto uległo zniszczeniu w 85%. W 1945 r. ludność niemieckojęzyczną wysiedlono, a na jej miejsce pojawili się polscy przesiedleńcy z Kresów Wschodnich. To jest ziemia, która… ja sama teraz widzę, jak ciężko np. znaleźć korzenie, tradycje, zwyczaje, bo my jesteśmy ludnością napływową. Są to ludzie, którzy gdzieś tam stamtąd przyjechali. Tradycja jest, ale stamtąd. Także to trudne jest… Tutaj nie ma rdzennych. [Nauczycielka, lokalna aktywistka, mieszkanka Torzymia] Skala zniszczeń spowodowała utratę praw miejskich, które odzyskano dopiero w 1994 r. (Szczepaniak i in. 2014). O dawnym rolniczym profilu tego miasta opowiadała większość naszych rozmówców i nie dziwnym jest, iż traktują je bardziej jak wieś. Do jego charakterystyki najczęściej używali słowa „specyficzne” (np. „specyficzne miasto”, „specyficzna gmina”, „specyficzni ludzie”, „specyficzna lokalizacja”, „specyficzne życie ekonomiczne”, „specyficzny motel”, „specyficzny ośrodek kultury”, „specyficzny samorząd” itd.). Druga sprawa to, że gmina Torzym jest bardzo specyficzna, bo wszystkie sołectwa to wsie popegeerowskie czyli ubogie, z ludźmi, którzy nie poradzili sobie z transformacją, którzy w życiu rodzinnym, społecznym tkwią w pewnego rodzaju marazmie i zastoju. Na to czasem mówi się patologia, ale ja sam nie używam tego pojęcia, bo jest krzywdzące. Nic nie jest oczywiste. [Proboszcz parafii pw. Podwyższenia Krzyża Świętego w Torzymiu] Obecnie gmina Torzym to 21 sołectw, które nadal borykają się ze społeczno-ekonomicznymi konsekwencjami trwającego do 1995 r. procesu likwidacji państwowych przedsiębiorstw gospodarki rolnej. Do tego czasu cechą charakterystyczną gminy było rolnictwo o dominacji dużych, państwowych gospodarstw rolnych, przy czym przeważały wśród nich gospodarstwa hodowlane. Niska gęstość 229 �zaludnienia obszarów wiejskich przy relatywnie wysokim stopniu koncentracji przestrzennej miejsc pracy w byłych PGR-ach, skupiająca nawet do 80% lokalnych zasobów pracy, spowodowała obecnie główny problem społeczno-gospodarczy, czyli tzw. bezrobocie strukturalne. Kiedyś tutaj były GS-y, był tartak, szpital… szpital wiadomo, też kurwa ludzi pozwalniał. PGR-y wszędzie były – tutaj, Koryta, Przęślice, Grabów, Boczów… Wszędzie PGR-y. W Torzymiu to kółko, SKR był, nie? Rolników to było od cholery, na każdej ulicy jakaś krowa była. I byli kolejarze i mieli działki te pracownicze i każdy z tego korzystał, nie? Miał tam 20 arów łąki powiedzmy i 40 arów ziemi, to on uchował dwa świniaki, krowę. Było czym wyżywić i dzieci i wszystko. Teraz nie ma nic, ja chyba ostatni sprzedałem krowę. Już nie ma w Torzymiu krowy (…) Ja wiem? Tu większość to tak w lasach pracuje… ci popegeerowcy… i w lasach i gdzieś tam. Była piekarnia, były te magazyny te zbożowe… teraz nie ma. Dzisiaj prywatni kurde! Zakłada sobie firmę jednoosobową, nie dostanie tam 40 tys., żeby kupił narzędzia i tak dalej, poistnieje dwa lata i koniec, to tylko zostają mu narzędzia i a roboty nie ma, chyba że na czarno, ZUS-y to wszystko wykańczają! [Mieszkaniec Torzymia, emerytowany rolnik] Torzym jest małą miejscowością bardzo blisko graniczącą z granicą ogólnie Niemiec, bardzo dużo terenów popegeerowskich, które można było wykorzystać, ale ktoś głupi się uparł i nie chciał przystąpić do powiatu poznańskiego i teraz jesteśmy najzwyczajniej w świecie biednymi popegeerowcami. Taka prawda jest i koniec. Wszystko wyjeżdża za granicę, robią u Niemca za wszawe grosze, nie? [Właścicielka sklepu wielobranżowego w Torzymiu] Mi się żyje lepiej niż poprzednio za czasów komunistycznych. Ale wtedy też dobrze mi było, teraz może mi lepiej jest, ale powiem szczerze nie popieram tego systemu teraz. To jest taki system dla mnie po prostu, jak by to określić, zdarty typowo z ustroju socjalistycznego, tylko zamieniono go, że wszystko jest prywatne. Socjalizm był to, że nie pozwolono w socjalizmie prywatyzacji, wolny rynek żeby w prywatyzacji był. Nie wszystko było potrzebnie w zlikwidowaniu, część można było zostawić. Ja uważam dużym błędem było to, że zlikwidowano wszystkie od ręki PGR-y. 230 No, można im było dać wolną rękę, żeby próbowały jakoś działać samodzielnie, nie? Ale tego nie zrobiono. Zachód miał interes w tym, żeby to kurczę upadło wszystko. Przecież u nas było wtedy, ile było tego, można powiedzieć nadwyżka była tego. No owce były, mięso baranie, przecież tu wszędzie były owczarnie na tym terenie… przecież tutaj Koryta, to same owczarnie. Wszystko zlikwidowano. Kto to teraz odbuduje? Nikt tego nie odbuduje. [Właściciel skupu runa leśnego w Torzymiu] No, było rolnictwo. To była też wieś letniskowa, tutaj było sanatorium, nie szpital, tylko sanatorium, wiec przyjeżdżali kuracjusze tutaj z chorobami płuc, leczyć się później jak już przemianowano na szpital, to też pulmonologiczny ze względu na lasy jodłowe jakie mamy. Natomiast było dużo rolników, ale był tak i szpital i SKR i tartak i szkoła i nadleśnictwo i poczta, no wiele takich punktów, które no, nie mają związku właściwie z rolnictwem. Czyli to taki, taki trochę misz-masz był, bo nie można powiedzieć, że to typowa wieś rolnicza czy jakaś przemysłowa. Nie, nie. Wszystkiego po trochę było, ale zakładów produkcyjnych jako tako specjalnych nie. PGR-y dawały mleko, dawały ziemniaki, dawały mięso, wiec ludziom się to należało. Inaczej ludzie funkcjonowali i tak jak PGR-y upadły, to już katastrofa. Ludzie czekają na pomoc w większości. Młode pokolenie to już trochę inaczej, ale to starsze na branie nastawione jest. [Mieszkanka Torzymia] Uważa się, że specyfika obszarów wiejskich gminy Torzym wymaga działań interwencyjnych, nietypowych i niekonwencjonalnych na tle tego co robią inne gminy. Rolnictwo bowiem, nie jest w stanie zagospodarować zasobów pracy na wsi, ani też samo pobudzić ożywienia ekonomicznego w gminie. Decyduje o tym zarówno brak mieszkań, jak i postęp technologiczny. W warunkach obecnej struktury gospodarczo-przestrzennej gminy nie widać realnych perspektyw ograniczenia bezrobocia na wsi inaczej niż poprzez inwestycje powiązane z jej tranzytowym i transgranicznym położeniem (Strategia Rozwoju Gminy Torzym 2005-2020 r.: 28-35). Torzym jest już takim miastem międzynarodowym, tranzytowym... cały czas towar płynie. Jak mieliśmy gości z innych stron Polski, to mogli się napatrzeć na nowe samochody, na to jak cały czas tętni droga. Ludzie mieli jakieś korzyści, że przez miasto przepływał to- 231 �war. Na kolei mieli pracę… No powstawały CPN-y, co prawda był jeden tylko. No, ale był. Wiadomo w Polsce to nic się nie działo do tych ruchów takich wolnościowych. W 90. latach później jak się ustrój zaczął zmieniać, to tak. Powstawały nowe CPN-y, restauracje, motele, hotele i tak dalej (…) Po 1989, no więcej zakładów usługowych, bo fabryki jako takiej ani takich zakładów produkcyjnych nie ma, ale no dosyć dużo jest zakładów usługowych, typu właśnie hotele, motele bary, CPN-y, no i w tym kierunku to poszło. Był tu zakład, ale niestety ze względu na to, że no otrzymał gdzieś tam jakieś takie dogodności w Sulęcinie, więc tam się osiedlił. Kabelki tzw. parę lat tutaj funkcjonowały w Torzymiu. No, ludzie wykupili ziemię… wszystkie są związane właśnie z tą drogą. Część z tych hoteli i moteli trochę podupadła, „Sen” np. tutaj niedaleko jest taki, nie wiem czy on jest zamknięty czy tam ledwo działa. Wydaje mi się, że to zależy od jakiś takich umiejętności menedżerskich trochę właścicieli, bo koło tego trzeba chodzić. Im się wydawało, że jak otworzą to ludzie będą sami wchodzić i już tam nic więcej nie trzeba. W tej chwili jest więcej takich punktów i tym bardziej trzeba o klienta zabiegać. No, a to kiedyś było dobrze jak był CPN jeden właściwie w stronę Świecka. No, to tam naprawdę tym co pracują się bardzo dobrze powodziło. No, ale w tej chwili myjni i CPN-ów jest co kawałek, co kilometr niemalże, wiec no, muszą w jakiś sposób o klienta zabiegać. Kto tego nie robi, nie potrafi, to podupada. [Mieszkanka Torzymia] Z perspektywy lokalnej gospodarki, w tym także biorąc pod uwagę specyfikę zachowań ekonomicznych mieszkańców gminy można mówić o istniejącej w niej barierze kapitałowej4. Jej przełamywanie, co dla nas najbardziej interesujące, systematycznie następuje wraz z otwarciem nowego odcinka autostrady A2 oraz redefinicją przydrożnych biznesów, które coraz lepiej odpowiadają na charakteryzujący gminę przepływ ludzi i towarów. Niemniej gmina Torzym 4 Bariera kapitałowa wiąże się ze wspomnianym syndromem popegeerowskim, który decyduje o powszechnej społecznej aprobacie dla długotrwałego bezrobocia, nadmiernego korzystania z pomocy społecznej, braku mobilności zawodowej, a także podejmowaniu działań nielegalnych i w szarej strefie. To także efekt niedostatecznych zasobów finansowych miejscowej ludności i biznesu oraz niskie wpływy do budżetu gminy. W roku 2015 budżet gminy Torzym wynosił ponad 24 mln, zob. www.bip.wrota.lubuskie.pl/ugtorzym (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 232 jako część powiatu sulęcińskiego nie znajduje się w dobrej kondycji finansowej5. Powiat sulęciński, ze względu na zadłużenia, bierze obecnie o udział w tzw. programie naprawczym (podobnie z resztą jak objęte naszymi badaniami powiat świebodziński i słubicki). Program ten został przyjęty w sierpniu 2015 i obejmuje lata 2015-2017. Składają się na niego oprócz objęcia subrogacją całości zadłużenia powiatu także liczne oszczędności, w tym przede wszystkim na remonty, modernizacje i inwestycje oraz redukcja wydatków na wynagrodzenia osób zatrudnionych przez Starostwo Powiatowe czy wręcz likwidacja etatów (od sprzątaczek, przez referentów po szkolnych logopedów)6. Z pewnością A2, a także bliskie sąsiedztwo gminy z przebiegającą około 50 km od Torzymia drogą ekspresową S3 stanowią najważniejsze czynniki ożywienia gospodarczego, które należy wiązać z nowymi sposobami eksploatacji zasobów terenów inwestycyjnych. Dochody z tytułu uzyskiwanych podatków wykorzystywane są dla poprawy wielu usług publicznych w gminie oraz dla rozwoju bazy turystycznej. Ja twierdzę jedną rzecz, że dzięki tym samochodom gmina prosperuje dobrze. I ci, którzy najwięcej narzekają, ci najwięcej chodzą do burmistrza po pieniądze. Żeby dać pieniądze, to trzeba skądś je wziąć. No, a skąd je wziąć? Gmina największe przypływy ma z podatków od nieruchomości, tak? Niech pan zobaczy, ile w gminie jest stacji przy tej drodze. Teraz te dwie, co się budują, to zapłacą dla burmistrza około, spokojnie pół miliona rocznie podatku od nieruchomości. To ci wszyscy mieszkańcy, którzy tak narzekają łącznie, łącznie nie zapłacą tyle podatku, co te dwie stacje, które się budują, nie? [Przedsiębiorca z Torzymia] Można więc rzec, iż profil ekonomiczny, zwłaszcza miasta Torzym, dostosowany jest do jego statusu jako strefy przydrożnej i transgranicznej – jest bowiem nastawiony na obsługę transportu dalekobieżnego, zarówno towarowego jak i osobowego. I tak 5 6 W 2015 r. całkowity dług powiatu sulęcińskiego wynosił 16 860 000,00 zł, co stanowiło 46,26% planowanych dochodów budżetu w 2015 r. Zob. www.bip.powiatsulecinski.pl/system/obj/4847_RP_13_62_15.pdf (data dostępu 21.05.2017). Ibidem. 233 �w Torzymiu znajduje się około 10 moteli7 oraz niemal tyle samo punktów gastronomicznych8, 5 stacji paliw9, a w ich pobliżu strzeżone parkingi, 5 kantorów wymiany walut, zakłady bezpośrednio obsługujące automobilność, takie jak zakłady wulkanizacyjne i naprawcze czy myjnie samochodowe10. Miejsca te kreują charakterystyczną estetykę miasteczka, które poza tym odznacza się dobrze rozwiniętą infrastrukturą dedykowaną przede wszystkim jego mieszkańcom. Infrastruktura ta obejmuje sklepy spożywcze11, odzieżowe12, budowlano-ogrodnicze, bank oraz liczne drobne usługi13, urząd miasta i urząd pocztowy, dwie szkoły oraz przedszkole14, bibliotekę publiczną i ośrodek kultury, boiska, ośrodek zdrowia i szpital, a także nadleśnictwo, straż pożarną i policję. 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Są to: Hotel „Paradise”, Zajazd „Chrobry”, Motel U Sosny, Motel Miltex, Motel Petro, Motel Marco, Złota Grota oraz pensjonaty takie jak Prima, Motel u Romana czy Motel u Miry. Branżę gastronomiczną reprezentują: restauracja w Hotelu „Paradise”, bar Petrolek działający przy niewielkiej stacji paliw, restauracja Zajazd „Chrobry” oraz działający przy nim Bar pod Basztą, catering U Sosny, Doner Kebab, Swojska Chata Torzymiaka oraz restauracja Złota Grota. Są to stacje należące do koncernu PKN Orlen, firmy Olkop współpracującej z koncernami Lotos Paliwa oraz PKN Orlen, Petro należące do kompleksu Przedsiębiorstwa Handlowo-Usługowego „PETRO”, brytyjsko-holenderskiego koncernu Shell czy stacja Grupy Ekopetrol. Aktualna liczba działalności gospodarczych w wymienionych branżach mogła przy tym ulec zmianie. Źródła podanych informacji pochodzą z roku 2015. Dane te zostały zebrane w trakcie pogłębionych badań terenowych oraz na podstawie kwerend archiwalno-internetowych prowadzonych od roku 2014, głównie w oparciu o wpisy w Krajowym Rejestrze Sądowym. Są to zarówno niewielkie lokalne sklepiki, jak i reprezentujące sieci handlowe Biedronka, Dino czy Lewiatan. Są to co najmniej 4 lumpeksy oraz 2 sklepy z nową odzieżą. To m.in. zarówno usługi fryzjerskie i kosmetyczne, jak i firmy ubezpieczeniowe, księgowość, sprzedaż butli gazowych, kwiaciarnie czy obsługa instalacji elektrycznych. Na podstawie informacji pozyskanej na X posiedzeniu Rady Miejskiej w Torzymiu w dniu 17 września 2015 r. wiemy, iż w torzymskich szkołach uczy się obecnie ponad 600 uczniów oraz w przedszkolach ponad 200 przedszkolaków. Dane te zostały podane przez przewodnicząca komisji ds. społecznych, która funkcjonowanie szkół w gminie podsumowała w następujący sposób: „nasze szkoły są ładne i kolorowe… w miarę. 1 września były gotowe na przyjęcie uczniów”, zob. www.torzym.pl/asp/_ drukuj.asp?typ=13&menu=37&sub=6&dzialy=37&schemat=1&akcja=artykul&art ykul=570 (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 234 W Torzymiu da się żyć, ale trzeba mieć samochód. Bez problemu można zrobić zakupy, można iść do fryzjera, na solarium, jak się uprzesz to jest gdzie się spotkać na piwie, jest biblioteka, można być aktywnym społecznie, można pochodzić na zumbę i aerobik, jest bank, poczta, ośrodek zdrowia, są szkoły, przedszkole, można pograć w piłkę. Gorzej z ciuchami, elektroniką czy dodatkowymi zajęciami. Miejsca do spacerowania mnóstwo, latem jest gdzie pływać, można uprawiać sporty wodne, jazdę konną, łowić ryby. Jeśli nie myśli się kategoriami miejskimi – jest całkiem nieźle. [Mieszkaniec Torzymia] Torzymska gospodarka to przede wszystkim podmioty z sektora małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw z tzw. produktem lokalnym. Chodzi tu o przetwórstwo drzewa, rolnictwo ekologiczne, przetwórstwo mleczarskie i mięsne. Niemniej w strukturze ekonomicznej gminy dominują usługi. Warto też nadmienić, iż na jej terenie oraz w okolicach z powodzeniem funkcjonują firmy z udziałem kapitału zagranicznego, które znacząco poszerzają lokalny rynek pracy. Jeden zakład większy jest w Sulęcinie – „Molex” i sporo ludzi tam pracuje. No i te markety, ale w tych marketach takie rotacje są pracowników, zatrudniane są osoby chyba na czas określony. A tak nic nie ma. Jest jeden jeszcze sklep, trzyma się, naprzeciwko, ale z tego względu, że to wycieczki, goście. Piekarnia jest cały czas i ma się dobrze, bo pieczywo jest nie tylko tutaj sprzedawane, ale i Sulęcin i do Gorzowa wożony jest. Ta piekarnia i jest jeszcze masarnia, też miejscowy zakład. Ale to nie są zakłady, że zatrudniają nie wiadomo ile osób. Tutaj był spożywczy sklep, to pani zajmuje teraz się starociami, ma taki lamus, coś jak w Boczowie, też rodzinna firma. A bardzo dużo młodzieży wyjechało. Wśród znajomych nawet jak się rozmawia, to nie ma rodziny, żeby ktoś nie wyjechał – Holandia, Niemcy, Belgia. Z tych znajomych moich są osoby, które owszem po 6-8 latach już pospłacały kredyty, mogły zainwestować, kupić jakieś mieszkanie tutaj i tutaj kupują mieszkania, ale jeżdżą dalej. Już niby jest takie zabezpieczenie, że w razie czego ma gdzie wrócić, ale wracają do pracy póki jeszcze mają pracę. Żadne takie firmy nie powstały, żeby dawały później zatrudnienie. Takie są przypadki w Gądkowie, dużo się zauważa nowych budynków, wyremontowanych starych. To przeważnie 235 �osoby, które pracują za granicą. Powstają takie skupiska domów jednorodzinnych. To przeważnie ludzie, którzy mieszkali do tej pory w blokach, na uboczu i budują sobie domki. Są też dwa chyba skupy grzyba. No i można zauważyć 20-go każdego miesiąca ile ludzi po zasiłek idzie. Z drugiej strony widać, przez to, że tych sklepów nie ma, jest mnóstwo budynków opuszczonych, na sprzedaż, wynajęcie. Jest „Chrobry”. To jest bardzo operatywny ten właściciel. Ma kilka takich moteli. I w Anglii ma jakiś sklep mięsny z krowami polskimi. W Krośnie ma masarnię. Odkąd pamiętam, on zaczynał jako cinkciarz w latach 80., później zainwestował w te motele i to jest taki najważniejszy zakład pracy, tutaj pracują ludzie. Właśnie dużo młodzieży pracuje u niego, przyjmuje sezonowo młodzież szkolną. W wakacje, czy w ferie mogą sobie dorobić. Park rozrywki powstanie i będą nowe stanowiska pracy. Jest Natura 2000, ale tutaj nawet nie są zagospodarowane jeziora. Okazuje się, że to wszystko własność Urzędu Marszałkowskiego, za bardzo samorząd nie może się angażować, bo to nie ich. Tylko doraźnie, jakieś naprawy, czyszczenie. A żeby jakiś kompleks wypoczynkowy powstał – nic nie ma takiego. Tutaj pan właściciel „Chrobrego” kupił zamek w Garbiczu i ten zamek wyremontował i tam nie dość, że ma też motel, pięknie to zrobione, to jeszcze rehabilitację dzieci niepełnosprawnych tam prowadzane są. Tam większość Niemców przyjeżdża. Na tym kompleksie koło autostrady, tam policja jest, to też jak przyjmowano do pracy to był warunek znajomości j. rosyjskiego. W Pniowie też jest taki motelik i stacja benzynowa to też ze znajomością j. rosyjskiego szukali pracowników. Dużo kierowców z Ukrainy i Rosji jeździ. Niemcy może w bardziej ekskluzywnych hotelach się zatrzymują, a Rosjanie to wiadomo. [Pracowniczka biblioteki publicznej w Torzymiu] Torzym tworzą przede wszystkim strefy przepływu zarówno w sensie przestrzennym jak i społecznym, w obrębie których możliwe jest obserwowanie mobilności w znaczeniu fizycznego ruchu oraz potencjału przemieszczania. Strefy te nakładają się na siebie, a ich dynamika pozostaje płynna i ściśle powiązana z bliskością do granicy polsko-niemieckiej. Odległość między Torzymiem a przejściem granicznym wynosi 40 km, a czas w którym można do niego dojechać to ok. 30 minut niezależnie od tego, czy podróż odbywa się DK92 czy płatną autostradą A2. Poziom natężenia ruchu 236 samochodowego w Torzymiu należy określić jako wysoki, choć charakteryzuje go tendencja spadkowa od momentu otwarcia nowego odcinka autostrady. Według oficjalnych danych Generalnej Dyrekcji Dróg Krajowych i Autostrad w roku 2010 przez Torzym, drogą krajową nr 92 przejeżdżało 17 tys. samochodów dziennie15. Lokalny samorząd na rok 2015 szacuje spadek tego ruchu do 10 tys. samochodów na dobę16. Tranzyt przez DK92, w tym przez Torzym, to przede wszystkim przepływ samochodów ciężarowych zarówno w kierunku wschód-zachód jak i zachód-wschód. Z perspektywy mieszkańców przepływ ten uległ zmniejszeniu jedynie w okresie pomiędzy grudniem 2011 a majem 2012 r., kiedy to nowo otwarty odcinek autostrady był bezpłatny. Wraz z wprowadzeniem wysokich opłat za przejazd autostradą, na DK92 powrócił transport towarowy. Ponadto przez Torzym równolegle do DK92 oraz autostrady A2 przebiega trasa kolejowa oraz trasa autobusowa. Dziennie na stacji Torzym zatrzymuje się około 10 pociągów osobowych jadących w kierunku Rzepina oraz Zbąszynka oraz kilkanaście autobusów obsługiwanych przez PTH Transhand Słubice i PKS Gorzów Wielkopolski. Ponadto przez Torzym przejeżdżają krajowe i międzynarodowe busy zaliczane do tzw. transportu door to door. Co jednak pozostaje najistotniejsze w Torzymiu to istniejący na jego obrzeżach węzeł autostradowy, a wraz z nim Obwód Utrzymania Autostrady. Materialną, ekonomiczną i społeczną przestrzeń tego miasteczka odczytujemy jako niejednorodną. Metaforycznie rzecz ujmując 15 Dane pochodzą z raportów Generalnego Pomiaru Ruchu z 2010 r.: www.gddkia.gov. pl/pl/987/gpr-2010 (data dostępu 15.11.2015). 16 Dane nieoficjalne na podstawie szacunków Urzędu Gminy w Torzymiu, które zostały przedstawione w trakcie X Posiedzenia Rady Miejskiej w Torzymiu w dniu 17 września 2015 r. O prawdopodobieństwie tych szacunków świadczą wykonywane przez badaczy terenowych liczenia przejeżdżających DK92 samochodów na odcinku pomiędzy Świebodzinem a Boczowem w miesiącach maj-wrzesień w 2015 r. Obniżenie się poziomu dobowego natężenia ruchu samochodowego, to konsekwencja odpływu transportu osobowego na autostradę A2. Samochody osobowe, które nadal poruszają się DK92 należą do mieszkańców Torzymia i innych miejscowości wchodzących w skład gminy. Jest to ruch przede wszystkim lokalny. Por. Generalnego Pomiaru Ruchu z 2015 r.: www.gddkia.gov.pl/pl/2551/GPR-2015 (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 237 �składają się nań nie do końca koherentne rzeczywistości, których łącznikiem pozostaje infrastruktura drogowa – autostrada A2 oraz DK92. Jest więc w Torzymiu rzeczywistość polityczna, szkolna, zajazdowa, robotnicza, rodzinna, zbieracka, nadleśnicza, tranzytowa, handlowa, emigrancka, autostradowa, kulturotwórcza i inwestycyjna. Innymi słowy przydrożność i tranzytowość Torzymia ujawniały się na każdym kroku czy to w samorządowych dyskursach czy to narracjach naszych rozmówców (zwykłych mieszkańców i przedsiębiorców). O jej istotności dla życia codziennego może świadczyć choćby treść jednego z odpustowych kazań wygłoszonych w 2015 r. w miejscowym kościele, w którym pojawiały się metafory drogowe, np. wówczas gdy kapłan wyjaśniając znacznie i wagę życia odwoływał się do statystyk policyjnych dotyczących wypadków i kolizji drogowych na DK92. Strategie rozwojowe i lokalny krajobraz ekonomiczny Za osnowę osi konstrukcyjnej rozwoju gminy uznaje się infrastrukturę drogową, zwłaszcza prowadzącą ze wschodu na zachód, a zatem korytarz paneuropejski autostrady A2 oraz DK92, która jednak oficjalnie utraciła swoją dotychczasową pozycję wśród sieci dróg europejskich. Proponowane w strategii województwa lubuskiego przedsięwzięcia modernizujące układ komunikacyjny mają stanowić podstawę osiągnięcia europejskich standardów dostępności transportowej i sprawnego tranzytu autostradą A2 w powiązaniu z istniejącym w Torzymiu węzłem autostradowym. Istnienie tak ważnego szlaku komunikacyjnego łączącego gminę z otoczeniem jest uznawane za wyznacznik kierunków w przestrzennym zagospodarowaniu. Gmina Torzym wraz z osiągnięciem najważniejszego celu w tym zakresie, w efekcie skutecznych zabiegów lobbingowych, tj. budowy węzła autostradowego, skutecznie realizuje strategie określone jeszcze w 2005 r. z perspektywą do roku 2020. Wśród nich znalazły się: zagospodarowanie gruntu inwestycyjnego przy węźle, opracowanie planów budowy i modernizacji dróg 238 gminnych ich realizacja, pozyskanie środków zewnętrznych na inwestycje budowy i modernizację dróg gminnych z uwzględnieniem drogi w Korytach, budowa ekranów dźwiękochłonnych przy drodze DK92, monitoring jakości dróg krajowych, wojewódzkich i powiatowych i zgłaszanie potrzeb inwestycyjnych oraz remontów w tym zakresie, partycypacja w kosztach remontu i budowy dróg chodników i urządzeń infrastruktury innej niż gminna oraz pozyskanie środków zewnętrznych na inwestycje budowy i modernizację dróg (Strategia Rozwoju Gminy Torzym 2005: 37-45). We wrześniu 2015 r. wzięliśmy udział w Spotkaniu Informacyjnym dotyczącym realizacji lokalnej strategii rozwoju w latach 20142020, zorganizowanym w Torzymiu przez Stowarzyszenie Kraina Szlaków Turystycznych – Lokalna Grupa Działania17. Wzięli w nim udział: przedstawiciele lokalnych organizacji pozarządowych, nadleśnictwa, Urzędu Gminy, poszczególnych sołectw i lokalni niezrzeszeni aktywiści. Spotkanie dotyczyć miało możliwości pozyskania środków unijnych w ramach Programu Rozwoju Obszarów Wiejskich na lata 2014-2020, ale przybrało formę warsztatów w trakcie których przeprowadzono analizę SWOT gminy. Celem konsultacji było stworzenie strategii działania na kolejne, nadchodzące rozdanie środków unijnych. W poprzedniej edycji Programu Rozwoju Obszarów Wiejskich LGD zdobyła 11 mln, a gmina Torzym złożyła i zrealizowała najwięcej projektów, w tym sam Urząd Gminy złożył ich 10. Dzięki temu dofinansowano: Motel „U Sosny”, odbudowano staw w Walewicach, wybudowano świetlicę i stanicę rowerową w Lubowie, szlak konny w Garbiczach, zmodernizowano place zabaw i świetlice wiejskie w pozostałych miejscowościach gminy. W nowej edycji, co nie pozostaje bez znaczenia dla lokalnych strategii ekonomicznych, 50% środków, które LGD pozyska ma być przeznaczone na budowę i rozwój mikroprzedsiębiorstw. Przeprowadzona analiza SWAT pozwoliła na wyłonienie wielu mocnych stron gminy, w tym na pierwszym miejscu wymieniono: jej położenie geopolityczne z naciskiem na bliskość do granicy z Niemcami i dogodne położenie komunikacyjne (przy czym 17 Zob. www.kst-lgd.pl/files/220harmonogram_spotkan_-_plakat_zmiana_6.10.2015. pdf (data dostępu 30.05.207). 239 �chodziło wyłącznie o autostradę A2). Jednocześnie wśród słabych stron wskazano m.in. na tranzytowość gminy, zwłaszcza Torzymia, przez co nie stanowi miejsca docelowego, lecz takie, przez które się przejeżdża. Na podstawie plusów i minusów, jak czyni się w typowych analizach SWAT, oszacowano również szanse i zagrożenia dla gminy. Wśród szans bezpośrednio powiązanych z jej przydrożnym charakterem znalazły się: rozwój turystyki, nowe inwestycje związane z węzłem autostradowym, które oznaczają nowe miejsca pracy, położenie geograficzne (choć z perspektywy mieszkańców gminy wszędzie jest daleko, ponieważ przykładowo muszą jechać 40 km na basen, to z perspektywy mieszkańców dużych miast, takich jak Berlin, Poznań, Szczecin czy Wrocław, dzięki A2 i S3 Torzym jest blisko). Do zagrożeń zaś zaliczono migracje zarobkowe do krajów Europy Zachodniej, brak zainteresowania terenem ze strony biznesu, istnienie na terenie gminy obszaru Natury 2000, który blokuje pewne przedsięwzięcia lub je przedłuża oraz wykluczenie społeczne jako konsekwencja braku komunikacji publicznej. Największymi problemami gminy okazały się: bezrobocie, brak oferty turystycznej, informacji turystycznej oraz spójnej strategii marketingowej i promocyjnej, brak centrum w Torzymiu oraz wspomnianą tranzytowość (por. Lubuska mapa potrzeb i aspiracji 2011). W trakcie realizacji projektu Torzym odwiedzaliśmy kilkakrotnie: w kwietniu i we wrześniu 2014 r. oraz w maju i wrześniu 2015, a także wcześniej jeszcze na etapie tworzenia głównych założeń projektu w czerwcu 2013. Łącznie w miasteczku tym spędziliśmy dwa miesiące, a trzyletni zakres podejmowanych przez nas wizji lokalnych pozwolił nam na bezpośrednią obserwację zachodzących w nim zmian, zwłaszcza w przestrzeni publicznej oraz w kontekście rozmaitych przedsięwzięć gospodarczych. W tym czasie byliśmy świadkami otwarcia w Torzymiu tzw. sieciówek, takich jak Biedronka oraz Dino, które bezpośrednio wpłynęły na proces likwidacji małych sklepów spożywczych, wprowadzania nowej strategii marketingowej w Motelu „U Sosny”, remontów w Zajeździe Chrobry, powstania dziś prężnie działającej firmy cateringowej „Swojska Chata Torzymiaka”. 240 Obserwowaliśmy Torzym w trakcie wyborów samorządowych w 2014 r., mechanizmy działania międzynarodowej inwestycji w parku rozrywki w Kownatach, położonych około 4 km od zjazdu z autostrady A2, budowy nowej stacji paliw oraz filii Portu 2000, dwuletni remont DK92, upadki licznych małych, zazwyczaj jednoosobowych działalności gospodarczych, systematyczną redukcję połączeń autobusowych i kolejowych, wzmagający się przepływ emigranckich busów, zmiany w intensywności transportu towarowego powodowanym rosyjskim embargiem na produkty pochodzące z państw Unii Europejskiej18 (Nowak 2015; Skutki rosyjskiego embarga 2015), polsko-rosyjskimi wojnami transportowymi, chwilowym przywracaniem kontroli granicznych w latach 2013-2016. Na placu Wolności wyremontowano jeden budynek. Opustoszałe sklepy naprzeciwko Torzymskiego Ośrodka Kultury nadal nie są zagospodarowane i od roku nic się nie zmieniło. Na placu stoją nowe, poplenerowe rzeźby (tzw. witacze) z drewna w stylu historycznym. Te z zeszłego roku zostały rozdystrybuowane po Torzymiu, głównie ławeczki z rzeźbami powędrowały, m.in. kawałek dalej na ulicę Walki Młodych, pod budynek Domu Strażaka oraz budynek Urzędu Gminy. Między Zajazdem „Chrobry” a zjazdem na A2, przy DW 138 znajdują się aż trzy kantory wymiany walut – pierwszy to budka po prawej stronie jeszcze przed cmentarzem prawosławnym, kolejny po lewej zaraz przy cmentarzu komunalnym oraz kolejny już przy nowej stacji Orlen. Ze zmian na Sulęcińskiej: pojawiły się nowe banery widoczne przy wjeździe z A2 do Torzymia. Są to reklamy Motelu „U Sosny”. Podobny baner wisi przy DK92 na budynku zaraz przed skrzyżowaniem z DW 138, widoczny z kierunku Boczowa. „U Sosny” reklamuje się najniższymi cenami i najwyższą jakością. Pojawił się też baner z reklamą Hotelu i Restauracji „Paradise”, który znajduje się przy wjeździe do Torzymia od strony Świebodzina. W ich reklamie położono nacisk na bezpłatny parking strzeżony dla autobusów. 18 Zakaz importu został wprowadzony przez Rząd Rosji w sierpniu 2014 r. jako odpowiedź dla krajów, które wcześniej, w marcu tego samego roku, nałożyły lub przyczyniły się do nałożenia na Rosję sankcji ekonomicznych, w związku z jej rolą w konflikcie ukraińskim. Rosja zaczęła wykorzystywać embargo jako element walki politycznej z krajami, które sprzyjały Ukrainie i negowały legalność działań podejmowanych przez Rosję. 241 �Kolejna zmiana to stacja Orlen – w zeszłym roku w trakcie badań pilotażowych byliśmy świadkami kończenia budowy tej stacji. To raczej mała stacja, a mieszczący się na niej sklep zaopatrzony jest standardowo w słodycze, alkohol, hot-dogi i kawę. Zmiany w tym miejscu na stacji paliw się jednak nie kończą. W ciągu tego jednego roku wzniesiono obok niej olbrzymi budynek, który będzie hotelem i restauracją. Rok temu nie było jeszcze fundamentów. To inwestycja Portu 2000. Przy Sulęcińskiej prowadzącej do zjazdu na A2 znajdują się aż trzy cmentarze: prawosławny, który wcześniej był cmentarzem ewangelickim, żydowski (zrujnowany, ukryty w lasku – trzeba nieco zboczyć z Sulęcińskiej i wejść w lasek) oraz komunalny, najbliżej A2. Tworzy to pewien dysonans akustyczny – z jednej strony cmentarz kojarzony z ciszą i spokojem, z drugiej hałas natężenia ruchu drogowego. Przed cmentarzem znajduje się budka, w której można kupić znicze i wiązanki z kwiatów naturalnych oraz sztucznych. Cmentarz jest niewielki. Znajdują się na nim nagrobki zarówno katolików, jak i prawosławnych. Dominują nagrobki „made in China”. Na końcu cmentarza stoi murowana wiata z niemal opierającym się o nią starym krzyżem. Pod wiatą znajduje polowy, również murowany ołtarz. Całość wygląda jak przystanek autobusowy, na który spadł krzyż. W centrum Torzymia zlokalizowany jest rzymsko-katolicki kościół. Na jego podwórku znajduje się kapliczka z figurą Matki Boskiej. Pod daszkiem kapliczki zamontowano atrapę kamery monitorującej. Na prawo od kościoła skręca się w ul. Walki Młodych. Jedyną rzeczą, która się w tym miejscu zmieniła to wymiana ławki, która stoi zaraz na skrzyżowaniu z DW 138, na ukos do Torzymskiego Ośrodka Kultury. Stara i zmurszała została zastąpiona drewnianą kłodą z rzeźbą w zajazdowym stylu. Ulica Walki Młodych to właściwie jeden wielki zakręt, który prowadzi albo do 92 (jeśli skręci się za sklepem Mini-Mrówka w lewo), albo do marketu Dino (trzeba skręcić w prawo). Zaraz koło Dino znajduje się budynek straży pożarnej. Przestrzeń publiczna przed tym sklepem charakteryzuje się: a) obecnością miejscowych mężczyzn, którzy spożywają alkohol, b) ogłoszeniami przyczepianymi do drzew (ogłoszenia o handlu obwoźnym, np. sprzedaży runa leśnego, sezonowych owoców, kur niosek, odzieży czy niemieckiej chemii). Jest to miejsce z małym zieleńcem, hałaśliwe, a w czasie remontu DK92 stanowi punkt, w którym ustawiana jest przenośna 242 sygnalizacja świetlna, regulująca ruch wahadłowy. Tu także znajduje się zjazd z DK92 do sklepu. Kierując się na zachód znów wchodzi się na trasę DK92, która po remoncie okazała się wzbogacić o pokaźną ilość strzałek i wysepek. Naprzeciwko Dino, w niewielkim baraczku kiedyś musiał działać albo sklep monopolowy, albo bar piwny. Na fasadzie widnieje niedziałający już lightbox reklamujący piwo Lech. Budka jest do wynajęcia lub sprzedaży – ogłoszenie o tym wisi tam co najmniej od dwóch lat (od mojej pierwszej wizyty w Torzymiu). Na ogrodzeniach domów pomiędzy którymi stoi owa budka znajdują się ogłoszenia o sprzedaży butli gazowych i ich nabijaniu. Na wysokości ulic prowadzących do Nadleśnictwa na jednym z wielorodzinnych budynków znajduje się tabliczka z informacją o tym, że prowadzona była tam firma wulkanizacyjna Jamo (stan podwórka wskazuje na to, że firma już tam nie działa). Z kolei dokładnie po drugiej stronie ulicy widoczna jest reklama innej wulkanizacji „Elmo” na ul. Mickiewicza 7 (ulica na której znajduje się szkoła). Przy Wojska Polskiego 12 z krzaków wyłania się bardzo stara tabliczka z odręcznie namalowanym napisem „kwatera do wynajęcia”, pod spodem markerem został dopisany numer telefonu. W tym miejscu, w którym znajduje się ta tabliczka, także w krzakach widnieje stary spłowiały lightpox reklamujący Pepsi, a ktoś go kiedyś dodatkowo przewiązał sznurkiem, żeby się nie rozpadał. Za tymi krzakami stoi niewielki budynek-budka, w której kiedyś mieścił się sklep. Tabliczka z kwaterą znajduje się przy budynku wielorodzinnym (tego typu kwatery były wynajmowane przez robotników drogowych m.in. w czasie budowy A2). Dalej, na budynku, w którym mieści się poczta otwarta do godziny 16.00 widnieje duży baner informujący o możliwości wynajęcia lokali. Niemal naprzeciwko na jednym z wielorodzinnych budynków ogłoszenie „sprzedam mieszkania”. Kilka budynków dalej znajduje się bank SGB z zewnętrznym bankomatem (drugi bankomat jest w Biedronce, wewnątrz sklepu więc można z niego skorzystać wyłącznie w godzinach otwarcia sklepu). Nagromadzenie usług oraz śladów po nich znajduje się koło Urzędu Gminy – naprzeciwko niedziałający sklep spożywczo-przemysłowy, obok niego Kebab, sklep odzieżowy i „Swojska Chata Torzymiaka”. Naprzeciw tego niedziałającego sklepu znajduje się zarośnięta działka do sprzedaży. Obok UG budynek, na piętrze którego znajdują się dwa lokale „Studio uro- 243 �dy” oraz „Odzież”. Przed wejściem na osiedle bloków zlokalizowanych po lewej stronie w kierunku Świecka (osiedle ciągnie się od UG po Motel Marco, jest ogrodzone) znajduje się tabliczka reklamująca usługi ubezpieczeniowe Compensa. Tabliczka wygląda na starą. Naprzeciw jeszcze na płocie przy UG widnieją dwa duże banery – jeden z nich reklamuje Naukę Jazdy Edu-Med. (firma szkoleniowa, która mieści się w Boczowie), drugi Biuro Rachunkowe Vademecum mieszczące się przy ul. Saperskiej (według danych z KRS działalność założona rok temu). Dalej znajduje się reklama salonu fryzjerskiego na ul. Młyńskiej, motel „Sen” od co najmniej 2013 r. wystawiony na sprzedaż (na ogrodzeniu zawieszono ogłoszenie z numerem telefonu – kierunkowy wskazuje, że właściciele mieszkają w Niemczech19), motel „Marco” i w końcu dom z tablicą ogłoszeniową reklamującą kapelę weselną. Zaraz obok tego domu mieści się w niskim, parterowym budyneczku przeznaczonym na działalność handlową (dwa lata temu był tam jeszcze sklep spożywczo-monopolowy) mieści się biuro Eurovii – firmy, która remontuje obecnie DK92. Dokładnie naprzeciwko niego znajduje się budka, w której można przebić sobie rejestrację (punkt ten nigdy nie jest otwarty – właściciele dla wygody zostawili numer telefonu, co oznacza, że mieszkają gdzieś w pobliżu). Dalej po stronie bloków stara tablica reklamująca firmę Campol produkującą odzież sportową (tablica stara, firma nie istnieje), następnie tablica reklamująca usługi związaną z autonaprawą (sprawdziłam, działa, mieści się na ulicy Krótkiej); noclegi „Ewa” – zielonkawy barak, który nie działa co najmniej od dwóch lat (nie ma tam nikogo, na banerze w głębi podwórka jest numer telefonu). Z danych KRS wynika, że ten motel, motel „Sen”, motel „Nad Potokiem” oraz „Alaska” to noclegownie, które przestały działać na terenie Torzymia. Następnie po prawej stronie ciągnie się te19 „Zamknęli. Nie mogę zrozumieć, bo wszystko normalnie prowadził, nie wiem, nie wiem czemu, wyprowadził się. Teraz do wynajęcia. Stoi to zarośnięte. No, jest do wynajęcia, no. Nie, nie mieli, nie rozumiem. Ktoś jak wynajmuje, to tak, ktoś, jak chce wynająć komuś mieszkanie, to nie doprowadza do takiej ruiny. Tam rośnie wszystko, porosło. No kto pójdzie na coś takiego? Na zachodzie to widzę, że jak ktoś chce sprzedać mieszkanie jakiekolwiek czy tam wynająć coś, no przecież to maluje się ściany, odnawia się tak, żeby się komuś spodobało. A tego nie rozumiem. Nie wiem, a wiem, że na kredyt był dom kupiony, bo to od sąsiada kupili, nie? Jak na kredyt kupili to muszą płacić te raty i tak. Nie wiem. Nie rozumiem. Czasami zajadą, skoszą, dalej wyjadą.” [Mieszkaniec Torzymia] 244 ren Lubuskiego Szpitala Specjalistycznego Pulmonologiczno-Kardiologicznego. Część nieruchomości jest na sprzedaż, a dwa budynki obecnie są w remoncie. Jeszcze przed szpitalem na skrzyżowaniu z ul. Piastowską (ulica, która właściwie jest leśną drogą prowadzącą aż do A2) widnieje tablica z ogłoszeniem o sprzedaży działki (także wypisana ręcznie). Naprzeciwko szpitala dwupiętrowy budynek z kiedyś działającym tam Night Clubem oraz Kebabem AS. Zaraz obok znajduje się coś, co jest reklamowane jako Autogiełda – to kawałek ogrodzonego podwórka, na którym stoją wraki samochodów. Teren jest pilnowany przez psa. Jeszcze nie udało mi się zauważyć, by ktokolwiek tam był – znowu strategia z numerem telefonu. Następnie nadal naprzeciwko szpitala apteka Ziko oraz noclegi „Prima” reklamowane jako tanie noclegi oraz Zimmer – na dwóch osobnych tablicach. Apteka ma także swoją reklamę 100 m dalej i wyjątkowo jest ona skierowana przodem do Świecka. Za apteką znajduje się tablica reklamowa wulkanizacji – prawdopodobnie istniała w miejscu, w którym teraz znajduje się Autogiełda. Kilka metrów dalej jest już budynek, w którym mieści się sklep z częściami samochodowymi, filia banku PKO, kantor wymiany walut, Lotto i czego wcześniej nie zauważyłam także solarium i motel „Miltex”. Przy stacji kolejowej jest drogowskaz na noclegi „Mira” (stary, zdecydowanie starszy niż napis na samym budynku „Miry”, który wznosi się na jego płaskim dachu). Stacja nie działa. Od strony peronów okna są zabite płytą OSB. Przed dworcem jest przystanek autobusowy – nie ma rozkładu jazdy. Nieco wcześniej stoi słup ogłoszeniowy, a na nim ogłoszenie o zumbie, która odbywa się we wtorki i piątki w gimnazjum (prowadzona przez trenerkę fitness), plakat reklamujący pracownie w TOK, które wystartowały od 22 września, tj. plastyczną dla dzieci i dorosłych, rzeźbiarską i fotograficzną, ogłoszenie o liceum dla dorosłych oraz szkoleniach zawodowych. [Fragment notatek terenowych autorstwa Agaty Stanisz, 24.09.2015] Pod koniec 2013 r., w konsekwencji wcześniejszej działalności gastronomicznej, jaka rozwinęła się dzięki budowie autostrady A2, generującej duże zapotrzebowanie na posiłki dla pracowników tej inwestycji, w Torzymiu powstała jedna z dynamiczniej rozwijających się rodzinnych firm „Swojska Chata Torzymiaka”. Jest to firma cateringowa, którą można określić jako jednocześnie lokalną 245 �i mobilną. Rodzina, która ją prowadzi działa w branży gastronomicznej od 20 lat. „Swojska Chata Torzymiaka” to minimalistycznie urządzona jadłodajnia znajdująca się przy DK92 w lokalu po zlikwidowanym sklepie, swojego czasu przejętym przez komornika. Firma nastawiona jest na wydawanie posiłków na wynos oraz obsługę stałych klientów – zarówno indywidualnych jak i zbiorowych. Prowadziłem motel, robię imprezy, plenerówki i obiady codziennie do ludzi, ale codziennie inny obiad, to nie jest restauracja! Mamy swoich klientów stałych. Mamy tanie obiady i dobre (…) wcześniej to prawie rok stało puste, a przede mną był tutaj sklep (…) wynajmowałem od komornika, jesteśmy w trakcie wykupu tego, bo komornik pozabierał wszystko (…) Pomysł się zrodził, jak się zaczęła budować autostrada, bo na początku karmiliśmy autostradę. Woziliśmy co dzień ponad 300 obiadów (…) Od Ośrodka Kultury mamy też imprezy plenerowe. Teraz będziemy karmić, bo to 25-lecie praw miejskich Torzymia. Jak oni mają jakieś imprezy to gotujemy dla nich. Teraz dwa plenery, jakieś inne rzeczy, się dogadujemy zawsze… Wszystko – stypy, wesela, urodziny, chrzciny. Najwięcej jest chrzcin i styp, i osiemnastek (…) Jak brałem tą budę, to przez pierwsze miesiące wkładałem swoje pieniądze, a później wystarczało na inwestycje z tych pieniędzy, co są tutaj. Jesteśmy znani w rejonie jako rodzina gotująca. Mam to z siostrą, moja druga siostra gotuje. Szybki rozwój firmy już w 2014 r. pozwolił jej właścicielom na poczynienie kolejnych inwestycji, m.in. organizację sezonowej kantyny w Ośrodku Szkolenia Poligonowego Wojsk Lądowych w położonym około 30 km od Torzymia Wędrzynie. Ośrodek ten przystosowany do ćwiczeń bojowych, m.in. na jego terenie znajdują się strzelnice do prowadzenia strzelań przez pododdziały czołgów i piechoty oraz inne rodzaje wojsk. Ciekawostką poligonu jest wybudowany w latach 70., jeden z największych w Europie, Centralny Ośrodek Zurbanizowany, na którym szkolą się jednostki z całej Polski oraz wojska państw NATO z prowadzenia walki w mieście. Od jutra wchodzimy na Węgrzyn jeszcze. Tam mamy kantynę, ale na zasadzie, że poszczególne pory roku mamy, gdzie są poligony. 1,2 tys. ludzi na poligonie i otwieramy kantynę – wchodzimy na 246 budynek na miesiąc czasu. Oni kończą, ja wyjeżdżam. W listopadzie przyjeżdża znowu 1,2 tys. osób i znowu pojawiam się z jedzeniem, towarem. Budynek, w którym znajduje się „Swojska Chata Torzymiaka” dała jej właścicielom możliwość podjęcia także innej działalności, a mianowicie wynajmu mieszkań: Ja nie jestem typowym motelem, mam takie pokoje, wolę nająć rodzinom. Mam spokój, nie interesują mnie codzienne zmiany pościeli. Na każdym segmencie mam rodzinę. Zrobiłem se czynszówkę. Mam 6 pokoi z kuchniami. Są 2 pokoje, aneks kuchenny i łazienka. Ogólnie na górze jest ponad 300 m. Jest 6 pomieszczeń wydzielonych plus korytarz. To będzie 50-parę metrów. Płaci się typowy czynsz. Nie daję internetu, ale prądu nie płacą. To na jednym liczniku, przecież nie będę ludzi obciążał. Prąd wcale nie jest drogi tutaj, nie ma jakichś tragicznych kosztów. Powodzenie firmy jest efektem kilku czynników. Poza lokalnym popytem na usługi cateringowe, który generuje obecność Obwodu Utrzymania Autostrady oraz cykliczny przepływ pracowników modernizujących okoliczną infrastrukturę drogową oraz zatrudnianych przy realizacji rozmaitych inwestycji budowalnych, jest to z pewnością przyjęcie odpowiedniej strategii marketingowej, a także umiejętność konstruktywnego wykorzystania lokalnych, w tym również rodzinnych, powiązań i uwarunkowań: Nie mam konkurencji. Ja nie mam restauracji, żebym się bał konkurencji! Do mnie przychodzą ludzie tego typu – codziennie zjeść obiady, wziąć obiady do domu. Opłacałoby się panu za 11 zł gotować obiad w domu? Przy 2 osobach się w ogóle nie opłaca. Przy 3-4 już kalkulacja jest taka na plus, ale przy 2 osobach nie ma opcji, żeby pan ugotował za 22 zł (…) Wie pan jak zdobywaliśmy klienta? Na dzień przed otwarciem firmy nakazałem nagotować różnego typu jedzenia, położyć na tacy i pojechałem po firmach. Poznań do mnie dzwoni codziennie, zabezpieczenie autostrady ma połączenie przez Poznań i oni zamawiają. 2010, kwiecień, się zaczęło kręcić. Było dużo, ponad 300 obiadów dziennie. Teraz mieliśmy propozycję karmienia szpitala w Torzymiu, ale zepsulibyśmy sobie markę. Tam jest stawka żywieniowa dziennie 10,50 zł, to są pieniądze, za które można sobie zepsuć opinię, a nie wykarmić 247 �ludzi. Jakieś minimum trzeba dać ludziom, my nie karmimy chałą. Normalnie mięsa kupujemy, mamy masarnie swoje z poznańskiego, lubuskiego. Codziennie porównujemy ceny. Skoro mamy tanie jedzenie muszę kupić tani towar. Mamy swoje babcie, które mają swoje ogródki, dla nas prowadzą. Do szczególnych powiązań lokalnych, które współdecydują o sprawnym funkcjonowaniu „Swojskiej Chaty Torzymiaka” są, wieloletnie z resztą, relacje jej właściciela z najbardziej reprezentatywnym dla miasteczka innym rodzinnym przedsiębiorstwem jakim jest Zajazd „Chrobry”. Byłem przez 12 lat kierownikiem w „Zajeździe”. Wszyscy się znali. Droga nas przyciągła. Robiliśmy zawsze. W czasie budowy autostrady karmiłem pod szyldem Zajazd „Chrobry”. Jakaś współpraca mnie interesuje. Jak mam problemy, to jadę do niego, on ma, to jedzie do mnie. Nie jesteśmy konkurencją dla siebie żadną. Ja mam inny sposób karmienia ludzi, ja mam tanie jedzenie, dla klienta z Torzymia. Teraz przykładowo spodziewam się dużego ruchu. Żeby zabezpieczyć się w masę targową pojechałem do „Chrobrego”, żeby mnie eksponował. Właśnie mam 1000 żołnierzy – dużo napoi, dużo wszystkiego. Dużo pieniędzy bym musiał w towar wsadzić. Wolę przez miesiąc wziąć sobie termin. On ma swoje hurtownie, jadę do niego, dogaduję się na termin i on zarabia i ja zarabiam. Przykładem innej działalności gospodarczej, także prowadzonej od 20 lat, jest największy w Torzymiu skup grzybów. Powodzenie tej działalności jest oczywiście rezultatem bliskości miasteczka względem bogatych w runo leśne terenów. Jej fluktuacje są determinowane nie tylko corocznymi zmiennymi i nigdy do końca przewidywalnymi warunkami atmosferycznymi, lecz także obowiązującymi w Polsce zasadami gospodarowania zasobami leśnymi20. Niemniej profil tej działalności można powiązać z jej komunikacyjnym i przygranicznym usytuowaniem. 20 Przykładowo systematyczna wycinka pewnych fragmentów lasu w celu pozyskania drewna na sprzedaż w dużej mierze wpłynęła na nieopłacalność zbieractwa i następnie skupu jagód leśnych. Ich pozyskiwanie oczywiście nadal się odbywa, ale raczej w niewielkim zakresie, najczęściej indywidualnym. 248 Ja skupuję od 1997 r. Jak się zaczęło? Taki pan, ja chodziłem po drodze i zbierałem grzyby, no i taki pan mnie namawiał do skupywania tych grzybów. Chodził tu za mną, chodził… Ja nie chciałem – żona mnie namówiła i żeśmy spróbowali tych skupywanych grzybów. No, na początku to wiadomo było to takie słabe skupywanie. Co ja tu będę ukrywał – początki były ciężkie. Ja tu przez trzy lata czy cztery… to faktycznie to była zabawa! Chodziłem do lasu zbierałem, sprzedawałem, coś tam zabierali… a później przyszedł taki okres lepszy. Poznałem… ściągnął mnie taki pan, co miał firmę tutaj koło Krosna [Odrzańskiego]. On taki pan, on wywoził te grzyby on z Niemiec, w Niemczech mieszka i on tam mnie ściągnął i tam parę lat do niego woziłem. Tutaj on miał chłodnię i on z chłodni zabierał i woził do Niemiec i on też tam sobie koszyczkował i tak to się zaczęło. No i później, i później tutaj zapoznawałem firmy i woziłem gdzieś dalej. Firma zajmuje się przede wszystkim eksportem grzybów do Niemiec. Innymi słowy produkt lokalny zyskuje na mobilności dzięki przyjętej strategii sprzedażowej: Wszystkie kurki idą na eksport do Niemiec, bo ja wywożę do firmy. Firma ode mnie odbiera i eksportuje grzyby. To idzie na eksport, borowik też idzie do Niemiec na eksport. Jedyny co zostaje na naszym rynku to jest podgrzybek. To jest wszystko na susz, bo z tego nic nie można zrobić, ewentualnie co jeszcze to krajanki mrożą. To odbiera jakiś pan ode mnie, to tylko robię mu przysługę, bo skupuje, bo to rynek krajowy. Ja zajmuję się kurką i borowikiem. Potem to tam do sklepów idzie (…) mają dużo zamówień do Kauflandu, chyba. No i jeszcze tam rozwożą na takie tam różne stoiska, bazary w Niemczech. Skup ten nie jest jedynym funkcjonującym w Torzymiu. W czasie, gdy realizowaliśmy badania, obok niego funkcjonowały co najmniej dwa inne, choć o mniejszym znaczeniu i prowadzone raczej doraźnie. Istotnym jest natomiast, że wszystkie one sezonowo zasilają budżety domowe wielu mieszkańców gminy. Właściwie, to każdy dorabia jak jest tylko wysyp grzyba. Najwięcej korzystają z tego ci co nie mają stałej pracy. Emeryci dorabiają też, renciści… Każdy kto chce i jeśli tylko potrafi zbierać grzyby – dzieci nawet, no młodzież powiedzmy (…) Oni zbierają z tej stro- 249 �ny autostrady i z tamtej. Każdy ma swoje miejsce, każdy gdzieś tam wie, gdzie pójść, gdzie coś znaleźć. Nie trzeba daleko chodzić na grzyby, wystarczy tu na górkę pójść. Jak jest tak zwany wysyp to one są wszędzie, nie? Status lokalnych przedsiębiorstw w Torzymiu, najczęściej jednoosobowych działalności gospodarczych oraz niewielkich firm rodzinnych, zależy nie tylko od uwarunkowań strukturalnych i przestrzennych, lecz także od czynników zupełnie subiektywnych, związanych z życiem osobistym prowadzących ich osób. Uwarunkowania strukturalne odnoszą się do poziomu rozwoju ekonomicznego zarówno ogólnopolskiego, regionalnego jak i lokalnego, struktury sektorowej gospodarki, dynamiki działalności produkcyjnej i usługowej, wielkości i struktury szeroko rozumianego eksportu, struktury sektorowej pracujących oraz struktury zamieszkania ludności (Adamczyk-Łojewska 2003). Biznesy zawsze są uzależnione od polityki gospodarczej oraz socjalnej państwa, i w naszym przypadku należy je rozpatrywać w kontekście przydrożności. Jednakże zanikanie starych, pojawianie się nowych oraz trwanie już od dawana funkcjonujących biznesów nie znajduje się pod jednoznacznym wpływem ani budowy autostrady A2, ani też samej DK92. Uważamy, że to raczej interrelacja między tymi drogami oraz lokalne realizacje „małych modernizacji” decydują dziś o specyficznym profilu działalności gospodarczych w Torzymiu, w tym o procesach ich nieustannego transformowania. Najlepszym przykładem bezpośredniego wpływu „małych modernizacji” na zanikanie miejscowych mikroprzedsiębiorstw są remonty dróg, w tym przede wszystkim drogi wojewódzkiej nr 138 oraz drogi krajowej nr 92. Remont pierwszej z nich jest konsekwencją budowy autostrady A2 wraz z torzymskim węzłem. Zrealizowano go w 2013 r. dzięki dofinansowaniu w ramach Lubuskiego Regionalnego Programu Operacyjnego. Była to inwestycja mająca na celu usprawnienie połączenia tej części województwa lubuskiego z autostradą A2 (Tramaś-Zielińska 2012). W opisie projektu przebudowy DW 138 na odcinku obejmującym Torzym podkreślono, iż dla tego miasta jest to inwestycja, „która leży w szeroko pojętym interesie mieszkańców regionu, przedsiębiorców, turystów, w tym 250 głównie podróżujących, którzy korzystać będą z nowo zbudowanego węzła autostrady A2”21. Niemniej, w skutek samego remontu swoją działalność zakończyła większość niewielkich sklepów zlokalizowanych właśnie przy tej drodze. Ich upadłość zbiegła się też z otwarciem marketu Dino: Tamte sklepy co tam były poupadały, to ze względu na remont drogi, który się ciągnął przez dwa lata, przecież też było głośno w telewizji, tam zamknęły się dwa sklepy. Spożywcze dwa sklepy, odzieżowe, nie? To ze względu na remont drogi, który się przeciągnął dwa lata, bo firma wzięła pieniądze i bankrutowała. Potem kogoś tam szukali odpowiedzialnego. Zanim znaleźli, zanim tego… to upadły. [Mieszkanka Torzymia] Z drugiej strony jeden z naszych rozmówców twierdził: Nie słuchajcie tych zwykłych ludzi! Oni głupoty gadają, ci kurwa, co nic nie robią i tylko narzekają na wszystko. Jak były drogi do dupy, to narzekali. Jak się teraz robi, też narzekają. No i kiedyś to trzeba było zrobić. Tutaj z 500 metrów od tej krzyżówki do autostrady był remont. Trwał gdzieś ponad pół roku, prawie rok, pół kilometra. Narzekali, a teraz droga elegancko zrobiona. Nie ma co, bardzo dobrze, że robią. Ci narzekają, co przedtem mówili – dziury, chaty im się trzęsły, lokale im pękały. Rozumiesz, ci narzekają teraz, że są utrudnienia. I oni zawsze będą narzekać. I później też będą narzekać, bo oni zawsze będą narzekać. A robią też korzyść dla nas. [Przedsiębiorca z Torzymia] W oczach mieszkańców Torzymia, zwłaszcza drobnych przedsiębiorców, podobne konsekwencje miała modernizacja DK92 realizowana w latach 2014-2015. I tak właścicielka niewielkiego lumpeksu zlokalizowanego przy tej drodze, w pobliżu Urzędu Gminy, twierdziła, że: 21 Przebudowa drogi woj. nr 138 (relacji od drogi krajowej nr 29 do m. Debrznica) stano‑ wiącej dojazd do węzła autostrady A2 w m. Torzym, www.zdw.zgora.pl/PL/28/264/ Przebudowa_drogi_woj__nr_138__relacji_od_drogi_krajowej_nr_29_do_m__Debrznica__-_stanowiacej_dojazd_do_wezla_autostrady_A-2_w_m__Torzym/k/ (data dostępu 20.05.2017) oraz www.lubuskie.pl/uploads/pliki/Biuro_prasowe/Prezentacja_podpisanie%20decyzji%20z%20dzia%C5%82ania%201%201.pdf (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 251 �Interes idzie tak sobie. Jestem w stanie go utrzymać, ale zazwyczaj wychodzę na zero lub delikatnie ponad zero. Ten biznes jest niestabilny – raz idzie, a raz nie i nie potrafię stwierdzić czym jest to powodowane. Na pewno remont 92 dał się we znaki, podobnie jak pozostałym sklepom tutaj w tym miejscu, ponieważ Eurovia nie zrobiła nam wjazdu. Wszystkie odnotowałyśmy znaczący spadek obrotów. Nieraz mi mówiły koleżanki, że „ja bym do ciebie przyjechała, ale jak pomyślę, że ja mam tam jechać...” Panie prowadzące w tym miejscu biznesy ponoć próbowały wywalczyć zjazd, chodziły do Urzędu Gminy, ale bez skutku. Trzepie mnie, jak pomyślę o tym, że będzie znowu remont ze względu na konieczność położenia nawierzchni raz jeszcze. O wpływie remontu na obroty opowiadała również właścicielka jednego z jeszcze działających się w Torzymiu sklepików wielobranżowych. Sklep zlokalizowany jest w newralgicznym miejscu – na skrzyżowaniu DW 138 z DK92, naprzeciwko Zajazdu „Chrobry”. Remont starej dwójki znacząco utrudniał możliwość parkowania przed sklepem, eliminując tym samym zmotoryzowanych klientów. Z tego co wiem to tu przerobią drogę tutaj i stracę na tym, bo nie będę miała przejazdu, tylko będzie parking na 4 samochody. Nawet już tak miejscowi nie będą tak zajeżdżać, bo po prostu wiadomo jak każdy dzisiaj, jakie jest tempo życia – wszyscy się spieszą, gdzie nie wiadomo dokąd, więc jeżeli on wjedzie i będzie musiał cofnąć i później stać na skrzyżowaniu, czy ogólnie na rondzie to już… już nie mam klientów samochodowych, bo oni sobie najzwyczajniej w świecie pojadą gdzie indziej, nie? [Właścicielka sklepu wielobranżowego w Torzymiu] Powodzenie tego niewielkiego przedsiębiorstwa należy rozpatrywać w kontekście jego lokalizacji, ponieważ to ona zapewnia mu klientów, spośród których większość to przepływający DK92 pasażerowie emigranckich busów. Z pewnością miejsce to zaspokaja potrzeby zarówno miejscowych jak i przejeżdżających. Sklep oferuje nie tylko artykuły spożywcze, prasę, wyroby tytoniowe czy alkohol, ale także chemię, karmy dla zwierząt i drobne przedmioty, tak jak gumki do włosów, rajstopy, biżuteria czy akcesoria wędkarskie. 252 No, jeden sklep jest jedynie koło „Chrobrego”, tam na tej dużej krzyżówce. Tam może trochę więcej ludzi przychodzi. Utrzymuje się dlatego, że busy i do sklepiku. [Mieszkaniec Torzymia] Proces wycofywania się z rynku lokalnych sklepów, zwłaszcza spożywczych, postępował systematycznie od roku 2013 i należy go wiązać z pojawieniem się w Torzymiu popularnych w całym kraju dyskontów, takich jak Dino oraz Biedronka: W 2013 r. zaczęło się budować się Dino. Przed Dino prosperowały wszystkie sklepy, tzn. tam ABC na górze, tutaj gdzie teraz jest biuro Eurovii też był sklep. Tutaj, niżej trzy sklepy były. Ta Chata Polska była, Pestka i taki jeszcze spożywczy tu, 200 metrów stąd. No i ten, wszystko pięknie prosperowało. Powstało Dino, przez 3 miesiące, w czerwcu otworzyli, no i pierwszy kto był? To była pani Maria, już zamknęła, bo ludzie po prostu zaczęli… i tak powoli, powoli. No, chyba najdłużej, do sierpnia wytrzymał ten, ten… No, także wszystko, wszystko… No Biedronka to już chyba, Biedronka to tylko, już chyba nie tego, bo już pozamykali wszyscy się. Przed Biedronką zamknęli się wszyscy. [Właściciel jednego z moteli w Torzymiu] Niemniej z perspektywy rynku pracy dyskonty te zapewniają zatrudnienie większej liczbie mieszkańców: Te duże sklepy przyczyniły się do upadku tych mniejszych, ale powiem szczerze… te sklepy mniejsze opierały się na interesach rodzinnych, sporadycznie kogoś tam zatrudniono. Jak w Torzymiu była raz ta Pestka, no to Pestka była zatrudniała trochę więcej. Później był tutaj jeden sklep, tutaj drugi. Gdzie tu jeszcze jakieś były, co upadły? Tam dwa upadły spożywcze, to cztery. No to w sumie po ile w tych sklepach pracowało? Po 3 osoby? W Dino pracuje 21 osób, czy 22, to ogólnie, globalnie biorąc, no to mi się wydaje, że Dino zatrudnia więcej ludzi. Biedronka też na pewno ze dwadzieścia parę osób. 40 osób zatrudnionych! A te sklepiki co prowadziły małą działalność, no nie? Zatrudniały tyle po 3 osoby, no w każdym sklepie było po 3 osoby, no 4, czy 5 sklepów upadło to jest 15 osób, a często się odbywało, że wszyscy z rodziny, tata czy tam brat, czy siostra, czy jakieś kuzynka… [Mieszkaniec Torzymia] 253 �Do najbardziej charakterystycznych przedsiębiorstw dla przydrożnego i tranzytowego Torzymia należą te, które działają w branży hotelarsko-gastronomicznej. Są to przedsiębiorstwa, których biografie sięgają pierwszych lat po transformacji ustrojowej, i które przeszły do lat obecnych wiele przemian, będących wyrazem umiejętności dostosowywania się do zewnętrznych warunków gospodarczych i infrastrukturalnych (ogólnokrajowych oraz globalnych), dynamicznie przekształcającego się kontekstu lokalnego oraz nieprzewidywalnych sytuacji i wydarzeń, jakie niesie ze sobą codzienne życie osobiste. Torzym wraz z jego motelami, hotelami i pensjonatami wyróżnia się na tle innych miejscowości, które obserwowaliśmy w trakcie prowadzonych przez nas badań. Funkcjonowanie tych lokalnych, mniej lub bardziej prężnych biznesów, możliwe jest naszym zdaniem dzięki geopolitycznemu usytuowaniu Torzymia – blisko granicy polsko-niemieckiej w miejscu, w którym jadąc zwłaszcza z kierunku wschodniego po prostu wypada się zatrzymać. Ta znakomita, z punktu widzenia omawianej branży, lokalizacja została wzmocniona budową autostrady A2 wraz ze zjazdem usytuowanym około 1 kilometra od centrum miasteczka. No jest to połowa drogi z Rosji czy tam z Białorusi, ze wschodu aż po Anglię. I to jest właściwie Torzym. A tam jest drożej, nie? W Niemczech właściwie nie ma hoteli przy autostradzie, nie? A tutaj zawsze można zjechać. [Właściciel jednego z moteli w Torzymiu] Od blisko 20 lat w torzymski krajobraz wpisuje się Zajazd „Chrobry” – przydrożny kompleks zlokalizowany na skrzyżowaniu DK92 i DW 138 dziś prowadzącej do węzła autostradowego. Na Zajazd składa się motel, restauracja, bar, kantor, sklep monopolowy oraz parking. Jego szczególność spoczywa w jego niepowtarzalnej zamkowej stylistyce. Estetyka obiektów tworzących kompleks jest trudna do opisania i co najwyżej można ją podsumować jako „historyzującą”, napęczniałą i obfitą w detal. Wszystkie zabudowania są wzniesione z pustaków i gazobetonu. Całość obłożona została kamieniem (od zwykłych kamieni po piaskowiec), drewnem, korkiem oraz różnie potraktowanym tynkiem. Innymi słowy, jest to swoistego rodzaju zamczysko ozdobione miniaturowymi wieżyczkami, 254 okienkami, balkonikami, w restauracji zaś głowami martwych zwierząt, wypchanymi ptakami, świstakami z toporami, przeszkleniami, lustrami oraz ciężkimi stołami i ławami. Także motelowe pokoje mają swój charakter, a ich styl jest konsekwencją tego zewnętrznego, wobec czego zajazdowe pokoje są komnatami. Ich ściany najczęściej są wytapetowane, lampy to mosiężne kinkiety, łoża często okazują się zbite z różnych fragmentów mebli, na podłogach znajdują się kafelki – różne, od glazury po gres stylizowany na kamień, leżą na nich tureckie dywany. Dolne części ścian to otynkowane kompozycje, górne zdobią reprodukcje, często o tematyce historycznej. Skąd pomysł na Chrobrego? Troszkę chciałem podkreślić polskość, że Chrobry tutaj był, bo powiem, że jestem trochę takim patriotą. Jak w tych latach 90. wszyscy, wszyscy… imbiss, pub… w ogóle polskich nazw nie było. I każdy jeden, te imbissy… Ja do imbissu nigdy nie zajechałem, nie? Mamy swoje polskie nazwy – bary, restauracje, gospody, zajazdy! A nie jakieś tam robić jaja. W latach 90., to chyba co drugi był imbiss. A ja może tak na przekór zrobiłem, żeby podkreślić, że to jest zajazd, Polska, Chrobry. Chrobry aż pod Łabę doszedł. No, może takie trochę chciałem… patriotyzm, no! I m.in. dla ojca swojego, który zawsze mówił, że Niemcy tu przyjdą, bo to niemieckie ziemie. Ja mówię: „Tato, jak niemieckie, jak polskie, ty historii nie znasz. Tu był Chrobry”. Historia Zajazdu „Chrobry” jest przykładem biznesu wpisującego się w krajobraz potransformacyjnego kapitalizmu w Polsce. Wprowadzenie wolnorynkowego systemu gospodarczego niemalże natychmiast zaowocowało spektakularnym rozwojem, wręcz eksplozją przedsiębiorczości, co przejawiało się m.in. w dużej liczbie nowo tworzonych mikroprzedsiębiorstw. Choć sam Zajazd zaczął funkcjonować w Torzymiu dopiero w połowie lat 90., to jego genezy można poszukiwać wcześniej, w latach 80., kiedy to jego założyciel podejmował się pierwszych działań biznesowych: W 1994 otworzyłem. Tu była Spółdzielnia Kółek Rolniczych i tutaj była wulkanizacja, takie kiedyś ciągniki robili, takie usługi. I ja to kupiłem i to zmieniłem. Zrobiłem zmianę sposobu użytkowania i to jest właściwie przebudowane wszystko. No i dobudowane – cały czas coś dobudowuje, na okrągło przez te 20 lat. Skąd się wziął 255 �pomysł? Kiedyś do Berlina jeździłem w latach 80., przed otwarciem granicy jeszcze. I taki pomysł się narodził w Niemczech właściwie. Głupio się zaczęło, przypadek. Przyczepa gastronomiczna była tam i tam z kolegą chcieliśmy tę przyczepę kupić i wpadł na pomysł, bo przyczepa była bardzo tania. I co zrobimy w tej przyczepie? No, otworzymy gastronomię. No, w końcu żeśmy tej przyczepy nie kupili, ale gastronomię żeśmy otworzyli. Na Świecku żeśmy otworzyli. My żeśmy otworzyli w 89., zaraz po Okrągłym Stole, jak można było, ja wiem, może miesiąc dwa po Okrągłym Stole żeśmy otworzyli. Dosłownie! Jak można było tylko otwierać. No i wszyscy jechali wtedy na ten zachód, to my byliśmy przy granicy na Świecku, to tam żeśmy sprzedawali tego tonami. Pierwsi byliśmy na trasie, no i całą dobę czynny był. To były najlepsze czasy. Pieniądze się zarabiało – bardzo dużo. To był złoty interes. No i inwestowałem, nie? Ale tam nigdy nie składałem pieniędzy na książeczkę, nawet nie mam konta. Ciągle inwestuję, także… Ja nie mam nawet karty kredytowej, tylko gotówka wchodzi w grę. Tylko gotówka. Nie mam żadnych oszczędności, cały czas wydaje, buduję, coś robię. Mnie się pieniądze nie trzymają, ja nigdy nie miałem oszczędności. Ja nie umiem oszczędzać, może tak bym powiedział. Kupuję, robię coś, wydaję, inwestuję. Lubię inwestować, o tak bym powiedział. Mam jeszcze hotel w Sulęcinie, mam tu pałac w Garbiczu, mam masarnię w Krośnie. O takie! Duża firma! Duża firma, moim zdaniem duża. Syn prowadzi masarnię w Krośnie. Żona prowadzi hotel w Sulęcinie i ja tutaj prowadzę. Przedsiębiorstwo jest zarządzane tak, by efektywnie odpowiadać na tranzytowy i przygraniczny charakter Torzymia, zwłaszcza zaś na zmieniający się wciąż profil przepływających przez Zajazd „Chrobry” ludzi. Dawniej byli to biznesmeni podróżujący w interesach na zachód, niemieccy turyści, wycieczki autokarowe. Dziś są to przede wszystkim emigranci zarobkowi, niewielkie wycieczki traktujące zajazdowy motel jako bazę wypadową do Berlina, klienci lokalni, organizujący w restauracji uroczystości rodzinne czy firmy nastawione na imprezy integracyjne. Odpowiedzią na te zmiany są nowe pozycje w menu, np. wprowadzenie do menu bardziej wykwintnych polędwiczek z kurkami, steku wołowego, czy nie do końca pasującego do reszty dań spaghetti, przeznaczonego 256 dla zatrzymujących się w Zajeździe szkolnych wycieczek. To także wygospodarowanie specjalnego pomieszczenia w restauracji dla dzieci, dzięki czemu zyskuje ona klientów weekendowych w postaci miejscowych rodzin. Było to także poszerzenie oferty całego kompleksu o całodobowy sklep monopolowy, kantor wymiany walut, smażalnię kurczaków czy bar z fast-foodowymi daniami, takimi jak zapiekanki czy pizza. W Torzymiu nie ma miejsc, do których można byłoby się udać w niedzielę na lody. Zaczęli przychodzić do Zajazdu. Ponadto w Zajeździe organizowane są komunie. W tym roku na raz odbywały się trzy. Dwie na dole i jedna na górze. [Menedżerka restauracji w Zajeździe Chrobry] W samej restauracji funkcjonują cztery zmiany. W czasie jednej pracuje 4-5 kelnerek (w tym jedna z nich zajmuje się barem), kierowniczka zmiany oraz dwóch ochroniarzy. W kuchni pracują: szefowa kuchni, która zajmuje się przygotowywaniem większości potraw (robi zupy, przygotowuje mięsa, przyprawia etc.), pani patelniowa, która smaży, pani surówkowa, która zajmuje się nakładaniem surówek i robi sałatki, pani okienkowa, która wydaje gotowe jedzenie, pomoc kuchenna (pomaga przy wszystkim) oraz pani na zmywaku. W czasie imprez zorganizowanych zatrudniane są dodatkowe kucharki i kelnerki, i są to zazwyczaj licealistki bądź studentki. Dodatkowo w restauracji zatrudniony jest mężczyzna, który od 9 lat codziennie zajmuje się przygotowywaniem potraw mącznych – robi pierogi, makaron, kopytka, kluski śląskie. Tygodniowo produkuje około 300 kilogramów tych produktów. Pracownik ten dodatkowo produkuje pierogi sprzedawane później w zajazdowym sklepie w Sulęcinie, a także w okresie bożonarodzeniowym na specjalne zamówienie wracających do domów emigrantów zarobkowych. Większość półproduktów, z których komponowane są potrawy serwowane w Zajeździe są pozyskiwane lokalnie: Zupy i w ogóle wszystko robione jest z produktów własnej produkcji – mięso, warzywa, zioła, ryby… Grzyby kupowane są w miejscowych skupach, szczaw zbierany jest na okolicznych łąkach – tym 257 �szczawiem dorabiają sobie kucharki, które zbierają go i potem wekują. Szczawiową wszyscy się zajadają, nigdzie przy 92 nie da się zjeść zupy szczawiowej, zwłaszcza z takiego szczawiu, z pokrojonego, a nie zmielonego, który można kupić w zamrożonej formie. Nad smakiem potraw czuwa szef, który zawsze mówi, że wszystko ma smakować, tak żeby jemu smakowało. Szef uwielbia gotować i mimo iż może stołować się w swojej restauracji, to gotuje także w domu. Jest bardzo wyczulony na tym punkcie – ma być tak jak zawsze, potrawy o innych, przekombinowanych smakach nie przejdą. Nie przyprawia się ich jakimiś wymysłami, podstawą jest sól i pieprz, nie używa się żadnych rosołków czy warzywek. [Menedżerka restauracji w Zajeździe „Chrobry”] Zajazd czynny jest 24 h („ja nawet klucza nie mam do Zajazdu, nie ma go”), także w czasie świąt religijnych oraz narodowych. Wówczas Zajazdem zajmują się pracownicy-ochotnicy. Przepływ klientów jest mniejszy i zmienia się ich profil, np. w czasie pasterki do Zajazdu przychodzi młodzież, studenci, którzy „chcą ze sobą pobyć”. Kelnerki twierdzą, że w dniu tym na skrzyżowaniu DK92 i DW 138 ludzie się rozdzielają – część udaje się do kościoła, a część idzie do Zajazdu. W pozostałe święta w Zajeździe zjawiają się głównie rodziny, w tym także niemieckie. „W ogóle Niemcy, to w większości stali klienci, którzy uwielbiają Zajazd – są zachwyceni wystrojem, mięsem, no i oczywiście cenami. Taka rodzina jest w stanie się najeść za 50 euro. Ci klienci siedzą w Zajeździe dłużej z 2-3 godziny.” Konsekwencje budowy autostrady A2 oraz węzła w Torzymiu są przez prowadzących to przedsiębiorstwo rozpatrywane pozytywnie. Sam proces budowy zasilał jego budżet dodatkowymi klientami w postaci pracowników firm budowlanych, którzy nocowali w motelu i korzystali z oferty cateringowej restauracji. Perspektywa zaś budowy parku rozrywki w Kownatach, położonych 4 km od Zajazdu „Chrobry” oraz pojawienia się nowych, zagranicznych klientów generują plany dalszej rozbudowy i zmian. I tak planowany jest choćby zakup kolejnego budynku i przeznaczenie go na hotel: 258 Powinno się też pójść w kierunku klientów, którzy zatrzymują się tu na dłużej, bo często mają pretensje, że warunki są takie, a nie inne. Tymczasem jest to zajazd, miejsce przeznaczone do tego żeby zjeść, wymyć się, przespać i pojechać dalej – stąd nie ma lodówek, czajników, biurek, szaf. [Menedżerka restauracji w Zajeździe „Chrobry”] Motelem, którego początki także sięgają lat potransformacyjnych jest Motel „U Sosny”. Przedsiębiorstwo to, podobnie jak Zajazd „Chrobry” jest biznesem rodzinnym. Przez ostatnie lata borykało się z licznymi problemami, by w końcu dzięki wymianie pokoleniowej oraz przyjęciu nowoczesnej strategii marketingowej, podnieść się ze stanu niemal upadłości. „U Sosny” mieści się około pół kilometra od DK92, przy ulicy Krośnieńskiej, w lesie, blisko Jeziora Ilno, właściwie już prawie na obrzeżach Torzymia. Na stronie internetowej tego lokalu można przeczytać: „Motel położony jest w otulinie lasów sosnowo-swierkowych nad rozlewiskiem bobrowym, przy trasie A2 w miejscowości Torzym, 30 km od przejścia granicznego w Świecku. Dogodna lokalizacja, łatwy dojazd z autostrady A2 i drogi E92 dają możliwość szybkiej komunikacji w celach rekreacyjno-turystycznych i biznesowych. Dbamy o satysfakcję gości zgodnie z dewizą najwyższa jakość za optymalną cenę. U nas się wyśpisz!!! Spokojne otoczenie, czyste sanatoryjne powietrze, czysta woda, śpiew ptaków, ograniczony ruch gwarantuje spokojny, głęboki SEN”22. Nowa strategia, to przede wszystkim przeprowadzenie remontu w motelu i podwyższenie jego standardu, który odpowiada oczekiwaniom klientów, zarówno polskim, jak i zagranicznym. Standard jest bliski hotelowemu, o czym świadczą bardzo dobre opinie wystawiane motelowi na licznych portalach turystycznych. Klienci prócz komentarzy dotyczących stosunku ceny do jakości motelu 22 Podobna informacja dostępna jest również w języku niemieckim, angielskim oraz rosyjskim, np. „Motel ‘u Sosny’ it is located next to the highway A2 in the small beautiful town called Torzym, 30 km far away from the Polish-German border Świecko. A convenient location and nice surroundings gives a lot possibilities for the good rest before further way to explore Poland. We organize banquettes, weddings, reception for groups about 80 people. We offer you monitored parking lot, Internet hot-spot – free of charge”. Zob. www.usosny.republika.pl/index.html (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 259 �czy wielojęzyczności obsługi, często poruszają kwestię jego dogodnej lokalizacji: Motel u Sosny w Torzymiu to świetna baza wypadowa na jednodniowe dniowe podróże do Poczdamu, Berlina, a także na tzw. Ostwall czyli zespół fortyfikacji wojskowuych zbudowanych przez Hitlera tuż przed wybuchem II wojny światowej, które znajdują się obecnie po polskiej stronie granicy... [Opinia polskiego klienta na booking.com] Blisko 92. Doskonałe miejsce na nocleg podczas wyprawy do Niemiec. [Opinia polskiego klienta na booking.com] Bardzo dobra lokalizacja motelu – niedaleko autostrady na trasie do Niemiec. [Opinia polskiego klienta na booking.com] Firma zaczęła być obecna na portalach turystycznych, takich jak Booking.com, Trivago, Tripadvisor, Eturysta, Holidaycheck, E-turysta, ViaMichelin, Resporti w roku 2013, co także należy uznać za element nowej strategii. Motel obsługuje przede wszystkim klientów zbiorowych, a także nastawiony jest na organizację imprez czy to rodzinnych czy firmowych. W odróżnieniu od wielu innych naszych rozmówców, w tym także działających w branży hotelarskiej23, prowadzący Motel „U Sosny” kładą nacisk na reklamę i działania marketingowe. Torzym jest miejscowością, w której masowo nocują wycieczki zza wschodniej granicy, zwłaszcza z Mińska i Moskwy, to ostatnia taka miejscowość przed granicą... wiadomo ceny. Jesteśmy proaktywni – dziś trzeba się starać, trzeba jeździć po targach (np. do Berlina) i się pokazywać. [Obecny współwłaściciel Motelu „U Sosny”] Dajemy sobie radę, bo dostosowujemy się do zmian – zmienia się klient, zmieniają się oczekiwania. Remontujemy się. Kiedyś „U Sosny” było cało w drewnie – już śmierdziało, nie dało się w tym mieszkać. My i mąż starej daty, więc tak to wyglądało. Przyszli mło23 Wielokrotnie spotkaliśmy się z opinią lokalnych przedsiębiorców, nie tylko z Torzymia, że nie potrzebują reklamy, ponieważ najskuteczniejsza bywa tzw. poczta pantoflowa: „Poczta pantoflowa i to jest najlepsze. Ja stoję 20 lat, już mnie znają” [właściciel jednego z moteli w Torzymiu]. 260 dzi, przywieźli kapitał z zagranicy, to zmieniają. Trzeba cały czas dbać, cały czas pracować. Dzisiaj np. „U Sosny” odbywa się impreza na 50 osób. [Małżonka założyciela Motelu „U Sosny”] Z problemami wygenerowanymi m.in. budową autostrady A2 boryka się Hotel i Restauracja „Paradise” mieszczący się przy DK92 przy wjeździe do Torzymia od strony Świebodzina. Firma powstała w 1993 r. i obecnie jest spółką cywilną tworzoną przez trzech wspólników. „Paradise” pod względem architektonicznym, wystroju wnętrz oraz oferty gastronomicznej nie wyróżnia się niczym szczególnym. To typowy przydrożny hotel i restauracja o estetyce, która mimo przedsiębranych remontów i zmian nadal przywołuje wczesne lata 90. Proces transformacji hotelu to zmiany zachodzące w jego ofercie i jest wyrazem prób adaptacji działalności do potrzeb potencjalnych, dziś nie do końca zdefiniowanych, klientów (np. dostęp do Wi-Fi, kort tenisowy, boisko do siatkówki, grill, oczko wodne z fontanną). Hotel reklamuje się poprzez stronę internetową i portale turystyczne. Dystrybuuje również ulotki reklamowe oraz prezentuje się na przydrożnych banerach i bilbordach, których obecność odnotowaliśmy zarówno przy DK92 jak i np. w Sulęcinie. Obecnie nastawia się na każdego klienta i trudno mówić o jego specjalizacji bowiem obsługuje zarówno imprezy rodzinne (wesela, śluby cywilne, jubileusze, chrzciny, komunie, wieczory kawalerskie i panieńskie), szkolne (studniówki, zjazdy klasowe), wycieczki (zwłaszcza te, które traktują Torzym jako miejsce wypadowe do Brandenburgii czyli zwiedzające Tropical Island oraz Berlin), jak i konferencje, spotkania biznesowe, integracyjne oraz inne imprezy firmowe (od imprez bankierów po spotkania kółek myśliwskich). W ciągu ostatnich czterech lat hotel stał się przyjazny także dla zwierząt. Ponadto w hotelu nierzadko odbywają się spotkania handlowo-targowe w rodzaju sprzedaży pościeli czy garnków za nierynkowe ceny. Od kilku lat, zwłaszcza od końca 2011 r., kiedy oddano do użytku nowy odcinek autostrady „stacza się po równi pochyłej – z roku na rok spadają obroty, właściwie hotel utrzymuje się na styk”. Spółki nie stać na kredyty, jeszcze się utrzymuje, ale nie jest w stanie inwestować. Ostatnie, sprzed kilku lat jakieś innowacje w stylu 261 �kort tenisowy, stawek, grill nawet, zostały sfinansowane z grantów. Klientów jest coraz mniej – A2 wykosiła całkowicie klientów indywidulnych oraz niemal całkowicie wycieczki. Hotel był nastawiony na obsługę przede wszystkim wycieczek, ale także turystów indywidualnych i to głównie ze wschodu. Od kilku lat ich prawie nie ma, a odkąd trwa wojna na Ukrainie zdarzają się jeszcze rzadziej, dodatkowo jeśli jakieś autobusy z Rosji czy Ukrainy się w „Paradise” zatrzymują, to klienci nie zostawiają pieniędzy. My wręcz dokładamy do tych autobusów, bo to zniżki dla kierowców, pilotów wycieczek, a turyści nie zamawiają jedzenia – ewentualnie coś do picia i zupę. Niemal wcale się już nie zdarza, żeby cała wycieczka coś jadała w restauracji. Najczęściej z jednego autobusu zapełnią 1-2 stoliki. Busy się nie zatrzymują w „Paradise” – jadą do Zajazdu. [Menedżer Hotelu „Paradise”] Zarządzający hotelem za najpoważniejszy problem uznają nowopowstające inwestycje Portu 2000 przy zjeździe z A2 do Torzymia, a także park rozrywki w pobliskich Kownatach. Są to te inwestycje, które należy rozpatrywać jako bezpośrednią konsekwencję budowy autostrady wraz z torzymskim węzłem, tak skutecznie wywalczonym przez kooperujących ze sobą miejscowy samorząd oraz lokalnych przedsiębiorców. To nam odbierze „Paradise” resztę klientów. Z drugiej strony to może z trudem się utrzymać. Budynek jest olbrzymi, infrastruktura łącznie z parkingiem, restauracją, sklepem będzie wymagała zatrudnienia około 100 osób. Teren jest potężny – podatki, utrzymanie… Oni budują ten MOP wyłącznie pod inwestycję w Kownatach, choć ja nie wierzę w ogóle, aby to powstało. Łopata nie została wbita, za to to się ciągnie latami. Ta inwestycja jest ściemą – ktoś kupił ziemię i z samych dopłat ma 1,5 mln i albo będzie trzymać, albo za jakiś czas odsprzeda. Ale chyba tylko powstanie tego parku mogłoby Torzym uratować, bez niego wszystko padnie i usługi hotelarskie i gastronomiczne, a miasteczko będzie jedynie miejscem tranzytu towarowego. Zostanie droga, urząd gminy, Biedronka i szkoła, która i tak w końcu padnie ze względu na niż demograficzny. Tylko że moda na tego typu parki w Europie już minęła, nie wierzę w to, żeby ludzie z Berlina, Poznania, Wrocła- 262 wia tu przyjeżdżali do Kownat. Nie oszukujmy się jest to wielce ryzykowna inwestycja. [Menedżer Hotelu „Paradise”] Choć przez wiele lat powodzenie działalności tego hotelu spoczywało na jego przydrożności, to dziś jego lokalizacja współdecyduje o jej kryzysie: „Paradise” to fatalne położenie – A2 które odebrało dotychczasowych klientów oraz 92, która pozostałych odstrasza. Jest hałas. Jeśli ktoś się decyduje wrócić, to za drugim razem chce pokoje od strony pól, nie od 92. Nie pomagają żadne strategie marketingowe. Wesel jest coraz mniej, bo pojawia się coraz więcej domów weselnych, które specjalizują się wyłącznie w tego typu imprezach i praktycznie nie mają żadnych kosztów. No i nie są to lokale działające non-stop. Widać, że moda na imprezy integracyjne, firmowe przeminęła, szkoleń jest coraz mniej. Są inne oczekiwania czyli imprezy, które oferują coś więcej niż nocleg, żarcie i picie, bo ile można siedzieć i się upijać? Firmy mają na to coraz mniej pieniędzy, poza tym teren w okolicach „Paradise” nie jest atrakcyjny. Nic tu nie ma, a ludzie nie będą się podniecać lasami, w których i tak nie ma ścieżek, ani żadnych atrakcji. Nie ma co tu robić – nie ma klubów, barów, sklepów. Nie ma nic, co mogłoby tu przyciągać. [Menedżer Hotelu „Paradise”] Przytaczany przez nas powyżej menedżer Hotelu „Paradise” w znakomity sposób dokonał diagnozy obecnej sytuacji, w której znajdują się lokalne biznesy. W dużej mierze się z nią zgadzamy. Otóż przede wszystkim należy wziąć pod uwagę, iż badane przez nas przydroże krajobrazy ekonomiczne to nie tylko kwestia obecnej interrelacji infrastruktur drogowych – autostrady A2 oraz DK92, lecz także efekt wpływu nie dających się przewidzieć wydarzeń i sytuacji politycznych i gospodarczych o zasięgu makroregionalnym oraz globalnym. Niczego nie da się dzisiaj przewidzieć ze względu na to, że po pierwsze wszystko się ze sobą łączy. Ot, wojna na Ukrainie wykosiła resztę klientów z Rosji i Ukrainy. Ludzi nie stać na wycieczki, ludzie niechętnie wydają pieniądze, bo jest za drogo. Media przyczyniły się do tego, że wschodni klienci są przekonani o tym, że są niemile widziani w Polsce. Weźmy przypadek restauracji w Sopocie 263 �rozdmuchany w Rosji24. I teraz nieraz zdarza się, że zatrzymujące się wycieczki z rosyjskimi turystami pytają się, czy „Paradise” ich w ogóle obsłuży. Inny przykład to zmiany we wschodnich Niemczech – odpływ ludzi, wyludnienie miast. Zostali sami emeryci i teraz brak klientów, którzy dotychczas masowo korzystali z polskich klubów nocnych i burdeli. Zmienił się system wartości. To się nazywa zachodniocentryzm, który powoduje zamiany w stylu żywieniowym turystów, którzy wolą McDonald’sa czy hot-dogi na stacjach benzynowych. Dziś inwestycje bardzo często są spekulacjami i nie mają realnego wpływu na to, co dzieje się lokalnie. Wszystko płynie, wszystko jest od siebie zależne i lokalnie nie ma się na nic wpływu. Kiedyś było lepiej, ludzie mieli wolny czas. To wyobrażenie na temat dobrobytu, kapitalizmu było błędne. O, np. taka znajoma, która postanowiła rzucić pracę i została putzfrau w Niemczech. W tej chwili nadal myje kible, ma dom, ma samochód oraz męża, którego widzi raz, dwa razy w roku i mówi, że zmarnowała swoje życie, bo jej pieniądze nic nie dały. Sieroctwo emigracyjne… dzieci boją się własnych rodziców, bo od lat wychowywane są przez dziadków. Turystyka, która nie ma sensu, bo wszędzie jest to samo – te same atrakcje, te same sklepy, to samo jedzenie, identyczne zwiedzanie w biegu i tak samo wyglądające hotele. Także wydaje się, że przydrożne hotelarstwo i gastronomia, nie tylko przy 92, są skazane na śmierć i to nie jest kwestia autostrady, tylko upadku drogowego transportu pasażerskiego, spowodowanego tanimi liniami lotniczymi. Komu się chce teraz tłuc po 8 godzin, kiedy może dostać się do jakiegoś miejsca w godzinę czy półtorej?! [Menadżer Hotelu „Paradise”] Około jednego kilometra od zjazdu z autostrady A2 do Torzymia znajduje się wiadukt wzniesiony nad przepływającą pod spodem rzeką Ilanka, a kilkanaście metrów na północ od niego zlokalizowana jest jeszcze jedna lokalna inicjatywa biznesowa, a mianowicie gospodarstwo rolno-rybackie. Jest to nie tylko kolejny przykład dobrze funkcjonującej rodzinnej firmy, ale i przedsiębiorstwa, którego 24 Chodzi o sytuację, do jakiej doszło w sierpniu 2014 r. w Sopocie, w którym właściciel jednej z restauracji wywiesił na drzwiach wejściowych kartkę z informacją „Nie obsługujemy Rosjan”, twierdząc, że to forma protestu przeciwko działaniom Rosji na Ukrainie. Zob. www.trojmiasto.pl/wiadomosci/W-sopockiej-restauracjinie-obsluguja-Rosjan-n83113.html#tri (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 264 krótka biografia w znakomity sposób ilustruje sposoby radzenia sobie z biurokracją Unii Europejskiej oraz takich instytucji jak Generalna Dyrekcja Dróg Krajowych i Autostrad czy Państwowe Gospodarstwo Leśne. Łowisko składa się z trzech stawów oraz infrastruktury zapewniającej pełny komfort wędkarzom – zadaszone miejsce na ognisko, altany, mały domek, ławki, pomościki, a nawet ekologiczny basen. Teren tego gospodarstwa obejmuje 18 ha i został zakupiony przez jego obecnych właścicieli w 2004 r. w momencie, kiedy zaczęły zmieniać się przepisy i regulacje prawne w związku z wejściem Polski do Unii Europejskiej. Spowodowało to, że proces tworzenia firmy trwał przez dwa lata, aż do 2006 r. Nie tylko nowe przepisy, których wówczas w Polsce nie potrafiono efektywnie wdrażać, oznaczały komplikacje, ale także fakt, że teren łowiska został objęty programem Natury 2000. Nie bez znaczenia pozostawała także bliskość do pasa drogowego, wymuszająca na tych przedsiębiorcach wchodzenie w zbiurokratyzowane relacje z nadleśnictwem, ochroną środowiska, GDDKiA oraz gminą. Właściciele gospodarstwa kupując teren nie byli świadomi, że obok niego ma przebiegać autostrada. Niemniej na fakt ten nie narzekają. Budowa autostrady nie była uciążliwa, nawet nam pomagali – wyrównali nam miejscami teren, gdzieindziej podsypali torfu, uporządkowali teren, aczkolwiek tylko do końca pasa drogowego. Generalnie było w porządku. Autostrada Wielkopolska zobowiązała się do obsadzenia wykarczowanych fragmentów lasu i to zrobiła. Tu przy łowisku zostały wycięte świerki, w tej chwili miejsce to jest już obsadzone drzewami liściastymi. Ogólnie w ogóle nie narzekam, tylko że gmina do tej pory niespecjalnie się interesuje tą inwestycją, a przecież jest to miejsce, którym można byłoby się promować – dopiero w tym roku po raz pierwszy zagościł u nas burmistrz z okazji 45-lecia Kółka Rybackiego „Amur”. Obiecał, że utwardzi drogę prowadzącą do łowiska. [Właściciel gospodarstwa rolno-rybackiego w Torzymiu] Przedsiębiorstwo to jako jedno z pierwszych w Polsce składało wniosek o grant w ramach projektu związanego z Naturą 2000, co nie przyniosło jednak pożądanego efektu, ponieważ nikt nie 265 �wiedział wówczas jak pisać projekty. Był pierwszy i ostatni raz, kiedy właściciele łowiska skorzystali z zewnętrznej usługi w tym zakresie, kolejne projekty pisali już sami. Cała inwestycja opiera się na finansowaniu prywatnym oraz na środkach pozyskiwanych z grantów. Inicjator tego przedsiębiorstwa jest członkiem Lokalnej Grupy Rybackiej, stąd składa projekty w jej ramach. W gminie powinien być ktoś, kto pomaga przy pisaniu projektów, kto będzie się orientował, dzwonił, dokształcał, ale w gminie nie ma nikogo takiego. Torzym w ogóle nie pozyskuje środków na tej drodze. Wszyscy powinni pisać projekty, bo są pieniądze i trzeba je wykorzystywać. Problemem jest jednak polska biurokracja i nie chodzi mi o prawo, ale urzędników, którzy utrudniają, nie znają się, robią na złość. A ja znam różnicę, bo mam wielu przyjaciół w Niemczech, którzy podobnie jak ja prowadzą biznesy w oparciu o różnego rodzaju dofinansowania. [Właściciel gospodarstwa rolno-rybackiego w Torzymiu] W czasie, gdy prowadziliśmy stacjonarne badania w Torzymiu we wrześniu 2015 r. właściciele łowiska ubiegali się doprowadzenie prądu, by móc nadal inwestować i rozbudowywać się: To się ciągnie, bo papiery krążą między nadleśnictwem, poznańskim i zielonogórskim oddziałem GDDKiA a Eneą. Koszt to ponad 30 tys. Będą ciągnąć kable od oczyszczalni. Generalnie ten prąd zostanie dociągnięty, żadna z tych instytucji nie robi problemów, tylko trwa to długo. Po dociągnięciu prądu na terenie powstaną dwa domki, w których będzie można przenocować. Staram się, żeby obiekty stawiane na tym terenie były naturalne. A za jakiś czas zaczniemy rozwijać hodowlę koni polskich. W planach mam przejażdżki tymi konikami oraz bryczką. [Właściciel gospodarstwa rolno-rybackiego w Torzymiu] Prócz oferty skierowanej do indywidulnych klientów, tj. wędkarzy przyjeżdżających na łowisko nie tylko z lubuskiego, ale także dzięki infrastrukturom drogowym, jakim jest autostrada A2 oraz droga ekspresowa S3 z wielkopolskiego i dolnośląskiego, gospodarstwo nastawione jest na organizację imprez grupowych – urodzin, spotkań integracyjnych czy innych wyspecjalizowanych w rybołówstwie. Firma nie oferuje cateringu, ale w tym zakresie współpracuje 266 z innymi torzymskimi firmami, takimi jak opisane przez nas wcześniej „Swojska Chata Torzymiaka” czy Motel „U Sosny”. Małe modernizacje i lobby peryferii Od dziecka mieszkam w Torzymiu, od dziecka mówiono o autostradzie od Berlina do Warszawy i w końcu ją wybudowali. Ja myślałam, że to tylko ktoś bajki opowiada, ale w końcu ją wybudowali. [Mieszkanka Torzymia] Uważamy, że małe, lokalne modernizacje zawsze są w powiązane z tymi wielkimi. W tym kontekście chcemy się bliżej przyjrzeć konsekwencjom zakończonej sukcesem walki torzymskiego samorządu wespół z ugruntowanymi w regionie politykami oraz lokalnymi przedsiębiorcami o budowę zjazdu z autostrady A2. W jej efekcie mamy do czynienia z następującymi po sobie seriami „małych modernizacji”. Można do nich zaliczyć remont DW 138 łączącej zjazd z autostrady, z centrum Torzymia, gruntowny remont DK92 na odcinku między Boczowem a Torzymiem, nową siedzibę komendy policji, która znajduje się na terenie Obwodu Utrzymania Autostrady „Ilanka”, budowy, zaraz przy węźle, nowej stacji paliw oraz filii centrum obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego Port 2000, a także najbardziej imponującą holendersko-belgijską inwestycję jaką jest rozpoczęta w 2016 r. budowa parku rozrywki Mayaland w położonych 4 km od Torzymia Kownatach. Przykład Torzymia może być przy tym pretekstem do refleksji nad niejednoznacznością opozycji między centrum a peryferiami, a także nad lokalną, przede wszystkim samorządową, sprawczością przejawiającą się w formie działań lobbingowych. Według badań Instytutu Spraw Publicznych zrealizowanych w latach 2009-2010 na szczeblu samorządu terytorialnego lobbing stosują na pierwszym miejscu samorządowcy niższych szczebli, następnie organizacje społeczne i w końcu przedsiębiorcy. W obszarze ich zainteresowań najczęściej leży wpływ na lokalne inwestycje i ochronę środowiska oraz sprawy związane z pomocą społeczną, sportem, czy edukacją. Z raportu ISP 267 �wynika też, że urzędnicy szczebla wojewódzkiego, zarówno członkowie zarządów, jak i dyrektorzy departamentów oraz radni nie uznają lobbingu za sprawę naganną. Traktują go jako jedną z form dialogu władzy ze społeczeństwem i są nań otwarci. Najprościej rzecz ujmując lobbing to wywieranie nacisku na decydentów w celu podjęcia decyzji korzystnych dla różnego rodzaju grup interesariuszy. I tak rozumieją go właśnie przedstawiciele samorządu terytorialnego (Makowski 2010; Piechowicz 2013: 192-202). Właściwie każde z obserwowanych przez nas społeczności, można opatrzyć etykietą społeczności peryferyjnych. Bez wątpienie przecież, tym co charakteryzuje miejscowości, w których żyją są: brak przemysłu, niedorozwinięte rolnictwo, problemy z transportem publicznym, relatywnie wysoki poziom bezrobocia, niska dzietność oraz odpływ reprezentantów młodego pokolenia za granicę lub większych miast w Polsce. Dodatkowo większość z nich to wsie popegeerowskie. Nie inaczej jest w przypadku Torzymia. Jednakże pojęcie peryferii nigdy nie zostało użyte przez naszych rozmówców i ani razu nie pojawiło się w ich autonarracjach. Mieszkańcy przydrożnych miejscowości położonych między A2 a DK92 niekoniecznie postrzegają je jako peryferyjne. Z pewnością nie czynią tego reprezentanci samorządów ani też lokalni przedsiębiorcy. Zresztą pojęcie peryferii w odniesieniu do rozwoju jednych z najważniejszych infrastruktur drogowych, jakimi są w Polsce autostrady, nie ma do końca uzasadnienia. Metaforyczne znaczenie oddania do użytku zwłaszcza nowego odcinka autostrady A2, przecinającej badany przez nas teren to domknięcie mentalnego procesu połączenia Wschodu z Zachodem oraz ugruntowanie Polski wśród krajów Europy Zachodniej. Innymi słowy modernizacje, o których staramy się opowiedzieć w niniejszej książce nie mogą być traktowane jako wyłącznie lokalne czy peryferyjne. Ponadto sądzimy, że przypadek Torzymia w sposób szczególny ujawnia praktyczny wymiar ideologii decentralizacji, wyrażonej tu poprzez sprawczość nie tylko samorządu terytorialnego, lecz także zwykłych mieszkańców. Z tej przyczyny jesteśmy winni porzucić tradycyjne rozumienie peryferii jako wyłącznie zależnych od centrum i w zamian przyjrzeć się łączącym je bilateralnym 268 powiązaniom, zwłaszcza w kontekście akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej w 2004 r., kiedy to samorządy stały się odpowiedzialne za planowanie i realizację regionalnych strategii rozwojowych. Pojęcie peryferii niemal bez wyjątku pojawia się w naukach społecznych w towarzystwie pojęcia centrum, a relacje pomiędzy nimi interesowały badaczy od dawna. Obecnie jednak coraz częściej dostrzegana jest możliwość odejścia od tradycyjnie ujmowanego uzależnienia peryferii od centrów na korzyść koncepcji uznającej występowanie dwustronnych zależności pomiędzy wskazanymi obszarami. Co więcej, w obliczu postępującej globalizacji, przyczyniającej się do akcentowania tendencji separatystycznych, sprzyjających osłabieniu więzi i znaczenia centrum politycznego oraz gospodarczego kraju, zwiększają się perspektywy rozwoju regionalnego. Stwarza to możliwość wypracowania nowego układu sił, w którym życie społeczne na peryferiach nie może być postrzegane wyłącznie jako pasywna reakcja na bodźce płynące z centrów. W tym sensie to działania lokalnych i regionalnych aktorów muszą być uznane za najistotniejsze. Plusem dla gminy Torzym ogólnie jest zjazd i wjazd na autostradę. To jest wielki plus. Tego plusu miało nie być. Proszę sobie wyobrazić, że pierwotnie plan autostrady nie przewidywał ani zjazdu, ani wjazdu w Torzymiu. To byłby ten minus. To jest wywalczone przez byłych i obecnych samorządowców, którzy do Warszawy jeździli, drzwiami wchodzili, wyrzucali ich, wchodzili oknem z powrotem, byli wyrzucani. Znam to od podszewki, bo przewodniczący rady i obecny burmistrz jeszcze to są, to są, że tak powiem moi koledzy, że tak powiem z ławy szkolnej znamy się. Była naprawdę, naprawdę bardzo wielka batalia. Mało tego, było poparcie od nie tylko tutaj okolicznych samorządowców ale również od posłów z naszego terenu i gdzieś to tam wałkowane, przerabiane, wałkowane, przerabiane aż w końcu gdzieś to udało się. Po prostu udało się. No, jest to okno na świat jakby nie było, to jest pierwszy zjazd od granicy! [Mieszkaniec Torzymia] Walka o torzymski zjazd rozpoczęła się w 2004 r. zaraz po otwarciu odcinka autostrady A2 między Nowym Tomyślem a Poznaniem-Komorniki i okazało się, że infrastruktura ta, głównie 269 �ze względów finansowych, będzie budowana etapami. Przyszłość zjazdów autostradowych w Torzymiu, a także położonym od niego 66 km Trzcielu stanęła pod znakiem zapytania, ponieważ ich budowę uzależniono od rentowności dotąd wybudowanego odcinka. W oczach mieszkańców Torzymia, a także jego okolic, sytuacja ta jawiła się jako niedopuszczalna i potencjalnie niebezpieczna. Do tej pory pokładano w dalszej budowie autostrady ogromne nadzieje, wiążąc je głównie z możliwością poczynienia nowych inwestycji: Kiedy rozpoczynała się budowa autostrady A2, potem mającej przecinać Lubuskie dokładnie na pół, wszyscy przedsiębiorcy zacierali ręce. Brali kredyty i inwestowali w przyszłość. Wierzyli, że kiedy autostrada w końcu powstanie, zarobią jeszcze więcej pieniędzy. W tamtym momencie bali się, co będzie dalej. [Reprezentant samorządu w Torzymiu] W roku 2005 prezes celowej spółki akcyjnej Autostrada Wielkopolska S.A. w liście do burmistrza Torzymia napisał: „Stanowisko nasze wynika z faktu ponoszenia przez Autostradę Wielkopolską SA całkowitego ryzyka finansowego przedsięwzięcia. Jakiekolwiek zmiany, które stanowią dodatkowe, niemożliwe do pokrycia przez AWSA w okresie budowy i eksploatacji, muszą mieć zabezpieczenie finansowe ze strony wnioskujących lub zostać odłożone w czasie”25. Według burmistrza list ten stał się bezpośrednim bodźcem dla przedsięwzięcia działań lobbujących na rzecz budowy węzła autostradowego w Torzymiu oraz Trzcielu. I tak przedstawiciele samorządów tych miasteczek rozpoczęli je od prób przekonania reprezentantów polskiego rządu, co do pełnej gotowości gmin na budowę węzłów: Pisaliśmy, rozmawialiśmy, że tereny w okolicach przyszłego węzła są już uzbrojone, że wszystko jest gotowe pod budowę. Wskazywaliśmy na zalety miast powiatowych, np. Sulęcina, gdzie znajduje się oddział ratunkowy, który na A2 jest w stanie dojechać w 10 minut. To jednak nie dało żadnego efektu. [Burmistrz Torzymia] 25 Treść listu została nam udostępniona dzięki uprzejmości burmistrza Torzymia Ryszarda Stanulewicza. 270 Wcześniej, jeszcze w czerwcu 2004 r., Rada Miejska Torzymia przyjęła specjalną uchwałę, której treść wysłała do ówczesnego premiera, Ministerstwa Infrastruktury, parlamentarzystów województwa lubuskiego, marszałka lubuskiego, wojewody lubuskiego, GDDKiA i prezesa spółki Autostrada Wielkopolska S.A.26 W uchwale tej można wyczytać, że Rada Miejska wyraża sprzeciw z tytułu pominięcia budowy węzła komunikacyjnego w Torzymiu; że nie do przyjęcia jest fakt, iż Autostrada Wielkopolska zamierza budować odcinek autostrady od Nowego Tomyśla do Świecka, nie uwzględniając w tej fazie budowy realizacji węzła komunikacyjnego w Torzymiu; że zamiar realizacji inwestycji przez Inwestora z pominięciem węzła w Torzymiu, to zahamowanie rozwoju regionalnego i lokalnego miejscowości na bliżej nie określony czas, a praktycznie utrata korzyści z tytułu wyłączenia obszaru przygranicznego z rozwoju gospodarczego; że niewybudowanie węzła spowoduje, iż gmina stanie się obszarem tranzytowym i ponosić będzie wyłącznie ciężary i niedogodności. Przyjęcie oraz dystrybucja tej uchwały także początkowo nie odniosły skutku. W każdym razie i tak nic to nie dało. Do starosty szły petycje. Podpisy zbierał sulęciński społecznik Zaborowski, obecnie facet walczy o przywracanie np. połączeń kolejowych na tym terenie. Batalia o zjazd to spory wysiłek nie tylko dla nas samorządów, ale także poseł Bożeny Sławiak i starosty Stanisława Kubiaka. W konsekwencji udało się wprowadzić zmiany w projekcie. Poszło od góry, od Ministerstwa Infrastruktury i GDDKiA. Walka zakończyła się w 2008 r. [Burmistrz Torzymia] Zjazd z autostrady A2 dla gminy Torzym, dla mieszkańców, przedsiębiorców od początku był istotny. Kroki samorządu sprowadzały się do tego, aby przekonać decydentów, Ministerstwo Infrastruktury, aby zjazd z autostrady w Torzymiu był wybudowany i oddany do użytku we wcześniejszej fazie, nie jak to było w ustaleniach dopiero w kolejnych latach funkcjonowania autostrady, tak jak jest to zapisane jeśli chodzi o węzeł w Łagowie i Myszęcinie. 26 Uchwała Nr XIX/150/04 Rady Miejskiej w Torzymiu z dnia 30 czerwca 2004 r. 271 �Pisaliśmy, monitowaliśmy, ja też osobiście miałem okazję brać udział w kilku spotkaniach w ministerstwie. Odpowiedzi, opinie na nasze stanowisko były negatywne, ale samorząd ma to do siebie, że my się tak łatwo nie poddajemy. Toczyliśmy dalej walkę o ten węzeł przedstawiając argumenty mieszkańców, przedsiębiorców i potencjalne korzyści ekonomiczne, gdzie te korzyści już są widoczne. Gdyby nie był wybudowany ten węzeł, nasze prawa miejskie praktycznie byłyby zatarte. Wyrwaliśmy się z tej biedy, z tej popegeerowskiej biedy, z tego marazmu, który tutaj panował. Dzisiaj ludzie zaczynają pytać kiedy wreszcie tam się zacznie coś budować, tzn., że wiążą z Torzymiem, z gminą swoją przyszłość, a nie chcą stąd uciekać. I to największe, co mogliśmy osiągnąć przez te 25 lat miasta i 25 lat samorządu. Zjazd z autostrady spowodował to, że znaleźli się inwestorzy, którzy zakupili grunt i inwestują budując infrastrukturę. Jakby nie było tego zjazdu, tego węzła, byłby księżycowy krajobraz, jak też byłyby tu pola. Gdyby nie było węzła, to żaden inwestor na pewno nie podjąłby się inwestować tutaj, dlatego że po prostu nie byłoby łączności pomiędzy zachodem a wschodem. Nie byłoby możliwości dojazdu. Węzeł autostradowy to łącznik. Jako zwyczajna droga, droga wyjazdu i dojazdu. Mam nadzieję, że bardziej dojazdu. Natomiast jest to też taki łącznik w sensie metaforycznym, kiedy już informacja o tym, że coś się z powodu tego węzła tu wydarzy ludzie łączą się w tej euforii. [Burmistrz Torzymia]27 Dla samego Torzymia, to jednak ten zjazd to jest dobrodziejstwo. Proszę, teraz budują się dwie stacje. Potężny MOP się buduje. Także dla samego Torzymia… Ale chyba tylko Torzym zyskał, tylko Torzym. Dosłownie. Tu najwięcej zjeżdża. No, lepiej jest – w każdej jednej branży, ale to jest Torzym… Ale tak ogólnie powiem, że inne miejscowości wszystkie straciły. Dla samego Torzymia ma pozytywny wpływ, ponieważ jest bliziutko zjazd i nawet ci, co jadą autostradą, to żeby zatankować, to tu sobie zjadą, zatankują. Przejadą tych parę kilometrów i wjedzie znowu na niepłatną, czyli Torzym zyskał, ale tylko Torzym. To znaczy, część ludzi, to oni zjeżdżają. Są tacy jednak, co nie jedzą tego McDonalda. Oni 27 Fragment wypowiedzi burmistrza Torzymia z reportażu „Torzymski łącznik”, autorstwa reporterek Radia Zachód, Doroty Zyń-Horbaczewskiej i Justyny Rapickiej z 2015 r., www.zachod.pl/radio-zachod/audycje/wedrowki-z-mikrofonem/torzymski-lacznik/ (data dostępu 30.05.2017). 272 wiedzą, że tu jest kilometr i on zjedzie i zje. Na szczęście nie wszyscy jedzą w McDonaldach czy w KFC. Każda jedna miejscowość, po kolei od Torzymia, wszystkie straciły. Gmina Torzym zyskała, tylko gmina Torzym! Torzym, Boczów i tak dalej. Prosty przykład. Tam się stacje zamykają, a tu się budują. Dwie! Jedna koło drugiej. I w Torzymiu, zaraz panu powiem, ile jest. Kurwa, no policzmy, ile jest stacji. Już ile jest? W samym Torzymiu… 6 stacji. W takiej kurwa dziurze! Czyli tu zjeżdżają, bo jest blisko i nawet jeżeli już tu zjedzie, zatankuje, on nie musi zjeżdżać na autostradę, 10 km i wskakuje tam na niepłatną. Natomiast inne miejscowości, wszystkie od Poznania straciły. Każda jedna miejscowość! Autostrada tam ma negatywny wpływ. I to panu gwarantuje na 1000%. [Właściciel jednego z moteli w Torzymiu] W roku 2013 w Torzymiu rozpoczęły się pierwsze rozmowy dotyczące budowy parku rozrywki na terenie pobliskiego sołectwa Kownaty. W ich rezultacie zmieniony został miejscowy plan zagospodarowania przestrzennego, wskutek czego 200 hektarowy teren, na którym inwestycja miałaby powstać, został odrolniony28. Należy zaznaczyć, że gmina w inwestycji tej występuje jako tzw. partner pomocniczy, którego zadaniem jest prowadzenie negocjacji w Starostwie Powiatowym czy Urzędzie Marszałkowskim. Można powiedzieć, że choć jest traktowana przez inwestorów instrumentalnie, to jednak podjęła wyzwanie ze względu na wiele potencjalnych korzyści płynących z parku (podatki gruntowe, nowe miejsca pracy, rozwój małych przedsiębiorstw, remont drogi powiatowej, gazyfikacja i kanalizacja w Kownatach). O tych korzyściach już wiemy. Przede wszystkim te podatki, które będą spływały i zasilały budżet gminy. Na pewno nie będą to małe kwoty. Ponadto miejsca pracy, gdzie obsługa tego parku biorąc pod uwagę już funkcjonujące parki w Europie tego typu, to sądzę, że tak jak przedstawiano nam około 100 miejsc pracy na pewno będzie potrzebna. Na chwilę obecną stopa bezrobocia jest to 7%, ale na pewno dla każdego samorządu, dla mieszkańców gminy istotne jest to, że będą mogli znaleźć miejsca pracy. Będąc samorządowcem trzeba być umiarkowanym optymistą. Niewątpliwie 28 Miejscowy Plan Zagospodarowania Przestrzennego Części Gminy Torzym w Rejonie Miejscowości Kownaty. Załącznik nr 1 do uchwały nr XXVI/161/13 Rady Miejskiej w Torzymiu z dnia 27 marca 2013 r. 273 �ten optymizm był i wierzyłem w to, że jednak firma, właściciele gruntu którzy już zainwestowali niemałe, niemałą materię w to przedsięwzięcie prędzej czy później znajdą partnera do realizacji tej inwestycji. [Burmistrz Torzymia]29 Główny inwestor, holenderskie konsorcjum United Mementum Group, początkowo prowadził rozmowy z francuską firmą, która wybudowała park historyczny Puy du Fou w Les Epesses30. Firma jednak z bliżej nie znanych przyczyn wycofała się ze współpracy, zanim podpisano umowy wstępne. Na jej miejsce w kooperację z konsorcjum w połowie 2014 weszła belgijska firma Plopsa Group, która jest właścicielem 6 tematycznych parków rozrywki w Belgii, Holandii i Niemczech. Firma ta posiada prawa autorskie do postaci Pszczółki Mai, która zostanie wykorzystana w przypadku Kownat (Iłowska-Walkowiak 2014; Źrałko 2014a; 2015b): Te dwie firmy przystąpią do budowy parku Holiday Park Kownaty31, w którym to parku przewodnią rolę będzie odgrywała Pszczółka Maja. [Burmistrz Torzymia] Zmiany inwestorów oraz długi proces, związany z biurokracją, na wielu poziomach zrodziły spore wątpliwości mieszkańców Torzymia, co do realności całego przedsięwzięcia. W rozmowach z nami często powtarzali: „burmistrza wychujali”, „nic nie będzie i to ściema, wałek”. Jestem pewien, że to powstanie, ale w opowiadaniu o tym na forum publicznym staram się być ostrożny, ponieważ ludzie nie rozumieją, że to wymaga czasu. [Burmistrz Torzymia] 29 Fragment wypowiedzi burmistrza Torzymia z reportażu Torzymski łącznik autorstwa reporterek Radia Zachód Doroty Zyń-Horbaczewskiej i Justyny Rapickiej z 2015 roku, www.zachod.pl/radio-zachod/audycje/wedrowki-z-mikrofonem/torzymski-lacznik/ (data dostępu 30.05.2017). 30 Zob. W gminie Torzym ma powstać historyczny park rozrywki, 27 marzec 2013, www.lubuskie.onet.pl/w-gminie-torzym-ma-powstac-historyczny-park-rozrywki/ eyhbv (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 31 Holendersko-polski Holiday Park Kownaty (Wakacyjny Park Kownaty) jest inwestorską kooperatywą, będącą inicjatywą konsorcjum Momentum Capital. Jej zadaniem było pozyskanie partnerów przedsięwzięcia, którą jest wspominana Plopsa Group oraz belgijskie Studio100. Zob. www.holidayparkkownaty.com/ (data dostępu 30.05.2017). 274 Było właśnie bardzo dużo osób, którzy już przestali wierzyć, którzy śmiali się też za plecami, że to nieprawda, że zrezygnowali, że nic się nie dzieje. Teraz zapaliło się zielone światło i myślimy właśnie, że po prostu już nie zgaśnie, bo już jest podpisane wszystko z tego co wiem. I, i aby do przodu. Na początku baliśmy się wszyscy jak to będzie, tak? [Była sołtys Kownat] O zainteresowaniu tym terenem zadecydowała lokalizacja Kownat względem autostrady A2, a więc możliwość szybkiego i komfortowego przemieszczenie się z Berlina, Szczecina, Poznania i Wrocławia. Kownaty są atrakcyjne z powodu komunikacyjnego przede wszystkim. Duga sprawa to jest też bliskość do rynku niemieckiego. Natomiast prawda jest, że dla nas najistotniejsze jest to, że mamy dostęp do autostrady A2 i tak na dobrą sprawę inwestycja jest oddalona o 3 km od węzła komunikacyjnego i to też dla nas jest bardzo korzystne usytuowanie. Zawsze weryfikujemy to, co jest na rynku lokalnym, jaki mamy dostęp do pracowników i podmiotów gospodarczych, które na naszym terenie działają i jeśli spełniają kryteria bardzo chętnie współpracujemy i taka sytuacja już ma miejsce z kilkoma podmiotami. [Pracownik Holiday Park Kownaty]32 Budowa parku rozrywki oznacza także „małe modernizacje” w samej wsi Kownaty. Będą to zmiany znaczące z perspektywy tej niewielkiej, mającej około 100 mieszkańców, miejscowości. Owe „małe modernizacje” to pewne bonusy, które Kownatom obiecali inwestorzy i są to m.in. dociągnięcie nitki gazociągu (w Kownatach nie ma nie tylko gazu, ale także kanalizacji, oświetlenia na ulicach i internetu), budowa kanalizacji, przekazanie ziemi pozyskanej z wykopów pod budowę na dowolny użytek i w końcu remont drogi biegnącej przez wieś od krzyżówki z DW 138 do mającego powstać parku. Przy czym remont ten leży w gestii nie inwestorów lecz powiatu. Zarys projektu modernizacji tej trasy był gotowy w roku 2015 i miał być konsultowany z lokalną społecznością. W rzeczywistości wymienione bonusy okazują się trudne do realizacji, czego 32 Por. Kraina Pszczółki Mai powstanie w Torzymiu. Wywiad z Danielem Heinstem, prezesem Holiday Park Kownaty, 20.05.2015, www.parkmag.pl/parkipl/krainapszczolki-maji-powstanie-w-torzymiu/ (data dostępu 23.09.2015). 275 �przykładem jest niemożliwość skoordynowania remontu kownackiej drogi z dociągnięciem gazu, a potem budową kanalizacji. Biurokracja! To nie ode mnie zależy, to wszystko niestety jest procesem. To biurokracja związana z prawem o zamówieniach publicznych, pozyskiwaniem środków zewnętrznych, papierologią na linii gmina-powiat-inwestorzy. [Burmistrz Torzymia] Z budową nowego odcinka autostrady A2 najbardziej bezpośrednio wiąże się ulokowanie na terenie Torzymia, zaraz przy wywalczonym zjeździe Obwodu Utrzymania Autostrady (OUA)33. OUA są „centrami dowodzenia” kilkudziesięciokilometrowymi odcinkami autostrady i jednocześnie zapleczami technicznymi do jej utrzymania. Celem ich funkcjonowania jest zabezpieczenie autostrady od jej strony technicznej, infrastrukturalnej oraz organizacyjnej – po to, aby podróżni byli na autostradzie bezpieczni. Utrzymanie autostrady posiada oczywiście charakter sezonowy – letni oraz zimowy. Okresy te wymagają odmiennych działań: Latem kosi się trawę, zimą sypie się solą. Na autostradzie śnieg nigdy nie leży tak długo jak na drogach np. krajowych. Zimą sól to rarytas. Bez soli autostrada zimą leżałaby i kwiczała. [Pracownik średniego szczebla OUA „Ilanka” w Torzymiu] Dbanie o autostradę to: pielęgnacja terenów zielonych, podtrzymywanie bezpiecznego stanu nawierzchni, systemu i urządzeń odwodnienia, ogrodzeń i barier dźwiękochłonnych, zachowanie bezpieczeństwa ruchu drogowego poprzez prawidłowe oznakowanie drogi oraz zapewnienie czystości elementów infrastruktury autostrady; dalej organizacja i realizacja odpowiednich, zakontraktowanych napraw infrastruktury autostradowej, w tym przeprowadzanie przeglądów bieżących w zakresie: odwodnienia autostrady, ogrodzeń, ekranów akustycznych, stanu skarp i nasypów, obiektów mostowych, oznakowania poziomego i pionowego; 33 OUA „Ilanaka” w Torzymiu nie jest jedynym, jakie zostały wybudowane na trasie koncesyjnej autostrady A2. Przy czym nie wszystkie zlokalizowane są przy zjazdach. Ich umiejscowienie wynika z regulacji prawnych, nakazujących ich budowę co kilkadziesiąt kilometrów. I tak na badanym przez nas terenie są to także OUA Biały Mur w Myszęcinie oraz OUA Bolewice. 276 w końcu zapewnienie wysokiego poziomu jakości prowadzonych działań oraz wysokiej kultury pracy w kontakcie z użytkownikami autostrady. Autostrada to znacznie wyższy poziom utrzymania, a do tego niezbędne są służby autostradowe, które cały czas monitorują i reagują na to co się dzieje. Oczywiście najlepiej dla wszystkich, jeśli tych służb nie widać, bo to zaświadcza o tym, że wszystko działa. O istnieniu czegoś takiego jak służby OUA ludzie dowiadują się w sytuacjach tragicznych – kolizji bądź wypadków. W tych przypadkach potrzebni są odpowiedni pracownicy – ludzie, którzy są na miejscu, dlatego wykorzystuje się lokalne zasoby ludzkie. Chodzi tu o to, aby mogli w jak najkrótszym czasie dotrzeć do miejsca wypadku. Liczy się czas dojazdu. Staramy się nie nadużywać pojęcia wypadku. Wolimy kolizje – zatem wypadki nawet karambolowe, w których ludzie nie giną lub nie zostają uszkodzeni ciężej niż ze wskazaniem na do 7 dni szpitala. [Pracownik średniego szczebla OUA „Ilanka” w Torzymiu] Konsekwencją „obecności” OUA w Torzymiu jest poszerzenie lokalnego rynku pracy, dzięki czemu zatrudnienie mogły znaleźć osoby mieszkające w okolicach: Warunkiem zatrudnienia jest np. miejsce zamieszkania, które pozwala na dojechanie do pracy w czasie nie dłuższym niż godzina. Czyli „ludzie z bliska” to niekoniecznie ludzie z Torzymia. [Pracownik średniego szczebla OUA „Ilanka” w Torzymiu] Praca dla spółki Autostrada Eksploatacja S.A. to nie tylko zatrudnienie w OUA, ale także na stacjach poboru opłat czy Miejscach Obsługi Podróżnych, choć mieszkańcy zarówno Torzymia jak i innych miejscowości położonych wzdłuż A2, byli zatrudniani przede wszystkim w czasie jej budowy: Przede wszystkim tu dużo miejsc pracy się tworzy, to jest duży plus. Tu sąsiad pracuje jeden na autostradzie – on chyba pracuje na warsztacie samochodowym. I tu też mój drugi sąsiad na warsztacie jako mechanicy pracują, nie? To tutaj blisko nie? Tak to wygląda no. Ja sam pracowałem. My żeśmy pracowali w logistycznie, myśmy się najwięcej zajmowali, no rozmieszczeniem znaków 277 �drogowych, ale jak nie było pracy to coś innego żeśmy robili, no. Wszystko się robiło, no. Strabag – on był podwykonawcą i on zatrudniał ludzi. Dużo żeśmy robili – no, właśnie żeśmy ustawiali na autostradzie, ale nie tylko. Na tej dwójce też żeśmy robili, bo tam też trzeba było ustawić znaki, bo zmiana ruchu czy inne rzeczy. To się tak odbywało, bo tam budowali np. na Poźrzadle autostradę i tam trzeba było wprowadzić jakąś zmianę ruchu to w dużej mierze dużo żeśmy znaków przestawiali. No cóż jeszcze? Tam robili różne poprawki. Miałem takie fajne zadanie, powiedzmy przez 12 godzin jechał frezarką, a ja mierzyłem czy on dobrą grubość zdziera tego asfaltu. Dosyć dobrze płacili, nie, ale wykorzystywać to wykorzystywali – nadgodzin nie płacono. [Mieszkaniec Torzymia] Wielu młodych dostało zatrudnienie przy sadzeniu drzewek, takie wakacyjne prace. Sadzenie drzewek, sianie trawy. Lokalni byli do drobnych prac i jak się ludzie dowiedzieli to poprzystosowywali siebie na wynajem, np. sklep, który na chwilę obecną jest przystosowany do zamieszkania. Więc to też troszkę biznes dla mieszkańców, też było, bo moja sąsiadka przystosowała jeden pokój pod wynajem dla pracowników autostrady. [Młody mieszkaniec Torzymia] Kilka miejsc pracy w tych… przy autostradowych bramkach. W tych punktach to tak kilkanaście osób znalazło pracę. Wiem, że tam, w biurowcu, niekoniecznie. Wiem, że tylko moja koleżanka pracuje i być może jakieś osoby dojezdne. Bardzo dużo mężczyzn miało zatrudnienie w różnych typu pracach takich budowlanych typowych, więc tutaj były firmy podwykonawcy i tak dużo, bardzo dużo... Autostrada budowała dwa trzy lata, więc przez ten okres mieli zatrudnienie jeszcze. Jak ktoś miał jeszcze uprawnienia na kierowanie czy na posługiwanie się koparką, tym sprzętem ciężkim to naprawdę ładne pieniążki zarabiali tutaj. Na bramkach wiem, że kilka dziewczyn, chyba 5 dziewczyn się dostało na autostradę. Widzę też dwóch panów z Torzymia… nie wiem ochroniarze, w kamizelkach, nie wiem, jaką funkcję pełnią, ale stoją przy tych bramkach po prostu. [Mieszkanka Torzymia] 278 Firma jaką jest założona w 2001 r.34 celowa spółka akcyjna Autostrada Eksploatacja SA realizuje oczywiście idee związane ze społeczną odpowiedzialnością biznesu (CSR – Corporate Social Responsibility). Koncepcja CSR zakłada, że przedsiębiorstwa na etapie budowania strategii muszą uwzględniać interesy społeczne, ochronę środowiska, a także relacje z różnymi grupami interesariuszy. Bycie odpowiedzialnym nie oznacza tylko spełniania przez organizacje biznesowe wymogów formalnych i prawnych, ale oprócz tego również zwiększone inwestycje w zasoby ludzkie, w ochronę środowiska i relacje z różnego rodzaju grupami ludzi, którzy mogą mieć faktyczny wpływ na efektywność działalności gospodarczej tych organizacji oraz ich innowacyjność: „Każdego dnia autostradą A2 tysiące pojazdów, a w nich tysiące podróżnych i tony ładunków, przemieszczają się ze wschodu na zachód i z zachodu na wschód. Dziś drogi, w tym autostrady stanowią krwioobieg życia gospodarczego. Nad sprawnym funkcjonowaniem naszego, ponad 250-kilometrowego odcinka tego systemu czuwają każdego dnia dziesiątki osób. Nasza rola to dbać o to, by ten krwioobieg funkcjonował w sposób nieprzerwany i bezpieczny dla ludzi i otoczenia. Tak postrzegamy naszą odpowiedzialność”35. Co roku, począwszy od 2009 r., firma publikuje raporty odpowiedzialności społecznej36. W pierwszym z nich, jeszcze przed przystąpieniem do budowy odcinka autostrady pomiędzy Nowym Tomyślem a Świeckiem, w raporcie tym pisano: „Nie można zapominać, że inwestycje autostradowe zawsze wiążą się z pewnymi oczekiwaniami lokalnych społeczności, które m.in. liczą na nowe miejsca pracy oraz napływ nowych inwestycji zwiększających dynamikę rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego. Tak też się dzieje. Wolą inwestorów było wyjść naprzeciw tego typu społecznym oczekiwaniom i dlatego powołaniu firmy Autostrada Eksploatacja towarzyszyło założenie, że miejsca pracy, które powstaną, będą miejscami 34 Krajowy Rejestr Sądowy Autostrady Eksploatacja SA, www.krs-online.com.pl/autostrada-eksploatacja-s-a-krs-3481.html (data dostępu 02.05.2017). 35 www.aesa.pl/firma/odpowiedzialnosc-spoleczna-csr/ (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 36 W latach 2008-2099 nosiły one tytuł Autostrada Eksploatacja a jej otoczenie, w kolejnych Autostrada Eksploatacja. Podróżni – Pracownicy – Przyroda. Zob. www. aesa.pl/firma/odpowiedzialnosc-spoleczna-csr/ (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 279 �pracy dla lokalnej społeczności. Działalność, jaką prowadzi AESA, generuje miejsca pracy na terenach, na których nie ma zbyt wielu atrakcyjnych pracodawców, w tym wiejskich, które szczególnie zagrożone są procesem wykluczenia społecznego. Firma oferuje godziwe warunki pracy oraz szanse rozwoju, dając gwarancję stabilności życiowej. Firma znana jest w społecznościach lokalnych i postrzegana jako dobry pracodawca (w grudniu 2008 r. AESA otrzymała nominację do tytułu Solidny Pracodawca).” (Autostra‑ da Eksploatacja a jej otoczenie 2009: 2). Infrastruktura drogowa, zwłaszcza o znaczeniu międzynarodowym, oznacza dla regionu szansę na rozwój. Budowa i funkcjonowanie nowego odcinka autostrady A2 oznacza dodatkowe wpływy do budżetów gospodarstw domowych w regionie. Dochody, które przekładają się na zwiększoną konsumpcję lub inwestycje. Zyskują na tym kolejni lokalni przedsiębiorcy, co pośrednio przyczynia się także do tworzenia kolejnych miejsc pracy w zupełnie innych sektorach gospodarki. To również wpływy do budżetów gospodarstw domowych pracowników Autostrady Eksploatacji i pracowników firm bezpośrednio lub pośrednio związanych z autostradą (np. stacji benzynowych, restauracji, centrów logistycznych i magazynów zlokalizowanych w sąsiedztwie węzłów autostradowych). Według ostatniego raportu odpowiedzialności społecznej z 2015 r. jest „to szczególnie istotne na Ziemi Lubuskiej, która od wielu lat boryka się z problemem wysokiego bezrobocia”. I tak, w raporcie ekonomisty Marka Rekowskiego pt. „Wpływ autostrady A2 na rozwój gospodarki regionu Wielkopolski”, na każdy kilometr autostrady przypada 88,5 miejsc pracy wygenerowanych w mniej lub bardziej pośrednio związanych z nią działalnościach. Przekłada się to w przybliżeniu na 22,5 tys. miejsc pracy w regionie (Rekowski 2011). Autostrada wpłynęła pozytywnie na Torzym. Przyczynia się do jego rozwoju, np. zapewniając miejsca pracy, albo powodując, że ludzie osiedlają się w okolicach. Praca i dodatkowi ludzie to konsumpcja czyli zostawianie pieniędzy na miejscu. Torzym znajduje się dokładnie po środku, w bardzo dogodnym miejscu pomiędzy Berlinem a Poznaniem – 100 km w tą i 100 km w tamtą. Na autostradę nikt nie może narzekać, aczkolwiek widzę w dyskursach 280 pewnego rodzaju paranoję polegająca na tym, że nie da się nigdy dogodzić dwóm stronom. [Pracownik średniego szczebla OUA „Ilanka” w Torzymiu] Kolejną inwestycją, która jest konsekwencją pozytywnego zakończenia batalii o torzymski węzeł jest inwestycja firmy Port 2000 z Mostek. Powstaje właśnie centrum obsługi transportu tam powstanie. To jest Port 2000, który jest w Mostkach i właściciel buduje tutaj coś podobnego, czyli też taki kompleks, duży parking, zaplecze sanitarne, można się przespać, umyć, zjeść. I to będzie duża szansa na znalezienie miejsc pracy. [Pracownik Torzymskiego Ośrodka Kultury] Wraz z filią Portu 2000 ma powstać obwodnica łącząca tę inwestycję, zlokalizowaną zaraz przy samym zjeździe z autostrady A2 z DK92 na wysokości Hotelu „Paradise”. Projekt obwodnicy wraz z centrum obsługi transportu powstał właściwie zaraz po zakończeniu negocjacji w sprawie budowy zjazdu i został zaakceptowany w 2011 r. przez spółkę Autostrada Wielkopolska i następnie w 2013 r. w ramach miejscowego planu zagospodarowania miasta Torzym37. Pierwszą inwestycją, jaka powstała jest to stacja paliw. Ona już funkcjonuje. Ponadto inwestor buduje hotel, potężny. W chwili obecnej jest już zakończony stan surowy. [Burmistrz Torzymia] Na zakończenie warto się jeszcze przyjrzeć toczącemu się w latach 2014-2015 remontowi DK92 na odcinku między Boczowem a Torzymiem. Gmina starała się o niego od 2006 r. przyjmując strategię zarzucania różnego rodzaju petycjami oraz urzędowymi pismami zarówno Generalną Dyrekcję Dróg Krajowych i Autostrad, jak i Ministerstwo Finansów oraz Wojewódzki Inspektorat Transportu Drogowego. Chodziło nie tylko o wymianę nawierzchni (np. „koleiny, które wyjątkowo utrudniały mieszkańcom życie zwłaszcza po deszczach – nie można było poruszać się chodnikami, bo woda nagromadzona w koleinach była rozpryskiwana przez ciężarówki”), 37 Patrz Miejscowy Plan Zagospodarowania Przestrzennego terenu położonego w m. Torzym przy ulicy Sulęcińskiej – uchwała nr XXX/196/13 Rady Miejskiej Torzymiu z dnia 30 października 2013 r. 281 �ale również poprawę bezpieczeństwa poprzez stworzenie azylów oraz przejść dla pieszych. Wedle burmistrza gmina była zbywana aż do 2012 r., kiedy to otrzymała pozytywną odpowiedź z GDDKiA, lecz z tzw. wielkim ale. Warunkiem modernizacji DK92 było zaangażowanie Ministerstwa Finansów. Interwencje gminy w stolicy dały skutek, bo odcinek drogi przebiegający przez Torzym został wpisany do planu remontów na 2013 r., a dzięki wsparciu zielonogórskiego oddziału GDDKiA remont DK92 w Torzymiu znalazł się na 8 miejscu na liście priorytetów drogowych, wśród ponad 500 pozycji: Ujęto tę modernizację do planu i jesteśmy na 8 miejscu, jeśli chodzi o potrzeby inwestycyjne w całym kraju. Sądzę, że poprzez tą modernizację przede wszystkim podwyższy się bezpieczeństwo naszych mieszkańców. Wierzymy w to, że w przyszłym roku ta inwestycja będzie zrealizowana. [Burmistrz Torzymia] W rezultacie remont miał być zrealizowany w ramach Programu Redukcji Ofiar Śmiertelnych czyli w latach 2013-2014. Roczne przesunięcie prac modernizacyjnych wiązał się nie tylko z problemami pozyskania odpowiedniego finasowania z budżetu państwa, ale także z koniecznością modyfikacji projektu remontu: Bo pomimo usilnych próśb gminy – począwszy od 2006 r. o stworzenie przejścia dla pieszych przy osiedlu Lech, a dziś koło Biedronki, w projekcie go nie uwzględniono. Nie chcieli zrobić tego przejścia, bo to jest na zjeździe z górki. Więc gmina wywalczyła to w ITD fotoradar i dopiero przy wsparciu tej instytucji udało się projekt zmienić. Zgoda na zrobienie tego przejścia nadeszła w lutym 2014 r. [Burmistrz Torzymia] W konsultacjach związanych z remontem od początku uczestniczyli mieszkańcy Torzymia i to właściwie oni wywalczyli wspomniane przejście dla pieszych przy os. Lech. Na tym jednakże korekty projektu się nie zakończyły. Dokonywano ich na bieżąco dzięki funkcjonowaniu przy radzie miasta specjalnej komisji bezpieczeństwa, która zajmowała się wyłapywaniem błędów popełnianych przy remoncie 92. Wskutek tego ulegał on ciągłej prolongacie: 282 Też potem chodziło o wyjazd z osiedla, koło Biedronki na 92, który całkowicie został przesłonięty dziwnie zaprojektowanym chodnikiem odgrodzonym żółtymi barierkami. Tak pod ostrym kątem, tak, że nie było widać samochodów jadących 92. To na bieżąco zostało skorygowane. [Pracownik Torzymskiego Ośrodka Kultury] Jest jeszcze jedna rzecz, która w trakcie remontu Eurovia musiała poprawiać, a mianowicie azyle na przejściach dla pieszych, które były zbyt wysokie, wszystkie trzeba było obniżyć. Tu ewidentnie spartaczyli, bo na projekcie były takie jak trzeba. [Pracownik Ochotniczej Straży Pożarnej w Torzymiu] We wrześniu 2015 r. mieliśmy okazję obserwować ostatni etap remontu DK92. W tym czasie okazało się, iż na nowej nawierzchni zdążyły się pojawić koleiny. W konsekwencji firma będąca głównym wykonawcą robót musiała kłaść od nowa 10-centymetrową nawierzchnię na 5-kilometrowym odcinku, właściwie niemal w całości obejmującym Torzym. Na początku tego samego miesiąca w lokalnym wydaniu „Gazety Wyborczej” pojawił się krytyczny artykuł pt. Ciężarówki jechały, stały, a droga nie mogła „odpocząć”: „Powiedzieć, że mieszkańcy nie są zadowoleni z efektów, to chyba za mało. Zaledwie pół roku po zakończeniu pierwszego etapu przebudowy na drodze znów pojawiły się koleiny. ‘Rynny’ ciągną się niemal przez cały Torzym – od szpitala pulmonologiczno-kardiologicznego aż po hotel „Paradise”. – Koleiny zaczęły się wybrzuszać już w ub. miesiącu. Najlepiej je widać, gdy spadnie deszcz: woda, zamiast spływać bokami do studzienek, zalega na środku. Dziś różnica w wysokości może mieć nawet kilka centymetrów. Jak to zostało zrobione? – dziwi się pan Andrzej. – Nie dość, że remont trwa już ponad rok, tiry blokują miasto na amen, to jeszcze firma będzie się poprawiać?! To jakiś żart! – dodaje jeden z mieszkańców. Takich głosów jest o wiele więcej” (Źrałko 2015a). 283 �Mój torzym w kierunku autostrady To jest mój Torzym, to miasto moje. Tutaj przeżyłam najlepsze dni, pięknie dni. To jest mój Torzym, to miasto moje. Tutaj poznałam co znaczy żyć. [Refren piosenki wykonywanej przez członkinie Stowarzyszenia „Integracja Pokoleń w Torzymiu”38] We wrześniu 2016 r. w ramach projektu Lokalny Programu Rewitalizacji Gminy Torzym do 2020 r. został opublikowany przeznaczony do konsultacji społecznych raport diagnozujący potencjał społeczny, gospodarczy, środowiskowy oraz przestrzenny gminy, a także wskazujący domeny wymagające działań rewitalizacyjnych i modernizacyjnych. Opracowanie to powstało dzięki dotacji ze środków Funduszy Europejskich Program Operacyjny Pomoc Techniczna 2014-2020 na realizację projektu opracowania planu rewitalizacji dla gminy i miasta39 i było przedmiotem lokalnych dyskusji i konsultacji społecznych w październiku 2016 r. Konsultacje zostały przeprowadzone za pośrednictwem strony internetowej gminy oraz Biuletynu Informacji Urzędu Miejskiego, na których zamieszczony został Projekt oraz formularz uwag. W czasie konsultacji społecznych nie przesłano żadnej uwagi dotyczącej projektu, dlatego kolejnym etapem pracy jest po prostu jego uchwalenie przez Radę Miejską. Raport jest wykonany z ogromną pieczołowitością, a jednym z jego elementów jest analiza uwarunkowań gospodarczych gminy. Rozpoczyna się ona od wskazania jej bardzo korzystnego położenia terytorialnego pod względem rozwoju usług, których celem jest zapewnienie obsługi kierowców samochodów ciężarowych. Lokalne strategie ekonomiczne zostały w nim opisane jako bezpośrednio i pośrednio związane z ruchem drogowym, poprzez świadczenie usług gastronomicznych, hotelarskich, a także usług skierowanych 38 Wykonanie tej piosenki zarejestrowały Dorota Zyń-Horbaczewska i Justyna Rapicka w reportażu Torzymski Łącznik z 2015 roku, www.zachod.pl/radio-zachod/audycje/ wedrowki-z-mikrofonem/torzymski-lacznik/ (data dostępu 30.05.2017). 39 Lokalny Programu Rewitalizacji Gminy Torzym do 2020 roku (2016), Torzym, www.torzym.pl/asp/pliki/aktualnosci/2016-09-27_lpr_torzym_23.09.2016_do_ konsultacji.pdf. 284 na zapewnienie sprawności przemieszczających się samochodów, czyli ich naprawy mechaniczne, myjnie, stacje paliw (Lokalny Pro‑ gram Rewitalizacji 2016: 39). Z przeprowadzonej analizy liczebności osób fizycznych prowadzących działalność gospodarczą wynika, iż liczba firm utrzymuje się na stałym poziomie, oscylującym w graniach 300 podmiotów, które rzeczywiście w znacznym stopniu związane są ze wspomnianą działalnością skoncentrowaną na zapewnieniu obsługi ruchu ciężarowego. Analizując sytuację Torzymia, zauważono też występowanie przestrzeni, na których znajdują się opuszczone sklepy oraz dostrzeżono niesprzyjającą sytuację w zakresie rozwoju działalności handlowej, powodowaną pojawieniem się sklepów dyskontowych, które zapewniają niższe ceny i sprawiają, że w mniejszym stopniu opłacalne jest prowadzenie małych punktów handlowych (Lokalny Program Rewitalizacji 2016: 40). Jednocześnie za jeden z ważniejszych elementów sprzyjających przyszłości Torzymia wskazano zlokalizowany na północ od miasta węzeł autostradowy. Już w Strategii Miasta i Gminy Torzym na lata 2005-2020 (2005) atrakcyjne tereny inwestycyjne, w sąsiedztwie autostrady A2 z opracowaniami planistycznymi atrakcyjne położenie wskazywane są jako mocne strony gminy. Polityka dotycząca zagospodarowania przestrzennego gminy uwzględnia jej perspektywiczny model funkcjonalny, opiera się na realizacji zapisów definiujących warunki rozwoju jakim jest ulepszenie przestrzeni inwestycyjnej opartej na głównej osi rozwojowej gminy w oparciu o istniejący układ komunikacyjny wzdłuż DK92 i autostrady A2. Potencjał węzła autostradowego daje możliwości dalszego wykorzystania korzystnego położenia gminy w bliskości ważnych drogowych szlaków komunikacyjnych oraz ośrodków miejskich, takich jak Frankfurt nad Odrą, Berlin, Poznań, Zielona Góra, Gorzów Wielkopolski. Przez centrum gminy przyjeżdża kilka tysięcy samochodów na dobę. Torzym to jedno z ostatnich miast przed terminalem odpraw celnych w Świecku i granicą z Niemcami. Dlatego właśnie większość kierowców ciężarówek dalekobieżnych i samochodów osobowych, którzy jadą do Świecka i dalej, do Europy Zachodniej jest klientami lokalnych sklepów, tankuje baki, ostatni raz 285 �korzysta z noclegu w jednym z torzymskich moteli. Zgodnie z Pla‑ nem Inwestycyjnym i Promocji Gospodarczej Województwa Lubu‑ skiego (PIiPG WL) w kwietniu 2016 r. przez Zarząd Województwa Lubuskiego w gminach zlokalizowanych wzdłuż kluczowych szlaków komunikacyjnych (przede wszystkim droga ekspresowa S3 i autostrada A2, ale również niektóre drogi krajowe) wskazano na zasadność powstawania nowych lub dozbrajania istniejących terenów inwestycyjnych, stref aktywności gospodarczej lub podstref specjalnych stref ekonomicznych. Z gmin wcześniej niewymienionych są to m.in. Torzym (Lokalny Program Rewitalizacji 2016: 82). Miasto generalnie się rozbudowuje w kierunku autostrady. Tutaj coś jest, coś się buduje, o i będzie coś nowego, nowe miejsca pracy, jakaś rozrywka, można gdzieś pójść, spotkać się ze znajomymi, nieznajomymi, poznać nowych ludzi. Ludzie łączą się w oczekiwaniu na to nowe, które tutaj przyjdzie, na te inne możliwości, innych sposobów zarabiania na życia i takie rzeczy nas tu chyba łączą. Do dobrego zawsze szybko się przyzwyczajamy. Mamy ten łącznik, jest fajnie, jesteśmy zadowoleni, że coś się stało, że jest jakaś inwestycja, że coś się dzieje. Wydaje mi się, że ludzie pomału zapominają, że jednak tego nie było. Oczekiwania są coraz większe, bo to jest na zasadzie dostaniesz małego cukierka i chcesz coraz więcej. Mała inwestycja – cieszymy się, ale chcemy coraz więcej. [Burmistrz Torzymia] Mobilność, polityka, lokalność Bardzo znaczący w kontekście naszych badań jest fakt, że w humanistyce i naukach społecznych ostatnich kilku dekad pojęcie mobilności (oraz pojęcia pochodne) występuje z taką częstotliwością, jak nigdy wcześniej. Co więcej, metody, narzędzia, idee i praktyki określane jako mobilne prezentowane są jako najbardziej innowacyjne i w adekwatny sposób oddające logikę globalnej, płynnej, podwubiegunowej rzeczywistości. Mobilność podniesiono do rangi kategorii niemal uniwersalnej – opisowej, diagnostycznej i objaśniającej jednocześnie. Skutkuje to choćby proliferacją bytów „podróżujących”: pojęć (Mieke Bal), teorii (Edward Said, James Clifford), jednostek (Walter Benjamin), kapitałów i społeczeństw (John Urry), a nawet ludzkości (ONZ). Bez przesady można stwierdzić, że przełom XX i XXI w. okazał się w naukach o kulturze „czasem mobilności”. Oczywiście, jak każde pojęcie/zwrot, również w tym przypadku mamy do czynienia z procesem narastającym, rozłożonym na lata. Jak słusznie zwracają uwagę Simon Borja, Guillaume Courty i Thierry Ramadier (2015) „genealogia mobilności” sięga lat 20. XX w. Amerykański socjolog Pitrim Sorokin, zajmujący się klasą średnią, odwołał się wtedy do pojęcia „mobilności społecznej”. Miało ono odnosić się do obserwowanego przezeń rozwoju tej klasy i wizji woluntaryzmu, połączonego z osobistym spełnieniem. To Sorokin usystematyzował i spopularyzował analogię przestrzenną, podkreślając, że miejsce jednostki w przestrzeni społecznej wyznaczają jej relacje wobec innych jednostek, wynikające z różnic ekonomicznych, zawodowych i politycznych. Autor Ruchliwości społecznej (2009) wprowadził klasyczne dzisiaj pojęcia ruchliwości poziomej i pionowej, a także jednostkowej i grupowej. Równolegle zaczęto stosować „perspektywę przemieszczania się” w zarządzaniu 287 �miastem, a w latach 30. pojawiły się statystyki miejskich przepływów oraz inżynierowie ruchu drogowego. Drugi etap „genealogii mobilności” wiąże się z latami 70. Specjaliści, tacy jak geografowie, psychologowie czy ekonomiści, badali wtedy subiektywne wymiary mobilności, w tym koszty przemieszczeń i stojące za nimi motywacje. Stąd był już tylko krok do etapu ostatniego, w ramach którego mobilność skojarzono z łatwością poruszania się, dotyczącą tyleż jednostki, co i całego społeczeństwa. W socjologii sformułowano teorię „kapitału mobilności”, a Urry opublikował wpływową Socjologię mobilności – w oryginale Socio‑ logy Beyond Societies. Mobilities for the Twenty-First Century (Urry 2012b). Był to swoisty manifest, w którym Urry przedstawił nowy socjologiczny język, analizując przepływy ludzi, pieniędzy, przedmiotów, informacji i obrazów oraz konsekwencje tej nowej mobilności dla rozumienia i doświadczenia miejsca, czasu i przestrzeni. Do zrekonstruowanej przez Borję, Courty’ego i Ramadiera „genealogii mobilności” należy dodać kilka istotnych elementów. Pominięto w niej bowiem, jakże ważne w humanistyce, lata 80. Oto w 1982 r. Edward Said opublikował artykuł „Traveling theory” (Said 1982), wielokrotnie potem umieszczany w antologiach, cytowany i komentowany. Said wprowadził w nim pojęcie „podróżujących teorii”. Przyjął w nim tezę, iż teorie, traktowane jako szczególny rodzaj obiektu, ulegają „przeszczepianiu, przenoszeniu, cyrkulacji i handlowi”. Wskazane jest zatem, przekonywał, wspólne rozpatrzenie dwóch pojęć: teorii i podróży (Said 1982: 42). Bazując na przykładzie Lukácsowskiego marksizmu, Said pytał w związku z tym o miejsca powstania, odbioru, przekazu i oporu wobec teorii jako takiej. Ogólnie określił je jako „warunki akceptacji i oporu”, umożliwiające późniejsze akty reinterpretacji i ożywienia niektórych propozycji teoretycznych. W analizowanym przez niego przypadku były one na tyle istotne, że pierwotny potencjał wywrotowy koncepcji György Lukácsa, został potem – w trakcie „podróży” – udomowiony i zinstytucjonalizowany. W końcu tej samej dekady intrygujące uwagi na temat związków podróżowania z teorią sformułował James Clifford (1989). Badacz ten przypomniał starogrecką etymologię pojęcia theorein, według 288 której jedno z jego znaczeń odnosiło się wprost do „praktyki podróży i obserwacji”. W tym kontekście, kontynuował Clifford, teoria jawi się przede wszystkim jako efekt przemieszczania się, ruchu, zmiany miejsca. Tworzenie teorii wymaga z kolei porzucenia tego, co oswojone, stając się aktem wykroczenia poza przestrzeń udomowioną. Etymologiczna „praktyka podróży i obserwacji” nakazuje wystawienie się na to, co nowe, nieznane, nieoczekiwane. W konsekwencji zatem, każdy teoretyk wystawia się na wahadłowy ruch między „tutaj” a „tam”, o tyle skomplikowany, że jasne granice i przewidywalne ruchy należą raczej do rzadkości. „W końcu XX w. rzeczywistość podróżujących teoretyków nie jest prosta”, konkludował Clifford (1989: 177). Należy dodać, że Cliffordowskie „notatki o podróży i teorii” powstały w ramach specjalnej tematycznej konferencji zatytułowanej „Predicaments of Theory”. W 1989 r. zorganizowały ją Group for the Critical Study of Colonial Discourse oraz Center for Cultural Studies Uniwersytetu Kalifornijskiego w Santa Cruz. Poruszane w jej trakcie zagadnienia warte są przypomnienia: (1) europocentryzm w głównych tradycjach teoretycznych; (2) autorytet „pierwszego świata”; (3) chronotopy teorii; (4) skutki eksportu, importu i lokalnych implementacji teorii metropolitarnych; (5) teorie elit. We „Wprowadzeniu” do materiałów pokonferencyjnych Clifford i Vivek Dhareshwar pisali: „Teoria jest czymś więcej niż tylko aktem lokalnym (…). Teorie nie dają się już dłużej zsumowywać, ponieważ podróżują. W ich zróżnicowanym zakorzenieniu i odkorzenianiu, teorie podlegają nieustannemu przekładowi, zawłaszczaniu, podważaniu i przeszczepianiu. Teorie podróżują; podobnie teoretycy. W końcu XX w. twórcy i odbiorcy teorii nie mogą być dłużej sytuowani na jako-tako stabilnej mapie Pierwszego Świata i w lokalizacjach Trzeciego Świata. Ta mobilność i ruchliwość stawia przed nami nierozwiązane problemy, wymagające systematycznej refleksji (Clifford, Dhareshwar 1989: 1). W bardzo podobny sposób do tej problematyki powróciła na początku nowego millenium holenderska krytyczka kultury Mieke Bal. Ufundowała bowiem określenie „wędrujące pojęcia”, uruchamiając dzięki niemu nową odsłonę mobilności (Bal 2012). Badaczka 289 �prześledziła proces „wędrówki” pewnych pojęć między dyscyplinami, okresami historycznymi i rozproszonymi geograficznie wspólnotami uczonych. Jednym z przeanalizowanych przez nią przypadków było pojęcie hybrydowości; Bal trafnie wskazała na skomplikowaną trajektorię jego przemieszczania się – od dyskursu biologicznego, gdzie hybryda funkcjonowała w kategoriach innego jako czystego egzemplarza, którego obecność prowadzi do bezpłodności, poprzez dyskurs imperialistyczny, po idealizowany obraz postkolonialnej różnorodności. Oczywiście, wskazane wyżej przykłady są jedynie wycinkiem naukowej refleksji poświęconej mobilności, wypracowanej w ciągu ostatnich dziesięcioleci. Nie ma jednak sensu, by ten wątek tutaj rozbudowywać, tym bardziej, że jak zauważają Borja, Courty i Ramadier (2015) – powracam, bowiem do ich wywodów – popularności pojęcia mobilność nie mogła zagwarantować tylko jego nośność na poziomie dyskursu naukowego. Przypisywane mobilności pozytywne cechy – w rodzaju podróży, postępu, nowych doświadczeń – były przecież także żywiołem i materią sztuki. Przykładów tego procesu można wskazać aż nadto: od promowanego przez Charlesa Baudelaire’a flâneura i niezatapialnego „Nautilusa” Juliusza Verne’a, poprzez „Akt schodzący po schodach” Marcela Duchampa, futurystów, suprematystów, do „miejskiego dryfu” sytuacjonistów i koncepcji „deterytorializacji” Gillesa Deleuza i Feliksa Guattariego. Nie mam wątpliwości, że dyskurs artystyczny stał się jednym z kluczowych nośników pojęcia mobilności. Kolejnym dyskursem sojuszniczym mobilności stała się w II połowie XX w. polityka. Przyjrzyjmy się najpierw temu związkowi na poziomie ponadnarodowym. Od 1990 r. ONZ-owski Instytut ds. Badań i Szkoleń realizuje – we współpracy z Międzynarodową Organizacją ds. Migracji (IOM), ONZ-owskim Funduszem Ludnościowym (UNPF), Międzynarodową Organizacją Pracy (ILO) – „Human Mobility Programme”. Corocznie w ramach tego programu szkoli się, również w Polsce, przedstawicieli władz lokalnych i regionalnych, zaangażowanych w tworzenie polityki wobec migrantów. Oczywiście, szkolenia te oparte są na konkretnym pakiecie dokumentów. Jednym z kluczowych jest opublikowany w 2009 r. 290 raport o przełamywaniu barier, mobilności ludzi i rozwoju (Human Development Report 2009). Rozdział pierwszy tego dokumentu nosi znaczący tytuł: „Freedom and development: how mobility can foster human development”. Zwraca się tam uwagę, że mobilność w wymiarze międzynarodowym pociąga za sobą wiele kosztów, zarówno materialnych, jak i emocjonalnych. Bez względu na nie, corocznie miliony ludzi decydują się jednak na zmianę miejsca życia, chcąc w ten sposób poprawić warunki bytowe swoje i swoich rodzin. Po rozważeniu motywów, częstotliwości i trajektorii współczesnych ruchów ludnościowych, raport informuje: „Mobilność to wolność – możliwość przemieszczania się jest tej wolności sprawdzianem. Rozumiemy mobilność jako pozytywną, a nie tylko negatywną wolność (…) Możliwość przemieszczania się jest wymiarem wolności, który jest także częścią rozwoju” (Human Development Report 2009: 13-15). Widać w tym świetle wyraźnie, że perspektywa ONZ-owska ściśle łączy ze sobą pojęcia rozwoju, wolności i mobilności; ich synergia i współzależność jest przedstawiana jako motor postępu w wymiarze planetarnym. W tym kontekście szerszego znaczenia nabiera akt nazwania autostrady A2 mianem „Autostrady Wolności”, co 4 czerwca 2014 r. proklamowali wspólnie prezydenci Polski i Niemiec. Wydarzenie to przekonuje, że kojarzenie autostrady jako medium mobilności z wolnością, jest czymś nieledwie powszechnym. Jeden z publicystów „USA Today”, oceniając po półwieczu program „Federal Aid Highway Act” (o którym była już mowa), stwierdził: „Najczęściej mówimy o pięciu wolnościach, wynikających z pierwszej poprawki do Konstytucji Stanów Zjednoczonych – religii, prasy, słowa, petycji i zgromadzeń. W związku z 50. rocznicą rozpoczęcia budowy autostrad, powinniśmy mówić także o specjalnej szóstej wolności – podróżowania darmowymi autostradami” (Neuharth 2006). Mobilność wykorzystywana jest także na poziomie polityk regionalnych (myślę tutaj o Unii Europejskiej) oraz krajowych. Dotyczy to zwłaszcza rynku pracy i edukacji. W latach 60. francuski prezydent Charles de Gaulle wyjaśniał, że mobilność jest kluczowa na rynku pracy, pozwala bowiem na swobodny wybór i naukę zawodu. 291 �Szybko mobilność stała się atrybutem rynku pracy, a nawet probierzem oceny takich jego segmentów, jak sektor kreatywny. Od 2007 r. przy Radzie UE działa zespół ekspercki o nazwie Grupa ds. mobilności artystów i innych osób zawodowo działających w dziedzinie kultury. Rok 2006 Komisja Europejska ogłosiła „europejskim rokiem mobilności pracowników”. W 2010 r. ta sama instytucja zainaugurowała program „Mobilna młodzież”, mający być elementem strategii Europa 2020. Mobilność uczyniono bowiem tymczasem elementem myślenia o edukacji, nie tylko wyższej. We francuskiej ustawie o zmianach w szkolnictwie z 2013 r. zapowiadano: „Będziemy rozwijać, indywidualnie i grupowo, mobilność uczniów, jak również nauczycieli” (Borja, Courty, Ramadier 2015: 4). Studentów wszystkich szczebli zachęca się do korzystania z dobrodziejstw programów mobilności: Erasmus, Erasmus Mundus, Erasmus+. Programy Staff Mobility skierowane są z kolei do naukowców, mających udoskonalać swój warsztat badawczy i dydaktyczny właśnie dzięki umożliwianej dzięki nim mobilności. Dopełnieniem wspomnianych już wyżej dyskursów mobilności jest oczywiście sfera technologiczna. Najbardziej znanym przykładem jest na tym polu telefonia komórkowa i powiązane z nią urządzenia (mobilphone) oraz różnego typu aplikacje. Mobilność cechuje nie tylko sieci telefoniczne (od lat 80.), ale także cyfrową łączność radiową, rozwiązania typu WiFi i WLAN, technologie Bluetooth i GPS, a także rosnący zbiór urządzeń, takich jak smartfony, tablety, palmtopy, notebooki, PlayStation Portable i inne. Mobilne stają się kolejne sektory: bankowość, edukacja, rozrywka, konsumpcja, transport. Wyraźny i ekspansywny trend, polegający na przenoszeniu czynności wykonywanych wcześniej na urządzeniach stacjonarnych do środowiska urządzeń mobilnych, pozwala na mówienie o „erze mobilności” (Sznajder 2014: 20). We „Wprowadzeniu” do naukowego „słownika mobilności” – pomyślanego jako swoista odpowiedź na Keywords napisane przed laty przez Raymonda Williamsa – możemy przeczytać, że myślenie w kategoriach mobilności, postrzeganej jako „asamblaż ruchu, wyobrażeń i doświadczenia”, stała się bazą dla mobility turn w teorii społecznej i podstawą dla sformułowania „paradygmatu nowej 292 mobilności” (Salazar 2016: 3). Idzie w tych zmianach zarówno o krytykę teorii sedentaryzmu oraz deterytorializacji, jak i o nowy rodzaj postrzegania współczesnego kapitalizmu. Kluczową optyką staje się bowiem skala i zróżnicowanie możliwych mobilności. By zdać sobie sprawę z rozległości tej problematyki, wystarczy wymienić główne typy mobilnych jednostek: turysta i pielgrzym, migrant i uchodźca, dyplomata i przedsiębiorca, misjonarz i pracownik NGO, student i nauczyciel, sportowiec i artysta, żołnierz i dziennikarz, dziecko i partner, a także osoba pracująca dla międzynarodowych organizacji czy należąca do którejś z transnarodowych sieci, o personelu towarzyszącym wyżej wymienionym nie zapominając. Noel B. Salazar nie ma w związku z tym wątpliwości: „Mobilności są centralną strukturą życia wielu ludzi. W wielu częściach świata, mobilność jest postrzegana jako ważny sposób przynależności do współczesnego społeczeństwa” (Salazar 2016: 2). Z powyższego wynika jedno: współczesne dyskursy i praktyki – na polu nauki, ekonomii, polityki, edukacji, technologii itd. – pełne są mobilności. Mobilność stała się jedną z kluczowych cech rzeczywistości, jej rzekomo neutralną, a nawet pożądaną, własnością. Rozpowszechnione imaginarium mobilności tworzy coraz szersze pole semantyczne, obejmujące postęp, nowoczesność, globalizację, wolny rynek, liczbę przebytych kilometrów. Pojęcie to szybko połączyło się z listą życzeń liberalnych wspólnot i ich liderów: z kreatywnością, płynnością, dostępnością, elastycznością, rozwojem, a nawet wolnością. Powstał w ten sposób metadyskurs mobilności, swoisty rodzaj nowego paradygmatu, obecny we wszystkich wymiarach kultury. Ostatecznie, mobilność przekształciła się w bardzo ekspansywną wizję świata, społeczeństwa, kultury, jednostek i ich wolności. Różnorodne „mitopraktyki” (Sahlins 2006) mobilności są najdoskonalszą bodaj kwintesencją „świata w ruchu”, „przestrzeni przepływów”, „informacyjnej superautostrady”, a wreszcie także „płynnej nowoczesności” jako takiej. Uderzające jest przy tym, jak łatwo ów metadyskurs mobilności „przykrył” i znaturalizował swój mityczny charakter – ruchliwość i przemieszczanie się uchodzi obecnie za naturalne, samo przez się zrozumiałe, nie potrzebujące uzasadnień. Przecież jednak porządek 293 �mobilności, będący porządkiem kapitalizmu, uprzestrzenniającym stosunki społeczne, potrzebuje nie tyle nawet uzasadnień, co raczej celnych pytań i pogłębionych analiz. Przedsmaku owych krytycznych analiz dostarcza raczej zapomniana, wydana ponad pół wieku temu, książka Lewisa Mumforda The City in History (1961). Amerykański socjolog i filozof technologii, wiele uwagi poświęcający badaniom miast i miejskiej architektury, zawarł w niej spostrzeżenia, których wagę możemy w Polsce docenić dopiero po latach. Szczególnie interesująco brzmią uwagi Mumforda poświęcone wpływowi ruchu samochodowego na przemianę – a raczej dekompozycję – tkanki miejskiej. Analizując rozwój przestrzeni zurbanizowanych, badacz stwierdził, że przedmieścia powstałe w okresie 1850-1920 zostały ukształtowane dzięki kolei; te bliżej centrów natomiast, rozbudowywane po 1895 r., związane były z upowszechnieniem się tramwajów, a następnie metra. Przedmieścia owe nie były duże, zazwyczaj liczyły do 10 tys. mieszkańców, a ich rozmiar był zdeterminowany odległością od stacji kolejowej, pokonywaną zwykle pieszo. Stan ten uległ gwałtownej zmianie wraz z pośpiesznym rozwojem motoryzacji indywidualnej. Znikła „piesza” skala dawnych przedmieść z ich indywidualnością i unikalnością, zastąpiona przez skalę „samochodu”. Pojawiła się, jak pisał Mumford, estetyka w nieludzkiej skali: ogromne bilbordy i plansze reklamowe („McDonald’s”, „Hipermarket”), rozmiarami dostosowane do zmotoryzowanego widza. W momencie, gdy auto indywidualnego właściciela stało się substytutem komunikacji publicznej, przedmieścia zaczęły się gwałtownie rozrastać. Samochód wchłonął to, co było walorem przedmieścia, czyli przestrzeń. Zamiast zadrzewionych budynków w parkach, pojawiły się budynki na parkingach. Co więcej, przemieszczanie się pieszo stało się aktywnością niebezpieczną – z uwagi na masowy ruch samochodowy – a nawet mało sensowną, zważywszy na fakt, że liczba miejsc, do których można dotrzeć w ciągu 10-minutowego spaceru, radykalnie się zmniejszyła. Do lamusa odszedł antyczny, rzymski standard dróg o szerokości 15 stóp; współcześnie przyjął postać wielopasmowych arterii z wielopoziomowymi 294 koniczynami węzłów o powierzchni często przekraczającej 10 hektarów (Mumford 1961: 572-581). Nie sposób nie dostrzec zaskakującej zbieżności poglądów Mumforda z aktywnym kilka dekad później filozofem Marshallem Bermanem. W wydanej w 1982 pracy Wszystko, co stałe rozpływa się w powietrzu, Berman zwrócił mianowicie uwagę na to, że jednym z wcieleń nowoczesności jest – nie mniej, ni więcej – „świat autostrad” (Berman 2006). „Tu w Bronxie – pisał – nowoczesność spod znaku wielkomiejskiego bulwaru został uznana za przestarzałą i starta na proch przez nowoczesność spod znaku międzystanowej autostrady. Sic transit! Bycie nowoczesnym okazało się dużo bardziej problematyczne i niebezpieczne, niż mnie uczono” (Berman 2006: 383). Berman odwołuje się w przywołanym fragmencie do własnych doświadczeń mieszkańca nowojorskiej dzielnicy Bronx, która stała się w latach 50. przedmiotem „modernizacji poprzez autostradę”. Za radykalnym planem przebudowy istniejącej infrastruktury stał Robert Moses, urbanista, którego rozmach i bezwzględność w realizacji planów porównuje się często do pracującego w Paryżu Georgesa Haussmanna. To Moses doprowadził do tego, iż przebito się przez środek dzielnicy, burząc kilkanaście osiedli i wysiedlając 60 tys. ich mieszkańców. Inwestycja ta wpisywała się w wieloletni program modernizacyjny Mosesa. Jeden z harvardzkich wykładowców uznał jego działalność za ukoronowanie dziejów nowoczesnej architektury, a autostradowe ślimaki i koniczynki w Nowym Jorku porównał do kubistycznych obrazów i abstrakcyjnych rzeźb oraz instalacji jednocześnie. Przekonywał dodatkowo, że znaczenie i piękno epoki nie daje się już uchwycić z pojedynczego punktu widzenia, ale tylko w ruchu: „Typowe dla naszej epoki odczuwanie czasu i przestrzeni rzadko kiedy jest tak żywe jak podczas jazdy samochodem” (Berman 2006: 390). Z sedentarystycznej perspektywy osoby zakorzenionej w jednym miejskim kwartale – osoby nie posiadającej, o paradoksie!, samochodu, której rytm życia wyznaczała dzielnica i metro prowadzące do centrum – modernizacja oznaczała jednak koniec znanego świata. Berman przyznaje, że postać Mosesa, on i jemu podobni, szybko utożsamili z opisywanym 295 �przez Allena Ginsberga Molochem z bitnikowskiego poematu Sko‑ wyt: „sfinksem z cementu i aluminium (…) którego budowle są wyrokiem” (Ginsberg 1984: 17). Z przyczyn oczywistych i już w tej książce opisywanych, polski krytyczny dyskurs mobilności rozwinął się na dobre dopiero w drugiej dekadzie XXI w. We wcześniejszej partii książki wspominałem o działalności grup ekologicznych, których symbolem i kulminacją stał się protest przeciwko budowie przebiegu autostrady przez Górę św. Anny. Nie tylko jednak trudno mówić o sukcesie tego protestu; podobnie trudno założyć, że formułowane przez ekologów postulaty ukształtowały coś na kształt publicznego dyskursu krytycznego. Znamienny w polskich warunkach jest fakt, że dyskurs taki powstał raczej na bazie politycznej niż związanej z ochroną ekosystemu. Przypomnę w tym miejscu, że dyskurs modernizacyjny – zakorzeniony w pozytywnym waloryzowaniu mobilności i przekonaniu o niemal dziejowej konieczności budowy sieci autostradowej – nasilił się w Polsce w okresie poprzedzającym 2012 r. Był to rok, w którym Polska oraz Ukraina miały wspólnie zorganizować mistrzostwa Europy w piłce nożnej. Gdy w kwietniu 2007 r. Michel Platini, prezydent UEFA, ogłosił, że tę dużą imprezę sportową powierza się Polsce i Ukrainie, „euforia sięgnęła zenitu, ludzie wpadli w szał radości, zaczęli się ściskać, skakać do góry, niektórzy płakali ze wzruszenia, strzelały korki od szampanów (…) W Poznaniu, tak samo jak w Warszawie, Wrocławiu, Chorzowie i Krakowie tysiące osób zgromadziły się przed telebimami w oczekiwaniu na ogłoszenie organizatora Euro 2012” (Mamy Euro 2012, 2007). „Mistrzostwa Europy w Piłce Nożnej UEFA EURO 2012 to największe pod względem organizacyjnym przedsięwzięcie realizowane dotychczas w Polsce oraz trzecia co do wielkości impreza sportowa na świecie”, można przeczytać w dokumentach ministerstwa Sportu i Turystyki (Mistrzostwa Europy w Piłce Nożnej UEFA EURO 2012, 2011). Pokonanie Włoch oraz Austrii i Chorwacji w staraniach o organizację Euro dość powszechnie potraktowano jako międzynarodowy wyraz uznania dla Polski jako kraju należącego już do zachodnioeuropejskiej wspólnoty: zarówno pod względem kulturowym, jak i cywilizacyjnym. 296 Jakkolwiek istniały wcześniej nakreślone plany budowy autostrad, po słowach Platiniego ich realizacja stała się priorytetem. Chodziło o to, by spodziewane tysiące kibiców mogły dotrzeć na polskie stadiony wygodnie, własnymi samochodami. Nie ulega przy tym wątpliwości, że efektywna organizacja Euro stała się kluczowym zadaniem dla rządów Platformy Obywatelskiej. Co prawda w kwietniu 2007 r. – gdy UEFA ogłosiła swoją decyzję – premierem rządu był Jarosław Kaczyński, jednak w okresie listopad 2007-listopad 2015 Radą Ministrów kierowali liderzy PO: najpierw Donald Tusk, potem Ewa Kopacz. Dodatkowo, premier Tusk afiszował się jako zagorzały kibic futbolu (zwłaszcza klubu Lechia Gdańsk), a także osoba czynnie uprawiająca ten sport (w formie cotygodniowych meczy rozgrywanych z udziałem członków rządu, PO i bliskich współpracowników). Połączenie prywatnej pasji z publiczną funkcją sprawiło, że głównym politycznym podmiotem stojącym za przygotowaniem Euro 2012 w Polsce był właśnie Tusk. Premier Tusk cyklicznie składał UEFA relacje z przebiegu prac nad budową i rozbudową stadionów, hoteli i autostrad. „Mamy jeszcze bardzo dużo pracy do wykonania. Dotyczy to stadionu, lotnisk, a także bazy hotelowej. To są bardzo ambitne projekty, ale zapewniłem Pana przewodniczącego, że damy radę. Z wielką satysfakcją przyjąłem słowa Pana Platiniego, że Polska jest konkretnym i wiarygodnym partnerem w tym przedsięwzięciu”, czytamy w jednym z takich oświadczeń, z lipca 2008 r. (Oświadczenia szefa polskiego rządu, 2008). Bardzo szybko przygotowaniu do Euro przekształciły się w wielki narodowy program modernizacji Polski, przedstawiany jako przełomowy cywilizacyjny skok. Jego istotnym elementem była oczywiście budowa autostrad, w tym A2. Polityka budowana w oparciu o planowany rozwój infrastruktury wkrótce stała się wizytówką rządów PO i programem samego Tuska. „Niektóre sprawy idą szybciej, niektóre wolniej. Budujemy autostrady, pieniądze z UE wydajemy najlepiej w Europie, znieśliśmy pobór, mamy armię zawodową – mówił Tusk w 2010 r. – Wolę politykę, która gwarantuje, jak niektórzy mówili złośliwie, ciepłą wodę w kranie. Bo wielu wita to z uznaniem, że jest wreszcie silna partia, która jest powściągliwa i skromna, jeśli chodzi o narzucanie 297 �ludziom wielkich celów, która daje za to wielką stabilizację. A ja uważam, że Polska potrzebuje wielkich zmian” (Wolę politykę cie‑ płej wody w kranie, 2010). Szczególnie wyraźnie zaakcentowano wagę modernizowania Polski poprzez autostrady w przemówieniu Komorowskiego – sprawującego urząd prezydencki dopiero od miesiąca – wygłoszonym we wrześniu 2010 r. podczas dożynek na Jasnej Górze: „Leciałem tutaj do Państwa prawie przez całą Polskę, bo z Wybrzeża (…) Leciałem nad wspaniałymi, budzącymi polską dumę autostradami i nowymi drogami. To szczególne dożynki – po 30 latach możemy patrzeć na plon polskiej wolności, wtedy odzyskanej. Należy się cieszyć tą wolnością. Należy być dumnym”1. Pomijając wymogi poetyki przemówień wygłaszanych w katolickim sanktuarium w czasie cyklicznego święta rolników, warto dostrzec w powyższych słowach znaczące połączenie. Oto wolność i duma (a zwłaszcza „polska duma”) urzeczywistniły się i ucieleśniły w autostradach oraz „nowych drogach”. Wyraźnie postawiono tutaj znak równości między mobilnością a wolnością. O ile jednak „typowe dla naszej epoki odczuwanie czasu i przestrzeni” w sposób najbardziej adekwatny percypowano w latach 50. w USA – o czym z sarkazmem pisał cytowany wyżej Berman – podczas jazdy samochodem, o tyle efekty inwestycji infrastrukturalnych w roku 2010 w Polsce najlepiej oglądało się z powietrza. Tym samym okazało się, że efektywna modernizacja wymaga nowego sposobu postrzegania, nowej, mobilnej, wertykalnej perspektywy – dostępnej z powietrza, z góry. Perspektywy, dodajmy, dostępnej tylko elitom i władzy na mocy reguł opisanych przez Yi-Fu Tuana: „Wszystko, co lepsze czy doskonałe, jest wyżej, kojarzy się z poczuciem fizycznej wysokości (…) Bogaci i wpływowi (…) osiągają większą przestrzeń wizualną” (Tuan 1987: 55-56). Za swoistą kwintesencję tak zdefiniowanej polityki wewnętrznej można uznać inną wypowiedź prezydenta Komorowskiego, który cztery lata po mowie jasnogórskiej, w 2014 r., w dniu święta 3 maja deklarował: „Ten kto chce zagwarantować rozwój, bezpieczeństwo 1 www.wpolityce.pl/polityka/105364-prezydent-poetycki-lecialem-smiglowcem-ipatrzylem-na-poorane-pola-na-znaki-zwiezionych-plonow-na-dachy-nowychdomow (data dostępu: 13.02.2017). 298 i wolność Ojczyzny musi być gotów do jej ciągłej modernizacji, ciągłej pracy na rzecz nowoczesności, ciągłego wysiłku na rzecz pojawiających się nowych wyzwań, nowych zagrożeń i nowych szans. Świętowanie 25-lecie ponownego odzyskania wolności, jest jednocześnie świętowaniem 25 lat trudnego, ale owocnego procesu modernizacji kraju” (Nie ma wolności bez nowoczesności!, 2014). Powyższe cytaty dobrze uzmysławiają, jak sądzę, nie tylko generalne ramy programu polskiej polityki wewnętrznej, ale także sposób myślenia rządzących na temat modernizacji/nowoczesności/mobilności. O powstałym dzięki temu połączeniu polu semantycznym, pisałem na początku rozdziału. W tym miejscu chciałbym jednak raz jeszcze podkreślić, że budowa autostrad uznana została przez polskie rządy przełomu pierwszej i drugiej dekady obecnego stulecia za projekt nie tylko o charakterze politycznym, ale wręcz cywilizacyjnym. Po wstąpieniu Polski do NATO (marzec 1999), przyjęciu do Unii Europejskiej (maj 2004) oraz powierzeniu jej współorganizacji Euro 2012 (kwiecień 2007), powstanie polskich autostrad miało stać się przypieczętowaniem i zwieńczeniem procesu włączania Polski w struktury zachodniego świata. Ów modernizacyjny program rządzącej partii stał się potem w kolejnych latach – po zmianie ekipy rządzącej – przedmiotem zmasowanej krytyki. Zanim jednak przejdę do wydarzeń z pola polityki, chciałbym zauważyć istotną okoliczność. Otóż dyskurs legitymizujący modernizowanie Polski poprzez autostrady nie był produktem początku XXI w., ani też oryginalnym narzędziem retorycznym PO. Jego korzenie tkwią bowiem w latach wcześniejszych, u narodzin transformacji roku 1989. Trafnie wychwyciła kluczowe metafory polskiej transformacji amerykańska badaczka Lea Burdette (1996). Zauważyła ona, że w okresie w PRL oficjalny dyskurs polityczny przepełniony był określeniami, w których gospodarka przedstawiana była jako wielki „plac budowy”. Podstawowa metafora marksizmu przekonywała, że gospodarka ma strukturę podobną do budynku mieszkalnego, składając się, jak „normalny” dom, z bazy i nadbudowy. To zaś upoważniało do przekonania, że zarówno gospodarkę, jak i budynek, można precyzyjnie zaplanować, a potem według tego planu zbudować. Logika analogii była w tym wypadku rozciągana 299 �dalej – zaplanowana gospodarka miała być trwała, solidna i chroniąca przed wpływami z zewnątrz, a w dalszej kolejności miała przyjąć piętrową strukturę i formę hierarchicznego zarządzania. Propagandowymi wyrazami myślenia w kategoriach wielkiej budowy i równie wielkiego planu były popularne hasła w rodzaju „budujemy nową Polskę”, „budujemy socjalizm”, „budujemy wspólny dom”. W przeciwieństwie do zdominowanego przez obrazy domu i budowy języka PRL, język transformacji krystalizował się wokół pojęcia ruchu. W epoce wcześniejszej, metafor odwołujących się do ruchu było niewiele; jako przykłady można wskazać odniesienia do „ruchu wewnętrznego”: współzawodnictwa socjalistycznego czy przekraczania planów (na zasadzie kontrastu mówiono również o inspirowanym przez kapitalistyczny Zachód „wyścigu zbrojeń”). Po roku 1989 w dominującym dyskursie polityczno-ekonomicznym nastąpiła wyraźna zmiana. „Bardzo powszechna konstelacja metafor kojarzy ekonomię z ruchem” (Burdette 1996: 20). Dokonało się mianowicie przejście od dyskursu sedentarystycznego (budowa wielkiego domu/gospodarki) do dyskursu mobilności (prędkość, zmiana, gonienie). Wskazując na jakże liczne przykłady wyrażeń odnoszących się do ruchu, Burdette zaproponowała pogrupowanie ich w dwa zbiory. Pierwszy z nich odnosił się do nowego porządku ekonomii: „spadły ceny akcji”, „wzrost ekonomiczny”, „rosnące ceny”, „płynność budżetowa”, „napływ kapitału”. Drugi zabiór metafor wiązał się natomiast z aspiracjami politycznymi: „wchodzeniem do Unii” i „przechodzeniem ze wschodu na zachód”. Można w związku z tym powiedzieć, że dyskurs mobilności i nowoczesności przełomu pierwszej i drugiej dekady XXI w. uwyraźnił i wyostrzył znaczenie ruchu jako takiego. Mniej zajmowano się jednak już oswojoną ekonomią neoliberalną, skupiając się raczej na konieczności zakończenia procesu „przechodzenia ze wschodu na zachód”, co ostatecznie miało się ziścić dzięki wielkim nakładom na budowę polskich autostrad. Co znaczące, już ponad 20 lat temu cytowana badaczka zastrzegała: „Nie wszyscy są oczarowani tym ruchem” (Burdette 1996: 22). Jak miało się okazać, dominujący dyskurs triumfującej modernizacji zaczęły jednak zakłócać – najpierw z rzadka – odmienne 300 tonacje. W 2009 r. jeden z dziennikarzy wyrażał zdziwienie, że rząd tak łatwo zaakceptował rosnące koszty budowy autostrad, a dodatkowo pozwolił na pobieranie opłat za ich użytkowanie prywatnym podmiotom, udzielając im nawet wysokiej publicznej pomocy (Kublik 2009). Było to o tyle zaskakujące, że gdy w połowie lat 90. – postanowieniem rząd SLD i PSL – przyznano prywatnym konsorcjom koncesje na budowę autostrad, wyrażano radość, że decyzja ta odciąży budżet państwa. W rezultacie, państwo najpierw pomogło prywatnym inwestorom dając gwarancje na zaciągane przez nie kredyty, by następnie udzielić im jeszcze pomocy ze środków publicznych. W grę wchodziły ogromne sumy: „Koszty budowy autostrad przez prywatnych inwestorów nie wydają się niskie. Budowa betonowej autostrady przez AWSA ma kosztować 12,2 mln euro za 1 km” (Kublik 2009)2. Zaledwie dwa lata później jeden z komentatorów stawiał kwestię modernizowania poprzez autostrady znacznie już ostrzej, pisząc o „infrastrukturze wykluczenia” (Templewicz 2011). „Skąd się wziął znak równości między modernizacją a autostradami? Jako jedno ze źródeł można tu wskazać przyjęty model transformacji. W latach 90. prywatnemu przyznawano pierwszeństwo przed publicznym (…). Wprowadzaniu radykalnych rozwiązań w gospodarce towarzyszyła kampania promująca odpowiednie postawy i nowy kapitali‑ styczny typ osobowości (…). Wszystko, co wiązało się z Ameryką, nabierało magicznej mocy (…). A jednym z atrybutów amerykań‑ skości są właśnie samochody, które mkną po niekończących się autostradach” (Templewicz 2011: 127). W swojej krytycznej analizie Karol Templewicz wskazywał na dwa współbieżne zjawiska: z jednej strony prymat prywatyzowania i wyprzedaży majątku publicznego, z drugiej natomiast promocję amerykańskiego way of life, którego symbolem jest przecież bezproblemowe przemieszczanie się dzięki sieci highways. Jego zdaniem, w Polsce nie odbyła się żadna dyskusja na temat zasadności i potrzeby budowania autostrad – uznano je za bezalternatywne rozwiązanie, tym bardziej 2 Pod cytowanym artykułem znajduje się tylko jeden komentarz czytelnika: „Złodzieje” (kargul_82). 301 �uzasadnione, że postrzegane jako fundament „amerykańskiej opcji” transformowania Polski. W efekcie, trzy czwarte środków przeznaczonych na rozwój infrastruktury, przeznaczono na budowę bezkolizyjnych dróg. Orędownicy takiego rozwiązania uznali, że wielopasmowe drogi od granicy do granicy są Polsce niezbędne, że staną się one spiritus movens całej modernizacji. Przyjęto, iż przyszłość należy do samochodów, skupiono się na powstaniu korytarzy, pozwalających szybko przemknąć się od granicy do granicy, zaniedbując lokalne drogi, a włodarze gmin dali się przekonać, że przebiegająca przez zarządzane przez nich tereny autostrada zmaterializuje nadzieję na rozwój. Widoczny kłopot polega jednak na tym, zauważał Templewicz, że budowane w Polsce autostrady wywołały przede wszystkim „efekt tunelu”. Polega on na tym, że małe ośrodki położone w pobliżu przebiegu autostrady nie korzystają z jej istnienia. Przyautostradowa infrastruktura usługowa nie należy bowiem do lokalnych przedsiębiorców, a kierowcy mknący autostradami, mijanych miejscowości nawet nie zauważają. Co więcej, użytkownikami autostrad zostali ci, których stać na płacenie relatywnie wysokich opłat za korzystanie z nich, a „z cywilizacyjnej trampoliny spadli ci, których dotknie efekt tunelu” (Templewicz 2011: 133). Całą sytuację pogarsza ponadto fakt – wynikający z dystrybucji władzy – że krytycy obowiązującej hierarchii wydatków stygmatyzowani są jako „oszołomy”. To wymowne, że oba powyższe krytyczne osądy dotyczące modernizowania przez autostradę wypowiedziane zostały przez przedstawicieli środowisk bądź to raczej sympatyzujących z rządem PO (Kublik, „Gazeta Wyborcza”), bądź lewicowych (Templewicz, „Krytyka Polityczna”) – nie traktowanych jako strategiczny przeciwnik elit rządzących ówcześnie w Polsce. Polityka „ciepłej wody w kranie”, której elementem stały się gigantyczne inwestycje w budowę sieci autostrad, stała się bowiem obiektem zmasowanej krytyki w okresie przed wyborami prezydenckimi i parlamentarnymi w 2015 r. W wyniku podwójnego zwycięstwo Prawa i Sprawiedliwości we wspomnianych wyborach, doszło do radykalnej wymiany elit władzy – najpierw centralnej, potem także na niższych 302 szczeblach – z zachowaniem mechanizmów rozpoznanych przed laty przez Vilfreda Pareta (1935). Wskazówki barometru politycznego wychyliły się w konsekwencji w przeciwną stronę, głęboko przewartościowano priorytety i zgoła inaczej zdefiniowano program polityki wewnętrznej. Modernizowanie i inwestycje w infrastrukturę uznano za szkodliwe naśladowanie wzorców zachodnich, odległe od rzekomo niezbędnej polityki odwołującej się do wartości konserwatywnych i religijnych. Uderzający jest fakt, że w retoryce PiS modernizację utożsamiono z modernizmem, obu tym procesom przypisując destrukcyjny wpływ na zbiór wartości i norm określanych jako tradycyjne. „Polityka ciepłej wody w kranie to polityka minimalizmu, która od 6 lat towarzyszy obywatelom Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej”, napisano na portalu prawymsierpowym3; „Ciepła woda w kranie, czyli żart dekady”, w podobnym tonie donosił „Dziennik Polski”4. Odwołano się również do cytowanego wcześniej przemówienia prezydenta Komorowskiego na Jasnej Górze: „Obrońcy poprzedniej ekipy będą tłumaczyć, że przecież rządy Tuska i Kopacz mogą pochwalić się też sukcesami. Tu sztandarowy jest przykład inwestycji w infra‑ strukturę, która ponoć zbliżyła nasz kraj do Zachodu. Dowodem na to jest przemówienie byłego prezydenta Bronisława Komorowskiego na Jasnej Górze, kiedy to opowiadał, jak leciał nad Polską i widział sieć nowych dróg i autostrad. Moim zdaniem, przemówienie godne peerelowskich dygnitarzy”5. Autostrady szybko stały się negatywnym symbolem „złych” rządów i trudnym ideologicznie balastem dla PO. Konrad Niklewicz, dyrektor think tanku Instytut Obywatelski – bezpośrednio związanego z partią Tuska – jeden ze swoich komentarzy zatytułował wprost: „Przekleństwo autostrad” (Niklewicz 2015: 6). Utrzymywał w nim, że tytułowe „przekleństwo” nie jest metaforą, ale faktem, „generującym niszczące emocje”. Niklewicz tłumaczył, że gdy 3 4 5 www.prawymsierpowym.pl/index.php/tag/polityka-cieplej-wody/ (data dostępu: 12.02.2017). www.dziennikpolski24.pl/artykul/3865743,ciepla-woda-w-kranie-czyli-zartdekady,id,t.html (data dostępu: 12.02.2017). www.wgospodarce.pl/opinie/33279-ciepla-woda-z-dziurawego-kranu-czyli-co-ztym-dlugiem (data dostępu: 11.02.2017). 303 �w 2007 r. PO obejmowała władzę, w Polsce było tylko kilka odcinków dobrych dróg, a ogólny stan infrastruktury pozostawiał wiele do życzenia. Mimo trudnej sytuacji międzynarodowej (kryzys finansowy) koalicyjne rządy PO i PSL „zbudowały sieć autostrad i dróg ekspresowych, zmodernizowały tysiące kilometrów linii kolejowych, położyły tysiące kilometrów wodociągów, postawiły setki oczyszczalni ścieków (…) Polska widziana z zewnątrz się zmieniała. Kłopot w tym, że miliony Polaków takiej samej zmiany nie czuły równie intensywnie w swoim życiu” (Niklewicz 2015: 6). Polska, pisał Niklewicz, zmodernizowała się kosztem niemal powszechnego rozgoryczenia. Autostrady i nowoczesna infrastruktura rozbudziły aspiracje, którym nie były w stanie pozytywnie odpowiedzieć. To z kolei oznacza, konkludował analityk, że dawne hasło „Teraz Polska!” winno się przeformułować do postaci „Teraz Polacy!”. Nie tylko jednak zmianą rządu i priorytetów politycznych w Polsce należy tłumaczyć wykrystalizowanie się krytycznego dyskursu modernizacyjnego. Perspektywa kilku lat od uruchomienia pierwszych po 1989 r. autostrad, a także czas, jaki upłynął od sportowego megaiwentu w postaci piłkarskich mistrzostw Europy, pozwoliły na formułowanie ocen mających więcej wspólnego z naukową analizą niż stricte światopoglądową deklaracją. Ocen takich pojawiło się wiele, także w środowiskach nie sympatyzujących z obozem PiS. „Donald Tusk zapewne zakładał, że obywatele docenią wysiłek modernizacyjny jego rządów, będą jakoś wdzięczni rządzącym, że wlali tysiące ton betonu na polskie drogi – sugerowali komentatorzy tygodnika „Polityka” – Ta optyka zniekształciła Platformie społeczne realia, bo nie uwzględniała (…) potrzeb symbolicznych (…) PIS po raz kolejny odkrył, że inny beton się liczy, ten, który wlewa się do głów Polakom” (Janicki, Władyka 2016: 14). „Zbliżyć się do Europy to nie tylko zbudować autostradę – dodawał znawca poezji i profesor filologii – Bo ona nigdy nie zostanie dobrze zbudowana przez ludzi, którzy mają gdzieś poczucie przynależności do wspólnoty – powiem bombastycznie – budowniczych kultury” (Poezja to sprawa gardłowa 2016: 15). Jeszcze inne powody dla krytycznego spojrzenia na modernizowanie Polski poprzez autostradę zaprezentował Marek W. Kozak, profesor w Centrum Europejskich 304 Studiów Regionalnych i Lokalnych Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego: „80 procent środków (z Unii Europejskiej – przyp. W.K.) idzie na wielkie budowanie. W ten sposób wydajemy pieniądze na wygodę i jakość życia. Jak bogacze. A miały iść na rozwój. (…) Nie ma naukowych dowodów na wpływ infrastruktury na rozwój, są natomiast liczne przykłady, że można budować w nieskończoność bez efektów. W oficjalnych polskich dokumentach mówi się o infra‑ strukturze służącej rozwojowi, ale to zaklinanie rzeczywistości” (Co wymyśli chodnik 2015: 28). Niezwykłe było obserwowanie procesu, w trakcie którego modernizacja, mobilność i autostrady utraciły swoją uprzywilejowaną pozycję w dyskursie politycznym, a potem także na poziomie dyskursu potocznego. Zwroty na scenie politycznej były owego procesu jedynie akceleratorami; przewartościowanie myślenia i wartościowania tego, co określamy tutaj jako modernizowanie poprzez autostrady dokonywało się bowiem na wielu poziomach i w sposób ciągły. To, co w Stanach Zjednoczonych i krajach Europy Zachodniej wymagało dziesięcioleci, w Polsce – ponownie, zauważmy – odbyło się w ciągu jednej dekady. Znalazło to swoje odzwierciedlenie również w naszych badaniach. We wrześniu 2014 r. rozmawiałem na temat autostrady z uczniami trzeciej klasy gimnazjum w Zespole Szkół w Bolewicach. Przez tą dużą wieś (prawie 2 tys. mieszkańców) przebiega nitka DK92, natomiast autostrada A2 i zjazd w Nowym Tomyślu oddalone są o niespełna 5 km. Gimnazjaliści najpierw stwierdzili, że oni i ich rodzice właściwie nie korzystają z autostrady. „Jeździmy drogami, gdzie się nie płaci”, wielokrotnie powtarzali. Odstępstwem od tej reguły są szczególne sytuacje, np. wyjazd „nad morze” albo „na wakacje do Berlina”. Jeden z uczniów trafnie przy tym zauważył, że „do Świecka jest taniej niż do Poznania”, bardziej zatem opłaca się podróżować za granicę niż wewnątrz kraju. Pytani twierdzili ponadto, że nie odczuli zmiany w natężeniu ruchu drogowego w samych Bolewicach, choć jednocześnie dodawali, że „tirów jest mniej”. Z pewnością mamy tutaj do czynienia z mechanizmem subiektywnej oceny skali ruchu samochodowego, o czym pisałem już we wcześniejszych rozdziałach. 305 �Co znaczące, gigantyczna inwestycja infrastrukturalna była tym młodym ludziom raczej obojętna. Wielkie emocje budziły za to inne inwestycje, w o wiele mniejszej skali. Okazało się, że lokalnie istotną sprawą było wybudowanie w centrum wsi „galerii handlowej” – w związku z czym „jest lepiej”, zgodnie grzmiała grupa. „Można się spotkać, zrobić dobre zakupy”, tłumaczyli uczniowie, z czego wynika przy okazji, że wcześniej, w „zwykłych” sklepach, zrobienie „dobrych” zakupów nie było możliwe. Entuzjazm ten, należy dodać, dotyczył wydarzenia sprzed zaledwie pół roku: w marcu 2014 r. otwarto bowiem w Bolewicach sklep sieci Chata Polska. Stał się on główną przestrzenią handlową w Galerii Bolewice, wybudowanej na miejscu dawnego kompleksu Gminnej Spółdzielni, a obejmującej także kwiaciarnię, agencję pocztową, dwa sklepy odzieżowe oraz zakład fryzjerski. Ciekawe wyniki przyniosło także pytanie o przyszłość, o to, co Bolewicom i jego mieszkańcom byłoby najbardziej potrzebne w ciągu kolejnych 10 lat. „Pizzeria!”, „basen” (najbliższy jest w Nowym Tomyślu, oddalony o 10 km ), „Kino jeszcze. Kino! Kino mogłoby być!”, przy czym bilet na seans nie mógłby być droższy, jak ustaliliśmy, niż opłata za przejazd autostradą do Poznania (wówczas była to kwota 16 zł). Nie ma zatem wątpliwości, że aspiracje wiejskiej młodzieży zasadniczo sprowadzają się do bezpośredniego dostępu do miejskiej infrastruktury, związanej z rozrywką i spędzaniem wolnego czasu. Oczywiście, są to aspiracje formułowane w sytuacji, gdy nieopodal funkcjonuje autostrada, a przez centrum miejscowości przebiega droga krajowa. Konsekwencją tej sytuacji – owego podłączenia do krajowej i międzynarodowej sieci drogowej – jest jednak wzmożone poczucie swoistego bezruchu, mobilności dostępnej i użytkowanej jedynie potencjalnie, umożliwiającej wszak dotarcie do miejsc, w których infrastruktura („pizzeria”, „kino”, „basen”) znacznie przewyższa lokalny, wiejski standard. Dwa lata później, w listopadzie 2016 r., zorganizowaliśmy konferencję podsumowującą wyniki naszych badań. Z założenia było to spotkanie przeznaczone dla przedstawicieli społeczności, wśród których i z którymi pracowaliśmy. W sali konferencyjnej hotelu „Nevada” w Poźrzadle pojawili się lokalni burmistrzowie, sołtysi, 306 przedsiębiorcy, działacze organizacji społecznych, dziennikarze (Torzym, Świebodzin, Szczaniec, Łagów, Brójce, Stok, Stary Folwark). Podczas spotkania każdy z nich wypełnił krótką ankietę, zawierającą kilka pytań otwartych. Zebrane w ten sposób informacje w interesujący sposób dopełniają opinie wypowiedziane wcześniej przez gimnazjalistów z Bolewic. Pierwsze pytanie ankiety dotyczyło powodów, dla których „lubię autostradę A2”. W udzielonych odpowiedziach najczęściej występowało „poczucie bezpieczeństwa”, odnoszone zarówno do użytkowników A2, jak i DK92 oraz mieszkańców miejscowości położonych w ich pobliżu. W dalszej kolejności wyróżniono możliwość szybkiego przemieszczania się, do Poznania i do Niemiec, odciążenie DK92, a także pojawienie się nowych inwestorów (to refleksja przedstawicieli władz). Drugie pytanie było negatywną wersją wcześniejszego. Wyjaśniając, dlaczego „nie lubię autostrady A2”, wskazano na kilka przyczyn: koszty przejazdu, małą liczbę zjazdów, negatywny wpływ autostrady na środowisko oraz odcięcie lokalnych przedsiębiorców od ruchu i klientów. Druga grupa pytań skupiała się na kluczowych potrzebach lokalnych społeczności, ujętych w dynamicznej perspektywie czasowej. Pierwsze z nich brzmiało „Pięć lat temu moja gmina najbardziej potrzebowała?”. Wskazania skupiły się na braku inwestorów, dostępu do autostrady (gdy ona jeszcze nie istniała), dostępu do zjazdu z autostrady (tam, gdzie one nie powstały, mimo wcześniejszych planów) oraz „rozwoju wokół autostrady”. Drugie pytanie było przedłużeniem wcześniejszego: „Dzisiaj moja gmina najbardziej potrzebuje?”. Udzielone tym razem odpowiedzi nie odbiegały od tych, które miały mieć charakter refleksji retrospektywnej. Okazało się, że lokalne społeczności żyjące w sąsiedztwie A2 najbardziej potrzebują obwodnic swoich miast i wsi, rozwoju gospodarczego oraz miejsc pracy. Czy można te dwa typy danych jakoś zsumować? Umożliwia to perspektywa, na jakiej skupiłem się w rozdziale „Autostrada jako mit”, a także w niniejszym. Modernizowanie doświadczane z pobocza autostrady – przez mieszkańców miast i wsi leżących w sąsiedztwie A2 – jednoznacznie wskazuje, że w lokalnych społecznościach 307 �nadal trwa konflikt między rozbudzonymi nadziejami a realnymi skutkami infrastrukturalnych inwestycji. Autostrada, która miała przynieść rozwój, miejsca pracy, pojawienie się nowych inwestorów i nowych możliwości biznesowych okazuje się bowiem neoliberalnym mitem. Nastolatkowie komplementujący powstanie wiejskiej galerii handlowej i samorządowcy wciąż oczekujący na „więcej rozwoju” są aktorami tej samej sceny, wyrażającymi, w sposób właściwy swojemu wiekowi i zajmowanej pozycji społecznej, poczucie rozczarowania oraz bezradności. Owszem, autostrada zwiększyła bezpieczeństwo ruchu drogowego, odciążyła też zakorkowaną do granic drogę krajową, ale nie na tym miał polegać efekt modernizowania. To po prostu zbyt mało. Na tyle mało, by pytania o korzyści płynące z powstania autostrady traktować ze śmiechem, lekceważeniem lub niedowierzaniem, czego wielokrotnie podczas badań doświadczyłem. Sądzę, że rozczarowanie formą, przebiegiem i skutkami modernizowania pozwala na sformułowanie jeszcze innych wniosków. Z punktu widzenia badaczy zajmujących się geografią humanistyczną, przestrzeń jest powszechnie rozpoznawanym na Zachodzie symbolem wolności; przestrzeń stoi otworem, zachęca do działania, sugeruje istnienie lepszej przyszłości, nęci tym, co jeszcze nieodkryte (Tuan 1987). Autostrada miała się stać bramą do tej przestrzeni, do efektywnych działań, do lepszego jutra. Zanim A2 stała się „Autostradą Wolności”, była przecież autostradą nowoczesności, mobilności i rozwoju – przynajmniej na poziomie dominującego dyskursu polityczno-ekonomicznego. Pewien kulturowy symbol został tutaj zawłaszczony i wykorzystany jako operator neoliberalnej ideologii: „Przestrzenność jest blisko związana z poczuciem wolności (…). Podstawą jest możliwość przekraczania istniejących warunków, a przekraczanie w najprostszy sposób przejawia się jako elementarna możliwość poruszania się” (Tuan 1987: 72). Ideologia ta poniosła fiasko, zrównując możliwość poruszania się po autostradzie z możliwością zamieszkiwania w dobrobycie. Nie mylił się Yi-Fu Tuan zauważając, że: „Życie człowieka jest dialektycznym ruchem między bezpiecznym schronieniem a przygodą, przywiązaniem a wolnością” (Tuan 1987: 75). Nie mylił się, 308 ponieważ ostatnie lata w polskim życiu społecznym i politycznym – co nasze badania uwyraźniają – były właśnie takim „dialektycznym ruchem”. Okazało się wszak, że za gęstą zasłoną figur retorycznych w rodzaju mobilności i nowoczesności, ale także sedentaryzmu kryje się znacznie głębsza kulturowa ambiwalencja i normatywna sprzeczność. To sprzeczność między wolnością a bezpieczeństwem. W sporze o modernizowanie Polski poprzez autostrady dopatrywałbym się w związku z tym elementu większej całości: kluczowego światopoglądowego konfliktu o kształt społeczeństwa (narodu) i kraju (ojczyzny). Byłby to konflikt między wolnością – uosabianą tutaj przez możliwość przekraczania granic, przynależność do ponadnarodowych struktur, a także przekonanie o potrzebie posiadania medium mobilności w postaci autostrad – a bezpieczeństwem – kojarzonym z nastawieniem na osiadłość, zakorzenienie, tradycjonalizm, a także raczej obronę własnych zasobów niż ich otwieranie i włączanie w ponadlokalne i ponadnarodowe sieci. Opozycje ruch-bezruch i mobilność-zamieszkiwanie w zmiennym cyklu naznaczają polskie życie publiczne. Autostrada nie jest w tym kontekście tylko mitem neoliberalizmu i symbolem XXI-wiecznego modernizowania Polski. To także jakaś dziwaczna kulturowa dialektyka: od „Autostrady Wolności” do „Autostrady Pamięci”6. Nie znam trafniejszej metafory Polski pierwszych dekad nowego wieku. 6 W połowie 2015 r. krakowska Fundacja Prudentia et Progressus oraz Społeczny Komitet Uczczenia Pamięci Żołnierzy Wyklętych zainicjowały ideę nazwania autostrada A4 „Autostradą Pamięci Żołnierzy Wyklętych”. Inicjatorzy akcji zbierają podpisy pod apelem w tej sprawie skierowanym do GDDKiA. Liczą także na poparcie parlamentu i prezydenta Andrzeja Dudy (www.autostradapamieci.pl/tabela. pdf, data dostępu: 17.02.2017). 309 �Appendix 1: między A2 a DK92 Coś się rozwija, coś idzie do przodu. Pracowniczka biblioteki publicznej w Miedzichowie Wyjaśniliśmy już, że teren badań, początkowo ze względów logistycznych, podzieliliśmy między siebie na dwie części1. Badania objęły zachodni fragment województwa wielkopolskiego, to jest przydrożne miejscowości wchodzące w skład gminy Miedzichowo w powiecie nowotomyskim oraz miejscowości położone na terenie sześciu gmin (Trzciel, Szczaniec, Świebodzin, Lubrza, Łagów oraz Torzym) w powiatach międzyrzeckim, świebodzińskim oraz sulęcińskim w województwie lubuskim. Pierwsza część terenu, która przypadła w udziale Waldemarowi Kuligowskiemu obejmowała miejscowości w nowotomyskiej gminie Miedzichowo oraz kilka innych także zlokalizowanych na pograniczu wielkopolsko-lubuskim. Druga część stanowiła domenę moich działań badawczych, które zrealizowałam w przynależących do województwa lubuskiego wsiach oraz miasteczkach na odcinku od Świebodzina po Boczów. Podział ten okazał się nakładać na różną percepcję zmian społecznych, ekonomicznych oraz przestrzennych, które interesowały nas w odniesieniu do interrelacji między infrastrukturami drogowymi, którymi są autostrada A2 oraz DK92 na odcinku między Nowym Tomyślem a Świeckiem. I tak w narracjach mieszkańców pogranicza wielkopolsko-lubuskiego wyraźne było niezadowolenie z aktualnej sytuacji społeczno-gospodarczej zarówno na poziomie lokalnym jak i ogólnopolskim. Jego ekspresja następowała w momencie, gdy nasi rozmówcy dokonywali porównań między ich przydrożnością a przydrożnością społeczności żyjących bliżej 1 Wyjaśnienia te znajdują się w podrozdziale Projekt: miejsca i odcinki, s. 26. 311 �granicy polsko-niemieckiej, a także w wypowiedziach afirmujących Wielkopolskę jako region niemal miodem i mlekiem płynący. Tu nigdy nie było nie wiadomo jakiego rozwoju. Ja zawsze mówię, że jak ja stąd wyjeżdżam to ja jadę w inny świat. [Pracowniczka jednego ze sklepów w Brójcach] Ogólnie ci co wyjeżdżają twierdzą, że jest wiocha i w ogóle. Ogólnie tutaj jest jak jest, nie? [Właścicielka jednego ze sklepów w Trzcielu] Ten nasz rejon jest niby blisko granicy, zachód Polski, świadomy, nie taki ciemnogród jak tam gdzieś dalej może na wschodzie, ale rynku pracy nie ma. Dopiero Poznań najbliższy, tam jest dużo młodzieży. Nowy Tomyśl to też już się rozwija, też już lepiej. No, Wielkopolska! Tam od razu inaczej. Tam się rozwija jakoś wszystko. Wielkopolska! Inaczej się gospodarzą jednak. [Mieszkanka Brójec] Poznańskie jest inny kraj już! Takiego łajdactwa i dziadostwa jak jest tu obecnie nie znajdziesz! No może w Albanii, w Rumunii... Tu w Polsce perspektywy... No, nic! Nam tylko umierać tutaj, a młodzi wszyscy uciekają. I Wielkopolski tu do tego bajzlu lubuskiego to nie porównujcie. To jest koniec świata! To jest koniec świata! Nie ma nic. Polski bałagan. [Mieszkaniec Brójec] Jednakże pomimo tego, iż teren naszych badań okazał się niejednorodny i dwoisty w odniesieniu do lokalnych strategii ekonomicznych oraz rozumienia i realizacji sprawczości w tym zakresie, to oba obszary we wszystkich pięciu punktach badawczych2 mają ze sobą wiele wspólnego. Wielkopolskiej części terenu obserwowanego przez Waldemara Kuligowskiego społecznie i kulturowo obecnie bliżej jest do Ziemi Lubuskiej. Najistotniejszym łącznikiem społecznym, mikropolitycznym i ekonomicznym miejscowości, o których opowiadamy w tej książce, jest infrastruktura drogowa. Jej obecność i oddziaływanie na lokalność redukuje choćby różnice historyczne. Naszych rozmówców wiele więc łączy, zwłaszcza że współpraca z nimi była zorientowana na refleksję dotyczącą małych ekonomii i małych modernizacji, a nie tożsamości, pochodzenia i dziedzictwa kulturowego. Przykładowo, do typowych dla 2 Ibidem. 312 całego terenu narracji należały odnoszące się do upadku PGR-ów, w szczególności te o wykupie budynków popegeerowskich. Nie do końca można te narracje określić jako sentymentalne, a takich stereotypowo można byłoby się spodziewać. Były to raczej opowieści o współczesności w kontekście lokalnej i ponadlokalnej ekonomii. Miejscowy biznes eksplodujący w pierwszych latach po transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce znacząco skorzystał na prywatyzacji i możliwości niedrogiego wykupu budynków po PGR-ach, SKR-ach czy GS-ach. To nie nostalgia za PRL-em, lecz za „złotymi latami 90., kiedy nie było konkurencji i praktycznie nie trzeba było się starać”, za „Eldorado lat 90.”, „za wolnością i swobodą” potransformacyjnego kapitalizmu stanowią osnowę zasłyszanych przez nas historii. Były bardzo dobre czasy w handlu wtenczas. Można się było bardzo szybko dorobić. Nie było tych przepisów takich jeszcze jak dzisiaj – tych, tych różnych kontroli. Jest odgórnie i trzeba się do tego dostosować. Nie dostosujesz się, no to zaraz przyjadą jakieś kontrole czy urzędowcy. A wiecie jacy są urzędowcy. Oni jak kogoś złapią na tego, jak wyrwią coś, no to Polska w Polsce. Wszystko na czarno, na czarno. [Obwoźny handlarz z Koryt] Właściwie rzadko operowano nawet pojęciem PRL-u, komuny, komunizmu i jeśli w ogóle, to raczej mówiono o socjalizmie. Chyba nikt nie użył często kojarzonego ze wsiami popegeerowskimi czy polską prowincją sloganu: „za komuny to było lepiej”. Wspominano natomiast o pegeerowskiej produktywności i gospodarności. Ludzie byli produktywni. Te gospodarki – to wszystko działało. Mimo PGR-u to jeszcze ludzie byli gospodarni. Później wszystko takie smętne szukało roboty gdziekolwiek indziej. [Mieszkanka Pniowa] Podkreślano jednak, że było inaczej – niekoniecznie lepiej, niekoniecznie gorzej. Świadomość mechanizmów rządzących lokalną i ponadlokalną ekonomią była dla nas początkowo zaskakująca. Dziś wiemy, że jest efektem nieustannego niuansowania w dynamicznie zmieniających się warunkach politycznych, rozumianych zarówno jako ogólnopolskie jak i globalne. 313 �Jesteśmy na wędce rybaka, ale tym robakiem, który ryba albo nie zje albo wypluje, bo jej nie smakuje. No, a ryba to jest te obce kraje, gdzie wyłapują tą naszą społeczność, najlepszych fachowców. To jest ta ryba! I ona nie chce tutaj takiego zwykłego Polaka. [Sołtys Chociszewa] Odnosi się to zwłaszcza do lokalnych przedsiębiorców, choć także w wielu przypadkach do osób, które pracują w filiach globalnych przedsiębiorstw. Ich wciąż zmieniająca się aktywność ekonomiczna to historia transformacji ustrojowej i ekonomicznej, a wraz z nimi kulturowej i społecznej. Kiedyś co było kapitalistyczne, to socjalizm przyszedł i wszystko zniszczyli. Teraz przyszedł kapitalizm i wszystko socjalistyczne zniszczyli. Co było to zniszczyli. Zła jest polityka… pod względem polityki… tę politykę… przecież wiadomo każdy przedsiębiorca jak prowadzi jakąś działalność, obojętnie jaką działalność, czy hotelarstwo czy jakąś produkcję czy stolarnię czy w o ogóle, nie? To są bardzo wysokie podatki. Trzeba dobrze kombinować, żeby po prostu rocznie wyjść na… żeby cokolwiek zarobić. [Przydrożny sprzedawca runa leśnego z Boczowa] Zawsze coś tam się kombinowało, nie? To takie tereny są, że trzeba kombinować. Są czasy na takie działania, są teraz czasy na inne działania. No, już teraz to jest po zawodach, to już są ostatki takich rzeczy. Bardzo dużo mieli tam lewizny do porobienia. I różne lewe tematy, jak nie paliwko to piaseczek, jak nie piaseczek to drewno jakieś. No, jak to budowa, jak za komuny, jak się most budował, to zaraz osiedle domków powstawało obok, nie? To nic się nie zmieniło, to tylko się nazwa zmienia, nie? Tak to ludzie się nie zmieniają, że się system zmienił, to co z tego? Zawsze jest temat, coś się dzieje, to i ludzie przy tym się pasą, nie? [Właściciel klubu nocnego w Korytach] Pojęcie transformacji w naukach społecznych bywa definiowane jako proces bądź efekt zmian społeczno-gospodarczo-politycznych (Wojtaszczyk 2009: 11). Sfera jego zastosowań bywa jednak problematyczna, głównie ze względu na wciąż powracające pytanie o to, czy transformacja postkomunistyczna już się dokonała (Kozłowski 2004: 65-72)? Z naszej perspektywy pojęcie transformacji 314 postkomunistycznej należy traktować jako jedną z form całościowej, kierunkowej zmiany społecznej, ogół planowanych jak i żywiołowych zmian w procesie odchodzenia od społeczeństwa komunistycznego. Przy czym uważamy, że procesy te nie były i nie są wyłącznie efektem oddziaływania ponad 25-letniej demokracji politycznej oraz dominacji własności prywatnej w gospodarce. Impulsy owych zmian mogą być, o czym przekonaliśmy się dzięki oddolnemu spojrzeniu na lokalne strategie ekonomiczne, zarówno endogenne (np. kryzysy gospodarcze czy zmieniające się wizje polityczno-gospodarcze) jak i egzogenne (m.in. presje otoczenia międzynarodowego, aktualnie dominujące na świecie wzory efektywnej gospodarki i właściwego systemu politycznego, a także aktualne sytuacje geopolityczne) (por. Chałubiński 2010: 19-28). Transformacja postkomunistyczna czyni też naszym zdaniem społeczeństwa bardziej otwartymi na dyfuzje kulturowe, zewnętrzne wpływy, a więc intensyfikuje procesy globalizacji. Te zaś działają modyfikująco na różne instytucje o komunistycznej proweniencji (Ziółkowski 1998; Wiatr 2006). „Transformacja (czy raczej transformacje) to history in making (historia aktualnie dziejąca się), na którą składa się wiele szybkich, dynamicznych zmian” (Chałubiński 2010: 25). Wydarzenia 1989 r. umożliwiły przede wszystkim wzrost liczby osób pracujących na własny rachunek, zakładających najczęściej jednoosobowe oraz rodzinne działalności gospodarcze. Wzrost ten jest konsekwencją transformacji ustrojowej z jednej strony, z drugiej zaś, z uwagi na ich udział w tworzeniu polskiej klasy średniej oraz znaczenie dla procesów gospodarczych, politycznych i społecznych, okazał się czynnikiem sprzyjającym dalszym przekształceniom transformacyjnym, które określamy jako „ruchome modernizacje” (por. Gardawski 2001; Mielczarek-Żejmo 2010: 87-100). Ekonomiczne niedomagania gmin miedzichowskiej oraz trzcielskiej, a także częściowo szczanieckiej oraz świebodzińskiej, w porównaniu, zwłaszcza w oczach mieszkańców tych pierwszych, z gminami położonymi bliżej granicy polsko-niemieckiej, mimo funkcjonujących w ich obrębie węzłów autostradowych w Nowym Tomyślu, Trzcielu oraz w Jordanowie, nie do końca są efektem 315 �splotu czynników strukturalnych z historycznymi. Nie da się ich również w prosty sposób wyjaśnić różnicami kulturowymi, które teoretycznie mogłyby mieć wpływ na „przedsiębiorcze habitusy” i efektywną realizację strategii ekonomicznych. „Nowa bieda”, upadek wielu przydrożnych biznesów są w dużej mierze powodowane po prostu geograficznym usytuowaniem tych gmin. To ono w obliczu otwarcia nowego odcinka autostrady A2, modernizacji DK92, zmian we wzorach turystycznego przemieszczania się czy rozwoju technologii transportowej zadecydowało o tym, że obecnie nie powstają na ich terenie duże centra obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego, nie otwierają się stacje paliw oraz obecne są znaczące trudności w pozyskiwaniu inwestorów, którzy rozwijaliby lokalny rynek pracy w branżach bezpośrednio powiązanych z infrastrukturą drogową, zwłaszcza dziś bardzo opłacalnych – logistycznych i przemysłowo-magazynowych. To chyba za daleko. Zbyt dużo takich przestrzeni jest przed Nowym Tomyślem. Te Amazony i inne… To jeszcze nie ten czas. [Mieszkaniec Trzciela] Innymi słowy, na tym obszarze potencjał przepływu jest wykorzystany i przechwycony przez Nowy Tomyśl oraz miejscowości położone między Pniewami a zachodnią obwodnicą Poznania3. Bariery pozyskiwania inwestorów bywają jednak i inne, znacznie łatwiejsze do określenia, czego przykładem może być brak dostępu do gazu ziemnego w gminie Miedzichowo lub regulacje związane z terenami Natury 2000. Powiem tak, że tutaj jest Natura 2000 i tu się liczą kormorany, nie? Żaby, muchy i kijanki w stawkach, a że ludzie nie mają co jeść i że topią się i ulewy są, to tym się nikt nie martwi. Ochrona środowiska tak pozamykała tu szczelnie te wszystkie wejścia dla inwestorów, że tu się boją wejść w ogóle. Tak i mieliśmy teraz na Brójcach, taką firmę – robili w miedzi dla Arabii Saudyjskiej. Naprawdę potężny 3 Jest to droga stanowiąca część trasy ekspresowej S11. Prowadzi od węzła Poznań Północ do autostrady A2 (węzeł Poznań Zachód) przez tereny gmin Tarnowo Podgórne i Rokietnica. Według pierwotnych planów obwodnica miała być w całości otwarta w 2011 r. Stało się to jednak dopiero w 2014 r. W okolicach tej obwodnicy na ostatnim etapie realizacji projektu przeprowadziliśmy badania uzupełniające. 316 ten i zniszczyli go. Musieli ścieki przetwarzać, musiał, dwa-trzykrotnie, no i zbankrutował i dzisiaj do Poznania i w Poznaniu jedzie, nie? [Właściciel sklepu w Chociszewie] Zatem „nowa bieda” zawsze jest w jakiś sposób generowana problemami z szeroko rozumianą infrastrukturą. Społeczności te pokładają więc nadzieję w rozwoju turystki, co zresztą jest trendem ogólnopowiatowym, na przykład w kontekście Nowotomyskiego. Chodzi tu o wykorzystanie regionalnych zasobów kulturowych, z jego specyficznym elementem jakim jest wikliniarstwo i plecionkarstwo. Gmina Miedzichowo i gmina Trzciel pod względem potencjału dla rozwoju branży turystycznej rzeczywiście wydają się atrakcyjne. Charakteryzuje je niebanalny, nieuprzemysłowiony krajobraz o wysokiej lesistości i obecnością licznych czystych jezior. Nadzieje związane z turystyką, zwłaszcza modnymi od co najmniej dekady agroturystyką oraz powiązanym z nią rolnictwem ekologicznym to zresztą nie tylko gminy wschodniej części terenu naszych badań. Także w takich gminach jak Lubrza, Łagów czy Torzym obecne jest myślenie proturystyczne. Pojęcie rozwoju, jakie można zidentyfikować na podstawie przeprowadzonych przez nas rozmów z mieszkańcami wszystkich przydrożnych miejscowości jest wszędzie podobne. Oczywiście odnosi się do modernizacji poprzez autostradę, a więc zwiększonych szans na mobilność. Jednakże na poziomie codzienności rozwojowe wydaje się coś innego, choćby pojawienie się sklepów sieciowych oraz dyskontowych, dostęp do internetu, wybrukowane chodniki, sprawnie działająca kanalizacja sanitarna, drogowa sygnalizacja świetlna, przyzwoicie wyglądające budynki użyteczności publicznej czy budowa ścieżek rowerowych. Rozwój to także „zmiany w mentalności”. Konsolidacja, zwłaszcza lubuskiego na poziomie społecznym nigdy nie była do końca udana (zob. Dulczewski 1961; Labuda 1966; Markiewicz, Rybicki 1967; Kwilecki 1970; Jasiewicz 1973, 1999; Sakson 2006; Bazuń, Kwiatkowski 2015). Dopiero współcześnie można mówić o zmianach społecznych, które nabrały tempa wraz ze wzrostem sprawczości młodego pokolenia. W ich konsekwencji transformacji ulegają sposoby zarządzania lokalną tożsamością, która przecież zawsze jest kolektywna i publiczna. Zróżnicowania 317 �narodowościowe, religijne i pochodzeniowe nie odgrywają większego znaczenia w odniesieniu do lokalnych zjawisk społeczno-ekonomicznych. Te identyfikatory uległy zamazaniu i łatwiej jest dziś mówić o tym, co jest wspólne. Istotniejsze jest więc po prostu zróżnicowanie klasowe i nierówności społeczne rozciągające się od „biedy, patologii, dysfunkcji, postpegeeru po lokalnych milionerów”. To był trzeci świat, to można było porównać tylko do Indii, kurwa, wiesz – do takich rzeczy. [Przedsiębiorca z Koryt] Młode pokolenie zaczyna myśleć inaczej. Widzą potrzebę działania, ale nic ponad własną dupę – mierz siły na zamiary. [Mieszkaniec Torzymia] By zrozumieć dynamikę zmian w lokalnych krajobrazach kulturowych warto też zwrócić uwagę na przekształcanie się podejścia do własności prywatnej oraz przestrzeni publicznej. Jego nowa jakość ujawniła się dopiero po wejściu Polski do Unii Europejskiej, a nie w latach 90., kiedy proces szeroko rozumianej prywatyzacji przebiegał najintensywniej (zob. Fic 2005: 99-129). Dopiero ostatnia dekada to dbałość o własność prywatną, zainteresowanie jakością przestrzeni publicznej oraz zaangażowanie w sprawy lokalnych społeczności. Te mechanizmy są obecne zarówno na pograniczu wielkopolsko-lubuskim, jak i na Ziemi Lubuskiej, którą przez długi czas charakteryzował przesiedleńczy syndrom niepewności i poczucie niezakorzenienia. Wraz z nowym podejściem do lokalności pojawiło się tzw. nowe osadnictwo, zmieniające nie tylko przestrzenną, społeczną i kapitałową jakość przydrożnych wiosek i miasteczek. Jego specyfika na badanym przez nas terenie polega na tym, że „nowymi osiedleńcami” są raczej wewnętrzni migranci z poszczególnych gmin czy powiatów – rodziny przemieszczające się z mniejszych, zupełnie nieatrakcyjnych pod względem rynku pracy miejscowości do większych, dogodniej położonych względem interesujących nas infrastruktur drogowych. To również reemigranci z Niemiec, Holandii, Anglii czy Irlandii, którzy powracają na stałe, choć częściej wahadłowo, w rodzinne strony. W przypadku gminy Miedzichowo są to mieszkańcy dużych miast, takich jak Poznań, Wrocław, Szczecin, Zielona Góra, którzy „wybierają życie 318 na prowincji”. Nowe osadnictwo nie jest jednak odpowiedzią na proces wyludniania się wsi, dlatego czynnik demograficzny musimy uznać za współdecydujący w upadaniu lokalnych biznesów, takich jak sklepy wielobranżowe oraz rozmaite usługi dla ludności (zob. Gołdyka 2005:11-28). Warto też być świadomymi, iż fluktuacjom podlegają nie jedynie małe biznesy, ale i większe, czego przykładem jest amerykańska firma Molex z Sulęcina (tzw. kabelki), która w konsekwencji kryzysu ekonomicznego z 2008 r. dziś zatrudnia o połowę mniej pracowników (pracownic). Ponadto badany przez nas teren to także kwestia różnie rozumianych pograniczy. Przy czym interesujące jest zarówno pogranicze polsko-niemieckie, jak i wielkopolsko-lubuskie. Dalej to także historia samorządności terytorialnej, powstawania organizacji pozarządowych, nabywania coraz większych kompetencji w zakresie pozyskiwania środków finansowych, rozwój kapitału ludzkiego oraz oddolnej demokracji (zob. Żuk 2004; Nitschke, Flakowski 2009). Teren ten to te same procesy jak wszędzie indziej, natomiast były one wyraźne w naszych badaniach ze względu na przyjęte przez nas założenia metodologiczne – były to badania wielomiejscowe i mikroskalowe. Wielomiejscowość przydrożnych społeczności Uważamy, że wielopoziomowy formalny opis całości obserwowanego przez nas terenu nie jest konieczny. Przede wszystkim wymagałby on prezentacji województwa wielkopolskiego i lubuskiego, następnie wchodzących w ich skład powiatów, wreszcie gmin i poszczególnych miejscowości. Niuanse historyczne, kulturowe i społeczne kształtujące każdy z tych poziomów są zbyt liczne, a nasza opowieść jest opowieścią o współczesności. Chcemy ją osadzić przede wszystkim w kontekście struktur terytorialnych, jaką są gminy oraz dokonać ogólnego opisu odwiedzonych przez nas wsi i miasteczek. Uznajemy tę perspektywę za wystarczającą dla zrozumienia lokalnych uwarunkowań strukturalnych, społecznych 319 �i przestrzennych. Fakt, iż badania realizowaliśmy niemal wyłącznie w miejscowościach położonych wzdłuż DK92, na odcinku między Nowym Tomyślem a Świeckiem, pozwala nam uniknąć wikłania się w zbędny naszym zdaniem detalizm, zwłaszcza, że konteksty procesów społeczno-ekonomicznych w znakomity sposób ilustrują narracje i historie naszych rozmówców. Wolimy też, by uogólnioną prezentację terenu naszych badań traktować jako element charakterystyki lokalnych krajobrazów kulturowych. W 1925 r. amerykański geograf Carl O. Sauer zdefiniował krajobraz kulturowy jako zmodyfikowany przez działalność człowieka (dokładniej zaś określoną grupę kulturową) krajobraz naturalny (za: Fleming 1998: 112-117). Tak rozumiane pojęcie krajobrazu przez dekady było aplikowane m.in. w ramach paradygmatu antropologii ekologicznej, służąc głównie do opisu przestrzennych ram życia danej społeczności (np. Hirsch, O’Hanlon 1995). W sposób oczywisty taki krajobraz musiał być uznany za wyróżniający się czymś, co dookreślało odrębność i specyfikę badanej grupy. W naszym przypadku uznajemy, iż jest to przydrożność wraz z „obecnością” zmieniającej się infrastruktury drogowej w jej przestrzennym oraz symbolicznym znaczeniu. Wobec tego społeczności, które zamieszkują miejscowości położone wzdłuż DK92 określamy jako przydrożne. Oczywiście różnią się one między sobą wielkością, dominującą w nich strukturą społeczną, przynależnością regionalną, wojewódzką, a nawet biografią potransformacyjną etc. Niemniej są to niuanse. Mieszkańców badanych przez nas miejscowości, m.in. dzięki ich krajobrazowej lokalizacji w sferze nieustannego przepływu i tranzytu, można rozpatrywać jako całość. Pojęcie krajobrazu jest niestety obciążone przyrodniczością (Myga-Piątek 2005: 71-77), a nas nie do końca interesuje przyrodniczy aspekt przydrożności i głównie z tej przyczyny krajobraz ujmujemy metaforycznie. Zdecydowaliśmy się na użycie tego terminu, podobnie jak w przypadkach innych kategorii analitycznych, intuicyjnie. W zrealizowanym przez nas projekcie, a także w niniejszej książce staramy się prześledzić wpływy infrastruktury drogowej na lokalne społeczności, na konteksty ich życia, pośród których nie da się nie uwzględnić przestrzennego aspektu krajobrazu decydującego 320 o charakterystycznej przydrożnej estetyce, rytmie codzienności oraz kierunkach ekonomicznych przedsięwzięć. Przydrożny krajobraz kulturowy jest więc swoistym zapisem dialogu między naturą a infrastrukturą, odbiciem długotrwałych relacji między ludźmi i środowiskiem ich życia. Życie codzienne mieszkańców badanego przez nas obszaru, wszystkie niemal zjawiska związane z położeniem wzdłuż DK92 oraz pomiędzy nią a autostradą A2, stosunki społeczne i gospodarcze znajdują wyraźne odbicie w formach zarówno przydrożnego jak i ekonomicznego krajobrazu. Uwzględniamy też, iż pełen jest on ukrytych znaczeń i symboli – kodów przestrzennych, strukturalnych oraz społecznych będących świadectwem niepowtarzalnej historii poszczególnych miejsc. Ponadto, iż kształtowany jest przez określone procesy zarówno o charakterze lokalnym, jak i globalnym, o różnej jakości, wymiarze, skali i tempie (Raszeja 2007: 75-77, 2009: 205-224). Powtórzmy, podstawowy teren naszych badań rozciągał się na odcinku między Nowym Tomyślem a Świeckiem wzdłuż starej dwójki przecinającej 23 miejscowości wchodzące w skład 7 różnych gmin, tj. gminy Miedzichowo (pow. nowotomyski) w Wielkopolsce, gminy Trzciel (pow. międzyrzecki), Szczaniec, Świebodzin, Lubrza, Łagów (pow. świebodziński) oraz Torzym (pow. sulęciński) w Lubuskiem. W końcowej fazie projektu obszar ten został poszerzony o inne wielopolskie gminy zlokalizowane pomiędzy zachodnią obwodnicą Poznania a gminą Miedzichowo, obejmując gminę Tarnowo Podgórne w pow. poznańskim, gminę Kaźmierz oraz Pniewy w pow. Szamotulskim, a także gminę Lwówek w pow. nowotomyskim oraz od strony zachodniej miejscowości położone pomiędzy Boczowem a Świeckiem w powiecie słubickim. Przy czym przeprowadzone w nich badania miały charakter uzupełniający i za najważniejsze uważamy scharakteryzowanie miejsc objętych badaniami głównymi. Ich krajobrazowa specyfika to kompleks zróżnicowanych, lecz spójnych zjawisk o charakterze społecznym i kulturowym, a więc efekt splatania się wielu uwarunkowań i procesów, od geograficznych przez historyczne i ekonomiczne, po polityczne i społeczne. 321 �Pierwszy odcinek badań: „nie jest dobrze, nie to, co 20 lat temu” DK92 przebiega przez wiejską gminę Miedzichowo w jej południowej części przecinając takie miejscowości jak Bolewice, Bolewicko, Sępolno, Miedzichowo oraz Stary Folwark. Gmina ta należy do największych w powiecie nowotomyskim (stanowi 20,61% jego powierzchni4), a jej przynależność do tej jednostki terytorialnej posiada odmienną historię niż pozostałe gminy; w latach 1975-1998 wchodziła w skład województwa gorzowskiego5. Pod względem geograficznym zlokalizowana jest w zachodniej części Wielkopolski, a jej siedziba znajduje się w Miedzichowie6, położonym w odległości 19 km od Nowego Tomyśla i 81 km od Poznania. Teoretycznie jej atutem jest dobre położenie względem autostrady A27. Na jej terenie znajduje się wjazd i zjazd z autostrady – tzw. węzeł nowotomyski, a odległości między nią a badanymi przez nas miejscowościami wahają się między 3 a 6 km. Za szczególnością gminy Miedzichowo na tle innych gmin nowotomyskich przemawia jej przestrzenny charakter, tj. rozproszone i nieregularne osadnictwo, wysoki poziom zalesienia (70% obszaru) i niski poziom uprzemysłowienia oraz brak działającego na jej terenie ośrodka kultury8. Podstawowe zadania tego typu instytucji przejął Urząd Gminy, 4 5 6 7 8 www.polskawliczbach.pl/gmina_Miedzichowo (data dostępu 06.06.2017). Dz.U. 1975 nr 16 poz. 91. Ustawa z dnia 28 maja 1975 r. o dwustopniowym podziale administracyjnym Państwa oraz o zmianie ustawy o radach narodowych, www.isap. sejm.gov.pl/DetailsServlet?id=WDU19750160091 (data dostępu 06.06.2017). Miedzichowo nie należy do największych miejscowości w gminie. Znacząco większą są prawie dwutysięczne Bolewice. Swego czasu odbyło się referendum w sprawie przeniesienia siedziby gminy do Bolewic, jednak większość mieszkańców opowiedziało się za utrzymaniem siedziby w Miedzichowie. Zadecydowała o tym niska frekwencja w Bolewicach i bardzo wysoka w Miedzichowie. Świadczy to o znacznych różnicach w aktywności, samorządności i zainteresowaniu sprawami gminy mieszkańców obu wiosek. Autostrada A2 przecina gminę w kilku miejscach od południa przy granicy z gminą Nowy Tomyśl oraz na południowym zachodzie przy granicy z województwem lubuskim. www.miedzichowo.pl/2-54-o-gminie.html (data dostępu 06.06.2017). 322 aktywizując życie kulturalne poprzez współpracę z placówkami oświatowymi i organizacjami społecznymi. Według danych statystycznych z 2016 r. gmina Miedzichowo była zamieszkiwana przez 3658 osób, w tym około 1,9 tys. w Bolewicach, 150 w Bolewicku, 450 w Miedzichowie, 24 w Sępolnie oraz 117 w Starym Folwarku9. Uogólniając, mieszkańcy tych miejscowości borykają się ze zmianami o charakterze ekonomicznym, będącymi konsekwencją utraty przez DK92 statusu głównej trasy łączącej zachodnią i wschodnią część Polski. Otwarcie autostrady A2 pod koniec 2011 r. zadecydowało o znaczącym spadku tranzytu turystycznego, odbierając tym samym klientów sektorom usługowym powiązanym w szczególności z branżą hotelarską i gastronomiczną. Niemniej w ich miejsce zaczęły rozwijać się, położone najczęściej w głębi gminy, liczne gospodarstwa agroturystyczne. „Agroturystyka na terenie gminy ma duże szanse i możliwości rozwoju, gwarantuje to przede wszystkim czyste powietrze, warunki klimatyczne oraz życzliwość gospodarzy. Położenie kwater agroturystycznych stwarza możliwość uprawiania pieszych i rowerowych wycieczek turystycznych, a bogactwo runa leśnego umożliwia zbieranie grzybów i jagód” (Gmina Miedzichowo – Nie da się ukryć! Daj się skusić! 2012: 25). Historia gminy Miedzichowo związana jest z obszarami leśnymi. W XVIII w. powstawały na jej terenie liczne wsie olęderskie (Pelczyk 1997, s. 40-42) i do dziś zachowała się ich charakterystyczna zabudowa. Są to luźno rozrzucone gospodarstwa, znajdujące się często w znacznej odległości od siebie. Wobec tego badane przez nas miejscowości wyraźnie odróżniają się od pozostałych tworzących gminę Miedzichowo, bowiem o ich układzie przestrzennym i estetyce decyduje przede wszystkim obecność DK92. Zabudowa tych wsi jest zwarta i prostopadła do szosy. „Najważniejsze miejscowości Gminy usytuowane są przy drodze nr 92, co tylko uwydatnia 9 Zob. Ludność. Stan i struktura ludności oraz ruch naturalny w przekroju terytorial‑ nym. Stan w dniu 31 XII 2016 r. (2017), Warszawa: Główny Urząd Statystyczny, s. 154, www.stat.gov.pl/obszary-tematyczne/ludnosc/ludnosc/ludnosc-stan-i-strukturaoraz-ruch-naturalny-w-przekroju-terytorialnym-stan-w-dniu-31-12-2016-r-,6,21. html (data dostępu 30.05.2017) oraz strona internetowa Gminy Miedzichowo, www. miedzichowo.pl/miejscowosci-w-gminie.html (data dostępu 30.05.2017). 323 �dogodne położenie turystyczne i inwestycyjne” (Gmina Miedzicho‑ wo – Nie da się ukryć! Daj się skusić! 2012: 19). Rozproszenie miedzichowskich miejscowości przekłada się na brak rozbudowanych więzi sąsiedzkich oraz trudności związane z organizacją wydarzeń kulturalnych. Więzi te były z resztą niełatwe do wytworzenia po II wojnie światowej ze względu na mieszany charakter struktury społecznej mieszkańców poszczególnych wsi – od „od zawsze” polskich Bolewic (interesujących ze względu na lokalną endogamię przekładającą się na system ksywek i endonimów) (Rutkiewicz 1998, s. 141-169), po miejscowości z przeważającym udziałem ludności z Kresów Wschodnich (zwłaszcza z okręgu stanisławowskiego i tarnopolskiego), także repatriantów z USA czy przymusowych wysiedleńców z terenów Niemiec. Wśród naszych rozmówców znalazły się osoby, które spędziły wczesne dzieciństwo na Kresach Wschodnich. Pochodzenie to, w sposób oczywisty przekłada się na praktyczną zawartość pewnych tradycji kulturowych (Stanisz 2015c). Do charakterystycznych cech infrastrukturalnych gminy z pewnością należy przecinająca ją wzdłuż i wszerz sieć szlaków rowerowych, które wykorzystywane są w lokalnych działaniach ekonomicznych oraz oświatowo-kulturalnych nastawionych na turystykę. Ponadto gmina posiada dość dobrze rozbudowaną infrastrukturę techniczną. Na jej terenie znajdują się wszelkie potrzebne mieszkańcom instytucje: Urząd Gminy z siedzibą w Miedzichowie, Zespoły Szkół wraz z boiskiem wielofunkcyjnym w Miedzichowie oraz „Orlikiem” w Bolewicach, urzędy pocztowe, ośrodki zdrowia, Bank Spółdzielczy, biblioteka publiczna, stacja paliw, komisariat policji i kilka jednostek Ochotniczej Straży Pożarnej. W gminie funkcjonują również założone w pierwszych latach XXI w. organizacje pozarządowe, takie jak: Stowarzyszenie Społeczno-Kulturalne Aktywnych Kobiet Bolewic, Stowarzyszenie Społeczno-Kulturalne Przyjaciół Ziemi Miedzichowskiej, Stowarzyszenie Na Rzecz Rozwoju Kultury, Sportu i Promocji Sołectwa Grudna, które organizują i wzbogacają życie kulturalne własnej wsi, Stowarzyszenie Uśmiech Pokoleń, Fundacja Jeziora Silna Duża, a także Stowarzyszenie Miedzichowo – Bezpieczna Gmina, działające głównie na rzecz poprawy bezpieczeństwa mieszkańców. 324 Stowarzyszeniem specjalizującym się w zakresie krzewienia kultury fizycznej jest Klub Sportowy „Dąb Bolewice”10. Gmina Miedzichowo od wielu lat jest znanym producentem wikliny oraz jej wyrobów, takich jak kosze, plecionki, meble czy ozdoby. Z danych historycznych wynika, że w roku 1933 w regionie Miedzichowa uprawiano 600 ha wikliny, na nieco ponad 2 tys. ha w całym kraju, co było znaczące i dawało opinię wiodącego. Od 1968 r. uprawa wikliny w okolicach Miedzichowa zaczęła raptownie spadać. Popularyzację wikliny Miedzichowo zawdzięcza sąsiedztwu Trzciela, od którego zaczęła się wędrówka wikliny po całej Polsce (Juchniewicz 1993: 249-266; Guzenda 1998). Choć w ostatnich latach okoliczne plantacje wikliny znacząco się skurczyły, to ślady tej działalności gospodarczej są jeszcze widoczne np. w sezonowo otwieranych punktach handlowych, usytuowanych wzdłuż DK92. Jeśli chodzi o produkcję wikliny, gospodarzy trudniących się tym zostało tylko kilka, a najprężniej działające jest w Prądówce (uprawa oraz wyrób mat). Czynnikami, które powodują zanikanie działalności wikliniarskiej są: brak popytu spowodowany względnym nasyceniem rynku produktem i modą, dominacja praktyczniejszych i tańszych towarów plastikowych, nadużycia ze strony prywaciarzy skupujących towar, niskie ceny (w porównaniu ze stałymi i godnymi cenami firm państwowych), spiski cenowe, konkurencja w postaci „wiklinowego zagłębia rzeszowskiego”, brak rąk do pracy i wysokie oczekiwania pracowników co do wynagrodzenia. Uprawa wikliny, produkcja i sprzedaż mat jest zajęciem o wiele bardziej zyskownym niż chałupnicze wyplatanie produktów i ich sprzedaż. Obecnie przydrożna sprzedaż produktów plecionkarskich z wikliny odbywa się tylko w dwóch położonych w gminie punktach sprzedaży figur ogrodowych (oba w Miedzichowie). Zarówno pomoc przy uprawie szparagów i wikliny, jak i plecenie wikliny stanowią dla części osób możliwość dodatkowego zarobku. [Fragment notatki terenowej autorstwa Joanny Książek, 08.06.2015] Innym wyróżniającym gminę produktem są szparagi, na które sezon trwa od maja do końca czerwca. Znaczący wpływ na obecność plantacji szparagów w tym rejonie ma występowanie piaszczystych 10 www.miedzichowo.pl/stowarzyszenia.html (data dostępu 06.06.2017). 325 �gleb. Szacuje się, że uprawa tego szlachetnego warzywa na terenie gminy wynosi ok. 40 ha (por. Brożek 2008b; Nijak 2015). Uprawa typowego sezonowego produktu jakim są szparagi z roku na rok traci na popularności. Opłacalność uprawy spada, zwłaszcza w połączeniu z kosztami nowych nasadzeń) co około 15-20 lat. Powoduje to starzenie się plantacji i w końcu rezygnację z upraw. Głównymi problemami, które napotykają „szparagowcy” są brak rąk do pracy i wysokie oczekiwania pracowników co do wynagrodzenia za nią, nadużycia ze strony handlujących pośredników, masowa, zmechanizowana produkcja w Niemczech dająca produkt tańszy lub w porównywalnej cenie. Sprzedaży przydrożnej podejmują się najbardziej wytrwali, a ich motywacją jest ominięcie pośredników handlowych, których działalność postrzegana jest jako wyzysk. Handel przydrożny szparagami jest coraz trudniejszy, np. z uwagi na dostępność taniego produktu zarówno w Niemczech, jak i w supermarketach w Polsce. Nieoczywistym powodem są tutaj zmiany mentalnościowe młodego pokolenia w tym i współczesnych kierowców podróżujących DK92, polegające na tym, że cechy zapobiegliwości i oszczędności (które kazały kierowcy zatrzymać się przy drodze, by kupić tańszy i często lepszy jakościowo produkt) oddają pole niefrasobliwości finansowej oraz preferowaniu szybkiego stylu życia. Z drugiej strony można sobie wyobrazić, że wzrastająca w społeczeństwie świadomość ekologiczna może ograniczać kupowanie produktów nie tylko sprzedawanych, ale i uprawianych przy dużych i uczęszczanych drogach, jako zanieczyszczonych. [Fragment notatki terenowej autorstwa Joanny Książek, 08.06.2015] Do najważniejszych przedsiębiorstw w gminie zaliczane są: sklep ekologiczny „W Krainie Natury” sprzedający certyfikowane produkty ekologiczne, organiczne i naturalne; działający na rynku od 1996 r. producent wyrobów z wikliny, obecnie sprzedający swoje wyroby za pośrednictwem serwisu ogłoszeniowego OLX, promujący swoją działalność w blogosferze11; firma wikliniarska Kotwiczopłot 11 Jest to założony w 2013 r. blog noszący taką samą nazwę jak firma – Wyrób i sprzedaż wyrobów z wikliny – Małgorzata i Henryk Napierała. W jednym z pierwszych wpisów można przeczytać: „Plecionkarstwo i wikliniarstwo to ginące zawody. Wyroby z wikliny są wypierane z naszego rynku za sprawą tańszych zamienników z Chin. Ale czy dorównują im jakością? Oczywiście, że nie! Na tym blogu chcemy pokazać, 326 działająca od 1999 r. w Miedzichowie, wcześniej w Niemczech pod nazwą Flechtanke12; Usługowy Zakład Prac Leśnych MAR-WIR działający w Bolewicach od 1993 r.; firma P.P.H.U Elektro-Sław z 2007 r. wykonująca prace związane z instalatorstwem elektrycznym; położony na poboczu DK92 na wysokości Starego Folwarku Bar „Słoneczko” założony w 1992 r.; transloklana firma Wasser Mann istniejąca od 1999 r. – wyłączny dystrybutor na Polskę technologii pomp ciepła wiodącej francuskiej firmy Thermatis Technologies; działający od 1994 r. warsztat samochodowy w Starym Folwarku; utrzymujący się na rynku już 27 lat Usługowy Zakład Stolarski w Bolewicach oraz agroturystyczne Rancho Colorado w Trzcielu Odbudowie13. Największą miedzichowską miejscowością są Bolewice, które po II wojnie światowej znalazły się w powiecie nowotomyskim, a po likwidacji powiatów w województwie gorzowskim. Jednak nadal pozostały ściśle związane z Nowym Tomyślem. W tamtym czasie utworzono na ich terenie Spółdzielnię Kółek Rolniczych, jednak we wsi nie powstał PGR i rolnicy pozostali właścicielami ziemi. Miało to duże znaczenie, gdyż w miejscowościach pegeerowskich, po likwidacji państwowych gospodarstw pojawiło się bezrobocie, co w dużej mierze ominęło Bolewice. Nie tylko w Bolewicach z resztą i podobnie jak w całej Wielkopolsce pojawiło się zjawisko dwuzawodowości – ludzie pracowali zarówno na roli jak i w tworzonych że w Polsce istnieją jeszcze fantastyczni rzemieślnicy z pasją! Jesteśmy producentem wyrobów z wikliny z wieloletnim doświadczeniem. Zaczęło się kilkanaście lat temu i nieprzerwanie trwa do dzisiaj. Nie ma dla nas rzeczy niemożliwych, o czym na pewno przekonacie się niebawem. Do tej pory mieliśmy wiele bardzo niepowtarzalnych zleceń, którym podołaliśmy. Kosztowało nas to wiele wysiłku i starań, ale satysfakcja była ogromna. Oprócz wyrobów na zamówienie specjalizujemy się w naszych typowych produktach”. Zob. www.wyroby-z-wikliny.blogspot.com/2013/ (data dostępu 10.06.2017). 12 Jej właściciel podczas III Spotkania Przedsiębiorców w 2015 r. w Miedzichowie otrzymał nagrodę „Kreatywny Przedsiębiorca 2014” za wkład w modernizację i rozwój wsi Miedzichowo (chodzi o otwarcie niepublicznego punktu przedszkolnego w Miedzichowie, dzięki któremu dzieci nawet z najmniejszych miejscowości mają szansę na rozwój i edukację). 13 Przedsiębiorstwami tymi chwali się m.in. na swojej stronie internetowej Urząd Gminy Miedzichowo. Zob. www.miedzichowo.pl/informator.html (data dostępu 10.06.2017). 327 �po transformacji ustrojowej zakładach przemysłowych. W pierwszych latach 90. XX w. w Bolewicach powstało kilka nowych ulic, zbudowano wiele nowych domów, otwarto prywatne sklepy wielobranżowe, kawiarnie, zakłady rzemieślnicze oraz firmy nastawione na obsługę intensyfikującego się tranzytu DK92. Z drugiej strony likwidowano SKR oraz zmniejszono stan zatrudnienia w funkcjonującym we wsi nadleśnictwie. W tym okresie większość mieszkańców na stałe przeszło z rolnictwa do przemysłu i handlu, wielu z nich pracuje w Nowym Tomyślu. W prawie każdej rodzinie są też osoby, które przynajmniej sezonowo wyjeżdżają do pracy za granicę, głównie do Niemiec. Około 5 km od centrum Bolewic zlokalizowane jest Bolewicko. Położone jest 8 km na wschód od siedziby gminy. Powstało jako wieś olęderska w XVIII w., toteż na jego terenie znajduje się wiele zabytkowych budynków14. W pobliżu Bolewicka przebiega pięć łącznikowych szlaków rowerowych. Na specyfikę wsi składa się znajdujący się w niej Ośrodek sportowo-rekreacyjny z całorocznymi kortami tenisowymi oraz Szkolne Schronisko Młodzieżowe obsługujące tzw. zielone szkoły, biwaki i inne wycieczki szkolne. Między Bolewickiem a Miedzichowem mieści się licząca około 20 mieszkańców osada Sępolno, w której dawniej funkcjonował okręg wiejski. To w tej osadzie znajduje się wybudowany w latach 70. XX w., dziś podupadły gościniec „Otwarte Wrota”. Ten zajazd działa od 1974 r., a ja oczywiście od 1975 r. całe dzieciństwo i do tej pory. Wpierw z rodzicami żeśmy to prowadzili, potem rodzice mi to przekazali. To było wpierw w ajencji, potem było w dzierżawie i na koniec żeśmy to wykupili. I w miarę, jakoś tam w miarę... nie dorobiliśmy się majątku, ale dobrze żeśmy sobie żyli. I w momencie kiedy powstała autostrada skończyło się wszystko. Obroty spadły do 70%. I przebranżowiłam to. Uciekłam 14 Poolęderska scheda jest jednym z tych elementów kulturowych, którymi gmina Miedzichowo stara się promować. Bolewicko choćby w folderach reklamowych jest wskazywane jako najciekawiej położone, idealne na piesze i rowerowe wędrówki. Zob. Gmina Miedzichowo – Nie da się ukryć! Daj się skusić! (2012), Miedzichowo: Urząd Gminy Miedzichowo, s. 6, www.miedzichowo.pl/files/file/FOLDER_gmina_ miedzichowo.pdf (data dostępu 10.06.2017). 328 po prostu do tego, żeby nie płacić podatku, prądu, bo to wszystko było, wiadomo jak w zakładach to się robi, to wszystko 100% więcej się płaciło i ja zrobiłam sobie z tego miejsca agroturystykę. Ale mimo wszystko jednak… Już w tej chwili pozwalniałam pracowników. Została tylko rodzina, która mi pomaga. To jest straszne! Ja strasznie to przeżywam, bo myślałam, że tutaj do końca mojego życia będzie tak, że będę pracowała i bo po prostu kochałam ten zawód! No ale niestety. Jakoś w tej chwili wystawiłam to na sprzedaż, ale od roku czasu jesteśmy w biurze nieruchomości i nie było żadnego zainteresowania (…) Proszę sobie wyobrazić, że są dni takie, że nikt nie przyjeżdża. Są dni takie, że sprzedam jedną herbatę! Hotel to już w ogóle! Na hotelu prawie nie mam nigdy nikogo. Nie wiem dlaczego to się stało (…) Bardzo dobrze mi się jeździ autostradą, ale powiem sztubacko: nienawidzę jej! Nienawidzę jej! [Właścicielka gościńca „Otwarte Wrota” w Sępolnie] Miejscowością położoną już przy granicy z województwem lubuskim, 3 km od Trzciela jest Stary Folwark, w którym zaraz przy DK92 wznosi się charakterystyczny trzykondygnacyjny budynek młyna z około 1920 r., od wielu lat bezskutecznie wystawiany jest na sprzedaż w ramach oferty inwestycyjnej gminy Miedzichowo. Po zdemontowaniu wyposażenia młyna budynek pełnił funkcję magazynu. Dalej na zachód, po obu stronach DK92, jeszcze na terenie Starego Folwarku, rozciąga się zespół stawów rybnych, wybudowany w latach 70. XX w., dziś wykorzystywany głównie na użytek działalności, jaką jest agroturystyka. Pod względem krajobrazu ekonomicznego w miejscowości tej najbardziej charakterystyczne są dwie firmy: założona w 2004 r. specjalizująca się w imporcie i eksporcie używanych pojazdów ciężarowych, specjalistycznych, maszyn budowlanych oraz naczep firma MAKU Eksport Import oraz działający od 1992 r. bar „Słoneczko”15. Stary Folwark to także podupadający 15 „Do 1996 r. firma funkcjonowała jako mały bar z dość niewyspecjalizowaną ofertą produktów. W 1996 r. obiekt został rozbudowany i w oddzielnym pomieszczeniu zaczęła funkcjonować smażalnia ryb. Od tej pory ryby są głównym daniem w ofercie baru ‘Słoneczko’. W związku z dużą sprzedażą dań rybnych w 2003 r. lokal został rozbudowany – powiększono salę konsumpcyjną oraz wybudowano oddzielne pomieszczenie przystosowane do smażenia ryb, wyposażone w patelnie elektryczne, piece gazowe oraz pochłaniacze przemysłowe. Na sali konsumpcyjnej znajduje się obecnie ok. 20 miejsc konsumpcyjnych. Miejsca dla gości restauracji znajdują się również na zewnątrz lokalu – w kwiatowych altanach przy ławostołach (ok. 30 329 �przydrożny zakład autonaprawczy, który swojego czasu zajmował się również handlem używanymi samochodami. Ograniczanie liczby klientów przydrożnego warsztatu samochodowego w Starym Folwarku nie jest powodowane otwieraniem kolejnych odcinków autostrady. Wpływ na to miało najpierw korzystanie z lawet, zamiast sprowadzania używanych aut „na kołach”, a więc usprawnienie w obszarze handlu autami używanymi w ogóle, a następnie nowe regulacje prawne i celne oraz dynamiczny rozwój pierwotnego rynku motoryzacyjnego w Polsce poprzez rozwój sieci kredytów i leasingów. Drugi odcinek badań: „tu wszystkiego brakuje, bo tu się nic nie dzieje” Gminą usytuowaną na pograniczu wielkopolsko-lubuskim należącą do powiatu międzyrzeckiego jest miejsko-wiejska gmina Trzciel. Samo miasto będące siedzibą gminy w latach 1975-1998 administracyjnie należało do województwie gorzowskiego16. Sieć osadniczą gminy tworzy 16 miejscowości, w tym 12 sołectw, spośród których interesowały nas Jasieniec (wraz z niewielką przydrożną osadą Bieleń), Lutol Suchy oraz Brójce. Gmina Trzciel położona jest 100 km od granicy polsko-niemieckiej, z zachodu na wschód przecina ją autostrada A2 oraz DK92. Na południe od Trzciela zlokalizowany jest węzeł autostradowy, a koło Chociszewa Miejsce Obsługi miejsc). W 2010 r. uzyskaliśmy pozwolenie na kolejną rozbudowę lokalu z salą konsumpcyjną przeznaczoną dla ok. 60 osób oraz dwie toalety przystosowane dla osób niepełnosprawnych. Ta inwestycja, sfinalizowana ze środków własnych jest obecnie na ukończeniu. Poza właścicielem, firmę tworzy 5 osób zatrudnionych na umowę o pracę oraz 2 osoby pracujące na umowę zlecenie. Obsługę księgową prowadzi biuro rachunkowe. Klientom oferujemy głównie ryby słodkowodne i morskie, których sprzedaż zwiększa się z roku na rok – np. w miesiącu czerwcu 2011 r. wynosiła 300 kg”, www.barsloneczko.pl/?page_id=5 (data dostępu 06.06.2017). 16 Jeszcze wcześniej przed II wojną światową Trzciel nazywał się Tirschtiegel. Miasto przecinała granica, wytyczona Traktatem Wersalskim po zakończeniu I wojny i Powstania Wielkopolskiego. Jego większa, zachodnia część znajdowała w Niemczech, wschodnia zaś w Polsce. Dzięki położeniu w dwóch państwach Trzciel stał się stolicą przemytników na zachodnich rubieżach II Rzeczpospolitej. Do Niemiec szmuglowano przede wszystkim żywność i przepędzano stada gęsi, a do Polski przemycano artykuły gospodarcze. 330 Podróżnych III klasy. Ważnymi szlakami komunikacyjnymi są także: droga wojewódzka nr 137 łącząca Trzciel z Międzyrzeczem oraz linia kolejowa Zbąszynek – Gorzów Wielkopolski z dwoma stacjami w Panowicach i Lutolu Suchym. Do Zbąszynia i linii kolejowej Warszawa – Berlin jest 15 km, a do lotniska w Babimoście – 30 km. Całą gminę zamieszkuje obecnie 6545 osób, w tym 2494 żyje w samym Trzcielu. Interesujące nas miejscowości różnią się co do wielkości oraz liczebności ich rezydentów. I tak w Jasieńcu wraz z Bieleniem jest to około 340 osób, Lutolu Suchym około 500, a w Brójcach blisko tysiąc17. W gminie nie ma dużych zakładów przemysłowych. Trzciel znany jest z uprawy wikliny, szparagów i stolarstwa. Dominuje w niej więc handel i usługi, szczególnie zaś agroturystyka. Samo miasto Trzciel przez naszych rozmówców było określane jako „miasto emerytów i rencistów”. Trzciel to miasteczko poniemieckie, nadal się to pamięta. Ludzie napływowi, głównie ze wschodnich ziem. Ma się wrażenie, że wszyscy się znają, mówią sobie dzień dobry i przystaną choć na słówko. Dodatkowo z rozmów dowiedziałam się, że miasteczko jest bardzo bezpieczne, nie ma złodziei ani chuliganów. Można spokojnie się poruszać o każdej godzinie dnia i nocy i nic się nie stanie. Trzciel jest podzielony na stare miasto – to ta część, gdzie jest kościół i ulica Kolejowa czyli była granica polsko-niemiecka, którą nadal symbolizują tory. Nowe miasto jest tu gdzie ryneczek, bloki, cmentarz komunalny. Granica przebiega na moście, nad Obrą. W Trzcielu są dwa większe markety czyli Biedronka i Dino. Z restauracji to Omtel: „jakaś Ukrainka go prowadzi ale jedzenie dobre”. Oprócz tego wymienia się bar „Słoneczko”. Są też dwa bary czyli Ramona i caffe bar „U Jacka”. Generalnie widzi się na ulicach emerytów lub młodzież uczącą się. Kilka osób w średnim wieku, kilka zaledwie dziewczyn z wózkami. [Fragment notatek terenowych autorstwa Ewy Krygiel, 03.09.2015] 17 Zob. Ludność. Stan i struktura ludności oraz ruch naturalny w przekroju terytorialnym. Stan w dniu 31 XII 2016 r. (2017), Warszawa: Główny Urząd Statystyczny, s. 112, www.stat.gov.pl/obszary-tematyczne/ludnosc/ludnosc/ludnosc-stan-i-strukturaoraz-ruch-naturalny-w-przekroju-terytorialnym-stan-w-dniu-31-12-2016-r-,6,21. html (data dostępu 30.05.2017). 331 �Życie kulturalne gminy skupia się przy Ośrodku Kultury, Bibliotece Publicznej i miejscowych szkołach. Gmina jest aktywna we współpracy międzygminnej i należy m.in. do Stowarzyszenia Gmin Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej Region Kozła, Euroregionu Pro Europa Viadrina, Lokalnej Grupy Działania Regionu Kozła oraz Lokalnej Grupy Rybackiej Obra – Warta. Na infrastrukturę społeczną gminy Trzciel składają się: Urząd Gminy i Miasta, Gospodarczy Bank Spółdzielczy w Trzcielu wraz z punktem kasowym w Brójcach, Urząd Pocztowy w Trzcielu oraz Agencja Pocztowa w Brójcach, Niepubliczny Zakład Opieki w Trzcielu i Brójcach, prywatny gabinet stomatologiczny w Trzcielu, posterunek policji w Trzcielu, Gminny Ośrodek Kultury i Sportu, Biblioteka Publiczna oraz jej filie w Brójcach i Lutolu Suchym, Zespół Edukacyjny w Trzcielu i Brójcach, Zespół Szkół Ponadgimnazjalnych w Trzcielu, Nadleśnictwo Trzciel oraz Ośrodek Pomocy Społecznej w Trzcielu. Gmina jest bogata pod względem organizacji pozarządowych, na sieć których składają się liczne kluby sportowe (Klub Olimpijczyka, Klub Sportowy „Chrobry”, Uczniowski Klub Sportowy „Orlęta”, Ludowy Uczniowski Klub Sportowy „Galmar” w Brójcach, Miejsko-Gminny Ludowy Klub Sportowy „Obra” i „Orlęta”, Gminny Szkolny Związek Sportowy, Uczniowski Klub Sportowy „Orkan” oraz Uczniowski Klub Sportowy „Obra” w Trzcielu), Ochotnicze Straże Pożarne w Trzcielu, Brójcach, Chociszewie, Lutolu Mokrym i Suchym, Sierczu oraz Sierczynku; dalej – Stowarzyszenie „Chociszewo – Wspólna Przyszłość” oraz Rolnicza Spółdzielnia Produkcyjna im. 1-go Maja w Chociszewie, Fundacja „Nasz Dom” w Lutol Mokry 48, Stowarzyszenie Zastępczego Rodzicielstwa oraz Stowarzyszenie Koło Gospodyń Wiejskich w Sierczynku, Stowarzyszenie „Nasza Wieś Jutro” w Starym Dworze. W samym Trzcielu z kolei działają: Stowarzyszenie Miłośników Trzciela, Koło Terenowe Związku Sybiraków w Trzcielu, Fundacja Rozwoju Inicjatyw Społecznych FRIS w Trzcielu, Stowarzyszenie Trzcielscy Seniorzy, Trzciel XXI – jednostka terenowa Stowarzyszenia Lubuskie XXI, Trzcielskie Stowarzyszenie Wędkarskie oraz Koło PZW Trzciel. 332 Od co najmniej 2010 r. gmina walczy o budowę obwodnicy, która miałaby połączyć autostradę A2 z krajową „dwójką” oraz odciążyć z ruchu samochodowego (zwłaszcza ciężarówek) centrum miasta (Krzemiński 2011; Trzciel odetchnie przy A2 2012). Do tej pory miasto nie doczekało się objazdu pierwotnie mającego powstać do 2014 r. Stało się tak zarówno ze względów organizacyjnych oraz finansowych (zob. Kordyjalik 2013), jak i na skutek problemów generowanych na poziomie władz samorządowych18 (Brożek 2010). W Trzcielu od lat mówi się o wybudowaniu zachodniej obwodnicy miasta, która miałaby połączyć autostradę z drogą krajową nr 2 oraz drogami do Pszczewa, Międzyrzecza i resztą regionu. Na razie tylko się mówi i na dobrą sprawę nie wiadomo, kiedy ruszy wyczekiwana przez mieszkańców inwestycja. Autostrada przecież nie spadła z nieba. Od kilkunastu lat było wiadomo, że powstanie. Władze skupiły się na walce o węzeł. Zapomniały natomiast, że trzeba do niego dojechać. [Fragment artykułu z „Gazety Lubuskiej” Autostrada A2 gotowa, ale tiry na nią nie wjadą (Brożek 2011)] Ponadto gmina Trzciel, jako najmniejsza i najbiedniejsza w powiecie międzyrzeckim, nieustannie boryka się z problemami związanymi z niską jakością dróg zarówno gminnych jak i powiatowych (por. Brożek 2008a). Infrastruktura drogowa była jedną z najczęściej negatywnie komentowanych spraw w narracjach większości naszych rozmówców z Trzciela. Wywołuje to pewien dysonans wobec faktu, iż otwarcie nowego odcinka autostrady A2 w listopadzie 2011 r. odbyło się na terenie węzła „Trzciel”. Uroczystość ta przybrała przecież formę pompatycznej celebracji modernizacji poprzez rozbudowę infrastruktury drogowej. To właśnie w jej 18 W 2010 nietrzeźwy burmistrz Trzciela spowodował wypadek drogowy – wjechał w policyjny radiowóz. W konsekwencji burmistrz sam poddał się karze i uzgodnił ją z prokuratorem. Otrzymał 6 miesięcy więzienia w zawieszeniu na dwa lata, 3 tys. złotych grzywny i zakaz prowadzenia pojazdów mechanicznych na okres dwóch lat. W wyborach samorządowych osoba ta została, po przymusowej przerwie w latach 2010-2013, ponownie wybrana na stanowisko burmistrza Trzciela. Warto dodać, że funkcję tę wcześniej pełniła od 1998 r. 333 �trakcie ówczesny Prezydent RP Bronisław Komorowski mówił o wyzbywaniu się „kompleksu polskich dróg”19. Drugą co do wielkości, po Trzcielu, miejscowością w gminie są Brójce – niegdyś miasto, aktualnie wieś położona około 14 km na południowy zachód od Trzciela. Z perspektywy historycznej oraz etnograficznej miejscowość tę należy uznać za interesującą przez wzgląd na jej dawną wielokulturowość. Przez stulecia w Brójcach żyli obok siebie Polacy, Niemcy i Żydzi, o czym świadczą resztki zabytkowych cmentarzy (ewangelicki i żydowski kirkut), oraz dwie świątynie (budynek synagogi zachował się, ale utracił dawne cechy). W czasie II wojny światowej na północ od miasta powstał obóz karny Brätz, zlikwidowany dopiero na początku 1945 r. Początkowo więziono w nim Żydów, później przekształcono w tzw. obóz pracy wychowawczej dla Polaków i więźniów z całej Europy. W 1945 r. Brójce zostały ponownie przyłączone do Polski. Dotychczasowych mieszkańców wysiedlono do Niemiec, zasiedlając miejscowość ludnością pochodzącą z Kresów i z centralnej Polski. Miasteczko pozbawione przedwojennych rzemieślników i kupców nabrało charakteru wiejskiego i w 1946 r. utraciło prawa miejskie, a w latach 1973-1976 wieś była siedzibą gminy Brójce20. Obecnie w miejscowości tej znajdują się m.in. dwa hotele z restauracjami, bank, stacja benzynowa, poczta, ośrodek zdrowia, szkoła z halą sportowa, sklepy i mała gastronomia. Tu jest rolniczo, znaczy gmina jest podzielona na takie dwa regiony, tutaj jest rejon słabo, słaby w gruntach, grunty są słabej jakości. Lepszej jakości są na terenie Brójec i Lutola Suchego, Łagowca, Chociszewa, to są nasze tutaj wioski przyległe i tam rolnictwo troszeczkę ma inny, a tutaj, ma inny wydźwięk. Jeżeli tutaj są jakieś, rolnicy są to parają się hodowlą zwierząt no i tutaj mamy też, jesteśmy w granicach parku krajobrazowego, jesteśmy w otulinie tego parku, bo już za 2-3 km zaczyna się park, Pszczewski Park Krajobrazowy, no i też mamy pewne obwarowania związane z tym. Bo to już jako otulina parku to wiadomo, że i budownictwo itd. nie może iść w jakimś 19 Materiał filmowy TVN24 pt. Mamy szansę na pozbycie się kompleksu polskich dróg, 30.11.2014, www.tvn24.pl)www.tvn24.pl/wiadomosci-z-kraju,3/mamy-szanse-napozbycie-sie-kompleksu-polskich-drog,192453.html (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 20 www.ziemialubuska.pl/855,822, html (data dostępu 20.03.2014). 334 tam czy otwieranie zakładów przemysłowych. Niektóra ziemia jest uprawiana tylko po to, żeby była uprawiana, żeby nie doczepili się inspektorzy (…) Powstała w naszej gminie baza hotelowa w miejscowości Brójce i hotel „Wiktoria”, ale przede wszystkim tutaj hotel „Maria” – to jest rodowity nasz mieszkaniec, który zaczął od małego barku i do tego dobudowywał, dobudowywał, aż doszedł do tego momentu. „Wiktoria” też powstała w tym samym sensie (…) Poza tym stacja benzynowa tam jest też przy tym „Wiktoria” (…) Tutaj też są prywatne kwatery i też motel jest przy stacji, który „Omtel” się nazywa. „Omtel” z tego względu, żeby obniżyć… bo to kiedyś motel pisało na tym, ale tam są pewne chyba standardy czy w podatkach, czy w czymś i jeżeli zrobisz nazwę inną, to możesz utrzymać inny standard pokoi itd. „Omtel” – zamienione litery i już masz, nie masz standardu motelu, to jest tak jakby kwatera prywatna i to już wtedy na innych zasadach jest traktowane, nie? Polak potrafi, przedsiębiorczy jest. Tutaj na pewno daje dużo pracy wulkanizacja, zmiana opon i obsługa autostrady przede wszystkim. Tu młodzież nawet pracowała, taka w wieku przed studiami, na McDonaldzie, kilka osób na pewno pracuje na bramkach przy pobieraniu opłat i wydawaniu, ale to nie jest to, co żeśmy się spodziewali, że będzie jakiś boom gospodarczy, rozwojowy. Fakt, że teraz są lata kryzysu, że tak powiem i nie ma takiej koniunktury, żeby rozwijać. [Członek Rady Gminy w Trzcielu, mieszkaniec Jasieńca] Pomiędzy Trzcielem a Brójcami znajdują się trzy pozostałe trzcielskie miejscowości, które systematycznie odwiedzaliśmy zarówno w trakcie badań pilotażowych, jak i pogłębionych. To niewielki Jasieniec, wraz z osadą Bieleń, oraz Lutol Suchy. Są to miejscowości, w których charakterystyczna jest specjalizacja gospodarcza nastawiona na „małą” obsługę transportu – ich mieszkańcy prowadzą niewielkie firmy transportowe, na ich terenie znajdują się parkingi oraz myjnie dla tirów, a także mała gastronomia. Warto także wspomnieć, że wsie te dość często stają się bohaterkami lokalnych mediów, jako miejsca licznych wypadków i kolizji samochodowych21. 21 Np. 4 osoby zginęły w wypadku na drodze nr 2 w Lubuskiem (2011), www.wiadomosci.wp.pl/drukuj.html?wid=13196008 (data dostępu 19.03.2014); Jedna droga, dwie godziny, dwa wypadki, trzy ofiary (2011), www.motoryzacja.interia.pl/newsjedna-droga-dwie-godziny-dwa-wypadki-trzy-ofiary,nId,1388422#utm_source- 335 �Trzeci odcinek badań: „w tej chwili drogi to jest nasze jedyne, jedyne ogromne osiągnięcie” W obrębie gminy Szczaniec jedyną interesującą nas miejscowością jest oddalony 14 km od Trzciela i niespełna 10 km od Świebodzina Myszęcin, który w latach 1975-1998 administracyjnie należał do województwa zielonogórskiego. Jest to wieś ulicowo-placowa, o metryce średniowiecznej i populacji około 600 mieszkańców (15% ogółu mieszkańców gminy Szczaniec)22. Działa w nim nieformalne stowarzyszenie „Równe Babki” (od 2008 r.), które m.in. w 2009 r. zainicjowało budowę placu zabaw na terenie po byłej Szkole Podstawowej, założony w 1965 r. klub piłkarski KS Zenit Myszęcin oraz Ochotnicza Straż Pożarna. W miejscowości tej nie znajduje się ani szkoła, ani przedszkole, a miejscami spotkań lokalnej społeczności pozostają sala wiejska oraz kościół. Innymi słowy pod względem infrastruktury społecznej Myszęcin jest raczej ubogi. Do specyficznych elementów krajobrazowo-architektonicznych tej miejscowości należy XIX-wieczny pałac wraz z założeniem parkowym, który po II wojnie światowej został przejęty przez Skarb Państwa w zarządzie PGR. W latach 1968 i 1975 przeprowadzono w nim kompleksowe prace remontowo-adaptacyjne, a od 2004 r. założenie stanowi własność prywatną. Myszęcin w strukturze osadniczej gminy Szczaniec jest jednym z trzech najważniejszych ośrodków. Można go określić jako ośrodek o funkcji rolniczej oraz obsługi podróżnych i komunikacji. To jedna z 11 miejscowości sołeckich tej gminy, położona o 3 km od jej siedziby w Szczańcu. Nadmieńmy, iż gminę cechuje duże =paste&utm_medium=paste&utm_campaign=firefox (data dostępu 20.05.2017); Wypadek w pobliżu miejscowości Bieleń, zginęły dwie osoby (2011), www.polskatimes.pl/drukuj/423022,lubuskie-wypadek-w-poblizu-miejscowosci-bielen-zginelydwie-osoby,id,t.html (data dostępu 18.03.2014); Bieleń. Wypadek i zablokowana dro‑ ga krajowa nr 92 (2012), www.lubuskie.naszemiasto.pl/artykul/bielen-wypadek-izablokowana-droga-krajowa-nr-92-sprawdz,1648849,t,id.html (data dostępu 18.03.2014); Wypadek w Bieleniu. Ranne zostały trzy osoby (2014), www.kostrzynnadodra.naszemiasto.pl/artykul/wypadek-w-bieleniu-ranne-zostaly-trzy-osobyzdjecia,2385415,artgal,t,id,tm.html (data dostępu 20.05.2017). 22 www.szczaniec.pl/art,190,z-kart-historii.html (data dostępu 06.06.2017). 336 rozdrobnienie, a składające się na nią wsie należą do kategorii wsi małych. Wyposażenie tych miejscowości w usługi jest elementarne i stanowi je przeważnie: kościół, sklep, świetlica, remiza i boisko sportowe. Codzienną mobilność lokalnych społeczności umożliwia jednak zwartość gminy – niewielkie odległości poszczególnych wsi od ośrodka gminnego, a także relatywnie dobra dostępność komunikacyjna. Oprócz przecinającej Myszęcin DK92 ważną rolę w lokalnym przepływie odgrywa droga wojewódzka nr 303 Świebodzin – Smardzewo – Babimost – Wolsztyn, zapewniająca dojazd do lotniska Babimost oraz do drogi krajowej nr 32 Sulechów – Poznań. Układ dróg stwarza powiązanie komunikacyjne we wszystkich kierunkach, a przede wszystkim w kierunku wschodnim do Poznania i Warszawy oraz zachodnim do drogowego przejścia granicznego z Niemcami w Świecku. Teoretycznie z gospodarczego punktu widzenia położenie gminy jest korzystne, a istniejąca sieć dróg powiązana z drogami o znaczeniu krajowym i regionalnym jest elementem sprzyjającym w obsłudze transportowej. Dominującymi gałęziami gospodarczymi na terenie gminy Szczaniec są usługi oraz przemysł związany z budownictwem. Według danych Krajowego Rejestru Sądowego na koniec 2015 r. zarejestrowanych było 248 podmiotów gospodarczych (sektor rolniczy – 16, przemysłowy – 36, budowlany – 36), wśród których dominowała drobna działalność usługowa, szczególnie w branży budowlano-remontowej, mechanika pojazdów i naprawa sprzętu, a także usługi transportowe23. Myszęcin jest jedną z trzech miejscowości na badanym przez nas terenie, gdzie przecinają się autostrada A2 oraz DK92. Warto wspomnieć, iż w rejonie tego przecięcia znajduje się miejsce po byłym obozie karnym, założonym w styczniu 1940 r., w którym więziono ludność pochodzenia żydowskiego, zatrudnianą przy budowie autostrady Berlin-Poznań. W 1942 r. obóz przekształcony został w karny obóz pracy i więziono w nim Polaków, Czechów, Rosjan, Greków, Holendrów, Francuzów i Jugosłowian. Zamordowano 23 www.zielonagora.stat.gov.pl/vademecum/vademecum_lubuskie/portrety_gmin/powiat_swiebodzinski/Gmina_Szczaniec.pdf (data dostępu 10.06.2017); Strategia Roz‑ woju Społeczno-Gospodarczego Gminy Szczaniec na lata 2015-2022 (2015), Szczaniec: Centrum Badań Analiz i Projektów Europejskich „CBAiPE”, www.bip.szczaniec.pl/system/obj/3241_Strategia_zmiana_2017r.pdf (data dostępu 10.06.2017). 337 �w nim ponad tysiąc osób24. To mniej więcej w tym miejscu funkcjonuje Obwód Utrzymania Autostrady „Biały Mur”. Miejscowość ta to również kwestia niewybudowanego zjazdu z autostrady A2, który znalazł się wśród 9 węzłów zaplanowanych w umowie koncesyjnej zawartej pomiędzy ministrem infrastruktury a Autostradą Wielkopolską. Jego budowa (oraz zjazdu w Łagowie) nie doczekała się jednak realizacji, co z resztą jest zgodne z planem inwestycyjnym przedstawianym przez GDDKiA, w którym węzeł „Łagów” oraz „Myszęcin” zostały uwzględnione w VII fazie budowy autostrady A2 w roku 203025. Ponadto według umowy koncesyjnej nie jest spełnione kryterium podstawowe dla wcześniejszej realizacji tych inwestycji – brak jest wystarczającego dobowego natężenia ruchu. Według samorządowców województwa lubuskiego, wybudowanie brakujących węzłów to priorytet – ich realizacja miałaby się przyczynić do rozwoju regionu, gdyż w obecnym stanie autostrada A2, jako najważniejsza oś komunikacyjna w regionie na linii wschód – zachód stanowi wyłącznie korytarz tranzytowy. Najwięcej do zyskania mają oczywiście gminy Łagów i Szczaniec. W rejonie tej pierwszej funkcjonuje już kilka tysięcy miejsc parkingowych z hotelami i zapleczem technicznym dla obsługi transportu towarowego, które obecnie nie są w pełni wykorzystane. Węzeł oznaczałby znaczne ożywienie przepływu, co dałoby gminie wzrost dochodów z podatków i opłat lokalnych, a więc pośrednio mogłoby się przyczynić do zmniejszenia bezrobocia. Połączenie z autostradą z lokalnego punktu widzenia jest też szansą na powstanie perspektywicznych obszarów aktywności gospodarczej o znaczeniu ponadregionalnym, nakierowanym na współpracę z aglomeracją berlińską (zob. Wachnik 2012b; Po rozmowach w sprawie węzłów 2013; Temat dodatko‑ wych węzłów na A2 powraca 2014; Woźniak 2016). Na budowę węzła „Myszęcin” naciska przede wszystkim gmina Szczaniec, ponieważ w jej przypadku otwarcie autostrady spowodowało regres w funkcjonowaniu lokalnych przedsiębiorstw 24 www.lubtur.pl/turystyka-lubuskie/zabytki-lubuskie/obiekt/oboz-karny-bratz.html (data dostępu 10.06.2017). 25 Zob. www.gddkia.gov.pl/pl/a/16146/Autostrada-A2-Swiecko-Nowy-Tomysl (data dostępu 10.06.2017). 338 handlowych i usługowych. Przykładem jest położony przy DK92 Hotel Sen z 50 pokojami i restauracją, który zatrudniał 30 osób. Brak zjazdu spowodował tak znaczący odpływ gości, że hotel został zamknięty właściwie w momencie, gdy przystępowaliśmy do realizacji naszego projektu. Bóg jeden wiedział, dlaczego ktoś to kupił swojego czasu, bo to był taki hotel, który nigdy się nie wstrzelił. Czasami jest coś takiego z inwestycją, że ona od samego początku się kula. I to była taka inwestycja. I ona tak kulała. I że teraz ktoś ją kupił w tym okresie naprawdę, gdzie nieruchomości trudno jest sprzedać, to dla nas był szok. I śmialiśmy się zawsze, że ktoś kupił, żeby zbankrutować. No i tak się stało, bo to naprawdę chyba w żadnym innym celu. Nie żeby pracować i zarabiać tam pieniądze. A Myszęcin – piękne miejsce i cudne i w ogóle świetne. Ale to koniunktura. To już na pewne rzeczy nie ma się wpływu. I to jest właśnie ta koniunktura. [Przedstawicielka branży hotelarsko-gastronomicznej ze Świebodzina] Na terenie miejsko-wiejskiej gminy Świebodzin, która do początku 1999 r. położona była w województwie zielonogórskim bliżej przyglądaliśmy się miejscowościom Rzeczyca, Wityń, Wilkowo oraz niewielkiemu fragmentowi Świebodzina, a właściwie jego obrzeżom przez które przebiega DK92. Gmina Świebodzin należy do średnich gmin w województwie lubuskim. Jej sieć osadniczą tworzy jedno miasto i 26 innych miejscowości (wsie, osady, przysiółki, kolonie). W tym są to 23 sołectwa, które pod względem wielkości oraz położenia na obszarze gminy odznaczają się znacznym zróżnicowaniem. Gmina jest zamieszkiwana przez około 30 tys. ludzi, a największymi miejscowościami poza Świebodzinem (około 22 tys. mieszkańców) są m.in. badane przez nas Wilkowo (1 tys. mieszkańców) oraz Rzeczyca (około 500 mieszkańców)26. Sieć osadnicza gminy wyróżnia się: centralnym położeniem Świebodzina, pełniącego jednocześnie funkcję siedziby powiatu, równomiernym 26 Zob. Ludność. Stan i struktura ludności oraz ruch naturalny w przekroju teryto‑ rialnym. Stan w dniu 31 XII 2016 r. (2017), Warszawa: Główny Urząd Statystyczny, s. 113, www.stat.gov.pl/obszary-tematyczne/ludnosc/ludnosc/ludnosc-stan-istruktura-oraz-ruch-naturalny-w-przekroju-terytorialnym-stan-w-dniu-31-122016-r-,6,21.html (data dostępu 30.05.2017); www.bip.swiebodzin.eu/376/Demografia/ (data dostępu 20.03.2014). 339 �rozmieszczeniem na całym obszarze wsi oraz rozrzedzeniem sieci osadniczej w rejonach jezior i kompleksów leśnych. Najważniejszym czasem dla rozwoju Świebodzina była druga połowa XIX w., kiedy to uzyskało ono przemysłowe oblicze. Przemysł, zwłaszcza sukienniczy, podlegał specjalizacji i znaczną część produkcji przeznaczano na eksport. Kwitło życie społeczne i polityczne, m.in. powstawały partie polityczne, prasa lokalna, liczne stowarzyszenia, muzeum (1903 r.) i kino. Usprawniono również funkcjonowanie miasta poprzez dostęp do gazu (1865 r.), organizację straży pożarnej (1866 r.), budowę linii kolejowej (1870 r.), urządzenie sądu obwodowego (1879 r.) oraz szpitala, również rzeźni miejskiej i wodociągów (1912 r.). W okresie międzywojennym, po reglamentacji, osłabieniu porządku i władzy następowało stopniowe odrodzenie społeczne i gospodarcze w Świebodzinie. Postawiono na rozbudowę instytucji komunalnych, a w gospodarce miasta dominowały małe i średnie firmy, np. maszynowe, sprzętu rolniczego, materiałów budowlanych, cegielnie, młyny, mleczarnie, browary, tartaki i zakłady murarskie. Był to także dobry czas dla drobnego handlu, banków i firm obsługujących rolnictwo (Nowacki 2013). Czas II wojny światowej przebiegał w Świebodzinie spokojnie, przede wszystkim z dala od walk frontowych. Prawie cała produkcja przemysłowa przestawiona została jednak na potrzeby wojenne (Nowacki 2013). Zajęcie Świebodzina w końcu stycznia 1945 r. było początkiem czasowej administracji rosyjskiej, którą dopiero w okresie od marca do maja zastępowały stopniowo władze polskie. Wraz z przyłączeniem Ziem Zachodnich do Polski nastąpiła całkowita wymiana ludności przybyłej do miasta i jego okolic głównie z dawnych kresów Rzeczpospolitej (Nowacki 2013). Świebodzin jest w 70% kresowy. Dominuje Wileńszczyzna, ale jest również i Wołyń i Białoruś itd. Ukraina oczywiście. Te tereny Równego, jest wiele z tego powiatu. Tarnopol itd. Także 65-70% tj. mniej więcej. Wielkopolska myślę, że 15-20%, tak gdzieś. Centralna Polska to jest zaledwie 5% – mówię o Kielecczyźnie, Lubelszczyźnie itd. Także tu dominuje kresowa tradycja, która dziś nie ma kontynuacji po prostu. Może, no widać jeszcze troszeczkę 340 w tradycji – jest tutaj Związek Kresowian, który jest taki aktywny. Chociaż wpływy wielkopolskie tutaj są bardzo silne i moim zdaniem to dominacja Wielkopolski przez ileś lat i poza tym no ośrodka i kontakty… Tutaj to jest takie pogranicze właściwie. Im chyba dalej od Wielkopolski tym mniej tych wpływów wielkopolskich, ale chyba one nadal istnieją. Jakaś tam nawet taka tradycja gospodarności, czegoś takiego, ale dominuje właśnie ta świadomość kresowa, na pewno pewne tradycje kresowe, oczywiście też patriotyczne, bo tutaj wiele osób było takich zasłużonych, to byli jacyś oficerowie, prawda, jacyś tam z Kresów itd. Wielkopolska była traktowana z pewnym dystansem jako taka napierająca tutaj, ale jednocześnie przyjmowano pewne wzorce i myślę, że to jest jakiś taki miks troszeczkę w tym Świebodzinie. Całe otoczenie jest niemieckie. Całe dziedzictwo jest właściwie niemieckie. Ja z czymś takim się spotkałem tutaj, że tutaj się operuje takimi językowymi pojęciami jak Kirche, prawda kościół. Takie coś, ludzie z Kresów też mówią. No na Kresach się również spotykali z Niemcami, także… I myślę, że te oswajanie potem… Najpierw przeczekiwanie, wymiera jakieś pokolenie, potem oswajanie, a dzisiaj to właściwie wszyscy traktują to jako jesteśmy stąd. Ja rozmawiam z młodymi ludźmi, którzy mówią o swoich dziadkach, że oni gdzieś tam są zza Buga, gdzieś tam są ten. Ale ich to jak gdyby w ogóle to nie interesuje. Nie utożsamiają się z tym. Tylko ci, którzy byli świadkami, urodzili się, to oni ewentualnie wracają do tych Kresów. Tu nie ma kultury ludowej. Tu ta kultura ludowa jest taka, dalej stroje krakowskie, prawda, i pieśni kościelne takie, takie ogólnie. No, nie ma tego po prostu, bo do czego tutaj nawiązywać, prawda. Tutaj zostało bardzo niewielu Niemców – na zasadzie tej listy, prawda, korekty narodowościowej, czyli tylko ci, którzy mogli udowodnić to pochodzenie polskie, a było tak, że mniej więcej 25-30% miało jakieś korzenie polskie. To widać w księgach adresowych. Z tym, że oni już się germanizowali, ci ludzie. Przyjeżdżali z Wielkopolski, gdzieś z Pomorza, ze Śląska i mieszali się tutaj bardzo szybko. I oni tu po wojnie, część z tych ludzi została określając się jako Polacy. Większość jednak wyjechała. Większość utożsamiła się w końcu z niemiecką świadomością. Nawet też ci, którzy zostali też wyjechali później, ponieważ nie umieli się przystosować tutaj do tych warunków. Traktowali ich źle, no źle, jako Niemców, no. Bo to już mówili troszeczkę innym językiem, troszeczkę łama- 341 �nym. Imiona mieli Otto, Gertruda… Także tu właściwie nie został żaden, jak gdyby tylko pojedyncze osoby. Właściwie to małżeństwa najczęściej… Także tutaj tego czynnika takiego obecności Niemców nie było. Tylko dziedzictwo, tylko otoczenie. Niemcy mówią, że to jest taki… że my jesteśmy depozytariuszami. Tak mówią Niemcy, ci ziomkowie stąd, że to jest depozyt taki, który oni zrobili tu. Ale ten depozyt nie może trwać wiecznie. [Dyrektor Muzeum Regionalnego w Świebodzinie] W tamtym okresie zmieniło się radykalnie oblicze gospodarcze Świebodzina. Zarzucono zupełnie dawne tradycje browarnicze oraz włókiennicze. Od lat 60. w mieście i okolicy rozwijały się natomiast nowe gałęzie produkcji i wytwórczości: przemysł termotechniczny, meblowy, drzewny, rolno-spożywczy, a także rolnictwo i sadownictwo. Świebodzin na przełomie lat 80. i 90. zasłynął z bogatego życia politycznego, np. działalności podziemnej NSZZ „Solidarność” i głośnych w całym kraju protestów społecznych (Zwiernik 2009). Okres transformacji polskiej po 1989 r. to pojawienie się wielu nowych firm, często z kapitałem zagranicznym, a także miejscowych firm handlowo-usługowych o specjalnościach od budowlanej po poligraficzną. Po przekształceniach rozwija się również rolnictwo i przemysł spożywczy, często w formie nowoczesnych gospodarstw, przedsiębiorstw i spółek. Największe firmy związane są z przemysłem termotechnicznym i meblowym. Funkcjonują także firmy zagraniczne, z których do największych należą „Keiper” (produkcja na potrzeby przemysłu motoryzacyjnego), „Recaro” (przemysł lotniczy) oraz „Sprick” (montaż rowerów). Działają tu również firmy zajmujące się produkcją okien oraz spedycyjne. Życie społeczne w mieście budują instytucje kulturalne, takie jak Muzeum Regionalne, Dom Kultury, Biblioteka Miejska oraz szkoły i stowarzyszenia (np. prężny Świebodziński Związek Kresowian). Sam Świebodzin obecnie kojarzony jest ze wzniesioną w 2010 r. żelbetową Figurą Jezusa Chrystusa Króla Wszechświata, która jest najwyższą rzeźbą tego rodzaju na świecie. Głównym inicjatorem i pomysłodawcą budowy pomnika był proboszcz Sanktuarium Miłosierdzia Bożego w Świebodzinie – ks. prałat Sylwester Zawadzki, który w 2001 r. rozpoczął działania zmierzające do wybudowania 342 pomnika o wielkości zbliżonej do pomnika Chrystusa Odkupiciela w Rio de Janeiro (Największy na świecie pomnik Chrystusa Kró‑ la 2010; Poświęcono figurę Chrystusa Króla w Świebodzinie 2010; Skubiś, Regmunt 2010). W roku 2006 rada miejska Świebodzina podjęła nawet uchwałę w sprawie ustanowienia Chrystusa Króla patronem miasta oraz gminy Świebodzin (Chrystus Król patro‑ nem gminy 2006). Pomysł ten nie został jednak zrealizowany ze względu na sprzeciw Kongregacji ds. Kultu Bożego i Dyscypliny Sakramentów. Świebodzin to jest Jezus i to sanktuarium, ale oni się zamknęli do sanktuarium. Oni nie są zainteresowani, żeby ci goście wjeżdżali do miasta. Więc jest Jezus, autokar pod Teskiem, i zakupy tam i toaleta. Przejście do sanktuarium i te trzy tam do zbierania pieniędzy, te puszki. Ja się śmiałam ostatnio, że ksiądz był leniwy i zrobił, żeby polskich i euro razem nie wrzucali. To też nie przyciąga do centrum, bo to jest tylko wycieczka między pomnikiem a kościołem i koniec. Te autobusy nawet nie wjeżdżają do Świebodzina. Właściwie tylko kościół ma do tego prawo i absolutnie nikt nie będzie z nim wojował ani niczego robił. I kościół jest w ogóle niezainteresowany, żeby ci ludzie zjechali do miasta, bo to wtedy ich kłopot, bo nie zostawią pieniędzy w tym pamiątkarskim przy Jezusie i sanktuarium w tych puszkach. Był jakiś program „Gazety Lubuskiej”, jakiś artykuł na temat jak nam się polepszyło tutaj w związku z Jezusem. I fascynujące było to jak zadzwonił pan redaktor i spytał jaki ja mam do tego stosunek? Ja mówię, że taki, że nam się nie polepszyło, a wręcz pogorszyło, bo wydaje mi się, że miasto Świebodzin kończy się na tamtej części przy Tesco i na Osiedlu Łużyckim. I ten pan był w ogóle zbulwersowany, bo on się tak zdziwił na to co ja powiedziałam. On się tego nie spodziewał. On do mnie mówi: „Absolutnie, wie pani co, ja jestem zaskoczony, że pani coś takiego mówi, bo to jest chluba i chwała, państwo czerpiecie ogromne zyski, macie mnóstwo pieniędzy i w ogóle, bo on jest i tu ludzie zjeżdżają i tam śpicie na pieniądzach”. I potem ja byłam w szoku, bo rzeczywiście artykuł opierał się na tym, że jest tak cudownie i wspaniale i że tam z punktu widzenia jakichś tam pojedynczych mieszkańców, że to jednak się nie przyczyniło. Ale w ogóle, że się tak przyczyniło, że my tu nic nie robimy, tylko 343 �śpimy na pieniądzach. Odbijamy kupony od Jezusa27. [Przedsiębiorczyni z centrum Świebodzina] Badany przez nas fragment Świebodzina to około 7-kilometrowy odcinek DK92 pomiędzy niewielką wsią Grodziszcze po wieś Wilkowo. Na tym odcinku „stara dwójka” przebiega pod wiaduktem drogi ekspresowej S3 oraz krzyżuje się z dawną drogą krajową nr 3 (dziś drogą gminną), prowadzącą do autostradowego węzła w Jordanowie. Szczególnie zaś interesowały nas okolice tego ostatniego skrzyżowania, gdzie funkcjonuje niewielki kompleks obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego – stacja paliw, bar, parking dla tirów, market oraz punkt naprawy CB. To także przystanek autokarowego tranzytu turystycznego oraz coraz częściej busów wiozących emigrantów zarobkowych do krajów Europy Zachodniej. Komunikacyjne położenie Świebodzina wydaje się wyjątkowo atrakcyjne. Węzeł w Jordanowie znajduje się 10 km od centrum miasta, a na sieć lokalnych połączeń drogowych prócz DK92 oraz „starej trójki” na linii Świnoujście – Goleniów – Szczecin – Gorzów Wielkopolski – Świebodzin – Zielona Góra – Legnica – Jelenia Góra – Szklarska Poręba, składają się także droga wojewódzka nr 276 pomiędzy Świebodzinem a Krosnem Odrzańskim oraz droga wojewódzka nr 303 prowadząca do Babimostu. Pewne rzeczy się powoli wyłaniają właśnie z tego położenia na skrzyżowaniu tych szybkich dróg. Trochę firm jest. Zawsze te firmy chyba biorą pod uwagę tę lokalizację, bo tu jest to skrzyżowanie nie tylko dróg, ale również kolei. Ta główna kolej jest modernizowana, to też jest ważne. Ale myślę, że Świebodzin za bardzo nie pracuje na to. My widzimy, że tutaj ludzie biznesu przychodzą, pytają o plan, pytają o burmistrza. Po prostu zjawiają się. Miasto nie musi za bardzo dbać i nie dba. Powiedzmy szczerze, że nie jest miastem, które strasznie się promuje. Tu jak gdyby taki mechanizm sam działa. Jest tutaj też paru takich rzutkich przedsiębiorców, którzy właśnie też tutaj sprowadzają biznesy do tego miasta. Także wpływ tych dróg myślę, że jest jak najbardziej pozytywny. Zresztą ludzie się też chwalą nowoczesnością, to jednak jest nowa 27 Wspominany przez rozmówczynię artykuł to opublikowany na łamach „Gazety Lubuskiej” Pomnik Chrystusa maszynką do zarabiania pieniędzy? autorstwa Rafała Krzymińskiego (2013). 344 droga. Chociaż na razie nie zmienia to faktu, że młodzież po prostu odpływa z tego miasta i miasto wymiera właściwie. Nie ma rynku dla młodych osób. Oczywiście mogą tworzyć firmy itd., ale jednak to miasto troszeczkę wymiera i to widać. Poza tym miasto jak gdyby przestaje być atrakcyjne inwestycyjnie też. Bardzo dużo osób szuka sobie domów poza miastem. Jest problem z nieruchomościami w mieście i problem również z lokalami. W centrum lokale są puste. Także są jakieś takie trendy, ale my obserwujemy to tylko. Na razie jakiegoś takiego mechanizmu jak we wschodnich Niemczech, to tutaj nie widzimy, żeby taki totalny odpływ ludności był. Bo z drugiej strony… Te wioski wszystkie tutaj na tej trasie, to były wioski, w których się nic nie działo. Dopiero jak przychodzą ludzie, a przychodzą, bo wolą wieś od miasta. Więc to ludzie jak gdyby z miasta albo gdzieś tam reemigrują, albo gdzieś tam przeprowadzają, z różnych kierunków ludzie przychodzą. I coś się aktywizuje i ta aktywność wiosek jest duża. [Dyrektor Muzeum Regionalnego w Świebodzinie] Pomiędzy DK92 w odległości 7 km od Świebodzina znajdują się położone niemal naprzeciwko siebie sołecka wieś Rzeczyca oraz strukturalnie zależna od niej osada Wityń. W latach powojennych do 1954 r. Rzeczyca pełniła funkcję siedziby wiejskiej gminy o tej samej nazwie. W 1946 r. została przyłączona do województwa poznańskiego, a cztery lata później wraz z całym powiatem świebodzińskim weszła w skład nowo utworzonego województwa zielonogórskiego. Gmina Rzeczyca została zniesiona w 1954 r. wraz z reformą wprowadzającą gromady w miejsce gmin28. Na obecną infrastrukturę społeczną Rzeczycy składa się filia Biblioteki Publicznej, Ochotnicza Straż Pożarna oraz posterunek policji. Wityń z kolei to blisko 50-osobowa miejscowość, w której na terenie XIX-wiecznego folwarku z powodzeniem działa winnica „Łukasz”. Jest to rodzinna inicjatywa założona w 2009 r., bazująca na dawnych tradycjach winiarskich, znanych na tym terenie od XIV w. Od 2014 r. przedsiębiorcy ci zajmują się również hodowlą danieli. Mieszkańcy tych miejscowości, zwłaszcza Rzeczycy, w 2011 r. weszli w konflikt z lokalnymi władzami w związku z planowaną tam 28 www.pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gmina_Rzeczyca_(wojew%C3%B3dztwo_zielonog%C3%B3rskie) (data dostępu 06.06.2017). 345 �budową biogazowni. Protesty te w dużej mierze wiązały się z tym, że rezydentom Rzeczycy nie wyjaśniono idei działania biogazowni, sądzili więc, że jest ona tożsama ze spalarnią śmieci. Czy teraz przez wieś mają przejeżdżać setki tirów, wioząc śmieci z Polski i Niemiec? Czy nasza wieś ma być śmietnikiem dla innych? (…) Setki jeżdżących i wożących kiszonkę samochodów to zagrożenie zarówno dla bezpieczeństwa mieszkańców, jak też okolicznych domów. Te bowiem mogą popękać. Problemem dla mieszkańców mogą też być wyziewy z biogazowni (…) Dlatego nie zgadzamy się na budowę” (Wachnik 2011). Na pograniczu gminy Świebodzin oraz gminy Lubrza zlokalizowana jest wieś Wilkowo. Podobnie jak w przypadku Rzeczycy wieś ta w latach 1945-1954 pełniła funkcję siedziby gminy dla dziewięciu okolicznych wiosek, później siedziby gromady dla siedmiu wiosek. W Wilkowie egzystował najpierw Rolniczy Zespół Spółdzielczy, a potem przez lata duży, około 1200 ha PGR, który wybudował osiedle bloków mieszkalnych29. Miejscowość ta leży 3 km na zachód od Świebodzina, 32 km na północ od Zielonej Góry i 56 km na południe od Gorzowa Wielkopolskiego. Przebiegająca przez nią DK92 stanowi barierę przestrzenną, powodując rozrastanie się wsi wzdłuż szlaku komunikacyjnego oraz destrukcję jej układu funkcjonalnego (dawniej była to wieś owalnicowa). Przestrzeń Wilkowa jest więc podzielona na część zabudowy z kościołem i jeziorem oraz mieszkaniówkę z polami. Wprowadzenie miejskich chodników, przejść dla pieszych i zmiana przestrzeni wspólnej w korytarz transportowy całkowicie zmieniła jej wizerunek. Do charakterystycznego elementu krajobrazowego tej miejscowości należy Jezioro Wilkowskie, wokół którego istniało jeszcze do niedawna napięcie powodowane problemami z utrzymaniem czystości jego okolic, które należały do prywatnego właściciela. 29 www.lwkz.pl/monument/show/id/606/letter/W/location/245 (data dostępu 10.03. 2014); www.bip.swiebodzin.eu/system/obj/6465_uchwala_XLVI.619.10_Wilkowo. pdf (data dostępu 10.03.2014). 346 W roku 2014 miasto wykupiło plażę nad jeziorem i zajęło się przywracaniem porządku (zob. Sitarz 2015). Wieś posiada Klub Sportowy „Bizon”, zarejestrowane Koło Gospodyń Wiejskich. Funkcjonuje w niej również świetlica wiejska, przy miejscowej plebanii aktywnie działa Stowarzyszenie „Caritas”, mieszkańcy wsi udzielają się w chórze kościelnym oraz kołach różańcowych. W miejscowości tej natomiast brak szkół i przedszkoli, nie ma w niej także ani domu kultury, ani biblioteki publicznej. W Wilkowie znajduje się jedno duże ponad 800-hektarowe gospodarstwo rolne zatrudniające około 100 pracowników oraz dwa mniejsze. Wszystkie specjalizują się w uprawie zbóż. Ponadto na terenie wsi funkcjonują m.in. takie firmy jak: MHS specjalizujący się w produkcji zabudów i przyczep do transportu drewna (zatrudnia około 150 osób), fabryka okien drewnianych (zatrudnia 200 osób), irlandzka spółka rolna Lambe Farm (zatrudnia 100 osób), oddział Diesel System Service zajmujący się diagnostyką i naprawą części samochodowych (zatrudnia 20 osób)30. Ponadto dla wilkowskiej przydrożności charakterystyczne są: stacja paliw Polmax wraz z usługami gastronomicznymi, parkingiem dla tirów oraz myjnią, kantory wymiany walut czy czynne całą dobę małe sklepiki wielobranżowe. Nad jeziorem Wilkowskim znajduje się też ośrodek wypoczynkowy z 30 domkami dla wczasowiczów, będący własnością prywatną, z dostępem do plaży i pomostu. Czwarty odcinek badań: „lepiej jest zjechać na dobry parking i odetchnąć jak trzeba” W odległości 3 km od Wilkowa przydrożny krajobraz badanego przez nas terenu zaczyna nabierać nieco odmiennego charakteru niż dotąd. Jego specyficzność rozpoczyna się wraz z wjazdem do osady Janisławiec, której struktura przestrzenna ograniczona jest do jednego gospodarstwa oraz średniej wielkości centrum obsługi 30 www.bip.swiebodzin.eu/system/obj/5337_strategia_1_-_Strategia_Gmina_ Swiebodzin.pdf (data dostępu 06.06.2017). 347 �transportu towarowego (parking dla ciężarówek, stacja paliw, myjnia, restauracja oraz całodobowo działający market). Jest to jeden z nowopowstałych kompleksów, podobnych do tych w położonych dalej na zachód Stoku, Poźrzadle, Torzymiu, Pniowe oraz Boczowie. W większości przypadków, tak jak w Janisławcu, kompleksy te zostały wybudowane lub rozbudowane w pierwszych latach po otwarciu nowego odcinka autostrady A2, na której poza zwykłymi parkingami nie istnieje infrastruktura odpowiadająca potrzebom kierowców ciągników siodłowych. Janisławiec, a także oddalone od niego o niespełna 4 km Mostki, również z charakterystycznymi dla tego odcinka DK92 autoportami, w tym jednym z większych w Polsce działającym od połowy lat 90. XX w. – Portem 2000, należą do wiejskiej gminy Lubrza. Tę niewielką gminę tworzy 9 sołectw wraz z 10 innymi, mniejszymi osadami. Zamieszkuje ją 3560 osób, z czego 10 osób rezyduje w Janisławcu i około 500 w Mostkach31. Infrastruktura społeczna gminy Lubrza to m.in.: Urząd Gminy, Zakład Gospodarki Komunalnej i Mieszkaniowej, Gminny Ośrodek Pomocy Społecznej, posterunek policji, gimnazjum, trzy szkoły podstawowe oraz dwa przedszkola czy pięć oddziałów Ochotniczej Straży Pożarnej. Gmina ta jest zaliczana do jednej z tzw. Pereł Lubuskich (obok niej są to Bytnica, Lubniewice, Łagów oraz Sulęcin). „Lubuskie Perły” to międzygminne porozumienie turystyczne, zawiązane w 2012 r. w Łagowie Lubuskim. Jego celem jest współpraca na rzecz rozwoju oraz promocji turystyki, sportu i rekreacji w regionie, głównie ze względu na jego potencjał przyrodniczy, historyczny i kulturowy. I tak na terenie gminy Lubrza są to liczne zabytki sakralne (XVII-wieczne drewniane kościoły, w Nowej Wiosce i Boryszynie oraz kościoły w Przełazach, Mostkach i Lubrzy) czy potężne fortyfikacje Międzyrzeckiego Rejonu Umocnionego. 31 Zob. Ludność. Stan i struktura ludności oraz ruch naturalny w przekroju terytorialnym. Stan w dniu 31 XII 2016 r. (2017), Warszawa: Główny Urząd Statystyczny, s. 113, www.stat.gov.pl/obszary-tematyczne/ludnosc/ludnosc/ludnosc-stan-i-strukturaoraz-ruch-naturalny-w-przekroju-terytorialnym-stan-w-dniu-31-12-2016-r-,6,21. html (data dostępu 30.05.2017). 348 Wedle naszych rozmówców pracujących w Urzędzie Gminy Lubrza teren tej jednostki terytorialnej cechuje intensyfikacja wewnętrznych migracji ludności: Na przykład jedna z miejscowości w przeciągu dwóch lat została zasilona 60 osobami – przeniosły się z małych i dużych miasteczek i to wywołało np. konieczność ponownej organizacji okręgów wyborczych. W okolicach jest bardzo wyraźny trend, polegający na wyludnianiu się małych miasteczek i przenoszeniu się ich mieszkańców na wieś. Tak dzieje się właśnie w Lubrzy. Wyjątkiem są Mostki, które przez swoje położenie przy dwójce nie jest w ogóle atrakcyjna. Poza tym kto mógł, to w ogóle wyjechał (…) To jest w ogóle ciekawe wobec tego, że w gminie pomiędzy 1947 a 1975 nie powstał ani jeden nowy dom. Na tych terenach po 1945 ludność przesiedlona nie potrafiła się zasymilować. Miałam okazję widzieć dokumenty, w których można było wyczytać, co dokładnie zastawali przesiedleńcy, że na teren Lubrzy pierwszymi przesiedleńcami byli ludzie z okolic Szczyrku. Przed wojną Lubrza miała charakter miejscowości uzdrowiskowej, gdzie leczono schorzenia górnych dróg oddechowych, bo tu była wysoka wilgotność oraz olejki eteryczne. Kiedyś nad samym jeziorem znajdowały się budynki sanatoryjne – potem rozebrane po zakończeniu II wojny światowej, a cegły przekazane na odbudowę Warszawy. A jeszcze powiem, znów a propos przesiedleń, że niemieccy mieszkańcy Lubrzy byli zmuszani do wyprowadzania się z tej miejscowości ze względu na długotrwałe, szkodliwe oddziaływanie tego mikroklimatu. [Pracowniczka Urzędu Gminy w Lubrzy] Z pewnością też sama Lubrza krajobrazowo i geograficznie jest bardziej związana z przebiegającą w odległości około 2 km od centrum wsi autostradą A2, niż z oddaloną od niej około 8 km DK92. Pojawienie się autostrady nie zmieniło zbytnio krajobrazu, ponieważ została poprowadzona w tym miejscu dokładnie po wyznaczonej trasie jeszcze przez Niemców w czasie II wojny światowej. Tak więc oprócz jakieś niewielkiej wycinki lasów autostrada nie zdewastowała przestrzeni gminy. Tu także miał miejsce tylko jeden i to w dodatku jednoosobowy protest skierowany przeciwko autostradzie. Chodziło o poziom hałasu w Nowej Wiosce – położonej z resztą dalej od A2 niż sama Lubrza, bo około 5 km, nad 349 �jeziorem Lubie. Protestował jeden mężczyzna, którego dom znajduje się nad samym jeziorem, który twierdził, że ciągle słyszy tę autostradę. Inni mieszkańcy nie słyszeli. Wykonano oczywiście pomiary, ale niczego to nie zmieniło, ponieważ były w normie. W gminie się z niego śmieją, że słyszy coś, czego wcale nie słychać. My tu z gminy Lubrza korzystaliśmy z autostrady, kiedy była już gotowa na tym odcinku, ale jeszcze nieoddana do użytku. Ludzie chodzili tam na spacery, jeździli sobie na rowerach i bardzo się to wszystkim podobało – dobra droga i można było sobie poszaleć. [Pracownik Urzędu Gminy w Lubrzy] Stąd też odwiedzane przez nas Janisławiec i Mostki są w pewnym sensie odseparowane społecznie i kulturowo od centrum gminy – odznaczają się bowiem odmienną strukturą przestrzenną i ekonomiczną. W Mostkach oraz w jej okolicach istnieje dobrze rozwinięta sieć infrastruktury gastronomicznej, najczęściej w postaci wspominanych przez nas wielkich kompleksów handlowo-usługowych, przeznaczonych głównie dla kierowców samochodów ciężarowych. To, co najbardziej charakterystyczne dla ich przydrożności, to niewielki autoport „Las Vegas”, zlokalizowany w samym centrum wsi, bezpośrednie sąsiedztwo klubu-nocnego z filialnym kościołem parafii w Lubrzy oraz potężny kompleks Port 2000, obsługujący transport towarowy wraz z jednym z najbardziej specyficznych miejsc dla tego odcinka DK92 mini zoo, w którym żyją m.in. egzotyczne zwierzęta, takie jak zebroidy, wielbłądy, papugi i małpy. Na terenie portu znajduje się także stadion piłkarski trzecioligowej Formacji Port 2000. Mostki to także zespół pałacowo-folwarczny, który w okresie powojennym został zaadaptowany na nadal w nim działającą szkołę oraz przedszkole, Zespół Umocnień Grupy Warownej Lietzmann oraz powstała w 1864 r. tzw. Wieża Bismarcka32. Ponadto przez wieś biegnie linia kolejowa Poznań – Rzepin – Frankfurt, która obsługuje zarówno ruch pasażerski jak i towarowy. 32 Mieszkańcy Mostek oraz okolic używają tego określenia, choć wszystko wskazuje na to, że nie jest jedną z prawie 240 wież wybudowanych na całym świecie. Wieża w Mostkach nie znajduje się na liście wież Bismarcka i jest to po prostu tzw. Aussichtsturm, czyli wieża widokowa. 350 Przydrożny krajobraz, którego specyfika wiąże się z obecnością parkingów, stacji benzynowych, barów, serwisów napraw samochodów ciężarowych, radia CB oraz nawigacji, kantorów wymiany walut, marketów, moteli i zajazdów charakteryzuje także trzy kolejne miejscowości położone w obrębie gminy Łagów. Gmina ta zajmuje centralną część województwa lubuskiego; znajduje się mniej więcej w połowie drogi między Gorzowem Wielkopolskim a Zieloną Górą, na terenie trzech obszarów krajobrazowych. Stanowi ośrodek turystyczny i wypoczynkowy, zwany Perłą Ziemi Lubuskiej (jej obszar jest zaliczany do I i II kategorii walorów turystycznych). Składa się z 12 sołectw oraz 8 osad i przysiółków. Autostrada A2 przebiega niemal przez jej środek, a znaczna część gminy znalazła się w głównym paśmie zagospodarowania związanego z układami liniowymi o znaczeniu krajowym i europejskim. Ponieważ położona jest w trójkącie małych miast (Świebodzin – Sulęcin – Rzepin), to jej potencjał inwestycyjny zaliczany jest do grupy A (Strategia Rozwoju Gminy Łagów do 2023 2016). W roku 2016 gminę Łagów zamieszkiwało 5014 osób33. Już w latach międzywojennych siedziba gminy, Łagów, był znaną miejscowością letniskowo-wypoczynkową o cechach uzdrowiska i tak pozostało do dzisiaj, choć dopiero w 1974 r. oficjalnie został uznany za potencjalny ośrodek uzdrowiskowy34. W 1945 r. niezniszczona poważniej miejscowość została włączona do Polski. Jej dotychczasowych mieszkańców wysiedlono do Niemiec. Mimo głębokich zmian Łagów utrzymał swoją rekreacyjną funkcję, potwierdzoną budową ośrodków wypoczynkowych35. Struktura gospodarki gminy Łagów oparta jest na podstawowej funkcji, jaką jest turystyka. Wiodącą do czasu przemian ustrojowych w Polsce była 33 Zob. Ludność. Stan i struktura ludności oraz ruch naturalny w przekroju teryto‑ rialnym. Stan w dniu 31 XII 2016 r. (2017), Warszawa: Główny Urząd Statystyczny, s. 113, www.stat.gov.pl/obszary-tematyczne/ludnosc/ludnosc/ludnosc-stan-i-struktura-oraz-ruch-naturalny-w-przekroju-terytorialnym-stan-w-dniu-31-122016-r-,6,21.html (data dostępu 30.05.2017). 34 Łagów jest miejscowością o miejskiej strukturze przestrzennej – w latach 1808-1932 posiadał z resztą prawa miejskie. 35 www.pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/%C5%81ag%C3%B3w_(powiat_%C5%9Bwiebodzi%C5%84ski) (data dostępu 31.03.2014). 351 �funkcja rolnicza, oparta głównie na sektorze państwowym PGR. Uległa ona załamaniu na rzecz turystyki. Funkcjami pomocniczymi są przemysł i usługi pracujące na rzecz turystyki. Struktura produkcji przemysłowej jest mało zróżnicowana i opiera się o przemysł drzewny i leśny, ograniczony położeniem prawie całej gminy na obszarze Łagowskiego oraz Gryżyńskiego Parku Krajobrazowego. Strefa usług wiąże się z obsługą głównie turystyki i obejmuje handel, bankowość, warsztaty naprawcze, gastronomię, usługi pocztowe. Na podstawowy potencjał produkcyjno-usługowy gminy składają się następujące elementy: 52 obiekty turystyczne z 2,5 tys. miejsc noclegowych, kilkanaście obiektów produkcji drobiarskiej z produkcją 300-400 tys. sztuk rocznie, kilka wielkoobszarowych gospodarstw farmerskich na bazie dawnych PGR nastawionych na produkcję zbóż (właścicielami części gospodarstw są osoby z Niemiec i Holandii), indywidualne gospodarstwa rolne, dwa tartaki, stacje benzynowe, kilkanaście warsztatów związanych z obsługą ruchu drogowego, kilkadziesiąt obiektów handlowych oraz kilkanaście obiektów gastronomicznych (Strategia Rozwoju Gminy Łagów do 2023 2016). Gmina Łagów to w większości duże ośrodki wiejskie, a większość z nich to owalnice z infrastrukturą urbanistyczną z okresu sprzed II wojny światowej z podstawowymi obiektami umożliwiającymi samodzielne funkcjonowanie (sklep, przystanek autobusowy, straż pożarna, kościół itp.). Tam, gdzie miały siedziby PGR-y infrastruktura zakłócona jest nowym rodzajem budownictwa wielorodzinnego (blokowego), który kontrastuje z istniejącą zabudową poniemiecką. Rzadkością są nowe (poza Łagowem) obiekty budownictwa jednorodzinnego, zrealizowanego w okresie powojennym. Dysonans architektoniczny powodują także obiekty budownictwa przemysłowego i inwentarskie, zrealizowane w okresie ustroju socjalistycznego. Infrastruktura drogowa gminy, to nie tylko autostrada A2 oraz DK92, ale także osiem dróg powiatowych – niskiej jakości, wymagających modernizacji, 92 km dróg gminnych – najczęściej gruntowych lub utwardzonych charakterystycznym na tym terenie brukiem. Ponadto gmina pozbawiona jest gazu systemowego, 352 co znacząco wpływa na problemy z pozyskiwaniem inwestorów (Strategia Rozwoju Gminy Łagów do 2023 2016). Do jej infrastruktury społecznej można zaliczyć m.in.: Urząd Gminy, Bibliotekę Publiczną w Łagowie wraz z filiami, Ośrodek Pomocy Społecznej w Łagowie, Samorządowe Szkoły Podstawowe wraz z Oddziałami Przedszkolnymi, Zespół Edukacyjny w Łagowie, Zakład Gospodarki Komunalnej i Mieszkaniowej w Gronowie, oddział Banku Spółdzielczego w Łagowie, dwa punkty apteczne, Niepubliczny Zakład Opieki Zdrowotnej w Łagowie. W gminie zarejestrowanych jest 12 organizacji pozarządowych, w tym 5 sportowych oraz jedno stowarzyszenie Ochotniczej Straży Pożarnej. Charakterystyczny jest brak organizacji tzw. trzeciego sektora w miejscowościach poza Łagowem, a także nieobecność organizacji nieformalnych, takich jak koła gospodyń wiejskich, zespoły śpiewacze, taneczne, organizacji zrzeszających i działających na rzecz dzieci, młodzieży, osób starszych. W Łagowie nie działa klub seniora, Uniwersytet III Wieku. Niewidoczne są też organizacje sportowe inne niż piłkarskie. Łagowskie miejscowości, przez które przebiega DK92 to Stok, Gronów oraz Poźrzadło. Pierwsza z nich zamieszkiwana jest przez 135 osób. Do 1945 r. funkcjonowała jako niewielka osada skupiona wokół folwarku. W latach 1975-1998 miejscowość należała administracyjnie do województwa zielonogórskiego36. Stok należy do wsi popegeerowskich. Tu były kiedyś pegeery, to jest miejscowość popegeerowska, to tak nieładnie brzmi, nie? Ale się nic nie działo. Tu nie było, tak jak na wsiach normalnych, że gospodarze. Tu się często ludzie wymieniali, kierownik odchodził, ludzie za nim szli. Drugi przychodził ze swoim ludźmi. Taka cyganeria jest tak zwana. Jak my, że za mieszkaniem. Właśnie, my tutaj jedni z ostatnich już żeśmy się sprowadzili, bo po nas już mało kto tutaj się sprowadził. [Sołtys wsi Stok] W listopadzie 2008 r. po konsultacjach z mieszkańcami Gronowa i Stoku podjęto uchwałę o w sprawie podziału sołectwa Gronów 36 www.pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stok_(wojew%C3%B3dztwo_lubuskie) (data dostępu 25.03.2014). 353 �i utworzenia sołectwa Stok i określenia granic tych sołectw37. W roku 2009 dawny folwark został całkowicie zniszczony, zaś na jego miejscu rozpoczęto budowę kompleksu usługowo-hotelowego, w skład którego wchodzą: motel, market spożywczo-przemysłowy oraz stacja benzynowa. Kompleks częściowo został oddany do użytku w 2010 r. (stacja benzynowa oraz market, a w 2011 r. motel38). Jego operatorem jest prężnie rozwijająca się Grupa Citronex, bazująca na polskiej rodzinnej firmie założonej w 1988 r. w Zgorzelcu. Działa w trzech sektorach biznesu: spedycja i logistyka, myjnie samochodowe oraz dojrzewalnie bananów. Inwestycja Citronexu w Stoku znacząco wpłynęła na krajobraz społeczny, ekonomiczny i przestrzenny wsi. To po prostu była taka umowa. Kiedyś poszedłem do niego, oni tu budowali hotel, nie mieliśmy żadnej świetlicy. Jako sołtys poszedłem, bo on takich tam kontenerów, z tych kontenerów. Ja mówię, żeby dał ze dwa kontenery, to dzieciom jakąś salę zrobię. A on mówi, że jak będziemy współpracować, to nam wybuduje. To w zamian za zgodę mieszkańców na lewoskręt. Wszyscy mieszkańcy podpisali panu prezesowi lewoskręt do niego, bo on nie miał. On tylko miał od strony Świebodzina wjazd. Nie miał od strony Świecka wjazdu. Więc wszyscy mieszkańcy poszli mu na rękę, więc on za to, za tą wdzięczność postawił nam świetlicę. Trochę miał więcej zrobić, ale wyszło jak wyszło. Zrobił nam dach. Myśmy czekali, bo on troszkę nam więcej obiecał, ale tak wyszło (…) To jest największy eksporter… Kiedy oni to zaczęli budować tutaj? No już jest parę latek. Szybko wybudowali to. Z pięć lat będzie. Pięć lat już jest otwarte. I ze dwa lata budowali. Troszkę drzew tam wycięli za dużo, troszkę problemów, tego, ale… tu było straszne wszystko. Te pegeery padły, to te obory, stodoły. Waliło się wszystko, to strasznie wyglądało. Wjechał gościu – zrobił. I mamy z tego pożytek. Sklepu nie mieliśmy, nie? A to już też jest. W tym sklepie są rzeczy drogie i są tańsze, nie? I dochody już mają. On sobie wtedy powiększy parking, bo ta ziemia jest jego aż do granicy żelechowskiej. On to wszystko wykupił, on to wszystko szykuje. To jest wszystko jego ziemia. Od 37 Uchwała nr XXI/129/08 Rady Gminy Łagów z dnia 27 listopada 2008 r. w sprawie podziału sołectwa Gronów i utworzenia sołectwa Stok i określenia granic tych sołectw, www.kopialagow.bip.net.pl/?a=145 (data dostępu 11.06.2017). 38 Zob. www.otonoc.pl/nocleg-6305-motel-picaro (dostęp 28.03.2014). 354 autostrady, wszystko w tę stronę. Aż tam do tego lasu, to jest jego, nie? I on ma tam myjnię, tam jest Carrefour, restauracja. I jest dwadzieścia sklepów przygotowanych do otwarcia. W przyszłości on planuje, żeby tam był na miejscu lekarz, fryzjer, usługi. On ma całą bazę w Zgorzelcu. I on chce tu całą bazę przenieść. Około tysiąca tirów, tu umowę pospisuje. Tutaj, chce przenieść tutaj. Tu chce mieć główną bazę. Tam chce mieć tylko filię, a tutaj główną mieć, bo tu jest bliżej granicy już, nie. I stąd ruszają tiry jego, bo on też ma kupę tych tirów… tę myjnię, cała obsługa tego wszystkiego, hotele itd. Tylko ciężko go złapać… on gdzieś tam, na jachcie gdzieś tam na Karaibach bez przerwy i… często jest w Peru. To jest najbogatszy człowiek, który znajduje się w pierwszej 20. w Polsce. Bogaty człowiek, jak on daje 10 baniek, to jakby dla mnie dał, to jestem do końca życia ustawiony i cały Stok. Ale jest dostępny, można z nim porozmawiać, tak że nie jest taki… normalnie tak jak z człowiekiem, on się nie wyteguje, on potrafi robotnika w dupę kopnąć jak go zdenerwuje, on taki prosty chłop. On doszedł, od zera dochodził do tego wszystkiego, nie? Ponad setka ludzi zatrudnienie znajdzie, bo to będzie duże, wielkie. To jest firma bananowa. Ja jak jakąś imprezkę robię, a potrzebuję tam, grochówy ostatnio nie? Ugotowali grochówy za darmo na dożynki. Tam kiedyś, dwa razy czy nawet trzy dali banany. To 20 kilo bananów dali raz, drugi, trzeci. Ja poszedłem, a oni „Po co pan?” – „Po banany” – „To wózkiem przyjedź, bo to ciężkie”. I tak pojechałem, taczką. No dzieciakom te banany porozdawałem, na dożynkach kiedyś mieliśmy, nie? I trzeba delikatnie, małą łyżeczką, bo jak bym za wiele żądał, to wiadomo. A tak raz, dwa razy w roku, to pomogą, nie? Coś tam pomogę jakiegoś, tych, tych, tej kostki brukowej czy tam tej zupki czy bananów. Zawsze, jeszcze się nie spotkałem, żeby odmówili, nie. Nawet salę restauracyjną udostępnili na Mikołaja, nie ma problemu. Jakby otworzyli to wszystko tak, jak zaplanuje… Niech otwierają, niech coś się dzieje. [Sołtys wsi Stok] Stok nie jest jedynym miejscem przy DK92, w którym pojawiły się inwestycje Grupy Citronex. Wcześniej w 2005 r. firma otworzyła myjni TIR w Torzymiu. Myjnia usytuowana jest 35 km od przejścia granicznego w Świecku a stacją paliw pod szyldem BP w miejscowości Mostki39. 39 www.citronex.pl/pl/citronex-group/historia/ (data dostępu 06.06.2017). 355 �Niespełna 2 km od Stoku zlokalizowany jest zamieszkiwany przez 107 osób Gronów. Wieś leży w otulinie Łagowsko-Sulęcińskiego Parku Krajobrazowego, od zachodu i północy otoczona jest lasami, od południa przylega do DK92 i autostrady A2. Przez wieś przebiega także droga powiatowa nr 1236F Gronów-Łagów-Sieniawa. Wieś w 1421 r. stała się własnością joannitów i pozostała nią aż do kasacji zakonu w XIX w. Z jednym folwarkiem, owczarnią i młynem wodnym przynależała do komturii w Łagowie. Od XVIII w. do Gronowa należał wspomniany folwark Stok. Wieś do zakończenia II wojny światowej znajdowała się w rękach, najpierw pruskich, później niemieckich. Przed wojną w Gronowie funkcjonowała szkoła, sklep towarów kolonialnych, browar oraz gospoda. W granicach polskich Gronów znalazł się po 1945 r. Od 1999 r. znajduje się w nowo utworzonym województwie lubuskim, powiecie świebodzińskim40. Wieś zachowała przedwojenny układ urbanistyczny z charakterystyczną zabudową wzdłuż drogi, tzw. ulicówką w kierunku Łagowa. Na terenie sołectwa Gronów funkcjonują firma wulkanizacyjna, zakład napraw samochodowych, motel, trzygwiazdkowy hotel, którego właścicielem jest PGNiG S.A., a także hurtownia budowlana. Ja miałem firmę od 1990 r. Najpierw miałem firmę w Łagowie. A od 2000 r. wybudowaliśmy tutaj od podstaw ten zakład. Nie było tam dojazdu do samochodów ciężarowych, a była taka potrzeba, żeby zrobić przy tej drodze właśnie taki serwis. No, nie było od Poznania do Świecka. Nie było takiej firmy, która by świadczyła usługi 24 h, więc, no, ja to wymyśliłem sobie, że zrobię to. No i trzeba było szukać miejsca tutaj, bliżej gdzieś przy drodze, no i kupiłem tutaj tą ziemię. I od początku zbudowaliśmy tutaj, żeby było bliżej, bo ciężarówki po prostu nie miały dojazdu do Łagowa (…) Zakładu nie muszę tak za dużo reklamować, bo jest przy samej drodze, wszyscy widzą. Jestem na rynku od 1990 r. i ludzie trochę już mnie znają i wiedzą, że jest otwarte zawsze u mnie. Mam swoich dużo klientów. [Właściciel wulkanizacji w Gronowie] 40 www.ziemialubuska.pl/1314,1281.html (data dostępu 29.03.2014). 356 Jeden rolnik był. Ale tak nie ma rolników. Kiedyś tak, wcześniej to w zasadzie każdy żył z rolnictwa, nie, to miał zawsze jakąś oborę, krowy, świnie i z tego się utrzymywał. No, a dziś, no, tutaj firm produkcyjnych za wiele nie ma, najbliżej w Świebodzinie. Tutaj większość to się zajmuje usługami. Ci co pracują, to co u nas tutaj w Gronowie, to wulkanizacja na przykład. Kiedyś jeszcze była stacja, której nie ma. No i hurtownia budowlana. No i co, mechanik jest. Kiedyś ludzie utrzymywali z rolnictwa – był pegeer, wiadomo, polskie rolnictwo. I jeszcze winiarnia, kolej tam jeszcze, to także też na stacji tak pracowali. To my pamiętamy to, bo przecież to lata 90., to transformacja była gospodarcza w latach 90., to wszystkie te zakłady upadły albo zostały sprywatyzowane, nie? (…) Taka bariera między osobami starszymi a młodymi jest bardzo widoczna. No, bo jednak te starsze osoby już nie mają takiego zaangażowania do pracy, nie, dużo mówią, ale wiadomo, mało robią. [Sołtys wsi Gronów] W miejscowości zlokalizowana jest nowoczesna oczyszczalnia ścieków, oddana do użytku w 2011 r. Inwestycja podniosła znacznie jakość życia mieszkańców, którzy narzekali na fetor w powietrzu pochodzący ze starej oczyszczalni. Przetarg na tę inwestycję o wartości 12 mln zł ogłoszono pod koniec 2009 r. W gronowskiej oczyszczalni utylizowane są ścieki z całej gminy Łagów41. Do wyjątkowych miejscowości na trasie DK92 należy zaliczyć ponad stuosobowe Poźrzadło – głównie ze względu na istniejące na jej terenie centrum obsługi transportu towarowego „Nevada Center”. Jest to swego rodzaju małe miasteczko podzielone na strefy parkingowe, handlowe i wypoczynku, zaprojektowane specjalnie dla kierowców i podróżnych. W kompleksie znajdują się dwie stacje paliw, kantor, butik z upominkami, sklep „Hobby”, serwisy CB, sklep z częściami i akcesoriami do samochodów, duży market oraz dwie restauracje i dwa bary czynne 24 h (w tym bar stylizowany na epokę „dzikiego zachodu”). Dla samochodów ciężarowych przeznaczony jest duży parking oraz 8-stanowiskowa myjnia. Z krajobrazowego punktu widzenia najbardziej wyróżniającym się elementem architektonicznym na terenie „Nevady Center” 41 www.wod-kan.inzynieria.com/cat/26/art/29121/gronow-ma-nowa-oczyszczalniesciekow#jump (data dostępu 29.03.2014). 357 �jest 16-metrowa „Piramida Horusa”, w której mieści się restauracja oraz sala konferencyjna. Została wzniesiona z kamienia przy zachowaniu wszelkich kątów i proporcji; ustawiono ją także zgodnie z kierunkami świata. Mieszkalną część Poźrzadła przecinają biegnące wzdłuż osi północ – południe drogi DK92 oraz 1236F. Po wojnie Poźrzadło zasiedliła głównie ludność z kresów wschodnich, ale także i z innych regionów Polski. Specyfiką wsi, prócz „Piramidy Horusa” jest XIX-wieczna pastorówka, w której obecnie mieści się Zagroda Agroartystyczna „Frankówka” wraz z galerią sztuki oraz salonem sprzedaży antyków. W Poźrzadle znalazłem się, ponieważ zgubiłem psa. Bardzo romantyczna historia. Jest bardzo ładny artykuł na ten temat „Jak Franek sprowadził sztukę do Poźrzadła”42. Czyli mój pies sprowadził mnie, czyli sztukę do Poźrzadła. Jechałem do Poznania w 1989 r. na targi sztuki wschodniej, czyli wszystkie te kraje komunistyczne, tam się wystawiali. No, po drodze zgubiłem psa, uciekł za zwierzem jakimś, nie wiem (…) Przy Poźrzadle uciekł, prawda. I ja, no niestety szukałem go wiele czasu i niestety nie znalazłem, bo… Ale skorzystałem z Telewizji Poznańskiej i Poznańska Telewizja pozwoliła właśnie dać dwa komunikaty o zaginięciu tego psa. I się okazuje, że za drugim komunikatem jednak faktycznie dotarłem do ludzi, którzy się zaopiekowali tym psem. Tak, tak. I ten. No i oczywiście dzwonili do mnie do galerii tam do Brukseli, prawda, że się pies znalazł, bo ja oczywiście zasugerowałem nagrodę jakąś za znalezienie tego psa. I tak właściwie wróciłem po psa i kupiłem dom. I od tego czasu, tak płynnie biorąc mój czas, to jestem między właśnie Brukselą a Poźrzadłem (…) Tutaj naprawdę była bardzo ciężka praca. [Właściciel „Frankówki”] Według zapisów w Planie Odnowy Miejscowości Sołectwa Poźrzadło – wieś zamieszkiwana jest przez społeczność łemkowską, kultywującą zwyczaje przodków. Mieszkańcy w większości są wyznania grekokatolickiego. 42 Kamińska K. (b.r.) Jak Franek sprowadził sztukę do Poźrzadła, www.frankowka.travel.pl/html/polski/franek.html (data dostępu 06.06.2017). 358 Ja miałem wiele pomysłów. Przede wszystkim pomysły integracji tutejszych ludzi. Pierwsza rzecz, tutaj jest bardzo ciekawe zjawisko, ale niedokończone do końca, że tutaj są dwie religie. Dwie są chrześcijańskie, ale jedna jest rzymskokatolicka, a druga jest grekokatolicka – Łemkowie są grekokatolicką. Więc ten, ja zasugerowałem na przykład, że przynajmniej powinna być raz na rok wspólna msza, prawda? Wszystko się w tym kościele dzieje tylko mają osobne msze. Grekokatolicy mają rano, prawda, a rzymskokatolicy mają po obiedzie, o 13. No, to miałem na myśli. Chciałem w ogóle zrobić rewitalizację kościoła, który wymaga tego, prawda? No, niestety wszystko się spaliło na panewce. Nie chcieli ludzie po prostu (…) Kościół nie spełnił się. Zwłaszcza, że tutaj za komuny, to była jedna msza, tylko właśnie rzymskokatolicka i ci grekokatolicy akceptowali to. Później jak dostali wolność, no to zażądali też i tej religijnej wolności dla siebie. [Właściciel „Frankówki”] Gmina Łagów, podobnie jak gmina Szczaniec, od kilku lat bezskutecznie prowadzi batalię o wcześniejszą budowę zjazdu z autostrady A2 w Gronowie43. Lokalne wykorzystanie nowej autostrady jest niewielkie, m.in. przez brak węzła komunikacyjnego pozwalającego na szybsze i wygodniejsze dotarcie do gminy. O ile mieszkańcy poruszają się DK92, a także siecią dróg powiatowych i gminnych, w celu dotarcia do swojego miejsca zamieszkania oraz do miejsc pracy, o tyle problematyczny staje się przepływ turystów czy osób i podmiotów chcących skorzystać z zaplecza technicznego dla obsługi podróżnych zlokalizowanych wzdłuż DK92. Brak węzła, obok niedomagań infrastrukturalnych samej gminy (problemy związane z kanalizacją, gazyfikacją oraz wodociągami), blokuje zewnętrzne inwestycje o charakterze produkcyjnym i magazynowym. Jest tzw. efekt korytarza. Na poziomie lokalnym efekt ten ma charakter przestrzenny i związany z trudnościami w sprawnej komunikacji pomiędzy rozdzielonymi obszarami. O wystąpieniu efektu decydują w tym wypadku nie tyle węzły drogowe, co przede wszystkim 43 W przypadku Gminy Łagów pozostawiono rezerwę terenową pod ewentualny dodatkowy węzeł z perspektywą jego budowy w 2030 r. Obecnie gmina nie ma „dostępu” do autostrady ze swojego obszaru. W związku z takimi założeniami, w 2000 r. przyjęto uchwałą XVII/112/2000 Rady Gminy Miejscowy Plan Zagospodarowania Przestrzennego Gminy Łagów, obręb Gronów dla terenów położonych w rejonie drogi krajowej Nr 2 i rejonie węzła projektowanej autostrady A2. 359 �liczba i rozmieszczenie tzw. infrastruktury prostopadłej, czyli dróg i kładek dla pieszych. Chodzi więc o problemy z dostępnością do określonych obiektów i nieruchomości położonych w bezpośrednim sąsiedztwie autostrady A2. Budowę węzła uznaje się za warunek konieczny dla rozwoju lokalnej przedsiębiorczości, zwłaszcza w sektorze logistyczno-magazynowym, a wyraźnie mniej w sferze produkcyjnej (Jurczak, Kawa 2012: 130-135; Komornicki 2013; Komża 2013). Budowa węzła w Gronowie nadal pozostaje pod znakiem zapytania. We wrześniu 2016 r. Konwent Zrzeszenia Gmin Województwa Lubuskiego przegłosował stanowisko w sprawie konieczności wybudowania zjazdów z autostrady A2 w miejscowościach Gronów oraz Myszęcin. W ten sposób poparł wcześniej podjęte stanowisko Sejmiku Województwa Lubuskiego, podtrzymujące apel wystosowany w tej sprawie już w marcu 2012 r. oraz stanowiska wójtów gmin Łagów i Szczaniec (Kucharska 2016; Serbeńska 2016). Piąty punkt badań: „tu się rozbudowało, a to jakieś bary widzę nowe, a to jakieś cpn-y nowe powstają” Najbardziej wysuniętą na zachód gminą, której miejscowości stanowiły teren przeprowadzonych przez nas badań jest miejsko-wiejska gmina Torzym. Ma ona wyjątkowy charakter głównie ze względu na istniejący na jej terenie zjazd z autostrady A2. Gmina ta jest przykładem nie tylko efektywnego lobbingu samorządowego w tym zakresie, ale również sukcesu inwestycyjnego związanego z otwarciem autostrady A2 na odcinku między Nowym Tomyślem a Świeckiem. Z tego względu poświęcamy osobny rozdział na szczegółową prezentację Torzymia. W tym miejscu chcemy się skupić na omówieniu trzech mniejszych miejscowości wchodzących w skład tej gminy – Koryt, Pniowa oraz położonego najbliżej granicy polsko-niemieckiej Boczowa. Koryta oddalone są 7 km od siedziby gminy w Torzymiu. Są wsią sołecką zamieszkiwaną przez około 250 osób44. Mieści się w nich kościół, świetlica wiejska, siedziba Ochotniczej Straży Pożarnej, niewielki bar przydrożny oraz sklep. Ponadto na trasie autostrady A2 w Korytach mieści się Miejsce Obsługi Podróżnych klasy I. Wieś jako pierwsza otrzymała nową infrastrukturę drogową, chodniki, oświetlenie, zrealizowane w ramach Narodowego Programu Przebudowy Dróg Lokalnych. Zapotrzebowanie w wodę odbywa się z nowo wybudowanej Stacji Uzdatniania Wody. Koryta są wsią popegeerowską, która specjalizowała się w hodowli owiec. Swojego czasu na jej terenie funkcjonowała suszarnia grzybów, a także kilka sklepów odzieżowych – Koryta były okolicznym zagłębiem odzieżowym. Dziś wyróżnia je działający na ich terenie klub nocny „Alibi” z reklamującą go sporych rozmiarów figurą półnagiej kobiety, a także mieszczące się w kamperze przedsiębiorstwo trudniące się handlem obwoźnym. Jest bar, ale jeżeli chodzi o ten bar, to raczej autostrada mu zaszkodziła, bo ten ruch jest mniejszy i oni stracili. Chociaż przed otwarciem autostrady już tam rewelacyjnie nie było, miało się ku upadkowi. W okolicy nie ma chyba jakiegoś większego zakładu pracy. Jakiegoś potężnego zakładu nie ma. To jest wszystko rozdrobnione. Większość ludzi to te stacje, bary. Tu jest Poźrzadło Nevada, koło Boczowa jest dużo stacji, między Torzymiem a Boczowem jest zagęszczenie tych stacji, hoteli… była tu niby stacja, ale trudno to nazwać stacją. To był początek 2000. lat. Bardziej na ruskich bazowali, zza wschodniej granicy w ogóle. I już parę lat nie funkcjonuje (…) Jeżeli chodzi o wieś, to funkcjonuje, nie powiem. Staraliśmy się tu działać. 7-8 lat temu, to troszeczkę inaczej ta wieś wyglądała. Drogi są zrobione, świetlica odnowiona funkcjonuje. Plac zabaw, jaki jest, taki jest, ale jest. Najpierw była zrobiona tamta droga, droga gminna, od sklepu do boiska. A tę drogę, to droga powiatowa, udało nam się zrobić dzięki autostradzie, bo Strabag wykonał tę drogę w ramach rekompensaty za korzystanie z dróg lokalnych przy budowie autostrady (…) Rdzennych tu nie ma. Większość jest przesiedleńców po wojnie. Kiedyś był PGR we wsi to większość wsi utrzymy44 www.pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Koryta_(wojew%C3%B3dztwo_lubuskie) (data dostępu 14.04.2014). 360 361 �wała się w PGR, bądź gospodarstwa indywidualne, ale z tego, co wiem, gospodarzy większych tu raczej nie było. W tej chwili jest jeden większy gospodarz (…) Jeśli o szkoły chodzi, jeżeli chodzi o podstawówkę, to jest I-III to Walewice, a później Torzym – podstawowa i gimnazjum. Średnia głównie Sulęcin, ale też do Zielonej Góry. Parę osób też studiuje w Zielonej Górze. Mamy dwóch chłopaków, co do gimnazjum w Zielonej Górze chodziło, poszli do tej szkoły piłkarskiej, od gimnazjum tam chodzili (…) To, co mieliśmy porobione w ostatnich latach, troszeczkę było zrobione, narzekać nie możemy, bo i ta świetlica była wyremontowana. Kilka lat wcześniej, to taki był czysty PGR. To było budowane za PGR-ów i chyba czynem społecznym. Pamiętam jak tu przyszedłem, to troszeczkę funkcjonowało. Później przez lata stało zaniedbane, strasznie zdewastowane, nikt o to nie dbał. Było doprowadzone do takiego momentu. Później jak zostałem sołtysem, chciałem to ruszyć, żeby to odnowić i zaczęliśmy się starać o Centrum Internetowe i jak już udało nam się załatwić, że to centrum będzie robione, trzeba było to pomieszczenie odremontować. Przy okazji remontowaliśmy salę i resztę. I tak stopniowo. Te Centrum Internetowe też przez kilka lat działało, początkowo był problem z dostępem do internetu. Dużo, szczególnie młodzieży, korzystało z tego Centrum, a teraz wszyscy mają swój internet (…) Jeśli chodzi o ten klub nocny to nie przeszkadza. Tutaj chyba nie ma ludzi za bardzo, żeby pluli na to. Nie spotkałem się z takim odzewem, żeby komuś to przeszkadzało. Tam kiedyś był ten stary proboszcz, to nieraz coś uszczypnął, ale walki z tym nie było. [Sołtys wsi Koryta] Nieco mniejszą od Koryt miejscowością jest Pniów. Populacja tej wsi sołeckiej to około 180 osób – głównie są to potomkowie katolickiej społeczności pochodzącej z obwodu tarnopolskiego, przybyłej na te tereny po zakończeniu II wojny światowej45. W Pniowie znajduje się XIX-wieczny dwór z pozostałościami po zabudowie folwarcznej, który w okresie powojennym do momentu transformacji ustrojowej należał do PGR. We wsi mieści się także poewangelicki kościół. 45 www.biuletyn.net/nt-bin/drukuj.asp?podmiot=torzym/&strona=rejestr.asp&typ=menu&a=zobacz&id=1174 (data dostępu 15.04.2014). 362 W miejscowości Pniów mieszka około 190 osób, przeważnie są to ludzie starsi. Jest też grupa ludzi młodszych, ale oni jakby stanowią mniejszość. Przeważnie są to renciści, emeryci, młodzież, młodzież po studiach jest również (…) Rolnictwo jest znikome, jeżeli ktoś tam posiada, to parę hektarów gdzieś tam na własny użytek. A tak, to raczej wszyscy pracują. Ci, którzy pracują to pracują czy w gminie Torzym czy w sąsiednich gminach na różnych stanowiskach czy tam w jakichś firmach, czy w szpitalu. No, po prostu tam, gdzie jest możliwość pracy. Tu był pegeer kiedyś… To był pałac. To właśnie tam był pegeer, dosyć duży i tam dużo osób pracowało. Także to było takie jakby główne miejsce zatrudnienia, jeżeli chodzi o mieszkańców Pniowa. A jak ten pegeer po transformacji ustrojowej przestał działać, to część na pewno tutaj została i szukała innej pracy czy przeszła na emerytury, renty. A część może i szukała gdzie indziej pracy. No, część na pewno ludzi znalazła pracę za granicą czy w Niemczech, bo tu jest blisko granica (…) Inwestycji takich tutaj na naszym terenie za bardzo nie ma. Znaczy, jeżeli chodzi o Pniów. Jest przedsiębiorca, który posiada tam kilkadziesiąt czy tam nawet kilkaset hektarów, on tu jest, jakby pochodzi stąd, mieszka w innej gminie całkiem, ale to tylko tyle, że tam parę osób jeszcze zatrudnia. Z tego co wiem, to są działki duże inwestycyjne, no przy drodze Pniów, tutaj gmina ma, są na sprzedaż. Gmina próbuje jakiś inwestorów tutaj pozyskać. [Sołtys wsi Pniów] Pniów okazał się interesujący z dwóch względów: po pierwsze na jego terenie doszło do jedynego przypadku „eksmisji” ze względu na budowę nowego odcinka autostrady A2, po drugie w jego okolicach zastosowano kompensację przyrodniczą, która przyniosła korzyści nie tylko płazom, ale i mieszkańcom gminy Torzym. Kompensacja polega na zaprojektowaniu, utworzeniu i utrzymaniu sztucznych zbiorników wodnych przeznaczonych dla płazów. W przypadku gminy Torzym ich wykonawcą jest zielonogórski oraz poznański oddział GDDKiA. Takich zbiorników zbudowano do tej pory 10. Na przełomie lat 2011/2012 zbudowane zostały 4 zbiorniki na odcinku wielkopolskim, a w roku 2013 kolejne 6 na odcinku lubuskim. Celem ich utworzenia była minimalizacja negatywnego oddziaływania autostrady oraz kompensacja strat w przyrodzie powodowane jej budową i eksploatacją. Stawy są wykorzystywane 363 �nie tylko przez żaby, ale mieszkające w ich okolicach bobry, ssaki kopytne traktujące je jako wodopoje, czy różnego gatunku ptaki jako żerowiska, a i również przez miejscową ludność, która celowo i nielegalnie je zarybia (Skuteczna kompensacja przyrodnicza przy autostradzie A2 2016). Wyhodowane „na dziko” ryby są następnie odławiane, np. w okresie świąt Bożego Narodzenia. Żaby też zostały przeniesione z autostrady, bo to jest wszystko te wymogi ochrony środowiska i wiem, że tutaj rozmawiałem z kierownikiem, to budował 5 takich stawów na żaby i teraz nie chcę kłamać czy za 5 milionów złotych czy za 2 miliony, tyle kosztowały te stawy. Ponoć tam dużo jest, tam kumkają, bo kogoś pytałem, to tam jest ich, tam się namnożyło. Ale jak się dowiedziałem, że to mogło kosztować 200 czy tam niech będzie 100 tys. taki stawek, nie? Fakt, że to jest duży, tam widziałem przedsięwzięcie było duże, bo tam też nam pomagali przy okazji wyrównać humusem, który pozyskiwali oni. Przy okazji nasz staw we wsi tam troszeczkę wyrównaliśmy jego brzegi. Tak, że przy okazji troszkę skorzystaliśmy na budowie tego stawu, no bo oni też musieli się pozbyć żółtej ziemi na przykład, tej takiej tam i w ramach współpracy z miejscowością, z sołectwem Pniów, to tak troszkę nam pomogli. Tu w trakcie jak autostrada była budowana stawek nasz był troszkę czyszczony. Był czyszczony, ale to rok, no dwa lata i z powrotem zarósł. Ale też właśnie, o to m.in. przy okazji budowy autostrady burmistrz tam w ramach porozumienia załatwił, że tam przez parę dni wywozili właśnie te trzciny i tak dalej gdzieś tam. Tak że oczyszczali troszkę ten staw. [Sołtys wsi Pniów] Wspomniana „eksmisja” mieszkańców Pniowa to sytuacja wykupu przez GDDKiA gospodarstwa położonego w pobliżu trasy autostrady A2. Na wykupionym terenie wybudowano niezbędną dla utrzymania tej infrastruktury tzw. drogę serwisową. Dotychczasowi mieszkańcy wyburzonego gospodarstwa wybudowali w Pniowie nowy dom, zlokalizowany blisko ekranów akustycznych oddzielających wieś od autostrady A2. Oni musieli to wszystko wykupić wyburzyć i tam jest w tej chwili ogrodzenie (…) Teraz jest asfalt i taka boczna, taka autostrada. To odbywało się na zasadzie takiej, że Agencja tak się nazywa- 364 li Budowy Dróg i Autostrad wystąpiła w ogóle tu do urzędu i to przez urzędników. I po prostu przyjechali z informacją taką, że tutaj obok będzie przechodziła autostrada, a ten tutaj teren został ujęty prawda w ten plan zagospodarowania autostrady i to kiedyś będzie odkupione, bo to jest im potrzebne, prawda (…) To trwało 10 lat prawie. To było dosyć długo. Natomiast sama budowa autostrady poszła bardzo szybko (…) Tam było kilku rzeczoznawców… My, że tak powiem ze swojej strony nie braliśmy rzeczoznawcy, bo to autostrada mówiła, że krzywdy, które tam zostaną wyrządzone przez odebranie tego będą wyrównane z nawiązką. Wszystko liczyli, wszystko dodawali – to co tam, że tak powiem było – jakieś tam drzewa owocowe, wszystko, wszystko spisane i z nawiązką policzone, ale ta nawiązka, to się tylko tak mówi, że to jest nawiązka. Bo było np. ileś drzew w sadzie, ale żeby ten sad odtworzyć, to nie tylko wystarczy kupić drzewka – one muszą wyrosnąć. To trwa ileś czasu, co nie daje zysku, prawda? Tak samo z tym wszystkim co było pobudowane oprócz budynku mieszkalnego, który był tam z roku 1920. Później były postawione te dwa budynki i oni to później wycenili od momentu wyceny do momentu wysiedlenia. To było ileś lat, to nie było rok – dwa, tylko to było ileś lat i w międzyczasie z tej wyceny, którą oni naliczyli i wpłacili na konto minął okres czasu i później można było zrobić to, co tam jest i już więcej się nie odtworzyło z tych pieniędzy, bo po prostu czas i ceny zrobiły swoje. Tak, że no ja nie powiem, że wszyscy na tym, że tak powiem – nie zyskali, tylko stracili. To była strata po prostu. Bo nie sposób jest autostrady np. puścić pół kilometra gdzieś obok, gdzie tam w tej chwili ten śmieszny park Natura Ilanka, coś tam, coś tam… Miało być tu sztywno w tym miejscu. Tak, że ani metra nie przeszli w tą. [Syn wysiedlonej mieszkanki Pniowa] Pniów to także restauracja, centrum usług samochodowych oraz dwa niewielkie parkingi dla ciężarówek. Torzymską miejscowością położoną na pograniczu powiatu sulęcińskiego i słubickiego jest Boczów. Na zachód od wsi znajduje się węzeł autostrady A246. Odległość między centrum Boczowa a węzłem w Rzepinie wynosi około 5 km. Na drodze do zjazdu z DK92 znajdują się stacje benzynowe, parkingi, kantory wymiany walut, 46 www.pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bocz%C3%B3w_%28wojew%C3%B3dztwo_lubuskie%29 (data dostępu 10.02.2014). 365 �motele oraz centra obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego. Boczów leży nad jeziorem Rzepinko (tzw. jezioro Boczów lub jezioro Boczowskie). Na wschód od Boczowa, w kierunku Torzymia, około 2 km od centrum wsi znajduje się kolejne jezioro – Kręcko. Zabudowania wsi są rozprzestrzenione niemal po równo po obu stronach DK92. Autostrada A2 znajduje się na północ od wsi. W latach 1945-1954 i 1973-1976 Boczów był siedzibą gminy. W latach 1975-1998 miejscowość administracyjnie należała do województwa zielonogórskiego. Umiejscowiony był tu posterunek policji, Urząd Pocztowy, Ośrodek Zdrowia oraz Szkoła Podstawowa. Pierwsi Polacy osiedlili się w Boczowie już w czerwcu 1945 r., dokąd przybyli podobnie jak pierwsi powojenni mieszkańcy Pniowa z obwodu tarnopolskiego47. Trzon infrastruktury społecznej Boczowa tworzą: Szkoła Podstawowa oraz Publiczne Przedszkole, filia Biblioteki Publicznej w Torzymiu, punkt pocztowy, Niepubliczny Zakład Opieki Zdrowotnej, poewangelicki kościół parafialny, cmentarz komunalny, boisko oraz plenerowy plac taneczny. Ponadto w Boczowie funkcjonują następujące organizacje pozarządowe: Parafialny Zespół Caritas Parafii, Ochotnicza Straż Pożarna, Spółdzielnia Mieszkaniowa, Zespół Taneczny „Go!” oraz Sołeckie Stowarzyszenie Wspierania Aktywności Lokalnej. W Boczowie brak placu zabaw i sali wiejskiej, co stanowi przedmiot narzekań i napięć wśród mieszkańców. Od lat Boczów walczy z GDDKiA o budowę ekranów akustycznych przy położonej zaraz przy DK92 szkole podstawowej. Boczów to ostatnia stacja przelotowa na linii, znajdująca się przed węzłem w Rzepinie. Jest to niewielki posterunek ruchu, który po modernizacji w latach 1996-1997 może pełnić jedynie funkcje techniczne – nie ma tutaj żadnych torów ładunkowych. Ludzie są z Jeziernej, a ta część Boczowa, to ludzie z pegeeru. Bloki, to wszystko to są ludzie z pegeeru. I ja się zawsze śmieję, że Boczów powinno być dwóch sołtysów, na tamtą część wioski i na tą, bo oni jakoś tak nie zgadzają się ze sobą. To trochę tak na chłodno idzie, nie, np. jakby pani się spytała z wioski, kto to jest np. pani ta i ta, to by nie wiedzieli. Oni się nie znają. Nie znają się i to jest mała miejscowość, 600 mieszkańców, nie znają się ludzie (…) Jest szkoła, mamy księdza. (…) Cały czas walczymy o świetlicę. I aha, o bezpieczeństwo szkolne, bo my nie mamy ekranu przy szkole tego dźwiękochłonnego i na tym etapie jest, że Urząd Marszałkowski już ma tam teraz coś zdziałać, ale to już trwa 9 lat. Już 9 lat walczymy o ekran i to się nic w tej sprawie nie rusza. Wszyscy przepychają się. A to droga taka, a to droga taka. A teren gminny, droga krajowa. I tak cały czas jest (…) Autobusów nie ma. O 10.00 zajedziesz do Torzymia, do Sulęcina zajedziesz i nie masz czym wrócisz. Do Torzymia wrócisz a z Torzymia czym? Piechotka. Piechotka. Tym starszym osobom jest strasznie ciężko (…). [Mieszkanka Boczowa] Kiedyś była świetlica tam przy torach. Budynek stoi i czeka latami na remonty, ale tam jest konfliktowa ta świetlica, bo tam mieszka rodzina i przeszkadza. Na przykład jak jakieś są dyskoteki czy coś, to oni tam krzyczą, bo za głośno. A miała świetlica stanąć tu, przy domu rybaka. Bardzo dobrze tutaj by było, koło przedszkola i by mieli, ten dom rybaka rozbudować, byłaby świetlica (…) Przede wszystkim sklep był żelazny na miejscu, był odzieżowy, był spożywczy, był tekstylny sklep. Wszystko było można dostać. Był obuwniczy, materiały były, bluzki, było wszystko. No, kiedyś restauracja była państwowa tam „Pod Grzybkiem”. Wszystko padło w latach 90. Jak zaczęła się wolność, wolność i swoboda to wtedy poszło wszystko do ogroda, nie? Wolność i swoboda! Był sklep właśnie ten wielobranżowy, że garnki, talerze, i miski i wszystko. Tak samo był GS – można było kurki czy coś trzymać, ale kurki już nie wolno trzymać. Dzisiaj nawet obornika nie można wyrzucać, bo gdzie bym wyrzucała? Na ogródek wyrzucało się, to sanepid przychodził (…) Teraz jak powstał CPN, to dużo mieszkańców poszło na CPN, czyli lejkowi tak zwani, że nalewają benzynę; na kasę i jest ten taki market tutaj, dużo siedzi dziewczyn na kasie. Później na CPN-ie na pałce, na Ochmanie to samo jest – dużo młodych osób poszło tam na kasę. Później Steinpol, tapicerska firma tutaj, oni produkują meble. To jest Rzepin. I oni jeżdżą właśnie do tego zakładu. Kolejarze są, do gminy trochę jest osób, parę, ale dużo też jest pod sklepem. Dużo jest takich młodych osób, którzy nic nie robią i jest takiej dużej patologii też, nie? Są rodziny patologiczne, że mama nie pracuje, tata nie pracuje, mają dzieciaków mnóstwo, ale gmina ma im dać wszystko, zasponsorować całe życie, ułożyć całe życie (…) Mamy jezioro, jest koło wędkarskie (…) 47 Oficjalna strona internetowa Boczowa, www.boczow.pl/ (data dostępu 06.06.2017). 366 367 �Pegeer był i było kilku rolników, kilkunastu. Jakieś mieli tam poletka, tutaj chyba jeden pan tylko trzymał krowy, tak od siebie. A tak był pegeer, nie było takich rolników. Później przejęli, przejęło kilka osób – taki młody chłopak po ojcu przejął, dzierżawi te wszystkie pola naokoło. Zainwestował w rolnictwo, czyli dzierżawi to wszystko, uprawia te rzeczy i on się zajmuje czystym rolnictwem, czyli on tam uprawy tylko ma. Nie ma żadnych zwierząt tylko uprawę. A tu jest jeden rolnik, któremu już krowa nawet zdechła i koń. Nie ma, nawet nie ma ani jednego takiego rolnika, typowego rolnika, że ma coś tam, nie. Pegeer, to wszystko tu to był pegeer. To wszystko, te wszystkie kompleksy Shella, te baraki, to wszystko było kiedyś jako pegeer. Tu się wszystko, świat kręcił wokół pegeerów, tak. Pegeer dawał im wszystko, tak, dawał im mieszkanie, opał, nie musieli płacić za opał, nie musieli płacić dużo za mieszkanie, mieli ciepłą wodę, my nie mamy ciepłej wody z kotłowni. My mamy, musimy, każdy musi mieć bojler swój. Tak jak mówię, oni mieli kurki, to se paszę tam na lewo i już mieli tę świnkę, tą kurkę, coś tam, tak. No i mówię, oni mieli te spotkania tam w pegeerze, bardziej się jednoczyli. A teraz już tego nie ma. Każdy sobie rzepkę skrobie i patrz, żeby mu było dobrze (…) tam. I później rewolucja i w ogóle, nowoczesność, tiry i w ogóle – to przybywa, przybywa. [Sołtyska wsi Boczów] DK92 zanika w miejscu węzła drogowego „Rzepin”, gdzie jednoczy się z autostradą A2 na 17 kilometrowym odcinku prowadzącym do przejścia granicznego w Świecku. Tu dominuje typowy już krajobraz autostradowy z charakterystycznie zaprojektowaną zielenią – nasypami ziemnymi porośniętymi przystrzyżoną trawą, siatkowymi wzmocnieniami, rowami melioracyjnymi i drzewostanem ułożonym jakby od linijki. To także specyficzne dla autostrady oznakowania, barierki, ogrodzenia, zielone ekrany akustyczne, wygięte w łuk przejścia naziemne, przejścia dla zwierząt, asfaltowe drogi techniczne po bokach, wiadukty, ostatnie przed granicą Miejsca Obsługi Podróżnych „Sosna” oraz „Gnilec”, i w końcu terminal Służb Granicznych, Policyjnych i Celnych w Świecku, Odra i przejście graniczne. Na tym odcinku nie ma już mowy o przydrożności, o której chcemy opowiadać, a jedyną jej zapowiedzią są wielkogabarytowe reklamy centrum obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego w Mostkach – Portu 2000. Tutaj przez jakiś czas było modne wyjeżdżanie tutaj do Niemiec za Landau – pakowanie tych wszystkich rzeczy, jakieś coś tam. Kilka osób tu jeździło, teraz porezygnowali, bo zobaczyli, że Polacy albo kradną, albo coś tam, albo już im się nie opłaca i wrócili tak jakoś. A trochę emigrowało do Irlandii i parę osób zostało Holandii, ale to jest garstka Boczowa. A niektórzy wrócili, bo im się po prostu nie udało. Dużo jest też w Boczowie małżeństw, gdzie mąż jest kierowcą ciężarówki i wyjeżdża tak, bardzo dużo jest tego. Jeździ za granicę cały czas, cały tydzień jeździ, w sobotę, niedzielę wraca. Bardzo dużo takich małżeństw tutaj jest naokoło. To chyba jeden z najlepszych teraz zawodów tutaj, że dużo zarabiają, że się opłaca tak bardziej (…) Tu jakichś właścicieli nie ma, ale no mamy biznesmena w Boczowie tego od „Lamusa” (…) Nie mamy takiego centralnego nawet miejsca, bo teraz zrobiła się, ja to mówię na to, przemysłówka – no centrum Boczowa to nie jest kwiatki, bratki i stokrotki, tylko mamy przemysłową – jest kantor, są wały i jest „Lamus” z szesnastoma lokalami (…) Tych firm dochodzi, więcej jest może pracy, więcej może mają towaru do przewiezienia, tak stopniowo, tak kiedyś jeździły tylko Stary i jakieś tam konie i coś 368 369 �Appendix 2: lokalne krajobrazy dźwiękowe1 But what of the ethnographic ear? James Clifford 1986:12 Dodatkową metodą badawczą, którą zastosowaliśmy realizując projekt była metoda dziennikarsko-audiograficzna. Jest to określenie robocze, a metodę tę należy traktować jako towarzyszącą naszym działaniom zarówno na etapie badań pilotażowych jak i badań pogłębionych. Jej zastosowanie obejmowało field recording oraz realizację pięciu audio-reportaży, których tematy oraz bohaterowie wyłonieni zostali w oparciu o materiał etnograficzny zebrany w trakcie wspomnianych badań pogłębionych jednocześnie stacjonarnych i wielomiejscowych. Uznaliśmy, że aplikacja podejścia 1 Za geografem Sebastianem Bernatem, od lat zajmującym się kategorią krajobrazu dźwiękowego, chciałabym powtórzyć, że jest ona jednym z wielu polskojęzycznych odpowiedników Schaferowskiego terminu soundscape (1977). Prócz niego w naukowym obiegu funkcjonują pejzaż dźwiękowy/akustyczny lub otoczenie/środowisko dźwiękowe, przestrzeń dźwiękowa/akustyczna. Bernat uważa, iż pomimo pewnych nieścisłości należy pozostać przy tłumaczeniu terminu soundscape jako krajobraz dźwiękowy (zwłaszcza w obrębie geografii). Związane to jest m.in. z tradycją badań geograficznych, których przedmiotem zainteresowań był, od początku istnienia geografii naukowej, krajobraz, pojmowany całościowo jako wizerunek regionu, świat postrzegany przez zamieszkujących go ludzi. Poza tym pojęcie „krajobraz” jest bardzo pojemne; krajobraz jest bytem wielowarstwowym. Ponieważ dźwięk jest elementem krajobrazu wpływającym na jego percepcję, to można badać dźwiękową warstwę krajobrazu, będąc świadomym jej relacji z warstwą wizualną (2015a, 2015b). Z antropologicznego punktu widzenia pojęcie krajobrazu dźwiękowego jest jednak problematyczne, a wręcz zanegowane przez takich badaczy jak Tim Ingold (2007), Stefan Helmreich (2010) czy poddane krytyce przez innych, np. Davida Samuelsa, Louise Meintjes, Anę Marię Ochoa i Thomasa Porcello w „Annual Review of Anthropology” z 2010. W naszym przypadku choć również mamy wątpliwości, użycie tego pojęcia uzasadniamy koniecznością utrzymania spójności pojęciowej z tytułem i tematyką naszego projektu, w którym stosujemy pojęcie krajobrazu kulturowego. 371 �dziennikarskiego pozwoli nam stworzyć alternatywną i bardziej uniwersalną, w sensie jej dystrybucji oraz odbioru, reprezentację wiedzy terenowej. Zarówno nagrania terenowe jak i audio-reportaże zostały opublikowane lub/i udostępnione na licencji Creative Commons-CC BY-NC-SA 4.02. Dzięki temu dźwiękowy efekt naszej pracy terenowej zyskuje na dostępności i otwartości. Odpowiada to także jednemu z głównych założeń metodologicznych całego projektu, a mianowicie założeniu o konieczności uwzględnienia metod mobilnych. Dystrybucja nagrań i reportaży w internecie w jednym z najbardziej popularnych formatów zapisu, to jest mp3, wprowadza je w powszechny obieg sprawiając, że stają się mobilne (zob. Atkinson 1999; Bull 2007; Hacker 2000; Haring 2000; Jones 2000, 2002; Rheingold 2002; Sterne 2006). Dodatkowo, uwzględniając ich zawartość merytoryczną nagrania te, zwłaszcza reportaże, pełnią rolę reprezentacji wiedzy terenowej o charakterze wielogłosowym. Reportaże bazują bowiem na narracjach mieszkańców miejscowości położonych wzdłuż DK92, w tym również przedsiębiorców, samorządowców oraz osób zaangażowanych w proces budowy autostrady A2. To ich opowieści i ich perspektywa w najpełniejszy sposób ujawniają specyfikę badanego przez nas terenu. Współtworzą więc oni wyłaniającą się z naszych badań etnografię. Jej dźwiękowa reprezentacja to najbardziej bezpośrednia forma udzielenia głosu naszym rozmówcom, informatorom, współpracownikom, przewodnikom – niezależnie od tego jak ich określimy. Nagrania terenowe (field recordings) zostały wykonane przez badaczy biorących udział w mobilnych badaniach pilotażowych we wrześniu 2014 r. oraz przeze mnie we wrześniu 2015 r. w trakcie badań pogłębionych, które przeprowadziłam w V punkcie badawczym – tj. między Słubicami a Poźrzadłem – stacjonując przez miesiąc w Torzymiu. Zebraliśmy ponad 100 nagrań, spośród których 70 zostało opracowanych i opublikowanych na audio-blogu „Miasto 2 Licencja CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 oznacza Uznanie Autorstwa – Użycie niekomercyjne – Na tych samych warunkach 4.0 Międzynarodowe. Przystępne podsumowanie licencji można odnaleźć na stronie internetowej Creative Commons Polska: www. creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/deed.pl (data dostępu: 16.04.2017). 372 dźwięków”3. Kolekcję tych nagrań należy wiązać z zastosowaniem metody etnografii dźwiękowej/audioetnografii4 (Droumeva 2016; Gershon 2012, 2013; Stanisz 2012; 2015a: 305–318), a więc z antropologicznymi i etnomuzykologicznymi koncepcjami krajobrazu dźwiękowego (Schafer 1977), akustemologii (Feld 1996, 2015; Feld, Brenneis 2004), ambiance’u (Thibaud 2011) oraz immersji i transdukcji (Helmreich 2007, 2010). Nie bez znaczenia jest tu również idea analizy rytmów życia codziennego Henri Lefebvre’a (Lefebvre, Régulier 2004; Meyer 2008). Nadmieńmy, iż zainteresowanie dźwiękiem jako kategorią antropologiczną jest do pewnego stopnia nowością. Odzwierciedla je publikacja coraz liczniejszych prac dotyczących krajobrazu 3 4 „Miasto dźwięków” (www.miastodzwiekow.blogspot.com) jest realizowanym przeze mnie od 2009 r. projektem antropologiczno-fieldrecordingowym. Nagrania terenowe wykonane w trakcie badań na użytek „Ruchomych modernizacji” zostały poddane jedynie minimalnej edycji (np. ich skrócenie, zastosowanie fade in/out, normalizacja) i opracowane w formie 29 postów wzbogaconych o mapy, fotografie oraz krótkie opisy. Posty zostały opublikowane w lutym oraz październiku 2015 – www.miastodzwiekow.blogspot.com/2015/02/; www.miastodzwiekow.blogspot.com/2015/10/. Są to wpisy: Traktor i wypompowywanie w Grodziszczach, Różnorodne brzmie‑ nie obrzeży Świebodzina, Es trzy, Przełazy przy niedzieli, Zwierzęcy Port 2000 (Mostki), Mecz Zorza Mostki - Błyskawica Lubinicko, Mostki: pomiędzy Las Vegas a przedszkolną szatnią, Wulkanizacja w Gronowie, Urodziny dziadka (Gronów), Psychodeliczne Koryta, Natura vs autostrada (Pniów), Nie-miejsca w Boczowie, Kłopotliwa DK92 (Torzym), Warszawska w Torzymiu, Budowa stacji benzynowej (Torzym), Rosyjska tv dla rosyjskojęzycznych klientów (Torzym), Sprzedaż kur koko‑ szek w centrum Torzymia, Ambiens znad Jeziora Ilno (Torzym), Gimbusowo: Torzym, Centrum Torzymia, Remont DK92 w Torzymiu, Krajobraz dźwiękowy skrzyżowania DK92 z DW138, Gwar u Chrobrego, Pod A2, Odpust w Torzymiu, Hałas pomiędzy, Poprzez Torzym: kolejowy transport towarowy, Torzymskie disco-polo czyli łabędzi śpiew, Rozbudowa Zajazdu „Chrobry” w Torzymiu. Autorami nagrań są: Katarzyna Andrzejkowicz, Michał Orlik, Katarzyna Przepiera, Robert Rydzewski, Adriana Siebers, Agata Stanisz, Bartosz Tyrcha. Nagrania można także ściągnąć ze strony The Freesound, gdzie funkcjonują jako tzw. geotagged sounds w pakietach zatytułowanych Moving modernization project: pilot research (www.freesound.org/people/ miastodzwiekow/packs/16240/) oraz Moving modernization project: Torzym 2015 (www.freesound.org/people/miastodzwiekow/packs/18205/). Etnografia dźwiękową (sonic ethnography) w swojej praktyce badawczej wolę określać jako audioetnografię. Stosuję to pojęcie ze względu na to, że zawiera ono w sobie aspekt technologiczny użycia metody etnografii poprzez dźwięk, a zatem uwzględnia sprawczość użytego sprzętu, kanały dystrybucji oraz sposoby reprodukcji nagrań – w tym możliwości ich remiksowania. 373 �dźwiękowego, zmysłów i percepcji czy szerzej kultur słuchania dopiero w pierwszych latach XXI w. (np. Bull 2000; Erlmann 2004; Bull, Back 2003; Sterne 2003). Ewidentnie mamy tu do czynienia z rozwojem subdyscypliny wyłaniającej się wraz z krzepnięciem metodologii oraz teorii powiązanych z tzw. zwrotem zmysłowym w antropologii (Pink 2010; Stoller 1997). Uznajemy jednak antropologię dźwięku za ugruntowaną, a jeden z podstawowych sposobów jej praktykowania – field recording – za współcześnie istotny dla procesu konstruowania wiedzy zarówno terenowej jak i naukowej. Projekty lokujące się na pograniczu antropologii oraz etnomuzykologii pojawiały się mimo to znacznie wcześniej, bo już w latach 60. XX w., kiedy to badacze tacy jak John Blacking (1967) czy Alan P. Merriam dostrzegli korelacje istniejące pomiędzy strukturami muzycznymi i społecznymi. Dzięki nim ówczesna etnomuzykologia zwróciła się ku ujmowaniu muzyki jako części kultury. Niemniej niemal natychmiast po ukazaniu się dziś już klasycznej książki autorstwa A.P. Merriama The Anthropology of Music (1964), zaczęło wyłaniać się alternatywne, jeśli nie opozycyjne wobec prezentowanego w niej, podejście do dźwięku, to właśnie, które pozwala nam na uznanie nagrań terenowych oraz audio-reportaży za prawomocną formę prezentacji rezultatów naszego projektu. Nowe podejście do dźwięku zawdzięczamy działalności kanadyjskiego antropologa, etnomuzykologa, językoznawcy i muzyka Stevena Felda, który odnalazł sposób na włączenie dźwięku do etnograficznej praktyki badawczej. Dzięki niemu, zwłaszcza jego konstruktywnemu wykorzystaniu metod field recordingu i spacerów dźwiękowych, a także nośnej koncepcji udźwiękowionej epistemologii tzw. akustemologii, antropolodzy zaczęli efektywnie łączyć ze sobą klasyczne działania etnograficzne z pogłębionym słuchaniem, eksploracją krajobrazów dźwiękowych i przede wszystkim ich dokumentacją w postaci nagrań terenowych. Zarówno Feld jak i inni badacze, w tym również i my, zainteresowani akustycznym wymiarem życia społecznego inspirują się często The Soundscape: Our Sonic Environment and the Tuning of the World R. Murray’a Schafera oraz Noise: The Political Economy of Music Jacquesa Attali. Obie te prace, po raz pierwszy wydane w 1977, ujmują dźwięki środowiskowe oraz akustykę życia 374 codziennego za antropologiczny przedmiot badań. W konsekwencji przyjmuje się, że na drodze kontekstualizacji pejzaży dźwiękowych nowoczesności oraz uznania założenia o istnieniu dźwiękowej epistemologii można w nowy sposób rozważać na temat wielu różnych zjawisk społeczno-kulturowych, w tym polityki, ekonomii, tożsamości, transnacjonalizmu czy nawet płci kulturowej. I tak oto mamy do czynienia z antropologią dźwięku wraz z jej praktykami, którzy z powodzeniem prowadzą udźwiękowione projekty etnograficzne, być może trudniejsze w odbiorze i uznawane za mniej istotne w obrębie akademii, ale z pewnością alternatywne wobec wszechobecnych reprezentacji wizualnych czy wyłącznie tekstowych (Meintjes 2003; Rice 2003; Fox 2004; Greene, Porcello 2005). Antropolodzy dźwięku uważają, że dźwięk stanowi doskonałe medium efektów badań etnograficznych, a ich prace odzwierciedlają nowy sposób prezentowania wiedzy i zjawisk społecznych, emocjonalnie angażujący, immersyjny i transduktywny (Helmreich 2007, 2010). Etnografia dźwiękowa, wykorzystując wielowymiarowość dźwięku na poziomie jego rejestracji, odsłuchiwania i następnie interpretacji oraz edycji, uzmysławia soniczny kontekst życia codziennego, umożliwia też jej odbiorcom partycypację w konkretnym krajobrazie dźwiękowym, przestrzeni, miejscu czy wydarzeniu. W naszym przypadku to możliwość immersji w dźwięki charakterystyczne dla przydrożności, a więc szumy i hałasy ruchu drogowego (o różnych porach dnia, w różne dni tygodnia, w różnych warunkach atmosferycznych, nagrane z bliska i z daleka); mechaniczne dźwięki towarzyszące modernizacji infrastruktury drogowej; dźwięki życia codziennego poszczególnych miejscowości – miejsc reprezentacyjnych i tych skrytych, na uboczu; różnego rodzaju wydarzenia o charakterze religijnym, świeckim, rozrywkowym; atmosfery miejsc specyficznych dla intensywnie uczęszczanych kanałów transportowych – atmosfery barów, restauracji, moteli, stacji benzynowych, myjni samochodowych, zakładów mechanicznych; wyciszone brzmienia zwyczajnych działań mieszkańców wiosek i miasteczek położonych wzdłuż DK92 – ich rozmowy, relaks nad jeziorem, prace przydomowe; a także dźwięki nie-ludzkie, których źródłem są zwierzęta, wiatr, deszcz, woda czy budynki. W ten sposób zebrane 375 �przez nas nagrania terenowe, jak uważamy, oddają w adekwatny i sprawiedliwy sposób specyfikę miejsc, w których żyją bohaterowie naszego projektu. Kategorie krajobrazu dźwiękowego czy atmosfer (ambiances) uznaliśmy więc krytyczne dla rozumienia przestrzeni i miejsca. To kompozycje składające się na daną lokalność, wpływające na uczestnictwo, doświadczanie, poznawanie i odczuwanie codzienności. To kategorie, które ujawniają dynamiczny porządek życia społecznego. Z pewnością specyfiką kolekcji nagrań terenowych, które wykonaliśmy wspólnie z innymi badaczami jest ich hałaśliwość, co nie pozostaje bez znaczenia, bowiem hałas generowany głównie przez drogowy transport ciężki, ale także osobowy i kolejowy, stanowi ważny komponent krajobrazu dźwiękowego wszystkich miejscowości zlokalizowanych na badanym przez nas odcinku. Co więcej, w niemal wszystkich prowadzonych przez nas rozmowach, pojawiała się kwestia hałasu jako nieodłącznego elementu lokalności (por. Bijsterveld 2008): Ta 92 też tutaj w pewnym sensie nas utrzymuje, bo grono ludzi pracuje po hotelach, restauracjach, stacjach. Tak że to jest dla nas dwuznaczne, bo z jednej strony utrudnia życie, jest ten ruch, hałas, ale z drugiej strony daje utrzymanie. [Mieszkaniec Koryt] Wspomnijmy też, że tym, co było najbardziej wyraziste dla momentu otwarcia nowego odcinka autostrady A2 w grudniu 2011 aż do lata 2012 r. była minimalizacja hałasu drogowego, odczuwana przez wiele osób jako pewnego rodzaju pozytywny brak: Polepszyło nam się, jak autostrada była bezpłatna. Że zrobili autostradę, pół roku było bezpłatnie, nie, mieliśmy wigilię. Auto co jakiś czas tam przejechało, było tak cicho, że uszy bolały. [Mieszkanka Boczowa] Prócz nagrań terenowych w ramach zastosowania metody etnografii dźwiękowej powstało pięć audio-reportaży zrealizowanych przez profesjonalnych etnografów lub/i dziennikarzy radiowych. Tematy tych małych form dziennikarskich zostały zaproponowane przez badaczy, którzy w roku 2015 przeprowadzili wielomiejscowe, 376 stacjonarne badania pogłębione na terenie wszystkich wyodrębnionych przez nas punktów badawczych. Reportaże te są więc ugruntowane w etnografiach i ich produkcję wiążemy z podjętą przez nas próbą stworzenia audycji o charakterze antropologicznym. O ile niekiedy przyznaje się tekstom reporterskim antropologiczność czy etnograficzność (zazwyczaj przez wzgląd na ich tematykę – często egzotyczną, pozaeuropejską), o tyle nie czyni się tego w stosunku do reportaży radiowych. Potwierdza to zatem nieuchronność podejścia wizualistycznego, które chcemy przełamać uzupełniając naszą książkę reprezentacjami dźwiękowymi, w których wprost wypowiadają się bohaterowie naszych badań. I tak reportaż pt. Budynek bez drzwi, autorstwa socjolożki Joanny Janiszewskiej i dziennikarki radiowej Wandy Wasilewskiej przybliża z subiektywnych perspektyw sytuację społeczną i ekonomiczną we wsiach Gronów i Poźrzadło. Obrzeżami tych miejscowości przebiega autostrada A2, ale problematycznym dla ich mieszkańców okazuje się brak zjazdów. Głównymi bohaterami reportażu są państwo Maria i Mirosław Jasenikowie, których dom położony jest pomiędzy autostradą a DK92, oraz lokalni przedsiębiorcy Dariusz Majchrzak – właściciel zakładu wulkanizacji i Jeremiusz Jurczyk – właściciel upadłej stacji benzynowej, którzy zdecydowali się na zakup gruntów położonych blisko planowanego jeszcze w latach 90. zjazdu autostradowego. Z tej jednak racji, że nie został on wybudowany ich sytuacja finansowa, podobnie jak innych przedsiębiorców w gminie, uległa pogorszeniu. W reportażu słyszalne są także głosy odmienne, pozytywnie nastawione do obecnego stanu rzeczy – głosy kierowców ciągników siodłowych, którzy korzystają z oferty centrum obsługi transportu dalekobieżnego Nevada Center w Poźrzadle, a także głosy jego pracowników. Ten swoisty dwugłos i niejednoznaczność w ocenie wpływu obecności autostrady A2 na lokalność w dużym stopniu odzwierciedla jej specyfikę. Reportaż pt. Mobiliki, jak tam droga na Świecko? Roberta Rydzewskiego jest efektem połącznia metody field recordingu z dziennikarską, i wykorzystuje koncepcję audiosfery (zob. Losiak, Tańczuk 2012). Jednymi z dźwiękowych elementów wielowymiarowej audiosfery dróg i autostrad, które mają charakter ambiansowy 377 �i powszechny, są huki przejeżdżających samochodów, warkot silników, piski hamulców i opon, syreny pojazdów uprzywilejowanych. Istnieją jednak dźwięki składające się na audiosferę infrastruktur dla mobilności, do których poprzez CB radio dostęp mają jedynie kierowcy ciągników siodłowych i innych samochodów ciężarowych. Dźwięki niosące fale radiowe są ważnym elementem komunikacji między uczestnikami ruchu drogowego a ludźmi pracującymi wzdłuż szlaków komunikacyjnych. Transportują one nie tylko informacje o wypadkach drogowych, ruchu wahadłowym, korkach, kontrolach policyjnych, ale również są sposobem na podtrzymywanie przyjaźni między kierowcami oraz swoiste remedium na odczuwaną przez nudę powodowaną monotonnością trasy. W końcu fale radiowe na badanym przez nas odcinku DK92 są sposobem na reklamowanie przydrożnych usług gastronomicznych. Są to reklamy barów, których klientami są rosyjskojęzyczni kierowcy ciągników siodłowych. Z tego powodu te dźwiękowe zachęty nadawane przez CB radio, najczęściej przez pracujące w tych barach kobiety, wypowiadane są w języku rosyjskim – języku, który, prócz języka polskiego, co jest przecież oczywiste, stanowi najczęściej słyszany i obecny przy DK92. W ten sposób „wschód” staje się słyszalny na „zachodzie”, na pograniczu polsko-niemieckim. Pomimo tego, że CB-konwersacje bywają przerywane, niezrozumiałe, a rozmówcy często giną wśród zakłóceń elektronicznych, to ten rodzaj komunikacji wydaje się być niezagrożony przez współczesną technologię. Dowodem na to jest tymczasowa baza nadawczo-naprawcza, stojąca na parkingu blisko skrzyżowania DK92 oraz drogi ekspresowej S3 w Świebodzinie. Jest to przyczepa kempingowa z masztem wysokim na kilkanaście metrów, która stanowi radiowe Axis mundi, gdzie przecinają się fale na różnych częstotliwościach. Baza należy do mężczyzny, krótkofalowca, który cały czas nasłuchuje. W jego przyczepie nieustannie trzeszczą, szumią i gadają radiostacje, radia CB oraz FM. Co jakiś czas podjeżdża ktoś z prośbą o regulacje nadajnika, czy naprawę mikrofonu. Krótkofalowiec przez CB udziela informacji, kieruje zagubionych kierowców po labiryntach drogowych, służy swoim doświadczeniem. Kiedy kierowcy tirów zjeżdżają na parking, aby „wykręcić” długą pauzę i ruch na drogach 378 maleje, krótkofalowiec zaczyna łączyć się ze światem wysyłając głosowe pocztówki. Odgłosy autostrady Filipa Frąckowskiego to reportaż prezentujący różnorodność głosów mieszkańców wsi położonych między Torzymiem a Trzcielem. Jest to pewnego rodzaju kompilacja rozmów przeprowadzonych z reprezentantami różnych środowisk lokalnych. W audycji wypowiadają się zarówno włodarze poszczególnych gmin, jak i przedsiębiorcy prowadzący interesy w pobliżu autostrady A2. Centralnym punktem odniesienia są dostrzegane przez rozmówców Frąckowskiego zmiany, jakie zaszły w miejscowościach położonych wzdłuż DK92 po otwarciu nowego odcinka autostrady w grudniu 2011 r. Słyszalne są zarówno głosy rozgoryczenia oraz nadziei, jak i obojętności wobec tej potężnej inwestycji w infrastrukturę drogową, która posiada potencjał poprawy lokalnej sytuacji ekonomicznej. Wielkim rozczarowaniem mieszkańców jest nieobecność zaplanowanych przez Ministerstwo Infrastruktury i Budownictwa w 1996 r. węzłów łączących nową autostradę ze starą dwójką. Miały one powstać na wysokości miejscowości Myszęcin, Gronów oraz Poźrzadło, jednak ich realizacja została przesunięta do roku 2030 (por. Woźniak 2016). Głównym bohaterem reportażu Anny Szamotuły pt. Pod na‑ wierzchnią jest Radosław Radziszewski, pracujący dla firmy odpowiedzialnej za budowę oraz naprawy autostrady A2. Jest to kolejne z możliwych spojrzeń na tę drogę – z perspektywy kogoś, kto nie tylko był zaangażowany w jej powstawanie, ale także osoby, którą łączy szczególna emocjonalna więź z drogami. Reportaż jest narracją o specyfice pracy inżyniera. Opowieść snuta przez jego bohatera została przepleciona wędrówką w pobliżu węzła autostradowego w Komornikach, gdzie w sierpniu 2016 r. trwały roboty modernizacyjne. Ostatnim reportażem jest Żyjący z TIR-ami Mateusza Chłystuna i jest to opowieść o mieszkańcach Boczowa, którzy z niecierpliwością oczekiwali na oddanie do użytku autostrady A2. Z otwarciem tej nowej trasy prowadzącej do granicy z Niemcami wiązali bowiem nadzieję na zmniejszenie się tranzytu tirów przebiegającą przez Boczów DK92. Do momentu otwarcia nowego odcinka A2 379 �DK92 była najważniejszym szlakiem przewozowym prowadzącym ze wschodu na zachód, przez który dziennie przejeżdżało ponad 10 tys. samochodów. Kiedy pod koniec 2011 r. oddano do użytku autostradę, mieszkańcy Boczowa mogli odetchnąć z ulgą – nastała cisza. Jednak ta cisza oznaczała bezruch i znaczący spadek przepływu. Na granicy bankructwa znaleźli się ci, dla których „krajówka” była jednym źródłem dochodu. O plajtę otarły się miejscowy motel, kilka stacji benzynowych, kantory i sklepy. Nad Boczowem zawisło widmo bezrobocia. Wszystko wróciło do „normy”, kiedy przejazd autostradą stał się płatny i w konsekwencji kierowcy tirów wrócili na DK92. Wraz z nimi powrócił nie tylko biznes, ale hałas oraz powodowane wzmożonym ruchem drogowym poczucie zagrożenia. Mieszkańcy Boczowa nieustannie obawiają się o bezpieczeństwo swoje i swoich dzieci, które, by dotrzeć do miejscowej szkoły muszą pokonać „starą dwójkę”. Hałas powodowany nieustannym przepływem gabarytowych ciężarówek zaburza także rytm pracy w szkole. By go zminimalizować mieszkańcy rozpoczęli batalię z GDDKiA o montaż ekranów akustycznych. Ich działania są jednak jak do tej pory bezskuteczne. Zarówno wyżej opisane reportaże, jak i zebrane przez nas nagrania terenowe, łączymy z ideą wspomnianej już analizy rytmu Henri Lefebvre’a (Lefebvre, Régulier 2004). Jest to koncepcja powiązana z jego pracą badawczą nad kategorią życia codziennego (Lefebvre 2008), którą Lefebvre zapożyczył z psychologii. W kontekście intersującego nas tu dźwiękowego wymiaru życia społecznego chodzi w niej o dowartościowanie wszystkiego, co dzieje się w świecie, łącznie z hałasem i ciszą. Lefebvre pisał o tym, że poznanie i zrozumienie codzienności nie może się odbywać jedynie na drodze słuchania słów i tego, co ludzie mówią, bowiem to otoczenie dźwiękowe człowieka ujawnia dynamikę codzienności. Rozumiał ją jako nieustannie znajdującą się w ruchu, choć możliwe są w niej do zaobserwowania zwolnienia i przestoje. Podejście to należy wiązać z ideą czasu cyklicznego i linearnego zaprezentowaną w Critique of Everyday Life (2008). Teza o nieprzerwanym ruchu jest tu szczególnie interesująca w odniesieniu do przeprowadzonych przez nas badań, w trakcie których obserwowaliśmy różnorodne mobilności 380 i przepływy, warunkowane i warunkujące zarówno wielkie, ogólnokrajowe, jak i małe, lokalne modernizacje (zob. Meyer 2008). Opisanie rytmu przydrożnej codzienności, lokalnych krajobrazów kulturowych nie byłby możliwe przy pomocy jedynie tekstu, stąd podjęta przez nas decyzja o udźwiękowieniu naszych badań. Uczyniliśmy to z nadzieją na większą przystępność ich rezultatów. Dzięki temu rytm życia mieszkańców miejscowości położonych pomiędzy autostradą A2 a DK92 na odcinku Nowy Tomyśl-Świecko, staje się słyszalny z całym jego burdonowym i zaszumionym wydźwiękiem. �Zakończenie Oddaliśmy w ręce czytelników książkę, która w założeniach jest opowieścią o interrelacji pomiędzy autostradą A2 oraz „starą dwójką” oraz – co ważniejsze – o oddziaływaniu tych infrastruktur na życie codzienne społeczności przydrożnych wsi i miasteczek położonych pomiędzy Nowym Tomyślem a Świeckiem. Nasze badania skupiły się na miejscowościach, które przecina DK92, oraz które zlokalizowane są w niewielkich odległościach od oddanego do użytku pod koniec 2011 r. nowego odcinka autostrady A2. W sposób oczywisty nasza opowieść jest jedną z możliwych. Nie rościmy sobie prawa do twierdzenia, że wszystkie racje są po naszej stronie i oto udało nam się zaprezentować kompletny i jedyny słuszny obraz przemian społeczno-ekonomicznych zachodzących pod wpływem niedokończonego procesu polskiej modernizacji. Opowiadamy o „ruchomych modernizacjach”, zatem o czymś, co nigdy nie zyskuje na kompletności, stałości i jednorodności. Opowiadamy o procesach, starając się przy tym zrealizować zakładaną przez nas wielogłosowość. Stąd naszą książkę w dużej mierze współtworzą liczne wypowiedzi naszych rozmówców. Chcemy, by książka ta trafiła także, a może przede wszystkim właśnie do nich. Chcemy się z nimi po raz kolejny skonfrontować, mając jednocześnie świadomość, iż niesie ta konfrontacja pewne ryzyko. Wiele opowieści być może jest już nieaktualnych, wiele z nich zawiera informacje, które być może dziś nie zostały by nam udzielone, wiele z nich zyskało odmiennego znaczenia, ponieważ zestawiliśmy je i porównywaliśmy z innymi. Wobec ogromu materiału empirycznego, który zebraliśmy wraz ze współpracującymi z nami kilkudziesięcioma badaczami, a więc wobec wielogodzinnych rozmów z setkami osób o zróżnicowanym pochodzeniu, statusie społecznym, życiowym doświadczeniu, 383 �„przedsiębiorczym habitusie” oraz stylu życia, a także wobec wielomiejscowego, wielosezonowego i mobilnego sposobu prowadzenia badań (przede wszystkim szeroko rozumianej obserwacji), musieliśmy dokonać wyboru prezentowanych w tej książce perspektyw, refleksji i narracji. Staraliśmy się nie naruszyć niczyjego dobra, a wszelkie informacje na temat opisywanych przez nas działalności gospodarczych są informacjami powszechnie dostępnymi, choć uzupełnionymi wyjaśnieniami naszych rozmówców. W licznych przypadkach nasi rozmówcy z łatwością zostaną rozpoznani, głównie ze względu na publiczne funkcje, jakie pełnią. Nie udzielamy w książce szczegółowych informacji na ich temat. Uznaliśmy też, że historia lokalnych strategii ekonomicznych nie musi być obudowana osobistymi i rodzinnymi biografiami. Mamy nadzieję, iż udało nam się uniknąć anegdotyczności przytaczanych przez nas wypowiedzi, spośród których wybraliśmy te, które w naszych oczach w doskonały sposób wyjaśniają konkretne sytuacje i wydarzenia. Zdecydowaliśmy się na takie poprowadzenie naszej opowieści, by nie była ona przeciążona teorią i oderwanymi od rzeczywistości naukowymi analizami. W ten sposób, być może, nie do końca jest to książka naukowa. Zależało nam na prezentacji wiedzy terenowej, perspektyw oddolnych oraz na tym, by nasi rozmówcy mogli się wypowiedzieć wspólnie z nami. To przecież oni wiedzą najlepiej, jaki jest realny wpływ autostrady A2 na ich życie, jak to jest mieszkać i pracować w warunkach nieustannego przepływu, adaptować działania ekonomiczne do zmieniających się kontekstów politycznych, gospodarczych, demograficznych, a nawet ideologicznych; jaką sprawczością dysponują samorządy terytorialne i jak wygląda proces opadania odgórnie narzucanych dyskursów modernizacyjnych, a także wykonawstwo wciąż zmieniających się regulacji administracyjnych. Jedna ze współpracujących z nami badaczek terenowych, Joanna Książek z Katedry Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UMK w Toruniu, w znakomity sposób podsumowała prowadzone przez nas badania1. Choć sama realizowała je w obrębie tylko pierwszego 1 Dosłowne wypowiedzi Joanny Książek ujmiemy w cudzysłowie. Pochodzą one ze sporządzonej przez nią notatki terenowej, która pełniła funkcję podsumowania. Notatka powstała w czerwcu 2015 r. 384 odcinka badawczego, na terenie gminy Miedzichowo, to jej spostrzeżenia można potraktować jako uniwersalne w odniesieniu do całości obserwowanego przez nas terenu. Według Książek budowa autostrady A2 na odcinku Nowy Tomyśl-Świecko nie może być pochopnie uważana za główną „przyczynę spadku rentowności związanych z tranzytem działalności gospodarczych, a więc i ekonomicznego zubożenia mieszkańców przydrożnych miejscowości, nasilenia migracji i innych pochodnych problemów”. Przyczyny takiego stanu rzeczy są daleko bardziej złożone, niż może się to wydawać na pierwszy rzut oka, co staraliśmy się wyłożyć w niniejszej książce. Polskie „ruchome modernizacje” to kwestia szybko zmieniającej się sytuacji ekonomiczno-społecznej, która zgodnie z prawami wolnego rynku po transformacji ustrojowej, po pierwsze – odznaczała się nieprzewidywalnością, głównie ze względu na brak doświadczenia zarówno obywateli jak ustawodawców, powodując zaskakujące i nagłe zmiany koniunktury na wybrane typy usług i produktów; po drugie – nie może być postrzegana ani jako proces zakończony, ani dziejący się wyłącznie lokalnie. Wszelkie załamania dotąd dochodowych interesów, szybkie reakcje na zmieniające się uwarunkowania zewnętrzne, konieczne by dostosowywać się do nowych sytuacji, zawsze mają wymiar globalny. Przedsiębiorczość i związane z nią elastyczność oraz „szybkie wdrożenie innego, odpowiedniego do wymogów sytuacji sposobu działania bywa jednak cechą, której starsze pokolenie nie zdążyło wykształcić. Problem ten w powiązaniu z dalszymi, takimi jak zmiany mentalnościowe i obyczajowe młodszego pokolenia, definiujące pomysł na życie i ekonomiczny wymiar zaspokojenia potrzeb życiowych, przyczynia się do kryzysów dając w efekcie obraz upadku i zamierania życia w danej społeczności lokalnej”. Zmiany technologiczne, rynkowe, marketingowe i co dla nas najważniejsze – infrastrukturalne – w przypadku obserwowanych przez nas przydrożnych społeczności wymagały i będą wymagać nadal nieustannego przekwalifikowywania się ludzi i przebranżawiania lokalnych biznesów. Chcemy zaznaczyć, iż nie zawsze musi mieć to związek z ograniczeniem bądź zmianą rodzaju ruchu samochodowego na DK92, czy jego wzmożeniem trasą autostrady A2. 385 �To, co ma wpływ zarówno na kulturową, społeczną i ekonomiczną kondycję miejscowości położonych wzdłuż DK92 to także „zmiany sposobu życia, które najbardziej widoczne są wraz ze zmianami pokoleniowymi”. W skrócie, zmiany te wiążą się z rosnącą tendencją do wygody, „szybszym” stylem życia, nowymi trendami w wychowaniu dzieci i młodzieży (związanymi z dostępnością dużej ilości dóbr materialnych i większymi swobodami obyczajowymi) skutkującymi mniejszą dbałością o zaspokajanie potrzeb rodziców i dziadków. Przy czym nie chodzi tu wyłącznie o lokalnych ludzi, lecz także przepływających „starą dwójką” i Autostradą Wolności różnej narodowości kierowców ciężarówek dalekobieżnych, turystów, emigrantów zarobkowych czy robotników drogowych. Jak uważa Książek „w obliczu ogromu dóbr konsumpcyjnych młodzi ludzie chcą zarobić łatwo, dużo i szybko, co kłóci się z praktykowanym przez ich rodziców sposobem zarabiania na życie”. Niezaprzeczalne są też w konsekwencji przemiany w obyczajowości i sposobach pielęgnowania kontaktów międzyludzkich w ramach najbliższego sąsiedztwa. „Na konieczność zamknięcia wielu przydrożnych punktów handlowo-usługowych miał i nadal ma wpływ szereg czynników niezwiązanych bezpośrednio ani ze zmianami w natężeniu ruchu, wskutek budowy autostrady A2, ani ze zmianami jakościowymi, tzn. nie z tym ile aut jedzie, ale kto nimi podróżuje”. I tak pewne bary zostały zamknięte wskutek konfliktów pomiędzy współwłaścicielami, a wobec faktu, iż wiele małych przydrożnych biznesów to firmy rodzinne, to o ich trwaniu decyduje także dynamika relacji pokrewieństwa. Innymi słowy, śmierć czy choroba w rodzinie, rozwody i częsty w ich konsekwencji podział majątku, emigracja zarobkowa młodego pokolenia itd. mogą decydować o zamykaniu się firm. Nadmieńmy też, iż wiele przydrożnych punktów gastronomicznych nie sprostało choćby wymogom sanepidu, a niektóre inwestycje okazały się nazbyt wizjonerskie i nietrafiające w lokalny rynek konsumencki. „Słaba komunikacja publiczna, stopniowe ograniczanie małego handlu, konkurencyjność pobliskich, rozwijających się miast jako miejsc do życia i pracy, zmiany mentalnościowe z dążeniem do 386 wygody i wzrostem oczekiwań względem poziomu życia, rys niegospodarności w warunkach wymogów gospodarki rynkowej oraz niemożność przystosowywania się do szybko zmieniających się warunków ekonomicznych, a także spadek dzietności i wyludnianie się wsi”, powodują że obserwowane przez nas miejscowości powoli przestają być dla ich mieszkańców wystarczająco atrakcyjnym miejscem życia. Niemniej widoczne są próby rewitalizacji tych miejsc, wyrażane w powstałych w ostatnich 2-3 latach strategiach rozwoju poszczególnych gmin, wśród których dominuje przekonanie, iż jedyną szansą na lokalną modernizację jest rozwój turystki. Jej zaczątkiem są przykładowo ścieżki rowerowe i szlaki piesze nawiązujące do wydarzeń historycznych i dawnego charakteru regionu. „O atrakcyjności regionu dla nowych mieszkańców świadczą domy i osiedla w pewien sposób wpisujących się w quasi-turystyczny nurt weekendowych mieszkańców przyjeżdżających z centrów dużych miast. Wizji tej sprzyja też fakt, że droga krajowa 92 straciła wprawdzie wielu biznesowych podróżnych, ale w porównaniu z alternatywną autostradą jest traktem tzw. slow travel, częściej wybieranym przez ciekawych świata, wrażeń i widoków zachodnich i polskich turystów otwartych na poznawanie nowych miejsc, zwłaszcza położonych w pięknych przyrodniczo regionach (Gardner 2009; Burmecha-Olszowy 2014: 177-184; Sukiennik 2014: 21-38). Liczymy na to, że nasza książka zainicjuje szersze zainteresowanie infrastrukturami dla mobilności w polskich naukach społecznych i przyczyni się do twórczego wykorzystania założeń oraz koncepcji powstających w nurcie road studies. W szczególności zależy nam na etnografiach infrastruktury, a zatem na tym, by rozważania nad społeczno-kulturowymi wymiarami dróg, tras i szlaków zawsze były ugruntowywane w terenie. Innymi słowy opowiadamy się za jednym z postulatów amsterdamskiego antropologa Dimitrisa Dalakoglou, by rozwijać antropologiczną „dromologię”2 2 Pojęcie dromografii (z greckiego δρόμος, dromos „droga, ulica, korytarz”) oznacza porównawcze studia nad organizacją, historią, geografią oraz logistyką lokalnych, regionalnych oraz globalnych szlaków handlowych, a także innych sieci ruchu, transportu i komunikacji. Koncepcję dromologii w naukach społecznych wprowadził w 1977 r. Paul Virilio w książce zatytułowanej Speed and politics: an essay on dro‑ mology (wyd. pol. Prędkość i polityka, Wydawnictwo Sic!, Warszawa 2008). 387 �(Dalakoglou, Harvey 2012: 459-465; Dalakoglou 2017a: 1-14; Dalakoglou 2017b: 21-27). Antropologiczne zainteresowanie infrastrukturą, bynajmniej nie jest nowością. Można je przecież odszukać w powstających od końca lat 60. XX w. pracach takich antropologów jak Maurice Godelier, Maurice Bloch czy Marvin Harris, którzy wyraźnie inspirowani byli marksistowskim materializmem historycznym (Harris 1968; Godelier, Bloch et al. 1978: 763-771). Nie ma wątpliwości, co do tego, że współcześni badacze wiele zawdzięczają tym pierwszym, materialistycznym sposobom rozumienia infrastruktury. Jednakże było ono zbyt abstrakcyjne, oderwane od praktyk społecznych i nie bazowało na etnografiach. Dziś większość antropologów zainteresowanych społecznym wymiarem infrastruktury drogowej oraz (auto)mobilności kładzie nacisk na to co empiryczne pilnując (z)obowiązującego paradygmatu antropologii ugruntowanej w badaniach terenowych (Humphrey 2005: 39-58; Larkin 2013: 327343; Dalakoglou, Harvey 2012: 459-465). Niemniej dotychczasowe badania nad szeroko rozumianą (auto)mobilnością skupiały się przede wszystkim na kontekstach pozaeuropejskich. Do szczególnie popularnych należy więc zainteresowanie procesem budowy autostrad oraz rozwojem infrastruktury drogowej w Afryce (np. Masquelier 1992: 56-69; Fairhead 1994: 15-37; Thomas 2002: 366391; Klaeger 2012: 537-554; Nielsen 2012: 467-480), Amazonii (np. Moran 1981; Campbell 2012: 481-500), Ameryce Łacińskiej (np. Harvey 2005: 216-247; Harvey, Knox 2012: 521-536) i Azji (np. Hayano 1990; Trankell 1993; O’Hanlon, Frankland 2003: 166-188; Argounova-Low 2012: 71-88; Pedersen, Bunkenborg 2012: 555-569). Choć w znacząco mniejszym zakresie, to kwestia budowy dróg oraz (auto)mobilności staje się przedmiotem badań etnograficznych realizowanych także na terenie w Europie, np. w regionie śródziemnomorskim (np. Pina-Cabral 1987: 715-735; Roseman 1996: 836860), na Bałkanach (np. Coles 2002: 1-18; Dalakoglou 2010: 132149; 2012: 571-586) czy w Szwecji oraz Danii (np. Löfgren 2004: 59-76). Warto także wspomnieć o Kathleen Stewart eksplorującej przydrożność i „drogowość” w USA (Stewart 1996). 388 W wielu przypadkach są to prace, których autorzy dostrzegają zarówno materialność dróg jak i ich metaforyczne znaczenia, zwłaszcza w połączeniu z takimi koncepcjami jak mobilność, przepływ, prędkość, polityka, ekonomia czy rozwój. Ponieważ antropolodzy ci bazują na badaniach terenowych, to dostarczają wiedzę na temat realnego wpływu budowy dróg i autostrad na praktyki społeczne oraz życie codzienne. Wszystkich tych badaczy umieszczamy więc w nurcie road studies i wraz z nimi uważamy, że infrastruktura może stanowić autonomiczny antropologiczny oraz etnograficzny przedmiot badań – takich, w których drogi to nie tylko tło i kontekst, lecz także koncepcja, poprzez którą w nowym świetle możemy rozumieć już ugruntowane kategorie antropologiczne takie jak migracje, technologia, nacjonalizm, lokalność, ekonomia a nawet pokrewieństwo. Penny Harvey oraz Hannah Knox określają ujawnianie praktycznego i oddolnego wymiaru modernizacji poprzez rozbudowę sieci drogowej jako odczarowywanie infrastruktury (Harvey, Knox 2012: 521-536). Drogi nie pojawiły się nagle wraz z potencjalnie emancypującą nowoczesnością (Mukerji 1997; Collier, Ong 2003; Joyce 2003; Mukerji 2009). To właściwie najbardziej archetypowa sieć relacji i komunikacji, tkana przez człowieka od zawsze (np. Snead i in. 2010). Oczywiście pod względem technologicznym, materialnym drogi wciąż się zmieniały. Przekształcała się inżynieria, polityka, ekonomia, tak, by w końcu spełniła się modernistyczna ambicja wykreowania takiej sieci dróg, by jej standaryzacja i uniwersalność mogły prowadzić do międzynarodowej integracji ekonomicznej i politycznej. Dziś idea ta znajduje się pod wpływem procesów neoliberalnych i turbo kapitalistycznych (Brenner i in. 2010: 327-345). Pamiętajmy, iż drogi są planowane i projektowane; nie ma w ich wytwarzaniu niczego przypadkowego ani spontanicznego. Dodatkowo stanowią wyrafinowaną obietnicę na przyszłość: że będzie lepiej, bezpieczniej, szybciej, wygodniej i nowocześniej (Ganokar, Povinelli 2002: 385-397). Generują modernizację, ale ta modernizacja bywa iluzją wspieraną przez liczby, wykresy, piktogramy, animowane wizualizacje oraz medialne peany. Bruno Latour określił tę iluzję mianem „faktyszu” (Latour 2010), w efekcie oddziaływania 389 �którego całe populacje popadają w euforię i wierzą w niekończące się korzyści płynące z rozbudowy między innymi dróg i autostrad. Mnożna rzec, iż zwłaszcza autostrady stały się współcześnie jednymi z najbardziej paradygmatycznych infrastruktur warunkujących rozwój społeczny, kulturowy i ekonomiczny. Naukowe zainteresowanie drogami pojawiło się, ponieważ społeczeństwa nigdy wcześniej nie były tak mobilne i nie przemieszczały się tak sprawnie oraz na takie odległości. Dodatkowo szeroko rozumiana mobilność nigdy nie była tak „demokratyczna” – w tym sensie, że przemieszczeniom, przepływom podlegają właściwie wszyscy. Ruch i mobilność przesyca każdą warstwę i klasę społeczną (co oczywiście nie wyklucza nierówności, zastojów, nadzoru i reżimu) (Urry 2007: 3-16). Uważamy jednak, że przepływ i ruchliwość to jedno. O wiele ważniejsza staje się dziś świadomość konieczności bycia mobilnym, a więc świadomość dostępności do infrastruktury drogowej, bez której teoretycznie niemożliwy jest ani postęp, ani rozwój (Dalakoglou, Harvey 2012: 459-465). Drogi to jednocześnie nadzieja i beznadzieja, oczekiwania i strach, miłość i nienawiść, stabilność i niestabilność, mobilność i zastój, poczucie straty, podejrzliwość, subordynacja i nadzór. Te jakże afektywne aspekty modernizacji poprzez budowę dróg są nie tylko dla nas, lecz dla wielu innych antropologów, jedną z głównych inspiracji, by się nimi zająć (zob. Dalakoglou 2017a: 1-4). To także przyczynek do ukucia na gruncie antropologii koncepcji „mitografii dróg”, które wyjawia bliskie relacje między lokalnymi narracjami a drogami (Masquelier 2002: 829–856). Mamy więc nadzieję, że nasza opowieść przyczynia się do bardziej sprawiedliwego rozumienia rezultatów funkcjonowania wielkich infrastruktur drogowych, które by adekwatnie zrozumieć trzeba rozpatrywać na kilku poziomach, z perspektywy rozwoju różnych jednostek terytorialnych w tym województwa, powiatu i gminy. O ile z punktu widzenia kraju czy województwa budowa autostrad czy dróg ekspresowych wiąże się z wieloma korzyściami, zwłaszcza o charakterze ekonomicznym, o tyle, jak staraliśmy się pokazać, nie musi być ona wyłącznie pozytywna z punktu widzenia powiatu czy gminy (por. Zimny 2013: 159-165). Lokalnie obecność 390 i oddziaływanie wielkich infrastruktur drogowych jest po prostu ambiwalentne. By tę ambiwalentność zrozumieć użyliliśmy nie tylko perspektyw oddolnych, ale także w specyficzny sposób, jak sądzimy, podeszliśmy do procesu pisania samej książki. Z pewnością wielu czytelnikom wyda się ona nie do końca spójna i być może niektórzy odnajdą w jej treści nawet sprzeczne ze sobą informacje, opinie i interpretacje. Jesteśmy tego świadomi. Z założenia bowiem, nie chcieliśmy tworzyć standardowego opracowania naukowego. Książkę tę pisaliśmy bazując na tym samym materiale empirycznym, jednak z pewnością odczytaliśmy kryjącą się w nich wiedzę terenową na różne sposoby. Nie zamierzaliśmy iść na żadne kompromisy w tym względzie ani ukrywać faktu, iż jesteśmy badaczami o odmiennych doświadczeniach, umiejętnościach i stażu; że inaczej byliśmy zanurzeni w terenie dzieląc go między siebie na dwie części, a także współpracowaliśmy z innymi przedstawicielami lokalnych społeczności oraz innymi badaczami. Zależało nam także, by nie ujednolicać naszych sposobów prowadzenia naukowej narracji. Naszym celem był, powtórzmy, wielogłos, poprzez który chcieliśmy dokonać materializacji nieoczywistości, niedopowiedzeń i nieadekwatności kryjących się w zebranych przez nas historiach. Nie bez przyczyny też wzmacniamy tę polifonię fotograficznym rozdziałem autorstwa Mariusza Foreckiego oraz pięcioma audioreportażami, które traktujemy jako integralne części książki, a nie jedynie uzupełniające ją dodatki. �Moving modernizations. Between Highway of Freedom and the „old two”. Summary This book is an attempt to portray the events, places and people, as well as emotions and economy constituting the intrinsically invisible background. The focal point of all descriptions included herein is the A2 motorway – a concrete belt surrounded by rows, acoustic barriers and high fence. With its neighboring parking spaces, service centers, toll stations, intersecting bridges, overpasses and trestles. With its traffic lights, noise, pollution and traffic regulations. The motorway might be perceived as a material object but one should primarily view it as a co-inhabitant of the local universe with its people and animals, on the border of the Wielkopolskie and Lubuskie province in the western part of Poland. It is accompanied by the national route 92 which, before releasing the motorway for use, was the most crowded land route from Wielkopolska and central Poland to Germany. The uniform infrastructural landscape of A2 and the roadside spontaneity of DK92 are two opposite poles of a scene where the local variations of “moving modernizations” emerged. It is the place where, for over three years from 2013 to 2016, we carried out research concerning the project entitled: “Moving modernizations. The influence of A2 motorway on local cultural landscapes”1. Our efforts concentrated predominantly on speaking to people. However, not all that exists and has relevance can be put into words. With this in mind, we also observed automobile 1 Research funded by the National Center for Science within the grant „Moving modernizations. The influence of the A2 motorway on local cultural landscapes” NCN OPUS (number 218958). 393 �traffic, we looked at the customers of roadside pubs and bars, we read announcements placed on bus stops and posts, we archived thousands of Internet websites, studied police and fire department reports, we analyzed private and official chronicles stored in libraries, public administration and forestry district offices. We lived near the motorway moving form place to place due to the fact that the territory of our research stretched for over a hundred kilometers. In a zone dominated by modern mobility, it was, paradoxically, not easy to move from place to place and it forced us and our partners to use bicycles, taxis, hitchhike, benefit from the kindness of people we met and even to walk along the dangerous waysides. We tried to work in the spirit of multi-sited ethnography, following people, objects and problems. Many times we returned to the places we visited earlier, thus employing the jo-jo fieldwork mode of conducting research. Working with the data collected using an entire array of research techniques accepted in anthropology we portray places, people and processes, which, in our opinion, are a tale about the next phase of Poland’s modernization process. Moreover, we focus on the authorities, economy, local businesses, privatization, old and new infrastructure, disappointments and traumas. We might even stipulate that the cultural history of designing, constructing and using the A2 – the first private motorway in Poland – might be treated as a metaphor of Poland in the first decades of the new millennium, a country schizophrenically divided between the mirages of “Highway of Freedom” and “Highway of Memory”. Naturally, the mentioned portraits may be painted with different techniques, especially when it comes to the notion of mass portrayal generated in a specific cultural landscape, characterized by excess of objects belonging to the so-called “architecture of persuasion”. A vivid example of this architecture is not the motorway itself (build thanks to the biggest loans ever taken for an infrastructure project in Poland) but the national road number 92, which used to fulfill the role of A2 motorway as the main communication corridor from Wielkopolska and Warsaw to Germany. It was also a trade and service alley many kilometers long. What is more, it is a place where war is 394 waged for the attention of drivers and other traffic participants. In fact, the attention grabbing businesses include neon-lit night clubs, a hotel in the shape of a pyramid (biggest pyramid in Poland), petrol stations surrounded by fake palm trees, super-size plastic dinosaur figures, roadside zoological garden with a runway for ostriches, gigantic figure of Jesus Christ the King of the Universe (biggest such figure in the world at its completion date), dozens of flamboyant billboards and signs. This is the place where you can eat breakfast in “Nevada”, go through “Las Vegas”, in order to eat dinner in “Colorado” (having covered the distance from Poźrzadło to Trzciel). Cliford Geertz was right writing that “It is not history one is faced in, nor biography, but a confusion of histories, a swarm of biographies (…) What we can construct (…) are hindsight accounts of the connectedness of things that seem to have happened: piecestogether patternings, after the fact” (Geertz 1995: 2). On the symbolic road between Nevada and Colorado we heard a thousand voices which did not sum up to one coherent and truly adequate story about modernizing Poland by building a motorway and the consequences of that process. We strenuously attempted to construct a narrative, always ex post, but at the same time, “before the facts arrived”, because the matter described in this paper is alive, fluctuating and surely has not reached its final shape and did not reveal all its meanings. In order not to be pinned down by only one style of portraying, we decided to employ different stylistic shades but also write independent of each other, being guided solely by our own perception of the researched topics. The Polish version of the book is an intertwining narration by both authors, written in 1st person (here, due to technical issues, we resigned from this strategy). Additionally, the identifying element of the individually written chapters is something as trivial as grammatical gender – we did not mark the text in any other way. This entails certain consequences. On one hand, we hope that thanks to such a stylistic instrument, the biography of A2 will turn out to be more multifaceted, diverse and complete. We got rid of a cautionary mode of writing and the perspective of one author. On the other hand, our message is surely less explicit and 395 �uniform. It must be pointed out, that our goal is not to formulate a new variant of “weak knowledge” in the spirit of Gianni Vattimo, however, following steps leading in different directions is a familiar experience and, having completed the research it is an experience that immediately comes to mind. As we have mentioned, the starting point of our research, their pretext, area it covered and point of reference was the A2 motorway, the last section of which was released for use on 1 December, 2011. The “modernization holiday” celebrated by investors and central authorities which spawned the orchestra piece entitled “Fanfares to A2” was, however, not commonly accepted by everyone. It quickly turned out that the infrastructure does not solve the most pressing problems of local communities, such as unemployment or lack of perspectives, which become all the more dominant since they are felt in the proximity of a giant investment. It is notable that the motorway received more often artistic rather than scientific recognition. This is more of a general tendency, not necessarily a particularly Polish phenomenon. This brings to mind the milestone of electronic music minimalism that was inspired by traveling on German motorways. The iconic work referred to above is the album “Autobahn” by the band Kraftwerk. Ralf Hütter, one of the leaders of the group, mentioned that he used the sound of the horn, humming of the engine, adjusting of the suspension and pressure in tires, as well as the sound used when wheels rolled onto the painted stripes. As far as the A2 is concerned, a disco-polo song has already been created about it (The Saturn Band), artistic film (Anna Raczyński), photography series (Mateusz Skóra), a regionalist from Frankfurt (Oder) organizes trips following the paths of the first Nazi investments along the stretch of land where the motorway is located today. The translator Filip Łobodziński created a Polish language rendition of Bob Dylan’s hit song “Highway 61 Revisited” giving it the title: “Autostrada A2 na nowo” (Dylan 2017: 14-15). Although artists representing different genres saw the perception-impacting potential of the motorway, scientists remained generally inert – excluding groups of archeologists, who briskly conduced excavations, before the heavy equipment was used. It is hard 396 to explain this phenomenon, because the emergence of the motorway not only radically changed the landscape but was also bound to bring – as we had anticipated – equally important changes in the life of the communities, which had to live with the motorway, sometimes viewing it as a blessing and sometimes living near it against the their will. Against this inertia – yet consistently with the paradigm of new mobility – we followed our interlocutors, situations and events. The area of our research ultimately encompassed the 170 km motorway connecting the Polish-German border in Słubice with Poznań. The most intensive terrain research were conducted around the area with towns of different sizes in terms of the number of inhabitants (from Świebodzin with 22 thousand inhabitants to Jarosławiec inhabited by around a dozen people), social structure, institutional and cultural setting and the quality of public infrastructure. Despite these differences, the specific roadside aesthetics and economy remains a connecting factor. The landscape of these mostly small villages is characterized by establishments catering to long distance transportation and tourist industries (motels, hotels, petrol stations, bars, restaurants, night-clubs) and service points, the operation of which revolves around auto-mobility (purchasing pallets, tractors or trailers, stations dealing with the repair of sat-nav, retreading, service stations, car washes), warehouses or shipping and logistical centers. The visual aspects of it all can hardly be associated with urban landscapes. Additionally, in the period when we conducted the research, this visual aspect was undergoing changes – small local shops started disappearing from the landscape of most towns. The same happened to wayside bars, petrol stations and even motels and hotels. Instead, large real estate “for sale” signs started to emerge, new service centers for long-distance transport were opened, new discount stores, so popular in Poland, were added to the scenery. The towns with motorway exits underwent discernable but qualitatively different changes. We witnessed the modernization of DK92 in Torzyń, as well as other smaller municipal and poviat roads, creation and opening of small supermarkets, new petrol 397 �stations, construction of new single-family houses on the outskirts of some of the towns, expansion of the bicycle infrastructure in wooden areas, expansion of public communication along with the degradation of bus stops and changes in the traffic intensity on DK92 (mainly passenger car and bus traffic). From the very beginning it was clear that after the opening of a new section of the motorway and other global political and economic processes the examined area was affected by discernable, yet, different transformations. The towns which until recently were located near the main transit road connecting East and West, benefiting from automobile traffic resulting from modernization through expansion of mobility infrastructure and deferred post-transformative effects, were forced to invent new economic strategies and reevaluate the approach to locality in the new transit-centered setting. The “trauma” caused by these changes and the theoretical growth of the potential of mobility provoked by the “presence” of A2, made us treat the socio-economic processes, which we had the opportunity to observe, as equivocal – the regimes governing them, discourses and their manifestations as well as the manner of ascribing value, experiencing and utilizing modernization all turned out important for the understanding of the current socio-economic conditions in local Poland (Kuligowski, Stanisz 2015: 175-194). It needs to be emphasized that the research of dominant narratives regarding the A2 motorway and the socio-economic condition is, quite markedly, divided into two spheres. In fact, they might be described as the sphere of new poverty and the sphere of new entrepreneurship. These spheres emerged by accident in the course of the research we conducted when we were preparing logistics for group pilot research. We simply performed a division of the area into two parts along the S3 expressway, namely the “closer to the border part” or “western part” and the “closer to Poznań part” or “eastern” part, both of which turned out to be “in opposition” to each other. Agata Stanisz was coordinating the research in the western part between Świebodzin and Boczów – area representing a new entrepreneurship and frequently euphoric about the idea of motorway-induced modernization process. Waldemar Kuligowski was allocated the eastern 398 part located between Bolewice and Myszęcin – area of new poverty and fatalism (Kuligowski, Stanisz 2015: 175-194). The research realized by us was programmed as multi-stage research. We used comparative methods, which allowed us to show many different bottom-up perspectives. All analyses, interpretations and theoretical statements are based on two types of data. Firstly, these are legacy sources, such as regional literature, official local government documents, reports and directives, acts and resolutions related with road infrastructure (published by European Commission, Ministry of Infrastructure and Construction, General Directorate for National Roads and Motorways, province authority offices, Poviat Starostys and local government offices), press articles, internet content (blogs, fanpages, municipal office websites), statistical publications, topographical and satellite maps, archive audio-visual materials (photography, video films, radio coverage, TV information). Secondly, we employed locally elicited sources which we called on-site knowledge: these include all types of materials collected by us and all field researchers in the course of site inspections, pilot research and in-depth studies employing the observation methods, ethnographic interviews, visual ethnography and audioetnography. At every stage of field research, we reached out to the representatives of different environments, including the representatives of local key figures and activists (we conducted talks with local governments, people engaged in the activities of non-governmental organizations, policemen, firemen, priests, forest district employees, teachers, library employees, culture centers, representatives of farmers’ wives’ associations, current and former village administrators), local businessmen (owner of hotels, bars, night clubs, shops, car parks, pallet purchasing center, car washes, people conducting different types of services including those selling garden dwarfs) and their employees (from petrol station directors to people running public toilets). Moreover, we reached out to people employed in the Motorway Maintenance Centers, tollbooths, motorway construction workers, truck and bus drivers, immigrant workers, tourists and “common” inhabitants of various towns. 399 �The use of different methods and research techniques (participant observation, non-participant observation, overt and nonovert observation, non-structured interviews and free conversations, field recording and photography) allowed us to: – conduct direct and indirect observation of links between the opening in 2011 of the A2 motorway on the Świecko-Nowy Tomyśl section and the socio-cultural changes in the towns located near the DK92, especially in the context of the broadly understood cultural landscape; – identification of the dynamics of bottom-up economic strategies undertaken by local communities; – revealing the internal connections and feedback loops between the national and international development or modernization ideologies and the actions (administrative, investment, lobbying) of local governments; – analysis of the influence of Polish modernization discourse of the recent years and “western orientation” on the discourse of local respectable key figures, entrepreneurs and the so-called “common inhabitants”, eliciting narratives about localized modernizations from different perspectives: local respectable key figures, entrepreneurs, inhabitants, tourists and other social groups constantly flowing through the given area (e.g. tractor drivers, immigrants, road construction workers); – capturing the correlation between the technocratic and social modernization, as well as the changes of spatial social structures and the manner in which they are experienced by inhabitants of modernized areas. It was necessary for us to conduct a selection of perspectives, reflections and narratives before presenting them herein. This necessity emerged due to the sheer amount of empirical material we gathered along with the several dozen researchers cooperating with us which translated into hours of conversations with hundreds of people of different walks of life, social statuses, life experiences, entrepreneurial proclivities and lifestyle, as well as due to multi-local and multi-seasonal and mobile manner of conducting research. We strived not to violate anybody’s private property or 400 well being and the information regarding the business activities described by us are publicly available, although completed with additional clarifications supplied by our interlocutors. In numerous cases our interlocutors can be recognized with ease, mainly do to the public offices they hold. The book does not provide any detailed information regarding them. We decided that the history of local economic strategies does not require any ventures into personal or family biographies. We selected fragments of conversations that, in our opinion, perfectly capture particular situations and events and we hope that they not come across as anecdotal. It was decided that our story be told in such a way, as to avoid overloading it with theory and scientific analyses detached from reality. Therefore, it is perhaps not an entirely scientific book. We wanted to present knowledge gathered in the field from a grassroots perspective and we sought to make the voices of our interlocutors heard alongside ours. It is them who know best what is the real influence of the A2 motorway on their life, they know what it is like to live and work in fleeting transitory conditions, adapt their economic endeavors to the changing political, economic, demographic and even ideological context; it is them who know what power is wielded by local governments and they experience the trickle-down effect of imposed top-to-bottom modernization discourse and enforcement of forever changing administrative regulations. We hope that thanks to this book, humanists will no longer be accused of indifference to the phenomena which in a complete, multilayered and sudden way influence the lives of individuals and groups. Naturally, the creation of this book would not be possible had it not been for the help of our partners, both volunteers and employees. Some of them dealt with the gathering of information, others decided to share it with us. 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(1998) Stosunki polsko-niemieckie 1938-1939, Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie. Żuk P. (red.) (2004) Demokracja spektaklu? Kondycja polskiego życia publicznego 15 lat po zmianie systemowej, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Scholar. Noty biograficzne Mariusz Forecki – fotograf-dokumentalista, członek Związku Polskich Artystów Fotografików. Autor wielu projektów rejestrujących zmiany zachodzące w Polsce po 1989 roku. Uczestniczył m.in. w holenderskim Noorderlicht Festival, Biennale Fotografii w Pradze, Miesiącu Fotografii w Bratysławie, Biennale Fotografii w Poznaniu, festiwalu KAUNASPHOTO w Kownie. Współtwórca (z Grzegorzem Dembińskim) magazynu fotografii dokumentalnej 5klatek, wydawanego w latach 2006-2009. Autor książek: I Love Poland (ZPAF OW, Poznań 2009), Poznań – kultura na każdą porę (Wydawnictwo Miejskie, Poznań 2011), Kolekcja wrzesińska 2011 (Września 2012), W pracy (ZPAF OW, Poznań 2012), Człowiek w ciemnych okula‑ rach (ZPAF OW, PIX.HOUSE, Poznań 2016). Absolwent Instytutu Twórczej Fotografii Uniwersytetu Śląskiego w Opawie (Czechy). Zdobywca wielu nagród w konkursach fotografii prasowej. Laureat Nagrody Artystycznej Miasta Poznania w 2010 roku. Wyróżniony przez Związek Polskich Artystów Fotografików za osiągnięcia w fotografii dokumentalnej. Stypendysta Ministra Kultury i Dziedzictwa Narodowego. Jego ostatnia książka pt. Człowiek w ciemnych okularach zdobyła nagrodę na Miesiącu Fotografii w Bratysławie w kategorii: fotografia współczesna. Wykładowca we Wrocławskiej Szkole Fotografii, juror w konkursach fotograficznych, współzałożyciel Fundacji PIX.HOUSE. Mateusz Chłystun – urodzony w Poznaniu, wychowany w Pile. Pierwsze reporterskie kroki stawiał w szkolnej gazecie. Kontynuował je na stażu w polonijnym magazynie „Goniec Polski” w Londynie. Zainteresowanie kulturą krajów Europy Wschodniej pokierowało go na filologię rosyjską. Później przyszedł czas na Radio i telewizję. Obecnie dziennikarz poznańskiej telewizji WTK. 435 �Filip Frąckowski – artysta plastyk i projektant grafiki użytkowej, interesujący się dźwiękiem. Studiował Malarstwo w Mason Gross School of the Arts w New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA oraz Projektowanie Graficzne na Uniwersytecie Artystycznym w Poznaniu. Joanna Janiszewska – doktor socjologii, resocjalizatorka, etnolożka, wykładowczyni w Katedrze Socjologii UKW w Bydgoszczy. Pracowała jako asystentka rodzin Romów rumuńskich – społeczności podwójnie wykluczonej, żyjącej w barakach na koczowisku we Wrocławiu, a także z imigrantami przez kilka lat prowadząc Stowarzyszenie Na Rzecz Integracji Społeczeństwa Wielokulturowego „Nomada”. Watchdogini, monitorowała m.in. pracę przy obsłudze cudzoziemców w Dolnośląskim Urzędzie Wojewódzkim i w komisariatach Policji. Kilka lat była społecznym kuratorem sądowym w III Wydziale Rodzinnym i Nieletnich przy Sądzie Rejonowym Wrocław-Śródmieście. Liderka globalnej odpowiedzialności. Robert Rydzewski – etnolog i antropolog kulturowy, doktorant w Zakładzie Studiów Europejskich i Krytyki Kulturowej na UAM w Poznaniu. Wśród jego zainteresowań naukowych znajdują się nacjonalizm, migracje, antropologia miasta i antropologia dźwięku. Prowadził badania terenowe w Polsce, Indiach, Macedonii i Serbii. Obecnie poświęca się badaniom transformacji miast post-jugosłowiańskich. W wolnym czasie reporter i reportażysta radiowy. Swoją pasję radiową zaczynał w studenckim Radu Afera. Dzisiaj współpracuje ze Studiem Reportażu i Dokumentu Polskiego Radia. Anna Szamotuła – absolwentka kulturoznawstwa i filmoznawstwa UAM w Poznaniu, szefowa Działu Kultury w Radio Afera, autorka cyklu reportaży o projekcie 5 Zmysłów, współscenarzystka serialu radiowego „Radioterapia” w reżyserii Xawerego Żuławskiego, zrealizowanego przez 4 Program Polskiego Radia, autorka słuchowisk radiowych „Paraliż senny” i „Stupor”, oraz audycji „Stany nieważkości” na antenie radia Afera, koordynatorka „RAT: Radiowe Atelier Teatralne”. 436 Wanda Wasilewska – od 1991 r. dziennikarka i reportażystka Radia Poznań. Jej pasją są reportaże, które do października 2003 r. tworzyła w spółce autorskiej z Marią Blimel. Laureatka kilkudziesięciu prestiżowych nagród wspólnie z Marią i indywidualnie. Współpracowniczka Studia Reportażu i Dokumentu Polskiego Radia, Programów I, II, III oraz Radia Bis. Zajmuje się przede wszystkim publicystyką społeczną (problemy ludzi niepełnosprawnych, uzależnionych, bezdomnych, bezrobotnych) i kulturalną (teatr niezależny, literatura, sztuka, film animowany, piosenka poetycka). Od blisko 25 lat współpracuje z festiwalem Malta, Teatrem Ósmego Dnia, Centrum Sztuki Dziecka, ze Stowarzyszeniem Artystów Enter Art., z twórcami Mobilnego Centrum Kultury-Kontener Art, Festiwalami Animator i Nowa Siła Kuratorska. Autorka wielu kampanii społecznych m.in. profilaktyki uzależnień, solidarności międzypokoleniowej, promowaniu rodzinnych domów dziecka oraz aktywizacji zawodowej ludzi bezrobotnych. Prowadzi zajęcia z Pracowni Radiowej na Wydziale Dziennikarstwa i Komunikacji Społecznej oraz na Wydziale Filologii Polskiej i Klasycznej UAM w Poznaniu. Krzysztof Jankowski – realizator dźwięku z kilkunastoletnim doświadczeniem. Na co dzień pracuje zawodowo w studiach nagraniowych i emisyjnych. Jego ulubioną formą produkcji radiowych są audycje słowno-muzyczne o charakterze publicystycznym i popularno-naukowym. �Dotychczas w serii Biblioteka Le Monde diplomatique ukazały się: Étienne Balibar Filozofia Marksa Samir Amin Wirus liberalizmu Jacques Ranciére Nienawiść do demokracji Stefan Zgliczyński Antysemityzm po polsku David Harvey Neoliberalizm. Historia katastrofy Michel Warschawski Izrael i polityka planowego zniszczenia Andrzej Witkowicz Wokół terroru białego i czerwonego 1917­‍‑1923 Carlos Antonio Aguirre Rojas Ameryka Łacińska na rozdrożu Patrick Artus, Marie­‍‑Paule Virard Wielki kryzys globalizacji Alain Bihr Nowomowa neoliberalna Loïc Wacquant Więzienia nędzy Mike Davis Planeta Slumsów Ladislau Dowbor Demokracja ekonomiczna Deborah Johnston, Alfredo Saad­‍‑Filho (red.) Neoliberalizm przed trybunałem Beverly J. Silver Globalny proletariat Stefan Zgliczyński Hańba iracka Vincent Geisser Nowa islamofobia Urs Marti Niedotrzymana obietnica demokracji Daniel Bensaid Wywłaszczeni Ben White Apartheid izraelski Jane Hardy Nowy polski kapitalizm Norman G. Finkelstein Gaza – ­ o jedną masakrę za daleko Jean Ziegler Nienawiść do Zachodu Jan Kurowicki Estetyczność środowiska naturalnego Walden Bello Wojny żywnościowe Enzo Traverso Europejskie korzenie przemocy nazistowskiej Michel Husson Kapitalizm bez znieczulenia Judith Butler Ramy wojny Susan George Czyj kryzys, czyja odpowiedź Pierre Macherey Siła norm Jean Ziegler Imperium hańby Anna Baumgart Zdobywcy słońca / Andrzej Turowski Parowóz dziejów François Chesnais Bezprawne długi Giorgio Agamben, Alain Badiou, Daniel Bensaid, Jean-Luc Nancy, Wendy Brown, Jacques Ranciere, Kristin Ross, Slavoj Žižek Co dalej z demokracją? Dorota Sajewska Pod okupacją mediów Andrzej Turowski Sztuka, która wznieca niepokój Luis Martinez Andrade Ameryka Łacińska. Religia bez odkupienia Jan Toporowski Dlaczego gospodarka światowa potrzebuje krachu finansowego Zbigniew Taranienko Alchemia obrazu. Rozmowy ze Stanisławem Fijałkowskim Eric Toussaint, Damien Millet Kryzys zadłużenia i jak z niego wyjść. Audyt. Anulowanie. Alternatywa polityczna Tadeusz Kowalik Róża Luksemburg. Teoria akumulacji i imperializmu Zofia Nawrocka, Paulina, Julia, Magda, Anna, Weronika Gwałt. Głos kobiet wobec społecznego tabu Tomasz Rafał Wiśniewski Podmiot i wolność. Dziedzictwo heglowskie i jego wrogowie Jean Ziegler Geopolityka głodu Przemysław Wielgosz (red.) Koniec Europy jaką znamy Mona Chollet Tyrania rzeczywistości John Bellamy Foster, Robert McChesney Kryzys bez końca Leokadia Oręziak OFE katastrofa prywatyzacji emerytur w Polsce Jarosław Urbański Prekariat i nowa walka klas Ku Afryce. Poznawać. Działać. Dzielić się Enzo Traverso Historia jako pole bitwy Andrzej Szahaj Kapitalizm drobnego druku Agnieszka Minich-Scholz Marian Minich – pod wiatr Marian Minich Wspomnienia wojenne / Szalona galeria Stanisław Rainko Marks. Dwie filozofie Emir Sader Kret Rewolucji Tadeusz Klementewicz Stawka większa niż rynek. U źródeł stagnacji kapitalizmu bez granic Gilbert Rist Urojenia ekonomii Jan Borowicz Nagość i mundur. Ciało w filmie Trzeciej Rzeszy Andrzej Szahaj Inny kapitalizm jest możliwy Jarosław Pietrzak Smutki tropików. Współczesne kino Ameryki Łacińskiej jako kino polityczne Ralf Fücks Zielona rewolucja David Harvey Przestrzenie globalnego kapitalizmu Janina Petelczyc, Marek Cichy (red.) Brazylia, kraj przyszłości? Konrad Pędziwiatr (red.) Na Zachodnim Brzegu bez zmian Richard Shusterman Myślenie ciała. Eseje z zakresu somaestetyki Michał Siermiński Dekada przełomu. Polska lewica opozycyjna 1968-1980. Jean Ziegler Szwajcaria, złoto i ofiary Ilan Pappé Czystki etniczne w Palestynie Łukasz Drozda Uszlachetniając przestrzeń. Jak działa gentryfikacja i jak się ją mierzy Przemysław Witkowski Chwała supermanom. Ideologia a popkultura Ewa Majewska Tramwaj zwany uznaniem. Feminizm i solidarność po neoliberalizmie Ladislau Dowbor Co to za gra? Nowe podejścia do ekonomii Paweł Mościcki Migawki z tradycji uciśnionych ��� https://zbiory.etnologia.uw.edu.pl/files/original/4dcc8ad0de93db10c247a5b57c1962ee.pdf e9c342dc79ed95cbca6b6ebddce664f5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Książki Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Relation A related resource oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:4994 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Licencja PIA Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2010 Subject The topic of the resource antropologia kulturowa Zadrożyńska, Anna reprezentacja Holocaust Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:4631 Title A name given to the resource O niemożliwym przedstaweiniu rzeczywistości i urzeczywistnionych przedstaweiniach Kryzys reprezentacji/Antropolog wobec wspólczesności Description An account of the resource Antropolog wobec współczesności pod red. Anny Malewskiej-Szałygin i Magdaleny Radkowskei-Walkowicz s.77-89 tom w darze Profesor Annie Zadrożyńskiej Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Maksimowska, Agata Language A language of the resource pol Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf PDF Text Text capture metadata for PDF documents Text Agata Maksimowska Instytut Etnologii i Antropologii Kulturowej UW Kryzys reprezentacji. O niemożliwym przedstawieniu rzeczywistości i urzeczywistnionych przedstawieniach A c c o r d i n g t o t h e w i f e of t h e o f f i c i a l , t h o s e w h o w i t n e s s i t faint d e a d away o v e r c o m e b y t h e g r a n d scale of t h e i l l u s i o n . For a m o m e n t t h e m a g i c i a n stands, a f i e l d of Jews at his feet, t h e n n o t h i n g . [ . . . ] T h e t r a i n is e m p t y T h e m a g i c i a n stands alone on t h e p l a t ­ f o r m . N o t h i n g remains b u t t h e t r a d i t i o n a l p u f f of smoke. T h i s t r i c k he p e r f o r m s , p u f f after puff, t w e n t y - f o u r h o u r s a day ( E n g l a n d e r 2 0 0 0 , s. 4 0 ) . Uczynienie kryzysu reprezentacji tematem tego artykułu nie ma na celu analizy przyczyn i charakteru rzekomego kryzysu ani t y m bardziej oceny tego, czy mówie­ nie o „kryzysie" jest w ogóle uzasadnione. Odniesienie się d o tak radykalnie posta­ wionej sprawy jest raczej inspiracją do przyjrzenia się t y m zagadnieniom metodo­ logicznym - w obrębie historii i nauk społecznych - które dotyczą sposobu rozu¬ mienia praktyk r e p r e z e n t a c j i . Już w samym słowie „reprezentacja" ukazuje się nam funkcjonalna dwoistość te­ go pojęcia. Jest to zarazem „re-prezentacja", czyli p o n o w n e u o b e c n i e n i e rze­ czy jak i „reprezentacja", czyli p r z e d s t a w i e n i e rzeczy (a nawet, co najlepiej w i ­ dać w przypadku reprezentacji politycznych, jej p r z e d s t a w i c i e l s t w o ) . Powtór­ ne uczynienie rzeczy obecną Paul Ricoeur łączy z operacją przypominania, wska­ zując jednak na drugi aspekt tej operacji - wytworzenie idei danej rzeczy w umyśle. Z jednej strony chodzi t u bowiem o przywołanie rzeczy nieobecnej (np. minionej) za pośrednictwem jej „reprezentanta", „przedstawiciela", który ją zastępuje, a z dru¬ giej strony o zakrycie operacji zastępowania przez podkreślenie obecności rzeczy zastępującej, która zaczyna wypierać rzeczywistość rzeczy reprezentowanej (Ricoeur 2007, s. 252). Podobnie pisze o t y m Frank Ankersmit, nazywając reprezenta­ cję substytutem nieobecnego przedmiotu (Ankersmit 2006a, s. 62). Ricoeur pyta o zastosowanie w humanistyce kategorii reprezentacji, traktowanej jako zarówno obiekt, jak i zabieg, i podkreśla dialektyczny charakter obu jej wymia¬ rów (objawiający się w relacji między wizualną obecnością a realną nieobecnością; 77 �Agata Maksimowska Ricoeur 2007, s. 314-315). Problemem, który w t y m kontekście poruszają obaj autorzy to sposób, w jaki kategoria reprezentacji stosowana jest w historii (Ricoeur 2007, s. 252). Według Ankersmita zadaniem historii jest dostarczanie „reprezentacji przeszłości, które najlepiej spełniają funkcję tekstowych substytutów prawdziwej, choć nieobecnej przeszłości" (Ankersmit 2006a, s. 62). Ale i w jego interpretacji reprezentacja historyczna ma ambicję całkowitego zastąpienia oryginału, zlikwido­ wania faktu „przedstawiania", wprowadzenie nieodróżnialności przedmiotu repre¬ zentacji i samej reprezentacji (Ankersmit 2006a, s. 62). O kryzysie reprezentacji w historiografii poważnie zaczyna się mówić, kiedy h i ­ storycy podejmują próbę zmierzenia się z doświadczeniem Holocaustu. Temat Shoah okazuje się „papierkiem lakmusowym dla k r y t y k i dyskursu historycznego" (Klein 2004, s. 49). Dyskusje zmierzają przede wszystkim w dwóch kierunkach - jeden z nich to rozważania nad etyczną dopuszczalnością reprezentowania, nad uprawnieniem tekstowego i wizualnego „przedstawicielstwa" rzeczywistości Zagłady Najbardziej znana wypowiedź to oczywiście często cytowane i wyłączone z oryginalnego kon­ tekstu słowa Theodora A d o r n o dotyczące barbarzyństwa, którym jest pisanie poezji po Auschwitz (Adorno 1981, s. 34). Użycie jedynie słów: Holocaust, Shoah, Auschwitz, zamyka możliwość dowolnej interpretacji i krótko wskazuje na bezsensowność pretensji reprezentacji do bycia przedstawicielką i substytutem rzeczywistości Zagłady oraz wzywa do milczenia i pustki. Drugi kierunek dyskusji nad pisarstwem o Shoah dotyczy przede wszystkim nie¬ wykonalności zabiegu reprezentowania i z góry przewidywanej niedoskonałości re¬ prezentacji. Daje tu o sobie znać świadomość losów Mapy którą stworzono, aby mo­ gła idealnie odwzorować (zarazem jednak pokryć i zakryć) Cesarstwo. G d y Mapa okazała się jednak bezużyteczna, zaczęła się rozpadać (Borges 1982, s. 87). Nie¬ zdolność do reprezentacji Zagłady to niezdolność nie tylko do zastąpienia oryginału, ale również do zatuszowania samej operacji zastępowania, gdyż demaskuje je groza rzeczywistości jako takiej. W obu przypadkach pojawia się kwestia niemożliwości stworzenia spójnej, do¬ kładnej i nadającej sens przeszłości relacji o Holocauście. N i e można opisać owych zdarzeń w sposób, który dostarczałby nam jakiejś prawdy o świecie, pomagał go zrozumieć czy też, jak pisze Jonathan Webber (2007, s. 74), był na tyle koherentny aby zaspokoić teraźniejsze tożsamościowe potrzeby wspólnoty Niemożność zinte¬ growania narracji o Holocauście pokazuje zarówno epistemologiczną naturę kry¬ zysu reprezentacji, jak i kontrowersje etyczne, które wzbudza sam zabieg reprezen¬ tacji. Rozważania, kładące nacisk na problem epistemologiczny koncentrują się na ogra¬ niczeniach metodologicznych w opisie rzeczywistości, która nie daje się zamknąć w narracji. Jak pisze Saul Friedlander, gromadzenie wiedzy na temat Holocaustu nie idzie w parze z lepszym jego rozumieniem (Domańska 2006, s. 18). 78 �Kryzys reprezentacji W wymiarze etycznym mówi się o tym, że reprezentacja jako zabieg zastępowania, unieobecniania rzeczywistości i powoływania na jej miejsce rzeczy reprezentującej (czyli owego „substytutu") grozi całkowitą autonomią języka odsuwającego w narracji na dalszy plan doświadczenie (Ankersmit 1997, s. 84). Autorski i konstruktywistyczny charakter relacji o przeszłości nadaje historykowi prawo kształtowania tej prze­ szłości w każdy sposób językowo dostępny Z powodów etycznych jednakże nie da się mówić o Holocauście w sposób np. satyryczny czy ironiczny (Ankersmit 1997, s. 85). Tego typu problem skutkuje apelem o powstrzymanie się od głosu - chodzi o wyeli­ minowanie możliwości powstania relacji fałszywej, która świadczyłaby na korzyść sprawców zbrodni (Ankersmit 1997, s. 86). Takie stanowisko w swej zradykalizowanej formie zakłada, że tak jak „Holocaust jest niemożliwy-do-opisania", tak zadanie historyka Holocaustu jest „niemożliwe-do-wykonania" i nie powinien on w ogóle zajmować się reprezentacją historyczną tego tematu, lecz pozostawić go jego ofia¬ rom (Ankersmit 1997, s. 86). Oddanie głosu świadkom-ofiarom jest na pewno próbą przezwyciężenia wspom­ nianego kryzysu, jednakże zakłada rezygnację z reguł właściwych dyskursowi histo­ rycznemu. Relacje ocalałych są w większości, jak pisze Jonathan Webber, z punktu widzenia historyka niewiarygodne, gdyż nie jest on wyposażony w narzędzia po¬ zwalające na analizę źródeł dostarczonych przez, jak ich nazywa autor, „uninformed informants". Dużo bardziej przygotowany do tego zadania byłby zdaniem autora, etnograf, gdyby jego przedmiotem zainteresowania stały się rytuały spotkań z oca­ lonymi, pozwalające ich aktorom spełniać „święty obowiązek pamiętania". Być m o ­ że właśnie etnograficzne zbliżenie się do doświadczenia ocalałych sprzyjałoby pró¬ bie zamknięcia reprezentacji i usensownienia przeszłości, nie bezpośrednio, przez konstrukcję spójnej narracji, ale za pomocą obserwacji kulturowych procesów ra¬ dzenia sobie z pamięcią (Webber 2007, s. 74-75). Takie podejście może jednak zostać ponownie zakwestionowane przez stano¬ wisko, o którym pisze Maria Janion. Autorka powołuje się na Jean-François Lyotarda, który stwierdził, że Zagłady nie da się opowiedzieć nawet jako doświadczenia osobistego, a prawomocne jednostkowe świadectwo Holocaustu mogłoby pocho¬ dzić jedynie z ust tego, k t o w jego w y n i k u zginął (Janion 2001, s. 392). Wszelka inna próba (Janion odnosi się do twórczości literackiej) grozi estetyzacją elementów te¬ go, co w całości pozostaje nieprzedstawialne, praktyką znajdującą walor artysty¬ czny w samej trudności wypowiedzi (Janion 2001, s. 403). Być może jednak rytualna praca „uninformed informants" jest szansą przezwy¬ ciężenia kryzysu reprezentacji. M o ż e to właśnie terapeutyczne zaangażowanie się ofiar jest jedynym warunkiem reprezentacji rzeczywistości Holocaustu. Najlepiej widać to na przykładzie, proponowanej przez Ankersmita, „strony zwrotnej" w pisar¬ stwie historycznym, które jest wówczas „pisaniem się" przez autora. „Ja" nie pisze tekstu, lecz „pisze się" w tekście. Ankersmit wywodzi to z rozważań Haydena W h i te'a (dokonującego zwrotu wobec swych wcześniejszych pism) nad sposobem 79 �Agata Maksimowska zmniejszenia dystansu między językiem a rzeczywistością i udzielenia przeszłości większej władzy nad przedstawieniem. Sposób ten zakłada wyrażenie przeszłości jako doświadczenia traumy przez ofiarę tej traumy-świadka. Świadek nie musi mil¬ czeć, ale dzięki pisarstwu może ożywić zastygłą w traumie przeszłość, powtórnie jej doświadczyć, a następnie przyswoić ją i zintegrować w swoim „ja". Jest to pod¬ wójna praca nad reprezentacją i rzeczywistością zarazem, praca, która pozwala re¬ prezentacji stać się częścią rzeczywistości - pisząc, piszący staje się sam sobą, jego język nie jest transcendentnym narzędziem, lecz jako część zjawiska reprezentowa­ nia, zatraca się w użyciu (Ankersmit 1997, s. 86). Cenna jest uwaga Kleina, że takie podejście do pisarstwa historycznego, wykorzystujące dorobek psychoanalizy, nie przyjmuje jej w redukcyjnym wydaniu hermeneutyki podejrzenia, lecz traktuje ją jako leczący dyskurs (Klein 2004, s. 49). Konsekwencją prób radzenia sobie z kryzysem reprezentacji jest wprowadzanie kategorii psychologicznych do sposobu mówienia o przeszłości. Taką kategorią jest pamięć, która, jako „miękka wiedza", nie pretenduje do obiektywności, nie zawłasz¬ cza rzeczywistości ani nie zastępuje jej. Przez związek z doświadczeniem indywidual¬ nym sprawia wrażenie bliższej człowiekowi, przewiduje udział jego głosu (zwłasz¬ cza uprzednio wykluczonego) w relacji na temat przeszłości (Domańska 2005, s. 8). Dzięki psychologizacji reprezentacja pozornie zaczyna zmieniać swoją relację wo¬ bec rzeczywistości - nie przykrywa jej słowami, lecz chce stać się jej ontologicznie równa. Powtórne przeżycie rzeczywistości w reprezentacji to już nie obecność wa­ runkowana przez nieobecność, ale obecność w obecności. O p o d o b n y m problemie pisze Frank Ankersmit na przykładzie dwóch pomników Holocaustu w Yad Vashem, z których jeden ma spełniać funkcję czysto referencyjną - znaku, który nie jest zdolny do uniesienia treści (gdyż nie da się stworzyć reprezentacji ikonicznej Holocaustu) - a drugi oferuje możliwość reprezentacji przez wskazanie na do¬ świadczenie grozy Holocaustu, wywołanie skojarzeniowej reakcji neurotycznej. Pierwszy t y p pomnika prawie zrzeka się reprezentacji, natomiast drugi, za pomocą operacji metonimicznej, która nie wnika w znaczenie przeszłości, pragnie ją zna¬ czeniowo „otoczyć" poprzez kreację nowego, lecz wreszcie porównywalnego, do¬ świadczenia (Ankersmit 2006b, s. 166). W obliczu niemożności zrozumienia pojawia się zatem rezygnacja ze spójności, reprezentacyjności na rzecz osiągnięcia reakcji emocjonalnej. Maria Janion wspo¬ mina o t y m zjawisku następująco: N a s t ę p u j e t u t a j z n a m i e n n e p r z e s u n i ę c i e s e n s ó w . N i e i d z i e o z r o z u m i e n i e , k t ó r e jest c e l e m h e r m e n e u t y k i , a nieraz ona zawiodła, jak w i d a ć c h o ć b y na p r z y k ł a d z i e p r ó b G a d a m e r a z r o z u m i e n i a p o e z j i Paula Celana. L e c z o w s p ó ł c z u c i e , k t ó r e s t a n o w i p o d ­ stawę t r a g e d i i , o w y s o k ą l i t o ś ć i g r o z ę , k o n i e c z n y składnik t r a g i c z n e j katharsis (Ja¬ n i o n 2 0 0 1 , s. 4 0 5 ) . 80 �Kryzys reprezentacji Empatyczne podejście niesie ze sobą innego rodzaju zagrożenia o charakterze etycznym. Współczucie, empatyczna postawa historyka wobec przeszłości i Inne­ go może nie tylko pomóc zmniejszyć dystans między reprezentacją a rzeczywistoś¬ cią, przez uznanie uczuć świadka za warunek umożliwiający pracę, lecz także wy¬ woływać relację przeniesieniową - polegającą na zawłaszczeniu przez autora do¬ świadczeń ofiary (LaCapra 2006, s. 129). Dominick LaCapra widzi dla tej sytuacji nowe rozwiązanie, które zachowuje po¬ trzebę empatii, ale ustanawia wymogi obiektywności rozumianej jako „próba prze¬ ciwdziałania nieuchronnym (a niekiedy zmuszającym do myślenia lub cennym p o d względem heurystycznym) procesom projekcji" i proponuje krytyczną refleksję i „przepracowanie własnego uwikłania w badane problemy" (LaCapra 2006, s. 157). Sposoby radzenia sobie z niedostępnością przedmiotu badań, z jego nieopisywalnością i chęć zwrócenia się k u innym dyskursom mają swoje źródło w epistemologicznym charakterze kryzysu reprezentacji. Chęć przywrócenia głosu t y m , za których mówić nie czujemy się moralnie uprawnieni, zwrócenie uwagi na praktyki re¬ prezentacyjne dążące d o obiektywizacji i zastąpienia rzeczywistości z jednej strony, a z drugiej próba odnalezienia drogi do rzeczywistości przez odwołanie się do na¬ rzędzi psychoanalitycznych (emocji, doświadczenia, terapii) są związane z etycz¬ nym wymiarem owego kryzysu. Jeżeli jednak miałabym wskazać najcenniejszy, moim zdaniem, wkład owych dy¬ skusji do metodologii badań i pisarstwa o przeszłości, to byłoby nim owo wezwanie do autorewizji. Refleksywność, zwrotność metodologiczna, którą z Ankersmitowską stroną zwrotną łączy uświadomiona relacja „ja" z tekstem, pozwala na ciągłą krytykę aktywności mówienia o rzeczywistości - mającej na celu zarówno jej opisa¬ nie, jak i zaangażowanie w pracę emocjonalną. , J u t a j w s z y s t k o jest zabronione, nie z jakichś u m o t y w o w a n y c h p r z y c z y n , t y l k o d l a t e ­ go, ż e właśnie w t y m c e l u o b ó z z o s t a ł s t w o r z o n y " ( L e v i 1996, s. 3 1 - 3 2 ) . Błąd k o n c e p c j i , k t ó r ą t u r o z w a ż a m y polega w s u m i e na t y m , ż e b i e r z e ona p o d uwagę t y l k o p r o j e k t y i n t e l e k t u a l n e , n i e u w z g l ę d n i a j ą c p r o j e k t u egzystencjalnego, który p o l a r y z u j e ż y c i e k u o k r e ś l o n e m u - n i e o k r e ś l o n e m u c e l o w i , k t ó r e g o w c a l e sobie nie p r z e d s t a w i a m y i k t ó r y r o z p o z n a j e m y d o p i e r o w t e d y g d y g o osiągamy ( M e r l a u - P o n t y 2 0 0 1 , s. 4 6 7 ) . Kryzys reprezentacji nie jest pochodną jedynie epistemologicznej i etycznej nie­ zdolności do przedstawienia Holocaustu, lecz jest szerszym zjawiskiem dotyczą­ cym k r y t y k i w łonie metafizyki zachodniej. Krytyka ta związana jest z rewizją kon­ cepcji odwzorowywania się świata idei w porządku świata rzeczy i łączy się z zagad¬ nieniem władzy. 81 �Agata Maksimowska Niewyczerpująca się refleksja nad nieopisywalnym to nie tylko dyskurs mówiący 0 dylematach współczesnych, niemających możliwości ucieczki od tego, że ich i n ­ telektualną kondycję kształtuje świadomość Shoah. To także dyskurs na temat wa­ runków zaistnienia Shoah jako takiego, rozważania nad możliwościami uznania pewnej reprezentacji świata za naturalną i podmiotowego jej ucieleśnienia po to, aby Shoah się dokonało. W analizie zjawiska władzy której częścią są praktyki reprezentacyjne, nie chciała­ b y m wprowadzać rozróżnienia, które pokaże, że władza należy do „rzeczywistości jako takiej" i ukrywa się za maską reprezentacji. Raczej interesuje mnie sposób kon¬ struowania relacji między podmiotami działającymi. Tworzenie reprezentacji chciałabym uznać za rodzaj takiej relacji. W eseju Podmiot i władza Michel Foucault analizuje stosunki władzy jako oparte na antagonizmie przeciwstawnych strategii (panowania i oporu) (Foucault 1998, s. 176). Stosunki władzy ujawniają się w odbywającym się każdego dnia tworzeniu p o d m i o t u - przykuwaniu jednostki do określonej tożsamości (w t y m właśnie dzia­ łaniu objawia się dwuznaczność słowa „sujet" - zarazem poddanego, jak i p o d m i o ­ tu). Jednostka staje się podmiotem/poddanym za pomocą zarówno stosowanych wobec niej metod uzależnienia i kontroli, jak i umożliwiania jej formowania swej tożsamości (Foucault 1998, s. 177). Współczesne państwo sprawuje władzę właśnie dzięki jednoczesnemu użyciu technik zarówno totalizujących, jak i indywidualizu¬ jących (Foucault 1998, s. 178). C o ciekawe, władza nie jest jednak narzucana społeczeństwu z zewnątrz, tkwi w samej naturze relacji społecznych. W t y m modelu wolność jest przesłanką wła­ dzy jej ciągłym wyzwaniem - władza i wolność warunkują się nawzajem, znajdując się we wzajemnym związku agonalnym (Foucault 1998, s. 185-188). M u s i bowiem istnieć możliwość działania, możliwość oporu, aby władza mogła się urzeczywis¬ tnić przez relację kierowania - wyznaczania poddanym pola możliwości działania. Władza nie jest formą przemocy - to forma wpływania pewnych działań na inne. Zakładając możliwość oporu, k r y t y k i i ucieczki, władza ustanawia własną granicę 1 możliwość jej zmiany (Foucault 1998, s. 190). A ponieważ, jak już wspomniałam, sprawowanie władzy odbywa się również przez produkcję podmiotowości, walka z władzą nie jest jedynie walką z dominacją czy eksploatacją, ale z samą podmioto¬ wością (Foucault 1998, s. 178). W a r t o zauważyć, że podobnie jak kwestie pozycji jednostki w dyskursie, na co wskazuje Dieter Freundlieb, krytyczny wobec Michela Foucaulta i jego ujęcia dy¬ skursu, również odnoszenie się do praktyk dyscyplinujących jest zdeterminowane przez już istniejące możliwości. Takie antyhumanistyczne stanowisko zakłada, że wszelka sprawczość, a zatem i opór wobec władzy jest pochodną dynamiki elemen¬ tów struktury i przewidzianych przez nią pozycji, a nie wynika z aktywności ludz¬ kiej (Freundlieb 1994, s. 167-168). N i e ma tu miejsca zarówno na przypadkowość, jak i na możliwość wpływu jednostki na zmianę relacji (Freundlieb 1994, s. 177). 82 �Kryzys reprezentacji Zanim przejdę d o omówienia możliwości sprawczości i oporu wobec stosun¬ ków władzy, chciałabym pokazać parę przykładów wiążących się z wyznaczaniem kierunku działania tych, nad którymi władzę się sprawuje. W dziedzinie studiów nad kolonializmem pokazał to Edward Said w książce na temat orientalizmu (1991). Podejmując temat sprawowania władzy przez tworzenie określonego typu podmio¬ tów (orientalczyków), koncentruje się on na sposobie sprawowania władzy, który jest zarazem sposobem reprezentacji nazwanym przez niego orientalizmem. O r i e n talizm polega, według Saida, na epistemologicznym rozróżnieniu między Orien¬ tem a Zachodem, które ma swoje skutki w dalszym wytwarzaniu skonstruowanej różnicy w praktyce za pomocą instytucji zajmujących się zarządzaniem Orientem i studiami nad nim. Podstawowym zabiegiem orientalizmu jest, po pierwsze, prze¬ kształcenie „pustych kategorii geograficznych" (Said 1991, s. 176) w b y t y a po dru¬ gie, uczynienie mieszkańca O r i e n t u przedmiotem studiów, czyli zamknięcie go w ramie (równie pasującym określeniem byłby być może „pojemnik" Mitchella; M i ¬ tchell 2001), która go reprezentuje. Owa rama, jako sposób reprezentacji orientalczyka, jest znów reprezentacją w podwójnym znaczeniu tego pojęcia: jest zarówno jego uobecnionym przedstawieniem, jak i jego przedstawicielstwem, które za niego „mówi". W ten sposób zostają mu przypisane pewne stałe i typowe cechy z „natury rzeczy" różniące go o d Europejczyka (Said 1991, s. 7 4 - 7 8 ) . Przekształcanie ele­ mentów rzeczywistości za pomocą reprezentacji w b y t y o określonej i na stałe przy¬ pisanej tożsamości jest praktyką esencjalizującą, która służyć może produkcji róż¬ nicy i ustalaniu stosunków władzy Równie inspirująca wydaje się analiza Timothy'ego Mitchella, który opisuje „no­ wy porządek" dyktujący reorganizację wsi w Egipcie w połowie X I X w. Autor poka¬ zuje kolonizacyjne mechanizmy dyscyplinujące, które nie są ekspansywne, lecz po¬ legają na nowym ustrukturyzowaniu produkcji (Mitchell 2001, s. 6 2 - 6 4 ) . Cechą „nowego porządku" jest samo porządkowanie - „wprowadzanie porządku tam, gdzie go brak, i systematyzowanie tego, co nieciągłe" (Mitchell 2001, s. 6 8 - 6 9 ) . Tym ra¬ zem przypomina to jednoczesne zawieranie się w pojęciu „reprezentacji" tego, czym „jest", i tego, co „czyni". „Nowy porządek" to praktyka wytwarzania „ze-stawu", praktyka wytwarzania ta¬ kiej reprezentacji, która przekształca powierzchnię neutralną w powierzchnię nace¬ chowaną, zamkniętą, ograniczoną i całościową, w to, co Mitchell nazywa „pojem¬ nikiem". Przestrzeń zostaje zapełniona „pojemnikami" dającymi się znakomicie za¬ rządzać (służą przechowywaniu, można je dowolnie zestawiać, liczyć itp.) (Mitchell 2001, s. 79). Umożliwia to również czytelność: w ten sposób reprezentowana rzecz (w t y m wypadku wieś w Egipcie) zyskuje esencję - jest teraz zdefiniowana, czytel¬ na, ma stały, możliwy d o umysłowego ogarnięcia skład (Mitchell 2001, s. 80-81). Takiemu ustrukturyzowaniu przestrzeni, pozwalającemu na sprawowanie kontroli i k i e r o w a n i e ruchem tych, którzy się w niej znajdują - czyli temu, co Foucault na¬ zywa „władzą mikrofizyczną" - towarzyszy dyscyplina umysłu. Jest ona wprowa83 �Agata Maksimowska dzana przez instytucję szkoły i ma na celu nauczenie jednostek odpowiedniej zasa­ dy reprezentacji, która pozwoli na zmianę w sposobie odbioru świata (Mitchell 2001, s. 155). Autor pokazuje przekształcenie dynamicznej, zorientowanej na relację, płynnej gry różnic symboliki domu kabylskiego przed reformą w strukturę, w której różnice dyktowane są odpowiedniością planu i rzeczywistości (Mitchell 2001, s. 87-88). W ten sposób zestawia dwa światopoglądy - jeden (świat „nowego porządku"), w którym króluje reprezentacja, i drugi (świat zastany) funkcjonujący bez rozdziele­ nia na oryginał i reprezentację, ideę i materialną realizację (Mitchell 2001, s. 99-101). Wprowadzenie „nowego porządku" - nowego t y p u odbioru świata - to zarazem umacnianie zachodniego sposobu patrzenia na „świat jako wystawę". Następuje t u typowa dla reprezentacji operacja zakrywania oryginału przez jego przedstawienie, a właściwie ich zamiana - świat jest o tyle rzeczywisty, o ile jest postrzegany jako obraz rzeczywistości, rzeczywistość zaś tylko wtedy jest światem, kiedy może być uznana za realizację jego obrazu (Mitchell 2001, s. 103). Komentując powyższe zagadnienia, Fernando Coronil koncentruje się na sa¬ mym procesie umysłowego konstruowania tożsamości i proponuje zastąpić termin „orientalizm" terminem „okcydentalizm". Wskazuje, że praktyki orientalistyczne to przede wszystkim te, które odzwierciedlają okcydentalizm - zachodni sposób kon¬ struowania siebie jako „Zachodu". Są to tak naprawdę działania, które bez względu na to, jaką „inność" tworzą, polegają na stosowaniu określonego typu kategoryzacji. Zdaniem autora krytyka orientalizmu skupia się z reguły na deficytach w zachod¬ nich reprezentacjach Wschodu, podczas gdy istnieje potrzeba podjęcia k r y t y k i tych koncepcji Zachodu, które stanowią źródło wspomnianych reprezentacji. W żaden sposób okcydentalizm nie jest jednak odwróceniem orientalizmu, czynnością, za pomocą której O r i e n t przedstawia Zachód. Powstanie takiej relacji nie jest możliwe, gdyż warunkiem zaistnienia orientalizmu jest konstrukcja, za po¬ mocą której ustanawiana jest hegemonia Zachodu. Muszą istnieć nierówne relacje początkowe, aby powstał dyskurs, który stwarza „siebie" i „innego" w ramach tego samego systemu kategoryzacyjnego. Krytyka okcydentalizmu to przede wszystkim zwrócenie uwagi na nierówne relacje władzy, które są źródłem obu reprezentacji - Wschodu i Zachodu, a które współcześnie łączą dominację porządku neoliberal¬ nego z określonym typem konstruowania różnicy (np. reprezentacja Wschodu zmie¬ nia się wraz z ekspansją kapitalizmu i demokracji liberalnej). Jest to także zwrócenie uwagi na reprezentację jako sposób istnienia władzy, który zakrywa pierwotnie nierówne relacje, przypisując stworzone przedstawienia rzekomo naturalnym atry¬ butom reprezentowanych zbiorowości. W końcu jest to zwrócenie uwagi na rela¬ cyjną naturę reprezentacji (Coronil 1996, s. 567). Możemy również zaobserwować stosowanie podobnych, naturalizujących wy¬ tworzoną różnicę, zabiegów poznawczych wobec zjawisk zachodzących w Polsce. Michał Buchowski, który także odchodzi od dosłownego traktowania orientalizmu, 84 �Kryzys reprezentacji aby zdefiniować go szerzej jako sposób myślenia występujący w różnych lokalnych odmianach, pisze m.in. o „społecznej orientalizacji wewnętrznej". Taką formę przyjmuje „orientalizm po polsku" - styl myślenia stosowany przez uczestniczą¬ cych w promowaniu „transformacji" członków elit społecznych wobec własnych współobywateli (Buchowski 2006, s. 466). W tej reprezentacji główną rolę odgrywa dawna dychotomia socjalizm - kapitalizm, która służy wytworzeniu różnicy spo¬ łecznej, jasnemu odgraniczeniu klasy ludzi, którym „z własnej w i n y " nie powiodło się w procesie przemian ustrojowo-gospodarczych i którzy nie wyzwolili się z ko¬ munistycznej przeszłości. Różnica powstająca za pomocą promowania obrazu r o ­ botników i rolników jako biernych, nieelastycznych i niemoralnych szybko zaczyna być naturalizowana zarówno przez twórców tego porządku, jak i jemu poddanych. Robotnicy i rolnicy są pokazywani w mediach w sytuacjach konfliktu, jako określone typy ludzkie, nienoszące żadnych oznak indywidualizmu, pozbawione wpływu na rzeczywistość. Jednocześnie przeciwstawia się owych reprezentantów homo sovieticus ludziom kapitalizmu - energicznym, o wysokiej pozycji społecznej, odnoszą­ cym sukcesy reprezentantom nowej klasy średniej (Buchowski 2006, s. 467-469). Tymczasem, jak pisze autor, ludzi przedstawianych w mediach jako bierne i rosz¬ czeniowe ofiary obciążającej je mentalności nie należy lekceważyć i traktować jako pozbawionych podmiotowej sprawczości. Codzienne praktyki, podczas których na równi z innymi nadają kształt transformacji jako jej aktywni uczestnicy, a nie bierni beneficjenci czy obserwatorzy niejako nieuniknionego teleologicznego procesu, powinny również stać się przedmiotem analiz (Buchowski 2006, s. 475). W a r t o jed¬ nak zauważyć, że dominujący sposób reprezentowania zakłada dążenie do ustano¬ wienia i zachowania niezmienności stosunków władzy, która w ten sposób pragnie zająć pozycję wobec ewentualnego oporu przez wykreślenie mu granicy A ponie¬ waż sprawowanie władzy jako kierowanie zakłada uwewnętrznienie przez jednostki zdefiniowanej dla nich tożsamości, w ramach określonych możliwości działania, ak­ tywność opisanych przez autora podmiotów mieści się w porządku władzy Sprawczość wspomnianych przez Buchowskiego jednostek jest więc dlatego niezauważana, że jej sens konstytuuje się wobec dominującej reprezentacji. Tylko radykalna zmia­ na, jeśli pozostaniemy przy modelu Foucaulta, będąca rezultatem walki i ponowne określenie relacji hegemonicznej przez zwycięzcę może ujawnić nowe możliwości, które dostarczą p o d m i o t o m pozytywnych tożsamości. Ponieważ Buchowski pokazuje udział ekspertów w tworzeniu legitymizujących reprezentacji, warto wskazać również na podobne konstrukcje antropologiczne. Podejmujący ten temat George C. Bond i Angela Gilliam również analizują tworze¬ nie „ich" w procesie tworzenia „siebie", które służy ustanowieniu relacji władzy. Warto zauważyć, że w t y m wypadku tworzenie „siebie" jest tworzeniem się w kate­ goriach profesji: antropolog tworzy się jako ekspert dzięki konstrukcji możliwego przedmiotu badań. Ten sposób reprezentacji zawsze kończy się na przywłaszczeniu „innych" i podwójnej fabrykacji - antropolog stwarza „obcego", a następnie go bada 85 �Agata Maksimowska jako fakt naturalny co skutkuje problemem metodologicznym - antropologowi za­ czyna brakować narzędzi do interpretowania własnych konstrukcji. Zagubiwszy się w dążeniu do idealnej reprezentacji, antropolog przestaje zauważać zasady konstru­ kcji, co pogrąża go w fałszywej sytuacji pustki etnograficznej teraźniejszości (Bond, Gilliam 1994, s. 13). Reprezentacje antropologiczne dzielą losy map, które zawsze ukazują jedynie pewien moment rzeczywistości - gdyż, tak jak przestrzeń, świat re­ lacji społecznych ciągle się zmienia (Coronil 1996, s. 54). Reprezentacja, która chce być mapą absolutną i zakrywa własne ufundowanie w relacjach władzy jako element tej władzy staje się znaturalizowana, nieodporna na rewizję i ostatecznie uprawom¬ ocniona przez powołujący ją d o życia autorytet (np. instytucję). M i m o podejmowania prób zakwestionowania esencjalistycznych konstrukcji an¬ tropologom trudno również uciec od idei Zachodu jako punktu odniesienia swoich analiz (Bond, Gilliam 1994, s. 19). Na przykład, demaskując zachodnie praktyki re­ prezentacji uwidaczniające się w kolonizowaniu Egiptu, Mitchell stwarza obraz o d ­ rębnej antyreprezentacyjnej metafizyki (w której nie ma rozdzielenia na ideę i reali¬ zację, a znaczenia są immanentne w stosunku do świata), charakterystycznej dla przedkolonialnego Egiptu. W ten sposób utrwala on różnicę - postulując istnienie dwóch odrębnych bytów o odmiennych metafizykach Zachodu i Wschodu ( C o r o ­ nil 1996, s. 7 1 - 7 2 ) . Zjawisko to Bond i Gilliam nazywają negatywnym esencjalizmem i przypisują je także walkom o udzielenie prawa do wypowiedzi dotychczas niemym na gruncie antropologii aktorom społecznym (jest to przykład dyskursów insurekcyjnych; Domańska 2005, s. 8). Zdarza się bowiem, że wbrew antyesencjalistycznym intencjom już przez samo zarysowanie dychotomii Zachód - nie-Zachód tworzy się późniejszy podział (Bond, Giliam 1994, s. 20-21). Czy zatem w ogóle możliwa jest antropologia postorientalizująca? Autorzy wy¬ mienionych artykułów przedstawiają pewne strategie, których celem jest nie tylko krytyka treści reprezentacji i ujawnienie różnic, ale również krytyka samego zabiegu reprezentowania jako uobecniania-zastępowania. Buchowski w swoim tekście (2006, s. 477) proponuje „antropologię post-kulturową", która nie traktuje kultur jako b y t y lecz uwzględnia udział antropologa w ich konstruowaniu i zachęca do ciągłego problematyzowania zaistniałych kategorii „my i „oni". Jeżeli uznamy reprezentację za przejaw wytwarzania podmiotów/podda¬ nych, takie problematyzowanie oznacza problematyzowanie każdej zaistniałej kon¬ figuracji władzy. Fernando Coronil proponuje z kolei „antropologię transkulturową", która wska¬ zuje na różnice, lecz nie uważa ich za efekt istnienia stałych i niezmiennych kulturo¬ wych całości, lecz traktuje jako wynik działań historycznych. Takie podejście mówi o odmienności, lecz nie służy jej wytwarzaniu, nie ma bowiem na celu ani „potwierdza­ jącej Nas obiektywizacji", ani „kwestionującej Nas egzotyzacji" (Coronil 1996, s. 73). Jak widać, rozwiązaniem wydaje się nie tylko stworzenie warunków do powsta¬ nia kolejnej reprezentacji kwestionującej sposób konstruowania dotychczasowych 86 �Kryzys reprezentacji przedstawień i ich związku z określonym typem władzy lecz także zakwestionowa­ nie charakteru reprezentacji jako takiej. W t y m wypadku kryzys reprezentacji nie tylko wiąże się z impasem epistemologicznym czy wymogiem etycznym, lecz ujawnia swój bardzo aktualny wymiar polityczny To zwrot od p r z e d s t a w i a n i a - u o b e c n i a n i a - z a s t ę p o w a n i a do reprezentacyjnej cechy p r z e d s t a w i c i e l s t w a . To założenie o możliwości aktywnej, jawnej identyfikacji z reprezentującą nas tożsa¬ mością, w której się rozpoznajemy. To również przyjęcie możliwości wyrażania tej tożsamości poprzez sprawczość w realnej konfrontacji w jej afektywnej formie . I, w końcu, to uznanie, że „inność" to nie odrębny byt - opisywany z większą lub mniejszą metodologiczną wrażliwością - ale przede wszystkim wyzwanie, jak pisze Renato Rosaldo: „To understand is not to forgive. Just because you come to terms w i t h how something works in another culture doesn't mean you have to agree w i t h it; it means you have to engage i t " (Rosaldo 2000). 1 Bibliografia Adorno T.W. 1981 Cultural criticism and society, w: Prisms (Studies in contemporary German social thought), Cambridge, Mass., s. 17-34 Ankersmit FR. 1997 2006a Język a doświadczenie historyczne, „Konteksty Polska Sztuka Ludowa", nr 1-2, s. 81-88 Pochwała subiektywności, w: Pamięć, etyka i historia, red. E. Domańska, Poznań, s. 55-83 2006b Pamiętając Holocaust: żałoba i melancholia, w: Pamięć, etyka i historia, red. E. 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